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diff --git a/old/66960-0.txt b/old/66960-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 1087593..0000000 --- a/old/66960-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,20096 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Preaching of Islam, by T. W. Arnold - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: The Preaching of Islam - A History of the Propagation of the Muslim Faith - -Author: T. W. Arnold - -Release Date: December 17, 2021 [eBook #66960] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net/ for Project Gutenberg. - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PREACHING OF ISLAM *** - - - - THE - PREACHING OF ISLAM - - A History of the Propagation of the Muslim Faith - - - BY - T. W. ARNOLD M.A. C.I.E. - PROFESSOR OF ARABIC, UNIVERSITY OF LONDON, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE - - - NEW YORK - CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS - 1913 - - - - - - - - - TO - SIR THEODORE MORISON, K.C.I.E. - TO WHOM THE FIRST EDITION OWES ITS EXISTENCE - THIS SECOND EDITION IS DEDICATED - IN TOKEN OF LONG FRIENDSHIP - - - - - - - - -PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION - - -It is with considerable diffidence that I publish these pages; the -subject with which they deal is so vast, and I have had to prosecute it -under circumstances so disadvantageous, that I can hope but for small -measure of success. When I may be better equipped for the task, and -after further study has enabled me to fill up the gaps [1] left in the -present work, I hope to make it a more worthy contribution to this -neglected department of Muhammadan history; and to this end I shall be -deeply grateful for the criticisms and corrections of any scholars who -may deign to notice the book. To such I would say in the words of St. -Augustine: “Qui hæc legens dicit, intelligo quidem quid dictum sit, sed -non vere dictum est; asserat ut placet sententiam suam, et redarguat -meam, si potest. Quod si cum caritate et veritate fecerit, mihique -etiam (si in hac vita maneo) cognoscendum facere curaverit, uberrimum -fructum laboris huius mei cepero.” [2] - -As I can neither claim to be an authority nor a specialist on any of -the periods of history dealt with in this book, and as many of the -events referred to therein have become matter for controversy, I have -given full references to the sources consulted; and here I have thought -it better to err on the side of excess rather than that of defect. I -have myself suffered so much inconvenience and wasted so much time in -hunting up references to books indicated in some obscure or -unintelligible manner, that I would desire to spare others a similar -annoyance; and while to the general reader I may appear guilty of -pedantry, I may perchance save trouble to some scholar who wishes to -test the accuracy of a statement or pursue any part of the subject -further. - -The scheme adopted in this book for the transliteration of Arabic words -is that laid down by the Transliteration Committee of the Tenth -International Congress of Orientalists, held at Geneva in 1894, with -the exception that the last letter of the article is assimilated to the -so-called solar letters. In the case of geographical names this scheme -has not been so rigidly applied—in many instances because I could not -discover the original Arabic form of the word, in others (e.g. Mecca, -Medina), because usage has almost created for them a prescriptive -title. - -Though this work is confessedly, as explained in the Introduction, a -record of missionary efforts and not a history of persecutions, [3] I -have endeavoured to be strictly impartial and to conform to the ideal -laid down by the Christian historian [4] who chronicled the successes -of the Ottomans and the fall of Constantinople: οὔτε πρὸς χάριν οὔτε -πρὸς φθόνον, ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ πρὸς μῖσος ἢ καὶ πρὸς εὔνοιαν συγγράφειν χρεών -ἐστι τὸν συγγράφοντα, ἀλλ’ ἱστορίας μόνον καὶ τοῦ μή λήθης βυθῷ -παραδοθῆναι, ἣν ὁ χρόνος οἶδε γεννᾶν, τὴν ἱστορίαν. - -I desire to thank Her Excellency the Princess Barberini; His Excellency -the Prince Chigi; the Most Rev. Dr. Paul Goethals, Archbishop of -Calcutta; the Right Rev. Fr. Francis Pesci, Bishop of Allahabad; the -Rev. S. S. Allnutt, of the Cambridge Mission, Dehli; the Trustees of -Dr. Williams’s Library, Gordon Square, London, for the liberal use they -have allowed me of their respective libraries. - -I am under an especial debt of gratitude to James Kennedy, Esq., late -of the Bengal Civil Service, who has never ceased to take a kindly -interest in my book, though it has almost exemplified the Horatian -precept, Nonum prematur in annum; to his profound scholarship and wide -reading I have been indebted for much information that would otherwise -have remained unknown to me, nor do I owe less to the stimulus of his -enthusiastic love of learning and his helpful sympathy. I am also under -a debt of gratitude to the kindness of Conte Ugo Balzani, but for whose -assistance certain parts of my work would have been impossible to me. -To the late Professor Robertson Smith I am indebted for valuable -suggestions as to the lines of study on which the history of the North -African Church and the condition of the Christians under Muslim rule, -should be worked out; the profound regret which all Semitic scholars -feel at his loss is to me intensified by the thought that this is the -only acknowledgment I am able to make of his generous help and -encouragement. - -I desire also to acknowledge my obligations to Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān -Bahādur, K.C.S.I., LL.D.; to my learned friend and colleague, Shamsu-l -ʻUlamāʼ Mawlawī Muḥammad Shiblī Nuʻmānī, who has assisted me most -generously out of the abundance of his knowledge of early Muhammadan -history; and to my former pupil, Mawlawī Bahādur ʻAlī, M.A. - -Lastly, and above all, must I thank my dear wife, but for whom this -work would never have emerged out of a chaos of incoherent materials, -and whose sympathy and approval are the best reward of my labours. - - - Aligarh, 1896. - - - - - - - - -PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION - - -The first edition of this book having been out of print for several -years and frequent inquiries having been made for copies, this new -edition has been prepared and an effort has been made to revise the -work in the light of the fresh materials that have accumulated during -the last sixteen years; but I can make no claim to have made myself -acquainted with the whole of the vast literature on the subject, in -upwards of ten different languages, which has been published during -this interval. The growing interest in Islam and the various branches -of study connected with it, may be estimated from the fact that since -1906 five periodicals have made their appearance devoted to -investigations cognate to the subject-matter of the present work, viz. -Revue du Monde Musulman, publiée par La Mission Scientifique du Maroc -(Paris, 1906– ); Der Islam, Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kultur des -islamischen Orients (Strassburg, 1910– ); The Moslem World, a quarterly -review of current events, literature, and thought among Mohammedans, -and the progress of Christian Missions in Moslem lands (London, 1911– -); Mir Islama (St. Petersburg, 1912– ); and Die Welt des Islams, -Zeitschrift der deutschen Gesellschaft für Islamkunde (Berlin, 1913– ). -The Christian missionary societies are also now devoting increased -attention to the subject of Muslim missionary activity and accordingly -it takes up a proportionately larger place in their publications than -before. - -This second edition would have been completed several years ago but for -the illiberal policy which closes the Reading Room of the British -Museum at 7 o’clock and has thus made it practically inaccessible to me -except on Saturdays. [5] I therefore desire to express my grateful -thanks to those friends who have facilitated my labours by the loan of -books from the Libraries of the University of Leiden and the University -of Utrecht (through the kind offices of Professor Wensinck), and the -École des Langues Orientales Vivantes, Paris;—to Mr. J. A. Oldham, -editor of The International Review of Missions, I am indebted for the -loan of volumes of the Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift, a set of which -I have been unable to find in London; my thanks are specially due to -Dr. F. W. Thomas, who has allowed me to study for lengthy periods -(along with other books from the India Office Library) the monumental -Annali dell’ Islam by Leone Caetani, Principe di Teano,—a work of -inestimable value for the early history of Islam, but unfortunately -placed out of the reach of the average scholar by reason of its great -cost. - -I am also much indebted for several valuable indications to those -scholars who reviewed the book when it first appeared,—above all, to -Professor Goldziher, whose sympathetic interest in this work has -encouraged me to continue it. - - - London, 1913. - - - - - - - - -CONTENTS - - -CHAPTER I. - -INTRODUCTION. PAGE - - A missionary religion defined. Islam a missionary religion; its - extent. The Qurʼān enjoins preaching and persuasion, and forbids - violence and force in the conversion of unbelievers. The present - work a history of missions, not of persecutions 1 - - -CHAPTER II. - -STUDY OF THE LIFE OF MUḤAMMAD CONSIDERED AS A PREACHER OF ISLAM. - - Muḥammad the type of the Muslim missionary. Account of his early - efforts at propagating Islam, and of the conversions made in Mecca - before the Hijrah. Persecution of the converts, and migration to - Medina. Condition of the Muslims in Medina: beginning of the - national life of Islam. Islam offered (a) to the Arabs, (b) to the - whole world. Islam declared in the Qurʼān to be a universal - religion,—as being the primitive faith delivered to Abraham. - Muḥammad as the founder of a political organisation. The spread of - Islam and the efforts made to convert the Arabs after the Hijrah. - The ideals of Islam and those of Pre-Islamic Arabia contrasted 11 - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS OF WESTERN ASIA. - - The Arab conquests and expansion of the Arab race after the death - of Muḥammad. Conversion of Christian Bedouins. Causes of the early - successes of the Muslims. Toleration extended to those who remained - Christian.—The settled population of the towns: failure of - Heraclius’s attempt to reconcile the contending Christian sects. - The Arab conquest of Syria and Palestine: their toleration: the - Ordinance of ʻUmar: jizyah paid in return for protection and in - lieu of military service. Condition of the Christians under Muslim - rule: they occupy high posts, build new churches: revival in the - Nestorian Church. Causes of their conversion to Islam: revolt - against Byzantine ecclesiasticism: influence of rationalistic - thought: imposing character of Muslim civilisation. Persecutions - suffered by the Christians. Proselytising efforts. Details of - conversion to Islam.—Account of conversions from among the - Crusaders.—The Armenian and Georgian Churches 45 - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS OF AFRICA. - - Egypt: conquered by the Arabs, who are welcomed by the Copts as - their deliverers from Byzantine rule. Condition of the Copts under - the Muslims. Corruption and negligence of the clergy lead to - conversions to Islam.—Nubia: relations with Muhammadan powers: - gradual decay of the Christian faith.—Abyssinia: the Arabs on the - sea-board: missionary efforts in the fourteenth century: invasion - of Aḥmad Grāñ: conversions to Islam: progress of Islam in recent - years.—Northern Africa: extent of Christianity in North Africa in - the seventh century: the Christians are said to have been forcibly - converted: reasons for thinking that this statement is not true: - toleration enjoyed by the Christians: gradual disappearance of the - Christian Church 102 - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIANS OF SPAIN. - - Christianity in Spain before the Muslim conquest: miserable - condition of the Jews and the slaves. Early converts to Islam. - Corruption of the clergy. Toleration of the Arabs, and influence of - their civilisation on the Christians, who study Arabic and adopt - Arab dress and manners. Causes of conversion to Islam. The - voluntary martyrs of Cordova. Extent of the conversions 131 - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS IN EUROPE UNDER THE -TURKS. - - Relations of the Turks to their Christian subjects during the first - two centuries of their rule: toleration extended to the Greek - Church by Muḥammad II: the benefits of Ottoman rule: its - disadvantages, the tribute-children, the capitation-tax, tyranny of - individuals. Forced conversion rare. Proselytising efforts made by - the Turks. Circumstances that favoured the spread of Islam: - degraded condition of the Greek Church: failure of the attempt to - Protestantise the Greek Church: oppression of the Greek clergy: - moral superiority of the Ottomans: imposing character of their - conquests. Conversion of Christian slaves.—Islam in Albania, - conquest of the country, independent character of its people, - gradual decay of the Christian faith, and its causes;—in Servia, - alliance of the Servians with the Turks, conversions mainly from - among the nobles except in Old Servia;—in Montenegro;—in Bosnia, - the Bogomiles, points of similarity between the Bogomilian heresy - and the Muslim creed, conversion to Islam;—in Crete, conversion in - the ninth century, oppression of the Venetian rule, conquered by - the Turks, conversions to Islam 145 - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN PERSIA AND CENTRAL ASIA. - - Religious condition of Persia at the time of the Arab conquest. - Islam welcomed by many sections of the population. Points of - similarity between the older faiths and Islam. Toleration. - Conversions to Islam. The Ismāʻīlians and their missionary system. - Islam in Central Asia and Afghanistān 206 - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE MONGOLS AND TATARS. - - Account of the Mongol conquests. Buddhism, Christianity and Islam - in rivalry for the allegiance of the Mongols. Their original - religion, Shamanism, described. Spread of Buddhism, of - Christianity, and of Islam respectively among the Mongols. - Difficulties that stood in the way of Islam. Cruel treatment of the - Muslims by some Mongol rulers. Early converts to Islam. Baraka - Khān, the first Mongol prince converted. Conversion of the Īlkhāns. - Conversion of the Chaghatāy Mongols. History of Islam under the - Golden Horde: Ūzbek Khān: failure of attempts to convert the - Russians. Spread of Islam in modern times in the Russian Empire. - The conversion of the Tatars of Siberia 218 - - -CHAPTER IX. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN INDIA. - - Distribution of the Muhammadan population. Part taken by the - Muhammadan rulers in the propagation of Islam: conversion of - Rajputs and others.—The work of the Muslim missionaries in India; - traditions of early missionary efforts in South India, forced - conversions under Ḥaydar ʻAlī and Tīpū Sulṭān, the Mappillas:—in - the Maldive Islands:—in the Deccan, early Arab settlements, labours - of individual missionaries:—in Sind, the rule of the Arabs, their - toleration, account of individual missionaries, conversion of the - Khojahs and Bohras:—in Bengal, the Muhammadan rule in this - province, extensive conversions of the lower castes, religious - revival in recent times.—Particular account of the labours of - Muslim missionaries in other parts of India. Propagationist - movements of modern times. Circumstances facilitating the progress - of Islam: the oppressiveness of the Hindu caste system, worship of - Muslim saints, etc.—Spread of Islam in Kashmīr and Tibet 254 - - -CHAPTER X. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN CHINA. - - Early notices of Islam in China. Intercourse of the Chinese with - the Arabs. Legendary account of the first introduction of Islam - into China. Muslims under the Tʼang dynasty: influence of the - Mongol conquest; Islam under the Ming dynasty. Relations of the - Chinese Muslims to the Chinese Government. Their efforts to spread - their religion 294 - - -CHAPTER XI. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN AFRICA. - - The Arabs in Northern Africa: conversion of the Berbers: the - mission of ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn. Introduction of Islam into the - Sudan: rise of Muhammadan kingdoms: account of missionary - movements, Danfodio, ʻUthmān al-Amīr Ghanī, the Qādiriyyah, the - Tijāniyyah, and the Sanūsiyyah. Spread of Islam on the West Coast: - Ashanti: Dahomey. Spread of Islam on the East Coast: early Muslim - settlements: recent expansion in German East Africa: the Galla: the - Somali. Islam in Cape Coast Colony. Account of the Muslim - missionaries in Africa and their methods of winning converts 312 - - -CHAPTER XII. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO. - - Early intercourse between the Malay Archipelago and Arabia and - India. Methods of missionary work. History of Islam in Sumatra; in - the Malay Peninsula; in Java; in the Moluccas; in Borneo; in - Celebes; in the Philippine and the Sulu Islands; among the Papuans. - The Muslim missionaries: traders: ḥājīs 363 - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -CONCLUSION. - - Absence of missionary organisation in Islam: zeal on the part of - individuals. Who are the Muslim missionaries? Causes that have - contributed to their success: the simplicity of the Muslim creed: - the rationalism and ritualism of Islam. Islam not spread by the - sword. The toleration of Muhammadan governments. Circumstances - contributing to the progress of Islam in ancient and in modern - times 408 - - -APPENDIX I. - -Letter of al-Hāshimī inviting al-Kindī to embrace Islam 428 - - -APPENDIX II. - -Controversial literature between Muslims and the followers of -other faiths 436 - - -APPENDIX III. - -Muslim missionary societies 438 - - -Titles of Works cited by Abbreviated References 440 - - - - - - - - -THE PREACHING OF ISLAM - - -CHAPTER I. - -INTRODUCTION. - - -Ever since Professor Max Müller delivered his lecture in Westminster -Abbey, on the day of intercession for missions, in December, 1873, it -has been a literary commonplace, that the six great religions of the -world may be divided into missionary and non-missionary; under the -latter head fall Judaism, Brahmanism and Zoroastrianism, and under the -former Buddhism, Christianity and Islam; and he well defined what the -term,—a missionary religion,—should be taken to mean, viz. one “in -which the spreading of the truth and the conversion of unbelievers are -raised to the rank of a sacred duty by the founder or his immediate -successors.... It is the spirit of truth in the hearts of believers -which cannot rest, unless it manifests itself in thought, word and -deed, which is not satisfied till it has carried its message to every -human soul, till what it believes to be the truth is accepted as the -truth by all members of the human family.” [6] - -It is such a zeal for the truth of their religion that has inspired the -Muhammadans to carry with them the message of Islam to the people of -every land into which they penetrate, and that justly claims for their -religion a place among those we term missionary. It is the history of -the birth of this missionary zeal, its inspiring forces and the modes -of its activity that forms the subject of the following pages. The 200 -millions of Muhammadans scattered over the world at the present day are -evidences of its workings through the length of thirteen centuries. - -The doctrines of this faith were first proclaimed to the people of -Arabia in the seventh century, by a prophet under whose banner their -scattered tribes became a nation; and filled with the pulsations of -this new national life, and with a fervour and enthusiasm that imparted -an almost invincible strength to their armies, they poured forth over -three continents to conquer and subdue. Syria, Palestine, Egypt, North -Africa and Persia were the first to fall before them, and pressing -westward to Spain and eastward beyond the Indus, the followers of the -Prophet found themselves, one hundred years after his death, masters of -an empire greater than that of Rome at the zenith of its power. - -Although in after years this great empire was split up and the -political power of Islam diminished, still its spiritual conquests went -on uninterruptedly. When the Mongol hordes sacked Baghdād (A.D. 1258) -and drowned in blood the faded glory of the ʻAbbāsid dynasty,—when the -Muslims were expelled from Cordova by Ferdinand of Leon and Castile -(A.D. 1236), and Granada, the last stronghold of Islam in Spain, paid -tribute to the Christian king,—Islam had just gained a footing in the -island of Sumatra and was just about to commence its triumphant -progress through the islands of the Malay Archipelago. In the hours of -its political degradation, Islam has achieved some of its most -brilliant spiritual conquests: on two great historical occasions, -infidel barbarians have set their feet on the necks of the followers of -the Prophet,—the Saljūq Turks in the eleventh and the Mongols in the -thirteenth century,—and in each case the conquerors have accepted the -religion of the conquered. Unaided also by the temporal power, Muslim -missionaries have carried their faith into Central Africa, China and -the East India Islands. - -At the present day the faith of Islam extends from Morocco to Zanzibar, -from Sierra Leone to Siberia and China, from Bosnia to New Guinea. -Outside the limits of strictly Muhammadan countries and of lands, such -as China and Russia, that contain a large Muhammadan population, there -are some few small communities of the followers of the Prophet, which -bear witness to the faith of Islam in the midst of unbelievers. Such -are the Polish-speaking Muslims of Tatar origin in Lithuania, that -inhabit the districts of Kovno, Vilno and Grodno; [7] the -Dutch-speaking Muslims of Cape Colony; and the Indian coolies that have -carried the faith of Islam with them to the West India Islands and to -British and Dutch Guiana. In recent years, too, Islam has found -adherents in England, in North America, Australia and Japan. - -The spread of this faith over so vast a portion of the globe is due to -various causes, social, political and religious: but among these, one -of the most powerful factors at work in the production of this -stupendous result, has been the unremitted labours of Muslim -missionaries, who, with the Prophet himself as their great ensample, -have spent themselves for the conversion of unbelievers. - -The duty of missionary work is no after-thought in the history of -Islam, but was enjoined on believers from the beginning, as may be -judged from the following passages in the Qurʼān,—which are here quoted -in chronological order according to the date of their being delivered. - - - “Summon thou to the way of thy Lord with wisdom and with kindly - warning: dispute with them in the kindest manner. (xvi. 126.) - - “They who have inherited the Book after them (i.e. the Jews and - Christians), are in perplexity of doubt concerning it. - - “For this cause summon thou (them to the faith), and walk uprightly - therein as thou hast been bidden, and follow not their desires: and - say: In whatsoever Books God hath sent down do I believe: I am - commanded to decide justly between you: God is your Lord and our - Lord: we have our works and you have your works: between us and you - let there be no strife: God will make us all one: and to Him shall - we return.” (xlii. 13–14.) - - -Similar injunctions are found also in the Medinite Sūrahs, delivered at -a time when Muḥammad was at the head of a large army and at the height -of his power. - - - “Say to those who have been given the Book and to the ignorant, Do - you accept Islam? Then, if they accept Islam, are they guided - aright: but if they turn away, then thy duty is only preaching; and - God’s eye is on His servants, (iii. 19.) - - “Thus God clearly showeth you His signs that perchance ye may be - guided; - - “And that there may be from among you a people who invite to the - Good, and enjoin the Just, and forbid the Wrong; and these are they - with whom it shall be well. (iii. 99–100.) - - “To every people have We appointed observances which they observe. - Therefore let them not dispute the matter with thee, but summon - them to thy Lord: Verily thou art guided aright: - - “But if they debate with thee, then say: God best knoweth what ye - do!” (xxii. 66–67.) - - -The following passages are taken from what is generally supposed to be -the last Sūrah that was delivered. - - - “If any one of those who join gods with God ask an asylum of thee, - grant him an asylum in order that he may hear the word of God; then - let him reach his place of safety.” (ix. 6.) - - -With regard to the unbelievers who had broken their plighted word, who -“sell the signs of God for a mean price and turn others aside from His -way,” and “respect not with a believer either ties of blood or good -faith,” ... it is said:— - - - “Yet if they turn to God and observe prayer and give alms, then are - they your brothers in the faith: and We make clear the signs for - men of knowledge.” (ix. 11.) - - -Thus from its very inception Islam has been a missionary religion, both -in theory and in practice, for the life of Muḥammad exemplifies the -same teaching, and the Prophet himself stands at the head of a long -series of Muslim missionaries who have won an entrance for their faith -into the hearts of unbelievers. Moreover it is not in the cruelties of -the persecutor or the fury of the fanatic that we should look for the -evidences of the missionary spirit of Islam, any more than in the -exploits of that mythical personage, the Muslim warrior with sword in -one hand and Qurʼān in the other, [8]—but in the quiet, unobtrusive -labours of the preacher and the trader who have carried their faith -into every quarter of the globe. Such peaceful methods of preaching and -persuasion were not adopted, as some would have us believe, only when -political circumstances made force and violence impossible or -impolitic, but were most strictly enjoined in numerous passages of the -Qurʼān, as follows:— - - - “And endure what they say with patience, and depart from them with - a decorous departure. - - “And let Me alone with the gainsayers, rich in the pleasures (of - this life); and bear thou with them yet a little while. (lxxiii. - 10–11.) - - “(My) sole (work) is preaching from God and His message. (lxxii. - 24.) - - “Tell those who have believed to pardon those who hope not for the - days of God in which He purposeth to recompense men according to - their deserts. (xlv. 13.) - - “They who had joined other gods with God say, ‘Had He pleased, - neither we nor our forefathers had worshipped aught but Him; nor - had we, apart from Him, declared anything unlawful.’ Thus acted - they who were before them. Yet is the duty of the apostles other - than plain-spoken preaching? (xvi. 37.) - - “Then if they turn their backs, still thy office is only - plain-spoken preaching. (xvi. 84.) - - “Dispute ye not, unless in kindliest sort, with the people of the - Book; save with such of them as have dealt wrongfully (with you): - and say ye, ‘We believe in what has been sent down to us and hath - been sent down to you. Our God and your God is one, and to Him are - we self-surrendered.’ (xxix. 45.) - - “But if they turn aside from thee, yet We have not sent thee to be - guardian over them. ’Tis thine but to preach. (xlii. 47.) - - “But if thy Lord had pleased, verily all who are in the world would - have believed together. Wilt thou then compel men to become - believers? (x. 99.) - - “And we have not sent thee otherwise than to mankind at large, to - announce and to warn.” (xxxiv. 27.) - - -Such precepts are not confined to the Meccan Sūrahs, but are found in -abundance also in those delivered at Medina, as follows:— - - - “Let there be no compulsion in religion. (ii. 257.) - “Obey God and obey the apostle; but if ye turn away, yet is our - apostle only charged with plain-spoken preaching. (lxiv. 12.) - - “Obey God and obey the apostle: but if ye turn back, still the - burden of his duty is on him only, and the burden of your duty - rests on you. And if ye obey him, ye shall have guidance: but plain - preaching is all that devolves upon the apostle. (xxiv. 53.) - - “Say: O men! I am only your plain-spoken (open) warner. (xxii. 48.) - - “Verily We have sent thee to be a witness and a herald of good and - a warner, - - “That ye may believe on God and on His apostle; and may assist Him - and honour Him, and praise Him morning and evening. (xlviii. 8–9.) - - “Thou wilt not cease to discover the treacherous ones among them, - except a few of them. But forgive them and pass it over. Verily, - God loveth those who act generously.” (v. 16.) - - -It is the object of the following pages to show how this ideal was -realised in history and how these principles of missionary activity -were put into practice by the exponents of Islam. And at the outset the -reader should clearly understand that this work is not intended to be a -history of Muhammadan persecutions but of Muhammadan missions—it does -not aim at chronicling the instances of forced conversions which may be -found scattered up and down the pages of Muhammadan histories. European -writers have taken such care to accentuate these, that there is no fear -of their being forgotten, and they do not strictly come within the -province of a history of missions. In a history of Christian missions -we should naturally expect to hear more of the labours of St. Liudger -and St. Willehad among the pagan Saxons than of the baptisms that -Charlemagne forced them to undergo at the point of the sword. [9] The -true missionaries of Denmark were St. Ansgar and his successors rather -than King Cnut, who forcibly rooted out paganism from his dominions. -[10] Abbot Gottfried and Bishop Christian, though less successful in -converting the pagan Prussians, were more truly representative of -Christian missionary work than the Brethren of the Sword and other -Crusaders who brought their labours to completion by means of fire and -sword. The knights of the “Ordo fratrum militiæ Christi” forced -Christianity on the people of Livonia, but it is not to these militant -propagandists but to the monks Meinhard and Theodoric that we should -point as being the true missionaries of the Christian faith in this -country. The violent means sometimes employed by the Jesuit -missionaries [11] cannot derogate from the honour due to St. Francis -Xavier and other preachers of the same order. Nor is Valentyn any the -less the apostle of Amboyna because in 1699 an order was promulgated to -the Rajas of this island that they should have ready a certain number -of pagans to be baptised, when the pastor came on his rounds. [12] - -In the history of the Christian church missionary activity is seen to -be intermittent, and an age of apostolic fervour may be succeeded by a -period of apathy and indifference, or persecution and forced conversion -may take the place of the preaching of the Word; so likewise does the -propaganda of Islam in various epochs of Muhammadan history ebb and -flow. But since the zeal of proselytising is a distinct feature of -either faith, its missionary history may fittingly be singled out as a -separate branch of study, not as excluding other manifestations of the -religious life but as concentrating attention on an aspect of it that -has special characteristics of its own. Thus the annals of propaganda -and persecution may be studied apart from one another, whether in the -history of the Christian or the Muslim church, though in both they may -be at times commingled. For just as the Christian faith has not always -been propagated by the methods adopted in Viken (the southern part of -Norway) by King Olaf Trygvesson, who either slew those who refused to -accept Christianity, or cut off their hands or feet, or drove them into -banishment, and in this manner spread the Christian faith throughout -the whole of Viken, [13]—and just as the advice of St. Louis has not -been made a principle of Christian missionary work,—“When a layman -hears the Christian law ill spoken of, he should not defend that law -save with his sword, which he should thrust into the infidel’s belly, -as far as it will go,” [14]—so there have been Muslim missionaries who -have not been guided in their propagandist methods by the savage -utterance of Marwān, the last of the ʻUmayyad caliphs: “Whosoever among -the people of Egypt does not enter into my religion and pray as I pray -and follow my tenets, I will slay and crucify him.” [15] Nor are -al-Mutawakkil, al-Ḥākim and Tīpū Sulṭān to be looked upon as typical -missionaries of Islam to the exclusion of such preachers as Mawlānā -Ibrāhīm, the apostle of Java, Khwājah Muʻīn al-Dīn Chishtī in India and -countless others who won converts to the Muslim faith by peaceful means -alone. - -But though a clear distinction can be drawn between conversion as the -result of persecution and a peaceful propaganda by means of methods of -persuasion, it is not so easy to ascertain the motives that have -induced the convert to change his faith, or to discover whether the -missionary has been wholly animated by a love of souls and by the high -ideal set forth in the first paragraph of this chapter. Both in -Christianity and Islam there have been at all times earnest souls to -whom their religion has been the supreme reality of their lives, and -this absorbing interest in matters of the spirit has found expression -in that zeal for the communication of cherished truths and for the -domination of doctrines and systems they have deemed perfect, which -constitutes the vivifying force of missionary movements,—and there have -likewise been those without the pale, who have responded to their -appeal and have embraced the new faith with a like fervour. But, on the -other hand, Islam—like Christianity—has reckoned among its adherents -many persons to whom ecclesiastical institutions have been merely -instruments of a political policy or forms of social organisation, to -be accepted either as disagreeable necessities or as convenient -solutions of problems that they do not care to think out for -themselves; such persons may likewise be found among the converts of -either faith. Thus both Christianity and Islam have added to the number -of their followers by methods and under conditions—social, political -and economic—which have no connection with such a thirst for souls as -animates the true missionary. Moreover, the annals of missionary -enterprise frequently record the admission of converts without any -attempt to analyse the motives that have led them to change their -faith, and especially for the history of Muslim missions there is a -remarkable poverty of material in this respect, since Muslim literature -is singularly poor in those records of conversions that occupy such a -large place in the literature of the Christian church. Accordingly, in -the following sketch of the missionary activity of Islam, it has not -always been possible to discover whether political, social, economic or -purely religious motives have determined conversion, though occasional -reference can be made to the operation of one or the other influence. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -STUDY OF THE LIFE OF MUḤAMMAD CONSIDERED AS A PREACHER OF ISLAM. - - -It is not proposed in this chapter to add another to the already -numerous biographies of Muḥammad, but rather to make a study of his -life in one of its aspects only, viz. that in which the Prophet is -presented to us as a preacher, as the apostle unto men of a new -religion. The life of the founder of Islam and the inaugurator of its -propaganda may naturally be expected to exhibit to us the true -character of the missionary activity of this religion. If the life of -the Prophet serves as the standard of conduct for the ordinary -believer, it must do the same for the Muslim missionary. From the -pattern, therefore, we may hope to learn something of the spirit that -would animate those who sought to copy it, and of the methods they -might be expected to adopt. For the missionary spirit of Islam is no -after-thought in its history; it interpenetrates the religion from its -very commencement, and in the following sketch it is desired to show -how this is so, how Muḥammad the Prophet is the type of the missionary -of Islam. It is therefore beside the purpose to describe his early -history, or the influences under which he grew up to manhood, or to -consider him in the light either of a statesman or a general: it is as -the preacher alone that he will demand our attention. - -When, after long internal conflict and disquietude, Muḥammad was at -length convinced of his divine mission, his earliest efforts were -directed towards persuading his own family of the truth of the new -doctrine. The unity of God, the abomination of idolatry, the duty laid -upon man of submission to the will of his Creator,—these were the -simple truths to which he claimed their allegiance. The first convert -was his faithful and loving wife, Khadījah,—she who fifteen years -before had offered her hand in marriage to the poor kinsman that had so -successfully traded with her merchandise as a hired agent,—with the -words, “I love thee, my cousin, for thy kinship with me, for the -respect with which thy people regard thee, for thy honesty, for the -beauty of thy character and for the truthfulness of thy speech.” [16] -She had lifted him out of poverty, and enabled him to live up to the -social position to which he was entitled by right of birth; but this -was as nothing to the fidelity and loving devotion with which she -shared his mental anxieties, and helped him with tenderest sympathy and -encouragement in the hour of his despondency. - -Up to her death in A.D. 619 (after a wedded life of five and twenty -years) she was always ready with sympathy, consolation and -encouragement whenever he suffered from the persecution of his enemies -or was tortured by doubts and misgivings. “So Khadījah believed,” says -the biographer of the Prophet, “and attested the truth of that which -came to him from God and aided him in his undertaking. Thus was the -Lord minded to lighten the burden of His Prophet; for whenever he heard -anything that grieved him touching his rejection by the people, he -would return to her and God would comfort him through her, for she -reassured him and lightened his burden and declared her trust in him -and made it easy for him to bear the scorn of men.” [17] - -Among the earliest believers were his adopted children Zayd and ʻAlī, -and his bosom friend Abū Bakr, of whom Muḥammad would often say in -after years, “I never invited any to the faith who displayed not -hesitation, perplexity and vacillation—excepting only Abū Bakr; who -when I told him of Islam tarried not, neither was perplexed.” He was a -wealthy merchant, much respected by his fellow citizens for the -integrity of his character and for his intelligence and ability. After -his conversion he expended the greater part of his fortune on the -purchase of Muslim slaves who were persecuted by their masters on -account of their adherence to the teaching of Muḥammad. Through his -influence, to a great extent, five of the earliest converts were added -to the number of believers, Saʻd b. Abī Waqqāṣ, the future conqueror of -the Persians; al-Zubayr b. al-ʻAwwām, a relative both of the Prophet -and his wife; Ṭalḥah, famous as a warrior in after days; a wealthy -merchant ʻAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʻAwf, and ʻUthmān, the third Khalīfah. The -last was early exposed to persecution; his uncle seized and bound him, -saying, “Dost thou prefer a new religion to that of thy fathers? I -swear I will not loose thee until thou givest up this new faith thou -art following after.” To which ʻUthmān replied, “By the Lord, I will -never abandon it!” Whereupon his uncle, seeing the firmness of his -attachment to his faith, released him. - -With other additions, particularly from among slaves and poor persons, -the Prophet succeeded in collecting round him a little band of -followers during the first three years of his mission. Encouraged by -the success of these private efforts, Muḥammad determined on more -active measures and began to preach in public. He called his kinsmen -together and invited them to embrace the new faith. “No Arab,” he -urged, “has offered to his nation more precious advantages than those I -bring you. I offer you happiness in this world and in the life to come. -Who among you will aid me in this task?” All were silent. Only ʻAlī, -with boyish enthusiasm, cried out, “Prophet of God, I will aid thee.” -At this the company broke up with derisive laughter. - -Undeterred by the ill-success of this preaching, he repeatedly appealed -to them on other occasions, but his message and his warnings received -from them nothing but scoffing and contempt. - -More than once the Quraysh tried to induce his uncle Abū Ṭālib, as head -of the clan of the Banū Hāshim, to which Muḥammad belonged, to restrain -him from making such attacks upon their ancestral faith, or otherwise -they threatened to resort to more violent measures. Abū Ṭālib -accordingly appealed to his nephew not to bring disaster on himself and -his family. The Prophet replied: “Were the sun to come down on my right -hand and the moon on my left, and the choice were offered me of -abandoning my mission until God himself should reveal it, or perishing -in the achievement of it, I would not abandon it.” Abū Ṭālib was moved -and exclaimed, “Go and say whatever thou wilt: by God! I will never -give thee up unto thy enemies.” - -The Quraysh viewed the progress of the new religion with increasing -dissatisfaction and hatred. They adopted all possible means, threats -and promises, insults and offers of worldly honour and aggrandisement -to induce Muḥammad to abandon the part he had taken up. The violent -abuse with which he was assailed is said to have been the indirect -cause of drawing to his side one important convert in the person of his -uncle, Ḥamzah, whose chivalrous soul was so stung to sudden sympathy by -a tale of insult inflicted on and patiently borne by his nephew, that -he changed at once from a bitter enemy into a staunch adherent. His was -not the only instance of sympathy for the sufferings of the Muslims -being aroused at the sight of the persecutions they had to endure, and -many, no doubt, secretly favoured the new religion who did not declare -themselves until the day of its triumph. - -The hostility of the Quraysh to the new faith increased in bitterness -as they watched the increase in the numbers of its adherents. They -realised that the triumph of the new teaching meant the destruction of -the national religion and the national worship, and a loss of wealth -and power to the guardians of the sacred Kaʻbah. Muḥammad himself was -safe under the protection of Abū Ṭālib and the Banū Hāshim, who, though -they had no sympathy for the doctrines their kinsman taught, yet with -the strong clan-feeling peculiar to the Arabs, secured him from any -attempt upon his life, though he was still exposed to continual insult -and annoyance. But the poor who had no protector, and the slaves, had -to endure the cruelest persecution, and were imprisoned and tortured in -order to induce them to recant. It was at this time that Abū Bakr -purchased the freedom of Bilāl, [18] an African slave, who was called -by Muḥammad “the first-fruits of Abyssinia.” He had been cruelly -tortured by being exposed, day after day, to the scorching rays of the -sun, stretched out on his back, with an enormous stone on his stomach; -here he was told he would have to stay until either he died or -renounced Muḥammad and worshipped idols, to which he would reply only, -“There is but one God, there is but one God.” Two persons died under -the tortures they had to undergo. The constancy of a few gave way under -the trial, but persecution served only to re-kindle the zeal of others. -ʻAbd Allāh b. Masʻūd made bold to recite a passage of the Qurʼān within -the precincts of the Kaʻbah itself,—an act of daring that none of the -followers of Muḥammad had ventured upon before. The assembled Quraysh -attacked him and smote him on the face, but it was some time before -they compelled him to desist. He returned to his companions, prepared -to bear witness to his faith in a similar manner on the next day, but -they dissuaded him, saying, “This is enough for thee, since thou hast -made them listen to what they hated to hear.” - -The virulence of the opposition of the Quraysh is probably the reason -why in the fourth year of his mission Muḥammad took up his residence in -the house of al-Arqam, one of the early converts. It was in a central -situation, much frequented by pilgrims and strangers, and here -peaceably and without interruption he was able to preach the doctrines -of Islam to all enquirers that came to him. Muḥammad’s stay in this -house marks an important epoch in the propagation of Islam in Mecca, -and many Muslims dated their conversion from the days when the Prophet -preached in the house of al-Arqam. - -As Muḥammad was unable to relieve his persecuted followers, he advised -them to take refuge in Abyssinia, and in the fifth year of his mission -(A.D. 615), eleven men and four women crossed over to Abyssinia, where -they received a kind welcome from the Christian king of the country. -Among them was a certain Muṣʻab b. ʻUmayr whose history is interesting -as of one who had to endure that most bitter trial of the new -convert—the hatred of those he loves and who once loved him. He had -been led to embrace Islam through the teaching he had listened to in -the house of al-Arqam, but he was afraid to let the fact of his -conversion become known, because his tribe and his mother, who bore an -especial love to him, were bitterly opposed to the new religion; and -indeed, when they discovered the fact, seized and imprisoned him. But -he succeeded in effecting his escape to Abyssinia. - -The hatred of the Quraysh is said to have pursued the fugitives even to -Abyssinia, and an embassy was sent to demand their extradition from the -king of that country. But when he heard their story from the Muslims, -he refused to withdraw from them his protection. In answer to his -enquiries as to their religion, they said: “O King, we were plunged in -the darkness of ignorance, worshipping idols, and eating carrion; we -practised abominations, severed the ties of kinship and maltreated our -neighbours; the strong among us devoured the weak; and so we remained -until God sent us an apostle, from among ourselves, whose lineage we -knew as well as his truth, his trustworthiness and the purity of his -life. He called upon us to worship the One God and abandon the stones -and idols that our fathers had worshipped in His stead. He bade us be -truthful in speech, faithful to our promises, compassionate and kind to -our parents and neighbours, and to desist from crime and bloodshed. He -forbade to do evil, to lie, to rob the orphan or defame women. He -enjoined on us the worship of God alone, with prayer, almsgiving and -fasting. And we believed in him and followed the teachings that he -brought us from God. But our countrymen rose up against us and -persecuted us to make us renounce our faith, and return to the worship -of idols and the abominations of our former life. So when they cruelly -entreated us, reducing us to bitter straits and came between us and the -practice of our religion, we took refuge in your country; putting our -trust in your justice, we hope that you will deliver us from the -oppression of our enemies.” Their prayer was heard and the embassy of -the Quraysh returned discomfited. [19] Meanwhile, in Mecca, a fresh -attempt was made to induce the Prophet to abandon his work of preaching -by promises of wealth and honour, but in vain. - -While the result of the embassy to Abyssinia was being looked for in -Mecca with the greatest expectancy, there occurred the conversion of a -man, who before had been one of the most bitter enemies of Muḥammad, -and had opposed him with the utmost persistence and fanaticism—a man -whom the Muslims had every reason then to look on as their most -terrible and virulent enemy, though afterwards he shines as one of the -noblest figures in the early history of Islam, viz. ʻUmar b. -al-Khaṭṭāb. One day, in a fit of rage against the Prophet, he set out, -sword in hand, to slay him. On the way, one of his relatives met him -and asked him where he was going. “I am looking for Muḥammad,” he -answered, “to kill the renegade who has brought discord among the -Quraysh, called them fools, reviled their religion and defamed their -gods.” “Why dost thou not rather punish those of thy own family, and -set them right?” “And who are these of my own family?” answered ʻUmar. -“Thy brother-in-law Saʻīd and thy sister Fāṭimah, who have become -Muslims and followers of Muḥammad.” ʻUmar at once rushed off to the -house of his sister, and found her with her husband and Khabbāb, -another of the followers of Muḥammad, who was teaching them to recite a -chapter of the Qurʼān. ʻUmar burst into the room: “What was that sound -I heard?” “It was nothing,” they replied. “Nay, but I heard you, and I -have learned that you have become followers of Muḥammad.” Whereupon he -rushed upon Saʻīd and struck him. Fāṭimah threw herself between them, -to protect her husband, crying, “Yes, we are Muslims; we believe in God -and His Prophet: slay us if you will.” In the struggle his sister was -wounded, and when ʻUmar saw the blood on her face, he was softened and -asked to see the paper they had been reading: after some hesitation she -handed it to him. It contained the 20th Sūrah of the Qurʼān. When ʻUmar -read it, he exclaimed, “How beautiful, how sublime it is!” As he read -on, conviction suddenly overpowered him and he cried, “Lead me to -Muḥammad that I may tell him of my conversion.” [20] - -The conversion of ʻUmar is a turning-point in the history of Islam: the -Muslims were now able to take up a bolder attitude. Muḥammad left the -house of al-Arqam and the believers publicly performed their devotions -together round the Kaʻbah. The situation might thus be expected to give -the aristocracy of Mecca just cause for apprehension. For they had no -longer to deal with a band of oppressed and despised outcasts, -struggling for a weak and miserable existence. It was rather a powerful -faction, adding daily to its strength by the accession of influential -citizens and endangering the stability of the existing government by an -alliance with a powerful foreign prince. - -The Quraysh resolved accordingly to make a determined effort to check -the further growth of the new movement in their city. They put the Banū -Hāshim, who through ties of kindred protected the Prophet, under a ban, -in accordance with which the Quraysh agreed that they would not marry -their women, nor give their own in marriage to them; they would sell -nothing to them, nor buy aught from them—that dealings with them of -every kind should cease. For three years the Banū Hāshim are said to -have been confined to one quarter of the city, except during the sacred -months, in which all war ceased throughout Arabia and a truce was made -in order that pilgrims might visit the sacred Kaʻbah, the centre of the -national religion. - -Muḥammad used to take advantage of such times of pilgrimage to preach -to the various tribes that flocked to Mecca and the adjacent fairs. But -with no success, for his uncle Abū Lahab used to dog his footsteps, -crying with a loud voice, “He is an impostor who wants to draw you away -from the faith of your fathers to the false doctrines that he brings, -wherefore separate yourselves from him and hear him not.” They would -taunt him with the words: “Thine own people and kindred should know -thee best: wherefore do they not believe and follow thee?” But at -length the privations endured by Muḥammad and his kinsmen enlisted the -sympathy of a numerous section of the Quraysh and the ban was -withdrawn. - -In the same year the loss of Khadījah, the faithful wife who for -twenty-five years had been his counsellor and support, plunged Muḥammad -into the utmost grief and despondency; and a little later the death of -Abū Ṭālib deprived him of his constant and most powerful protector and -exposed him afresh to insult and contumely. - -Scorned and rejected by his own townsmen, to whom he had delivered his -message with so little success for ten years, he resolved to see if -there were not others who might be more ready to listen, among whom the -seeds of faith might find a more receptive and fruitful soil. With this -hope he set out for Ṭāʼif, a city about seventy miles from Mecca. -Before an assembly of the chief men of the city, he expounded his -doctrine of the unity of God and of the mission he had received as the -Prophet of God to proclaim this faith; at the same time he besought -their protection against his persecutors in Mecca. The disproportion -between his high claims (which moreover were unintelligible to the -heathen people of Ṭāʼif) and his helpless condition only excited their -ridicule and scorn, and pitilessly stoning him with stones they drove -him from their city. - -On his return from Ṭāʼif the prospects of the success of Muḥammad -seemed more hopeless than ever, and the agony of his soul gave itself -utterance in the words that he puts into the mouth of Noah: “O my Lord, -verily I have cried to my people night and day; and my cry only makes -them flee from me the more. And verily, so oft as I cry to them, that -Thou mayest forgive them, they thrust their fingers into their ears and -wrap themselves in their garments, and persist (in their error), and -are disdainfully disdainful.” (lxxi. 5–6.) - -It was the Prophet’s habit at the time of the annual pilgrimage to -visit the encampments of the various Arab tribes and discourse with -them upon religion. By some his words were treated with indifference, -by others rejected with scorn. But consolation came to him from an -unexpected quarter. He met a little group of six or seven persons whom -he recognised as coming from Medina, or, as it was then called, -Yathrib. “Of what tribe are you?” said he, addressing them. “We are of -the Khazraj,” they answered. “Friends of the Jews?” “Yes.” “Then will -you not sit down awhile, that I may talk with you?” “Assuredly,” -replied they. Then they sat down with him, and he proclaimed unto them -the true God and preached Islam and recited to them the Qurʼān. Now so -it was, in that God wrought wonderfully for Islam that there were found -in their country Jews, who possessed scriptures and wisdom, while they -themselves were heathen and idolaters. Now the Jews ofttimes suffered -violence at their hands, and when strife was between them had ever said -to them, “Soon will a Prophet arise and his time is at hand; him will -we follow, and with him slay you with the slaughter of ʻĀd and of -Iram.” When now the apostle of God was speaking with these men and -calling on them to believe in God, they said one to another: “Know -surely that this is the Prophet, of whom the Jews have warned us; come -let us now make haste and be the first to join him.” So they embraced -Islam, and said to him, “Our countrymen have long been engaged in a -most bitter and deadly feud with one another; but now perhaps God will -unite them together through thee and thy teaching. Therefore we will -preach to them and make known to them this religion, that we have -received from thee.” So, full of faith, they returned to their own -country. [21] - -Such is the traditional account of this event which was the -turning-point of Muḥammad’s mission. He had now met with a people whose -antecedents had in some way prepared their minds for the reception of -his teaching and whose present circumstances, as afterwards appeared, -were favourable to his cause. - -The city of Yathrib had been long occupied by Jews whom some national -disaster, possibly the persecution under Hadrian, had driven from their -own country, when a party of wandering emigrants, the two Arab clans of -Khazraj and Aws, arrived at Yathrib and were admitted to a share in the -territory. As their numbers increased they encroached more and more on -the power of the Jewish rulers, and finally, towards the end of the -fifth century, the government of the city passed entirely into their -hands. - -Some of the Arabs had embraced the Jewish religion, and many of the -former masters of the city still dwelt there in the service of their -conquerors, so that it contained in Muḥammad’s time a considerable -Jewish population. The people of Yathrib were thus familiar with the -idea of a Messiah who was to come, and were consequently more capable -of understanding the claim of Muḥammad to be accepted as the Prophet of -God, than were the idolatrous Meccans to whom such an idea was entirely -foreign and especially distasteful to the Quraysh, whose supremacy over -the other tribes and whose worldly prosperity arose from the fact that -they were the hereditary guardians of the national collection of idols -kept in the sacred enclosure of the Kaʻbah. - -Further, the city of Yathrib was distracted by incessant civil discord -through a long-standing feud between the Banū Khazraj and the Banū Aws. -The citizens lived in uncertainty and suspense, and anything likely to -bind the conflicting parties together by a tie of common interest could -not but prove a boon to the city. Just as the mediæval republics of -Northern Italy chose a stranger to hold the chief post in their cities -in order to maintain some balance of power between the rival factions, -and prevent, if possible, the civil strife which was so ruinous to -commerce and the general welfare, so the Yathribites would not look -upon the arrival of a stranger with suspicion, even though he was -likely to usurp or gain permission to assume the vacant authority. - -On the contrary, one of the reasons for the warm welcome which Muḥammad -received in Medina would seem to be that the adoption of Islam appeared -to the more thoughtful of its citizens to be a remedy for the disorders -from which their society was suffering, by its orderly discipline of -life and its bringing the unruly passions of men under the discipline -of laws enunciated by an authority superior to individual caprice. [22] - -These facts go far to explain how eight years after the Hijrah Muḥammad -could, at the head of 10,000 followers, enter the city in which he had -laboured for ten years with so meagre a result. - -But this is anticipating. Muḥammad had proposed to accompany his new -converts, the Khazrajites, to Yathrib himself, but they dissuaded him -therefrom, until a reconciliation could be effected with the Banū Aws. -“Let us, we pray thee, return unto our people, if haply the Lord will -create peace amongst us; and we will come back again unto thee. Let the -season of pilgrimage in the following year be the appointed time.” So -they returned to their homes, and invited their people to the faith; -and many believed, so that there remained hardly a family in which -mention was not made of the Prophet. - -When the time of pilgrimage again came round, a deputation from -Yathrib, ten men of the Banū Khazraj, and two of the Banū Aws, met him -at the appointed spot and pledged him their word to obey his teaching. -This, the first pledge of ʻAqabah, so called from the secret spot at -which they met, ran as follows:—“We will not worship any but the one -God; we will not steal, neither will we commit adultery or kill our -children; we will abstain from calumny and slander; we will obey the -Prophet in every thing that is right.” These twelve men now returned to -Yathrib as missionaries of Islam, and so well prepared was the ground, -and with such zeal did they prosecute their mission, that the new faith -spread rapidly from house to house and from tribe to tribe. - -They were accompanied on their return by Muṣʻab b. ʻUmayr; though, -according to another account he was sent by the Prophet upon a written -requisition from Yathrib. This young man had been one of the earliest -converts, and had lately returned from Abyssinia; thus he had had much -experience, and severe training in the school of persecution had not -only sobered his zeal but taught him how to meet persecution and deal -with those who were ready to condemn Islam without waiting to learn the -true contents of its teaching; accordingly Muḥammad could with the -greatest confidence entrust him with the difficult task of directing -and instructing the new converts, cherishing the seeds of religious -zeal and devotion that had already been sown and bringing them to -fruition. Muṣʻab took up his abode in the house of Asʻad b. Zurārah, -and gathered the converts together for prayer and the reading of the -Qurʼān, sometimes here and sometimes in a house belonging to the Banū -Ẓafar, which was situated in a quarter of the town occupied jointly by -this family and that of ʻAbd al-Ashhal. - -The heads of the latter family at that time were Saʻd b. Muʻādh and -Usayd b. Ḥuḍayr. One day it happened that Muṣʻab was sitting together -with Asʻad in this house of the Banū Ẓafar, engaged in instructing some -new converts, when Saʻd b. Muʻādh, having come to know of their -whereabouts, said to Usayd b. Ḥuḍayr: “Drive out these fellows who have -come into our houses to make fools of the weaklings among us; I would -spare thee the trouble did not the tie of kinship between me and Asʻad -prevent my doing him any harm” (for he himself was the cousin of -Asʻad). Hereupon Usayd took his spear and, bursting in upon Asʻad and -Muṣʻab, “What are you doing?” he cried, “leading weak-minded folk -astray? If you value your lives, begone hence.” “Sit down and listen,” -Muṣʻab answered quietly, “if thou art pleased with what thou hearest, -accept it; if not, then leave it.” Usayd stuck his spear in the ground -and sat down to listen, while Muṣʻab expounded to him the fundamental -doctrines of Islam and read several passages of the Qurʼān. After a -time Usayd, enraptured, cried, “What must I do to enter this religion?” -“Purify thyself with water,” answered Muṣʻab, “and confess that there -is no god but God and that Muḥammad is the apostle of God.” Usayd at -once complied and repeated the profession of faith, adding, “After me -you have still another man to convince” (referring to Saʻd b. Muʻādh). -“If he is persuaded, his example will bring after him all his people. I -will send him to you forthwith.” - -With these words he left them, and soon after came Saʻd b. Muʻādh -himself, hot with anger against Asʻad for the patronage he had extended -to the missionaries of Islam. Muṣʻab begged him not to condemn the new -faith unheard, so Saʻd agreed to listen and soon the words of Muṣʻab -touched him and brought conviction to his heart, and he embraced the -faith and became a Muslim. He went back to his people burning with zeal -and said to them, “Sons of ʻAbd al-Ashhal, say, what am I to you?” -“Thou art our lord,” they answered, “thou art the wisest and most -illustrious among us.” “Then I swear,” replied Saʻd, “nevermore to -speak to any of you until you believe in God and Muḥammad, His -apostle.” And from that day, all the descendants of ʻAbd al-Ashhal -embraced Islam. [23] - -With such zeal and earnestness was the preaching of the faith pushed -forward that within a year there was not a family among the Arabs of -Medina that had not given some of its members to swell the number of -the faithful, with the exception of one branch of the Banū Aws, which -held aloof under the influence of Abū Qays b. al-Aslat, the poet. - -The following year, when the time of the annual pilgrimage again came -round, a band of converts, amounting to seventy-three in number, -accompanied their heathen fellow-countrymen from Yathrib to Mecca. They -were commissioned to invite Muḥammad to take refuge in Yathrib from the -fury of his enemies, and had come to swear allegiance to him as their -prophet and their leader. All the early converts who had before met the -Prophet on the two preceding pilgrimages, returned to Mecca on this -important occasion, and Muṣʻab their teacher accompanied them. -Immediately on his arrival he hurried to the prophet, and told him of -the success that had attended his mission. It is said that his mother, -hearing of his arrival, sent a message to him, saying: “Ah, disobedient -son, wilt thou enter a city in which thy mother dwelleth, and not first -visit her!” “Nay, verily,” he replied, “I will never visit the house of -any one before the Prophet of God.” So, after he had greeted and -conferred with Muḥammad, he went to his mother, who thus accosted him: -“Then I ween thou art still a renegade.” He answered, “I follow the -prophet of the Lord and the true faith of Islam.” “Art thou then well -satisfied with the miserable way thou hast fared in the land of -Abyssinia and now again at Yathrib?” Now he perceived that she was -meditating his imprisonment, and exclaimed, “What! wilt thou force a -man from his religion? If ye seek to confine me, I will assuredly slay -the first person that layeth hands upon me.” His mother said, “Then -depart from my presence,” and she began to weep. Muṣʻab was moved, and -said, “Oh, my mother! I give thee loving counsel. Testify that there is -no God but the Lord and that Muḥammad is His servant and messenger.” -But she replied, “By the sparkling stars! I will never make a fool of -myself by entering into thy religion. I wash my hands of thee and thy -concerns, and cleave steadfastly unto mine own faith.” - -In order not to excite suspicion and incur the hostility of the -Quraysh, a secret meeting was arranged at ʻAqabah, the scene of the -former meeting with the converts of the year before. Muḥammad came -accompanied only by his uncle ʻAbbās, who, though he was still an -idolater, had been admitted into the secret. ʻAbbās opened the solemn -conclave, by recommending his nephew as a scion of one of the noblest -families of his clan, which had hitherto afforded the Prophet -protection, although rejecting his teachings; but now that he wished to -take refuge among the people of Yathrib, they should bethink themselves -well before undertaking such a charge, and resolve not to go back from -their promise, if once they undertook the risk. Then Barā b. Maʻrūr, -one of the Banū Khazraj, protesting that they were firm in their -resolve to protect the Prophet of God, besought him to declare fully -what he wished of them. - -Muḥammad began by reciting to them some portions of the Qurʼān, and -exhorted them to be true to the faith they had professed in the one God -and the Prophet, His apostle; he then asked them to defend him and his -companions from all assailants just as they would their own wives and -children. Then Barā b. Maʻrūr, taking his hand, cried out, “Yea, by Him -who sent thee as His Prophet, and through thee revealed unto us His -truth, we will protect thee as we would our own bodies, and we swear -allegiance to thee as our leader. We are the sons of battle and men of -mail, which we have inherited as worthy sons of worthy forefathers.” So -they all in turn, taking his hand in theirs, swore allegiance to him. - -As soon as the Quraysh gained intelligence of these secret proceedings, -the persecution broke out afresh against the Muslims, and Muḥammad -advised them to flee out of the city. “Depart unto Yathrib; for the -Lord hath verily given you brethren in that city, and a home in which -ye may find refuge.” So quietly, by twos and threes they escaped to -Yathrib, where they were heartily welcomed, their co-religionists in -that city vying with one another for the honour of entertaining them, -and supplying them with such things as they had need of. Within two -months nearly all the Muslims except those who were seized and -imprisoned and those who could not escape from captivity had left -Mecca, to the number of about 150. There is a story told of one of -these Muslims, by name Ṣuhayb, whom Muḥammad called “the first-fruits -of Greece” (he had been a Greek slave, and being set free by his master -had amassed considerable wealth by successful trading); when he was -about to emigrate the Meccans said to him, “Thou camest hither in need -and penury; but thy wealth hath increased with us, until thou hast -reached thy present prosperity; and now thou art departing, not thyself -only, but with all thy property. By the Lord, that shall not be;” and -he said, “If I relinquish my property, will ye leave me free to -depart?” And they agreed thereto; so he parted with all his goods. And -when that was told unto Muḥammad, he said, “Verily, Ṣuhayb hath made a -profitable bargain.” - -Muḥammad delayed his own departure (with the intention, no doubt, of -withdrawing attention from his faithful followers) until a determined -plot against his life warned him that further delay might be fatal, and -he made his escape by means of a stratagem. - -His first care after his arrival in Yathrib, or Medina as it was called -from this period—Madīnah al-Nabī, the city of the Prophet—was to build -a mosque, to serve both as a place of prayer and of general assembly -for his followers, who had hitherto met for that purpose in the -dwelling-place of one of their number. The worshippers at first used to -turn their faces in the direction of Jerusalem—an arrangement most -probably adopted with the hope of gaining over the Jews. In many other -ways, by constant appeals to their own sacred Scriptures, by according -them perfect freedom of worship and political equality, Muḥammad -endeavoured to conciliate the Jews, but they met his advances with -scorn and derision. When all hopes of amalgamation proved fruitless and -it became clear that the Jews would not accept him as their Prophet, -Muḥammad bade his followers turn their faces in prayer towards the -Kaʻbah in Mecca. (ii. 144.) [24] - -This change of direction during prayer has a deeper significance than -might at first sight appear. It was really the beginning of the -National Life of Islam: it established the Kaʻbah at Mecca as a -religious centre for all the Muslim people, just as from time -immemorial it had been a place of pilgrimage for all the tribes of -Arabia. Of similar importance was the incorporation of the ancient Arab -custom of pilgrimage to Mecca into the circle of the religious -ordinances of Islam, a duty that was to be performed by every Muslim at -least once in his lifetime. - -There are many passages in the Qurʼān that appeal to this germ of -national feeling and urge the people of Arabia to realise the privilege -that had been granted them of a divine revelation in their own language -and by the lips of one of their own countrymen. - - - “Verily We have made it an Arabic Qurʼān that ye may haply - understand. (xliii. 2–3.) - - “And thus We have revealed to thee an Arabic Qurʼān, that thou - mayest warn the mother of cities and those around it. (xlii. 5.) - - “And if We had made it a Qurʼān in a foreign tongue, they had - surely said, ‘Unless its verses be clearly explained (we will not - receive it).’ (xli. 44.) - - “And verily We have set before men in this Qurʼān every kind of - parable that haply they be monished: - - “An Arabic Qurʼān, free from tortuous (wording), that haply they - may fear (God). (xxxix. 28–29.) - - “Verily from the Lord of all creatures hath this (book) come down, - ... in the clear Arabic tongue. (xxvi. 192, 195.) - - “And We have only made it (i.e. the Qurʼān) easy, in thine own - tongue, in order that thou mayest announce glad tidings thereby to - the God-fearing, and that thou mayest warn the contentious - thereby.” (xix. 97.) - - -But the message of Islam was not for Arabia only; the whole world was -to share in it. [25] As there was but one God, so there was to be but -one religion into which all men were to be invited. This claim to be -universal, to hold sway over all men and all nations, found a practical -illustration in the letters which Muḥammad is said to have sent in the -year A.D. 688 (A.H. 6) to the great potentates of that time. An -invitation to embrace Islam was sent in this year to the Emperor -Heraclius, the king of Persia, the governor of Yaman, the governor of -Egypt and the king of Abyssinia. The letter to Heraclius is said to -have been as follows:—“In the name of God, the Merciful, the -Compassionate, Muḥammad, who is the servant of God and His apostle, to -Hiraql the Qayṣar of Rūm. Peace be on whoever has gone on the straight -road. After this I say, Verily I call you to Islam. Embrace Islam, and -God will reward you twofold. If you turn away from the offer of Islam, -then on you be the sins of your people. O people of the Book, come -towards a creed which is fit both for us and for you. It is this—to -worship none but God, and not to associate anything with God, and not -to call others God. Therefore, O ye people of the Book, if ye refuse, -beware. We are Muslims and our religion is Islam.” However absurd this -summons may have seemed to those who then received it, succeeding years -showed that it was dictated by no empty enthusiasm. [26] These letters -only gave a more open and widespread expression to the claim to the -universal acceptance which is repeatedly made for Islam in the Qurʼān. - - - “Of a truth it (i.e. the Qurʼān) is no other than an admonition to - all created beings, and after a time shall ye surely know its - message. (xxxviii. 87–88.) - - “This (book) is no other than an admonition and a clear Qurʼān, to - warn whoever liveth; and that against the unbelievers sentence may - be justly given. (xxxvi. 69–70.) - - “We have not sent thee save as a mercy to all created beings. (xxi. - 107.) - - “Blessed is He who hath sent down al-Furqān upon His servant, that - he may be a warner unto all created beings. (xxv. 1.) - - “And We have not sent thee otherwise than to mankind at large, to - announce and to warn. (xxxiv. 27.) - - “He it is who hath sent His apostle with guidance and the religion - of truth, that He may make it victorious over every other religion, - though the polytheists are averse to it.” (lxi. 9.) - - -In the hour of his deepest despair, when the people of Mecca -persistently turned a deaf ear to the words of their prophet (xvi. 23, -114, etc.), when the converts he had made were tortured until they -recanted (xvi. 108), and others were forced to flee from the country to -escape the rage of their persecutors (xvi. 43, 111)—then was delivered -the promise, “One day we will raise up a witness out of every nation.” -(xvi. 86.) [27] - -This claim upon the acceptance of all mankind which the Prophet makes -in these passages is further prophetically indicated in the words -“first-fruits of Abyssinia,” used by Muḥammad in reference to Bilāl, -and “first-fruits of Greece,” to Ṣuhayb; Salmān, the first Persian -convert, was a Christian slave in Medina, who embraced the new faith in -the first year of the Hijrah. Thus long before any career of conquest -was so much as dreamed of, the Prophet had clearly shown that Islam was -not to be confined to the Arab race. The following account of the -sending out of missionaries to preach Islam to all nations, points to -the same claim to be a universal religion: “The Apostle of God said to -his companions, ‘Come to me all of you early in the morning.’ After the -morning prayer he spent some time in praising and supplicating God, as -was his wont; then he turned to them and sent forth some in one -direction and others in another, and said: ‘Be faithful to God in your -dealings with His servants (i.e. with men), for whosoever is entrusted -with any matter that concerns mankind and is not faithful in his -service of them, to him God shuts the gate of Paradise: go forth and be -not like the messengers of Jesus, the son of Mary, for they went only -to those that lived near and neglected those that dwelt in far -countries.’ Then each of these messengers came to speak the language of -the people to whom he was sent. When this was told to the Prophet he -said, ‘This is the greatest of the duties that they owe to God with -respect to His servants.’” [28] - -The proof of the universality of Islam, of its claim on the acceptance -of all men, lay in the fact that it was the religion divinely appointed -for the whole human race and was now revealed to them anew through -Muḥammad, “the seal of the prophets” (xxxiii. 40), as it had been to -former generations by other prophets. - - - “Men were of one religion only: then they disagreed one with - another and had not a decree (of respite) previously gone forth - from thy Lord, judgment would surely have been given between them - in the matter wherein they disagree. (x. 20.) - - “I am no apostle of new doctrines. (xlvi. 8.) - - “Mankind was but one people: then God raised up prophets to - announce glad tidings and to warn: and He sent down with them the - Book with the Truth, that it might decide the disputes of men: and - none disagreed save those to whom the book had been given, after - the clear tokens had reached them, through mutual jealousy. And God - guided those who believed into the truth concerning which they had - disagreed, by His will; and God guideth whom He pleaseth into the - straight path. (ii. 209.) - - “And We revealed to thee, ‘follow the religion of Abraham, the - sound in faith, for he was not of those who join gods with God.’ - (xvi. 124.) - - “Say: As for me, my Lord hath guided me into a straight path: a - true faith, the religion of Abraham, the sound in faith; for he was - not of those who join gods with God. (vi. 162.) - - “Say: Nay, the religion of Abraham, the sound in faith and not one - of those who join gods with God (is our religion). (ii. 129.) - - “Say: God speaketh truth. Follow therefore the religion of Abraham, - he being a Ḥanīf and not one of those who join other gods with God. - - “Verily the first temple that was set up for men was that which is - in Bakka, blessed and a guidance for all created beings. (iii. 89, - 90.) - - “And who hath a better religion than he who resigneth himself to - God, who doth what is good and followeth the faith of Abraham, the - sound in faith? (iv. 124.) - - “He hath elected you, and hath not laid on you any hardship in - religion, the faith of your father Abraham. He hath named you the - Muslims.” (xx. 77.) - - -But to return to Muḥammad in Medina. In order properly to appreciate -his position after the Flight, it is important to remember the peculiar -character of Arab society at that time, as far at least as this part of -the peninsula was concerned. There was an entire absence of any -organised administrative or judicial system such as in modern times we -connect with the idea of a government. Each tribe or clan formed a -separate and absolutely independent body, and this independence -extended itself also to the individual members of the tribe, each of -whom recognised the authority, or leadership of his chief only as being -the exponent of a public opinion which he himself happened to share; -but he was quite at liberty to refuse his conformity to the (even) -unanimous resolve of his fellow clansmen. Further, there was no regular -transmission of the office of chieftain; but he was generally chosen as -being the oldest member of the richest and most powerful family of the -clan, and as being personally most qualified to command respect. If -such a tribe became too numerous, it would split up into several -divisions, each of which continued to enjoy a separate and independent -existence, uniting only on some extraordinary occasion for common -self-defence or some more than usually important warlike expedition. We -can thus understand how Muḥammad could establish himself in Medina at -the head of a large and increasing body of adherents who looked up to -him as their head and leader and acknowledged no other -authority,—without exciting any feeling of insecurity, or any fear of -encroachment on recognised authority, such as would have arisen in a -city of ancient Greece or any similarly organised community. Muḥammad -thus exercised temporal authority over his people just as any other -independent chief might have done, the only difference being that in -the case of the Muslims a religious bond took the place of family and -blood ties. - -Islam thus became what, in theory at least, it has always remained—a -political as well as a religious system. - -“It was Muḥammad’s desire to found a new religion, and in this he -succeeded; but at the same time he founded a political system of an -entirely new and peculiar character. At first his only wish was to -convert his fellow-countrymen to the belief in the One God—Allāh; but -along with this he brought about the overthrow of the old system of -government in his native city, and in place of the tribal aristocracy -under which the conduct of public affairs was shared in common by the -ruling families, he substituted an absolute theocratic monarchy, with -himself at the head as vicar of God upon earth. - -“Even before his death almost all Arabia had submitted to him; Arabia -that had never before obeyed one prince, suddenly exhibits a political -unity and swears allegiance to the will of an absolute ruler. Out of -the numerous tribes, big and small, of a hundred different kinds that -were incessantly at feud with one another, Muḥammad’s word created a -nation. The idea of a common religion under one common head bound the -different tribes together into one political organism which developed -its peculiar characteristics with surprising rapidity. Now only one -great idea could have produced this result, viz. the principle of -national life in heathen Arabia. The clan-system was thus for the first -time, if not entirely crushed—(that would have been impossible)—yet -made subordinate to the feeling of religious unity. The great work -succeeded, and when Muḥammad died there prevailed over by far the -greater part of Arabia a peace of God such as the Arab tribes, with -their love of plunder and revenge, had never known; it was the religion -of Islam that had brought about this reconciliation.” [29] - -Even in the case of death, the claims of relationship were set aside -and the bond-brother inherited all the property of his deceased -companion. But after the battle of Badr, when such an artificial bond -was no longer needed to unite his followers, it was abolished; such an -arrangement was only necessary so long as the number of the Muslims was -still small and the corporate life of Islam a novelty; moreover -Muḥammad had lived in Medina for a very short space of time before the -rapid increase in the number of his adherents made so communistic a -social system almost impracticable. - -It was only to be expected that the growth of an independent political -body composed of refugees from Mecca, located in a hostile city, should -eventually lead to an outbreak of hostilities; and, as is well known, -every biography of Muḥammad is largely taken up with the account of a -long series of petty encounters and bloody battles between his -followers and the Quraysh of Mecca, ending in his triumphal entry into -that city in A.D. 630, and of his hostile relations with numerous other -tribes, up to the time of his death, A.D. 633. - -To give any account of these campaigns is beyond the scope of the -present work, but it is important to show that Muḥammad, when he found -himself at the head of a band of armed followers, was not transformed -at once, as some would have us believe, from a peaceful preacher into a -fanatic, sword in hand, forcing his religion on whomsoever he could. -[30] - -It has been frequently asserted by European writers that from the date -of Muḥammad’s migration to Medina, and from the altered circumstances -of his life there, the Prophet appears in an entirely new character. He -is no longer the preacher, the warner, the apostle of God to men, whom -he would persuade of the truth of the religion revealed to him, but now -he appears rather as the unscrupulous bigot, using all means at his -disposal of force and statecraft to assert himself and his opinions. - -But it is false to suppose that Muḥammad in Medina laid aside his rôle -of preacher and missionary of Islam, or that when he had a large army -at his command, he ceased to invite unbelievers to accept the faith. -Ibn Saʻd gives a number of letters written by the Prophet from Medina -to chiefs and other members of different Arabian tribes, in addition to -those addressed to potentates living beyond the limits of Arabia, -inviting them to embrace Islam; and in the following pages will be -found instances of his having sent missionaries to preach the faith to -the unconverted members of their tribes, whose very ill-success in some -cases is a sign of the genuinely missionary character of their efforts -and the absence of an appeal to force. A typical example of such an -unsuccessful mission is that sent to preach Islam to the Banū ʻĀmir b. -Ṣaʻṣaʻah in the year A.H. 4. The chief of this tribe, Abū Barā ʻĀmir, -visited Muḥammad in Medina, listened to his teaching, but declined to -become a convert; he seemed, however, to be favourably disposed towards -the new faith and asked the Prophet to send some of his followers to -Najd to preach to the people of that country. The Prophet sent a party -of forty Muslims, most of them young men of Medina, who were skilled in -reciting the Qurʼān, and had been accustomed to meet together at night -for study and prayer. But in spite of the safe conduct given them by -Abū Barā ʻĀmir, they were treacherously murdered and three only of the -party escaped with their lives. [31] - -The successes of the Muslim arms, however, attracted every day members -of various tribes, particularly those in the vicinity of Medina, to -swell the ranks of the followers of the Prophet; and “the courteous -treatment which the deputations of these various clans experienced from -the Prophet, his ready attention to their grievances, the wisdom with -which he composed their disputes, and the politic assignments of -territory by which he rewarded an early declaration in favour of Islam, -made his name to be popular and spread his fame as a great and generous -prince throughout the Peninsula.” [32] - -It not unfrequently happened that one member of a tribe would come to -the Prophet in Medina and return home as a missionary of Islam to -convert his brethren; we have the following account of such a -conversion in the year 5 (A.H.). - -The Banū Saʻd b. Bakr sent one of their number, by name Ḍimām b. -Thaʻlabah as their envoy to the Prophet. He came and made his camel -kneel down at the gate of the mosque and tied up its fore-leg. Then he -went into the mosque, where the Prophet was sitting with his -companions. He went up close to them and said, “Which among you is the -son of ʻAbd al-Muṭṭalib?” “I am,” replied the Prophet. “Art thou -Muḥammad?” “Yes,” was the answer. “Then, if thou wilt not take it -amiss, I would fain ask thee some weighty questions.” “Nay, ask what -thou wilt,” answered the Prophet. “I adjure thee by Allāh, thy God and -the God of those who were before thee and of those who are to come -after thee, hath Allāh sent thee as a prophet unto us?” Muḥammad -answered, “Yea, by Allāh.” He continued, “I adjure thee by Allāh, thy -God and the God of those who were before thee and of those who are to -come after thee, hath He commanded thee to bid us worship Him alone, -and to associate naught else with Him and to abandon these idols that -our fathers worshipped?” Muḥammad answered, “Yea, by Allāh.” Then he -questioned the Prophet concerning all the ordinances of Islam, one -after another, prayer and fasting, pilgrimage, etc., solemnly adjuring -him as before. At the end he said, “Then I bear witness that there is -no God save Allāh and I bear witness that Muḥammad is the Prophet of -Allāh, and I will observe these ordinances and shun what thou hast -forbidden, adding nothing thereto, and taking nothing away.” Then he -turned away and loosened his camel and returned unto his own people, -and when he had gathered them together, the first words he spoke unto -them were: “Vile things are Lāt and ʻUzzā.” They cried out, “Hold! -Ḍimām, take heed of leprosy or madness!” “Fie on you!” he replied. “By -Allāh! they can neither work you weal nor woe, for Allāh has sent a -Prophet and revealed to him a book, whereby he delivers you from your -evil plight; I bear witness that there is no God save Allāh alone and -that Muḥammad is His servant and His Prophet; and I have brought you -tidings of what he enjoins and what he forbids.” The story goes on that -ere nightfall there was not a man or woman in the camp who had not -accepted Islam. [33] - -Another such missionary was ʻAmr b. Murrah, belonging to the tribe of -the Banū Juhaynah, who dwelt between Medina and the Red Sea. The date -of his conversion was prior to the Flight, in the same year (A.H. 5), -and he thus describes it: “We had an idol that we worshipped, and I was -the guardian of its shrine. When I heard of the Prophet, I broke it in -pieces and set off to Muḥammad, where I accepted Islam and bore witness -to the truth, and believed on what Muḥammad declared to be allowed and -forbidden. And to this my verses refer: ‘I bear witness that God is -Truth and that I am the first to abandon the gods of stones, and I have -girded up my loins to make my way to you over rough ways and smooth, to -join myself to him who in himself and for his ancestry is the noblest -of men, the apostle of the Lord whose throne is above the clouds.’” He -was sent by Muḥammad to preach Islam to his tribe, and his efforts were -crowned with such success that there was only one man who refused to -listen to his exhortations. [34] - -When the truce of Ḥudaybiyyah (A.H. 6) made friendly relations with the -people of Mecca possible, many persons of that city, who had had the -opportunity of listening to the teaching of Muḥammad in the early days -of his mission, and among them some men of great influence, came out to -Medina, to embrace the faith of Islam. - -The continual warfare carried on with the people of Mecca had hitherto -kept the tribes to the south of that city almost entirely outside the -influence of the new religion. But this truce now made communications -with southern Arabia possible, and a small band from the tribe of the -Banū Daws came from the mountains that form the northern boundary of -Yaman, and joined themselves to the Prophet in Medina. Even before the -appearance of Muḥammad, there were some members of this tribe who had -had glimmerings of a higher religion than the idolatry prevailing -around them, and argued that the world must have had a creator, though -they knew not who he was; and when Muḥammad came forward as the apostle -of this creator, one of these men, by name Ṭufayl b. ʻAmr, came to -Mecca to learn who the creator was. - -Though warned by the Quraysh of the dangerous influence that Muḥammad -might exercise over him if he entered into conversation with him, he -followed the Prophet to his house one day, after watching him at prayer -by the Kaʻbah. Muḥammad expounded to him the doctrines of Islam, and -Ṭufayl left Mecca full of zeal for the new faith. On his return home he -succeeded in converting his father and his wife, but found his -fellow-tribesmen unwilling to abandon their old idolatrous worship. -Disheartened at the ill-success of his mission, he returned to the -Prophet and besought him to call down the curse of God on the Banū -Daws; but Muḥammad encouraged him to persevere in his efforts, saying, -“Return to thy people and summon them to the faith, but deal gently -with them.” At the same time he prayed, “Oh God! guide the Banū Daws in -the right way.” The success of Ṭufayl’s propaganda was such that in the -year A.H. 7 he came to Medina with between seventy and eighty families -of his tribesmen who had been won over to the faith of Islam, and after -the triumphal entry of Muḥammad into Mecca, Ṭufayl set fire to the -block of wood that had hitherto been venerated as the idol of the -tribe. [35] - -In A.H. 7, fifteen more tribes submitted to the Prophet, and after the -surrender of Mecca in A.H. 8, the ascendancy of Islam was assured, and -those Arabs who had held aloof, saying, “Let Muḥammad and his -fellow-tribesmen fight it out; if he is victorious, then is he a -genuine prophet,” [36] now hastened to give in their allegiance to the -new religion. Among those who came in after the fall of Mecca were some -of the most bitter persecutors of Muḥammad in the earlier days of his -mission, to whom his noble forbearance and forgiveness now gave a place -in the brotherhood of Islam. The following year witnessed the martyrdom -of ʻUrwah b. Masʻūd, one of the chiefs of the people of Ṭāʼif, which -city the Muslims had unsuccessfully attempted to capture. He had been -absent at that time in Yaman, and returned from his journey shortly -after the raising of the siege. He had met the Prophet two years before -at Ḥudaybiyyah, and had conceived a profound veneration for him, and -now came to Medina to embrace the new faith. In the ardour of his zeal -he offered to go to Ṭāʼif to convert his fellow-countrymen, and in -spite of the efforts of Muḥammad to dissuade him from so dangerous an -undertaking, he returned to his native city, publicly declared that he -had renounced idolatry, and called upon the people to follow his -example. While he was preaching, he was mortally wounded by an arrow, -and died giving thanks to God for having granted him the glory of -martyrdom. A more successful missionary effort was made by another -follower of the Prophet in Yaman—probably a year later—of which we have -the following graphic account: “The apostle of God wrote to al-Ḥārith -and Masrūḥ, and Nuʻaym b. ʻAbd al-Kulāl of Ḥimyar: ‘Peace be upon you -so long as ye believe on God and His apostle. God is one God, there is -no partner with Him. He sent Moses with his signs, and created Jesus -with his words. The Jews say, “Ezra is the Son of God,” and the -Christians say, “God is one of three, and Jesus is the Son of God.”’ He -sent the letter by ʻAyyāsh b. Abī Rabīʻah al-Makhzūmī, and said: ‘When -you reach their city, go not in by night, but wait until the morning; -then carefully perform your ablutions, and pray with two prostrations, -and ask God to bless you with success and a friendly reception, and to -keep you safe from harm. Then take my letter in your right hand, and -deliver it with your right hand into their right hands, and they will -receive it. And recite to them, “The unbelievers among the people of -the Book and the polytheists did not waver,” etc. (Sūrah 98), to the -end of the Sūrah; when you have finished, say, “Muḥammad has believed, -and I am the first to believe.” And you will be able to meet every -objection they bring against you, and every glittering book that they -recite to you will lose its light. And when they speak in a foreign -tongue, say, “Translate it,” and say to them, “God is sufficient for -me; I believe in the Book sent down by Him, and I am commanded to do -justice among you; God is our Lord and your Lord; to us belong our -works, and to you belong your works; there is no strife between us and -you; God will unite us, and unto Him we must return.” If they now -accept Islam, then ask them for their three rods, before which they -gather together to pray, one rod of tamarisk that is spotted white and -yellow, and one knotted like a cane, and one black like ebony. Bring -the rods out and burn them in the market-place.’ So I set out,” tells -ʻAyyāsh, “to do as the Apostle of God had bid me. When I arrived, I -found that all the people had decked themselves out for a festival: I -walked on to see them, and came at last to three enormous curtains hung -in front of three doorways. I lifted the curtain and entered the middle -door, and found people collected in the courtyard of the building. I -introduced myself to them as the messenger of the Apostle of God, and -did as he had bidden me; and they gave heed to my words, and it fell -out as he had said.” [37] - -In A.H. 9 a deputation of thirteen men from the Banū Kilāb, a branch of -the Banū ʻĀmir b. Ṣaʻṣaʻah, came to the Prophet and informed him that -one of his followers, Ḍaḥḥāk b. Sufyān, had come to them, reciting the -Qurʼān and teaching the doctrines of Islam, and that his preaching had -won over their tribe to the new faith. [38] Another branch of the same -tribe, the Banū Ruʼās b. Kilāb, was converted by one of its members, -named ʻAmr b. Mālik, who had been to Medina and accepted Islam, and -then returned to his fellow tribes and persuaded them to follow his -example. [39] - -In the same year a less successful attempt was made by a new convert, -Wāthilah b. al-Asqaʻ, to induce his clan to accept the faith that he -himself had embraced after an interview with the Prophet. His father -scornfully cast him off, saying, “By God! I will never speak a word to -you again,” and none were found willing to believe the doctrines he -preached with the exception of his sister, who provided him with the -means of returning to the Prophet at Medina. [40] This ninth year of -the Hijrah has been called the year of the deputations, because of the -enormous number of Arab tribes and cities that now sent delegates to -the Prophet, to give in their submission. The introduction into Arab -society of a new principle of social union in the brotherhood of Islam -had already begun to weaken the binding force of the old tribal ideal, -which erected the fabric of society on the basis of blood-relationship. -The conversion of an individual and his reception into the new society -was a breach of one of the most fundamental laws of Arab life, and its -frequent occurrence had acted as a powerful solvent on tribal -organisation and had left it weak in the face of a national life so -enthusiastic and firmly-knit as that of the Muslims had become. The -Arab tribes were thus impelled to give in their submission to the -Prophet, not merely as the head of the strongest military force in -Arabia, but as the exponent of a theory of social life that was making -all others weak and ineffective. [41] Muḥammad had succeeded in -introducing into the anarchical society of his time a sentiment of -national unity, a consciousness of rights and duties towards one -another such as the Arabs had not felt before. [42] In this way, Islam -was uniting together clans that hitherto had been continually at feud -with one another, and as this great confederacy grew, it more and more -attracted to itself the weaker among the tribes of Arabia. In the -accounts of the conversion of the Arab tribes, there is continual -mention of the promise of security against their enemies, made to them -by the Prophet on the occasion of their submission. “Woe is me for -Muḥammad!” was the cry of one of the Arab tribes on the news of the -death of the Prophet. “So long as he was alive, I lived in peace and in -safety from my enemies;” and the cry must have found an echo far and -wide throughout Arabia. - -How superficial was the adherence of numbers of the Arab tribes to the -faith of Islam may be judged from the widespread apostasy that followed -immediately on the death of the Prophet. Their acceptance of Islam -would seem to have been often dictated more by considerations of -political expediency, and was more frequently a bargain struck under -pressure of violence than the outcome of any enthusiasm or spiritual -awakening. They allowed themselves to be swept into the stream of what -had now become a great national movement, and we miss the fervent zeal -of the early converts in the cool, calculating attitude of those who -came in after the fall of Mecca. But even from among these must have -come many to swell the ranks of the true believers animated with a -genuine zeal for the faith, and ready, as we have seen, to give their -lives in the effort to preach it to their brethren. - -“These men were the true moral heirs of the Prophet, the future -apostles of Islam, the faithful trustees of all that Muḥammad had -revealed unto the men of God. Into these men, through their constant -contact with the Prophet and their devotion to him, there had really -entered a new mode of thought and feeling, loftier and more civilised -than any they had known before; they had really changed for the better -from every point of view, and later on as statesmen and generals, in -the most difficult moments of the war of conquest they gave magnificent -and undeniable proof that the ideas and the doctrines of Muḥammad had -been seed cast on fruitful soil, and had produced a body of men of the -very highest worth. They were the depositaries of the sacred text of -the Qurʼān, which they alone knew by heart; they were the jealous -guardians of the memory of every word and bidding of the Prophet, the -trustees of the moral heritage of Muḥammad. These men formed the -venerable stock of Islam from whom one day was to spring the noble band -of the first jurists, theologians and traditionists of Muslim society.” -[43] - -But for such men as these, so vast a movement could not have held -together, much less have recovered the shock given it by the death of -the founder. For it must not be forgotten how distinctly Islam was a -new movement in heathen Arabia, and how diametrically opposed were the -ideals of the two societies. [44] For the introduction of Islam into -Arab society did not imply merely the sweeping away of a few barbarous -and inhuman practices, but a complete reversal of the pre-existing -ideals of life. - -Herein we have the most conclusive proof of the essentially missionary -character of the teaching of Muḥammad, who thus comes forward as the -exponent of a new scheme of faith and practice. Whatever may have been -the conditions favourable to the formation of a new political -organisation, Muḥammad certainly did not find the society of his day -prepared to receive his religious teaching and waiting only for the -voice that would express in speech the inarticulate yearnings of their -hearts. But it is just this spirit of expectancy that is wanting among -the Arabs—those at least of the Central Arabia towards whom Muḥammad’s -efforts were at first directed. They were by no means ready to receive -the preaching of a new teacher, least of all one who came with the (to -them unintelligible) title of apostle of God. - -Again, the equality in Islam of all believers and the common -brotherhood of all Muslims, which suffered no distinctions between Arab -and non-Arab, between free and slave, to exist among the faithful, was -an idea that ran directly counter to the proud clan-feeling of the -Arab, who grounded his claims to personal consideration on the fame of -his ancestors, and in the strength of the same carried on the endless -blood-feuds in which his soul delighted. Indeed, the fundamental -principles in the teaching of Muḥammad were a protest against much that -the Arabs had hitherto most highly valued, and the newly-converted -Muslim was taught to consider as virtues, qualities which hitherto he -had looked down upon with contempt. - -To the heathen Arab, friendship and hostility were as a loan which he -sought to repay with interest, and he prided himself on returning evil -for evil, and looked down on any who acted otherwise as a weak -nidering. - - - He is the perfect man who late and early plotteth still - To do a kindness to his friends and work his foes some ill. - - -To such men the Prophet said, “Recompense evil with that which is -better” (xxiii. 98); as they desired the forgiveness of God, they were -to pass over and pardon offences (xxiv. 22), and a Paradise, vast as -the heavens and the earth, was prepared for those who mastered their -anger and forgave others. (iii. 128.) - -The very institution of prayer was jeered at by the Arabs to whom -Muḥammad first delivered his message, and one of the hardest parts of -his task was to induce in them that pious attitude of mind towards the -Creator, which Islam inculcates equally with Judaism and Christianity, -but which was practically unknown to the heathen Arabs. This -self-sufficiency and this lack of the religious spirit, joined with -their intense pride of race, little fitted them to receive the -teachings of one who maintained that “The most worthy of honour in the -sight of God is he that feareth Him most” (xlix. 13). No more could -they brook the restrictions that Islam sought to lay upon the licence -of their lives; wine, women, and song, were among the things most dear -to the Arab’s heart in the days of the ignorance, and the Prophet was -stern and severe in his injunctions respecting each of them. - -Thus, from the very beginning, Islam bears the stamp of a missionary -religion that seeks to win the hearts of men, to convert them and -persuade them to enter the brotherhood of the faithful; and as it was -in the beginning, so has it continued to be up to the present day, as -will be the object of the following pages to show. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS OF WESTERN ASIA. - - -After the death of Muḥammad, the army he had intended for Syria was -despatched thither by Abū Bakr, in spite of the protestations made by -certain Muslims in view of the then disturbed state of Arabia. He -silenced their expostulations with the words: “I will not revoke any -order given by the Prophet. Medina may become the prey of wild beasts, -but the army must carry out the wishes of Muḥammad.” This was the first -of that wonderful series of campaigns in which the Arabs overran Syria, -Persia and Northern Africa—overturning the ancient kingdom of Persia -and despoiling the Roman Empire of some of its fairest provinces. It -does not fall within the scope of this work to follow the history of -these different campaigns, but, in view of the expansion of the Muslim -faith that followed the Arab conquests, it is of importance to discover -what were the circumstances that made such an expansion possible. - -A great historian [45] has well put the problem that meets us here, in -the following words: “Was it genuine religious enthusiasm, the new -strength of a faith now for the first time blossoming forth in all its -purity, that gave the victory in every battle to the arms of the Arabs -and in so incredibly short a time founded the greatest empire the world -had ever seen? But evidence is wanting to prove that this was the case. -The number was far too small of those who had given their allegiance to -the Prophet and his teaching with a free and heartfelt conviction, -while on the other hand all the greater was the number of those who had -been brought into the ranks of the Muhammadans only through pressure -from without or by the hope of worldly gain. Khālid, ‘that sword of the -swords of God,’ exhibited in a very striking manner that mixture of -force and persuasion whereby he and many of the Quraysh had been -converted, when he said that God had seized them by the hearts and by -the hair and compelled them to follow the Prophet. The proud feeling -too of a common nationality had much influence—a feeling which was more -alive among the Arabs of that time than (perhaps) among any other -people, and which alone determined many thousands to give the -preference to their countryman and his religion before foreign -teachers. Still more powerful was the attraction offered by the sure -prospect of gaining booty in abundance, in fighting for the new -religion and of exchanging their bare, stony deserts, which offered -them only a miserable subsistence, for the fruitful and luxuriant -countries of Persia, Syria and Egypt.” - -These stupendous conquests which laid the foundations of the Arab -empire, were certainly not the outcome of a holy war, waged for the -propagation of Islam, but they were followed by such a vast defection -from the Christian faith that this result has often been supposed to -have been their aim. Thus the sword came to be looked upon by Christian -historians as the instrument of Muslim propaganda, and in the light of -the success attributed to it the evidences of the genuine missionary -activity of Islam were obscured. But the spirit which animated the -invading hosts of Arabs who poured over the confines of the Byzantine -and Persian empires, was no proselytising zeal for the conversion of -souls. On the contrary, religious interests appear to have entered but -little into the consciousness of the protagonists of the Arab armies. -[46] This expansion of the Arab race is more rightly envisaged as the -migration of a vigorous and energetic people driven by hunger and want, -to leave their inhospitable deserts and overrun the richer lands of -their more fortunate neighbours. [47] Still the unifying principle of -the movement was the theocracy established in Medina, and the -organisation of the new state proceeded from the devoted companions of -Muḥammad, the faithful depositaries of his teaching, whose moral weight -and enthusiasm kept Islam alive as the official religion, despite the -indifference of those Arabs who gave to it a mere nominal adherence. -[48] It is not, therefore, in the annals of the conquering armies that -we must look for the reasons which lead to the so rapid spread of the -Muslim faith, but rather in the conditions prevailing among the -conquered peoples. - -The national character of this ethnic movement of migration naturally -attracted to the invading Arab hosts the outlying representatives of -the Arab race through whom the path of the conquering armies lay. -Accordingly it is not surprising to find that many of the Christian -Bedouins were swept into the rushing tide of this great movement and -that Arab tribes, who for centuries had professed the Christian -religion, now abandoned it to embrace the Muslim faith. Among these was -the tribe of the Banū Ghassān, who held sway over the desert east of -Palestine and southern Syria, of whom it was said that they were “Lords -in the days of the ignorance and stars in Islam.” [49] After the battle -of Qādisiyyah (A.H. 14) in which the Persian army under Rustam had been -utterly discomfited, many Christians belonging to the Bedouin tribes on -both sides of the Euphrates came to the Muslim general and said: “The -tribes that at the first embraced Islam were wiser than we. Now that -Rustam hath been slain, we will accept the new belief.” [50] Similarly, -after the conquest of northern Syria, most of the Bedouin tribes, after -hesitating a little, joined themselves to the followers of the Prophet. -[51] - -That force was not the determining factor in these conversions may be -judged from the amicable relations that existed between the Christian -and the Muslim Arabs. Muḥammad himself had entered into treaty with -several Christian tribes, promising them his protection and -guaranteeing them the free exercise of their religion and to their -clergy undisturbed enjoyment of their old rights and authority. [52] A -similar bond of friendship united his followers with their -fellow-countrymen of the older faith, many of whom voluntarily came -forward to assist the Muslims in their military expeditions in the same -spirit of loyalty to the new government as had caused them to hold -aloof from the great apostasy that raised the standard of revolt -throughout Arabia immediately after the death of the Prophet. [53] It -has been suggested that the Christian Arabs who guarded the frontier of -the Byzantine empire bordering on the desert threw in their lot with -the invading Muslim army, when Heraclius refused any longer to pay them -their accustomed subsidy for military service as wardens of the -marches. [54] - -In the battle of the Bridge (A.H. 13) when a disastrous defeat was -imminent and the panic-stricken Arabs were hemmed in between the -Euphrates and the Persian host, a Christian chief of the Banū Ṭayy -sprang forward like another Spurius Lartius to the side of an Arab -Horatius, to assist Muthannah the Muslim general in defending the -bridge of boats which could alone afford the means of an orderly -retreat. When fresh levies were raised to retrieve this disgrace, among -the reinforcements that came pouring in from every direction was a -Christian tribe of the Banū Namir, who dwelt within the limits of the -Byzantine empire, and in the ensuing battle of Buwayb (A.H. 13), just -before the final charge of the Arabs that turned the fortune of battle -in their favour, Muthannah rode up to the Christian chief and said: “Ye -are of one blood with us; come now, and as I charge, charge ye with -me.” The Persians fell back before their furious onslaught, and another -great victory was added to the glorious roll of Muslim triumphs. One of -the most gallant exploits of the day was performed by a youth belonging -to another Christian tribe of the desert, who with his companions, a -company of Bedouin horse-dealers, had come up just as the Arab army was -being drawn up in battle array. They threw themselves into the right on -the side of their compatriots; and while the conflict was raging most -fiercely, this youth, rushing into the centre of the Persians, slew -their leader, and leaping on his richly-caparisoned horse, galloped -back amidst the plaudits of the Muslim line, crying as he passed in -triumph: “I am of the Banū Taghlib. I am he that hath slain the chief.” -[55] - -The tribe to which this young man boasted that he belonged was one of -those that elected to remain Christian, while other tribes of -Mesopotamia, such as the Banū Namir and the Banū Quḍāʻah, became -Muslim. The Banū Taghlib had sent an embassy to the Prophet as early as -the year A.H. 9. The heathen members of the deputation embraced Islam -and he made a treaty with the Christians according to which they were -to retain their old faith but were not to baptise their children. A -condition so entirely at variance with the usual tolerant attitude of -Muḥammad towards the Christian Arabs, who were allowed to choose -between conversion to Islam and the payment of jizyah and never -compelled to abandon their faith, has given rise to the conjecture that -this condition was suggested by the Christian families of the Banū -Taghlib themselves, out of motives of economy. [56] The long survival -of Christianity in this tribe shows that this condition was certainly -not observed. The caliph ʻUmar forbade any pressure to be put upon -them, when they showed themselves unwilling to abandon their old faith -and ordered that they should be left undisturbed in the practice of it, -but that they were not to oppose the conversion of any member of their -tribe to Islam nor baptise the children of such as became Muslims. [57] -They were called upon to pay the jizyah [58] or tax imposed on the -non-Muslim subjects, but they felt it to be humiliating to their pride -to pay a tax that was levied in return for protection of life and -property, and petitioned the caliph to be allowed to make the same kind -of contribution as the Muslims did. So in lieu of the jizyah they paid -a double Ṣadaqah or alms, [59]—which was a poor tax levied on the -fields and cattle, etc., of the Muslims. [60] It especially irked the -Muslims that any of the Arabs should remain true to the Christian -faith. The majority of the Banū Tanūkh had become Muslim in the year -A.H. 12, when with other Christian Arab tribes they submitted to Khālid -b. al-Walīd, [61] but some of them appear to have remained true to -their old faith for nearly a century and a half, since the caliph -al-Mahdī (A.H. 158–169) is said to have seen a number of them who dwelt -in the neighbourhood of Aleppo, and learning that they were Christians, -in anger ordered them to accept Islam—which they did to the number of -5000, and one of them suffered martyrdom rather than apostatise. [62] -But for the most part, details are lacking for any history of the -disappearance of Christianity from among the Christian Arab tribes of -Northern Arabia; they seem to have become absorbed in the surrounding -Muslim community by an almost insensible process of “peaceful -penetration”; had attempts been made to convert them by force when they -first came under Muhammadan rule, it would not have been possible for -Christians to have survived among them up to the times of the ʻAbbāsid -caliphs. [63] - -The people of Ḥīrah had likewise resisted all the efforts made by -Khālid to induce them to accept the Muslim faith. This city was one of -the most illustrious in the annals of Arabia, and to the mind of the -impetuous hero of Islam it seemed that an appeal to their Arab blood -would be enough to induce them to enrol themselves with the followers -of the Prophet of Arabia. When the besieged citizens sent an embassy to -the Muslim general to arrange the terms of the capitulation of their -city, Khālid asked them, “Who are you? are you Arabs or Persians?” Then -ʻAdī, the spokesman of the deputation, replied, “Nay, we are -pure-blooded Arabs, while others among us are naturalised Arabs.” Kh. -“Had you been what you say you are, you would not have opposed us or -hated our cause.” ʻA. “Our pure Arab speech is the proof of what I -say.” Kh. “You speak truly. Now choose you one of these three things: -either (1) accept our faith, then your rights and obligations will be -the same as ours, whether you choose to go into another country or stay -in your own land; or (2) pay jizyah; or (3) war and battle. Verily, by -God! I have come to you with a people who are more desirous of death -than you are of life.” ʻA. “Nay, we will pay you jizyah.” Kh. “Ill-luck -to you! Unbelief is a pathless desert and foolish is the Arab who, when -two guides meet him wandering therein—the one an Arab and the other -not—leaves the first and accepts the guidance of the foreigner.” [64] - -Due provision was made for the instruction of the new converts, for -while whole tribes were being converted to the faith with such -rapidity, it was necessary to take precautions against errors, both in -respect of creed and ritual, such as might naturally be feared in the -case of ill-instructed converts. Accordingly we find that the caliph -ʻUmar appointed teachers in every country, whose duty it was to -instruct the people in the teachings of the Qurʼān and the observances -of their new faith. The magistrates were also ordered to see that all, -whether old or young, were regular in their attendance at public -prayer, especially on Fridays and in the month of Ramaḍān. The -importance attached to this work of instructing the new converts may be -judged from the fact that in the city of Kūfah it was no less a -personage than the state treasurer who was entrusted with this task. -[65] - -From the examples given above of the toleration extended towards the -Christian Arabs by the victorious Muslims of the first century of the -Hijrah and continued by succeeding generations, we may surely infer -that those Christian tribes that did embrace Islam, did so of their own -choice and free will. [66] The Christian Arabs of the present day, -dwelling in the midst of a Muhammadan population, are a living -testimony of this toleration; Layard speaks of having come across an -encampment of Christian Arabs at al-Karak, to the east of the Dead Sea, -who differed in no way, either in dress or in manners, from the Muslim -Arabs. [67] Burckhardt was told by the monks of Mount Sinai that in the -last century there still remained several families of Christian -Bedouins who had not embraced Islam, and that the last of them, an old -woman, died in 1750, and was buried in the garden of the convent. [68] - -Many of the Arabs of the renowned tribe of the Banū Ghassān, Arabs of -the purest blood, who embraced Christianity towards the end of the -fourth century, still retain the Christian faith, and since their -submission to the Church of Rome, about two centuries ago, employ the -Arabic language in their religious services. [69] - -If we turn from the Bedouins to consider the attitude of the settled -inhabitants of the towns and the non-Arab population towards the new -religion, we do not find that the Arab conquest was so rapidly followed -by conversions to Islam. The Christians of the great cities of the -eastern provinces of the Byzantine empire seem for the most part to -have remained faithful to their ancestral creed, to which indeed they -still in large numbers cling. - -In order that we may fully appreciate their condition under the Muslim -rule, and estimate the influences that led to occasional conversions, -it will be well briefly to sketch their situation under the Christian -rule of the Byzantine empire which fell back before the Arab arms. - -A hundred years before, Justinian had succeeded in giving some show of -unity to the Roman Empire, but after his death it rapidly fell asunder, -and at this time there was an entire want of common national feeling -between the provinces and the seat of government. Heraclius had made -some partially successful efforts to attach Syria again to the central -government, but unfortunately the general methods of reconciliation -which he adopted had served only to increase dissension instead of -allaying it. Religious passions were the only existing substitute for -national feeling, and he tried, by propounding an exposition of faith, -that was intended to serve as an eirenicon, to stop all further -disputes between the contending factions and unite the heretics to the -Orthodox Church and to the central government. The Council of Chalcedon -(451) had maintained that Christ was “to be acknowledged in two -natures, without confusion, change, division, or separation; the -difference of the natures being in nowise taken away by reason of their -union, but rather the properties of each nature being preserved, and -concurring into one person and one substance, not as it were divided or -separated into two persons, but one and the same Son and only begotten, -God the Word.” This council was rejected by the Monophysites, who only -allowed one nature in the person of Christ, who was said to be a -composite person, having all attributes divine and human, but the -substance bearing these attributes was no longer a duality, but a -composite unity. The controversy between the orthodox party and the -Monophysites, who flourished particularly in Egypt and Syria and in -countries outside the Byzantine empire, had been hotly contested for -nearly two centuries, when Heraclius sought to effect a reconciliation -by means of the doctrine of Monotheletism: while conceding the duality -of the natures, it secured unity of the person in the actual life of -Christ, by the rejection of two series of activities in this one -person; the one Christ and Son of God effectuates that which is human -and that which is divine by one divine human agency, i.e. there is only -one will in the Incarnate Word. [70] - -But Heraclius shared the fate of so many would-be peace-makers: for not -only did the controversy blaze up again all the more fiercely, but he -himself was stigmatised as a heretic and drew upon himself the wrath of -both parties. - -Indeed, so bitter was the feeling he aroused that there is strong -reason to believe that even a majority of the orthodox subjects of the -Roman Empire, in the provinces that were conquered during this -emperor’s reign, were the well-wishers of the Arabs; they regarded the -emperor with aversion as a heretic, and were afraid that he might -commence a persecution in order to force upon them his Monotheletic -opinions. [71] They therefore readily—and even eagerly—received the new -masters who promised them religious toleration, and were willing to -compromise their religious position and their national independence if -only they could free themselves from the immediately impending danger. - -Michael the Elder, Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch, writing in the latter -half of the twelfth century, could approve the decision of his -co-religionists and see the finger of God in the Arab conquests even -after the Eastern churches had had experience of five centuries of -Muhammadan rule. After recounting the persecutions of Heraclius, he -writes: “This is why the God of vengeance, who alone is all-powerful, -and changes the empire of mortals as He will, giving it to whomsoever -He will, and uplifting the humble—beholding the wickedness of the -Romans who, throughout their dominions, cruelly plundered our churches -and our monasteries and condemned us without pity—brought from the -region of the south the sons of Ishmael, to deliver us through them -from the hands of the Romans. And, if in truth, we have suffered some -loss, because the catholic churches, that had been taken away from us -and given to the Chalcedonians, remained in their possession; for when -the cities submitted to the Arabs, they assigned to each denomination -the churches which they found it to be in possession of (and at that -time the great church of Emessa and that of Harran had been taken away -from us); nevertheless it was no slight advantage for us to be -delivered from the cruelty of the Romans, their wickedness, their wrath -and cruel zeal against us, and to find ourselves at peace.” [72] - -When the Muslim army reached the valley of the Jordan and Abū ʻUbaydah -pitched his camp at Fiḥl, the Christian inhabitants of the country -wrote to the Arabs, saying: “O Muslims, we prefer you to the -Byzantines, though they are of our own faith, because you keep better -faith with us and are more merciful to us and refrain from doing us -injustice and your rule over us is better than theirs, for they have -robbed us of our goods and our homes.” [73] The people of Emessa closed -the gates of their city against the army of Heraclius and told the -Muslims that they preferred their government and justice to the -injustice and oppression of the Greeks. [74] - -Such was the state of feeling in Syria during the campaign of 633–639 -in which the Arabs gradually drove the Roman army out of the province. -And when Damascus, in 637, set the example of making terms with the -Arabs, and thus secured immunity from plunder and other favourable -conditions, the rest of the cities of Syria were not slow to follow. -Emessa, Arethusa, Hieropolis and other towns entered into treaties -whereby they became tributary to the Arabs. Even the patriarch of -Jerusalem surrendered the city on similar terms. The fear of religious -compulsion on the part of the heretical emperor made the promise of -Muslim toleration appear more attractive than the connection with the -Roman Empire and a Christian government, and after the first terrors -caused by the passage of an invading army, there succeeded a profound -revulsion of feeling in favour of the Arab conquerors. [75] - -For the provinces of the Byzantine empire that were rapidly acquired by -the prowess of the Muslims found themselves in the enjoyment of a -toleration such as, on account of their Monophysite and Nestorian -opinions, had been unknown to them for many centuries. They were -allowed the free and undisturbed exercise of their religion with some -few restrictions imposed for the sake of preventing any friction -between the adherents of the rival religions, or arousing any -fanaticism by the ostentatious exhibition of religious symbols that -were so offensive to Muslim feeling. [76] The extent of this -toleration—so striking in the history of the seventh century—may be -judged from the terms granted to the conquered cities, in which -protection of life and property and toleration of religious belief were -given in return for submission and the payment of jizyah. [77] - -The exact details of these agreements cannot easily be disentangled -from the accretions with which they have become overlaid, but whether -verbally authentic or not, they are significant as representing the -historic tradition accepted by the Muslim historians of the second -century of the Hijrah—a tradition that could hardly have become -established had there been extant evidence to the contrary. As an -example of such an agreement, the conditions [78] may be quoted that -are stated to have been drawn up when Jerusalem submitted to the caliph -ʻUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb: “In the name of God, the Merciful, the -Compassionate! This is the security which ʻUmar, the servant of God, -the commander of the faithful, grants to the people of Ælia. He grants -to all, whether sick or sound, security for their lives, their -possessions, their churches and their crosses, and for all that -concerns their religion. Their churches shall not be changed into -dwelling places, nor destroyed, neither shall they nor their -appurtenances be in any way diminished, nor the crosses of the -inhabitants nor aught of their possessions, nor shall any constraint be -put upon them in the matter of their faith, nor shall any one of them -be harmed.” [79] - -Tribute was imposed upon them of five dīnārs for the rich, four for the -middle class and three for the poor. In company with the Patriarch, -ʻUmar visited the holy places, and it is said while they were in the -Church of the Resurrection, as it was the appointed hour of prayer, the -Patriarch bade the caliph offer his prayers there, but he thoughtfully -refused, saying that if he were to do so, his followers might -afterwards claim it as a place of Muslim worship. - -It is in harmony with the same spirit of kindly consideration for his -subjects of another faith, that ʻUmar is recorded to have ordered an -allowance of money and food to be made to some Christian lepers, -apparently out of the public funds. [80] Even in his last testament, in -which he enjoins on his successor the duties of his high office, he -remembers the dhimmīs (or protected persons of other faiths): “I -commend to his care the dhimmīs, who enjoy the protection of God and of -the Prophet; let him see to it that the covenant with them is kept, and -that no greater burdens than they can bear are laid upon them.” [81] - -A later generation attributed to ʻUmar a number of restrictive -regulations which hampered the Christians in the free exercise of their -religion, but De Goeje [82] and Caetani [83] have proved without doubt -that they are the invention of a later age; as, however, Muslim -theologians of less tolerant periods accepted these ordinances as -genuine, they are of importance for forming a judgment as to the -condition of the Christian Churches under Muslim rule. This so-called -ordinance of ʻUmar runs as follows:—“In the name of God, the Merciful, -the Compassionate! This is a writing to ʻUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb from the -Christians of such and such a city. When you marched against us, we -asked of you protection for ourselves, our posterity, our possessions -and our co-religionists; and we made this stipulation with you, that we -will not erect in our city or the suburbs any new monastery, church, -cell or hermitage; [84] that we will not repair any of such buildings -that may fall into ruins, or renew those that may be situated in the -Muslim quarters of the town; that we will not refuse the Muslims entry -into our churches either by night or by day; that we will open the -gates wide to passengers and travellers; that we will receive any -Muslim traveller into our houses and give him food and lodging for -three nights; that we will not harbour any spy in our churches or -houses, or conceal any enemy of the Muslims; that we will not teach our -children the Qurʼān; [85] that we will not make a show of the Christian -religion nor invite any one to embrace it; that we will not prevent any -of our kinsmen from embracing Islam, if they so desire. That we will -honour the Muslims and rise up in our assemblies when they wish to take -their seats; that we will not imitate them in our dress, either in the -cap, turban, sandals, or parting of the hair; that we will not make use -of their expressions of speech, [86] nor adopt their surnames; that we -will not ride on saddles, or gird on swords, or take to ourselves arms -or wear them, or engrave Arabic inscriptions on our rings; that we will -not sell wine; that we will shave the front of our heads; that we will -keep to our own style of dress, wherever we may be; that we will wear -girdles round our waists; that we will not display the cross upon our -churches or display our crosses or our sacred books in the streets of -the Muslims, or in their market-places; [87] that we will strike the -bells [88] in our churches lightly; that we will not recite our -services in a loud voice when a Muslim is present, that we will not -carry palm-branches or our images in procession in the streets, that at -the burial of our dead we will not chant loudly or carry lighted -candles in the streets of the Muslims or their market-places; that we -will not take any slaves that have already been in the possession of -Muslims, nor spy into their houses; and that we will not strike any -Muslim. All this we promise to observe, on behalf of ourselves and our -co-religionists, and receive protection from you in exchange; and if we -violate any of the conditions of this agreement, then we forfeit your -protection and you are at liberty to treat us as enemies and rebels.” -[89] - -The earliest mention of this document is made by Ibn Ḥazm, who died in -the middle of the fifth century of the Hijrah; its provisions represent -the more intolerant practice of a later age, and indeed were -regulations that were put into force with no sort of regularity, some -outburst of fanaticism being generally needed for any appeal to be made -for their application. There is abundant evidence to show that the -Christians in the early days of the Muhammadan conquest had little to -complain of in the way of religious disabilities. It is true that -adherence to their ancient faith rendered them obnoxious to the payment -of jizyah—a word which originally denoted tribute of any kind paid by -the non-Muslim subjects of the Arab empire, but came later on to be -used for the capitation-tax as the fiscal system of the new rulers -became fixed; [90] but this jizyah was too moderate to constitute a -burden, seeing that it released them from the compulsory military -service that was incumbent on their Muslim fellow-subjects. Conversion -to Islam was certainly attended by a certain pecuniary advantage, but -his former religion could have had but little hold on a convert who -abandoned it merely to gain exemption from the jizyah; and now, instead -of jizyah, the convert had to pay the legal alms, zakāt, annually -levied on most kinds of movable and immovable property. [91] The -pecuniary temptation to escape the incidence of taxation by means of -conversion was considerably lessened when financial considerations -compelled the Arab government, towards the end of the first century, to -insist on the new converts continuing to pay jizyah even after they had -been received into the community of the faithful. [92] On the other -hand it must be remembered that the non-Muslim sections of the -population always ran the risk of becoming the victims of fiscal -oppression when the state was in need of revenue. - -The rates of jizyah levied by the early conquerors were not uniform, -[93] and the great Muslim doctors, Abū Ḥanīfah and Mālik, are not in -agreement on some of the less important details; [94] the following -facts taken from the Kitāb al-Kharāj, drawn up by Abū Yūsuf at the -request of Hārūn al-Rashīd (A.D. 786–809) may be taken as generally -representative of Muhammadan procedure under the ʻAbbāsid Caliphate. -The rich were to pay forty-eight dirhams [95] a year, the middle -classes twenty-four, while from the poor, i.e. the field-labourers and -artisans, only twelve dirhams were taken. This tax could be paid in -kind if desired; cattle, merchandise, household effects, even needles -were to be accepted in lieu of specie, but not pigs, wine, or dead -animals. The tax was to be levied only on able-bodied males, and not on -women or children. [96] The poor who were dependent for their -livelihood on alms and the aged poor who were incapable of work were -also specially excepted, as also the blind, the lame, the incurables -and the insane, unless they happened to be men of wealth; this same -condition applied to priests and monks, who were exempt if dependent on -the alms of the rich, but had to pay if they were well-to-do and lived -in comfort. The collectors of the jizyah were particularly instructed -to show leniency, and refrain from all harsh treatment or the -infliction of corporal punishment, in case of non-payment. [97] - -This tax was not imposed on the Christians, as some would have us -think, as a penalty for their refusal to accept the Muslim faith, but -was paid by them in common with the other dhimmīs or non-Muslim -subjects of the state whose religion precluded them from serving in the -army, in return for the protection secured for them by the arms of the -Musalmans. When the people of Hīrah contributed the sum agreed upon, -they expressly mentioned that they paid this jizyah on condition that -“the Muslims and their leader protect us from those who would oppress -us, whether they be Muslims or others.” [98] Again, in the treaty made -by Khālid with some towns in the neighbourhood of Hīrah, he writes: “If -we protect you, then jizyah is due to us; but if we do not, then it is -not due.” [99] How clearly this condition was recognised by the -Muhammadans may be judged from the following incident in the reign of -the Caliph ʻUmar. The Emperor Heraclius had raised an enormous army -with which to drive back the invading forces of the Muslims, who had in -consequence to concentrate all their energies on the impending -encounter. The Arab general, Abū ʻUbaydah, accordingly wrote to the -governors of the conquered cities of Syria, ordering them to pay back -all the jizyah that had been collected from the cities, and wrote to -the people, saying, “We give you back the money that we took from you, -as we have received news that a strong force is advancing against us. -The agreement between us was that we should protect you, and as this is -not now in our power, we return you all that we took. But if we are -victorious we shall consider ourselves bound to you by the old terms of -our agreement.” In accordance with this order, enormous sums were paid -back out of the state treasury, and the Christians called down -blessings on the heads of the Muslims, saying, “May God give you rule -over us again and make you victorious over the Romans; had it been -they, they would not have given us back anything, but would have taken -all that remained with us.” [100] - -As stated above, the jizyah was levied on the able-bodied males, in -lieu of the military service they would have been called upon to -perform had they been Musalmans; and it is very noticeable that when -any Christian people served in the Muslim army, they were exempted from -the payment of this tax. Such was the case with the tribe of -al-Jurājimah, a Christian tribe in the neighbourhood of Antioch, who -made peace with the Muslims, promising to be their allies and fight on -their side in battle, on condition that they should not be called upon -to pay jizyah and should receive their proper share of the booty. [101] -When the Arab conquests were pushed to the north of Persia in A.H. 22, -a similar agreement was made with a frontier tribe, which was exempted -from the payment of jizyah in consideration of military service. [102] - -We find similar instances of the remission of jizyah in the case of -Christians who served in the army or navy under the Turkish rule. For -example, the inhabitants of Megaris, a community of Albanian -Christians, were exempted from the payment of this tax on condition -that they furnished a body of armed men to guard the passes over Mounts -Cithæron and Geranea, which lead to the Isthmus of Corinth; the -Christians who served as pioneers of the advance-guard of the Turkish -army, repairing the roads and bridges, were likewise exempt from -tribute and received grants of land quit of all taxation; [103] and the -Christian inhabitants of Hydra paid no direct taxes to the Sultan, but -furnished instead a contingent of 250 able-bodied seamen to the Turkish -fleet, who were supported out of the local treasury. [104] - -The Southern Rumanians, the so-called Armatoli, [105] who constituted -so important an element of strength in the Turkish army during the -sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and the Mirdites, a tribe of -Albanian Catholics who occupied the mountains to the north of Scutari, -were exempt from taxation on condition of supplying an armed contingent -in time of war. [106] In the same spirit, in consideration of the -services they rendered to the state, the capitation-tax was not imposed -upon the Greek Christians who looked after the aqueducts that supplied -Constantinople with drinking water, [107] nor on those who had charge -of the powder-magazine in that city. [108] On the other hand, when the -Egyptian peasants, although Muslim in faith, were made exempt from -military service, a tax was imposed upon them as on the Christians, in -lieu thereof. [109] - -Living under this security of life and property and such toleration of -religious thought, the Christian community—especially in the -towns—enjoyed a flourishing prosperity in the early days of the -Caliphate. - -Muʻāwiyah (661–680) employed Christians very largely in his service, -and other members of the reigning house followed his example. [110] -Christians frequently held high posts at court, e.g. a Christian Arab, -al-Akhṭal, was court poet, and the father of St. John of Damascus, -counsellor to the caliph ʻAbd al-Malik (685–705). In the service of the -caliph al-Muʻtaṣim (833–842), there were two brothers, Christians, who -stood very high in the confidence of the Commander of the Faithful: the -one, named Salmūyah, seems to have occupied somewhat the position of a -modern secretary of state, and no royal documents were valid until -countersigned by him, while his brother, Ibrāhīm, was entrusted with -the care of the privy seal, and was set over the Bayt al-Māl or Public -Treasury, an office that, from the nature of the funds and their -disposal, might have been expected to have been put into the hands of a -Muslim; so great was the caliph’s personal affection for this Ibrāhīm, -that he visited him in his sickness, and was overwhelmed with grief at -his death, and on the day of the funeral ordered the body to be brought -to the palace and the Christian rites performed there with great -solemnity. [111] - -ʻAbd al-Malik appointed a certain Athanasius, a Christian scholar of -Edessa, tutor to his brother, ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz. Athanasius accompanied his -pupil, when he was appointed governor of Egypt, and there amassed great -wealth; he is said to have possessed 4000 slaves, villages, houses, -gardens, and gold and silver “like stones”; his sons took a dīnār from -each of the soldiers when they received their pay, and as there were -30,000 troops then in Egypt, some idea may be formed of the wealth that -Athanasius accumulated during the twenty-one years that he spent in -that country. [112] At the close of the eighth century, a certain Abū -Nūḥ al-Anbārī was secretary to Abū Mūsạ̄ b. Muṣʻab, governor of Mosul, -and used his powerful influence for the benefit of his Christian -co-religionists. [113] - -In the reign of al-Muʻtadid (892–902), the governor of Anbār, ʻUmar b. -Yūsuf, was a Christian, and the caliph approved of the appointment on -the ground that if a Christian were found to be competent, a post might -well be given to him, as there were better reasons for trusting a -Christian than either a Jew, a Muslim or a Zoroastrian. [114] -Al-Muwaffaq, who was virtual ruler of the empire during the reign of -his brother al-Muʻtamid (870–892), entrusted the administration of the -army to a Christian named Israel, and his son, al-Muʻtaḍid, had as one -of his secretaries another Christian, Malik b. al-Walīd. In a later -reign, that of al-Muqtadir (908–932), a Christian was again in charge -of the war office. [115] - -Naṣr b. Hārūn, the Prime Minister of ʻAḍud al-Dawlah (949–982), of the -Buwayhid dynasty of Persia, who ruled over Southern Persia and ʻIrāq, -was a Christian. [116] For a long time, the government offices, -especially in the department of finance, were filled with Christians -and Persians; [117] to a much later date was such the case in Egypt, -where at times the Christians almost entirely monopolised such posts. -[118] Particularly as physicians, the Christians frequently amassed -great wealth and were much honoured in the houses of the great. -Gabriel, the personal physician of the caliph Hārūn al-Rashīd, was a -Nestorian Christian and derived a yearly income of 800,000 dirhams from -his private property, in addition to an emolument of 280,000 dirhams a -year in return for his attendance on the caliph; the second physician, -also a Christian, received 22,000 dirhams a year. [119] In trade and -commerce, the Christians also attained considerable affluence: indeed -it was frequently their wealth that excited against them the jealous -cupidity of the mob—a feeling that fanatics took advantage of, to -persecute and oppress them. Further, the non-Muslim communities enjoyed -an almost complete autonomy, for the government placed in their hands -the independent management of their internal affairs, and their -religious leaders exercised judicial functions in cases that concerned -their co-religionists only. [120] Their churches and monasteries were, -for the most part, not interfered with, except in the large cities, -where some of them were turned into mosques—a measure that could hardly -be objected to in view of the enormous increase in the Muslim and -corresponding decrease in the Christian population. - -Recent historical criticism has demonstrated the impossibility of the -legend that when Damascus was taken by the Arabs, the churches were -equally divided between the Christians and the conquerors, on the plea -that while one Muslim general made his way into the city by the eastern -gate at the point of the sword, another at the western gate received -the submission of the governor of the city; a similar scrutiny of -historical documents as well as of the topography of the building has -shown that the great cathedral of St. John could never have been used -in the manner described by some Arabic historians as a common place of -worship for both Christians and Muslims. [121] But the very fact that -these historians should have believed that such an arrangement -continued for nearly eighty years, testifies to the early recognition -of the liberty granted to the Christians of practising the observances -of their religion. - -The opinion of the Muhammadan legists is very diverse on this question, -from the more liberal Ḥanafī doctrine, which declares that, though it -is unlawful to construct churches and synagogues in Muhammadan -territory, those already existing can be repaired if they have been -destroyed or have fallen into decay, while in villages and hamlets, -where the tokens of Islam do not appear, new churches and synagogues -may be built—to the intolerant Ḥanbalite view that they may neither be -erected nor be restored when damaged or ruined. Some legists held that -the privileges varied according to treaty rights: in towns taken by -force, no new houses of prayer might be erected by dhimmīs, but if a -special treaty had been made, the building of new churches and -synagogues was allowed. [122] But like so many of the lucubrations of -Muhammadan legists, these prescriptions bore but little relation to -actual facts. [123] Schoolmen might agree that the dhimmīs could build -no houses of prayer in a city of Muslim foundation, but the civil -authority permitted the Copts to erect churches in the new capital of -Cairo. [124] In other cities also the Christians were allowed to erect -new churches and monasteries. The very fact that ʻUmar II (717–720), at -the close of the first century of the Hijrah, should have ordered the -destruction of all recently constructed churches, [125] and that rather -more than a century later, the fanatical al-Mutawakkil (847–861) should -have had to repeat the same order, shows how little the prohibition of -the building of new churches was put into force. [126] We have numerous -instances recorded, both by Christian and Muhammadan historians, of the -building of new churches: e.g. in the reign of ʻAbd al-Malik (685–705), -a wealthy Christian of Edessa, named Athanasius, erected in his native -city a fine church dedicated to the Mother of God, and a Baptistery in -honour of the picture of Christ that was reputed to have been sent to -King Abgar; he also built a number of churches and monasteries in -various parts of Egypt, among them two magnificent churches in Fusṭāṭ. -[127] Some Christian chamberlains in the service of ʻAbd al-ʻAziz b. -Marwān (brother of ʻAbd al-Malik), the governor of Egypt, obtained -permission to build a church in Ḥalwān, which was dedicated to St. -John, [128] though this town was a Muslim creation. In A.D. 711 a -Jacobite church was built at Antioch by order of the caliph al-Walīd -(705–715). [129] In the first year of the reign of Yazīd II (A.D. 720), -Mār Elias, the Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch, made a solemn entry into -Antioch, accompanied by his clergy and monks, to consecrate a new -church which he had caused to be built; and in the following year he -consecrated another church in the village of Sarmada, in the district -of Antioch, and the only opposition he met with was from the rival -Christian sect that accepted the Council of Chalcedon. [130] In the -following reign, Khālid al-Qasrī, who was governor of Arabian and -Persian ʻIrāq from 724 to 738, built a church for his mother, who was a -Christian, to worship in. [131] In 759 the building of a church at -Nisibis was completed, on which the Nestorian bishop, Cyprian, had -expended a sum of 56,000 dīnārs. [132] From the same century dates the -church of Abū Sirjah in the ancient Roman fortress in old Cairo. [133] -In the reign of al-Mahdī (775–785) a church was erected in Baghdād for -the use of the Christian prisoners that had been taken captive during -the numerous campaigns against the Byzantine empire. [134] Another -church was built in the same city, in the reign of Hārūn al-Rashīd -(786–809), by the people of Samālū, who had submitted to the caliph and -received protection from him; [135] during the same reign Sergius, the -Nestorian Metropolitan of Baṣrah, received permission to build a church -in that city, [136] though it was a Muslim foundation, having been -created by the caliph ʻUmar in the year 638, and a magnificent church -was erected in Babylon in which were enshrined the bodies of the -prophets Daniel and Ezechiel. [137] When al-Maʼmūn (813–833) was in -Egypt he gave permission to two of his chamberlains to erect a church -on al-Muqaṭṭam, a hill near Cairo; and by the same caliph’s leave, a -wealthy Christian, named Bukām, built several fine churches at Būrah in -Egypt. [138] The Nestorian Patriarch, Timotheus, who died A.D. 820, -erected a church at Takrīt and a monastery at Baghdād. [139] In the -tenth century, the beautiful Coptic church of Abū Sayfayn was built in -Fusṭāṭ. [140] A new church was built at Jiddah in the reign of -al-Ẓāhir, the seventh Fāṭimid caliph of Egypt (1020–1035). [141] New -churches and monasteries were also built in the reign of the ʻAbbāsid, -al-Mustaḍī (1170–1180). [142] In 1187 a church was built at Fusṭāṭ and -dedicated to Our Lady the Pure Virgin. [143] - -Indeed, so far from the development of the Christian Church being -hampered by the establishment of Muhammadan rule, the history of the -Nestorians exhibits a remarkable outburst of religious life and energy -from the time of their becoming subject to the Muslims. [144] -Alternately petted and persecuted by the Persian kings, in whose -dominions by far the majority of the members of this sect were found, -it had passed a rather precarious existence and had been subjected to -harsh treatment, when war between Persia and Byzantium exposed it to -the suspicion of sympathising with the Christian enemy. But, under the -rule of the caliphs, the security they enjoyed at home enabled them to -vigorously push forward their missionary enterprises abroad. -Missionaries were sent into China and India, both of which were raised -to the dignity of metropolitan sees in the eighth century; about the -same period they gained a footing in Egypt, and later spread the -Christian faith right across Asia, and by the eleventh century had -gained many converts from among the Tatars. [145] - -If the other Christian sects failed to exhibit the same vigorous life, -it was not the fault of the Muhammadans. All were tolerated alike by -the supreme government, and furthermore were prevented from persecuting -one another. [146] In the fifth century, Barsauma, a Nestorian bishop, -had persuaded the Persian king to set on foot a fierce persecution of -the Orthodox Church, by representing Nestorius as a friend of the -Persians and his doctrines as approximating to their own; as many as -7800 of the Orthodox clergy, with an enormous number of laymen, are -said to have been butchered during this persecution. [147] Another -persecution was instituted against the Orthodox by Khusrau II, after -the invasion of Persia by Heraclius, at the instigation of a Jacobite, -who persuaded the King that the Orthodox would always be favourably -inclined towards the Byzantines. [148] But the principles of Muslim -toleration forbade such acts of injustice as these: on the contrary, it -seems to have been their endeavour to deal fairly by all their -Christian subjects: e.g. after the conquest of Egypt, the Jacobites -took advantage of the expulsion of the Byzantine authorities to rob the -Orthodox of their churches, but later they were restored by the -Muhammadans to their rightful owners when these had made good their -claim to possess them. [149] - -In view of the toleration thus extended to their Christian subjects in -the early period of the Muslim rule, the common hypothesis of the sword -as the factor of conversion seems hardly satisfactory, and we are -compelled to seek for other motives than that of persecution. But -unfortunately very few details are forthcoming and we are obliged to -have recourse to conjecture. [150] In an age so prolific of theological -speculation, there may well have been some thinkers whose trend of -thought had prepared them for the acceptance of the Muhammadan -position. Such were those Shahrīghān or landed proprietors in Persia in -the eighth century, who were nominally Christians, but maintained that -Christ was an ordinary man and that he was as one of the Prophets. -[151] They appear at times to have given a good deal of trouble to the -Nestorian clergy, who were at great pains to draw them into the paths -of orthodoxy; [152] but their theological position was more closely -akin to Islam than to Christian doctrine, and they probably went to -swell the ranks of the converts after the Arab conquest of the Persian -empire. - -Many Christian theologians [153] have supposed that the debased -condition—moral and spiritual—of the Eastern Church of that period must -have alienated the hearts of many and driven them to seek a healthier -spiritual atmosphere in the faith of Islam which had come to them in -all the vigour of new-born zeal. [154] For example, Dean Milman [155] -asks, “What was the state of the Christian world in the provinces -exposed to the first invasion of Mohammedanism? Sect opposed to sect, -clergy wrangling with clergy upon the most abstruse and metaphysical -points of doctrine. The orthodox, the Nestorians, the Eutychians, the -Jacobites were persecuting each other with unexhausted animosity; and -it is not judging too severely the evils of religious controversy to -suppose that many would rejoice in the degradation of their adversaries -under the yoke of the unbeliever, rather than make common cause with -them in defence of the common Christianity. In how many must this -incessant disputation have shaken the foundations of their faith! It -had been wonderful if thousands had not, in their weariness and -perplexity, sought refuge from these interminable and implacable -controversies in the simple, intelligible truth of the Divine Unity, -though purchased by the acknowledgment of the prophetic mission of -Mohammed.” Similarly, Caetani sees in the spread of Islam, among the -Christians of the Eastern Churches, a revulsion of feeling from the -dogmatic subtleties introduced into Christian theology by the -Hellenistic spirit. “For the East, with its love of clear and simple -concepts, Hellenic culture was, from the religious point of view, a -misfortune, because it changed the sublime and simple teachings of -Christ into a creed bristling with incomprehensible dogmas, full of -doubts and uncertainties; these ended with producing a feeling of deep -dismay and shook the very foundations of religious belief; so that when -at last there appeared, coming out suddenly from the desert, the news -of the new revelation, this bastard oriental Christianity, torn asunder -by internal discords, wavering in its fundamental dogmas, dismayed by -such incertitudes, could no longer resist the temptations of a new -faith, which swept away at one single stroke all miserable doubts, and -offered, along with simple, clear and undisputed doctrines, great -material advantages also. The East then abandoned Christ and threw -itself into the arms of the Prophet of Arabia.” [156] - -Again, Canon Taylor [157] says: “It is easy to understand why this -reformed Judaism spread so swiftly over Africa and Asia. The African -and Syrian doctors had substituted abstruse metaphysical dogmas for the -religion of Christ: they tried to combat the licentiousness of the age -by setting forth the celestial merit of celibacy and the angelic -excellence of virginity—seclusion from the world was the road of -holiness, dirt was the characteristic of monkish sanctity—the people -were practically polytheists, worshipping a crowd of martyrs, saints -and angels; the upper classes were effeminate and corrupt, the middle -classes oppressed by taxation, [158] the slaves without hope for the -present or the future. As with the besom of God, Islam swept away this -mass of corruption and superstition. It was a revolt against empty -theological polemics; it was a masculine protest against the exaltation -of celibacy as a crown of piety. It brought out the fundamental dogmas -of religion—the unity and greatness of God, that He is merciful and -righteous, that He claims obedience to His will, resignation and faith. -It proclaimed the responsibility of man, a future life, a day of -judgment, and stern retribution to fall upon the wicked; and enforced -the duties of prayer, almsgiving, fasting and benevolence. It thrust -aside the artificial virtues, the religious frauds and follies, the -perverted moral sentiments, and the verbal subtleties of theological -disputants. It replaced monkishness by manliness. It gave hope to the -slave, brotherhood to mankind, and recognition to the fundamental facts -of human nature.” - -Islam has, moreover, been represented as a reaction against that -Byzantine ecclesiasticism, [159] which looked upon the emperor and his -court as a copy of the Divine Majesty on high, and the emperor himself -as not only the supreme earthly ruler of Christendom, but as -High-priest also. [160] Under Justinian this system had been hardened -into a despotism that pressed like an iron weight upon clergy and laity -alike. In 532 the widespread dissatisfaction in Constantinople with -both church and state, burst out into a revolt against the government -of Justinian, which was only suppressed after a massacre of 35,000 -persons. The Greens, as the party of the malcontents was termed, had -made open and violent protest in the circus against the oppression of -the emperor, crying out, “Justice has vanished from the world and is no -more to be found. But we will become Jews, or rather we will return -again to Grecian paganism.” [161] The lapse of a century had removed -none of the grounds for the dissatisfaction that here found such -violent expression, but the heavy hand of the Byzantine government -prevented the renewal of such an outbreak as that of 532 and compelled -the malcontents to dissemble, though in 560 some secret heathens were -detected in Constantinople and punished. [162] On the borders of the -empire, however, at a distance from the capital, such malcontents were -safer, and the persecuted heretics, and others dissatisfied with the -Byzantine state-church, took refuge in the East, and here the Muslim -armies would be welcomed by the spiritual children of those who a -hundred years before had desired to exchange the Christian religion for -another faith. - -Further, the general adoption of the Arabic language throughout the -empire of the caliphate, especially in the towns and the great centres -of population, and the gradual assimilation in manners and customs that -in the course of about two centuries caused the numerous conquered -races to be largely merged in the national life of the ruling race, had -no doubt a counterpart in the religious and intellectual life of many -members of the protected religions. The rationalistic movement that so -powerfully influenced Muslim theology from the second to the fifth -century of the Hijrah may very possibly have influenced Christian -thinkers, and turned them from a religion, the prevailing tone of whose -theology seems at this time to have been Credo quia impossibile. A -Muhammadan writer of the fourth century of the Hijrah has preserved for -us a conversation with a Coptic Christian which may safely be taken as -characteristic of the general mental attitude of the rest of the -Eastern Churches at this period:— - -“My proof for the truth of Christianity is, that I find its teachings -contradictory and mutually destructive, for they are repugnant to -reason and revolting to the intellect, on account of their -inconsistency and mutual contrariety. No reflection can strengthen -them, no discussion can prove them; and however thoughtfully we may -investigate them, neither the intellect nor the senses can provide us -with any argument in support of them. Notwithstanding this, I have seen -that many nations and mighty kings of learning and sound judgment, have -given in their allegiance to the Christian faith; so I conclude that if -these have accepted it in spite of all the contradictions referred to, -it is because the proofs they have received, in the form of signs and -miracles, have compelled them to submit to it.” [163] - -On the other hand, it should be remembered that those who passed over -from Christianity to Islam, under the influence of the rationalistic -tendencies of the age, would find in the Muʻtazilite presentment of -Muslim theology, very much that was common to the two faiths, so that -as far as the articles of belief and the intellectual attitude towards -many theological questions were concerned, the transition was not so -violent as might be supposed. To say nothing of the numerous -fundamental doctrines, that will at once suggest themselves to those -even who have only a slight knowledge of the teachings of the Prophet, -there were many other common points of view, that were the direct -consequences of the close relationships between the Christian and -Muhammadan theologians in Damascus under the Umayyad caliphs as also in -later times; for it has been maintained that there is clear evidence of -the influence of the Byzantine theologians on the development of the -systematic treatment of Muhammadan dogmatics. The very form and -arrangement of the oldest rule of faith in the Arabic language suggest -a comparison with similar treatises of St. John of Damascus and other -Christian fathers. [164] The oldest Arab Ṣūfīism, the trend of which -was purely towards the ascetic life (as distinguished from the later -pantheistic Ṣūfīism) originated largely under the influence of -Christian thought. [165] Such influence is especially traceable in the -doctrines of some of the Muʻtazilite sects, [166] who busied themselves -with speculations on the attributes of the divine nature quite in the -manner of the Byzantine theologians: the Qadariyyah or libertarians of -Islam probably borrowed their doctrine of the freedom of the will -directly from Christianity, while the Murjiʼah in their denial of the -doctrine of eternal punishment were in thorough agreement with the -teaching of the Eastern Church on this subject as against the generally -received opinion of orthodox Muslims. [167] On the other hand, the -influence of the more orthodox doctors of Islam in the conversion of -unbelievers is attested by the tradition that twenty thousand -Christians, Jews and Magians became Muslims when the great Imām Ibn -Ḥanbal died. [168] A celebrated doctor of the same sect, Abu’l-Faraj b. -al-Jawzī (A.D. 1115–1201), the most learned man of his time, a popular -preacher and most prolific writer, is said to have boasted that just -the same number of persons accepted the faith of Islam at his hands. -[169] - -Further, the vast and unparalleled success of the Muslim arms shook the -faith of the Christian peoples that came under their rule and saw in -these conquests the hand of God. [170] Worldly prosperity they -associated with the divine favour and the God of battle (they thought) -would surely give the victory only into the hands of his favoured -servants. Thus the very success of the Muhammadans seemed to argue the -truth of their religion. - -The Islamic ideal of the brotherhood of all believers was a powerful -attraction towards this creed, and though the Arab pride of birth -strove to refuse for several generations the privileges of the ruling -race to the new converts, still as “clients” of the various Arab tribes -to which at first they used to be affiliated, they received a -recognised position in the community, and by the close of the first -century of the Hijrah they had vindicated for this ideal its true place -in Muslim theology and at least a theoretical recognition in the state. -[171] - -But the condition of the Christians did not always continue to be so -tolerable as under the earlier caliphs. In the interests of the true -believers, vexatious conditions were sometimes imposed upon the -non-Muslim population (or dhimmīs), with the object of securing for the -faithful superior social advantages. Unsuccessful attempts were made by -several caliphs to exclude them from the public offices. Decrees to -this effect were passed by al-Manṣūr (754–775), al-Mutawakkil -(847–861), al-Muqtadir (908–932), and in Egypt by al-Āmir (1101–1130), -one of the Fāṭimid caliphs, and by the Mamlūk Sultans in the fourteenth -century. [172] But the very fact that these decrees excluding the -dhimmīs from government posts were so often renewed, is a sign of the -want of any continuity or persistency in putting such intolerant -measures into practice. In fact they may generally be traced either to -popular indignation excited by the harsh and insolent behaviour of -Christian officials, [173] or to outbursts of fanaticism which forced -upon the government acts of oppression that were contrary to the -general spirit of Muslim rule and were consequently allowed to lapse as -soon as possible. - -The beginning of a harsher treatment of the native Christian population -dates from the reign of Hārūn al-Rashīd (786–809) who ordered them to -wear a distinctive dress and give up the government posts they held to -Muslims. The first of these orders shows how little one at least of the -ordinances ascribed to ʻUmar was observed, and these decrees were the -outcome, not so much of any purely religious feeling, as of the -political circumstances of the time. The Christians under Muhammadan -rule have often had to suffer for the bad faith kept by foreign -Christian powers in their relations with Muhammadan princes, and on -this occasion it was the treachery of the Byzantine Emperor, -Nicephorus, that caused the Christian name to stink in the nostrils of -Hārūn. [174] Many of the persecutions of Christians in Muslim countries -can be traced either to distrust of their loyalty, excited by the -intrigues and interference of Christian foreigners and the enemies of -Islam, or to the bad feeling stirred up by the treacherous or brutal -behaviour of the latter towards the Musalmans. Religious fanaticism is, -however, responsible for many of such persecutions, as in the reign of -the Caliph al-Mutawakkil (847–861), under whom severe measures of -oppression were taken against the Christians. This prince took -advantage of the strong Orthodox reaction that had set in in Muhammadan -theology against the rationalistic and freethinking tendencies that had -had free play under former rulers,—and came forward as the champion of -the extreme orthodox party, to which the mass of the people as -contrasted with the higher classes belonged, [175] and which was eager -to exact vengeance for the persecutions it had itself suffered in the -two preceding reigns; [176] he sought to curry their favour by -persecuting the Muʻtazilites, forbidding all further discussions on the -Qurʼān and declaring the doctrine that it was created, to be heretical; -he had the followers of ʻAlī imprisoned and beaten, pulled down the -tomb of Ḥusayn at Karbalāʼ and forbade pilgrimages to be made to the -site. The Christians shared in the sufferings of the other heretics; -for al-Mutawakkil put rigorously into force the rules that had been -passed in former reigns prescribing a distinction in the dress of -dhimmīs and Muslims, ordered that the Christians should no longer be -employed in the public offices, doubled the capitation-tax, forbade -them to have Muslim slaves or use the same baths as the Muslims, and -harassed them with several other restrictions. - -It is noteworthy that the historians of the Nestorian Church—which had -to suffer most from this persecution—describe it as something new and -individual to al-Mutawakkil, and as ceasing with his death. [177] One -of his successors, al-Muqtadir (A.D. 908–932), renewed these -regulations, which the lapse of half a century had apparently caused to -fall into disuse. - -Other outbursts of fanaticism led to the destruction of churches and -synagogues, [178] and the terror of such persecution led to the -defection of many from the Christian Church. [179] But such oppression -was contrary to the tolerant spirit of Islam, and to the teaching -traditionally ascribed to the Prophet; [180] and the fanatical party -tried in vain to enforce the persistent execution of these oppressive -measures for the humiliation of the non-Muslim population. “The ʻulamaʼ -(i.e. the learned, the clergy) consider this state of things; they weep -and groan in silence, while the princes who had the power of putting -down these criminal abuses only shut their eyes to them.” [181] The -rules that a fanatical priesthood may lay down for the repression of -unbelievers cannot always be taken as a criterion of the practice of -civil governments: it is failure to realise this fact that has rendered -possible the highly-coloured pictures of the sufferings of the -Christians under Muhammadan rule, drawn by writers who have assumed -that the prescriptions of certain Muslim theologians represented an -invariable practice. Such outbursts of persecution seem in some cases -to have been excited by the alleged abuse of their position by those -Christians who held high posts in the service of the government; they -aroused considerable hostility of feeling towards themselves by their -oppression of the Muslims, it being said that they took advantage of -their high position to plunder and annoy the faithful, treating them -with great harshness and rudeness and despoiling them of their lands -and money. Such complaints were laid before the caliphs al-Manṣūr -(754–775), al-Mahdī (775–785), al-Maʼmūn (813–833), al-Mutawakkil -(847–861), al-Muqtadir (908–932), and many of their successors. [182] -They also incurred the odium of many Muhammadans by acting as the spies -of the ʻAbbāsid dynasty and hunting down the adherents of the displaced -Umayyad family. [183] At a later period, during the time of the -Crusades they were accused of treasonable correspondence with the -Crusaders [184] and brought on themselves severe restrictive measures -which cannot justly be described as religious persecution. - -In proportion as the lot of the conquered peoples became harder to -bear, the more irresistible was the temptation to free themselves from -their miseries, by the words, “There is no god but God: Muḥammad is the -Apostle of God.” When the state was in need of money—as was -increasingly the case—the subject races were more and more burdened -with taxes, so that the condition of the non-Muslims was constantly -growing more unendurable, and conversions to Islam increased in the -same proportion. The dreary record of scandals, with which the pages of -the Christian historians of this later period are filled, would suggest -that the Christian Churches had failed to develop a moral fibre strong -enough to endure the stress of adverse conditions, and when persecution -came, the reason for the defection that followed might—as the historian -of the Nestorian Church suggests [185]—be sought for in the prevailing -negligence in the performance of religious duties and the evil life of -the clergy. - -Further causes that contributed to the decrease of the Christian -population may be found in the fact that the children of the numerous -Christian captive women who were carried off to the harems of the -Muslims had to be brought up in the religion of their fathers, and in -the frequent temptation that was offered to the Christian slave by an -indulgent master, of purchasing his freedom at the price of conversion -to Islam. But of any organised attempt to force the acceptance of Islam -on the non-Muslim population, or of any systematic persecution intended -to stamp out the Christian religion, we hear nothing. Had the caliphs -chosen to adopt either course of action, they might have swept away -Christianity as easily as Ferdinand and Isabella drove Islam out of -Spain, or Louis XIV made Protestantism penal in France, or the Jews -were kept out of England for 350 years. The Eastern Churches in Asia -were entirely cut off from communion with the rest of Christendom, -throughout which no one would have been found to lift a finger on their -behalf, as heretical communions. So that the very survival of these -Churches to the present day is a strong proof of the generally tolerant -attitude of the Muhammadan governments towards them. [186] - -Of the ancient Churches in Western Asia at the time of the Muhammadan -conquest, there still survive about 150,000 Nestorians, [187] and their -number would have been larger but for the proselytising efforts of -other Christian Churches; the Chaldees who have submitted to the Church -of Rome number 70,000, in 1898 the Nestorian Bishop Mār Jonan, with -several of the clergy and 15,000 Nestorians were received into the -Orthodox Russian Church; and numbers of Nestorians have also become -Protestants. [188] The Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch exercises -jurisdiction over about 80,000 members of this ancient Church, while -25,000 families of Uniat Jacobites obey the Syrian Catholic Patriarch. -[189] Belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church, there are 28,836 families -under the Patriarch of Antioch and more than 15,000 persons under the -Patriarch of Jerusalem, [190] while the Melchites or Greek-Catholics -number about 130,000. [191] The Maronite Church, which has been in -union with the Roman Catholic Church since the year 1182, has a -following of 300,000. [192] - -The marvel is that these isolated and scattered communities should have -survived so long, exposed as they have been to the ravages of war, -pestilence and famine, [193] living in a country that was for centuries -a continual battle-field, overrun by Turks, Mongols and Crusaders, -[194] it being further remembered that they were forbidden by the -Muhammadan law to make good this decay of their numbers by -proselytising efforts—if indeed they had cared to do so, for they seem -(with the exception of the Nestorians) even before the Muhammadan -conquest, to have lost that missionary spirit, without which, as -history abundantly shows, no healthy life is possible in a Christian -Church. It has also been suggested that the monastic ideal of -continence so widespread in the East, and the Christian practice of -monogamy, together with the sense of insecurity and their servile -condition, may have acted as checks on the growth of the Christian -population. [195] - -Of the details of conversion to Islam we have hardly any information. -At the time of the first occupation of their country by the Arabs, the -Christians appear to have gone over to Islam in very large numbers. -Some idea of the extent of these early conversions in ʻIrāq for example -may be formed from the fact that the income from taxation in the reign -of ʻUmar was from 100 to 120 million dirhams, while in the reign of -ʻAbd al-Malik, about fifty years later, it had sunk to forty millions: -while this fall in the revenue is largely attributable to the -devastation caused by wars and insurrections, still it was chiefly due -to the fact that large numbers of the population had become Muhammadan -and consequently could no longer be called upon to pay the -capitation-tax. [196] - -This same period witnesses the conversion of large numbers of the -Christians of Khurāsān, as we learn from a letter of a contemporary -ecclesiastic, the Nestorian Patriarch Īshōʻyabh III, addressed to -Simeon, the Metropolitan of Rev-Ardashīr and Primate of Persia. We -possess so very few Christian documents of the first century of the -Hijrah, and this letter bears such striking testimony to the peaceful -character of the spread of the new faith, and has moreover been so -little noticed by modern historians—that it may well be quoted here at -length. “Where are thy sons, O father bereft of sons? Where is that -great people of Merv, who though they beheld neither sword, nor fire or -tortures, captivated only by love for a moiety of their goods, have -turned aside, like fools, from the true path and rushed headlong into -the pit of faithlessness—into everlasting destruction, and have utterly -been brought to nought, while two priests only (priests at least in -name), have, like brands snatched from the burning, escaped the -devouring flames of infidelity. Alas, alas! Out of so many thousands -who bore the name of Christians, not even one single victim was -consecrated unto God by the shedding of his blood for the true faith. -Where, too, are the sanctuaries of Kirmān and all Persia? it is not the -coming of Satan or the mandates of the kings of the earth or the orders -of governors of provinces that have laid them waste and in ruins—but -the feeble breath of one contemptible little demon, who was not deemed -worthy of the honour of demons by those demons who sent him on his -errand, nor was endowed by Satan the seducer with the power of -diabolical deceit, that he might display it in your land; but merely by -the nod of his command he has thrown down all the churches of your -Persia.... And the Arabs, to whom God at this time has given the empire -of the world, behold, they are among you, as ye know well: and yet they -attack not the Christian faith, but, on the contrary, they favour our -religion, do honour to our priests and the saints of the Lord, and -confer benefits on churches and monasteries. Why then have your people -of Merv abandoned their faith for the sake of these Arabs? and that, -too, when the Arabs, as the people of Merv themselves declare, have not -compelled them to leave their own religion but suffered them to keep it -safe and undefiled if they gave up only a moiety of their goods. But -forsaking the faith which brings eternal salvation, they clung to a -moiety of the goods of this fleeting world: that faith which whole -nations have purchased and even to this day do purchase by the shedding -of their blood and gain thereby the inheritance of eternal life, your -people of Merv were willing to barter for a moiety of their goods—and -even less.” [197] The reign of the caliph ʻUmar II (A.D. 717–720) -particularly was marked with very extensive conversions: he organised a -zealous missionary movement and offered every kind of inducement to the -conquered peoples to accept Islam, even making them grants of money; on -one occasion he is said to have given a Christian military officer the -sum of 1000 dīnārs to induce him to accept Islam. [198] He instructed -the governors of the provinces to invite the dhimmīs to the Muslim -faith, and al-Jarrāḥ b. ʻAbd Allāh, governor of Khurāsān, is said to -have converted about 4000 persons. [199] He is even said to have -written a letter to the Byzantine Emperor, Leo III, urging on him the -acceptance of the faith of Islam. [200] He abrogated the decree passed -in A.D. 700 for the purpose of arresting the impoverishment of the -treasury, according to which the convert to Islam was not released from -the capitation-tax, but was compelled to continue to pay it as before; -even though the dhimmī apostatised the very day before his yearly -payment of the jizyah was due or while his contribution was actually -being weighed in the scales, it was to be remitted to the new convert. -[201] He no longer exacted the kharāj from the Muhammadan owners of -landed property, and imposed upon them the far lighter burden of a -tithe. These measures, though financially most ruinous, were eminently -successful in the way the pious-minded caliph desired they should be, -and enormous numbers hastened to enrol themselves among the Muslims. -[202] - -It must not, however, be supposed that such worldly considerations were -the only influences at work in the conversion of the Christians to -Islam. The controversial works of St. John of Damascus, of the same -century, give us glimpses of the zealous Muslim striving to undermine -by his arguments the foundations of the Christian faith. The very -dialogue form into which these treatises are thrown, and the frequent -repetition of such phrases as “If the Saracen asks you,”—“If the -Saracen says ... then tell him” ...—give them an air of vraisemblance -and make them appear as if they were intended to provide the Christians -with ready answers to the numerous objections which their Muslim -neighbours brought against the Christian creed. [203] That the -aggressive attitude of the Muhammadan disputant is most prominently -brought forward in these dialogues is only what might be expected, it -being no part of this great theologian’s purpose to enshrine in his -writings an apology for Islam. His pupil, Bishop Theodore Abū Qurrah, -also wrote several controversial dialogues [204] with Muhammadans, in -which the disputants range over all the points of dispute between the -two faiths, the Muslim as before being the first to take up the -cudgels, and enabling us to form some slight idea of the activity with -which the cause of Islam was prosecuted at this period. “The thoughts -of the Agarenes,” says the bishop, “and all their zeal, are directed -towards the denial of the divinity of God the Word, and they strain -every effort to this end.” [205] The Nestorian Patriarch, Timotheus, -used to hold discussions on religious matters in the presence of the -caliphs, al-Hādī and Hārūn al-Rashīd, and embodied them in a work that -is now lost. [206] Timotheus had secured his election to the -patriarchate in the face of the active opposition of many of the most -powerful ecclesiastics of his own Church; among these was Joseph, the -metropolitan of Merv, who intrigued against him with the caliph, -al-Mahdī (775–785), but was persuaded by the caliph to accept Islam and -was rewarded for his apostasy with rich presents and an official -appointment in Baṣrah. [207] - -These details from the first two centuries of the Hijrah are meagre in -the extreme and rather suggest the existence of proselytising efforts -than furnish definite facts. The earliest document of a distinctly -missionary character which has come down to us, would seem to date from -the reign of al-Maʼmūn (813–833), and takes the form of a letter [208] -written by a cousin of the caliph to a Christian Arab of noble birth -and of considerable distinction at the court, and held in high esteem -by al-Maʼmūn himself. In this letter he begs his friend to embrace -Islam, in terms of affectionate appeal and in language that strikingly -illustrates the tolerant attitude of the Muslims towards the Christian -Church at this period. This letter occupies an almost unique place in -the early history of the propagation of Islam, and has on this account -been given in full in an appendix. [209] In the same work we have a -report of a speech made by the caliph at an assembly of his nobles, in -which he speaks in tones of the strongest contempt of those who had -become Muhammadans merely out of worldly and selfish motives, and -compares them to the Hypocrites who while pretending to be friends of -the Prophet, in secret plotted against his life. But just as the -Prophet returned good for evil, so the caliph resolves to treat these -persons with courtesy and forbearance until God should decide between -them. [210] The record of this complaint on the part of the caliph is -interesting as indicating that disinterested and genuine conviction was -expected and looked for in the new convert to Islam, and that the -discovery of self-seeking and unworthy motives drew upon him the -severest censure. - -Al-Maʼmūn himself was very zealous in his efforts to spread the faith -of Islam, and sent invitations to unbelievers even in the most distant -parts of his dominions, such as Transoxania and Farghānah. [211] At the -same time he did not abuse his royal power, by attempting to force his -own faith upon others: when a certain Yazdānbakht, a leader of the -Manichæan sect, came on a visit to Baghdād [212] and held a disputation -with the Muslim theologians, in which he was utterly silenced, the -caliph tried to induce him to embrace Islam. But Yazdānbakht refused, -saying, “Commander of the faithful, your advice is heard and your words -have been listened to; but you are one of those who do not force men to -abandon their religion.” So far from resenting the ill-success of his -efforts, the caliph furnished him with a bodyguard, that he might not -be exposed to insult from the fanatical populace. [213] - -Some scanty references are made by Christian historians to cases of -ecclesiastical dignitaries who became Muhammadans, e.g. George, Bishop -of Baḥrayn, about the middle of the ninth century, having been deposed -from his office for some ecclesiastical offence, exchanged the -Christian faith for that of Islam, [214] and the conversion of a -brother of Gabriel, metropolitan of Fārs about the middle of the tenth -century, only receives mention because the fact of his having become a -Muslim was alleged as disqualifying Gabriel for election to the -patriarchate of the Nestorian church. [215] - -In the early part of the same century, Theodore, the Nestorian Bishop -of Beth Garmai, became a Muslim, and there is no mention of any force -or compulsion by the ecclesiastical historian [216] who records the -fact, as there undoubtedly would have been, had such existed. Some -years later (between A.D. 962 and 979), Philoxenos, a Jacobite Bishop -of Ādharbayjān, also became a Muslim, [217] and in the following -century, in 1016, Ignatius, [218] the Jacobite Metropolitan of Takrīt, -who had held this office for twenty-five years, set out for Baghdād and -embraced Islam in the presence of the caliph al-Qādir, taking the name -of Abū Muslim. [219] It would be exceedingly interesting if an Apologia -pro Vita Sua had survived to reveal to us the religious development -that took place in the mind of either of these converts. The Christian -chronicler hints at immorality in the last three cases, but such an -accusation uncorroborated by any further evidence is open to suspicion, -[220] much as it would be if brought forward by a Roman Catholic when -recording the conversion of a priest of his own communion to the -Protestant faith. It is doubtless owing to their exalted position in -the Church that the conversion of these prominent ecclesiastics of two -hostile Christian sects has been handed down to us, while that of more -obscure individuals has not been recorded. As Barhebræus brings his -ecclesiastical chronicle nearer to his own time, he gives fuller -details of the career of such converts, e.g. in recording the public -lapse of some of the Jacobite bishops, in the middle of the twelfth -century he makes particular mention of Aaron, bishop of a town in -Khurāsān, as having become a Muhammadan after having been convicted of -some moral fault; repenting of this change, he wished to regain his -episcopal status, and when this was refused him, went to Constantinople -and abjured the Monophysite doctrines of the Jacobite Church; then -apparently dissatisfied with the reception he received in -Constantinople, he returned to the Jacobite Patriarch, but a second -time went over to Islam “without any reason”; then repenting again, he -finally ended his days among the Maronites of Mount Lebanon. [221] A -contemporary of Barhebræus, in the middle of the thirteenth -century—Daniel, Bishop of Khabur—who is said to have been proficient in -secular learning, sought to be appointed to the diocese of Aleppo, but -disappointed in this ambition, he abandoned the Christian faith and to -the grief and shame of all Christian people “became a Muslim; but God -(praise be to His grace!) soon consoled his afflicted people and took -away the shame from the redeemed, the redeemed of the Lord; for a few -months later that unhappy wretch died miserably in a caravanserai; his -name perished, he was taken away out of our midst, and no man knoweth -his abiding place.” [222] - -But that these conversions were not merely isolated instances we have -the valuable evidence of Jacques de Vitry, Bishop of Acre (1216–1225), -who thus speaks of the Eastern Church from his experience of it in the -Holy Land:—“Weakened and lamentably ensnared, nay rather grievously -wounded, by the lying persuasions of the false prophet and by the -allurements of carnal pleasure, she hath sunk down, and she that was -brought up in scarlet, hath embraced dunghills.” [223] - -So far the Christian Churches that have been described as coming within -the sphere of Muhammadan influence, have been the Orthodox Eastern -Church and the heretical communions that had sprung out of it. But with -the close of the eleventh century a fresh element was added to the -Christian population of Syria and Palestine, in the large bodies of -Crusaders of the Latin rite who settled in the kingdom of Jerusalem and -the other states founded by the Crusaders, which maintained a -precarious existence for nearly two centuries. During this period, -occasional conversions to Islam were made from among these foreign -immigrants. In the first Crusade, for example, a body of Germans and -Lombards under the command of a certain knight, named Rainaud, had -separated themselves from the main body and were besieged in a castle -by the Saljūq Sultan, Arslān; on pretence of making a sortie, Rainaud -and his personal followers abandoned their unfortunate companions and -went over to the Turks, among whom they embraced Islam. [224] - -The history of the ill-fated second Crusade presents us with a very -remarkable incident of a similar character. The story, as told by Odo -of Deuil, a monk of St. Denis, who, in the capacity of private chaplain -to Louis VII, accompanied him on this Crusade and wrote a graphic -account of it, runs as follows. While endeavouring to make their way -overland through Asia Minor to Jerusalem the Crusaders sustained a -disastrous defeat at the hands of the Turks in the mountain-passes of -Phrygia (A.D. 1148), and with difficulty reached the seaport town of -Attalia. Here, all who could afford to satisfy the exorbitant demands -of the Greek merchants, took ship for Antioch; while the sick and -wounded and the mass of the pilgrims were left behind at the mercy of -their treacherous allies, the Greeks, who received five hundred marks -from Louis, on condition that they provided an escort for the pilgrims -and took care of the sick until they were strong enough to be sent on -after the others. But no sooner had the army left, than the Greeks -informed the Turks of the helpless condition of the pilgrims, and -quietly looked on while famine, disease and the arrows of the enemy -carried havoc and destruction through the camp of these unfortunates. -Driven to desperation, a party of three or four thousand attempted to -escape, but were surrounded and cut to pieces by the Turks, who now -pressed on to the camp to follow up their victory. The situation of the -survivors would have been utterly hopeless, had not the sight of their -misery melted the hearts of the Muhammadans to pity. They tended the -sick and relieved the poor and starving with open-handed liberality. -Some even bought up the French money which the Greeks had got out of -the pilgrims by force or cunning, and lavishly distributed it among the -needy. So great was the contrast between the kind treatment the -pilgrims received from the unbelievers and the cruelty of their -fellow-Christians, the Greeks, who imposed forced labour upon them, -beat them and robbed them of what little they had left, that many of -them voluntarily embraced the faith of their deliverers. As the old -chronicler says: “Avoiding their co-religionists who had been so cruel -to them, they went in safety among the infidels who had compassion upon -them, and, as we heard, more than three thousand joined themselves to -the Turks when they retired. Oh, kindness more cruel than all -treachery! They gave them bread but robbed them of their faith, though -it is certain that contented with the services they performed, they -compelled no one among them to renounce his religion.” [225] - -The increasing intercourse between Christians and Muslims, the growing -appreciation on the part of the Crusaders of the virtues of their -opponents, which so strikingly distinguishes the later from the earlier -chroniclers of the Crusades, [226] the numerous imitations of Oriental -manners and ways of life by the Franks settled in the Holy Land, did -not fail to exercise a corresponding influence on religious opinions. -One of the most remarkable features of this influence is the tolerant -attitude of many of the Christian Knights towards the faith of Islam—an -attitude of mind that was most vehemently denounced by the Church. When -Usāma b. Munqidh, a Syrian Amīr of the twelfth century, visited -Jerusalem, during a period of truce, the Knights Templar, who had -occupied the Masjid al-Aqṣā, assigned to him a small chapel adjoining -it, for him to say his prayers in, and they strongly resented the -interference with the devotions of their guest on the part of a -newly-arrived Crusader, who took this new departure in the direction of -religious freedom in very bad part. [227] It would indeed have been -strange if religious questions had not formed a topic of discussion on -the many occasions when the Crusaders and the Muslims met together on a -friendly footing, during the frequent truces, especially when it was -religion itself that had brought the Crusaders into the Holy Land and -set them upon these constant wars. When even Christian theologians were -led by their personal intercourse with the Muslims to form a juster -estimate of their religion, and contact with new modes of thought was -unsettling the minds of men and giving rise to a swarm of heresies, it -is not surprising that many should have been drawn into the pale of -Islam. [228] The renegades in the twelfth century were in sufficient -numbers to be noticed in the statute books of the Crusaders, the -so-called Assises of Jerusalem, according to which, in certain cases, -their bail was not accepted. [229] - -It would be interesting to discover who were the Muslims who busied -themselves in winning these converts to Islam, but they seem to have -left no record of their labours. We know, however, that they had at -their head the great Saladin himself, who is described by his -biographer as setting before his Christian guest the beauties of Islam -and urging him to embrace it. [230] - -The heroic life and character of Saladin seems to have exercised an -especial fascination on the minds of the Christians of his time; some -even of the Christian knights were so strongly attracted towards him -that they abandoned the Christian faith and their own people and joined -themselves to the Muslims; such was the case, for example, with a -certain English Templar, named Robert of St. Albans, who in A.D. 1185 -gave up Christianity for Islam and afterwards married a grand-daughter -of Saladin. [231] Two years later, Saladin invaded Palestine and -utterly defeated the Christian army in the battle of Ḥiṭṭīn, Guy, king -of Jerusalem, being among the prisoners. On the eve of the battle, six -of his knights, “possessed with a devilish spirit,” deserted the king -and escaped into the camp of Saladin, where of their own accord they -became Saracens. [232] At the same time Saladin seems to have had an -understanding with Raymund III, Count of Tripoli, according to which he -was to induce his followers to abandon the Christian faith and go over -to the Muslims; but the sudden death of the Count effectually put a -stop to the execution of this scheme. [233] - -The fall of Jerusalem and the successes of Saladin in the Holy Land -stirred up Europe to undertake the third Crusade, the chief incident of -which was the siege of Acre (A.D. 1189–1191). The fearful sufferings -that the Christian army was exposed to, from famine and disease, drove -many of them to desert and seek relief from the cravings of hunger in -the Muslim camp. Of these deserters, many made their way back again -after some time to the army of the Crusaders; on the other hand, many -elected to throw in their lot with the Muslims; some, taking service -under their former enemies, still remained true to the Christian faith -and (we are told) were well pleased with their new masters, while -others embracing Islam became good Muslims. [234] The conversion of -these deserters is recorded also by the chronicler who accompanied -Richard I upon this Crusade:—“Some of our men (whose fate cannot be -told or heard without grievous sorrow) yielding to the severity of the -sore famine, in achieving the salvation of the body, incurred the -damnation of their souls. For after the greater part of the affliction -was past, they deserted and fled to the Turks: nor did they hesitate to -become renegades; in order that they might prolong their temporal life -a little space, they purchased eternal death with horrid blasphemies. O -baleful trafficking! O shameful deed beyond all punishment! O foolish -man likened unto the foolish beasts, while he flees from the death that -must inevitably come soon, he shuns not the death unending.” [235] - -From this time onwards references to renegades are not infrequently to -be met with in the writings of those who travelled to the Holy Land and -other countries of the East. The terms of the oath which was proposed -to St. Louis by his Muhammadan captors when he was called upon to -promise to pay the ransom imposed upon him (A.D. 1250), were suggested -by certain whilom priests who had become Muslims; [236] and while this -business of paying the ransom was still being carried on, another -renegade, a Frenchman, born at Provins, came to bring a present to the -king: he had accompanied King John of Jerusalem on his expedition -against Damietta in 1219 and had remained in Egypt, married a -Muhammadan wife and become a great lord in that country. [237] The -danger of the pilgrims to the Holy Land becoming converts to Islam was -so clearly recognised at this time that in a “Remembrance,” written -about 1266 by Amaury de la Roche, the master of the Knights Templar in -France, he requests the Pope and the legates of France and Sicily to -prevent the poor and the aged and those incapable of bearing arms from -crossing the sea to Palestine, for such persons either got killed or -were taken prisoners by the Saracens or turned renegades. [238] Ludolf -de Suchem, who travelled in the Holy Land from 1336 to 1341, speaks of -three renegades he found at Hebron; they had come from the diocese of -Minden and had been in the service of a Westphalian knight, who was -held in high honour by the Soldan and other Muhammadan princes. [239] - -These scattered notices are no doubt significant of more extensive -conversions of Christians to Islam, of which no record has come down to -us: e.g. there were said to be about 25,000 renegades in the city of -Cairo towards the close of the fifteenth century, [240] and there must -have been many also to be found in the cities of the Holy Land after -the disappearance of the Latin princedoms of the East. But the -Muhammadan historians of this period seem to have been too busily -engaged in recording the exploits of princes and the vicissitudes of -dynasties, to turn their attention to religious changes in the lives of -obscure individuals; and (as far as I have been able to discover) they -as little notice the conversions of Christians to Islam as of those of -their own co-religionists to Christianity. Consequently, we have to -depend for our knowledge of both of these classes of events on -Christian writers, who, while they give us detailed and sympathetic -accounts of the latter, bear unwilling testimony to the existence of -instances of the former and represent the motives of the renegades in -the worst light possible. The possibility of any Christian becoming -converted to Islam from honest conviction, probably never entered into -the head of any of these writers, and even had such an idea occurred to -them they would hardly have ventured to expose themselves to the -thunders of ecclesiastical censure by giving open expression to it. - -As an example of the rare instances of such a conversion being -recorded, the account may here be cited which Fürer von Haimendorf, who -was in Cairo in 1565, gives of the conversion of a German scholar who -had studied in the University of Leipzig. “Sed dum nos hanc moram Cairi -nectimus, accidit ut Justus quidam Stevenius Germanus Hamelensis qui in -iisdem ædibus nobiscum habitaverat, fide Christianorum abnegata -Turcarum religioni se initiandum atque circumcidendum obtulerit. Vir -erat doctus, qui diu se Witebergæ ac Lipsiæ studiis operam dedisse sæpe -nobis narrabat: verum de hoc facto interrogatus, peculiarem nunc sibi -Spiritum adesse ajebat, sine cujus instinctu nihil vel facere sibi, vel -cogitare fas esset; quæ hominis apostasia nimium quantum animos nostros -commovit, et ad fugam quasi excitavit. Eodem quoque die Judæus quidam, -qui paucis diebus ante religionem Mahumetanam amplexus fuerat, -triumphali pompa per urbem circumducebatur; quod idem cum Stevenio isto -futurum esse, Janissarii quidam nobis affirmabant.” [241] - -From the historical sources quoted above, we have as little information -respecting the number of these converts as of the proselytising efforts -made to induce them to change their faith. A motive frequently assigned -for going over to Islam is the desire to escape the death penalty by -means of apostasy. European travellers make frequent mention of such -cases. A late example of such an account may be selected, for the -picturesqueness of its language, from the report of a Jesuit, who was -in Cairo in 1627; he saw a Copt who, having allowed himself to be -carried away “partly by passion and partly by the violence of an -indiscreet zeal, had killed his brother with his own hand, in -detestation of his having in a dastardly manner left Jesus Christ to -embrace Mahometanism, in order to deliver himself from the vexation of -the Turks. The poor man was at once seized in the heat of his crime, -and he boldly confessed that the renegade, unworthy of being his -brother, could only wipe out so black a spot by his blood. He was urged -to abandon his faith in order to save his life,” but he declared that -he was resolved to die a Christian; the cruel torments, however, -inflicted on him by the executioners, weakened his resolution and he -yielded at the last moment. “This disaster changed him in a moment from -a confessor into a renegade, from a martyr into an apostate, from a -saint into one of the damned, and from an angel into a veritable devil. -He made the profession of faith or rather of perfidy, after the manner -of the Mahometans ... he was set at liberty, the liberty not of the -sons of God, but of the sons of perdition.” Later on, the reproaches of -his conscience caused him again to recant and he was put to death by -the Muhammadans for his apostasy. [242] - -The monk Burchard, [243] writing about 1283, a few years before the -Crusaders were driven out of their last strongholds and the Latin power -in the East came utterly to an end—represents the Christian population -as largely outnumbering the Muslims throughout the whole of the -Muhammadan world, the latter (except in Egypt and Arabia) forming not -more than three or four per cent. of the whole population. This -language is undoubtedly exaggerated and the good monk was certainly -rash in assuming that what he observed in the cities of the Crusaders -and of the kingdom of Little Armenia held good in other parts of the -East. But his words may be certainly taken to indicate that during the -period of the Crusades there had been no widespread conversion to -Islam, and that when the Muhammadans resumed their sovereignty over the -Holy Land, they extended the same toleration to the Christians as -before, suffering them to “purchase peace and quiet” by the payment of -the jizyah. The presumption is that the conversions that took place -were of individual Christians, who were persuaded in their own minds -before they took the final step. Instances have already been given of -Christians who took service under Muhammadan masters, in the full -enjoyment of their own faith, and the Assises of Jerusalem made a -distinction between “those who have denied God and follow another law” -and “all those who have done armed service to the Saracens and other -miscreants against the Christians for more than a year and a day.” -[244] - -The native Christians certainly preferred the rule of the Muhammadans -to that of the Crusaders, [245] and when Jerusalem fell finally and for -ever into the hands of the Muslims (A.D. 1244), the Christian -population of Palestine seems to have welcomed the new masters and to -have submitted quietly and contentedly to their rule. [246] - -This same sense of security of religious life under Muslim rule led -many of the Christians of Asia Minor, also, about the same time, to -welcome the advent of the Saljūq Turks as their deliverers from the -hated Byzantine government, not only on account of its oppressive -system of taxation, but also of the persecuting spirit of the Greek -Church, which had with such cruelty crushed the heresies of the -Paulicians and the Iconoclasts. In the reign of Michael VIII -(1261–1282), the Turks were often invited to take possession of the -smaller towns in the interior of Asia Minor by the inhabitants, that -they might escape from the tyranny of the empire; and both rich and -poor often emigrated into Turkish dominions. [247] - -Some account still remains to be given of two other Christian Churches -of Western Asia, viz. the Armenian and the Georgian. Of the former it -may be said that of all the Eastern Churches that have come under -Muhammadan rule, the Armenian Church has probably given fewer of its -members (in proportion to the size of the community) to swell the ranks -of Islam, than any other. So in spite of the interest that attaches to -the story of the struggle of this brave nation against overwhelming -odds and of the fidelity with which it has clung to the Christian -faith—through centuries of warfare and oppression, persecution and -exile—it does not come within the scope of the present volume to do -more than briefly indicate its connection with the history of the -Muhammadans. The Armenian kingdom survived the shock of the Arab -conquest, and in the ninth century rose to be a state of some -importance and flourished during the decay of the caliphate of Baghdād, -but in the eleventh century was overthrown by the Saljūq Turks. A band -of fugitives founded the kingdom of Lesser Armenia, but this too -disappeared in the fourteenth century. The national life of the -Armenian people still survived in spite of the loss of their -independence, and, as was the case in Greece under the Turks, their -religion and the national church served as the rallying point of their -eager, undying patriotism. Though a certain number, under the pressure -of cruel persecution, have embraced Islam, yet the bulk of the race has -remained true to its ancient faith. As Tavernier [248] rather -unsympathetically remarks, “There may be some few Armenians, that -embrace Mahometanism for worldly interest, but they are generally the -most obstinate persons in the world, and most firm to their -superstitious principles.” - -The Georgian Church (founded in the early part of the fourth century) -was an offshoot from the Greek Church, with which she has always -remained in communion, although from the middle of the sixth century -the Patriarch or Katholikos of the Georgian Church declared himself -independent. Torn asunder by internal discords and exposed to the -successive attacks of Greeks, Persians, Arabs, Turks and Mongols, the -history of this heroic warrior people is one of almost uninterrupted -warfare against foreign foes and of fiercely contested feuds between -native chiefs: the reigns of one or two powerful monarchs who secured -for their subjects brief intervals of peace, serving only to bring out -in more striking contrast the normally unsettled state of the country. -The fierce independent spirit of the Georgians that could not brook a -foreign rule has often exasperated well-nigh to madness the fury of -their Muhammadan neighbours, when they failed to impose upon them -either their civil authority or their religion. It is this -circumstance—that a change of faith implied loss of political -independence—which explains in a great measure the fact that the -Georgian Church inscribes the names of so many martyrs in her calendar, -while the annals of the Greek Church during the same period have no -such honoured roll to show. - -It was not until after Georgia had been overrun by the devastating -armies of the Mongols, leaving ruined churches and monasteries and -pyramids of human heads to mark the progress of their destroying hosts, -and consequently the spiritual wants of the people had remained long -unprovided for, owing to the decline in the numbers and learning of the -clergy—that Christianity began to lose ground. [249] Even among those -who still remained Christian, some added to the sufferings of the -clergy by plundering the property of the Church and appropriating to -their own use the revenues of churches and monasteries, and thus -hastened the decay of the Christian faith. [250] - -In 1400 the invasion of Tīmūr added a crowning horror to the sufferings -of Georgia, and though for a brief period the rule of Alexander I -(1414–1442) delivered the country from the foreign yoke and drove out -all the Muhammadans—after his death it was again broken up into a -number of petty princedoms, from which the Turks and the Persians -wrested the last shreds of independence. But the Muhammadans always -found Georgia to be a turbulent and rebellious possession, ever ready -to break out into open revolt at the slightest opportunity. Both Turks -and Persians sought to secure the allegiance of these troublesome -subjects by means of conversion to Islam. After the fall of -Constantinople and the increase of Turkish power in Asia Minor, the -inhabitants of Akhaltsikhé and other districts to the west of it became -Muhammadans. [251] In 1579 two Georgian princes—brothers—came on an -embassy to Constantinople with a large retinue of about two hundred -persons: here the younger brother together with his attendants became a -Musalman, in the hope (it was said) of thereby supplanting his elder -brother. [252] At a rather later date, the conquests of the Turks -brought some of the districts in the very centre of Georgia into their -power, the inhabitants of which embraced the creed of the conquerors. -[253] From this period Samtzkhé, the most western portion of Georgia, -recognised the suzerainty of Turkey: its rulers and people were allowed -to continue undisturbed in the Christian faith, but from 1625 the -ruling dynasty became Muhammadan and many of the chiefs and the -aristocracy followed their example. - -Christianity retained its hold upon the peasants much longer, but when -the clergy of Samtzkhé refused allegiance to the Katholikos of Karthli, -there ceased to be regular provision made for supplying the spiritual -needs of the people: the nobles, even before their conversion, had -taken to plundering the estates of the Church, and after becoming -Musalmans they naturally ceased to assist it with their offerings, and -the churches and monasteries falling into decay were replaced by -mosques. [254] - -The rest of Georgia had submitted to Persia, and when Tavernier visited -this part of the country, about the middle of the seventeenth century, -he found it divided into two kingdoms, which were provinces of the -Persian empire, and were governed by native Georgian princes who had to -turn Muhammadan before being advanced to this dignity. [255] One of the -first of such princes was the Tsarevitch Constantine, son of King -Alexander II of Kakheth, who had been brought up at the Persian court -and had there embraced Islam, at the beginning of the seventeenth -century. [256] The first Muhammadan king of Karthli, the Tsarevitch -Rustam (1634–1658), had also been brought up in Persia, and he and his -successors to the end of the century were all Muhammadans. [257] - -Tavernier describes the Georgians as being very ignorant in matters of -religion and the clergy as unlettered and vicious; some of the heads of -the Church actually sold the Christian boys and girls as slaves to the -Turks and Persians. [258] From this period there seems to have been a -widespread apostasy, especially among the higher classes and those who -sought to win the favour of the Persian court. [259] In 1701 the -occupant of the throne of Georgia, Wakhtang VI, was a Christian: for -the first seven years of his reign he was a prisoner in Ispahan, where -great efforts were made to induce him to become a Muhammadan; when he -declared that he preferred to lose his throne rather than purchase it -at the price of apostasy, it is said that his younger brother, although -he was the Patriarch of Georgia, offered to abandon Christianity and -embrace Islam, if the crown were bestowed upon him, but though invested -by the Persians with the royal power, the Georgians refused to accept -him as their ruler, and drove him out of the kingdom. [260] - -Towards the close of the eighteenth century, the king of Georgia placed -his people under the protection of the Russian crown. Hitherto their -intense patriotic feeling had helped to keep the Christian faith alive -among them so long as their foreign invaders had been Musalmans, but -now that the foreign power that sought to rob them of their -independence was Christian, this same feeling operated in some of the -districts north of the Caucasus to the advantage of Islam. In Daghistan -a certain Darvīsh Manṣūr endeavoured to unite the different tribes of -the Caucasus to oppose the Russians; preaching the faith of Islam he -succeeded in converting the princes and nobles of Ubichistan and -Daghistan, who have remained faithful to Islam ever since; many of the -Circassians, too, were converted by his preaching, and preferred exile -to submitting to the Russian rule. [261] But in 1791 he was taken -prisoner, and in 1800 Georgia was formally incorporated in the Russian -empire. - -Darvīsh Manṣūr was not alone in his efforts to convert the Circassians. -When the treaty of Kūchak-Qaïnarji in 1774 had recognised the -independence of the Crimea and opened the Black Sea to Russian vessels, -the Turkish government became alarmed at the prospect of a further -movement of Russian domination along the eastern coast of the Black Sea -and resolved to make an attempt to stir the Circassians to resistance. -A Turkish officer, named Faraḥ ʻAlī, was sent in 1782 to establish a -military colony at Anāpa, near the outlet of the sea of Azov, and to -enter into relations with the Circassian tribes. Faraḥ ʻAlī’s first -care was to seek the hand of a daughter of one of the Circassian beys, -offering rich presents of arms, horses, etc., to her father; the -marriage was celebrated with great pomp and ceremony, and Faraḥ ʻAlī -encouraged his soldiers to follow his example, by promising to defray -the expenses of their nuptials. The result was that a number of -Circassian women joined the little colony and accepted the religion of -their husbands, and with the zeal of new converts won over to Islam -their fathers and brothers. An active movement of proselytism began, -and the Circassians who came in contact with the Turkish colony appear -readily to have abandoned their pagan beliefs for the religion of the -Qurʼān, the mollas were kept busy in instructing the new Muslims, and -help had to be sought from Constantinople to deal with the increasing -number of conversions. [262] But the work of Faraḥ ʻAlī was -short-lived; he died in 1785 and his tomb was reverenced as that of a -saint, but his work perished with him. Anāpa passed into the hands of -the Russians in 1812, and when the resistance of the Circassians was -finally overcome in 1864, more than half a million Circassian -Muhammadans migrated into Turkish territory. - -Under Russian law conversions to any faith other than that of the -Orthodox Church were illegal, and the further progress of Islam was -stayed until the promulgation of the edict of toleration in 1905. One -of the results of this in the Caucasus was a large accession to Islam -from among the Abkhazes, who had long been nominal converts to -Christianity, but now became Muhammadans in such numbers that the -Orthodox clergy became alarmed and founded a special society for the -distribution of religious tracts among them, in the hope of combating -Muhammadan influences. [263] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS OF AFRICA. - - -Islam was first introduced into Africa by the Arab army that invaded -Egypt under the command of ʻAmr b. al-ʻĀṣ in A.D. 640. Three years -later the withdrawal of the Byzantine troops abandoned the vast -Christian population into the hands of the Muslim conquerors. The rapid -success of the Arab invaders was largely due to the welcome they -received from the native Christians, who hated the Byzantine rule not -only for its oppressive administration, but also—and chiefly—on account -of the bitterness of theological rancour. The Jacobites, who formed the -majority of the Christian population, had been very roughly handled by -the Orthodox adherents of the court and subjected to indignities that -have not been forgotten by their children even to the present day. -[264] Some were tortured and then thrown into the sea; many followed -their Patriarch into exile to escape from the hands of their -persecutors, while a large number disguised their real opinions under a -pretended acceptance of the Council of Chalcedon. [265] To these Copts, -as the Jacobite Christians of Egypt are called, the Muhammadan conquest -brought a freedom of religious life such as they had not enjoyed for a -century. On payment of the tribute, ʻAmr left them in undisturbed -possession of their churches and guaranteed to them autonomy in all -ecclesiastical matters, thus delivering them from the continual -interference that had been so grievous a burden under the previous -rule; he laid his hands on none of the property of the churches and -committed no act of spoliation or pillage. [266] In the early days of -the Muhammadan rule then, the condition of the Copts seems to have been -fairly tolerable, [267] and there is no evidence of their widespread -apostasy to Islam being due to persecution or unjust pressure on the -part of their new rulers. Even before the conquest was complete, while -the capital, Alexandria, still held out, many of them went over to -Islam, [268] and a few years later the example these had set was -followed by many others. [269] In the reign of ʻUthmān (A.D. 643–655), -the revenue derived from Egypt amounted to twelve millions; a few years -later, in the reign of Muʻāwiyah (661–679), it had fallen to five -millions owing to the enormous number of conversions: under ʻUmar II -(717–720) it fell still lower, so that the governor of Egypt [270] -proposed that in future the converts should not be exempted from the -payment of the capitation-tax, but this the pious caliph refused to -allow, saying that God had sent Muḥammad to call men to a knowledge of -the truth and not to be a collector of taxes. [271] - -But later rulers recognised that for fiscal reasons such a policy was -ruinous to the state, and insisted on the converts continuing to pay -taxes as before; there was, however, no continuity in such a policy, -and individual governors acted in an arbitrary and irregular manner. -[272] When Ḥafṣ b. al-Walīd, who was governor of Egypt in A.D. 744, -promised that all those who became Muslims would be exempted from the -payment of jizyah, as many as 24,000 Christians are reported to have -accepted Islam. [273] A similar proclamation is said to have been made -by al-Saffāḥ, the first of the ʻAbbāsid caliphs, soon after his -accession in A.D. 750, for “he wrote to the whole of his dominions -saying that every one who embraced his religion and prayed according to -his fashion, should be quit of the jizyah, and many, both rich and -poor, denied the faith of Christ by reason of the magnitude of the -taxation and the burdens imposed upon them.” [274] In fact many of the -Christians of Egypt seem to have abandoned Christianity as lightly and -as rapidly as, in the beginning of the fourth century, they had -embraced it. Prior to that period, a very small section of the -population of the valley of the Nile was Christian, but the sufferings -of the martyrs in the persecution of Diocletian, the stories of the -miracles they performed, the national feeling excited by the sense of -their opposition to the dictates of the foreign government, [275] the -assurance that a paradise of delights was opened to the martyr who died -under the hands of his tormentors,—all these things stirred up an -enthusiasm that resulted in an incredibly rapid spread of the Christian -faith. “Instead of being converted by preaching, as the other countries -of the East were, Egypt embraced Christianity in a fit of wild -enthusiasm, without any preaching, or instruction being given, with -hardly any knowledge of the new religion beyond the name of Jesus, the -Messiah, who bestowed a life of eternal happiness on all who confessed -Him.” [276] - -In the seventh century Christianity had probably very little hold on a -great mass of the people of Egypt. The theological catchwords that -their leaders made use of, to stir up in them feelings of hatred and -opposition to the Byzantine government, could have been intelligible to -a very few, and the rapid spread of Islam in the early days of the Arab -occupation was probably due less to definite efforts to attract than to -the inability of such a Christianity to retain. The theological basis -for the existence of the Jacobites as a separate sect, the tenets that -they had so long and at so great a cost struggled to maintain, were -embodied in doctrines of the most abstruse and metaphysical character, -and many doubtless turned in utter perplexity and weariness from the -interminable controversies that raged around them, to a faith that was -summed up in the simple, intelligible truth of the Unity of God and the -mission of His Prophet, Muḥammad. Even within the Coptic Church itself -at a later period, we find evidence of a movement which, if not -distinctly Muslim, was at least closely allied thereto, and in the -absence of any separate ecclesiastical organisation in which it might -find expression, probably contributed to the increase of the converts -to Islam. In the beginning of the twelfth century, there was in the -monastery of St. Anthony (near Iṭfīḥ on the Nile), a monk named -Balūṭus, “learned in the doctrines of the Christian religion and the -duties of the monastic life, and skilled in the rules of the canon-law. -But Satan caught him in one of his nets; for he began to hold opinions -at variance with those taught by the Three Hundred and Eighteen (of -Nicæa); and he corrupted the minds of many of those who had no -knowledge or instruction in the Orthodox faith. He announced with his -impure mouth, in his wicked discourses, that Christ our Lord—to Whom be -glory—was like one of the prophets. He associated with the lowest among -the followers of his religion, clothed as he was in the monastic habit. -When he was questioned as to his religion and his creed, he professed -himself a believer in the Unity of God. His doctrines prevailed during -a period which ended in the year 839 of the Righteous Martyrs (A.D. -1123); then he died, and his memory was cut off for ever.” [277] - -Further, a theory of the Christian life that found its highest -expression in asceticism of the grossest type [278] could offer little -attraction, in the face of the more human morality of Islam. [279] On -account of the large numbers of Copts that from time to time have -become Muhammadans, they have come to be considered by the followers of -the Prophet as much more inclined to the faith of Islam than any other -Christian sect, and though they have had to endure the most severe -oppression and persecution on many occasions, yet the Copts that have -been thus driven to abandon their faith are said to have been few in -comparison with those who have changed their religion voluntarily, -[280] and even in the nineteenth century, when Egypt was said to be the -most tolerant of all Muhammadan countries, there were yearly -conversions of the Copts to the Muslim faith. [281] Still, persecution -and oppression have undoubtedly played a very large part in the -reduction of the numbers of the Copts, and the story of the sufferings -of the Jacobite Church of Egypt,—persecuted alike by their fellow -Christians [282] and by the followers of the dominant faith, is a very -sad one, and many abandoned the religion of their fathers in order to -escape from burdensome taxes and unendurable indignities. The vast -difference in this respect between their condition and that of the -Christians of Syria, Palestine and Spain at the same period finds its -explanation in the turbulent character of the Copts themselves. Their -long struggle against the civil and theological despotism of Byzantium -seems to have welded the zealots into a national party that could as -little brook the foreign rule of the Arabs as, before, that of the -Greeks. The rising of the Copts against their new masters in 646, when -they drove the Arabs for a time out of Alexandria and opened the gates -of the city to the Byzantine troops (who, however, treated the -unfortunate Copts as enemies, not having yet forgotten the welcome they -had before given to the Muhammadan invaders), was the first of a long -series of risings and insurrections, [283]—excited frequently by -excessive taxation,—which exposed them to terrible reprisals, and -caused the lot of the Jacobite Christians of Egypt to be harder to bear -than that of any other Christian sect in this or other countries under -Muhammadan rule. But the history of these events belongs rather to a -history of Muhammadan persecution and intolerance than to the scope of -the present work. It must not, however, be supposed that the condition -of the Copts was invariably that of a persecuted sect; on the contrary -there were times when they rose to positions of great affluence and -importance in the state. They filled the posts of secretaries and -scribes in the government offices, [284] farmed the taxes, [285] and in -some cases amassed enormous wealth. [286] The annals of their Church -furnish us with many instances of ecclesiastics who were held in high -favour and consideration by the reigning princes of the country, under -the rule of many of whom the Christians enjoyed the utmost -tranquillity. [287] To such a period of the peace of the Church belongs -an incident that led to the absorption of many Christians into the body -of the faithful. - -During the reign of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn (Saladin) (1169–1193) over Egypt, the -condition of the Christians was very happy under the auspices of this -tolerant ruler; the taxes that had been imposed upon them were -lightened and several swept away altogether; they crowded into the -public offices as secretaries, accountants and registrars; and for -nearly a century under the successors of Saladin, they enjoyed the same -toleration and favour, and had nothing to complain of except the -corruption and degeneracy of their own clergy. Simony had become -terribly rife among them; the priesthood was sold to ignorant and -vicious persons, while postulants for the sacred office who were unable -to pay the sums demanded for ordination, were repulsed with scorn, in -spite of their being worthy and fit persons. The consequence was that -the spiritual and moral training of the people was utterly neglected -and there was a lamentable decay of the Christian life. [288] So -corrupt had the Church become that when, on the death of John, the -seventy-fourth Patriarch of the Jacobites, in 1216, a successor was to -be elected, the contending parties who pushed the claims of rival -candidates, kept up a fierce and irreconcilable dispute for nearly -twenty years, and all this time cared less for the grievous scandal and -the harmful consequences of their shameless quarrels than for the -maintenance of their dogged and obstinately factious spirit. On more -than one occasion the reigning sultan tried to make peace between the -contending parties, refused the enormous bribes of three, five, and -even ten thousand gold pieces that were offered in order to induce him -to secure the election of one of the candidates by the pressure of -official influence, and even offered to remit the fee that it was -customary for a newly-elected Patriarch to pay, if only they would put -aside their disputes and come to some agreement,—but all to no purpose. -Meanwhile many episcopal sees fell vacant and there was no one to take -the place of the bishops and priests that died in this interval; in the -monastery of St. Macarius alone there were only four priests left as -compared with over eighty under the last Patriarch. [289] So utterly -neglected were the Christians of the western dioceses, that they all -became Muslims. [290] To this bald statement of the historian of the -Coptic Church, we unfortunately have no information to add, of the -positive efforts made by the Musalmans to bring these Christians over -to their faith. That such there were, there can be very little doubt, -especially as we know that the Christians held public disputations and -engaged in written controversies on the respective merits of the rival -creeds. [291] That these conversions were not due to persecution, we -know from direct historical evidence that during this vacancy of the -patriarchate, the Christians had full and complete freedom of public -worship, were allowed to restore their churches and even to build new -ones, were freed from the restrictions that forbade them to ride on -horses or mules, and were tried in law-courts of their own, while the -monks were exempted from the payment of tribute and granted certain -privileges. [292] - -How far this incident is a typical case of conversion to Islam among -the Copts it is difficult to say; a parallel case of neglect is -mentioned by two Capuchin missionaries who travelled up the Nile to -Luxor in the seventeenth century, where they found that the Copts of -Luxor had no priest, and some of them had not gone to confession or -communion for fifty years. [293] Under such circumstances the decay of -their numbers can readily be understood. - -A similar neglect probably contributed to the decay of the Nubian -Church which recognised the primacy of the Jacobite Patriarch of -Alexandria, as do the Abyssinians to the present day. The Nubians had -been converted to Christianity about the middle of the sixth century, -and retained their independence when Egypt was conquered by the Arabs; -a treaty was made according to which the Nubians were to send every -year three hundred and sixty slaves, with forty more for the governor -of Egypt, while the Arabs were to furnish them with corn, oil and -raiment. [294] In the reign of al-Muʻtaṣim (833–842), ambassadors were -sent by the caliph renewing this treaty, and the king of Nubia visited -the capital, where he was received with great magnificence and -dismissed with costly presents. [295] In the twelfth century they were -still all Christian, [296] and retained their old independence in spite -of the frequent expeditions sent against them from Egypt. [297] In 1275 -the nephew of the then king of Nubia obtained from the sultan of Egypt -a body of troops to assist him in his revolt against his uncle, whom he -by their help succeeded in deposing; in return for this assistance he -had to cede the two northernmost provinces of Nubia to the sultan, and -as the inhabitants elected to retain their Christian faith, an annual -tribute of one dīnār for each male was imposed upon them. [298] But -this Muhammadan overlordship was temporary only, and the Nubians of the -ceded provinces soon reasserted their independence. [299] - -But settlements of Arabs had been established in Nubia for several -centuries earlier and the Arabs on the Blue Nile had so increased in -number and wealth in the tenth century that they were able to ask -permission to build a mosque in Soba, [300] the capital of the -Christian kingdom. [301] In the thirteenth and especially from the -beginning of the fourteenth century there began a general process of -interpenetration through the migration into Nubia of Arabs, especially -of the Juhaynah tribe, who intermarried with the women of the land and -gradually succeeded in breaking up the power of the Nubian princes. -[302] In the latter half of the fourteenth century Ibn Baṭūṭah [303] -tells us that the Nubians were still Christians, though the king of -their chief city, Dongola, [304] had embraced Islam in the reign of -Nāṣir (probably Nāṣir b. Qulāūn, one of the Mamlūk sultans of Egypt, -who died A.D. 1340); the repeated expeditions of the Muslims so late as -the fifteenth century had not succeeded in pushing their conquests -south of the first cataract, near which was their last fortified place, -[305] while Christianity seems to have extended as far up the Nile as -Sennaar. - -The Christian Nubian kingdom appears to have come to an end partly -through internal dissensions and partly through the attacks of Arab and -Negro tribes on its borders, and finally by the establishment of the -powerful Fūnj empire in the fifteenth century. [306] - -But it is probable that the progress of Islam in the country was all -this time being promoted by the Muhammadan merchants and others that -frequented it. Maqrīzī (writing in the early part of the fifteenth -century) quotes one of those missionary anecdotes which occur so rarely -in the works of Arabic authors; it is told by Ibn Salīm al-Aswāni, and -is of interest as giving us a living picture of the Muslim propagandist -at work. Though the convert referred to is neither a Christian nor a -Nubian, still the story shows that there was such a thing as conversion -to Islam in Nubia in the fifteenth century. Ibn Salīm says that he once -met a man at the court of the Nubian chief of Muqurrah, who told him -that he came from a city that lay three months’ journey from the Nile. -When asked about his religion, he replied, “My Creator and thy Creator -is God; the Creator of the universe and of all men is One, and his -dwelling-place is in Heaven.” When there was a dearth of rain, or when -pestilence attacked them or their cattle, his fellow-countrymen would -climb up a high mountain and there pray to God, who accepted their -prayers and supplied their needs before even they came down again. When -he acknowledged that God had never sent them a prophet, Ibn Salīm -recounted to him the story of the prophets Moses and Jesus and -Muḥammad, and how by the help of God they had been enabled to perform -many miracles. And he answered, “The truth must indeed have been with -them, when they did these things; and if they performed these deeds, I -believe in them.” [307] - -Very slowly and gradually the Nubians seem to have drifted from -Christianity into Muhammadanism. [308] The spiritual life of their -Church had sunk to the lowest ebb, and as no movement of reform sprang -up in their midst, and as they had lost touch with the Christian -Churches beyond their borders, it was only natural that they should -seek for an expression of their spiritual aspirations in the religion -of Islam, whose followers had so long borne witness to its living power -among them, and had already won over some of their countrymen to the -acceptance of it. A Portuguese priest, who travelled in Abyssinia from -1520–1527, has preserved for us a picture of the Nubians in this state -of transition; he says that they were neither Christians, Jews nor -Muhammadans, but had come to be without faith and without laws; but -still “they lived with the desire of being Christians.” Through the -fault of their clergy they had sunk into the grossest ignorance, and -now there were no bishops or priests left among them; accordingly they -sent an embassy of six men to the king of Abyssinia, praying him to -send priests and monks to instruct them, but this the king refused to -do without the permission of the Patriarch of Alexandria, and as this -could not be obtained, the unfortunate ambassadors returned -unsuccessful to their own country. [309] The same writer was informed -by a Christian who had travelled in Nubia, that he had found 150 -churches there, in each of which were still to be seen the figures of -the crucified Christ, of the Virgin Mary, and other saints painted on -the walls. In all the fortresses, also, that were scattered throughout -the country, there were churches. [310] Before the close of the -following century, Christianity had entirely disappeared from Nubia -“for want of pastors,” but the closed churches were to be found still -standing throughout the whole country. [311] The Nubians had yielded to -the powerful Muhammadan influences that surrounded them, to which the -proselytising efforts of the Muslims who had travelled in Nubia for -centuries past no doubt contributed a great deal; on the north were -Egypt and the Arab tribes that had made their way up the Nile and -extended their authority along the banks of that river; [312] on the -south, the Muhammadan state of the Belloos, separating them from -Abyssinia. These Belloos, in the early part of the sixteenth century, -were, in spite of their Muslim faith, tributaries of the Christian king -of Abyssinia; [313] and—if they may be identified with the Baliyyūn, -who, together with their neighbours, the Bajah (the inhabitants of the -so-called island of Meroe), are spoken of by Idrīsī, in the twelfth -century, as being Jacobite Christians, [314]—it is probable that they -had only a few years before been converted to Islam, at the same time -as the Bajah, who had been incorporated into the Muhammadan empire of -the Fūnj, when these latter extended their conquests in 1499–1530 from -the south up to the borders of Nubia and Abyssinia and founded the -powerful state of Sennaar. When the army of Aḥmad Grāñ invaded -Abyssinia and made its way right through the country from south to -north, it effected a junction about 1534 with the army of the sultan of -Maseggia or Mazaga, a province under Muhammadan rule but tributary to -Abyssinia, lying between that country and Sennaar; in the army of this -sultan there were 15,000 Nubian soldiers who, from the account given of -them, appear to have been Musalmans. [315] Fragmentary and insufficient -as these data of the conversion of the Nubians are, we may certainly -conclude from all we know of the independent character of this people -and the tenacity with which they clung to the Christian faith, so long -as it was a living force among them, that their change of religion was -a gradual one, extending through several centuries. - -Let us now pass to the history of Islam among the Abyssinians, who had -received Christianity two centuries before the Nubians, and like them -belonged to the Jacobite Church. - -The tide of Arab emigration does not seem to have set across the Red -Sea, the western shores of which formed part of the Abyssinian kingdom, -until many centuries after Arabia had accepted the faith of the -prophet. Up to the tenth century only a few Muhammadan families were to -be found residing in the coast towns of Abyssinia, but at the end of -the twelfth century the foundation of an Arab dynasty alienated some of -the coast-lands from the Abyssinian kingdom. In 1300 a missionary, -named Abū ʻAbd Allāh Muḥammad, made his way into Abyssinia, calling on -the people to embrace Islam, and in the following year, having -collected around him 200,000 men, he attacked the ruler of Amhara in -several engagements. [316] King Saifa Arʻād (1342–1370) took energetic -measures against the Muhammadans in his kingdom, putting to death or -driving into exile all those who refused to embrace Christianity. [317] -At the close of the same century the disturbed state of the country, -owing to the civil wars that distracted it, made it possible for the -various Arab settlements along the coast to make themselves masters of -the entire seaboard and drive the Abyssinians into the interior, and -the king, Baʼeda Māryām (1468–1478), is said to have spent the greater -part of his reign in fighting against the Muhammadans on the eastern -border of his kingdom. [318] In the early part of the sixteenth -century, while the powerful Muhammadan kingdom of Adal, between -Abyssinia and the southern extremity of the Red Sea, and some others -were bitterly hostile to the Christian power, there were others again -that formed peaceful tributaries of “Prester John”; e.g. in Massowah -there were Arabs who kept the flocks of the Abyssinian seigniors, -wandering about in bands of thirty or forty with their wives and -children, each band having its Christian “captain.” [319] Some -Musalmans are also mentioned as being in the service of the king and -being entrusted by him with important posts; [320] while some of these -remained faithful to Islam, others embraced the prevailing religion of -the country. What was implied in the fact of these Muhammadan -communities being tributaries of the king of Abyssinia, it is difficult -to determine. The Musalmans of Ḥadya had along with other tribute to -give up every year to the king a maiden who had to become a Christian; -this custom was in accordance with an ancient treaty, which the king of -Abyssinia has always made them observe, “because he was the stronger”; -besides this, they were forbidden to carry arms or put on war-apparel, -and, if they rode, their horses were not to be saddled; “these orders,” -they said, “we have always obeyed, so that the king may not put us to -death and destroy our mosques. When the king sends his people to fetch -the maiden and the tribute, we put her on a bed, wash her and cover her -with a cloth, and recite the prayers for the dead over her and give her -up to the people of the king; and thus did our fathers and our -grandfathers before us.” [321] - -These Muhammadan tributaries were chiefly to be found in the low-lying -countries that formed the northern boundary of Abyssinia, from the Red -Sea westward to Sennaar, [322] and on the south and the south-east of -the kingdom. [323] What influence these Muhammadans had on the -Christian populations with which they were intermingled, and whether -they made converts to Islam as in the present century, is matter only -of conjecture. Certain it is, however, that when the independent -Muhammadan ruler of Adal, Aḥmad Grāñ—himself said to have been the son -of a Christian priest of Aijjo, who had left his own country and -adopted Islam in that of the Adals [324]—invaded Abyssinia from 1528 to -1543, many Abyssinian chiefs with their followers joined his victorious -army and became Musalmans, and though the Christian populations of some -districts preferred to pay jizyah, [325] others embraced the religion -of the conqueror. [326] But the contemporary Muslim historian himself -tells us that in some cases this conversion was the result of fear, and -that suspicions were entertained of the genuineness of the allegiance -of the new converts. [327] But such apparently was not universally the -case, and the widespread character of the conversions in several -districts give the impression of a popular movement. The Christian -chiefs who went over to Islam made use of their personal influence in -inducing their troops to follow their example. They were, as we are -told, in some cases very ignorant of their own religion, [328] and thus -the change of faith was a less difficult matter. Particularly -instrumental in conversions of this kind were those Muhammadan chiefs -who had previously entered the service of the king of Abyssinia, and -those renegades who took the opportunity of the invasion of the country -by a conquering Musalman army to throw off their allegiance at once to -Christianity and the Christian king and declare themselves Muhammadans -once more. [329] - -One of these in 1531 wrote the following letter to Aḥmad Grāñ:—“I was -formerly a Muslim and the son of a Muslim, was taken prisoner by the -polytheists and made a Christian by force; but in my heart I have -always clung to the true faith and now I seek the protection of God and -of His Prophet and of thee. If thou wilt accept my repentance and -punish me not for what I have done, I will return in penitence to God; -and I will devise means whereby the troops of the king, that are with -me, may join thee and become Muslims;”—and in fact the greater part of -his army elected to follow their general; including the women and -children their numbers are said to have amounted to 20,000 souls. [330] - -But with the help of the Portuguese, the Abyssinians succeeded in -shaking off the yoke of their Muhammadan conquerors and Aḥmad Grāñ -himself was slain in 1543. Islam had, however, gained a footing in the -country, which the troublous condition of affairs during the remainder -of the sixteenth and the following century enabled it to retain, the -rival Christian Churches being too busily engaged in contending with -one another, to devote much attention to their common enemy. For the -successful proselytising of the Jesuits and other Roman Catholic -missionaries and the active interference of the Portuguese in all civil -and political matters, excited violent opposition in the mass of the -Abyssinian Christians;—indeed so bitter was this feeling that some of -the chiefs openly declared that they would rather submit to a -Muhammadan ruler than continue their alliance with the Portuguese; -[331]—and the semi-religious, semi-patriotic movement set on foot -thereby, rapidly assumed such vast proportions as to lead (about 1632) -to the expulsion of the Portuguese and the exclusion of all foreign -Christians from the country. The condition of Abyssinia then speedily -became one of terrible confusion and anarchy, of which some tribes of -the Galla race took advantage, to thrust their way right into the very -centre of the country, where their settlements remain to the present -day. - -The progress achieved by Islam during this period may be estimated from -the testimony of a traveller of the seventeenth century, who tells us -that in his time the adherents of this faith were scattered throughout -the whole of Abyssinia and formed a third of the entire population. -[332] During the following century the faith of the Prophet seems -steadily to have increased by means of the conversion of isolated -individuals here and there. The absence of any strong central -government in the country favoured the rise of petty independent -chieftains, many of whom had strong Muhammadan sympathies, though (in -accordance with a fundamental law of the state) all the Abyssinian -princes had to belong to the Christian faith; the Muhammadans, too, -aspiring to the dignity of the Abyssinian aristocracy, abjured the -faith in which they had been born and pretended conversion to -Christianity in order to get themselves enrolled in the order of the -nobles, and as governors of Christian provinces made use of all their -influence towards the spread of Islam. [333] One of the chief reasons -of the success of this faith seems to have been the moral superiority -of the Muslims as compared with that of the Christian population of -Abyssinia. Rüppell says that he frequently noticed in the course of his -travels in Abyssinia that when a post had to be filled which required -that a thoroughly honest and trustworthy person should be selected, the -choice always fell upon a Muhammadan. In comparison with the -Christians, he says that they were more active and energetic; that -every Muhammadan had his sons taught to read and write, whereas -Christian children were only educated when they were intended for the -priesthood. [334] This moral superiority of the Muhammadans of -Abyssinia over the Christian population goes far to explain the -continuous though slow progress made by Islam during the eighteenth and -nineteenth centuries; the degradation and apathy of the Abyssinian -clergy and the interminable feuds of the Abyssinian chiefs, have left -Muhammadan influences free to work undisturbed. Mr. Plowden, who was -English consul in Abyssinia from 1844 to 1860, speaking of the Ḥabāb, -three Tigrē tribes dwelling between 16° and 17° 30′ lat., the -north-west of Massowah, says that they have become Muhammadan “within -the last 100 years, and all, save the latest generation, bear Christian -names. They have changed their faith, through the constant influence of -the Muhammadans with whom they trade, and through the gradual and now -entire abandonment of the country by the Abyssinian chiefs, too much -occupied in ceaseless wars with their neighbours.” [335] They have a -tradition that one of their chiefs named Jāwej rejected Christianity -for Islam, in the belief that the latter faith brought good luck and -long life; he then said to his priest, “Break in pieces the Tābōt”; -[336] the priest answered, “I dare not break in pieces the Tābōt of -Mary”; so Jāwej seized the Tābōt with his own hands and cut it in -pieces with an axe; the Christian priests then adopted Islam, and all -their descendants are shaykhs of the tribe to the present day. [337] - -Other sections of the population of the northern districts of the -country were similarly converted to Islam during the same period, -because the priests had abandoned these districts and the churches had -been suffered to fall into ruins,—apparently entirely through neglect, -as the Muhammadans here are said to have been by no means fanatical nor -to have borne any particular enmity to Christianity. [338] Similar -testimony to the progress of Islam in the early part of the nineteenth -century is given by other travellers, [339] who found numbers of -Christians to be continually passing over to that faith. The -Muhammadans were especially favoured by Ras ʻAlī, one of the -vice-regents of Abyssinia and practically master of the country before -the accession of King Theodore in 1853. Though himself a Christian, he -distributed posts and even the spoils of the churches among the -followers of Islam, and during his reign one half of the population of -the central provinces of Abyssinia embraced the faith of the Prophet. -[340] Such deep roots had this faith now struck in Abyssinia that its -followers had in their hands all the commerce as well as all the petty -trade of the country, enjoyed vast possessions, were masters of large -towns and central markets, and had a firm hold upon the mass of the -people. Indeed, a Christian missionary who lived for thirty-five years -in this country, rated the success and the zeal of the Muslim -propagandists so high as to say that were another Aḥmad Grāñ to arise -and unfurl the banner of the Prophet, the whole of Abyssinia would -become Muhammadan. [341] Embroilments with the Egyptian government -(with which Abyssinia was at war from 1875 to 1882) brought about a -revulsion of feeling against Muhammadanism: hatred of the foreign -Muslim foe reacted upon their co-religionists within the border. In -1878, King John summoned a Convocation of the Abyssinian clergy, who -proclaimed him supreme arbiter in matters of faith and ordained that -there should be but one religion throughout the whole kingdom. -Christians of all sects other than the Jacobite were given two years in -which to become reconciled to the national Church; the Muhammadans were -to submit within three, and the heathen within five, years. A few days -later the king promulgated an edict that showed how little worth was -the three years’ grace allowed to the Muhammadans; for not only did he -order them to build Christian churches wherever they were needed and to -pay tithes to the priests resident in their respective districts, but -also gave three months’ notice to all Muhammadan officials to either -receive baptism or resign their posts. Such compulsory conversion -(consisting as it did merely of the rite of baptism and the payment of -tithes) was naturally of the most ineffectual character, and while -outwardly conforming, the Muslims in secret protested their loyalty to -their old faith. Massaja saw some such go straight from the church in -which they had been baptised to the mosque, in order to have this -enforced baptism wiped off by some holy man of their own faith. [342] -These mass conversions were rendered the more ineffectual by being -confined to the men, for as the royal edict had made no mention of the -women they were in no way molested,—a circumstance that probably proved -to be of considerable significance in the future history of Islam in -Abyssinia, as Massaja bears striking testimony to the important part -the Muhammadan women have played in the diffusion of their faith in -this country. [343] By 1880 King John is said to have compelled about -50,000 Muhammadans to be baptised, as well as 20,000 members of one of -the pagan tribes and half a million of Gallas, [344] but as their -conversion went no further than baptism and the payment of tithes, it -is not surprising to learn that the only result of these violent -measures was to increase the hatred and hostility of both the Muslim -and the heathen Abyssinians towards the Christian faith. [345] The king -of the petty state of Kafa (which had almost always acknowledged the -supremacy of Abyssinia),—Sawo-Teheno,—took advantage of the -embarrassment of King John, who was threatened at once by the Italians -and the followers of the Mahdī, to assert his independence, and became -a Musalman, in order to do so more effectively. He successfully -resisted all attacks until 1897, when his state was reconquered and he -himself taken prisoner by the Emperor Menelik, the former king of Shoa, -who had established his authority over the whole of Abyssinia after the -death of King John in 1889. Christianity was re-established as the -state religion throughout Kafa and Christian worship renewed in the -churches, which had been left uninjured, being either shut up or turned -into mosques. [346] But these violent measures taken in the interests -of the Christian faith have failed to arrest the growing power of Islam -during the nineteenth century. Whole tribes that were once Christian -and still bear Christian names, such as Taklēs (“Plant of Jesus”), -Hebtēs (“Gift of Jesus”) and Temāryām (“Gift of Mary”), have become -Muslim. The two Mänsaʻ tribes which were entirely Christian about the -middle of the nineteenth century had become Muslim, for the most part, -at the beginning of the twentieth century; the propagandist efforts of -the Muslims who converted them appear to have been facilitated through -the ignorance of the Christian clergy. A similar Muhammadanising -process has been going on for some time among other tribes also. [347] - -We must return now to the history of Africa in the seventh century, -when the Arabs were pushing their conquests from East to West along the -north coast. The comparatively easy conquest of Egypt, where so many of -the inhabitants assisted the Arabs in bringing the Byzantine rule to an -end, found no parallel in the bloody campaigns and the long-continued -resistance that here barred their further progress, and half a century -elapsed before the Arabs succeeded in making themselves complete -masters of the north coast from Egypt to the Atlantic Ocean. It was not -till 698 that the fall of Carthage brought the Roman rule in Africa to -an end for ever, and the subjugation of the Berbers made the Arabs -supreme in the country. - -The details of these campaigns it is no part of our purpose to -consider, but rather to attempt to discover in what way Islam was -spread among the Christian population. Unfortunately the materials -available for such a purpose are lamentably sparse and insufficient. -What became of that great African Church that had given such saints and -theologians to Christendom? The Church of Tertullian, St. Cyprian and -St. Augustine, which had emerged victorious out of so many -persecutions, and had so stoutly championed the cause of Christian -orthodoxy, seems to have faded away like a mist. - -In the absence of definite information, it has been usual to ascribe -the disappearance of the Christian population to fanatical persecutions -and forced conversions on the part of the Muslim conquerors. But there -are many considerations that militate against such a rough and ready -settlement of this question. First of all, there is the absence of -definite evidence in support of such an assertion. Massacres, -devastation and all the other accompaniments of a bloody and -long-protracted war, there were in horrible abundance, but of actual -religious persecution we have little mention, and the survival of the -native Christian Church for more than eight centuries after the Arab -conquest is a testimony to the toleration that alone could have -rendered such a survival possible. - -The causes that brought about the decay of Christianity in North Africa -must be sought for elsewhere than in the bigotry of Muhammadan rulers. -But before attempting to enumerate these, it will be well to realise -how very small must have been the number of the Christian population at -the end of the seventh century—a circumstance that renders its -continued existence under Muhammadan rule still more significant of the -absence of forced conversion, and leaves such a hypothesis much less -plausibility than would have been the case had the Arabs found a large -and flourishing Christian Church there when they commenced their -conquest of northern Africa. - -The Roman provinces of Africa, to which the Christian population was -confined, never extended far southwards; the Sahara forms a barrier in -this direction, so that the breadth of the coast seldom exceeds 80 or -100 miles. [348] Though there were as many as 500 bishoprics just -before the Vandal conquest, this number can serve as no criterion of -the number of the faithful, owing to the practice observed in the -African Church of appointing bishops to the most inconsiderable towns -and very frequently to the most obscure villages, [349] and it is -doubtful whether Christianity ever spread far inland among the Berber -tribes. [350] When the power of the Roman Empire declined in the fifth -century, different tribes of this great race, known to the Romans under -the names of Moors, Numidians, Libyans, etc., swarmed up from the south -to ravage and destroy the wealthy cities of the coast. These invaders -were certainly heathen. The Libyans, whose devastations are so -pathetically bewailed by Synesius of Cyrene, pillaged and burnt the -churches and carried off the sacred vessels for their own idolatrous -rites, [351] and this province of Cyrenaica never recovered from their -devastations, and Christianity was probably almost extinct here at the -time of the Muslim invasion. The Moorish chieftain in the district of -Tripolis, who was at war with the Vandal king Thorismund (496–524), but -respected the churches and clergy of the orthodox, who had been -ill-treated by the Vandals, declared his heathenism when he said, “I do -not know who the God of the Christians is, but if he is so powerful as -he is represented, he will take vengeance on those who insult him, and -succour those who do him honour.” [352] There is some probability that -the nomads of Mauritania also were very largely heathen. - -But whatever may have been the extent of the Christian Church, it -received a blow from the Vandal persecutions from which it never -recovered. For nearly a century the Arian Vandals persecuted the -orthodox with relentless fury; sent their bishops into exile, forbade -the public exercise of their religion and cruelly tortured those who -refused to conform to the religion of their conquerors. [353] When in -534, Belisarius crushed the power of the Vandals and restored North -Africa to the Roman Empire, only 217 bishops met in the Synod of -Carthage [354] to resume the direction of the Christian Church. After -the fierce and long-continued persecution to which they had been -subjected the number of the faithful must have been very much reduced, -and during the century that elapsed before the coming of the -Muhammadans, the inroads of the barbarian Moors, who shut the Romans up -in the cities and other centres of population, and kept the mountains, -the desert and the open country for themselves, [355] the prevalent -disorder and ill-government, and above all the desolating plagues that -signalised the latter half of the sixth century, all combined to carry -on the work of destruction. Five millions of Africans are said to have -been consumed by the wars and government of the Emperor Justinian. The -wealthier citizens abandoned a country whose commerce and agriculture, -once so flourishing, had been irretrievably ruined. “Such was the -desolation of Africa, that in many parts a stranger might wander whole -days without meeting the face either of a friend or an enemy. The -nation of the Vandals had disappeared; they once amounted to an hundred -and sixty thousand warriors, without including the children, the women, -or the slaves. Their numbers were infinitely surpassed by the number of -Moorish families extirpated in a relentless war; the same destruction -was retaliated on the Romans and their allies, who perished by the -climate, their mutual quarrels, and the rage of the barbarians.” [356] - -In 646, the year before the victorious Arabs advanced from Egypt to the -subjugation of the western province, the African Church that had -championed so often the purity of Christian doctrine, was stirred to -its depths by the struggle against Monotheletism; but when the bishops -of the four ecclesiastical provinces in the archbishopric of Carthage, -viz. Mauritania, Numidia, Byzacena and Africa Proconsularis, held -councils to condemn Monotheletism, and wrote synodal letters to the -Emperor and the Pope, there were only sixty-eight bishops who assembled -at Carthage to represent the last-mentioned province, and forty-two for -Byzacena. The numbers from the other two dioceses are not given, but -the Christian population had undoubtedly suffered much more in these -than in the two other dioceses which were nearer to the seat of -government. [357] It is exceedingly unlikely that any of the bishops -were absent on an occasion that excited so much feeling, when zeal for -Christian doctrine and political animosity to the Byzantine court both -combined in stimulating this movement, and when Africa took the most -prominent part in stirring up the opposition that led to the convening -of the great Lateran Council of 648. This diminution in the number of -the African bishops certainly points to a vast decrease in the -Christian population, and in consideration of the numerous causes -contributing to a decay of the population, too great stress even must -not be laid upon the number of these, because an episcopal see may -continue to be filled long after the diocese has sunk into -insignificance. - -From the considerations enumerated above, it may certainly be inferred -that the Christian population at the time of the Muhammadan invasion -was by no means a large one. During the fifty years that elapsed before -the Arabs assured their victory, the Christian population was still -further reduced by the devastations of this long conflict. The city of -Tripolis, after sustaining a siege of six months, was sacked, and of -the inhabitants part were put to the sword and the rest carried off -captive into Egypt and Arabia. [358] Another city, bordering on the -Numidian desert, was defended by a Roman count with a large garrison -which bravely endured a blockade of a whole year; when at last it was -taken by storm, all the males were put to the sword and the women and -children carried off captive. [359] The number of such captives is said -to have amounted to several hundreds of thousands. [360] Many of the -Christians took refuge in flight, [361] some into Italy and Spain, -[362] and it would almost seem that others even wandered as far as -Germany, judging from a letter addressed to the diocese of St. Boniface -by Pope Gregory II. [363] In fact, many of the great Roman cities were -quite depopulated, and remained uninhabited for a long time or were -even left to fall to ruins entirely, [364] while in several cases the -conquerors chose entirely new sites for their chief towns. [365] - -As to the scattered remnants of the once flourishing Christian Church -that still remained in Africa at the end of the seventh century, it can -hardly be supposed that persecution is responsible for their final -disappearance, in the face of the fact that traces of a native -Christian community were to be found even so late as the sixteenth -century. Idrīs, the founder of the dynasty in Morocco that bore his -name, is indeed said to have compelled by force Christians and Jews to -embrace Islam in the year A.D. 789, when he had just begun to carve out -a kingdom for himself with the sword, [366] but, as far as I have been -able to discover, this incident is without parallel in the history of -the native Church of North Africa. [367] - -The very slowness of its decay is a testimony to the toleration it must -have received. About 300 years after the Muhammadan conquest there were -still nearly forty bishoprics left, [368] and when in 1053 Pope Leo IX -laments that only five bishops could be found to represent the once -flourishing African Church, [369] the cause is most probably to be -sought for in the terrible bloodshed and destruction wrought by the -Arab hordes that had poured into the country a few years before and -filled it with incessant conflict and anarchy. [370] In 1076, the -African Church could not provide the three bishops necessary for the -consecration of an aspirant to the dignity of the episcopate, in -accordance with the demands of canon law, and it was necessary for Pope -Gregory VII to consecrate two bishops to act as coadjutors of the -Archbishop of Carthage; but the numbers of the faithful were still so -large as to demand the creation of fresh bishops to lighten the burden -of the work, which was too heavy for these three bishops to perform -unaided. [371] In the course of the next two centuries, the Christian -Church declined still further, and in 1246 the bishop of Morocco was -the sole spiritual leader of the remnant of the native Church. [372] Up -to the same period traces of the survival of Christianity were still to -be found among the Kabils of Algeria; [373] these tribes had received -some slight instruction in the tenets of Islam at an early period, but -the new faith had taken very little hold upon them, and as years went -by they lost even what little knowledge they had at first possessed, so -much so that they even forgot the Muslim formula of prayer. Shut up in -their mountain fastnesses and jealous of their independence, they -successfully resisted the introduction of the Arab element into their -midst, and thus the difficulties in the way of their conversion were -very considerable. Some unsuccessful attempts to start a mission among -them had been made by the inmates of a monastery belonging to the -Qādiriyyah order, Sāqiyah al-ḥamrāʼ, but the honour of winning an -entrance among them for the Muslim faith was reserved for a number of -Andalusian Moors who were driven out of Spain after the taking of -Granada in 1492. They had taken refuge in this monastery and were -recognised by the shaykh to be eminently fitted for the arduous task -that had previously so completely baffled the efforts of his disciples. -Before dismissing them on this pious errand, he thus addressed them: -“It is a duty incumbent upon us to bear the torch of Islam into these -regions that have lost their inheritance in the blessings of religion; -for these unhappy Kabils are wholly unprovided with schools, and have -no shaykh to teach their children the laws of morality and the virtues -of Islam; so they live like the brute beasts, without God or religion. -To do away with this unhappy state of things, I have determined to -appeal to your religious zeal and enlightenment. Let not these -mountaineers wallow any longer in their pitiable ignorance of the grand -truths of our religion; go and breathe upon the dying fire of their -faith and re-illumine its smouldering embers; purge them of whatever -errors may still cling to them from their former belief in -Christianity; make them understand that in the religion of our lord -Muḥammad—may God have compassion upon him—dirt is not, as in the -Christian religion, looked upon as acceptable in the eyes of God. [374] -I will not disguise from you the fact that your task is beset with -difficulties, but your irresistible zeal and the ardour of your faith -will enable you, by the grace of God, to overcome all obstacles. Go, my -children, and bring back again to God and His Prophet these unhappy -people who are wallowing in the mire of ignorance and unbelief. Go, my -children, bearing the message of salvation, and may God be with you and -uphold you.” - -The missionaries started off in parties of five or six at a time in -various directions; they went in rags, staff in hand, and choosing out -the wildest and least frequented parts of the mountains, established -hermitages in caves and clefts of the rocks. Their austerities and -prolonged devotions soon excited the curiosity of the Kabils, who after -a short time began to enter into friendly relations with them. Little -by little the missionaries gained the influence they desired through -their knowledge of medicine, of the mechanical arts, and other -advantages of civilisation, and each hermitage became a centre of -Muslim teaching. Students, attracted by the learning of the new-comers, -gathered round them and in time became missionaries of Islam to their -fellow-countrymen, until their faith spread throughout all the country -of the Kabils and the villages of the Algerian Sahara. [375] - -The above incident is no doubt illustrative of the manner in which -Islam was introduced among such other sections of the independent -tribes of the interior as had received any Christian teaching, but -whose knowledge of this faith had dwindled down to the observance of a -few superstitious rites; [376] for, cut off as they were from the rest -of the Christian world and unprovided with spiritual teachers, they -could have had little in the way of positive religious belief to oppose -to the teachings of the Muslim missionaries. - -There is little more to add to these sparse records of the decay of the -North African Church. A Muhammadan traveller, [377] who visited -al-Jarīd, the southern district of Tunis, in the early part of the -fourteenth century, tells us that the Christian churches, although in -ruins, were still standing in his day, not having been destroyed by the -Arab conquerors, who had contented themselves with building a mosque in -front of each of these churches. Ibn Khaldūn (writing towards the close -of the fourteenth century), speaks of some villages in the province of -Qastīliyyah, [378] with a Christian population whose ancestors had -lived there since the time of the Arab conquest. [379] At the end of -the following century there was still to be found in the city of Tunis -a small community of native Christians, living together in one of the -suburbs, quite distinct from that in which the foreign Christian -merchants resided; far from being oppressed or persecuted, they were -employed as the bodyguard of the Sultan. [380] These were doubtless the -same persons as were congratulated on their perseverance in the -Christian faith by Charles V after the capture of Tunis in 1535. [381] - -This is the last we hear of the native Christian Church in North -Africa. The very fact of its so long survival would militate against -any supposition of forced conversion, even if we had not abundant -evidence of the tolerant spirit of the Arab rulers of the various North -African kingdoms, who employed Christian soldiers, [382] granted by -frequent treaties the free exercise of their religion to Christian -merchants and settlers, [383] and to whom Popes [384] recommended the -care of the native Christian population, while exhorting the latter to -serve their Muhammadan rulers faithfully. [385] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIANS OF SPAIN. - - -In 711 the victorious Arabs introduced Islam into Spain: in 1502 an -edict of Ferdinand and Isabella forbade the exercise of the Muhammadan -religion throughout the kingdom. During the centuries that elapsed -between these two dates, Muslim Spain had written one of the brightest -pages in the history of mediæval Europe. Her influence had passed -through Provence into the other countries of Europe, bringing into -birth a new poetry and a new culture, and it was from her that -Christian scholars received what of Greek philosophy and science they -had to stimulate their mental activity up to the time of the -Renaissance. But these triumphs of the civilised life—art and poetry, -science and philosophy—we must pass over here and fix our attention on -the religious condition of Spain under the Muslim rule. - -When the Muhammadans first brought their religion into Spain they found -Catholic Christianity firmly established after its conquest over -Arianism. The sixth Council of Toledo had enacted that all kings were -to swear that they would not suffer the exercise of any other religion -but the Catholic, and would vigorously enforce the law against all -dissentients, while a subsequent law forbade any one under pain of -confiscation of his property and perpetual imprisonment, to call in -question the Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church, the Evangelical -Institutions, the definitions of the Fathers, the decrees of the -Church, and the Holy Sacraments. The clergy had gained for their order -a preponderating influence in the affairs of the state; [386] the -bishops and chief ecclesiastics sat in the national councils, which met -to settle the most important business of the realm, ratified the -election of the king and claimed the right to depose him if he refused -to abide by their decrees. The Christian clergy took advantage of their -power to persecute the Jews, who formed a very large community in -Spain; edicts of a brutally severe character were passed against such -as refused to be baptised; [387] and they consequently hailed the -invading Arabs as their deliverers from such cruel oppression, they -garrisoned the captured cities on behalf of the conqueror and opened -the gates of towns that were being besieged. [388] - -The Muhammadans received as warm a welcome from the slaves, whose -condition under the Gothic rule was a very miserable one, and whose -knowledge of Christianity was too superficial to have any weight when -compared with the liberty and numerous advantages they gained, by -throwing in their lot with the Muslims. - -These down-trodden slaves were the first converts to Islam in Spain. -The remnants of the heathen population of which we find mention as late -as A.D. 693, [389] probably followed their example. Many of the -Christian nobles, also, whether from genuine conviction or from other -motives, embraced the new creed. [390] Many converts were won, too, -from the lower and middle classes, who may well have embraced Islam, -not merely outwardly, but from genuine conviction, turning to it from a -religion whose ministers had left them ill-instructed and uncared for, -and busied with worldly ambitions had plundered and oppressed their -flocks. [391] Having once become Muslims, these Spanish converts showed -themselves zealous adherents of their adopted faith, and they and their -children joined themselves to the Puritan party of the rigid Muhammadan -theologians as against the careless and luxurious life of the Arab -aristocracy. [392] - -At the time of the Muhammadan conquest the old Gothic virtues are said -by Christian historians to have declined and given place to effeminacy -and corruption, so that the Muhammadan rule appeared to them to be a -punishment sent from God on those who had gone astray into the paths of -vice; [393] but such a statement is too frequent a commonplace of the -ecclesiastical historian to be accepted in the absence of contemporary -evidence. [394] - -But certainly as time went on, matters do not seem to have mended -themselves; and when Christian bishops took part in the revels of the -Muhammadan court, when episcopal sees were put up to auction and -persons suspected to be atheists appointed as shepherds of the -faithful, and these in their turn bestowed the office of the priesthood -on low and unworthy persons, [395] we may well suppose that it was not -only in the province of Elvira [396] that Christians turned from a -religion, the corrupt lives of whose ministers had brought it into -discredit, [397] and sought a more congenial atmosphere for the moral -and spiritual life in the pale of Islam. - -Had ecclesiastical writers cared to chronicle them, Spain would -doubtless be found to offer instances of many a man leaving the -Christian Church like Bodo, a deacon at the French court in the reign -of Louis the Pious, who in A.D. 838 became a Jew, in order that (as he -said), forsaking his sinful life, he might “abide steadfast in the law -of the Lord.” [398] - -It is very possible, too, that the lingering remains of the old Gothic -Arianism—of which, indeed, there had been some slight revival in the -Spanish Church just before the Arab conquest [399]—may have predisposed -men’s minds to accept the new faith whose Christology was in such close -agreement with Arian doctrine, [400] and a later age may have witnessed -parallels to that change of faith which is the earliest recorded -instance of conversion to Islam in western Europe and occurred before -the Arab invasion of Spain—namely the conversion of a Greek named -Theodisclus, who succeeded St. Isidore (ob. A.D. 636) as Archbishop of -Seville; he was accused of heresy, for maintaining that Jesus was not -one God in unity with the Father and the Holy Spirit, but was rather -Son of God by adoption; he was accordingly condemned by an -ecclesiastical synod, deprived of his archbishopric and degraded from -the priesthood. Whereupon he went over to the Arabs and embraced Islam -among them. [401] - -Of forced conversion or anything like persecution in the early days of -the Arab conquest, we hear nothing. Indeed, it was probably in a great -measure their tolerant attitude towards the Christian religion that -facilitated their rapid acquisition of the country. The only complaint -that the Christians could bring against their new rulers for treating -them differently to their non-Christian subjects, was that they had to -pay the usual capitation-tax of forty-eight dirhams for the rich, -twenty-four for the middle classes, and twelve for those who made their -living by manual labour: this, as being in lieu of military service, -was levied only on the able-bodied males, for women, children, monks, -the halt, and the blind, and the sick, mendicants and slaves were -exempted therefrom; [402] it must moreover have appeared the less -oppressive as being collected by the Christian officials themselves. -[403] - -Except in the case of offences against the Muslim religious law, the -Christians were tried by their own judges and in accordance with their -own laws. [404] They were left undisturbed in the exercise of their -religion; [405] the sacrifice of the mass was offered, with the -swinging of censers, the ringing of the bell, and all the other -solemnities of the Catholic ritual; the psalms were chanted in the -choir, sermons preached to the people, and the festivals of the Church -observed in the usual manner. They do not appear to have been -condemned, like their co-religionists in Syria and Egypt, to wear a -distinctive dress as sign of their humiliation, and in the ninth -century at least, the Christian laity wore the same kind of costume as -the Arabs. [406] They were at one time even allowed to build new -churches. [407] - -We read also of the founding [408] of several fresh monasteries in -addition to the numerous convents both for monks and nuns that -flourished undisturbed by the Muhammadan rulers. The monks could appear -publicly in the woollen robes of their order and the priest had no need -to conceal the mark of his sacred office, [409] nor at the same time -did their religious profession prevent the Christians from being -entrusted with high offices at court, [410] or serving in the Muslim -armies. [411] - -Certainly those Christians who could reconcile themselves to the loss -of political power had little to complain of, and it is very noticeable -that during the whole of the eighth century we hear of only one attempt -at revolt on their part, namely at Beja, and in this they appear to -have followed the lead of an Arab chief. [412] Those who migrated into -French territory in order that they might live under a Christian rule, -certainly fared no better than the co-religionists they had left -behind. In 812 Charlemagne interfered to protect the exiles who had -followed him on his retreat from Spain from the exactions of the -imperial officers. Three years later Louis the Pious had to issue -another edict on their behalf, in spite of which they had soon again to -complain against the nobles who robbed them of the lands that had been -assigned to them. But the evil was only checked for a little time to -break out afresh, and all the edicts passed on their behalf did not -avail to make the lot of these unfortunate exiles more tolerable, and -in the Cagots (i.e. canes Gothi), a despised and ill-treated class of -later times, we probably meet again the Spanish colony that fled away -from Muslim rule to throw themselves upon the mercy of their Christian -co-religionists. [413] - -The toleration of the Muhammadan government towards its Christian -subjects in Spain and the freedom of intercourse between the adherents -of the two religions brought about a certain amount of assimilation in -the two communities. Inter-marriages became frequent; [414] Isidore of -Beja, who fiercely inveighs against the Muslim conquerors, records the -marriage of ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz, the son of Mūsạ̄, with the widow of King -Roderic, without a word of blame. [415] Many of the Christians adopted -Arab names, and in outward observances imitated to some extent their -Muhammadan neighbours, e.g. many were circumcised, [416] and in matters -of food and drink followed the practice of the “unbaptized pagans.” -[417] - -The very term Muzarabes (i.e. mustʻaribīn or Arabicised) applied to the -Spanish Christians living under Arab rule, is significant of the -tendencies that were at work. The study of Arabic very rapidly began to -displace that of Latin throughout the country, [418] so that the -language of Christian theology came gradually to be neglected and -forgotten. Even some of the higher clergy rendered themselves -ridiculous by their ignorance of correct Latinity. [419] It could -hardly be expected that the laity would exhibit more zeal in such a -matter than the clergy, and in 854 a Spanish writer brings the -following complaint against his Christian fellow-countrymen:—“While we -are investigating their (i.e. the Muslim) sacred ordinances and meeting -together to study the sects of their philosophers—or rather -philobraggers—not for the purpose of refuting their errors, but for the -exquisite charm and for the eloquence and beauty of their -language—neglecting the reading of the Scriptures, we are but setting -up as an idol the number of the beast. (Apoc. xiii. 18.) Where nowadays -can we find any learned layman who, absorbed in the study of the Holy -Scriptures, cares to look at the works of any of the Latin Fathers? Who -is there with any zeal for the writings of the Evangelists, or the -Prophets, or Apostles? Our Christian young men, with their elegant airs -and fluent speech, are showy in their dress and carriage, and are famed -for the learning of the gentiles; intoxicated with Arab eloquence they -greedily handle, eagerly devour and zealously discuss the books of the -Chaldeans (i.e. Muhammadans), and make them known by praising them with -every flourish of rhetoric, knowing nothing of the beauty of the -Church’s literature, and looking down with contempt on the streams of -the Church that flow forth from Paradise; alas! the Christians are so -ignorant of their own law, the Latins pay so little attention to their -own language, that in the whole Christian flock there is hardly one man -in a thousand who can write a letter to inquire after a friend’s health -intelligibly, while you may find a countless rabble of all kinds of -them who can learnedly roll out the grandiloquent periods of the -Chaldean tongue. They can even make poems, every line ending with the -same letter, which display high flights of beauty and more skill in -handling metre than the gentiles themselves possess.” [420] - -In fact the knowledge of Latin so much declined in one part of Spain -that it was found necessary to translate the ancient Canons of the -Spanish Church and the Bible into Arabic for the use of the Christians. -[421] - -While the brilliant literature of the Arabs exercised such a -fascination and was so zealously studied, those who desired an -education in Christian literature had little more than the materials -that had been employed in the training of the barbaric Goths, and could -with difficulty find teachers to induct them even into this low level -of culture. As time went on this want of Christian education increased -more and more. In 1125 the Muzarabes wrote to King Alfonso of Aragon: -“We and our fathers have up to this time been brought up among the -gentiles, and having been baptised, freely observe the Christian -ordinances; but we have never had it in our power to be fully -instructed in our divine religion; for, subject as we are to the -infidels who have long oppressed us, we have never ventured to ask for -teachers from Rome or France; and they have never come to us of their -own accord on account of the barbarity of the heathen whom we obey.” -[422] - -From such close intercourse with the Muslims and so diligent a study of -their literature—when we find even so bigoted an opponent of Islam as -Alvar [423] acknowledging that the Qurʼān was composed in such eloquent -and beautiful language that even Christians could not help reading and -admiring it—we should naturally expect to find signs of a religious -influence: and such indeed is the case. Elipandus, bishop of Toledo -(ob. 810), an exponent of the heresy of Adoptionism—according to which -the Man Christ Jesus was Son of God by adoption and not by nature—is -expressly said to have arrived at these heretical views through his -frequent and close intercourse with the Muhammadans. [424] This new -doctrine appears to have spread quickly over a great part of Spain, -while it was successfully propagated in Septimania, which was under -French protection, by Felix, bishop of Urgel in Catalonia. [425] Felix -was brought before a council, presided over by Charlemagne, and made to -abjure his error, but on his return to Spain he relapsed into his old -heresy, doubtless (as was suggested by Pope Leo III at the time) owing -to his intercourse with the pagans (meaning thereby the Muhammadans) -who held similar views. [426] When prominent churchmen were so -profoundly influenced by their contact with Muhammadans, we may judge -that the influence of Islam upon the Christians of Spain was very -considerable, indeed in A.D. 936 a council was held at Toledo to -consider the best means of preventing this intercourse from -contaminating the purity of the Christian faith. [427] - -It may readily be understood how these influences of Islamic thought -and practice—added to definite efforts at conversion [428]—would lead -to much more than a mere approximation and would very speedily swell -the number of the converts to Islam so that their descendants, the -so-called Muwallads—a term denoting those not of Arab blood—soon formed -a large and important party in the state, indeed the majority of the -population of the country, [429] and as early as the beginning of the -ninth century we read of attempts made by them to shake off the Arab -rule, and on several occasions later they come forward actively as a -national party of Spanish Muslims. - -We have little or no details of the history of the conversion of these -New-Muslims. Instances appeared to have occurred right up to the last -days of Muslim rule, for when the army of Ferdinand and Isabella -captured Malaga in 1487, it is recorded that all the renegade -Christians found in the city were tortured to death with sharp-pointed -reeds, and in the capitulation that secured the submission of Purchena -two years later, an express promise was made that renegades would not -be forced to return to Christianity. [430] Some few apostatised to -escape the payment of some penalty inflicted by the law-courts. [431] -But the majority of the converts were no doubt won over by the imposing -influence of the faith of Islam itself, presented to them as it was -with all the glamour of a brilliant civilisation, having a poetry, a -philosophy and an art well calculated to attract the reason and dazzle -the imagination: while in the lofty chivalry of the Arabs there was -free scope for the exhibition of manly prowess and the knightly -virtues—a career closed to the conquered Spaniards that remained true -to the Christian faith. Again, the learning and literature of the -Christians must have appeared very poor and meagre when compared with -that of the Muslims, the study of which may well by itself have served -as an incentive to the adoption of their religion. Besides, to the -devout mind Islam in Spain could offer the attractions of a pious and -zealous Puritan party with the orthodox Muslim theologians at its head, -which at times had a preponderating influence in the state and -struggled earnestly towards a reformation of faith and morals. - -Taking into consideration the ardent religious feeling that animated -the mass of the Spanish Muslims and the provocation that the Christians -gave to the Muhammadan government through their treacherous intrigues -with their co-religionists over the border, the history of Spain under -Muhammadan rule is singularly free from persecution. With the exception -of three or four cases of genuine martyrdom, the only approach to -anything like persecution during the whole period of the Arab rule is -to be found in the severe measures adopted by the Muhammadan government -to repress the madness for voluntary martyrdom that broke out in -Cordova in the ninth century. At this time a fanatical party came into -existence among the Christians in this part of Spain (for apparently -the Christian Church in the rest of the country had no sympathy with -the movement), which set itself openly and unprovokedly to insult the -religion of the Muslims and blaspheme their Prophet, with the -deliberate intention of incurring the penalty of death by such -misguided assertion of their Christian bigotry. - -This strange passion for self-immolation displayed itself mainly among -priests, monks and nuns between the years 850 and 860. It would seem -that brooding, in the silence of their cloisters, over the decline of -Christian influence and the decay of religious zeal, they went forth to -win the martyr’s crown—of which the toleration of their infidel rulers -was robbing them—by means of fierce attacks on Islam and its founder. -Thus, for example, a certain monk, by name Isaac, came before the Qāḍī -and pretended that he wished to be instructed in the faith of Islam; -when the Qāḍī had expounded to him the doctrines of the Prophet, he -burst out with the words: “He hath lied unto you (may the curse of God -consume him!), who, full of wickedness, hath led so many men into -perdition, and doomed them with himself to the pit of hell. Filled with -Satan and practising Satanic jugglery, he hath given you a cup of -deadly wine to work disease in you, and will expiate his guilt with -everlasting damnation. Why do ye not, being endowed with understanding, -deliver yourselves from such dangers? Why do ye not, renouncing the -ulcer of his pestilential doctrines, seek the eternal salvation of the -Gospel of the faith of Christ?” [432] On another occasion two -Christians forced their way into a mosque and there reviled the -Muhammadan religion, which, they declared, would very speedily bring -upon its followers the destruction of hell-fire. [433] Though the -number of such fanatics was not considerable, [434] the Muhammadan -government grew alarmed, fearing that such contempt for their authority -and disregard of their laws against blasphemy, argued a widespread -disaffection and a possible general insurrection, for in fact, in 853 -Muḥammad I had to send an army against the Christians at Toledo, who, -incited by Eulogius, the chief apologist of the martyrs, had risen in -revolt on the news of the sufferings of their co-religionists. [435] He -is said to have ordered a general massacre of the Christians, but when -it was pointed out that no men of any intelligence or rank among the -Christians had taken part in such doings [436] (for Alvar himself -complains that the majority of the Christian priests condemned the -martyrs [437]), the king contented himself with putting into force the -existing laws against blasphemy with the utmost rigour. The moderate -party in the Church seconded the efforts of the government; the bishops -anathematised the fanatics, and an ecclesiastical council that was held -in 852 to discuss the matter agreed upon methods of repression [438] -that eventually quashed the movement. One or two isolated cases of -martyrdom are recorded later—the last in 983, after which there was -none as long as the Arab rule lasted in Spain. [439] - -But under the Berber dynasty of the Almoravids at the beginning of the -twelfth century, there was an outburst of fanaticism on the part of the -theological zealots of Islam in which the Christians had to suffer -along with the Jews and the liberal section of the Muhammadan -population—the philosophers, the poets and the men of letters. But such -incidents are exceptions to the generally tolerant character of the -Muhammadan rulers of Spain towards their Christian subjects. - -One of the Spanish Muhammadans who was driven out of his native country -in the last expulsion of the Moriscoes in 1610, while protesting -against the persecutions of the Inquisition, makes the following -vindication of the toleration of his co-religionists: “Did our -victorious ancestors ever once attempt to extirpate Christianity out of -Spain, when it was in their power? Did they not suffer your forefathers -to enjoy the free use of their rites at the same time that they wore -their chains? Is not the absolute injunction of our Prophet, that -whatever nation is conquered by Musalman steel, should, upon the -payment of a moderate annual tribute, be permitted to persevere in -their own pristine persuasion, how absurd soever, or to embrace what -other belief they themselves best approved of? If there may have been -some examples of forced conversions, they are so rare as scarce to -deserve mentioning, and only attempted by men who had not the fear of -God, and the Prophet, before their eyes, and who, in so doing, have -acted directly and diametrically contrary to the holy precepts and -ordinances of Islam which cannot, without sacrilege, be violated by any -who would be held worthy of the honourable epithet of Musulman.... You -can never produce, among us, any bloodthirsty, formal tribunal, on -account of different persuasions in points of faith, that anywise -approaches your execrable Inquisition. Our arms, it is true, are ever -open to receive all who are disposed to embrace our religion; but we -are not allowed by our sacred Qurʼān to tyrannise over consciences. Our -proselytes have all imaginable encouragement, and have no sooner -professed God’s Unity and His Apostle’s mission but they become one of -us, without reserve; taking to wife our daughters, and being employed -in posts of trust, honour and profit; we contenting ourselves with only -obliging them to wear our habit, and to seem true believers in outward -appearance, without ever offering to examine their consciences, -provided they do not openly revile or profane our religion: if they do -that, we indeed punish them as they deserve; since their conversion was -voluntarily, and was not by compulsion.” [440] - -This very spirit of toleration was made one of the main articles in an -account of the “Apostacies and Treasons of the Moriscoes,” drawn up by -the Archbishop of Valencia in 1602 when recommending their expulsion to -Philip III, as follows: “That they commended nothing so much as that -liberty of conscience, in all matters of religion, which the Turks, and -all other Muhammadans, suffer their subjects to enjoy.” [441] - -What deep roots Islam had struck in the hearts of the Spanish people -may be judged from the fact that when the last remnant of the Moriscoes -was expelled from Spain in 1610, these unfortunate people still clung -to the faith of their fathers, although for more than a century they -had been forced to outwardly conform to the Christian religion, and in -spite of the emigrations that had taken place since the fall of -Granada, nearly 500,000 are said to have been expelled at that time. -[442] Whole towns and villages were deserted and the houses fell into -ruins, there being no one to rebuild them. [443] These Moriscoes were -probably all descendants of the original inhabitants of the country, -with little or no admixture of Arab blood; the reasons that may be -adduced in support of this statement are too lengthy to be given here; -one point only in the evidence may be mentioned, derived from a letter -written in 1311, in which it is stated that of the 200,000 Muhammadans -then living in the city of Granada, not more than 500 were of Arab -descent, all the rest being descendants of converted Spaniards. [444] -Finally, it is of interest to note that even up to the last days of its -power in Spain, Islam won converts to the faith, for the historian, -when writing of events that occurred in the year 1499, seven years -after the fall of Granada, draws attention to the fact that among the -Moors were a few Christians who had lately embraced the faith of the -Prophet. [445] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS -IN EUROPE UNDER THE TURKS. - - -We first hear of the Ottoman Turks at the commencement of the -thirteenth century, when fleeing before the Mongols, to the number of -about 50,000, they came to the help of the Sultan of Iconium, and in -return for their services both against the Mongols and the Greeks, had -assigned to them a district in the north-west of Asia Minor. This was -the nucleus of the future Ottoman empire, which, increasing at first by -the absorption of the petty states into which the Saljūq Turks had -split up, afterwards crossed over into Europe, annexing kingdom after -kingdom, until its victorious growth received a check before the gates -of Vienna in 1683. [446] - -From the earliest days of the extension of their kingdom in Asia Minor, -the Ottomans exercised authority over Christian subjects, but it was -not until the ancient capital of the Eastern empire fell into their -hands in 1453 that the relations between the Muslim Government and the -Christian Church were definitely established on a fixed basis. One of -the first steps taken by Muḥammad II, after the capture of -Constantinople and the re-establishment of order in that city, was to -secure the allegiance of the Christians, by proclaiming himself the -protector of the Greek Church. Persecution of the Christians was -strictly forbidden; a decree was granted to the newly elected patriarch -which secured to him and his successors and the bishops under him, the -enjoyment of the old privileges, revenues and exemptions enjoyed under -the former rule. Gennadios, the first patriarch after the Turkish -conquest, received from the hands of the Sultan himself the pastoral -staff, which was the sign of his office, together with a purse of a -thousand golden ducats and a horse with gorgeous trappings, on which he -was privileged to ride with his train through the city. [447] But not -only was the head of the Church treated with all the respect he had -been accustomed to receive from the Christian emperors, but further he -was invested with extensive civil power. The patriarch’s court sat to -decide all cases between Greek and Greek: it could impose fines, -imprison offenders in a prison provided for its own special use, and in -some cases even condemn to capital punishment: while the ministers and -officials of the government were directed to enforce its judgments. The -complete control of spiritual and ecclesiastical matters (in which the -Turkish government, unlike the civil power of the Byzantine empire, -never interfered), was left entirely in his hands and those of the -grand Synod which he could summon whenever he pleased; and hereby he -could decide all matters of faith and dogma without fear of -interference on the part of the state. As a recognised officer of the -imperial government, he could do much for the alleviation of the -oppressed, by bringing the acts of unjust governors to the notice of -the Sultan. The Greek bishops in the provinces in their turn were -treated with great consideration and were entrusted with so much -jurisdiction in civil affairs, that up to modern times they have acted -in their dioceses almost as if they were Ottoman prefects over the -orthodox population, thus taking the place of the old Christian -aristocracy which had been exterminated by the conquerors, and we find -that the higher clergy were generally more active as Turkish agents -than as Greek priests, and they always taught their people that the -Sultan possessed a divine sanction, as the protector of the Orthodox -Church. A charter was subsequently published, securing to the orthodox -the use of such churches as had not been confiscated to form mosques, -and authorising them to celebrate their religious rites publicly -according to their national usages. [448] - -Consequently, though the Greeks were numerically superior to the Turks -in all the European provinces of the empire, the religious toleration -thus granted them, and the protection of life and property they -enjoyed, soon reconciled them to the change of masters and led them to -prefer the domination of the Sultan to that of any Christian power. -Indeed, in many parts of the country, the Ottoman conquerors were -welcomed by the Greeks as their deliverers from the rapacious and -tyrannous rule of the Franks and the Venetians who had so long disputed -with Byzantium for the possession of the Peloponnesos and some of the -adjacent parts of Greece; by introducing into Greece the feudal system, -these had reduced the people to the miserable condition of serfs, and -as aliens in speech, race and creed, were hated by their subjects, -[449] to whom a change of rulers, since it could not make their -condition worse, would offer a possible chance of improving it, and -though their deliverers were likewise aliens, yet the infidel Turk was -infinitely to be preferred to the heretical Catholics. [450] The Greeks -who lived under the immediate government of the Byzantine court, were -equally unlikely to be averse to a change of rulers. The degradation -and tyranny that characterised the dynasty of the Palæologi are -frightful to contemplate. “A corrupt aristocracy, a tyrannical and -innumerable clergy, the oppression of perverted law, the exactions of a -despicable government, and still more, its monopolies, its fiscality, -its armies of tax and custom collectors, left the degraded people -neither rights nor institutions, neither chance of amelioration nor -hope of redress.” [451] Lest such a judgment appear dictated by a -spirit of party bias, a contemporary authority may be appealed to in -support of its correctness. The Russian annalists who speak of the fall -of Constantinople bring a similar indictment against its government. -“Without the fear of the law an empire is like a steed without reins. -Constantine and his ancestors allowed their grandees to oppress the -people; there was no more justice in their law courts; no more courage -in their hearts; the judges amassed treasures from the tears and blood -of the innocent; the Greek soldiers were proud only of the magnificence -of their dress; the citizens did not blush at being traitors; the -soldiers were not ashamed to fly. At length the Lord poured out His -thunder on these unworthy rulers, and raised up Muḥammad, whose -warriors delight in battle, and whose judges do not betray their -trust.” [452] This last item of praise [453] may sound strange in the -ears of a generation that has constantly been called upon to protest -against Turkish injustice; but it is clearly and abundantly borne out -by the testimony of contemporary historians. The Byzantine historian -who has handed down to us the story of the capture of Constantinople -tells us how even the impetuous Bāyazīd was liberal and generous to his -Christian subjects, and made himself extremely popular among them by -admitting them freely to his society. [454] Murād II distinguished -himself by his attention to the administration of justice and by his -reforms of the abuses prevalent under the Greek emperors, and punished -without mercy those of his officials who oppressed any of his subjects. -[455] For at least a century after the fall of Constantinople a series -of able rulers secured, by a firm and vigorous administration, peace -and order throughout their dominions, and an admirable civil and -judicial organisation, if it did not provide an absolutely impartial -justice for Muslims and Christians alike, yet caused the Greeks to be -far better off than they had been before. They were harassed by fewer -exactions of forced labour, extraordinary contributions were rarely -levied, and the taxes they paid were a trifling burden compared with -the endless feudal obligations of the Franks and the countless -extortions of the Byzantines. The Turkish dominions were certainly -better governed and more prosperous than most parts of Christian -Europe, and the mass of the Christian population engaged in the -cultivation of the soil enjoyed a larger measure of private liberty and -of the fruits of their labour, under the government of the Sultan than -their contemporaries did under that of many Christian monarchs. [456] A -great impulse, too, was given to the commercial activity of the -country, for the early Sultans were always ready to foster trade and -commerce among their subjects, and many of the great cities entered -upon an era of prosperity when the Turkish conquest had delivered them -from the paralysing fiscal oppression of the Byzantine empire, one of -the first of them being Nicæa, which capitulated to Urkhān in 1330 -under the most favourable terms after a long-protracted siege. [457] -Like the ancient Romans, the Ottomans were great makers of roads and -bridges, and thereby facilitated trade throughout their empire; and -foreign states were compelled to admit the Greek merchants into ports -from which they had been excluded in the time of the Byzantine -emperors, but now sailing under the Ottoman flag, they assumed the -dress and manners of Turks, and thus secured from the nations of -Western Europe the respect and consideration which the Catholics had -hitherto always refused to the members of the Greek Church. [458] - -There is, however, one notable exception to this general good treatment -and toleration, viz. the tribute of Christian children, who were -forcibly taken from their parents at an early age and enrolled in the -famous corps of Janissaries. Instituted by Urkhān in 1330, it formed -for centuries the mainstay of the despotic power of the Turkish -Sultans, and was kept alive by a regular contribution exacted every -four years, [459] when the officers of the Sultan visited the districts -on which the tax was imposed, and made a selection from among the -children about the age of seven. The Muhammadan legists attempted to -apologise for this inhuman tribute by representing these children as -the fifth of the spoil which the Qurʼān assigns to the sovereign, [460] -and they prescribed that the injunction against forcible conversion -[461] should be observed with regard to them also, although the tender -age at which they were placed under the instruction of Muslim teachers -must have made it practically of none effect. [462] Christian Europe -has always expressed its horror at such a barbarous tax, and travellers -in the Turkish dominions have painted touching pictures of desolated -homes and of parents weeping for the children torn from their arms. But -when the corps was first instituted, its numbers were rapidly swelled -by voluntary accessions from among the Christians themselves, [463] and -the circumstances under which this tribute was first imposed may go far -to explain the apathy which the Greeks themselves appear to have -exhibited. The whole country had been laid waste by war, and families -were often in danger of perishing with hunger; the children who were -thus adopted were in many cases orphans, who would otherwise have been -left to perish; further, the custom so widely prevalent at that time of -selling Christians as slaves may have made this tax appear less -appalling than might have been expected. This custom has, moreover, -been maintained to have been only a continuation of a similar usage -that was in force under the Byzantine emperors. [464] It has even been -said that there was seldom any necessity of an appeal to force on the -part of the officers who collected the appointed number of children, -but rather that the parents were often eager to have their children -enrolled in a service that secured for them in many cases a brilliant -career, and under any circumstances a well-cared-for and comfortable -existence, since these little captives were brought up and educated as -if they were the Sultan’s own children. [465] This institution appears -in a less barbarous light if it be true that the parents could often -redeem their children by a money payment. [466] Metrophanes -Kritopoulos, who was Patriarch of Constantinople and afterwards of -Alexandria, writing in 1625, mentions various devices adopted by the -Christians for escaping from the burden of this tax, e.g. they -purchased Muhammadan boys and represented them to be Christians, or -they bribed the collectors to take Christian boys who were of low birth -or had been badly brought up or such as “deserved hanging.” [467] -Thomas Smith, among others, speaks of the possibility of buying off the -children, so impressed: “Some of their parents, out of natural pity and -out of a true sense of religion, that they may not be thus robbed of -their children, who hereby lie under a necessity of renouncing their -Christianity, compound for them at the rate of fifty or a hundred -dollars, as they are able, or as they can work upon the covetousness of -the Turks more or less.” [468] The Christians of certain cities, such -as Constantinople, and of towns and islands that had made this -stipulation at the time of their submission to the Turks, or had -purchased this privilege, were exempted from the operation of this -cruel tax. [469] These extenuating circumstances at the outset, and the -ease with which men acquiesce in any established usage—though serving -in no way as an excuse for so inhuman an institution—may help us to -understand what a traveller in the seventeenth century calls the -“unaccountable indifference” [470] with which the Greeks seem to have -fallen in with this demand of the new government, which so materially -improved their condition. - -Further, the Christian subjects of the Turkish empire had to pay the -capitation-tax, in return for protection and in lieu of military -service. The rates fixed by the Ottoman law were 2½, 5 and 10 piastres -a head for every full-grown male, according to his income, [471] women -and the clergy being exempt. [472] In the nineteenth century the rates -were 15, 30 and 60 piastres, according to income. [473] Christian -writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries generally speak of -this tax as being a ducat a head, [474] but it is also variously -described as amounting to 3, 5 or 5⅞ crowns or dollars. [475] The -fluctuating exchange value of the Turkish coinage in the seventeenth -century is the probable explanation of the latter variations. To -estimate with any exactitude how far this tax was a burden to those who -had to pay it, would require a lengthened disquisition on the -purchasing value of money at that period and a comparison with other -items of expenditure. [476] But by itself it could hardly have formed a -valid excuse for a change of faith, as Tournefort points out, when -writing in 1700 of the conversion of the Candiots: “It must be -confessed, these Wretches sell their Souls a Pennyworth: all they get -in exchange for their Religion, is a Vest, and the Privilege of being -exempt from the Capitation-Tax, which is not above five Crowns a year.” -[477] Scheffler also, who is anxious to represent the condition of the -Christians under Turkish rule in as black colours as possible, admits -that the one ducat a head was a trifling matter, and has to lay stress -on the extraordinary taxes, war contributions, etc., that they were -called upon to pay. [478] The land taxes were the same both for -Christians and Musalmans, [479] for the old distinction between lands -on which tithe was paid by the Muhammadan proprietor, and those on -which kharāj was paid by the non-Muhammadan proprietor, was not -recognised by the Ottomans. [480] Whatever sufferings the Christians -had to endure proceeded from the tyranny of individuals, who took -advantage of their official position to extort money from those under -their jurisdiction. Such acts of oppression were not only contrary to -the Muhammadan law, but were rare before the central government had -grown weak and suffered the corruption and injustice of local -authorities to go unpunished. [481] There is a very marked difference -between the accounts we have of the condition of the Christians during -the first two centuries of the Turkish rule in Europe and those of a -later date, when the period of decadence had fully set in. But it is -noticeable that in those very times in which the condition of the -Christians had been most intolerable there is least record of -conversion to Islam. In the eighteenth century, when the condition of -the Christians was worse than at any other period, we find hardly any -mention of conversions at all, and the Turks themselves are represented -as utterly indifferent to the progress of their religion and -considerably infected with scepticism and unbelief. [482] A further -proof that their sufferings have been due to misgovernment rather than -to religious persecution is the fact that Muslims and Christians -suffered alike. [483] The Christians would, however, naturally be more -exposed to extortion and ill-treatment owing to the difficulties that -lay in the way of obtaining redress at law, and some of the poorest may -thus have sought a relief from their sufferings in a change of faith. - -But if we except the tribute of the children, to which the conquered -Greeks seem to have submitted with so little show of resistance, and -which owed its abolition, not to any revolt or insurrection against its -continuance, but to the increase of the Turkish population and of the -number of the renegades who were constantly entering the Sultan’s -service, [484]—the treatment of their Christian subjects by the Ottoman -emperors—at least for two centuries after their conquest of -Greece—exhibits a toleration such as was at that time quite unknown in -the rest of Europe. The Calvinists of Hungary and Transylvania, and the -Unitarians of the latter country, long preferred to submit to the Turks -rather than fall into the hands of the fanatical house of Hapsburg; -[485] and the Protestants of Silesia looked with longing eyes towards -Turkey, and would gladly have purchased religious freedom at the price -of submission to the Muslim rule. [486] It was to Turkey that the -persecuted Spanish Jews fled for refuge in enormous numbers at the end -of the fifteenth century, [487] and the Cossacks who belonged to the -sect of the Old Believers and were persecuted by the Russian State -Church, found in the dominions of the Sultan the toleration which their -Christian brethren denied them. [488] Well might Macarius, Patriarch of -Antioch in the seventeenth century, congratulate himself when he saw -the fearful atrocities that the Catholic Poles inflicted on the -Russians of the Orthodox Eastern Church: “We all wept much over the -thousands of martyrs who were killed by those impious wretches, the -enemies of the faith, in these forty or fifty years. The number -probably amounted to seventy or eighty thousand souls. O you infidels! -O you monsters of impurity! O you hearts of stone! What had the nuns -and women done? What the girls and boys and infant children, that you -should murder them?... And why do I pronounce them (the Poles) -accursed? Because they have shown themselves more debased and wicked -than the corrupt worshippers of idols, by their cruel treatment of -Christians, thinking to abolish the very name of Orthodox. God -perpetuate the empire of the Turks for ever and ever! For they take -their impost, and enter into no account of religion, be their subjects -Christians or Nazarenes, Jews or Samarians: whereas these accursed -Poles were not content with taxes and tithes from the brethren of -Christ, though willing to serve them; but they subjected them to the -authority of the enemies of Christ, the tyrannical Jews, who did not -even permit them to build churches, nor leave them any priests that -knew the mysteries of their faith.” [489] Even in Italy there were men -who turned longing eyes towards the Turks in the hope that as their -subjects they might enjoy the freedom and the toleration they despaired -of enjoying under a Christian government. [490] It would seem, then, -that Islam was not spread by force in the dominion of the Sultan of -Turkey, and though the want of even-handed justice and the oppression -of unscrupulous officials in the days of the empire’s decline, may have -driven some Christians to attempt to better their condition by a change -of faith, such cases were rare in the first two centuries of the -Turkish rule in Europe, to which period the mass of conversions belong. -It would have been wonderful indeed if the ardour of proselytising that -animated the Ottomans at this time had never carried them beyond the -bounds of toleration established by their own laws. Yet it has been -said by one who was a captive among them for twenty-two years that the -Turks “compelled no one to renounce his faith.” [491] Similar testimony -is borne by others: an English gentleman who visited Turkey in the -early part of the seventeenth century, tells us that “There is seldom -any compulsion of conscience, and then not by death, where no criminal -offence gives occasion.” [492] Writing about thirty years later (in -1663), the author [493] of a Türcken-Schrifft says: “Meanwhile he (i.e. -the Turk) wins (converts) by craft more than by force, and snatches -away Christ by fraud out of the hearts of men. For the Turk, it is -true, at the present time compels no country by violence to apostatise; -but he uses other means whereby imperceptibly he roots out -Christianity.... What then has become of the Christians? They are not -expelled from the country, neither are they forced to embrace the -Turkish faith: then they must of themselves have been converted into -Turks.” - -The Turks considered that the greatest kindness they could show a man -was to bring him into the salvation of the faith of Islam, [494] and to -this end they left no method of persuasion untried: a Dutch traveller -of the sixteenth century, tells us that while he was admiring the great -mosque of Santa Sophia, some Turks even tried to work upon his -religious feelings through his æsthetic sense, saying to him, “If you -become a Musalman, you will be able to come here every day of your -life.” About a century later, an English traveller [495] had a similar -experience: “Sometimes, out of an excess of zeal, they will ask a -Christian civilly enough, as I have been asked myself in the Portico of -Sancta Sophia, why will you not turn Musalman, and be as one of us?” -The public rejoicings that hailed the accession of a new convert to the -faith, testify to the ardent love for souls which made these men such -zealous proselytisers. The new Muslim was set upon a horse and led in -triumph through the streets of the city. If he was known to be -genuinely honest in his change of faith and had voluntarily entered the -pale of Islam, or if he was a person of good position, he was received -with high honour and some provision made for his support. [496] There -was certainly abundant evidence for saying that “The Turks are -preposterously zealous in praying for the conversion, or perversion -rather, of Christians to their irreligious religion: they pray -heartily, and every day in their Temples, that Christians may imbrace -the Alcoran, and become their Proselytes, in effecting of which they -leave no means unassaied by fear and flattery, by punishments and -rewards.” [497] - -These zealous efforts for winning converts were rendered the more -effective by certain conditions of Christian society itself. Foremost -among these was the degraded condition of the Greek Church. Side by -side with the civil despotism of the Byzantine empire, had arisen an -ecclesiastical despotism which had crushed all energy of intellectual -life under the weight of a dogmatism that interdicted all discussion in -matters of morals and religion. The only thing that disturbed this -lethargy was the fierce controversial war waged against the Latin -Church with all the bitterness of theological polemics and race hatred. -The religion of the people had degenerated into a scrupulous observance -of outward forms, and the intense fervour of their devotion found an -outlet in the worship of the Virgin and the saints, of pictures and -relics. There were many who turned from a Church whose spiritual life -had sunk so low, and weary of interminable discussions on such subtle -points of doctrine as the Double Procession of the Holy Spirit, and -such trivialities as the use of leavened and unleavened bread in the -Blessed Sacrament, gladly accepted the clear and intelligible theistic -teaching of Islam. We are told [498] of large numbers of persons being -converted, not only from among the simple folk, but also learned men of -every class, rank and condition; of how the Turks made a better -provision for those monks and priests who embraced the Muslim creed, in -order that their example might lead others to be converted. While -Adrianople was still the Turkish capital (e.g. before 1453) the court -was thronged with renegades, and they are said to have formed the -majority of the magnates there. [499] Byzantine princes and others -often passed over to the side of the Muhammadans, and received a ready -welcome among them: one of the earliest of such cases dates from 1140 -when a nephew of the emperor John Comnenes embraced Islam and married a -daughter of Masʻūd, the Sultan of Iconium. [500] After the fall of -Constantinople, the upper classes of Christian society showed much more -readiness to embrace Islam than the mass of the Greeks; among the -converts we meet with several bearing the name of the late imperial -family of the Palæologi, and the learned George Amiroutzes of Trebizond -abandoned Christianity in his declining years, and the names of many -other such individuals have found a record. [501] The new religion only -demanded assent to its simple creed, “There is no god but God: Muḥammad -is the apostle of God”; as the above-mentioned writer [502] says, “The -whole difficulty lies in this profession of faith. For if only a man -can persuade himself that he is a worshipper of the One God, the poison -of his error easily infects him under the guise of religion. This is -the rock of offence on which many have struck and fallen into the snare -that has brought perdition on their souls. This is the mill-stone that -hung about the necks of many has plunged them into the pit of despair. -For when these fools hear the Turks execrate idolatry and express their -horror of every image and picture as though it were the fire of hell, -and so continually profess and preach the worship of One God, there no -longer remains any room for suspicion in their minds.” - -The faith of Islam would now be the natural refuge for those members of -the Eastern Church who felt such yearnings after a purer and simpler -form of doctrine as had given rise to the Paulician heresy so fiercely -suppressed a few centuries before. This movement had been very largely -a protest against the superstitions of the Orthodox Church, against the -worship of images, relics and saints, and an effort after simplicity of -faith and the devout life. As some adherents of this heresy were to be -found in Bulgaria even so late as the seventeenth century, [503] the -Muhammadan conquerors doubtless found many who were dissatisfied with -the doctrine and practice of the Greek Church; and as all the -conditions were unfavourable to the formation of any such Protestant -Churches as arose in the West, such dissentient spirits would doubtless -find a more congenial atmosphere in the religion of Islam. There is -every reason to think that such was the result of the unsuccessful -attempt to Protestantise the Greek Church in the beginning of the -seventeenth century. The guiding spirit of this movement was Cyril -Lucaris, five times Patriarch of Constantinople, from 1621 to 1638; as -a young man he had visited the Universities of Wittenberg and Geneva, -for the purpose of studying theology in the seats of Protestant -learning, and on his return he kept up a correspondence with doctors of -the reformed faith in Geneva, Holland and England. But neither the -doctrines of the Church of England nor of the Lutherans attracted his -sympathies so warmly as the teachings of John Calvin, [504] which he -strove to introduce into the Greek Church; his efforts in this -direction were warmly supported by the Calvinists of Geneva, who sent a -learned young theologian, named Leger, to assist the work by -translating into Greek the writings of Calvinist theologians. [505] -Cyril also found warm friends in the Protestant embassies at -Constantinople, the Dutch and English ambassadors especially assisting -him liberally with funds; the Jesuits, on the other hand, supported by -the Catholic ambassadors, tried in every way to thwart this attempt to -Calvinise the Greek Church, and actively seconded the intrigues of the -party of opposition among the Greek clergy, who finally compassed the -death of the Patriarch. In 1629 Cyril published a Confession of Faith, -the main object of which seems to have been to present the doctrines of -the Orthodox Church in their opposition to Roman Catholicism in such a -way as to imply a necessary accord with Protestant teaching. [506] From -Calvin he borrows the doctrines of Predestination and salvation by -faith alone, he denies the infallibility of the Church, rejects the -authority of the Church in the interpretation of Holy Scripture, and -condemns the adoration of pictures: in his account of the will and in -many other questions, he inclines rather to Calvinism than to the -teachings of the Orthodox Church. [507] The promulgation of this -Confession of Faith as representing the teaching of the whole Church of -which he was the spiritual head, excited violent opposition among the -mass of the Greek clergy, and a few weeks after Cyril’s death a synod -was held to condemn his opinions and pronounce him to be Anathema; in -1642 a second synod was held at Constantinople for the same purpose, -which after refuting each article of Cyril’s Confession in detail, as -the first had done, thus fulminated its curse upon him and his -followers:—“With one consent and in unqualified terms, we condemn this -whole Confession as full of heresies and utterly opposed to our -orthodoxy, and likewise declare that its compiler has nothing in common -with our faith, but in calumnious fashion has falsely charged his own -Calvinism on us. All those who read and keep it as true and blameless, -and defend it by written word or speech, we thrust out of the community -of the faithful as followers and partakers of his heresy and corruptors -of the Christian Church, and command that whatever be their rank and -station, they be treated as heathen and publicans. Let them be laid -under an anathema for ever and cut off from the Father, the Son and the -Holy Ghost in this life and in the life to come, accursed, -excommunicated, be lost after death, and be partakers of everlasting -punishment.” [508] In 1672 a third synod met at Jerusalem to repudiate -the heretical articles of this Confession of Faith and vindicate the -orthodoxy of the Greek Church against those who represented her as -infected with Calvinism. The attempt to Protestantise the Greek Church -thus completely failed to achieve success: the doctrines of Calvin were -diametrically opposed to her teachings, and indeed inculcated many -articles of faith that were more in harmony with the tenets of Muslim -theologians than with those of the Orthodox Church, and which moreover -she had often attacked in her controversies with her Muhammadan -adversaries. It is this approximation to Islamic thought which gives -this movement towards Calvinism a place in a history of the spread of -Islam: a man who inveighed against the adoration of pictures, decried -the authority and the very institution of the priesthood, maintained -the doctrines of absolute Predestination, denied freedom to the human -will and was in sympathy with the stern spirit of Calvinism that had -more in common with the Old than the New Testament—would certainly find -a more congenial atmosphere in Islam than in the Greek Church of the -seventeenth century, and there can be little doubt that among the -numerous converts of Islam during that century were to be found men who -had been alienated from the Church of their fathers through their -leanings towards Calvinism. [509] We have no definite information as to -the number of the followers of Cyril Lucaris and the extent of -Calvinistic influences in the Greek Church; the clergy, jealous of the -reputation of their Church, whose orthodoxy and immunity from heresy -were so boastfully vindicated by her children, and had thus been -impugned through the suspicion of Calvinism, wished to represent the -heretical patriarch as standing alone in his opinions. [510] But a -following he undoubtedly had: his Confession of Faith had received the -sanction of a synod composed of his followers; [511] those who -sympathised with his heresies were anathematised both by the second -synod of Constantinople (1642) and by the synod of Jerusalem (1672) -[512]—surely a meaningless repetition, had no such persons existed; -moreover the names of some few of these have come down to us: -Sophronius, Metropolitan of Athens, was a warm supporter of the -Reformation; [513] a monk named Nicodemus Metaras, who had brought a -printing-press from London and issued heretical treatises therefrom, -was rewarded with a metropolitan see by Cyril in return for his -services; [514] the philosopher Corydaleus, a friend of Cyril, opened a -Calvinistic school in Constantinople, and another Greek, Gerganos, -published a Catechism so as to introduce the teachings of Calvin among -his fellow-countrymen; [515] and Neophytus II, who was made Patriarch -in 1636, while Cyril was in exile in the island of Rhodes, was his -disciple and adopted son; he recalled his master from banishment and -resigned the patriarchal chair in his favour. [516] In a letter to the -University of Geneva (dated July, 1636), Cyril writes that Leger had -gained a large number of converts to Calvinism by his writings and -preaching; [517] in another letter addressed to Leger, he describes how -he had made his influence felt in Candia. [518] His successor [519] in -the patriarchal chair was banished to Carthage and there strangled by -the adherents of Lucaris in 1639. [520] The Calvinists are said to have -entertained hopes of Parthenius I (the successor of Cyril II), but his -untimely end (whether by poison or banishment is uncertain) -disappointed their expectations. [521] Parthenius II, who was Patriarch -of Constantinople from 1644 to 1646, was at heart a thorough Calvinist, -and though he did not venture openly to teach the doctrines of Calvin, -still his known sympathy with them caused him to be deposed, sent into -exile and strangled. [522] Thus the influence of Calvinism was -undoubtedly more widespread than the enemies of Cyril Lucaris were -willing to admit, and as stated above, those who refused to bow to the -anathemas of the synods that condemned their leader, had certainly more -in common with their Muhammadan neighbours than with the Orthodox -clergy who cast them out of their midst. There is no actual evidence, -it is true, of Calvinistic influences in Turkey facilitating conversion -to Islam, [523] but in the absence of any other explanation it -certainly seems a very plausible conjecture that such were among the -factors that so enormously increased the number of the Greek renegades -towards the middle of the seventeenth century—a period during which the -number of renegades from among the middle and lower orders of society -is said to have been more considerable than at any other time. [524] -Frequent mention is made of cases of apostasy from among the clergy, -and even among the highest dignitaries of the Church, such as a former -Metropolitan of Rhodes. [525] In 1676 it is said that in Corinth some -Christian people went over every day to “the Turkish abomination,” and -that three priests had become Musalmans the year before; [526] in 1679 -is recorded the death of a renegade monk. [527] On the occasion of the -circumcision of Muṣṭafā, son of Muḥammad IV, in 1675, there were at -least two hundred proselytes made during the thirteen days of public -rejoicing, [528] and numerous other instances may be found in writings -of this period. A contemporary writer (1663) has well described the -mental attitude of such converts. “When you mix with the Turks in the -ordinary intercourse of life and see that they pray and sing even the -Psalms of David; that they give alms and do other good works; that they -think highly of Christ, hold the Bible in great honour, and the like; -that, besides, any ass may become parish priest who plies the Bassa -with presents, and he will not urge Christianity on you very much; so -you will come to think that they are good people and will very probably -be saved; and so you will come to believe that you too may be saved, if -you likewise become Turks. Herewith will the Holy Trinity and the -crucified Son of God, with many other mysteries of the faith, which -seem quite absurd to the unenlightened reason, easily pass out of your -thoughts, and imperceptibly Christianity will quite die out in you, and -you will think that it is all the same whether you be Christians or -Turks.” [529] - -Thomas Smith, who was in Constantinople in 1669, speaks of the number -of Christian converts about this period, but assigns baser motives. -“’Tis sad to consider the great number of wretched people, who turn -Turks; some out of meer desperation; being not able to support the -burthen of slavery, and to avoid the revilings and insultings of the -Infidels; some out of a wanton light humour, to put themselves into a -condition of domineering and insulting over others ... some to avoid -the penalties and inflictions due to their heinous crimes, and to enjoy -the brutish liberties, that Mahomet consecrated by his own example, and -recommended to his followers. These are the great and tempting -arguments and motives of their apostasy, meer considerations of ease, -pleasure and prosperity, or else of vanity and guilt; for it cannot be -presumed, that any through conviction of mind should be wrought upon to -embrace the dotages and impostures of Turcisme.” [530] Records of -conversions after this period are rare, but Motraye gives an account of -several renegades, who became Muhammadans in Constantinople in 1703; -among them was a French priest and some other French Catholics, and -some priests from Smyrna. [531] - -Another feature in the condition of the Greek Church that contributed -to the decay of its numbers, was the corruption and degradation of its -pastors, particularly the higher clergy. The sees of bishops and -archbishops were put up to auction to the highest bidders, and the -purchasers sought to recoup themselves by exacting levies of all kinds -from their flocks; they burdened the unfortunate Christians with taxes -ordinary and extraordinary, made them purchase all the sacraments at -exorbitant rates, baptism, confession, holy communion, indulgences, and -the right of Christian burial. Some of the clergy even formed an unholy -alliance with the Janissaries, and several bishops had their names and -those of their households inscribed on the list of one of their Ortas -or regiments, the better to secure an immunity for their excesses and -escape the punishment of their crimes under the protection of this -corporation which the weakness of the Ottoman rulers had allowed to -assume such a powerful position in the state. [532] The evidence of -contemporary eye-witnesses to the oppressive behaviour of the Greek -clergy presents a terrible picture of the sufferings of the Christians. -Tournefort in 1700, after describing the election of a new Patriarch, -says: “We need not at all doubt but the new Patriarch makes the best of -his time. Tyranny succeeds to Simony: the first thing he does is to -signify the Sultan’s order to all the Archbishops and Bishops of his -clergy: his greatest study is to know exactly the revenues of each -Prelate; he imposes a tax upon them, and enjoins them very strictly by -a second letter to send the sum demanded, otherwise their dioceses are -adjudg’d to the highest bidder. The Prelates being used to this trade, -never spare their Suffragans; these latter torment the Papas: the Papas -flea the Parishioners and hardly sprinkle the least drop of Holy Water, -but what they are paid for beforehand. If afterwards the Patriarch has -occasion for money, he farms out the gathering of it to the highest -bidder among the Turks: he that gives most for it, goes into Greece to -cite the Prelates. Usually for twenty thousand crowns that the clergy -is tax’d at, the Turk extorts two and twenty; so that he has the two -thousand crowns for his pains, besides having his charges borne in -every diocese. In virtue of the agreement he has made with the -Patriarch, he deprives and interdicts from all ecclesiastical -functions, those prelates who refuse to pay their tax.” [533] The -Christian clergy are even said to have carried off the children of the -parishioners and sold them as slaves, to get money for their simoniacal -designs. [534] - -The extortions practised in the seventeenth have found their -counterpart in the nineteenth century, and the sufferings of the -Christians of the Greek Church in Bosnia, before the Austrian -occupation, exactly illustrate the words of Tournefort. The -Metropolitan of Serajevo used to wring as much as £10,000 a year from -his miserable flock—a sum exactly double the salary of the Turkish -Governor himself—and to raise this enormous sum the unfortunate -parishioners were squeezed in every possible way, and the Turkish -authorities had orders to assist the clergy in levying their exactions; -and whole Christian villages suffered the fate of sacked cities, for -refusing, or often being unable, to comply with the exorbitant demands -of Christian Prelates. [535] Such unbearable oppression on the part of -the spiritual leaders who should protect the Christian population, has -often stirred it up to open revolt, whenever a favourable opportunity -has offered itself. [536] It is not surprising then to learn that many -of the Christians went over to Islam, to deliver themselves from such -tyranny. [537] - -Ecclesiastical oppression of a rather different character is said to -have been responsible for the conversion of the ancestors of a small -community of about 4000 Southern Rumanians, at Noanta in the Meglen -district of the vilayet of Salonika; they have a tradition that in the -eighteenth century the Patriarch of Constantinople persuaded the -reigning Sultan that only the Christians who spoke Greek could be loyal -subjects of the Turkish empire; the Sultan thereupon forbade the -Christians to speak anything but Greek, on pain of having their tongues -cut out; when the news of this reached Noanta, a part of the population -fled into the woods and founded fresh villages, but those who were left -behind went over to Islam, with their bishop at their head, in order -thereby to retain their mother-tongue. [538] - -Though the mass of the parish clergy were innocent of the charges -brought against their superiors, [539] still they were very ignorant -and illiterate. At the end of the seventeenth century, there were said -to be hardly twelve persons in the whole Turkish dominions thoroughly -skilled in the knowledge of the ancient Greek language; it was -considered a great merit in the clergy to be able to read, while they -were quite ignorant of the meaning of the words of their service-books. -[540] - -While there was so much in the Christian society of the time to repel, -there was much in the character and life of the Turks to attract, and -the superiority of the early Ottomans as compared with the degradation -of the guides and teachers of the Christian Church would naturally -impress devout minds that revolted from the selfish ambition, simony -and corruption of the Greek ecclesiastics. Christian writers constantly -praise these Turks for the earnestness and intensity of their religious -life; their zeal in the performance of the observances prescribed by -their faith; the outward decency and modesty displayed in their apparel -and mode of living; the absence of ostentatious display and the -simplicity of life observable even in the great and powerful. [541] The -annalist of the embassy from the Emperor Leopold I to the Ottoman Porte -in 1665–1666, especially eulogises the devoutness and regularity of the -Turks in prayer, and he even goes so far as to say, “Nous devons dire à -la confusion des Chrêtiens, que les Turcs têmoignent beaucoup plus de -soin et de zèle à l’exercice de leur Religion: que les Chrêtiens n’en -font paroître à la pratique de la leur.... Mais ce qui passe tout ce -que nous experimentons de dévot entre les Chrêtiens: c’est que pendant -le tems de la prière, vous ne voyez pas une personne distraite de ses -yeux: vous n’en voyez pas une qui ne soit attachée à l’objet de sa -prière: et pas une qui n’ait toute la révérence extérieure pour son -Créateur, qu’on peut exiger de la Créature.” [542] - -Even the behaviour of the soldiery receives its meed of praise. During -the march of an army the inhabitants of the country, we are told by the -secretary to the Embassy sent by Charles II to the Sultan, had no -complaints to make of being plundered or of their women being -maltreated. All the taverns along the line of march were shut up and -sealed two or three days before the arrival of the army, and no wine -was allowed to be sold to the soldiers under pain of death. [543] - -Many a tribute of praise is given to the virtues of the Turks even by -Christian writers who bore them no love; one such who had a very poor -opinion of their religion, [544] speaks of them as follows:—“Even in -the dirt of the Alcoran you shall find some jewels of Christian -Virtues; and indeed if Christians will but diligently read and observe -the Laws and Histories of the Mahometans, they may blush to see how -zealous they are in the works of devotion, piety, and charity, how -devout, cleanly, and reverend in their Mosques, how obedient to their -Priest, that even the great Turk himself will attempt nothing without -consulting his Mufti; how careful are they to observe their hours of -prayer five times a day wherever they are, or however employed? how -constantly do they observe their Fasts from morning till night a whole -month together; how loving and charitable the Muslemans are to each -other, and how careful of strangers may be seen by their Hospitals, -both for the Poor and for Travellers; if we observe their Justice, -Temperance, and other moral Vertues, we may truly blush at our own -coldness, both in devotion and charity, at our injustice, intemperance, -and oppression; doubtless these Men will rise up in judgment against -us; and surely their devotion, piety, and works of mercy are main -causes of the growth of Mahometism.” - -The same conclusion is drawn by a modern historian, [545] who -writes:—“We find that many Greeks of high talent and moral character -were so sensible of the superiority of the Mohammedans, that even when -they escaped being drafted into the Sultan’s household as -tribute-children, they voluntarily embraced the faith of Mahomet. The -moral superiority of Othoman society must be allowed to have had as -much weight in causing these conversions, which were numerous in the -fifteenth century, as the personal ambition of individuals.” - -A generation that has watched the decay of the Turkish power in Europe -and the successive curtailment of its territorial possessions, and is -accustomed to hearing it spoken of as the “sick man,” destined to a -speedy dissolution, must find it difficult to realise the feelings -which the Ottoman empire inspired in the early days of its rise in -Europe. The rapid and widespread success of the Turkish arms filled -men’s minds with terror and amazement. One Christian kingdom after -another fell into their hands: Bulgaria, Servia, Bosnia, and Hungary -yielded up their independence as Christian states. The proud Republic -of Venice saw one possession after another wrested from it, until the -Lion of St. Mark held sway on the shores of the Adriatic alone. Even -the safety of the Eternal City itself was menaced by the capture of -Otranto. Christian literature of the latter half of the fifteenth and -of the sixteenth centuries is full of direful forebodings of the fate -that threatened Christian Europe unless the victorious progress of the -Turk was arrested; he is represented as a scourge in the hand of God -for the punishment of the sins and backslidings of His people, [546] or -on the other hand as the unloosed power of the Devil working for the -destruction of Christianity under the hypocritical guise of religion. -But—what is most important to notice here—some men began to ask -themselves, “Is it possible that God would allow the Muhammadans to -increase in such countless numbers without good reason? Is it -conceivable that so many thousands are to be damned like one man? How -can such multitudes be opposed to the true faith? since truth is -stronger than error and is more loved and desired by all men, it is not -possible for so many men to be fighting against it. How could they -prevail against truth, since God always helps and upholds the truth? -How could their religion so marvellously increase, if built upon the -rotten foundation of error?” [547] Such thoughts, we are told, appealed -strongly to the Christian peoples that lived under the Turkish rule, -and with especial force to the unhappy Christian captives who watched -the years drag wearily on without hope of release or respite from their -misery. Can we be surprised when we find such a one asking himself? -“Surely if God were pleased with the faith to which you have clung, He -would not have thus abandoned you, but would have helped you to gain -your freedom and return to it again. But as He has closed every avenue -of freedom to you, perchance it is His pleasure that you should leave -it and join this sect and be saved therein.” [548] - -The Christian slave who thus describes the doubts that arose in his -mind as the slow-passing years brought no relief, doubtless gives -expression here to thoughts that suggested themselves to many a hapless -Christian captive with overwhelming persistency, until at last he broke -away from the ties of his old faith and embraced Islam. Many who would -have been ready to die as martyrs for the Christian religion if the -mythical choice between the Qurʼān and the sword had been offered them, -felt more and more strongly, after long years of captivity, the -influence of Muhammadan thought and practice, and humanity won converts -where violence would have failed. [549] For though the lot of many of -the Christian captives was a very pitiable one, others who held -positions in the households of private individuals, were often no worse -off than domestic servants in the rest of Europe. As organised by the -Muhammadan Law, slavery was robbed of many of its harshest features, -nor in Turkey at least does it seem to have been accompanied by such -barbarities and atrocities as in the pirate states of Northern Africa. -The slaves, like other citizens, had their rights, and it is even said -that a slave might summon his master before the Qāḍī for ill usage, and -that if he alleged that their tempers were so opposite, that it was -impossible for them to agree, the Qāḍī could oblige his master to sell -him. [550] The condition of the Christian captives naturally varied -with circumstances and their own capabilities of adapting themselves to -a life of hardship; the aged, the priests and monks, and those of noble -birth suffered most, while the physician and the handicraftsman -received more considerate treatment from their masters, as being -servants that best repaid the money spent upon them. [551] The -galley-slaves naturally suffered most of all, indeed the kindest -treatment could have but little relieved the hardships incident to such -an occupation. [552] Further, the lot of the slaves who were state -property was more pitiable than that of those who had been purchased by -private individuals. [553] As a rule they were allowed the free -exercise of their religion; in the state-prisons at Constantinople, -they had their own priests and chapels, and the clergy were allowed to -administer the consolations of religion to the galley-slaves. [554] The -number of the Christian slaves who embraced Islam was enormous; some -few cases have been recorded of their being threatened and ill-treated -for the very purpose of inducing them to recant, but as a rule the -masters seldom forced them to renounce their faith, [555] and put the -greatest pressure upon them during the first years of their captivity, -after which they let them alone to follow their own faith. [556] The -majority of the converted slaves therefore changed their religion of -their own free choice; and when the Christian embassies were never sure -from day to day that some of their fellow-countrymen that had -accompanied them to Constantinople as domestic servants, might not turn -Turk, [557] it can easily be understood that slaves who had lost all -hope of return to their native country, and found little in their -surroundings to strengthen and continue the teachings of their earlier -years, would yield to the influences that beset them and would feel few -restraints to hinder them from entering a new society and a new -religion. An English traveller [558] of the seventeenth century has -said of them: “Few ever return to their native country; and fewer have -the courage and constancy of retaining the Christian Faith, in which -they were educated; their education being but mean, and their knowledge -but slight in the principles and grounds of it; whereof some are -frightened into Turcism by their impatience and too deep resentments of -the hardships of the servitude; others are enticed by the blandishments -and flatteries of pleasure the Mahometan Law allows, and the -allurements they have of making their condition better and more easy by -a change of their Religion; having no hope left of being redeemed, they -renounce their Saviour and their Christianity, and soon forget their -original country, and are no longer looked upon as strangers, but pass -for natives.” - -Much of course depended upon the individual character of the different -Christian slaves themselves. The anonymous writer, so often quoted -above, whose long captivity made him so competent to speak on their -condition, divides them into three classes:—first, those who passed -their days in all simplicity, not caring to trouble themselves to learn -anything about the religion of their masters; for them it was enough to -know that the Turks were infidels, and so, as far as their captive -condition and their yoke of slavery allowed, they avoided having -anything to do with them and their religious worship, fearing lest they -should be led astray by their errors, and striving to observe the -Christian faith as far as their knowledge and power went. The second -class consisted of those whose curiosity led them to study and -investigate the doings of the Turks: if, by the help of God, they had -time enough to dive into their secrets, and understanding enough for -the investigation of them and light of reason to find the -interpretation thereof, they not only came out of the trial unscathed, -but had their own faith strengthened. The third class includes those -who, examining the Muslim religion without due caution, fail to dive -into its depths and find the interpretation of it and so are deceived; -believing the errors of the Turks to be the truth, they lose their own -faith and embrace the false religion of the Muslims, hereby not only -compassing their own destruction, but setting a bad example to others: -of such men the number is infinite. [559] - -Conversion to Islam did not, as some writers have affirmed, release the -slave from his captivity and make him a free man, [560] for -emancipation was solely at the discretion of the master; who indeed -often promised to set any slave free, without the payment of ransom, if -only he would embrace Islam; [561] but, on the other hand, would also -freely emancipate the Christian slave, even though he had persevered in -his religion, provided he had proved himself a faithful servant, and -would make provision for his old age. [562] - -There were many others who, like the Christian slaves, separated from -early surroundings and associations, found themselves cut loose from -old ties and thrown into the midst of a society animated by social and -religious ideals of an entirely novel character. The crowds of -Christian workmen that came wandering from the conquered countries in -the fifteenth century to Adrianople and other Turkish cities in search -of employment, were easily persuaded to settle there and adopt the -faith of Islam. [563] Similarly the Christian families that Muḥammad II -transported from conquered provinces in Europe into Asia Minor, [564] -may well have become merged into the mass of the Muslim population by -almost imperceptible degrees, as was the case with the Armenians -carried away into Persia by Shāh ʻAbbās I (1587–1629), most of whom -appear to have passed over to Islam in the second generation. [565] - -During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries there would seem to have -been a decay of the missionary spirit among the Turks, but the latter -years of the reign of Sultan ʻAbd al-Ḥamīd witnessed a renewed interest -in Muslim propaganda, and Turkish newspapers began to record instances -of conversion. Among the most noteworthy of such converts were some -eighteen amīrs of the princely family of Shihāb in Mount Lebanon, which -had been Christian for about a century; they are said to claim descent -from the Quraysh, and the Turks made every effort to bring them back to -the fold of Islam; those who became Muslims were appointed to lucrative -posts in the Turkish civil service. [566] - -In the following pages it is proposed to give a more detailed and -particular account of the spread of Islam among the Christian -populations of Albania, Servia, Bosnia and Crete, as the history of -each of these countries after its conquest by the Ottomans presents -some special features of interest in the history of the propagation of -Islam. - -The Albanians, with the exception of some settlements in Greece, [567] -inhabit the mountainous country that stretches along the east shore of -the Adriatic from Montenegro to the Gulf of Arta. They form one of the -oldest and purest-blooded races in Europe and are said to belong to the -Pelasgic branch of the Aryan stock. - -Their country was first invaded by the Turks in 1387, but the Turkish -forces soon had to withdraw, and the authority of the Sultan was -recognised for the first time in 1423. For a short period Albania -regained its independence under George Kastriota, who is better known -under his Muhammadan name of Scanderbeg or Sikandarbeg. Recent -investigations have established the falsity of the romantic fictions -that had gathered round the story of his early days—how that as a boy -he had been surrendered as a hostage to the Turks, had been brought up -among them as a Muslim and had won the special favour of the Sultan. -The truth is, that the days of his youth were passed in his native -mountains and his warfare with the Turks began with the victory gained -over them in 1444; for more than twenty years he maintained a vigorous -and successful resistance to their invading forces, but after his death -in 1467, the Turks began again to take possession of Albania. Krūya, -the capital of the Kastriot dynasty, fell into their hands eleven years -later, and from this date there appears to have been no organised -resistance of the whole country, though revolts were frequent and the -subjection of the country was never complete. Some of the sea-port -towns held out much longer; Durazzo was captured in 1501, while -Antivari, the northernmost point of the sea-coast of Albania, did not -surrender until 1571. The terms of capitulation were that the city -should retain its old laws and magistrature, that there should be free -and public exercise of the Christian religion, that the churches and -chapels should remain uninjured and might be rebuilt if they fell into -decay; that the citizens should retain all their movable and immovable -property and should not be burdened by any additional taxation. - -The Albanians under Turkish rule appear always to have maintained a -kind of semi-autonomy, and the several tribes and clans remained as -essentially independent as they were before the conquest. Though -vassals of the Sultans, they would not brook the interference of -Turkish officials in their internal administration, and there is reason -to believe that the Turkish Government has never been able to appoint -or confirm any provincial governor who was not a native of Albania, and -had not already established his influence by his arms, policy or -connections. [568] Their racial pride is intense, and to the present -day, the Albanian, if asked what he is, will call himself a Skipetar, -[569] before saying whether he is a Christian or a Muhammadan—a very -remarkable instance of national feeling obliterating the fierce -distinction between these two religions that so forcibly obtrudes -itself in the rest of the Ottoman empire. The Christian and Muhammadan -Albanians alike, just as they speak the same language, so do they -cherish the same traditions, and observe the same manners and customs; -and pride in their common nationality has been too strong a bond to -allow differences of religious belief to split the nation into separate -communities on this basis. [570] Side by side they served in the -irregular troops, which soon after the Turkish conquest became the main -dependence of the government in all its internal administration, and -both classes found the same ready employment in the service of the -local pashas, being accounted the bravest soldiers in the empire. -Christian Albanians served in the Ottoman army in the Crimean War, -[571] and though they have perhaps been a little more quiet and -agricultural than their Muslim fellow-countrymen, still the difference -has been small: they have always retained their arms and military -habits, have always displayed the same fierce, proud, untameable -spirit, and been animated with the same intense national feeling as -their brethren who had embraced the creed of the Prophet. [572] - -The consideration of these facts is of importance in tracing the spread -of Islam in Albania, for it appears to have been propagated very -gradually by the people of the country themselves, and not under -pressure of foreign influences. The details that we possess of this -movement are very meagre, as the history of Albania from the close of -the fifteenth century to the rise of ʻAlī Pasha three hundred years -later, is almost a blank; what knowledge we have, therefore, of the -slow but continuous accession of converts to Islam during this period, -is derived from the ecclesiastical chronicles of the various dioceses, -[573] and the reports sent in from time to time to the Pope and the -Congregatio de Propaganda Fide. [574] But it goes without saying that -the very nature of these sources gives the information derived from -them the stamp of imperfection—especially in the matter of the motives -assigned for conversion. For an ecclesiastic of those times to have -even entertained the possibility of a conversion to Islam from genuine -conviction—much less have openly expressed such an opinion in writing -to his superiors—is well-nigh inconceivable. - -During the sixteenth century, Islam appears to have made but little -progress, though the tide of conversion had already set in. In 1610 the -Christian population exceeded the Muhammadan in the proportion of ten -to one, [575] and as most of the villages were inhabited by Christians, -with a very small admixture of Muhammadans, [576] the conversions -appear to have been more frequent in the large towns. In Antivari, for -example, while many Christians elected to emigrate into the -neighbouring Christian countries, the majority of those who remained, -both high-born and low, went over gradually to the Muslim faith, so -that the Christian population grew less and less day by day. [577] As -the number of accessions to Islam increased, churches were converted -into mosques—a measure which, though contrary to the terms of the -capitulation, seems justified by the change in the religion of the -people. [578] In 1610 two collegiate churches only remained in the -hands of the Latin Christians, but these appear to have sufficed for -the needs of the community; [579] what this amounted to can only -roughly be guessed from the words of Marco Bizzi: “There are about 600 -houses inhabited indiscriminately by Muhammadans and Christians—both -Latin and Schismatics (i.e. of the Orthodox Greek Church): the number -of the Muhammadans is a little in excess of the Christians, and that of -the Latins in excess of the Schismatics.” - -In the accounts we have of the social relations between the Christians -and the Muslims, and in the absence of any sharp line of demarcation -between the two communities, we find some clue to the manner in which -Muhammadan influences gradually gained converts from among the -Christian population in proportion as the vigour and the spiritual life -of the Church declined. - -It had become very common for Christian parents to give their daughters -in marriage to Muhammadans, and for Christian women to make no -objection to such unions. [580] The male children born of these mixed -marriages were brought up as Musalmans, but the girls were allowed to -follow the religion of their mother. [581] Such permission was rendered -practically ineffective by the action of the Christian ecclesiastics, -who ordered the mothers to be excluded from the churches and from -participation in the sacraments; [582] and consequently (though the -parish priests often disregarded the commands of their superiors) many -of these women embraced the faith of their husbands. But even then they -kept up a superstitious observance of the rite of baptism, which was -supposed to be a sovereign specific against leprosy, witches and -wolves, [583] and Christian priests were found ready to pander to this -superstition for any Muhammadan woman who wished to have her children -baptised. [584] This good feeling between the members of the two -religions [585] is similarly illustrated by the attendance of -Muhammadans at the festivals of Christian saints; e.g. Marco Bizzi says -that on the feast-day of St. Elias (for whom the Albanians appear to -have had a special devotion) there were as many Muhammadans present in -the church as Christians. [586] Even to the present day we are told -that Albanian Muhammadans revere the Virgin Mary and the Christian -saints, and make pilgrimages to their shrines, while Christians on the -other hand resort to the tombs of Muslim saints for the cure of -ailments or in fulfilment of vows. [587] In the town of Calevacci, -where there were sixty Christian and ten Muhammadan households, the -followers of the Prophet contributed towards the support of the parish -priest, as the majority of them had Christian wives. [588] Under such -circumstances it is hardly surprising to learn that many openly -professed Islam, while satisfying their consciences by saying that they -professed Christianity in their hearts. [589] Marco Bizzi has three -explanations to offer for such a lapse—the attraction of worldly -advantage, the desire to avoid the payment of tribute, and the want of -a sufficiently large number of intelligent clergy to supply the -spiritual needs of the country. [590] Conversions are frequently -ascribed to the pressure of the burden of taxation imposed upon the -Christians, and whole villages are said to have apostatised to avoid -payment of the tribute. As no details are given, it is impossible to -judge whether there was really sufficient ground for the complaint, or -whether this was not the apology for their conduct alleged by the -renegades in order to make some kind of excuse to their former -co-religionists—or indeed an exaggeration on the part of ecclesiastics -to whom a genuine conversion to Islam on rational grounds seemed an -absolute impossibility. A century later (in 1703) the capitation-tax -was six reals a head for each male and this (with the exception of a -tax, termed sciataraccio, of three reals a year) was the only burden -imposed on the Christians exclusively. [591] Men must have had very -little attachment to their religion to abandon it merely in order to be -quit of so slight a penalty, and with no other motive; and the very -existence of so large a body of Christians in Albania at the present -time shows that the burden could not have been so heavy as to force -them into apostasy without any other alternative. - -If only we had something more than vague general complaints against the -“Turkish tyranny,” we should be better able to determine how far this -could have had such a preponderating influence as is ascribed to it: -but the evidence alleged seems hardly to warrant such a conclusion. The -vicious practice followed by the Ottoman Court of selling posts in the -provinces to the highest bidder and the uncertainty of the tenure of -such posts, often resulted in the occupants trying to amass as large a -fortune as possible by extortions of every kind. But such burdens are -said to have weighed as heavily on Muhammadans as Christians. [592] -Though certainly an avaricious and unjust official may have found it -easier to oppress the Christians than the Muslims, especially when the -former were convicted of treasonable correspondence with the Venetians -and other Christian states and were suspected of a wish to revolt. - -However this may have been, there can be little doubt of the influence -exerted by the zealous activity and vigorous life of Islam in the face -of the apathetic and ignorant Christian clergy. If Islam in Albania had -many such exponents as the Mullā, whose sincerity, courtesy and -friendliness are praised by Marco Bizzi, with whom he used to discuss -religious questions, it may well have made its way. [593] The majority -of the Christian clergy appear to have been wholly unlettered: most of -them, though they could read a little, did not know how to write, and -were so ignorant of the duties of their sacred calling that they could -not even repeat the formula of absolution by heart. [594] Though they -had to recite the mass and other services in Latin, there were very few -who could understand any of it, as they were ignorant of any language -but their mother tongue, and they had only a vague, traditionary -knowledge of the truths of their religion. [595] Marco Bizzi considered -the inadequate episcopate of the country responsible for these evils, -as for the small numbers of the clergy, and their ignorance of their -sacred calling, and for the large number of Christians who grew old and -even died without being confirmed, and apostatised almost everywhere; -[596] and unless this were remedied he prophesied a rapid decay of -Christianity in the country. [597] Several priests were also accused of -keeping concubines, and of drunkenness. [598] - -It may here be observed that the Albanian priests were not the -repositories of the national aspirations and ideals, as were the clergy -of the Orthodox Church in other provinces of the Turkish empire, who in -spite of their ignorance kept alive among their people that devotion to -the Christian faith which formed the nucleus of the national life of -the Greeks. [599] On the contrary, the Albanians cherished a national -feeling that was quite apart from religious belief, and with regard to -the Turks, considered, in true feudal spirit, that as they were the -masters of the country they ought to be obeyed whatever commands they -gave. [600] - -There is a curious story of conversion which is said to have taken -place owing to a want of amicable relations between a Christian priest -and his people, as follows: “Many years since, when all the country was -Christian, there stood in the city of Scutari a beautiful image of the -Virgin Mary, to whose shrine thousands flocked every year from all -parts of the country to offer their gifts, perform their devotions, and -be healed of their infirmities. For some cause or other, however, it -fell out that there was dissension between the priest and the people, -and one day the latter came to the church in great crowds, declaring -that unless the priest yielded to them they would then and there abjure -the faith of Christ and embrace in its stead that of Muḥammad. The -priest, whether right or wrong, still remaining firm, his congregation -tore the rosaries and crosses from their necks, trampled them under -their feet, and going to the nearest mosque, were received by the -Mollah into the fold of the True Believers.” [601] - -Through the negligence and apathy of the Christian clergy many abuses -and irregularities had been allowed to creep into the Christian -society; in one of which, namely the practice of contracting marriages -without the sanction of the Church or any religious ceremony, we find -an approximation to the Muhammadan law, which makes marriage a civil -contract. In order to remedy this evil, the husband and wife were to be -excluded from the Church, until they had conformed to the -ecclesiastical law and gone through the service in the regular manner. -[602] - -In the course of the seventeenth century, the social conditions and -other factors, indicated above, bore fruit abundantly, and the numbers -of the Christian population began rapidly to decline. In the brief -space of thirty years, between 1620 and 1650, about 300,000 Albanians -are said to have gone over to Islam. [603] In 1624 there were only 2000 -Catholics in the whole diocese of Antivari, and in the city itself only -one church; at the close of the century, even this church was no longer -used for Christian worship, as there were only two families of Roman -Catholics left. [604] In the whole country generally, the majority of -the Christian community in 1651 was composed of women, as the male -population had apostatised in such large numbers to Islam. [605] -Matters were still worse at the close of the century, the Catholics -being then fewer in number than the Muhammadans, the proportions being -about 1 to 1⅓, [606] whereas less than a hundred years before, they had -outnumbered the Muhammadans in the proportion of 10 to 1; [607] in the -Archbishopric of Durazzo the Christian population had decreased by -about half in twenty years, [608] in another town (in the diocese of -Kroia) the entire population passed from Christianity to Islam in the -course of thirty years. [609] In spite of the frequent protests and -regulations made by their ecclesiastical superiors, the parish priests -continued to countenance the open profession of Islam along with a -secret adherence to Christianity, on the part of many male members of -their flocks, by administering to them the Blessed Sacrament; the -result of which was that the children of such persons, being brought up -as Muhammadans, were for ever lost to the Christian Church. [610] -Similarly, Christian parents still gave their daughters in marriage to -Muhammadans, the parish priests countenancing such unions by -administering the sacrament to such women, [611] in spite of the -fulminations of the higher clergy against such indulgence. [612] Such -action on the part of the lower clergy can hardly, however, be taken as -indicating any great zeal on behalf of the spiritual welfare of their -flocks, in the face of the accusations brought against them; the -majority of them are accused of being scandalous livers, who very -seldom went to confession and held drunken revels in their parsonages -on festival days; they sold the property of the Church, frequently -absented themselves from their parishes, and when censured, succeeded -in getting off by putting themselves under the protection of the Turks. -[613] The Reformed Franciscans and the Observants who had been sent to -minister to the spiritual wants of the people did nothing but quarrel -and go to law with one another; much to the scandal of the laity and -the neglect of the mission. [614] In the middle of the seventeenth -century five out of the twelve Albanian sees were vacant; the diocese -of Pullati had not been visited by a bishop for thirty years, and there -were only two priests to 6348 souls. [615] In some parishes in the -interior of the country, there had been no priests for more than forty -years; and this was in no way due to the oppression of the “Turkish -tyrant,” for when at last four Franciscan missionaries were sent, they -reported that they could go through the country and exercise their -sacred office without any hindrance whatever. [616] The bishop of -Sappa, to the great prejudice of his diocese, had been long resident in -Venice, where he is said to have lived a vicious life, and had -appointed as his vicar an ignorant priest who was a notorious -evil-liver: this man had 12,400 souls under his charge, and, says the -ecclesiastical visitor, “through the absence of the bishop there is -danger of his losing his own soul and compassing the destruction of the -souls under him and of the property of the Church.” [617] The bishop of -Scutari was looked upon as a tyrant by his clergy and people, and only -succeeded in keeping his post through the aid of the Turks; [618] and -Zmaievich complains of the bishops generally that they burdened the -parishes in their diocese with forced contributions. [619] It appears -that Christian ecclesiastics were authorised by the Sultan to levy -contributions on their flocks. Thus the Archbishop of Antivari -(1599–1607) was allowed to “exact and receive” two aspers from each -Christian family, twelve for every first marriage (and double the -amount for a second, and quadruple for a third marriage), and one gold -piece from each parish annually, and it seems to have been possible to -obtain the assistance of the Turkish authorities in levying these -contributions. [620] - -Throughout the whole of Albania there was not a single Christian -school, [621] and the priests were profoundly ignorant: some were sent -to study in Italy, but Marco Crisio condemns this practice, as such -priests were in danger of finding life in Italy so pleasant that they -refused to return to their native country. With a priesthood so -ignorant and so careless of their sacred duties, it is not surprising -to learn that the common people had no knowledge even of the rudiments -of their faith, and that numerous abuses and corruptions sprang up -among them, which “wrought the utmost desolation to this vineyard of -the Lord.” [622] Many Christians lived in open concubinage for years, -still, however, being admitted to the sacraments, [623] while others -had a plurality of wives. [624] In this latter practice we notice an -assimilation between the habits of the two communities—the Christian -and the Muslim—which is further illustrated by the admission of -Muhammadans as sponsors at the baptism of Christian children, while the -old superstitious custom of baptising Muhammadan children was still -sanctioned by the priests. [625] - -Such being the state of the Christian Church in Albania in the latter -half of the seventeenth century, some very trifling incentive would -have been enough to bring about a widespread apostasy; and the -punishment inflicted on the rebellious Catholics in the latter half of -the century was a determining factor more than sufficient to consummate -the tendencies that had been drawing them towards Islam and to cause -large numbers of them to fall away from the Christian Church. The -rebellious movement referred to seems to have been instigated by -George, the thirty-ninth Archbishop of Antivari (1635–1644), who -through the bishops of Durazzo, Scodra and Alessio tried to induce the -leaders of the Christian community to conspire against the Turkish rule -and hand over the country to the neighbouring Christian power, the -Republic of Venice. As in his time Venice was at peace with the Turks a -fitting opportunity for the hatching of this plot did not occur, but in -1645 war broke out between Turkey and the Republic, and the Venetians -made an unsuccessful attempt to capture the city of Antivari, which -before the Turkish conquest had been in their possession for more than -three centuries (1262–1571). The Albanian Catholics who had sided with -the enemy and secretly given them assistance were severely punished and -deprived of their privileges, while the Greek Christians (who had -everything to fear in the event of the restoration of the Venetian rule -and had remained faithful to the Turkish government) were liberally -rewarded and were lauded as the saviours of their country. Many of the -Catholics either became Muhammadans or joined the Greek Church. The -latter fact is very significant as showing that there was no -persecution of the Christians as such, nor any attempt to force the -acceptance of Islam upon them. The Catholics who became Muhammadans did -so to avoid the odium of their position after the failure of their -plot, and could have gained the same end and have at the same time -retained their Christian faith by joining the Greek Church, which was -not only officially recognised by the Turkish government but in high -favour in Antivari at this time: so that those who neglected to do so, -could have had very little attachment to the Christian religion. The -same remark holds good of the numerous conversions to Islam in the -succeeding years: Zmaievich attributes them in some cases to the desire -to avoid the payment of tribute, but, from what has been said above, it -is very unlikely that this was the sole determining motive. - -In 1649 a still more widespread insurrection broke out, an Archbishop -of Antivari, Joseph Maria Bonaldo (1646–1654), being again the main -instigator of the movement; and the leading citizens of Antivari, -Scodra and other towns conspired to throw open their gates to the army -of the Venetian Republic. But this plot also failed and the -insurrection was forcibly crushed by the Turkish troops, aided by the -dissensions that arose among the Christians themselves. Many Albanians -whose influence was feared were transported from their own country into -the interior of the Turkish dominions; a body of 3000 men crossed the -border into Venetian territory; those who remained were overawed by the -erection of fortresses and the marching of troops through the -disaffected districts, while heavy fines were imposed upon the -malcontents. [626] - -Unfortunately the Christian writers who complain of the “unjust -tributes and vexations” with which the Turks oppressed the Albanians, -so that they apostatised to Islam, [627] make use only of general -expressions, and give us no details to enable us to judge whether or -not such complaints were justified by the facts. Zmaievich prefaces his -account of the apostasy of 2000 persons with an enumeration of the -taxes and other burdens the Christians had to bear, but all these, he -says, were common also to the Muhammadans, with the exception of the -capitation-tax of six reals a year for each male, and another tax, -termed sciataraccio, of three reals a year. [628] He concludes with the -words: “The nation, wounded by these taxes in its weakest part, namely, -worldly interest, to the consideration of which it has a singular -leaning either by nature or by necessity, has given just cause for -lamenting the deplorable loss of about 2000 souls who apostatised from -the true faith so as not to be subject to the tribute.” [629] There is -nothing in his report to show that the taxes the Catholics had to pay -constituted so intolerable a burden as to force them to renounce their -creed, and though he attributes many conversions to Islam to the desire -of escaping the tribute, he says expressly that these apostasies from -the Christian faith are mainly to be ascribed to the extreme ignorance -of the clergy, [630] in great measure also to their practice of -admitting to the sacraments those who openly professed Islam while in -secret adhering to the Christian faith: [631] in another place he says, -speaking of the clergy who were not fit to be parish priests and their -practice of administering the sacraments to apostates and secret -Christians: “These are precisely the two causes from which have come -all the losses that the Christian Church has sustained in Albania.” -[632] There is very little doubt that the widespread apostasy at this -time was the result of a long series of influences similar to those -mentioned in the preceding pages, and that the deliverance from the -payment of the tribute was the last link in the chain. - -What active efforts Muhammadans themselves were making to gain over the -Christians to Islam, we can hardly expect to learn from the report of -an ecclesiastical visitor. But we find mention of a district, the -inhabitants of which, from their intercourse with the Turks, had -“contracted the vices of these infidels,” and one of the chief causes -of their falling away from the Christian faith was their contracting -marriages with Turkish women. [633] There were no doubt strong -Muhammadan influences at work here, as also in the two parishes of -Biscascia and Basia, whose joint population of nearly a thousand souls -was “exposed to the obvious risk of apostatising through lack of any -pastor,” and were “much tempted in their faith, and needed to be -strengthened in it by wise and zealous pastors.” [634] - -Zmaievich speaks of one of the old noble Christian families in the -neighbourhood of Antivari which was represented at that time by two -brothers; the elder of these had been “wheedled” by the prominent -Muhammadans of the place, who were closely related to him, into denying -his faith; the younger wished to study for the priesthood, in which -office “he would be of much assistance to the Christian Church through -the high esteem in which the Turks held his family; which though poor -was universally respected.” [635] This indeed is another indication of -the fact that the Muhammadans did not ill-treat the Christians, merely -as such, but only when they showed themselves to be politically -disaffected. Zmaievich, who was himself an Albanian, and took up his -residence in his diocese instead of in Venetian territory, as many of -the Archbishops of Antivari seem to have done, [636] was received with -“extraordinary honours” and with “marvellous courtesy,” not only by the -Turkish officials generally, but also by the Supreme Pasha of Albania -himself, who gave him the place of honour in his Divan, always -accompanying him to the door on his departure and receiving him there -on his arrival. [637] This “barbarian” who “showed himself more like a -generous-hearted Christian than a Turk,” gave more substantial marks of -good feeling towards the Christians by remitting—at the Archbishop’s -request—the tribute due for the ensuing year from four separate towns. -[638] If any of the Christian clergy were roughly treated by the Turks, -it seems generally to have been due to the suspicion of treasonable -correspondence with the enemies of the Turks; ecclesiastical visits to -Italy seem also to have excited—and in many cases, justly—such -suspicions. Otherwise the Christian clergy seem to have had no reason -to complain of the treatment they received from the Muslims; Zmaievich -even speaks of one parish priest being “much beloved by the principal -Turks,” [639] and doubtless there were parallels in Albania to the case -of a priest in the diocese of Trebinje in Herzegovina, who in the early -part of the eighteenth century was suspected, on account of his -familiar intercourse with Muhammadans, of having formed an intention to -embrace Islam, and was accordingly sent by his bishop to Rome under -safe custody. [640] - -No subsequent period of Albanian history appears to have witnessed such -widespread apostasy as the seventeenth century, but there have been -occasional accessions to Islam up to more recent times. In Southern -Albania, the country of the Tosks, the preponderance of the Muhammadan -population placed the Christians at a disadvantage, and a story is told -of the Karamurtads, inhabitants of thirty-six villages near Pogoniani, -that up to the close of the eighteenth century they were Christians, -but finding themselves unable to repel the continual attacks of the -neighbouring Muhammadan population of Leskoviki, they met in a church -and prayed that the saints might work some miracle on their behalf; -they swore to fast till Easter in expectation of the divine assistance; -but Easter came and no miracle was wrought, so the whole population -embraced Islam; soon afterwards they obtained the arms they required -and massacred their old enemies in Leskoviki and took possession of -their lands. [641] Community of faith in Albania is never allowed to -stand in the way of a tribal feud. Even up to the nineteenth century -Albanian tribes and villages have changed their religion for very -trivial reasons; part of one Christian tribe is said to have turned -Muhammadan because their priest, who served several villages and -visited them first, insisted on saying mass at an unreasonably early -hour. [642] - -At the present day the Muhammadans in Albania are said to number about -1,000,000 and the Christians 480,000, but the accuracy of these figures -is not certain. The Mirdites are entirely Christian; they submitted to -the Sultan on condition that no Muslim would be allowed to settle in -their territory, but adherents of both the rival creeds are found in -almost all the other tribes. Central Albania is said to be almost -entirely Muhammadan, and the followers of Islam form about sixty per -cent. of the population of Northern Albania; the Christian population -attains its largest proportion in Southern Albania, especially in the -districts bordering upon Greece. - -The kingdom of Servia first paid tribute to the Ottomans in 1375 and -lost its independence after the disastrous defeat of Kossovo (1389), -where both the king of Servia and the Turkish sultan were left dead -upon the field. The successors of the two sovereigns entered into a -friendly compact, the young Servian prince, Stephen, acknowledged the -suzerainty of Turkey, gave his sister in marriage to the new sultan, -Bāyazīd, and formed with him a league of brotherhood. At the battle of -Nikopolis (1394), which gave to the Turks assured possession of the -whole Balkan peninsula, except the district surrounding Constantinople, -the Servian contingent turned the wavering fortune of the battle and -gave the victory to the Turks. On the field of Angora (1402), when the -Turkish power was annihilated and Bāyazīd himself taken prisoner by -Tīmūr, Stephen was present with his Servian troops and fought bravely -for his brother-in-law, and instead of taking this opportunity of -securing his independence, remained faithful to his engagement, and -stood by the sons of Bāyazīd until they recovered their father’s -throne. Under the successor of Stephen, George Brankovich, Servia -enjoyed a semi-independence, but when in 1438 he raised the standard of -revolt, his country was again overrun by the Turks. Then for a time -Servia had to acknowledge the suzerainty of Hungary, but the defeat of -John Hunyady at Varna in 1444 brought her once more under tribute, and -in 1459 she finally became a Turkish province. - -It is not impossible that the Servians who had embraced Islam after the -battle of Kossovo had knowledge of the fate of the little Muslim -community that had been rooted out of Hungary about a century before, -and therefore preferred the domination of the Turks to that of the -Hungarians. Yāqūt gives the following account of his meeting, about the -year 1228, with some members of this group of followers of the Prophet -in mediæval Europe, who had owed their conversion to Muslims who had -settled among them. “In the city of Aleppo, I met a large number of -persons called Bashkirs, with reddish hair and reddish faces. They were -studying law according to the school of Abū Ḥanīfah (may God be well -pleased with him!) I asked one of them who seemed to be an intelligent -fellow for information concerning their country and their condition. He -told me, ‘Our country is situated on the other side of Constantinople, -in a kingdom of a people of the Franks called the Hungarians. We are -Muslims, subjects of their king, and live on the border of his -territory, occupying about thirty villages, which are almost like small -towns. But the king of the Hungarians does not allow us to build walls -round any of them, lest we should revolt against him. We are situated -in the midst of Christian countries, having the land of the Slavs on -the north, on the south, that of the Pope, i.e. Rome (now the Pope is -the head of the Franks, the vicar of the Messiah in their eyes, like -the commander of the faithful in the eyes of the Muslims; his authority -extends over all matters connected with religion among the whole of -them); on the west, Andalusia; on the east, the land of the Greeks, -Constantinople and its provinces.’ He added, ‘Our language is the -language of the Franks, we dress after their fashion, we serve with -them in the army, and we join them in attacking all their enemies, -because they only go to war with the enemies of Islam.’ I then asked -him how it was they had adopted Islam in spite of their dwelling in the -midst of the unbelievers. He answered, ‘I have heard several of our -forefathers say that a long time ago seven Muslims came from Bulgaria -and settled among us. In kindly fashion they pointed out to us our -errors and directed us into the right way, the faith of Islam. Then God -guided us and (praise be to God!) we all became Muslims and God opened -our hearts to the faith. We have come to this country to study law; -when we return to our own land, the people will do us honour and put us -in charge of their religious affairs.’” [643] Islam kept its ground -among the Bashkirs of Hungary until 1340, when King Charles Robert -compelled all his subjects that were not yet Christians to embrace the -Christian faith or quit the country. [644] - -The Servian Muslims may, therefore, well have been pleased to escape -from the rule of Hungary, like their Christian fellow-countrymen, for -when these were given the choice between the Roman Catholic rule of -Hungary and the Muslim rule of the Turks, the devotion of the Servians -to the Greek Church led them to prefer the tolerance of the Muhammadans -to the uncompromising proselytising spirit of the Latins. An old legend -thus represents their feelings at this time:—The Turks and the -Hungarians were at war; George Brankovich sought out John Hunyady and -asked him, “If you are victorious, what will you do?” “Establish the -Roman Catholic faith,” was the answer. Then he sought out the sultan -and asked him, “If you come out victorious, what will you do with our -religion?” “By the side of every mosque shall stand a church, and every -man shall be free to pray in whichever he chooses.” [645] The treachery -of some Servian priests forced the garrison of Belgrade to capitulate -to the Turks; [646] similarly the Servians of Semendria, on the Danube, -welcomed the Turkish troops who in 1600 delivered them from the rule of -their Catholic neighbours. [647] - -The spread of Islam among the Servians began immediately after the -battle of Kossovo, when a large part of the old feudal nobility, such -as still remained alive and did not take refuge in neighbouring -Christian countries, went over voluntarily to the faith of the Prophet, -in order to keep their old privileges undisturbed. [648] In these -converted nobles the sultans found the most zealous propagandists of -the new faith. [649] But the majority of the Servian people clung -firmly to their old religion through all their troubles and sufferings, -and only in Stara Serbia or Old Servia, [650] which now forms the -north-eastern portion of modern Albania, has there been any very -considerable number of conversions. Even here the spread of -Muhammadanism proceeded very slowly until the seventeenth century, when -the Austrians induced the Servians to rise in revolt and, after the -ill-success of this rising, the then Patriarch, Arsenius III -Tsernoïevich, in 1690 emigrated with 40,000 Servian families across the -border into Hungary; another exodus in 1739 of 15,000 families under -the leadership of Arsenius IV Jovanovich, well nigh denuded this part -of the country of its original Servian population. [651] - -Albanian colonists from the south pressed into the country vacated by -the fugitives: these Albanians at the time of their arrival were Roman -Catholics for the most part, but after they settled in Old Servia they -gradually adopted Islam and at the present time the remnant of Roman -Catholic Albanians is but small, though from time to time it is -recruited by fresh arrivals from the mountains: the new-comers, -however, usually follow the example of their predecessors, and after a -while become Muhammadans. [652] - -After this Albanian immigration, Islam began to spread more rapidly -among the remnant of the Servian population. The Servian clergy were -very ignorant and unlettered, they could only manage with difficulty to -read their service-books and hardly any had learned to write; they -neither preached to the people nor taught them the catechism, -consequently in whole villages scarcely a man could be found who knew -the Lord’s Prayer or how many commandments there were; even the priests -themselves were quite as ignorant. [653] After the insurrection of -1689, the Patriarch of Ipek, the ecclesiastical capital of Servia, was -appointed by the Porte, but in 1737, as the result of another -rebellion, the Servian Patriarchate was entirely suppressed and the -Servian Church made dependent upon the Greek Patriarch of -Constantinople. The churches were filled with Greek bishops, who made -common cause with the Turkish Beys and Pashas in bleeding the -unfortunate Christians: their national language was proscribed and the -Old Slavonic service-books, etc., were collected and sent off to -Constantinople. [654] With such a clergy it is not surprising that the -Christian faith should decline: e.g. in the commune of Gora (in the -district of Prizren), which had begun to become Muhammadanised soon -after the great exodus of 1690, the Servians that still clung to the -Christian faith, appealed again and again to the Greek bishop of -Prizren to send them priests, at least occasionally, but all in vain; -their children remained unbaptised, weddings and burials were conducted -without the blessing of the Church, and the consecrated buildings fell -into decay. [655] In the neighbouring district of Opolje, similarly, -the present Muslim population of 9500 souls is probably for the most -part descended from the original Slav inhabitants of the place. [656] -At the beginning of the seventeenth century, Bizzi found in the city of -Jagnevo, 120 Roman Catholic households, 200 Greek and 180 Muhammadan; -[657] less than a hundred years later, every house in the city was -looked upon as Muhammadan, as the head of each family professed this -faith and the women only, with some of the children, were Christian. -[658] About the middle of the eighteenth century, the village of Ljurs -was entirely Catholic; in 1863 there were 90 Muslim and 23 Christian -families, but at the present day this village, together with the -surrounding villages, has wholly given up Christianity. [659] Until -recently some lingering survivals of their old Christian faith, such as -the burning of the Yule-log at Christmas, etc., were still to be met -with in certain villages, but such customs are now fast dying out. - -After the battle of Kossovo and the downfall of the Servian empire, the -wild highlands of Montenegro afforded a refuge to those Servians who -would not submit to the Turks but were determined to maintain their -independence. It is not the place here to relate the history of the -heroic struggles of this brave people against overwhelming odds, how -through centuries of continual warfare, under the rule of their -prince-bishops, [660] they have kept alive a free Christian state when -all their brethren of the same race had been compelled to submit to -Muhammadan rule. While the very basis of their separate existence as a -nation was their firm adherence to the Christian faith it could hardly -have been expected that Islam would have made its way among them, but -in the seventeenth century many Montenegrins in the frontier districts -became Muhammadans and took service with the neighbouring Pashas. But -in 1703, Daniel Petrovich, the then reigning bishop, called the tribes -together and told them that the only hope for their country and their -faith lay in the destruction of the Muhammadans living among them. -Accordingly, on Christmas Eve, all the converted Montenegrins who would -not forswear Islam and embrace Christianity were massacred in cold -blood. [661] - -To pass now to Bosnia:—in this country the religious and social -conditions of the people, before the Turkish conquest, merit especial -attention. The majority of the population belonged to a heretical -Christian sect, called Bogomiles, who from the thirteenth century had -been exposed to the persecution of the Roman Catholics and against whom -Popes had on several occasions preached a Crusade. [662] In 1325, Pope -John XXII wrote thus to the king of Bosnia: “To our beloved son and -nobleman, Stephen, Prince of Bosnia,—knowing that thou art a faithful -son of the Church, we therefore charge thee to exterminate the heretics -in thy dominion, and to render aid and assistance to Fabian, our -Inquisitor, forasmuch as a large multitude of heretics from many and -divers parts collected hath flowed together into the principality of -Bosnia, trusting there to sow their obscene errors and dwell there in -safety. These men, imbued with the cunning of the Old Fiend, and armed -with the venom of their falseness, corrupt the minds of Catholics by -outward show of simplicity and the sham assumption of the name of -Christians; their speech crawleth like a crab, and they creep in with -humility, but in secret they kill, and are wolves in sheep’s clothing, -covering their bestial fury as a means to deceive the simple sheep of -Christ.” In the fifteenth century, the sufferings of the Bogomiles -became so intolerable that they appealed to the Turks to deliver them -from their unhappy condition, for the king of Bosnia and the priests -were pushing the persecution of the Bogomiles to an extreme which -perhaps it had never reached before; as many as forty thousand of them -fled from Bosnia and took refuge in neighbouring countries; others who -did not succeed in making their escape, were sent in chains to Rome. -But even these violent measures did little to diminish the strength of -the Bogomiles in Bosnia, as in 1462 we are told that heresy was as -powerful as ever in this country. The following year, when Bosnia was -invaded by Muḥammad II, the Catholic king found himself deserted by his -subjects: the keys of the principal fortress, the royal city of -Bobovatz, were handed over to the Turks by the Bogomile governor; the -other fortresses and towns hastened to follow this example, and within -a week seventy cities passed into the hands of the Sultan, and Muḥammad -II added Bosnia to the number of his numerous conquests. [663] - -From this time forth we hear but little of the Bogomiles; they seem to -have willingly embraced Islam in large numbers immediately after the -Turkish conquest, and the rest seem to have gradually followed later, -while the Bosnian Roman Catholics emigrated into the neighbouring -territories of Hungary and Austria. It has been supposed by some [664] -that a large proportion of the Bogomiles, at least in the earlier -period of the conquest, embraced Islam with the intention of returning -to their faith when a favourable opportunity presented itself; as, -being constantly persecuted they may have learnt to deny their faith -for the time being; but that, when this favourable opportunity never -arrived, this intention must have gradually been lost sight of and at -length have been entirely forgotten by their descendants. Such a -supposition is, however, a pure conjecture and has no direct evidence -to support it. We may rather find the reason for the willingness of the -Bogomiles to allow themselves to be merged in the general mass of the -Musalman believers, in the numerous points of likeness between their -peculiar beliefs and the tenets of Islam. They rejected the worship of -the Virgin Mary, the institution of Baptism and every form of -priesthood. [665] They abominated the cross as a religious symbol, and -considered it idolatry to bow down before religious pictures and the -images and relics of the saints. Their houses of prayer were very -simple and unadorned, in contrast to the gaudily decorated Roman -Catholic churches, and they shared the Muhammadan dislike of bells, -which they styled “the devil’s trumpets.” They believed that Christ was -not himself crucified but that some phantom was substituted in his -place: in this respect agreeing partially with the teaching of the -Qurʼān. [666] Their condemnation of wine and the general austerity of -their mode of life and the stern severity of their outward demeanour -would serve as further links to bind them to Islam, [667] for it was -said of them: “You will see heretics quiet and peaceful as lambs -without, silent, and wan with hypocritical fasting, who do not speak -much nor laugh loud, who let their beard grow, and leave their person -incompt.” [668] They prayed five times a day and five times a night, -repeating the Lord’s Prayer with frequent kneelings, [669] and would -thus find it very little change to join in the services of the mosque. -I have brought together here the many points of likeness to the -teachings of Islam, which we find in this Bogomilian heresy, but there -were, of course, some doctrines of a distinctly Christian character -which an orthodox Muslim could not hold; still, with so much in common, -it can easily be understood how the Bogomiles may gradually have been -persuaded to give up those doctrines that were repugnant to the Muslim -faith. Their Manichæan dualism was equally irreconcilable with Muslim -theology, but Islam has always shown itself tolerant of such -theological speculations provided that they did not issue in a schism -and that a general assent and consent were given to the main principles -of its theory and practice. - -The Turks, as was their usual custom, offered every advantage to induce -the Bosnians to accept their creed. All who embraced Islam were allowed -to retain their lands and possessions, and their fiefs were exempt from -all taxation, [670] and it is probable that many rightful heirs of -ancient houses who had been dispossessed for heretical opinions by the -Catholic faction among the nobility, now embraced the opportunity of -regaining their old position by submission to the dominant creed. The -Bosnian Muhammadans retained their nationality and still for the most -part bear Serb names and speak only their national tongue; [671] at the -same time they have always evinced a lively zeal for their new faith, -and by their military prowess, their devotion to Islam and the powerful -influence they exercised, the Bosnian nobility rapidly rose into high -favour in Constantinople and many were entrusted with important offices -of state, e.g. between the years 1544 and 1611 nine statesmen of -Bosnian origin filled the post of Grand Vizier. - -The latest territorial acquisition of the Ottoman conquests was the -island of Crete, which in 1669 was wrested from the hands of the -Venetian Republic by the capture of the city of Candia after a long and -desperate siege of nearly three years, which closed a struggle of -twenty-five years between these rival powers for the possession of the -island. - -This was not the first time that Crete had come under Muslim rule. -Early in the ninth century the island was suddenly seized by a band of -Saracen adventurers from Spain, and it remained in their power for -nearly a century and a half (A.D. 825–961). [672] During this period -well nigh the whole population of the island had become Muslim, and the -churches had either fallen into ruins or been turned into mosques; but -when the authority of the Byzantine empire was once re-established -here, the people were converted again to their ancient faith through -the skilful preaching of an Armenian monk, and the Christian religion -became the only one professed on the island. [673] In the beginning of -the thirteenth century, the Venetians purchased the island from -Boniface, Duke of Montserrat, to whose lot it had fallen after the -partition of the Byzantine empire, and they ruled it with a heavy hand, -apparently looking upon it only in the light of a purchase that was to -be exploited for the benefit of the home government and its colonists. -Their administration was so oppressive and tyrannical as to excite -several revolts, which were crushed with pitiless severity; on one of -these occasions whole cantons in the provinces of Sfakia and Lassiti -were depopulated, and it was forbidden under pain of death to sow any -corn there, so that these districts remained barren and uncultivated -for nearly a century. [674] The terrific cruelty with which the -Venetian senate suppressed the last of these attempts at the beginning -of the sixteenth century added a crowning horror to the miserable -condition of the unhappy Cretans. How terrible was their lot at this -time we learn from the reports of the commissioners sent by the -Venetian senate in the latter part of the same century, in order to -inquire into the condition of the islanders. The peasants were said to -be crushed down by the cruelest oppression and tyranny on the part of -the Venetian nobles, their feudal lords, being reduced to a worse -condition than that of slaves, so that they never dared even to -complain of any injustice. Each peasant had to do twelve days’ forced -labour for his feudal lord every year without payment, and could then -be compelled to go on working for as long as his lord required his -services at the nominal rate of a penny a day; his vineyards were -mulcted in a full third of their produce, but fraud and force combined -generally succeeded in appropriating as much as two-thirds; his oxen -and mules could be seized for the service of the lord, who had a -thousand other devices for squeezing the unfortunate peasant. [675] The -protests of these commissioners proved ineffectual to induce the -Venetian senate to alleviate the unhappy condition of the Cretans and -put a stop to the cruelty and tyranny of the nobles: it preferred to -listen to the advice of Fra Paolo Sarpi who in 1615 thus addressed the -Republic on the subject of its Greek colonies: “If the gentlemen of -these Colonies do tyrannize over the villages of their dominion, the -best way is not to seem to see it, that there may be no kindness -between them and their subjects.” [676] - -It is not surprising to learn from the same sources that the Cretans -longed for a change of rulers, and that “they would not much stick at -submitting to the Turk, having the example of all the rest of their -nation before their eyes.” Indeed, many at this time fled into Turkey -to escape the intolerable burden of taxation, following in the -footsteps of countless others, who from time to time had taken refuge -there. [677] Large numbers of them also emigrated to Egypt, where many -embraced Islam. [678] Especially galling to the Cretans were the -exactions of the Latin clergy who appropriated the endowments that -belonged of right to the Greek ecclesiastics, and did everything they -could to insult the Christians of the Greek rite, who constituted -nine-tenths of the population of the island. [679] The Turks, on the -other hand, conciliated their good-will by restoring the Greek -hierarchy. This, according to a Venetian writer, was brought about in -the following manner: “A certain papas or priest of Canea went to -Cusseim the Turkish general, and told him that if he desired to gain -the good-will of the Cretan people, and bring detestation upon the name -of Venice, it was necessary for him to bear in mind that the staunchest -of the links which keep civilised society from falling asunder is -religion. It would be needful for him to act in a way different from -the line followed by the Venetians. These did their utmost to root out -the Greek faith and establish that of Rome in its place, with which -interest they had made an injunction that there should be no Greek -bishops in the island. By thus removing these venerated and -authoritative shepherds, they thought the more easily to gain control -over the scattered flocks. This prohibition had caused such distress in -the minds of the Cretans that they were ready to welcome with joy and -obedience any sovereignty that would lend its will to the -re-institution of this order in their hierarchy—an order so essential -for the proper exercise of their divine worship. He added, that it -would be a further means of conciliating the people if they were -assured that they would not only be confirmed in the old privileges of -their religion, but that new privileges would be granted them. These -arguments seemed to Cusseim so plausible that he wrote at once to -Constantinople with a statement of them. Here they were approved, and -the Greek Patriarch was bidden to institute an archbishop who should be -metropole of the Province of Candia. Under the metropolitan seven other -bishops were also to be nominated.” [680] - -The Turkish conquest seems to have been very rapidly followed by the -conversion of large numbers of the Cretans to Islam. It is not -improbable that the same patriotism as made them cling to their old -faith under the foreign domination of the Venetians who kept them at -arm’s length and regarded any attempt at assimilation as an -unpardonable indignity, [681] and always tried to impress on their -subjects a sense of their inferiority—may have led them to accept the -religion of their new masters, which at once raised them from the -position of subjects to that of equals and gave them a share in the -political life and government of their country. Whatever may have been -the causes of the widespread conversion of the Cretans, it seems almost -incredible that violence should have changed the religion of a people -who had for centuries before clung firmly to their old faith despite -the persecution of a hostile and a foreign creed. Whatever may have -been the means by which the ranks of Islam were filled, thirty years -after the conquest we are told that the majority of the Muslims were -renegades or the children of renegades, [682] and in little more than a -century half the population of Crete had become Muhammadan. From one -end of the island to the other, not only in the towns but also in the -villages, in the inland districts and in the very heart of the -mountains, were (and are still) found Cretan Muslims who in figure, -habits and speech are thoroughly Greek. There never has been, and to -the present day there is not, any other language spoken on the island -of Crete except Greek; even the few Turks to be found here had to adopt -the language of the country and all the firmans of the Porte and -decrees of the Pashas were read and published in Greek. [683] The -bitter feelings between the Christians and Muhammadans of Crete that -have made the history of this island during the nineteenth century so -sad a one, was by no means so virulent before the outbreak of the Greek -revolution, in days when the Cretan Muslims were very generally in the -habit of taking as their wives Christian maidens, the children of their -Christian friends. [684] The social communication between the two -communities was further signified by their common dress, as the Cretans -of both creeds dressed so much alike that the distinction was often not -even recognised by residents of long standing or by Greeks of the -neighbouring islands. [685] - -Recent political events have brought about a considerable diminution in -the Muhammadan population of Crete. In 1881 the number of Muhammadans -in the island was 73,234; in 1909, in consequence of continual -emigrations, it had been reduced to 33,496. [686] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN PERSIA AND CENTRAL ASIA. - - -In order to follow the course of the spread of Islam eastward into -Central Asia, we must retrace our steps to the period of the first Arab -conquests. By the middle of the seventh century, the great dynasty of -the Sāsānids had fallen, and the vast empire of Persia that for four -centuries had withstood the might of Rome and Byzantium, now became the -heritage of the Muslims. When the armies of the state had been routed, -the mass of the people offered little resistance; the reigns of the -last representatives of the Sāsānid dynasty had been marked by terrible -anarchy, and the sympathies of the people had been further alienated -from their rulers on account of the support they gave to the -persecuting policy of the state religion of Zoroastrianism. The -Zoroastrian priests had acquired an enormous influence in the state; -they were well-nigh all-powerful in the councils of the king and -arrogated to themselves a very large share in the civil administration. -They took advantage of their position to persecute all those religious -bodies—(and they were many)—that dissented from them. Besides the -numerous adherents of older forms of the Persian religion, there were -Christians, Jews, Sabæans and numerous sects in which the speculations -of Gnostics, Manichæans and Buddhists found expression. In all of -these, persecution had stirred up feelings of bitter hatred against the -established religion and the dynasty that supported its oppressions, -and so caused the Arab conquest to appear in the light of a -deliverance. [687] The followers of all these varied forms of faith -could breathe again under a rule that granted them religious freedom -and exemption from military service, on payment of a light tribute. For -the Muslim law granted toleration and the right of paying jizyah not -only to the Christians and Jews, but to Zoroastrians and Sabæans, to -worshippers of idols, of fire and of stone. [688] It was said that the -Prophet himself had distinctly given directions that the Zoroastrians -were to be treated exactly like “the people of the book,” i.e. the Jews -and Christians, and that jizyah might also be taken from them in return -for protection, [689]—a tradition that probably arose in the second -century of the Hijrah, when apostolic sanction was sought for the -toleration that had been extended to all the followers of the various -faiths that Arabs had found in the countries they had conquered, -whether such non-Muslims came under the category Ahl al-Kitāb or not. -[690] - -To the distracted Christian Church in Persia the change of government -brought relief from the oppression of the Sāsānid kings, who had -fomented the bitter struggles of Jacobites and Nestorians and added to -the confusion of warring sects. Some reference has already [691] been -made to earlier persecutions, and even during the expiring agony of the -Sāsānid dynasty, Khusrau II, exasperated at the defeat he had suffered -at the hands of the Christian emperor, Heraclius, ordered a fresh -persecution of the Christians within his dominions, a persecution from -which all the various Christian sects alike had to suffer. These -terrible conditions may well have prepared men’s minds for that -revulsion of feeling that facilitates a change of faith. “Side by side -with the political chaos in the state was the moral confusion that -filled the minds of the Christians; distracted by such an accumulation -of disasters and by the moral agony wrought by the furious conflict of -so many warring doctrines among them, they tended towards that peculiar -frame of mind in which a new doctrine finds it easy to take root, -making a clean sweep of such a bewildering babel and striving to -reconstruct faith and society on a new basis. In other words the people -of Persia, and especially the Semitic races, were just in the very -mental condition calculated to make them welcome the Islamic revolution -and urge them on to enthusiastically embrace the new and rugged creed, -which with its complete and virile simplicity swept away at one stroke -all those dark mists, opened the soul to new, alluring and tangible -hopes, and promised immediate release from a miserable state of -servitude.” [692] - -But the Muslim creed was most eagerly welcomed by the townsfolk, the -industrial classes and the artisans, whose occupations made them impure -according to the Zoroastrian creed, because in the pursuance of their -trade or occupations they defiled fire, earth or water, and who thus, -outcasts in the eyes of the law and treated with scant consideration in -consequence, embraced with eagerness a creed that made them at once -free men, and equal in a brotherhood of faith. [693] Nor were the -conversions from Zoroastrianism itself less striking: the fabric of the -National Church had fallen with a crash in the general ruin of the -dynasty that had before upheld it; having no other centre round which -to rally, the followers of this creed would find the transition to -Islam a simple and easy one, owing to the numerous points of similarity -in the old creed and the new. For the Persian could find in the Qurʼān -many of the fundamental doctrines of his old faith, though in a rather -different form: he would meet again Ahuramazda and Ahriman under the -names of Allāh and Iblīs; the creation of the world in six periods; the -angels and the demons; the story of the primitive innocence of man; the -resurrection of the body and the doctrine of heaven and hell. [694] -Even in the details of daily worship there were similarities to be -found and the followers of Zoroaster when they adopted Islam were -enjoined by their new faith to pray five times a day just as they had -been by the Avesta. [695] Those tribes in the north of Persia that had -stubbornly resisted the ecclesiastical organisation of the state -religion, on the ground that each man was a priest in his own household -and had no need of any other, and believing in a supreme being and the -immortality of the soul, taught that a man should love his neighbour, -conquer his passions, and strive patiently after a better life—such men -could have needed very little persuasion to induce them to accept the -faith of the Prophet. [696] Islam had still more points of contact with -some of the heretical sects of Persia, that had come under the -influence of Christianity. - -In addition to the causes above enumerated of the rapid spread of Islam -in Persia, it should be remembered that the political and national -sympathies of the conquered race were also enlisted on behalf of the -new religion through the marriage of Ḥusayn, the son of ʻAlī with -Shāhbānū, one of the daughters of Yazdagird, the last monarch of the -Sāsānid dynasty. In the descendants of Shāhbānū and Ḥusayn the Persians -saw the heirs of their ancient kings and the inheritors of their -national traditions, and in this patriotic feeling may be found the -explanation of the intense devotion of the Persians to the ʻAlid -faction and the first beginnings of Shīʻism as a separate sect. [697] - -That this widespread conversion was not due to force or violence is -evidenced by the toleration extended to those who still clung to their -ancient faith. Even to the present day there are some small communities -of fire-worshippers to be found in certain districts of Persia, and -though these have in later years often had to suffer persecution, [698] -their ancestors in the early centuries of the Hijrah enjoyed a -remarkable degree of toleration, their fire-temples were respected, and -we even read of a Muhammadan general (in the reign of al-Muʻtaṣim, A.D. -833–842), who ordered an imām and a muʼadhdhin to be flogged because -they had destroyed a fire-temple in Sughd and built a mosque in its -place. [699] In the tenth century, three centuries after the conquest -of the country, fire-temples were to be found in ʻIrāq, Fārs, Kirmān, -Sijistān, Khurāsān, Jibāl, Ādharbayjān and Arrān, i.e. in almost every -province of Persia. [700] In Fārs itself there were hardly any cities -or districts in which fire-temples and Magians were not to be found. -[701] Al-Shahrastānī also (writing as late as the twelfth century), -makes mention of a fire-temple at Isfīniyā, in the neighbourhood of -Baghdād itself. [702] - -In the face of such facts, it is surely impossible to attribute the -decay of Zoroastrianism entirely to violent conversions made by the -Muslim conquerors. The number of Persians who embraced Islam in the -early days of the Arab rule was probably very large from the various -reasons given above, but the late survival of their ancient faith and -the occasional record of conversions in the course of successive -centuries, render it probable that the acceptance of Islam was both -peaceful and voluntary. About the close of the eighth century, Sāmān, a -noble of Balkh, having received assistance from Asad b. ʻAbd-Allāh, the -governor of Khurāsān, renounced Zoroastrianism, embraced Islam and -named his son Asad after his protector: it is from this convert that -the dynasty of the Sāmānids (A.D. 874–999) took its name. About the -beginning of the ninth century, Karīm b. Shahriyār was the first king -of the Qābūsiyyah dynasty who became a Musalman, and in 873 a large -number of fire-worshippers were converted to Islam in Daylam through -the influence of Nāṣir al-Ḥaqq Abū Muḥammad. In the following century, -about A.D. 912, Ḥasan b. ʻAlī, of the ʻAlid dynasty on the southern -shore of the Caspian Sea, who is said to have been a man of learning -and intelligence and well acquainted with the religious opinions of -different sects, invited the inhabitants of Ṭabaristān and Daylam, who -were partly idolaters and partly Magians, to accept Islam; many of them -responded to his call, while others persisted in their former state of -unbelief. [703] In the year A.H. 394 (A.D. 1003–1004), a famous poet, -Abu’l Ḥasan Mihyār, a native of Daylam, who had been a fire-worshipper, -was converted to Islam by a still more famous poet, the Sharīf al-Riḍā, -who was his master in the poetic art. [704] - -It was probably about the same period that the grandfather of the great -geographer, Ibn Khūrdādbih, was converted through the influence of one -of the Barmecides, [705] whose ancestor had been likewise a Magian and -high priest of the great Fire Temple of Nawbahār at Balkh. - -Scanty as these notices of conversion are, they appear to have been -voluntary, and the Zoroastrians would seem to have enjoyed on the whole -toleration for the exercise of their religion up to the close of the -ʻAbbāsid period. With the Mongol invasion a darker period in their -history begins, and the miseries which the Persian Muslims themselves -suffered seems to have generated in them a spirit of fanatical -intolerance which exposed the Zoroastrians at times to cruel -sufferings. [706] - -In the middle of the eighth century, Persia gave birth to a movement -that is of interest in the missionary history of Islam, viz. the sect -of the Ismāʻīlians. This is not the place to enter into a history of -this sect or of the theological position taken up by its followers, or -of the social and political factors that lent it strength, but it -demands attention here on account of the marvellous missionary -organisation whereby it was propagated. The founder of this -organisation—which rivals that of the Jesuits for the keen insight into -human nature it displays and the consummate skill with which the -doctrines of the sect were accommodated to varying capacities and -prejudices—was a certain ʻAbd Allāh b. Maymūn, who early in the ninth -century infused new life into the Ismāʻīlians. He sent out his -missionaries in all directions under various guises, very frequently as -ṣūfīs but also as merchants and traders and the like; they were -instructed to be all things to all men and to win over different -classes of men to allegiance to the grandmaster of their sect, by -speaking to each man, as it were, in his own language, and -accommodating their teaching to the varying capacities and opinions of -their hearers. They captivated the ignorant multitude by the -performance of marvels that were taken for miracles and by mysterious -utterances that excited their curiosity. To the devout they appeared as -models of virtue and religious zeal; to the mystics they revealed the -hidden meaning of popular teachings and initiated them into various -grades of occultism according to their capacity. Taking advantage of -the eager looking-forward to a deliverer that was common to so many -faiths of the time, they declared to the Musalmans the approaching -advent of the Imām Mahdī, to the Jews that of the Messiah, and to the -Christians that of the Comforter, but taught that the aspirations of -each could alone be realised in the coming of ʻAlī as the great -deliverer. With the Shīʻah, the Ismāʻīlian missionary was to put -himself forward as the zealous partisan of all the Shīʻah doctrine, was -to dwell upon the cruelty and injustice of the Sunnīs towards ʻAlī and -his sons, and liberally abuse the Sunnī Khalīfahs; having thus prepared -the way, he was to insinuate, as the necessary completion of the Shīʻah -system of faith, the more esoteric doctrines of the Ismāʻīlian sect. In -dealing with the Jew, he was to speak with contempt of both Christians -and Muslims and agree with his intended convert in still looking -forward to a promised Messiah, but gradually lead him to believe that -this promised Messiah could be none other than ʻAlī, the great Messiah -of the Ismāʻīlian system. If he sought to win over the Christian, he -was to dwell upon the obstinacy of the Jews and the ignorance of the -Muslims, to profess reverence for the chief articles of the Christian -creed, but gently hint that they were symbolic and pointed to a deeper -meaning, to which the Ismāʻīlian system alone could supply the key; he -was also cautiously to suggest that the Christians had somewhat -misinterpreted the doctrine of the Paraclete and that it was in ʻAlī -that the true Paraclete was to be found. Similarly the Ismāʻīlian -missionaries who made their way into India endeavoured to make their -doctrines acceptable to the Hindus, by representing ʻAlī as the -promised tenth Avatār of Viṣṇu who was to come from the West, i.e. -(they averred) from Alamūt. They also wrote a Mahdī Purāṇa and composed -hymns in imitation of those of the Vāmācārins or left-hand Śāktas, -whose mysticism already predisposed their minds to the acceptance of -the esoteric doctrines of the Ismāʻīlians. [707] - -By such means as these an enormous number of persons of different -faiths were united together to push forward an enterprise, the real aim -of which was known to very few. The aspirations of ʻAbd Allāh b. Maymūn -seem to have been entirely political, but as the means he adopted were -religious and the one common bond—if any—that bound his followers -together was the devout expectation of the coming of the Imām Mahdī, -the missionary activity connected with the history of this sect -deserves this brief mention in these pages. [708] - -The history of the spread of Islam in the countries of Central Asia to -the north of Persia presents little in the way of missionary activity. -When Qutaybah b. Muslim went to Samarqand, he found many idols there, -whose worshippers maintained that any man who dared outrage them would -perish; the Muslim conqueror, undeterred by such superstitious fears, -set fire to the idols; whereupon a number of persons embraced Islam. -[709] There is, however, but scanty record of such conversions in the -early history of the Muslim advance into Central Asia; moreover the -people of this country seem often to have pretended to embrace Islam -for a time and then to have thrown off the mask and renounced their -allegiance to the caliph as soon as the conquering armies were -withdrawn, [710] and it was not until Qutaybah had forcibly occupied -Bukhārā for the fourth time that he succeeded in compelling the -inhabitants to conform to the faith of their conquerors. - -In Bukhārā and Samarqand the opposition to the new faith was so violent -and obstinate that none but those who had embraced Islam were allowed -to carry arms, and for many years the Muslims dared not appear unarmed -in the mosques or other public places, while spies had to be set to -keep a watch on the new converts. The conquerors made various efforts -to gain proselytes, and even tried to encourage attendance at the -Friday prayers in the mosques by rewards of money, and allowed the -Qurʼān to be recited in Persian instead of in Arabic, in order that it -might be intelligible to all. [711] - -The progress of Islam in Transoxania was certainly very slow: some of -the inhabitants accepted the invitation of ʻUmar II (A.D. 717–720) to -embrace Islam, [712] and large numbers were converted through the -preaching of a certain Abū Ṣaydā who commenced this mission in -Samarqand in the reign of Hishām (724–743), [713] but it was not until -the reign of Al-Muʻtaṣim (A.D. 833–842) that Islam was generally -adopted there, [714] one of the reasons probably being the more -intimate relations established at this time with the then capital of -the Muhammadan world, Baghdād, through the enormous numbers of Turks -that had flocked in thousands to join the army of the caliph. [715] -Islam having thus gained a footing among the Turkish tribes seems to -have made but slow progress until the middle of the tenth century, when -the conversion of some of their chieftains to Islam, like that of -Clovis and other barbarian kings of Northern Europe to Christianity, -led their clansmen to follow their example in a body. - -Pious legends have grown up to supply the lack of sober historical -record of such conversions. The city of Khīva reveres as its national -saint a Muslim wrestler—Pahlavān—who was in the service of a heathen -king of Khwārizm. The king of India, hearing of the fame of this -Pahlavān, sent his own court wrestler with a challenge to the king of -Khwārizm. A day was fixed for the trial of strength and the nobles and -people of Khīva were summoned to view the spectacle; the vanquished man -was to have his head cut off. On the day before, the saintly Pahlavān -was praying in the mosque when he overheard the prayer of an old woman: -“O God, suffer not my son to be beaten by this invincible Pahlavān, for -I have no other child.” Touched with compassion for the mother, -Pahlavān lets the Indian wrestler win the day; the enraged king orders -his head to be cut off, but at that very moment the horse on which the -king is sitting, bolts, carrying his master straight towards a -dangerous precipice. Pahlavān springs forward, catches the horse and -rescues the king from a horrible death. In gratitude the king embraces -the true faith, and the saintly wrestler, full of joy, goes away into -the desert and becomes a hermit. [716] - -A strange legend is told of the conversion of Sātūq Bughrā Khān, the -founder of the Muhammadan dynasty of the Īlik-Khāns of Kāshgar, about -the middle of the tenth century. A prince of the Sāmānid house, Khwājah -Abu’l-Naṣr Sāmānī, a man of great piety and humility of character, -finding no scope for the exercise of his talent for administration, -resolved to become a merchant, with the purpose of spreading the true -faith in the lands of the unbelievers. Instead of trying to acquire a -fortune by his commercial enterprises, he devoted all his gains to the -furtherance of his proselytising efforts. One night the Prophet -appeared to him in a dream, saying: “Arise, and go into Turkistan where -the prince Sātūq Bughrā Khān only awaits your coming to be converted to -Islam.” The young prince had in a similar manner been warned in a -vision to expect the arrival of an instructor in the faith, and when -some days later he met Abu’l-Naṣr Sāmānī he was prepared to accept his -teaching and become a Musalman. This legend would appear to have been -based on the historic fact that Islam made its way from the Sāmānid -kingdom into the neighbouring country of Turkistan, and the example of -the ruler seems to have been followed by his subjects, for in A.D. 960 -as many as 200,000 tents of the Turks, i.e. probably the greater part -of the Turkish population of Bughrā Khān’s kingdom, professed the faith -of Islam. [717] Legend credits him with miraculous powers in his wars -against the heathen, when a devouring flame would issue from his mouth -and the sword that he brandished would become forty feet long. By the -time he had reached the age of ninety-six, the terror of his sword is -said to have converted the unbelievers from the banks of the Oxus in -the south to Qurāquram in the north, and just before his death he is -said to have led his victorious army into China, and spread Islam as -far as Turfan. [718] This picturesque account of a dynastic struggle -with the Buddhist kingdom of Khotan credits the hero with a measure of -success which was not really achieved until the fourteenth century. How -limited the success of Sātūq Bughrā Khān really was, may be judged from -the fact that when his successors among the Īlik-Khāns sought in 1026 -to contract matrimonial alliances with princesses of the house of -Maḥmūd of Ghazna, Maḥmūd replied that he was a Musalman, while they -were unbelievers, and that it was not the custom to give the sisters -and daughters of Musalmans in marriage to unbelievers, but that, if -they would embrace Islam, the matter would be considered. [719] A few -years later, in 1041–1042, a number of Turks who were still heathen and -living in Tibetan territory sought permission from Arslān Khān b. Qadr -Khān to settle in his dominions, having heard of the justice and -mildness of his rule; when they arrived in the neighbourhood of -Bālāsāghūn [720] he sent a message to them urging them to accept Islam; -but they refused, and as he found them to be peaceable and obedient -subjects, he left them alone. There is no record of their conversion, -which probably ensued in course of time; but they can hardly be -identified with the group of ten thousand tents of infidel Turks who -embraced Islam in the following year, as these latter are expressly -stated to have harried and plundered the Musalmans before their -conversion. [721] The invasion of the Qarā Khitāy into Turkistan [722] -dealt a severe blow to the power of Islam, and as late as the -thirteenth century the reports of European travellers show that there -were still important groups of Buddhists, Manichæans and Christians in -these parts. [723] - -Of supreme importance to Islam was the conversion of the Saljūq Turks, -but no record of their conversion remains beyond the statement that in -A.D. 956 Saljūq migrated from Turkistan with his clan to the province -of Bukhārā, where he and his people enthusiastically embraced Islam. -[724] This was the origin of the famous Saljūq Turks, whose wars and -conquests revived the fading glory of the Muhammadan arms and united -into one empire the Muslim kingdoms of Western Asia. - -When at the close of the twelfth century, the Saljūq empire had lost -all power except in Asia Minor, and when Muḥammad Ghūrī was extending -his empire from Khurāsān eastward across the north of India, there was -a great revival of the Muslim faith among the Afghāns and their country -was overrun by Arab preachers and converts from India, who set about -the task of proselytising with remarkable energy and boldness. [725] -The traditions of the Afghāns represent Islam as having been peaceably -introduced among them. They say that in the first century of the Hijrah -they occupied the Ghūr country to the east of Herāt, and that Khālid b. -Walīd came to them there with the tidings of Islam and invited them to -join the standard of the Prophet; he returned to Muḥammad accompanied -by a deputation of six or seven representative men of the Afghan -people, with their followers, and these, when they went back to their -own country, set to work to convert their fellow-tribesmen. [726] This -tradition is, however, devoid of any historical foundation, and the -earliest authentic record of conversion to Islam from among the Afghans -seems to be that of a king of Kābul in the reign of al-Maʼmūn. [727] -His successors, however, seem to have relapsed to Buddhism, for when -Yaʻqūb b. Layth, the founder of the Ṣaffārid dynasty, extended his -conquests as far as Kābul in 871, he found the ruler of the land to be -an “idolater,” and Kābul now became really Muhammadan for the first -time, the Afghans probably being quite willing to take service in the -army of so redoubtable a conqueror as Yaʻqūb b. Layth, [728] but it was -not until after the conquests of Sabaktigīn and Maḥmūd of Ghazna that -Islam became established throughout Afghanistan. - -Of the further history of Islam in Persia and Central Asia some details -will be found in the following chapter. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE MONGOLS AND TATARS. - - -There is no event in the history of Islam that for terror and -desolation can be compared to the Mongol conquest. Like an avalanche, -the hosts of Chingīz Khān swept over the centres of Muslim culture and -civilisation, leaving behind them bare deserts and shapeless ruins -where before had stood the palaces of stately cities, girt about with -gardens and fruitful corn-land. When the Mongol army had marched out of -the city of Herāt, a miserable remnant of forty persons crept out of -their hiding-places and gazed horror-stricken on the ruins of their -beautiful city—all that were left out of a population of over 100,000. -In Bukhārā, so famed for its men of piety and learning, the Mongols -stabled their horses in the sacred precincts of the mosques and tore up -the Qurʼāns to serve as litter; those of the inhabitants who were not -butchered were carried away into captivity and their city reduced to -ashes. Such too was the fate of Samarqand, Balkh and many another city -of Central Asia, which had been the glories of Islamic civilisation and -the dwelling-places of holy men and the seats of sound learning—such -too the fate of Baghdād that for centuries had been the capital of the -ʻAbbāsid dynasty. - -Well might the Muhammadan historian shudder to relate such horrors; -when Ibn al-Athīr comes to describe the inroads of the Mongols into the -countries of Islam, “for many years,” he tells us, “I shrank from -giving a recital of these events on account of their magnitude and my -abhorrence. Even now I come reluctant to the task, for who would deem -it a light thing to sing the death-song of Islam and of the Muslims, or -find it easy to tell this tale? O that my mother had not given me -birth! ‘Oh, would that I had died ere this, and been a thing forgotten, -forgotten quite!’ [729] Many friends have urged me and still I stood -irresolute; but I saw that it was of no profit to forego the task and -so I thus resume. I shall have to describe events so terrible and -calamities so stupendous that neither day nor night have ever brought -forth the like; they fell on all nations, but on the Muslims more than -all; and were one to say that since God created Adam the world has not -seen the like, he would but tell the truth, for history has nothing to -relate that at all approaches it. Among the greatest calamities in -history is the slaughter that Nebuchadnezzar wrought among the children -of Israel and his destruction of the Temple; but what is Jerusalem in -comparison to the countries that these accursed ones laid waste, every -town of which was far greater than Jerusalem, and what were the -children of Israel in comparison to those they slew, since the -inhabitants of one of the cities they destroyed were greater in numbers -than all the children of Israel? Let us hope that the world may never -see the like again.” [730] But Islam was to rise again from the ashes -of its former grandeur and through its preachers win over these savage -conquerors to the acceptance of the faith. This was a task for the -missionary energies of Islam that was rendered more difficult from the -fact that there were two powerful competitors in the field. The -spectacle of Buddhism, Christianity and Islam emulously striving to win -the allegiance of the fierce conquerors that had set their feet on the -necks of adherents of these great missionary religions, is one that is -without parallel in the history of the world. - -Before entering on a recital of this struggle, it will be well in order -to the comprehension of what is to follow briefly to glance at the -partition of the Mongol empire after the death of Chingīz Khān, when it -was split up into four sections and divided among his sons. His third -son, Ogotāy, succeeded his father as Khāqān and received as his share -the eastern portion of the empire, in which Qūbīlāy afterwards included -the whole of China. Chaghatāy the second son took the middle kingdom. -Bātū, the son of his first-born Jūjī, ruled the western portion as Khān -of the Golden Horde; Tulūy the fourth son took Persia, to which Hūlāgū, -who founded the dynasty of the Īlkhāns, added a great part of Asia -Minor. - -The primitive religion of the Mongols was Shamanism, which while -recognising a supreme God, offered no prayers to Him, but worshipped a -number of inferior divinities, especially the evil spirits whose powers -for harm had to be deprecated by means of sacrifices, and the souls of -ancestors who were considered to exercise an influence on the lives of -their descendants. To propitiate these powers of the heaven and of the -lower world, recourse was had to the Shamans, wizards or medicine-men, -who were credited with possessing mysterious influence over the -elements and the spirits of the departed. Their religion was not one -that was calculated to withstand long the efforts of a proselytising -faith, possessed of a systematic theology capable of satisfying the -demands of the reason and an organised body of religious teachers, when -once the Mongols had been brought into contact with civilised races, -had responded to their civilising influences and begun to pass out of -their nomadic barbarism. It so happened that the civilised races with -which the conquest of the Mongols brought them in contact comprised -large numbers of Buddhists, Christians and Muhammadans, and the -adherents of these three great missionary faiths entered into rivalry -with one another for the conversion of their conquerors. When not -carried away by the furious madness for destruction and insult that -usually characterised their campaigns, the Shamanist Mongols showed -themselves remarkably tolerant of other religions, whose priests were -exempted from taxation and allowed perfect freedom of worship. Buddhist -priests held controversies with the Shamans in the presence of Chingīz -Khān; and at the courts of Mangū Khān and Qūbīlāy the Buddhist and -Christian priests and the Muslim Imāms alike enjoyed the patronage of -the Mongol prince. [731] In the reign of the latter monarch the Mongols -in China began to yield to the powerful influences of the surrounding -Buddhism, and by the beginning of the fourteenth century the Buddhist -faith seems to have gained a complete ascendancy over them. [732] It -was the Lamas of Tibet who showed themselves most zealous in this work -of conversion, and the people of Mongolia to the present day cling to -the same faith, as do the Kalmuks who migrated to Russia in the -seventeenth century. - -Although Buddhism made itself finally supreme in the eastern part of -the empire, at first the influence of the Christian Church was by no -means inconsiderable and great hopes were entertained of the conversion -of the Mongols. The Nestorian missionaries in the seventh century had -carried the knowledge of the Christian faith from west to east across -Asia as far as the north of China, and scattered communities were still -to be found in the thirteenth century. The famous Prester John, around -whose name cluster so many legends of the Middle Ages, is supposed to -have been the chief of the Karaïts, a Christian Tartar tribe living to -the south of Lake Baikal. When this tribe was conquered by Chingīz -Khān, he married one of the daughters of the then chief of the tribe, -while his son Ogotāy took a wife from the same family. Ogotāy’s son, -Kuyūk, although he did not himself become a Christian, showed great -favour towards this faith, to which his chief minister and one of his -secretaries belonged. The Nestorian priests were held in high favour at -his court and he received an embassy from Pope Innocent IV. [733] The -Christian powers both of the East and the West looked to the Mongols to -assist them in their wars against the Musalmans. It was Hayton, the -Christian King of Armenia, who was mainly instrumental in persuading -Mangū Khān to despatch the expedition that sacked Baghdād under the -leadership of Hūlāgū, [734] the influence of whose Christian wife led -him to show much favour to the Christians, and especially to the -Nestorians. Many of the Mongols who occupied the countries of Armenia -and Georgia were converted by the Christians of these countries and -received baptism. [735] The marvellous tales of the greatness and -magnificence of Prester John, that fired the imagination of mediæval -Europe, had given rise to a belief that the Mongols were Christians—a -belief which was further strengthened by the false reports that reached -Europe of the conversion of various Mongol princes and their zeal for -the Christian cause. It was under this delusion that St. Louis sent an -ambassador, William of Rubruck, to exhort the great Khāqān to persevere -in his supposed efforts for the spread of the Christian faith. But -these reports were soon discovered to be without any foundation in -fact, though William of Rubruck found that the Christian religion was -freely tolerated at the court of Mangū Khān, and the adhesion of some -few Mongols to this faith made the Christian priests hopeful of still -further conquests. But so long as Latins, Greeks, Nestorians and -Armenians carried their theological differences into the very midst of -the Mongol camp, there was very little hope of much progress being -made, and it is probably this very want of union among the preachers of -Christianity that caused their efforts to meet with so little success -among the Mongols; so that while they were fighting among one another, -Buddhism and Islam were gaining a firm footing for themselves. The -haughty pretensions of the Roman Pontiff soon caused the proud -conquerors of half the world to withdraw from his emissaries what -little favour they might at first have been inclined to show, and many -other circumstances contributed to the failure of the Roman mission. -[736] - -As for the Nestorians, who had been first in the field, they appear to -have been too degraded and apathetic to take much advantage of their -opportunities. Of the Nestorians in China, William of Rubruck [737] -says that they were very ignorant and could not even understand their -service books, which were written in Syriac. He accuses them of -drunkenness, polygamy and covetousness, and makes an unfavourable -comparison between their lives and those of the Buddhist priests. Their -bishop paid them very rare visits—sometimes only once in fifty years: -on such occasions he would ordain all the male children, even the -babies in their cradles. The priests were eaten up with simony, made a -traffic of the sacred rites of their Church and concerned themselves -more with money-making than with the propagation of the faith. [738] - -In the western parts of the Mongol empire, where the Christians looked -to the newly-risen power to help them in their wars with the Musalmans -and to secure for them the possession of the Holy Land, the alliance -between the Christians and the Īlkhāns of Persia was short-lived, as -the victories of Baybars, the Mamlūk Sultan of Egypt (1260–1277) and -his alliance with Baraka Khān, gave the Īlkhāns quite enough to do to -look after their own interests. The excesses that the Christians of -Damascus and other cities committed during the brief period in which -they enjoyed the favour of this Mongol dynasty of Persia, did much to -discredit the Christian name in Western Asia. [739] - -In the course of the struggle, the adherents of either faith were at -times guilty of much brutality. One example may be taken from the -middle of the thirteenth century as told by al-Jūzjānī, who claims to -have heard the story, while in Delhi, from the lips of a certain Sayyid -Ashraf al-Dīn who had come there from Samarqand. “The eminent Sayyid -thus related, that one of the Christians of Samarqand attained unto the -felicity of Islam, and the Musalmans of Samarqand, who are staunch in -their faith, paid him great honour and reverence, and conferred great -benefits upon him. Unexpectedly, one of the haughty Mongol infidels of -China, who possessed power and influence, and the inclinations of which -accursed one were towards the Christian faith, arrived at Samarqand. -The Christians of that city repaired to that Mongol, and complained -saying: ‘The Musalmans are enjoining our children to turn away from the -Christian faith and from serving Jesus—on whom be peace—and calling -upon them to follow the religion of Muṣṭafạ̄ [740]—on whom be peace—and, -in case that gate becomes unclosed, the whole of our dependents will -turn away from the Christian faith. By thy power and authority devise a -settlement of our case.’ The Mongol commanded that the youth, who had -turned Musalman, should be produced, and they tried with blandishment -and kindness, and money and wealth to induce the newly-converted -Musalman to recant, but he refused to recant, and put not off from his -heart and spirit that garment of freshness—the Muslim faith. The Mongol -ruler then turned over a leaf in his temper, and began to speak of -severe punishment; and every punishment, which it was in his power to -inflict, or his severity to devise, he inflicted upon the youth, who, -from his great zeal for the faith of Islam, did not recant, and did not -in any way cast away from his hand the sweet draught of religion -through the blow of infidel perverseness. As the youth continued firm -in the true faith, and paid no heed to the promises and threats of that -depraved company, the accursed Mongol commanded that they should bring -the youth to public punishment; and he departed from the world in the -felicity of religion—may God reward and requite him!—and the Musalman -community in Samarqand were overcome with despondency and consternation -in consequence. A petition was got up, and was attested with the -testimony of the chief men and credible persons of the Musalman -religion dwelling at Samarqand, and we proceeded with that petition to -the camp of Baraka Khān, and presented to him an account of the -proceedings and disposition of the Christians of that city. Zeal for -the Muslim religion was manifested in the mind of that monarch of -exemplary faith, and the defence of the truth became predominant in his -disposition. After some days, he showed honour to this Sayyid, -appointed a body of Turks and confidential persons among the chief -Musalmans, and commanded that they should slaughter the Christian -company who had committed that dire oppression, and despatch them to -hell. When that mandate had been obtained, it was preserved until that -wretched sect had assembled in the church, then they seized them all -together, and despatched the whole of them to hell, and reduced the -church again to bricks.” [741] - -For Islam to enter into competition with such powerful rivals as -Buddhism and Christianity were at the outset of the period of Mongol -rule, must have appeared a well-nigh hopeless undertaking. For the -Muslims had suffered more from the storm of the Mongol invasions than -the others. Those cities that had hitherto been the rallying points of -spiritual organisation and learning for Islam in Asia, had been for the -most part laid in ashes: the theologians and pious doctors of the -faith, either slain or carried away into captivity. [742] Among the -Mongol rulers—usually so tolerant towards all religions—there were some -who exhibited varying degrees of hatred towards the Muslim faith. -Chingīz Khān ordered all those who killed animals in the Muhammadan -fashion to be put to death, and this ordinance was revived by Qūbīlāy, -who by offering rewards to informers set on foot a sharp persecution -that lasted for seven years, as many poor persons took advantage of -this ready means of gaining wealth, and slaves accused their masters in -order to gain their freedom. [743] During the reign of Kuyūk -(1246–1248), who left the conduct of affairs entirely to his two -Christian ministers and whose court was filled with Christian monks, -the Muhammadans were made to suffer great severities. [744] - -A contemporary historian, al-Jūzjānī, gives the following account of -the kind of treatment to which a Muhammadan theologian might be exposed -at the court of Kuyūk. “Trustworthy persons have related that Kuyūk was -constantly being incited by the Buddhist priests to acts of oppression -towards the Musalmans and the persecution of the faithful. There was an -Imām in that country, one of the men of learning among the Muslims ... -named Nūr al-Dīn, al-Khwārazmī. A number of Christian laymen and -priests and a band of idol-worshipping Buddhist priests made a request -to Kuyūk, asking him to summon that Imām of the Musalmans that they -might hold a controversy with him and get him to prove the superiority -of the faith of Muḥammad and his prophetic mission—otherwise, he should -be put to death. The Khān agreed, the Imām was sent for, and a -discussion ensued upon the claim of Muḥammad to be a prophet and the -manner of his life as compared with that of other prophets. At length, -as the arguments of those accursed ones were weak and devoid of the -force of truth, they withdrew their hand from contradiction and drew -the mark of oppression and outrage on the pages of the business and -asked Kuyūk Khān to tell the Imām to perform two genuflexions in -prayer, according to the rites and ordinances of the Muhammadan law, in -order that his unbecoming movements in the performance of this act of -worship might become manifest to them and to the Khān.” Kuyūk gave the -order accordingly, and the Imām and another Musalman who was with him -performed the ritual of the prayer according to the prescribed forms. -“When the godly Imām and the other Musalman who was with him, had -placed their foreheads on the ground in the act of prostration, some -infidels whom Kuyūk had summoned, greatly annoyed them and knocked -their heads with force upon the ground, and committed other abominable -acts against them. But that godly Imām endured all this oppression and -annoyance and performed all the required forms and ceremonies of the -prayer and in no way curtailed it. When he had repeated the salutation, -he lifted up his face towards heaven and observed the form of ‘Invoke -your Lord with humility and in secret,’ and having asked permission to -depart, he returned unto his own house.” [745] - -Arghūn (1284–1291) the fourth Īlkhān persecuted the Musalmans and took -away from them all posts in the departments of justice and finance, and -forbade them to appear at his court. [746] - -In spite of all difficulties, however, the Mongols and the savage -tribes that followed in their wake [747] were at length brought to -submit to the faith of those Muslim peoples whom they had crushed -beneath their feet. Unfortunately history sheds little light on the -progress of this missionary movement and only a few details relating to -the conversion of the more prominent converts have been preserved to -us. Scattered up and down throughout the length and breadth of the -Mongol empire, there must have been many of the followers of the -Prophet who laboured successfully and unknown, to win unbelievers to -the faith. In the reign of Ogotāy (1229–1241), we read of a certain -Buddhist governor of Persia, named Kurguz, who in his later years -abjured Buddhism and became a Musalman. [748] In the reign of Tīmūr -Khān (1323–1328), Ānanda, a grandson of Qūbīlāy and viceroy of Kan-Su, -was a zealous Musalman and had converted a great many persons in Tangut -and won over a large number of the troops under his command to the same -faith. He was summoned to court and efforts were made to induce him to -conform to Buddhism, and on his refusing to abandon his faith he was -cast into prison. But he was shortly after set at liberty, for fear of -an insurrection among the inhabitants of Tangut, who were much attached -to him. [749] - -The author of the Muntakhab al-Tawārīkh asserts that Ānanda built four -mosques in Khānbāligh (the modern Peking), which provided accommodation -for 1,000,000 men at the time of the Friday prayer; but no credence can -be given to this or to his other statements regarding the spread of -Islam in China, in view of the fact that he represents Ānanda to have -been the successor of Tīmūr Khān on the imperial throne and gives an -entirely fictitious account of his descendants, several of whom are -represented as having professed Islam, though none of the five had any -existence except in the imagination of the writer. [750] - -The first Mongol ruling prince who professed Islam was Baraka Khān, who -was chief of the Golden Horde from 1256 to 1267. [751] According to -Abu’l-Ghāzī he was converted after he had come to the throne. He is -said one day to have fallen in with a caravan coming from Bukhārā, and -taking two of the merchants aside, to have questioned them on the -doctrines of Islam, and they expounded to him their faith so -persuasively that he became converted in all sincerity. He first -revealed his change of faith to his youngest brother, whom he induced -to follow his example, and then made open profession of his new belief. -[752] But, according to al-Jūzjānī, Baraka Khān was brought up as a -Musalman from infancy, and, as soon as he was old enough to learn, was -taught the Qurʼān by one of the ʻUlamā of the city of Khujand. [753] -The same author (who compiled his history during the lifetime of Baraka -Khān), states that the whole of his army was Musalman. “Trustworthy -persons have also related that, throughout his whole army, it is the -etiquette for every horseman to have a prayer-carpet with him, so that, -when the time for prayer arrives, they may occupy themselves in their -devotions. Not a person in his whole army takes any intoxicating drink -whatever; and great ʻUlamā, consisting of commentators, traditionists, -jurists, and disputants, are in his society. He has a great number of -religious books, and most of his receptions and debates are with -ʻUlamā. In his place of audience debates on ecclesiastical law -constantly take place; and, in his faith, as a Musalman, he is -exceedingly strict and orthodox.” [754] Baraka Khān entered into a -close alliance with the Mamlūk Sultan of Egypt, Rukn al-Dīn Baybars. -The initiative came from the latter, who had given a hospitable -reception to a body of troops, two hundred in number, belonging to the -Golden Horde; these men, observing the growing enmity between their -Khān and Hūlāgū, the conqueror of Baghdād, in whose army they were -serving, took flight into Syria, whence they were honourably conducted -to Cairo to the court of Baybars, who persuaded them to embrace Islam. -[755] Baybars himself was at war with Hūlāgū, whom he had recently -defeated and driven out of Syria. He sent two of the Mongol fugitives, -with some other envoys, to bear a letter to Baraka Khān. On their -return these envoys reported that each princess and amīr at the court -of Baraka Khān had an imām and a muʼadhdhin, and the children were -taught the Qurʼān in the schools. [756] These friendly relations -between Baybars and Baraka Khān brought many of the Mongols of the -Golden Horde into Egypt, where they were prevailed upon to become -Musalmans. [757] - -In Persia, where Hūlāgū founded the dynasty of the Īlkhāns, the -progress of Islam among the Mongols was much slower. In order to -strengthen himself against the attacks of Baraka Khān and the Sultan of -Egypt, Hūlāgū accepted the alliance of the Christian powers of the -East, such as the king of Armenia and the Crusaders. His favourite wife -was a Christian and favourably disposed the mind of her husband towards -her co-religionists, and his son Abāqā Khān married the daughter of the -Emperor of Constantinople. Though Abāqā Khān did not himself become a -Christian, his court was filled with Christian priests, and he sent -envoys to several of the princes of Europe—St. Louis of France, King -Charles of Sicily and King James of Aragon—to solicit their alliance -against the Muhammadans; to the same end also, an embassy of sixteen -Mongols was sent to the Council of Lyons in 1274, where the spokesman -of this embassy embraced Christianity and was baptised with some of his -companions. Great hopes were entertained of the conversion of Abāqā, -but they proved fruitless. His brother Takūdār, [758] who succeeded -him, was the first of the Īlkhāns who embraced Islam. He had been -brought up as a Christian, for (as a contemporary Christian writer -[759] tells us), “he was baptised when young and called by the name of -Nicholas. But when he was grown up, through his intercourse with -Saracens of whom he was very fond, he became a base Saracen, and, -renouncing the Christian faith, wished to be called Muḥammad Khān, and -strove with all his might that the Tartars should be converted to the -faith and sect of Muḥammad, and when they proved obstinate, not daring -to force them, he brought about their conversion by giving them honours -and favours and gifts, so that in his time many Tartars were converted -to the faith of the Saracens.” This prince sent the news of his -conversion to the Sultan of Egypt in the following letter:—“By the -power of God Almighty, the mandate of Aḥmad to the Sultan of Egypt. God -Almighty (praised be His name!) by His grace preventing us and by the -light of His guidance, hath guided us in our early youth and vigour -into the true path of the knowledge of His deity and the confession of -His unity, to bear witness that Muḥammad (on whom rest the highest -blessings!) is the Prophet of God, and to reverence His saints and His -pious servants. ‘Whom God shall please to guide, that man’s breast will -He open to Islam.’ [760] We ceased not to incline our heart to the -promotion of the faith and the improvement of the condition of Islam -and the Muslims, up to the time when the succession to the empire came -to us from our illustrious father and brother, and God spread over us -the glory of His grace and kindness, so that in the abundance of His -favours our hopes were realised, and He revealed to us the bride of the -kingdom, and she was brought forth to us a noble spouse. A Qūriltāy or -general assembly was convened, wherein our brothers, our sons, great -nobles, generals of the army and captains of the forces, met to hold -council; and they were all agreed on carrying out the order of our -elder brother, viz. to summon here a vast levy of our troops whose -numbers would make the earth, despite its vastness, appear too narrow, -whose fury and fierce onset would fill the hearts of men with fear, -being animated with a courage before which the mountain peaks bow down, -and a firm purpose that makes the hardest rocks grow soft. We reflected -on this their resolution which expressed the wish of all, and we -concluded that it ran counter to the aim we had in view—to promote the -common weal, i.e. to strengthen the ordinance of Islam; never, as far -as lies in our power, to issue any order that will not tend to prevent -bloodshed, remove the ills of men, and cause the breeze of peace and -prosperity to blow on all lands, and the kings of other countries to -rest upon the couch of affection and benevolence, whereby the commands -of God will be honoured and mercy be shown to the people of God. -Herein, God inspired us to quench this fire and put an end to these -terrible calamities, and make known to those who advanced this proposal -(of a levy) what it is that God has put into our hearts to do, namely, -to employ all possible means for the healing of all the sickness of the -world, and putting off what should only be appealed to as the last -remedy. For we desire not to hasten to appeal to arms, until we have -first declared the right path, and will permit it only after setting -forth the truth and establishing it with proofs. Our resolve to carry -out whatever appears to us good and advantageous has been strengthened -by the counsels of the Shaykh al-Islām, the model of divines, who has -given us much assistance in religious matters. We have appointed our -chief justice, Qutb al-Dīn and the Atābak, Bahā al-Dīn, both -trustworthy persons of this flourishing kingdom, to make known to you -our course of action and bear witness to our good intentions for the -common weal of the Muslims; and to make it known that God has -enlightened us, and that Islam annuls all that has gone before it, and -that God Almighty has put it into our hearts to follow the truth and -those who practice it.... If some convincing proof be required, let men -observe our actions. By the grace of God, we have raised aloft the -standards of the faith, and borne witness to it in all our orders and -our practice, so that the ordinances of the law of Muḥammad may be -brought to the fore and firmly established in accordance with the -principles of justice laid down by Aḥmad. Whereby we have filled the -hearts of the people with joy, have granted free pardon to all -offenders, and shown them indulgences, saying, ‘May God pardon the -past!’ We have reformed all matters concerning the pious endowments of -Muslims given for mosques, colleges, charitable institutions, and the -rebuilding of caravanserais; we have restored their incomes to those to -whom they were due according to the terms laid down by the donors.... -We have ordered the pilgrims to be treated with respect, provision to -be made for their caravans and for securing their safety on the pilgrim -routes; we have given perfect freedom to merchants, travelling from one -country to another, that they may go wherever they please; and we have -strictly prohibited our soldiers and police from interfering with them -in their comings or goings.” He seeks the alliance of the Sultan of -Egypt “so that these countries and cities may again be populated, these -terrible calamities be put down, the sword be returned to the scabbard; -that all peoples may dwell in peace and quietness, and the necks of the -Muslims be freed from the ills of humiliation and disgrace.” [761] - -To the student of the history of the Mongols it is a relief to pass -from the recital of nameless horrors and continual bloodshed to a -document emanating from a Mongol prince and giving expression to such -humane and benevolent sentiments, which sound strange indeed coming -from such lips. - -This conversion of their chief and the persecutions that he inflicted -on the Christians gave great offence to the Mongols, who, although not -Christians themselves, had been long accustomed to intercourse with the -Christians, and they denounced their chief to Qūbīlāy Khān as one who -had abandoned the footsteps of his forefathers. A revolt broke out -against him, headed by his nephew Arghūn, who compassed his death and -succeeded him on the throne. During his brief reign (1284–1291), the -Christians were once more restored to favour, while the Musalmans had -to suffer persecution in their turn, were dismissed from their posts -and driven away from the court. [762] - -The successors of Takūdār were all heathen, until, in 1295, Ghāzān, the -seventh and greatest of the Īlkhāns, became a Musalman and made Islam -the ruling religion of Persia. During the last three reigns the -Christians had entertained great hopes of the conversion of the ruling -family of Persia, who had shown them such distinguished favour and -entrusted them with so many important offices of state. His immediate -predecessor, the insurgent Baydū Khān, who occupied the throne for a -few months only in 1295, carried his predilection for Christianity so -far as to try to put a stop to the spread of Islam among the Mongols, -and accordingly forbade any one to preach the doctrines of this faith -among them. [763] - -Ghāzān himself before his conversion had been brought up as a Buddhist -and had erected several Buddhist temples in Khurāsān, and took great -pleasure in the company of the priests of this faith, who had come into -Persia in large numbers since the establishment of the Mongol supremacy -over that country. [764] He appears to have been naturally of a -religious turn of mind, for he studied the creeds of the different -religions of his time, and used to hold discussions with the learned -doctors of each faith. [765] Rashīd al-Dīn, his learned minister and -the historian of his reign, maintained the genuineness of his -conversion to Islam, the religious observances of which he zealously -kept throughout his whole reign, though his contemporaries (and later -writers have often re-echoed the imputation) represented him as having -only yielded to the solicitations of some Amīrs and Shaykhs. [766] -“Besides, what interested motive,” asks his apologist, “could have led -so powerful a sovereign to change his faith: much less, a prince whose -pagan ancestors had conquered the world?” His conversion, however, -certainly won over to his side the hearts of the Persians, when he was -contending with Baydū for the throne, and the Muhammadan Mongols in the -army of his rival deserted to support the cause of their -co-religionist. These were the very considerations that were urged upon -Ghāzān by Nawrūz, a Muhammadan Amīr who had espoused his cause and who -hailed him as the prince who, according to a prophecy, was to appear -about this time to protect the faith of Islam and restore it to its -former splendour: if he embraced Islam, he could become the ruler of -Persia: the Musalmans, delivered from the grievous yoke of the Pagan -Mongols, would espouse his cause, and God, recognising in him the -saviour of the true faith from utter destruction, would bless his arms -with victory. [767] After hesitating a little, Ghāzān made a public -profession of the faith, and his officers and soldiers followed his -example: he distributed alms to men of piety and learning and visited -the mosques and tombs of the saints and in every way showed himself an -exemplary Muslim ruler. His brother, Uljāytū, who succeeded him in -1304, under the name of Muḥammad Khudābandah, had been brought up as a -Christian in the faith of his mother and had been baptised under the -name of Nicholas, but after his mother’s death, while he was still a -young man, he became a convert to Islam through the persuasions of his -wife. [768] Ibn Baṭūṭah says that his example exercised a great -influence on the Mongols. [769] From this time forward Islam became the -paramount faith in the kingdom of the Īlkhāns. - -The details that we possess of the progress of Islam in the Middle -Kingdom, which fell to the lot of Chaghatāy and his descendants, are -still more meagre. Several of the princes of this line had a Muhammadan -minister in their service, but they showed themselves unsympathetic to -the faith of Islam. Chaghatāy harassed his Muhammadan subjects by -regulations that restricted their ritual observances in respect of the -killing of animals for food and of ceremonial washings. Al-Jūzjānī says -that he was the bitterest enemy of the Muslims among all the Mongol -rulers and did not wish any one to utter the word Musalman before him -except with evil purpose. [770] Orghana, the wife of his grandson and -successor, Qarā-Hūlāgū, brought up her son as a Musalman, and under the -name of Mubārak Shāh he came forward in 1264 as one of the claimants of -the disputed succession to the Chaghatāy Khānate; but he was soon -driven from the throne by his cousin Burāq Khān, and appears to have -exercised no influence on behalf of his faith, indeed judging from -their names it would not appear that any of his own children even -adopted the religion of their father. [771] Burāq Khān is said to have -“had the blessedness of receiving the light of the faith” a few days -before his death in 1270, and to have taken the name of Sulṭān Ghiyāth -al-Dīn, [772] but he was buried according to the ancient funeral rites -of the Mongols, and not as a Musalman, and those who had been converted -during his reign relapsed into their former heathenism. It was not -until the next century that the conversion of Ṭarmāshīrīn Khān, about -1326, caused Islam to be at all generally adopted by the Chaghatāy -Mongols, who when they followed the example of their chief this time -remained true to their new faith. But even now the ascendancy of Islam -was not assured, for Būzun who was Khān in the next decade—the -chronology is uncertain—drove Ṭarmāshīrīn from his throne, and -persecuted the Muslims, [773] and it was not until some years later -that we hear of the first Musalman king of Kāshgar, which the break-up -of the Chaghatāy dynasty had erected into a separate kingdom. This -prince, Tūqluq Tīmūr Khān (1347–1363), is said to have owed his -conversion to a holy man from Bukhārā, by name Shaykh Jamāl al-Dīn. -This Shaykh, in company with a number of travellers, had unwittingly -trespassed on the game-preserves of the prince, who ordered them to be -bound hand and foot and brought before him. In reply to his angry -question, how they had dared interfere with his hunting, the Shaykh -pleaded that they were strangers and were quite unaware that they were -trespassing on forbidden ground. Learning that they were Persians, the -prince said that a dog was worth more than a Persian. “Yes,” replied -the Shaykh, “if we had not the true faith, we should indeed be worse -than the dogs.” Struck with his reply, the Khān ordered this bold -Persian to be brought before him on his return from hunting, and taking -him aside asked him to explain what he meant by these words and what -was “faith.” The Shaykh then set before him the doctrines of Islam with -such fervour and zeal that the heart of the Khān that before had been -hard as a stone was melted like wax, and so terrible a picture did the -holy man draw of the state of unbelief, that the prince was convinced -of the blindness of his own errors, but said, “Were I now to make -profession of the faith of Islam, I should not be able to lead my -subjects into the true path. But bear with me a little; and when I have -entered into the possession of the kingdom of my forefathers, come to -me again.” For the empire of Chaghatāy had by this time been broken up -into a number of petty princedoms, and it was many years before Tūqluq -Tīmūr succeeded in uniting under his sway the whole empire as before. -Meanwhile Shaykh Jamāl al-Dīn had returned to his home, where he fell -dangerously ill: when at the point of death, he said to his son Rashīd -al-Dīn, “Tūqluq Tīmūr will one day become a great monarch; fail not to -go and salute him in my name and fearlessly remind him of the promise -he made me.” Some years later, when Tūqluq Tīmūr had re-won the empire -of his fathers, Rashīd al-Dīn made his way to the camp of the Khān to -fulfil the last wishes of his father, but in spite of all his efforts -he could not gain an audience of the Khān. At length he devised the -following expedient: one day in the early morning, he began to chant -the call to prayers, close to the Khān’s tent. Enraged at having his -slumbers disturbed in this way, the prince ordered him to be brought -into his presence, whereupon Rashīd al-Dīn delivered his father’s -message. Tūqluq Khān was not unmindful of his promise, and said: “Ever -since I ascended the throne I have had it on my mind that I made that -promise, but the person to whom I gave the pledge never came. Now you -are welcome.” He then repeated the profession of faith and became a -Muslim. “On that morn the sun of bounty rose out of the east of divine -favour and effaced the dark night of unbelief.... They then decided -that for the propagation of Islam they should interview the princes one -by one, and it should be well for those who accepted the faith, but -those who refused should be slain as heathens and idolaters.” The first -to be examined was a noble named Amīr Tūlik. The Khān asked him, “Will -you embrace Islam?” Amīr Tūlik burst into tears and said: “Three years -ago I was converted by some holy men at Kāshgar and became a Musalman, -but from fear of you I did not openly declare it.” Then Tūqluq Khān -rose up and embraced him, and the three sat down again together. In -this manner they examined the princes one by one, and they all accepted -Islam, with the exception of one named Jarās, who suggested a trial of -strength between the Shaykh and his servant, an infidel who was above -the ordinary stature of man and so strong that he could lift a -two-year-old camel. The Shaykh accepted the challenge, saying: “If I do -not throw him, I will not require you to become a Musalman. If it is -God’s wish that the Mongols become honoured with the blessed state of -Islam, He will doubtless give me sufficient power to overcome this -man.” Tūqluq Khān and those who had become Musalmans with him tried to -dissuade the holy man, but he persisted in his purpose. “A large crowd -assembled, the infidel was brought in, and he and the Shaykh advanced -towards one another. The infidel, proud of his own strength, advanced -with a conceited air. The Shaykh looked very small and weak beside him. -When they came to blows, the Shaykh struck the infidel full in the -chest, and he fell senseless. After a little he came to again, and -having raised himself, fell again at the feet of the Shaykh, crying out -and uttering words of belief. The people raised loud shouts of -applause, and on that day 160,000 persons cut off the hair of their -heads and became Musalmans. The Khān was circumcised, and the lights of -Islam dispelled the shades of unbelief.” From that time Islam became -the established faith in the settled countries under the rule of the -descendants of Chaghatāy. [774] But many of the nomad Mongols appear to -have remained outside the pale of Islam up to the early part of the -fifteenth century, judging from the violent methods adopted for their -conversion by Muḥammad Khān, who was Khān of Mughalistān [775] about -1416. “Muḥammad Khān was a wealthy prince and a good Musalman. He -persisted in following the road of justice and equity, and was so -unremitting in his exertions, that during his blessed reign most of the -tribes of the Mongols became Musalmans. It is well known what severe -measures he had recourse to, in bringing the Mongols to be believers in -Islam. If, for instance, a Mongol did not wear a turban, a horseshoe -nail was driven into his head: and treatment of this kind was common. -May God recompense him with good.” [776] - -Even such drastic measures were ineffectual in bringing about a general -acceptance of Islam, for as late as at the close of the following -century, [777] a dervish named Isḥāq Walī found scope for his -proselytising activities in Kāshgar, Yārkand and Khotan, where he spent -twelve years in spreading the faith; [778] he also worked among the -Kirghiz and Kazaks, from among whom he made 180 converts and destroyed -eighteen temples of idols. [779] - -In the preceding pages some attempt has been made to indicate some of -the steps by which the Muslims won over to their faith the savage -hordes who had destroyed their centres of culture. By slow degrees, -Islam thus began to emerge out of the ruins of its former ascendancy -and take its place again as a dominant faith, after more than a century -of depression. In the course of the struggle between the followers of -rival creeds for the adherence of the Mongols, considerations of -political expediency undoubtedly operated in favour of the Muslim -party, and the intrigues of Western Christendom caused the Christians -to become suspect, as agents of a foreign power; but at the beginning -such of the Mongols as were Nestorians could put forward a better claim -to be the national party and could attack the Musalmans as adherents of -a foreign faith. Aḥmad Takūdār was denounced by Arghūn as a traitor to -the law of his fathers, in that he had followed the way of the Arabs -which none of his ancestors had known. [780] The insurrection that -caused Ṭarmāshīrīn to be driven into exile, gained strength from the -complaint that this monarch had disregarded the Yassāq or ancient code -of Mongol institutes. [781] But though the issue of the struggle long -remained doubtful, Islam gradually gained ground in the lands of which -it had been dispossessed. The means whereby this success was achieved -are obscure, and the scanty details set forth above leave much of the -tale untold, but enough has been recorded to indicate some of the -proselytising agencies that led to individual conversions. Ānanda drank -in Islam with his foster-mother’s milk; [782] and the remnant of the -faithful, especially the older families of Muhammadan Turks, exercised -an almost insensible influence on the Mongols who settled down in their -midst. But of special importance among the proselytising agencies at -work was the influence of the pīr and his spiritual disciples. In the -midst of the profound discouragement which filled the Musalmans after -the flood of the Mongol conquest had poured over them, their first -refuge was in mysticism, and the pīr, or spiritual guide, and religious -orders—such as the Naqshbandī, which in the fourteenth century entered -on a new period of its development—breathed new life into the Muslim -community and inspired it with fresh fervour. “In the hands of the pīr -and his monks, the Musalman in Asia came to be an agent, at first -passive and unconscious, later on the adherent of a party—the party of -the national faith, in opposition to the rule of the Mongols, which was -at once foreign, barbaric and secular.” [783] - -Let us now return to the history of Islam in the Golden Horde. The -chief camping ground of this section of the Mongols was the grassy -plain watered by the Volga, on the bank of which they founded their -capital city Serai, whither the Russian princes sent their tribute to -the khān. The conversion of Baraka Khān, of which mention has been made -above, and the close intercourse with Egypt that subsequently sprang -up, contributed considerably to the progress of Islam, and his example -seems to have been gradually followed by those of the aristocracy and -leaders of the Golden Horde that were of Mongol descent. But many -tribes of the Golden Horde appear to have resented the introduction of -Islam into their midst, and when the conversion of Baraka Khān was -openly proclaimed, they sent to offer the crown, of which they -considered him now unworthy, to his rival Hūlāgū. Indeed, so strong was -this opposition, that it seems to have largely contributed to the -formation of the Nogais as a separate tribe. They took their name from -Nogāy, who was the chief commander of the Mongol forces under Baraka -Khān. When the other princes of the Golden Horde became Musalmans, -Nogāy remained a Shamanist and thus became a rallying point for those -who refused to abandon the old religion of the Mongols. His daughter, -however, who was married to a Shamanist, became converted to Islam some -time after her marriage and had to endure the ill-treatment and -contempt of her husband in consequence. [784] - -To Ūzbek Khān, who was leader of the Golden Horde from 1313 to 1340, -and who distinguished himself by his proselytising zeal, it was said, -“Content yourself with our obedience, what matters our religion to you? -Why should we abandon the faith of Chingīz Khān for that of the Arabs?” -But in spite of the strong opposition to his efforts, Ūzbek Khān -succeeded in winning many converts to the faith of which he was so -ardent a follower and which owed to his efforts its firm establishment -in the country under his sway. [785] A further sign of his influence is -found in the tribes of the Ūzbeks of Central Asia, who take their name -from him and were probably converted during his reign. He is said to -have formed the design of spreading the faith of Islam throughout the -whole of Russia, [786] but here he met with no success. Indeed, though -the Mongols were paramount in Russia for two centuries, they appear to -have exercised very little influence on the people of that country, and -least of all in the matter of religion. It is noticeable, moreover, -that in spite of his zeal for the spread of his own faith, Ūzbek Khān -was very tolerant towards his Christian subjects, who were left -undisturbed in the exercise of their religion and even allowed to -pursue their missionary labours in his territory. One of the most -remarkable documents of Muhammadan toleration is the charter that Ūzbek -Khān granted to the Metropolitan Peter in 1313:—“By the will and power, -the greatness and mercy of the most High! Ūzbek to all our princes, -great and small, etc., etc. Let no man insult the metropolitan church -of which Peter is the head, or his servants or his churchmen; let no -man seize their property, goods or people, let no man meddle with the -affairs of the metropolitan church, since they are divine. Whoever -shall meddle therein and transgress our edict, will be guilty before -God and feel His wrath and be punished by us with death. Let the -metropolitan dwell in the path of safety and rejoice, with a just and -upright heart let him (or his deputy) decide and regulate all -ecclesiastical matters. We solemnly declare that neither we nor our -children nor the princes of our realm nor the governors of our -provinces will in any way interfere with the affairs of the church and -the metropolitan, or in their towns, districts, villages, chases and -fisheries, their hives, lands, meadows, forests, towns and places under -their bailiffs, their vineyards, mills, winter quarters for cattle, or -any of the properties and goods of the church. Let the mind of the -metropolitan be always at peace and free from trouble, with uprightness -of heart let him pray to God for us, our children and our nation. -Whoever shall lay hands on anything that is sacred, shall be held -guilty, he shall incur the wrath of God and the penalty of death, that -others may be dismayed at his fate. When the tribute or other dues, -such as custom duties, plough-tax, tolls or relays are levied, or when -we wish to raise troops among our subjects, let nothing be exacted from -the cathedral churches under the metropolitan Peter, or from any of his -clergy: ... whatever may be exacted from the clergy, shall be returned -threefold.... Their laws, their churches, their monasteries and chapels -shall be respected; whoever condemns or blames this religion, shall not -be allowed to excuse himself under any pretext, but shall be punished -with death. The brothers and sons of priests and deacons, living at the -same table and in the same house, shall enjoy the same privileges.” -[787] - -That these were no empty words and that the toleration here promised -became a reality, may be judged from a letter sent to the Khān by Pope -John XXII in 1318, in which he thanks the Muslim prince for the favour -he showed to his Christian subjects and the kind treatment they -received at his hands. [788] The successors of Ūzbek Khān do not appear -to have been animated by the same zeal for the spread of Islam as he -had shown, and could not be expected to succeed where he failed. So -long as the Russians paid their taxes, they were left free to worship -according to their own desires, and the Christian religion had become -too closely intertwined with the life of the people to be disturbed, -even had efforts been made to turn them from the faith of their -fathers; for Christianity had been the national religion of the Russian -people for well-nigh three centuries before the Mongols established -themselves in Russian territory. - -Another race many years before had tried to win the Russians to Islam -but had likewise failed, viz. the Muslim Bulgarians who were found in -the tenth century on the banks of the Volga, and who probably owed -their conversion to the Muslim merchants, trading in furs and other -commodities of the North; their conversion must have taken place some -time before A.D. 921, when the caliph al-Muqtadir sent an envoy to -confirm them in the faith and instruct them in the tenets and -ordinances of Islam. [789] - -These Bulgarians attempted the conversion of Vladimir, the then -sovereign of Russia, who (the Russian chronicler tells us) had found it -necessary to choose some religion better than his pagan creed, but they -failed to overcome his objections to the rite of circumcision and to -the prohibition of wine, the use of which, he declared, the Russians -could never give up, as it was the very joy of their life. Equally -unsuccessful were the Jews who came from the country of the Khazars on -the Caspian Sea and had won over the king of that people to the Mosaic -faith. [790] After listening to their arguments, Vladimir asked them -where their country was. “Jerusalem,” they replied, “but God in His -anger has scattered us over the whole world.” “Then you are cursed of -God,” cried the king, “and yet want to teach others: begone! we have no -wish, like you, to be without a country.” The most favourable -impression was made by a Greek priest who, after a brief criticism of -the other religions, set forth the whole scheme of Christian teaching -beginning with the creation of the world and the story of the fall of -man and ending with the seven œcumenical councils accepted by the Greek -Church; then he showed the prince a picture of the Last Judgment with -the righteous entering paradise and the wicked being thrust down into -hell, and promised him the heritage of heaven, if he would be baptised. -But Vladimir was unwilling to make a rash choice of a substitute for -his pagan religion, so he called his boyards together and having told -them of the accounts he had received of the various religions, asked -them for their advice. “Prince,” they replied, “every man praises his -own religion, and if you would make choice of the best, send wise men -into the different countries to discover which of all the nations -honours God in the manner most worthy of Him.” So the prince chose out -for this purpose ten men who were eminent for their wisdom. These -ambassadors found among the Bulgarians mean-looking places of worship, -gloomy prayers and solemn faces; among the German Catholics religious -ceremonies that lacked both grandeur and magnificence. At length they -reached Constantinople: “Let them see the glory of our God,” said the -Emperor. So they were taken to the church of Santa Sophia, where the -Patriarch, clad in his pontifical robes, was celebrating mass. The -magnificence of the building, the rich vestments of the priests, the -ornaments of the altars, the sweet odour of the incense, the reverent -silence of the people, and the mysterious solemnity of the ceremonial -filled the savage Russians with wonder and amazement. It seemed to them -that this church must be the dwelling of the Most High, and that He -manifested His glory therein to mortals. On their return to Kief, the -ambassadors gave the prince an account of their mission; they spoke -with contempt of the religion of the Prophet and had little to say for -the Roman Catholic faith, but were enthusiastic in their eulogies of -the Greek Church. “Every man,” they said, “who has put his lips to a -sweet draught, henceforth abhors anything bitter; wherefore we having -come to the knowledge of the faith of the Greek Church desire none -other.” Vladimir once more consulted his boyards, who said unto him, -“Had not the Greek faith been best of all, Olga, your grandmother, the -wisest of mortals, would never have embraced it.” Whereupon Vladimir -hesitated no longer and in A.D. 988 declared himself a Christian. On -the day after his baptism he threw down the idols his forefathers had -worshipped, and issued an edict that all the Russians, masters and -slaves, rich and poor, should submit to be baptised into the Christian -faith. [791] - -Thus Christianity became the national religion of the Russian people, -and after the Mongol conquest, the distinctive national characteristics -of Russians and Tatars that have kept the two races apart to the -present day, the bitter hatred of the Tatar yoke, the devotion of the -Russians to their own faith and the want of religious zeal on the part -of the Tatars, kept the conquered race from adopting the religion of -the conqueror. Especially has the prohibition of spirituous liquors by -the laws of Islam been supposed to have stood in the way of the -adoption of this religion by the Russian people. - -It would appear that not until after the promulgation of the edict of -religious toleration in 1905 throughout the Russian empire and the -active Muslim propaganda that followed it, were cases observed of -Russians being converted to Islam, and those that have occurred are -ascribed to the strong attraction of the material help offered by the -Tatars to such converts and the influence of the moral strength of the -Muslims themselves. [792] - -Not that the Tatars in Russia had been altogether inoperative in -promoting the spread of Islam during the preceding centuries. The -distinctly Hellenic type of face that is to be found among the -so-called Tatars of the Crimea has led to the conjecture that these -Muhammadans have absorbed into their community the Greek and Italian -populations that they found settled on the Crimean peninsula, and that -we find among them the Muhammadanised descendants of the indigenous -inhabitants, and of the Genoese colonists. [793] A traveller of the -seventeenth century tells us that the Tatars of the Crimea tried to -induce their slaves to become Muhammadans, and won over many of them to -this faith by promising them their liberty if they would be persuaded. -[794] Conversions to Islam from among the Tatars of the Crimea are also -reported after the proclamation of religious liberty in 1905. [795] - -A brief reference may here be made to the Tatars in Lithuania, where -small groups of them have been settled since the early part of the -fifteenth century; these Muslim immigrants, dwelling in the midst of a -Christian population, have preserved their old faith, but (probably for -political reasons) do not appear to have attempted to proselytise. But -they have been in the habit of marrying Lithuanian and Polish women, -whose children were always brought up as Muslims, whereas no Muhammadan -girl was permitted to marry a Christian. The grand dukes of Lithuania -in the fifteenth century encouraged the marriage of Christian women -with their Tatar troops, on whom they bestowed grants of land and other -privileges. [796] - -One of the most curious incidents in the missionary history of Islam is -the conversion of the Kirghiz of Central Asia by Tatar mullās, who -preached Islam among them in the eighteenth century, as emissaries of -the Russian government. The Kirghiz began to come under Russian rule -about 1731, and for 120 years all diplomatic correspondence was carried -on with them in the Tatar language under the delusion that they were -ethnographically the same as the Tatars of the Volga. Another -misunderstanding on the part of the Russian government was that the -Kirghiz were Musalmans, whereas in the eighteenth century they were -nearly all Shamanists, as a large number of them were still up to the -middle of the nineteenth century. At the time of the annexation of -their country to the Russian empire only a few of their Khāns and -Sulṭāns had any knowledge of the faith of Islam—and that very confused -and vague. Not a single mosque was to be found throughout the whole of -the Kirghiz Steppes, or a single religious teacher of the faith of the -Prophet, and the Kirghiz owed their conversion to Islam to the fact -that the Russians, taking them for Muhammadans, insisted on treating -them as such. Large sums of money were given for the building of -mosques, and mullās were sent to open schools and instruct the young in -the tenets of the Muslim faith: the Kirghiz scholars were to receive -every day a small sum to support themselves on, and the fathers were to -be induced to send their children to the schools by presents and other -means of persuasion. An incontrovertible proof that the Musalman -propaganda made its way into the Kirghiz Steppes from the side of -Russia, is the circumstance that it was especially those Kirghiz who -were more contiguous to Europe that first became Musalmans, and the old -Shamanism lingered up to the nineteenth century among those who -wandered in the neighbourhood of Khiva, Bukhārā and Khokand, though -these for centuries had been Muhammadan countries. [797] - -This is probably the only instance of a Christian government -co-operating in the promulgation of Islam, and is the more remarkable -inasmuch as the Russian government of this period was attempting to -force Christianity on its Muslim subjects in Europe, in continuation of -the efforts made in the sixteenth century soon after the conquest of -the Khanate of Kazan. - -At the beginning of the nineteenth century many of the Kirghiz dwelling -in the vast plains stretching southwards from the district of Tobolsk -towards Turkistan were still heathen, and the Russian government was -approached for permission for a Christian mission to be established -among them. But this request was not granted, on the ground that “these -people were as yet too wild and savage to be accessible to the Gospel. -But soon after other missionaries, not depending on the good-will of -any government, and having more zeal and understanding, occupied this -field and won the whole of the Kirghis tribe to the faith of Islam.” -[798] - -After the conquest of Kazan by the Russians in the sixteenth century, -the occupation of the former Tatar Khanate was followed up by an -official Christian missionary movement, and a number of the heathen -population of the Khanate were baptised, the labours of the clergy -being actively seconded by the police and the civil authorities, but as -the Russian priests did not understand the language of their converts -and soon neglected them, it had to be admitted that the new converts -“shamelessly retain many horrid Tartar customs, and neither hold nor -know the Christian faith.” When spiritual exhortations failed, the -government ordered its officials to “pacify, imprison, put in irons, -and thereby unteach and frighten from the Tartar faith those who, -though baptised, do not obey the admonitions of the Metropolitan.” - -In the eighteenth century the Russian government made fresh efforts to -convert the heathen tribes and the relapsed Tatars, and held out many -inducements to them to become baptised. Catherine II in 1778 ordered -that all the new converts should sign a written promise to the effect -that “they would completely forsake their infidel errors, and, avoiding -all intercourse with unbelievers, would hold firmly and unwaveringly -the Christian faith and its dogmas.” But in spite of all, these -so-called “baptised Tartars” were Christians only in name, and soon -began to try to escape from the propagandist efforts of the Orthodox -Church and abandoned Christianity for Islam, their so-called conversion -merely serving as a stepping-stone to their entrance into the faith of -the Prophet. - -They may, indeed, have been inscribed in the official registers as -Christians, but they resolutely stood out against any efforts that were -made to Christianise them. In a semi-official article, published in -1872, the writer says: “It is a fact worthy of attention that a long -series of evident apostasies coincides with the beginning of measures -to confirm the converts in the Christian faith. There must be, -therefore, some collateral cause producing those cases of apostasy -precisely at the moment when the contrary might be expected.” The fact -seems to be that these Tatars having all the time remained Muhammadan -at heart, resisted the active measures taken to make their nominal -profession of Christianity in any way a reality. [799] But in the -latter part of the nineteenth century efforts were made to Christianise -these heathen and Muslim tribes by means of schools established in -their midst. In this way it was hoped to win the younger generation, -since otherwise it seemed impossible to gain an entrance for -Christianity among the Tatars, for, as a Russian professor said, “The -citizens of Kazan are hard to win, but we get some little folk from the -villages on the steppe, and train them in the fear of God. Once they -are with us they can never turn back.” [800] For the Russian criminal -code used to contain severe enactments against those who fell away from -the Orthodox Church, [801] and sentenced any person convicted of -converting a Christian to Islam to the loss of all civil rights and to -imprisonment with hard labour for a term varying from eight to ten -years. In spite, however, of the edicts of the government, Muslim -propagandism succeeded in winning over whole villages to the faith of -Islam, especially among the tribes of north-eastern Russia. [802] - -The town of Kazan is the chief centre of this missionary activity; a -large number of Muslim publications are printed here every year, and -mullās go forth from the University to convert the pagans in the -villages and bring back to Islam the Tatars who have allowed themselves -to be baptised. The increasing number of these Christian Tatars, who -have gone to swell the ranks of Islam, has alarmed the clergy of the -Orthodox Church, but their efforts have failed to check the success of -the mullās. [803] Especially since the edict of toleration in 1905, -mass conversions have been reported, e.g. in 1909, ninety-one families -in the village of Atomva are said to have become Muhammadan, [804] and -as many as 53,000 persons between 1906 and 1910. [805] This propaganda -is said to owe much of its success to the higher moral level of life in -Muslim society, as well as to the stronger feeling of solidarity that -prevails in it; [806] moreover, the methods adopted by the Russian -clergy, supported by the government, to make the so-called Christian -Tatars more orthodox, have caused the Christian faith to become -unpopular among them. [807] On the other hand, the propaganda of Islam -is very zealously carried forward; “every simple, untaught Moslem is a -missionary of his religion, and the poor, dark, untaught heathen or -half-heathen tribes cannot resist their force. In many villages of -baptised aborigines the men go away for the winter to work as tailors -in Moslem villages. There they are converted to Islam, and they return -to their villages as fanatics bringing with them Moslem ideas with -which to influence their homes.” [808] - -The tribes that have chiefly come under the influence of this -missionary movement are the Votiaks, the greater part of whom are -baptised Christians, but many became Muslims in the eighteenth and the -beginning of the nineteenth centuries; and the influence of Islam is -continually growing both among those that are Christian and among the -small remnant that is still heathen. The Cheremiss, like the Votiaks, -are a Finnish tribe, about a quarter of whom are still heathen, but -many have already embraced Islam and it is probable that most of them -will soon adopt the same religion. The movement of the Cheremiss -towards Islam made itself manifest in the nineteenth century and though -many of them were nominally Christian, whole villages of them became -Muhammadan despite the laws forbidding conversion except to the -Orthodox Church. [809] They became Muhammadan through their immediate -contact with the Bashkirs and Tatars, whose family and social customs -were very similar to their own. The process sometimes began with -intermarriages with Muhammadans—e.g. in one village a Cheremiss family -intermarried with some Bashkirs and adopted their faith; the converts -being persecuted as “circumcised dogs” in their own village, moved away -and founded a new settlement some miles off, some wealthy Bashkirs -helping them with money; but as they were officially registered as -heathen, they could not get permission for the building of a mosque, so -a few Bashkir families in the neighbourhood moved into the new -settlement, in order to make up the number requisite for obtaining the -necessary official permission. [810] A similar process has several -times occurred in other villages in which Muhammadans have come to -settle and have intermarried with Cheremiss. [811] In other cases there -has been a definite missionary movement—e.g. in the beginning of the -nineteenth century the village of Karakul was inhabited by Christian -Cheremiss, but shortly after the middle of the century some families -were converted to Islam by a Cheremiss who had become a mullā; on his -death he was succeeded by a Bashkir from another village. Later on, the -converts moved away to Tatar and Bashkir villages, their place being -taken by Tatars, until the whole village became practically Tatar, few -of the younger generation retaining any knowledge of the Cheremiss -language, and intermarriages taking place only with Tatars. [812] Apart -from this proselytising activity, there has been a very distinct spread -of Tatar influence in speech and manners among the Cheremiss. The Tatar -language has spread among them, bringing with it the moral and -religious ideas of Islam; the adoption of the Tatar dress is held to be -a sign of superior culture, and if a Cheremiss does not dress like a -Tatar he runs the risk of being laughed at by the first Tatar he meets -or by his fellow Cheremiss; all this cultural movement tends to the -ultimate adoption of the Tatar religion. [813] After their conversion, -the Cheremiss are said to be very zealous in the propagation of their -new faith and receive the assistance of wealthy Tatars; [814] on the -other hand, the Russians despise the Cheremiss as an inferior race and -apply opprobrious epithets even to those among them who are Christians. -[815] About one-fourth of the Cheremiss are still heathen, but Muslim -influences are so powerful among them that it is probable that in -course of time they will for the most part become Muhammadans. [816] -The Chuvash, who number about 1,000,000, have nearly all been baptised; -there are about 20,000 of them that are still heathen but these are -gradually being absorbed by Islam, while some of the Christian Chuvash -have become Muhammadans and the rest are coming under Muslim -influences. The extent of their zeal for their converts may be judged -from the instance of a Christian Chuvash village, the priest of which -had spent several years in collecting the 300 roubles necessary for the -repair of the church; eight Chuvash families became Muhammadan and in -the course of a few months 2000 roubles were collected for the building -of a mosque. [817] Such ready activity is characteristic of the Muslim -propaganda now being carried among the aboriginal tribes. Each family -that accepts Islam receives help either in money or in kind: a house is -built for one; a field, cattle, etc., are purchased for another; when -several families in a village are converted, a mosque is built for them -and a school established for their children. [818] - -Of the spread of Islam among the Tatars of Siberia, we have a few -particulars. It was not until the latter half of the sixteenth century -that it gained a footing in this country, but even before this period -Muhammadan missionaries had from time to time made their way into -Siberia with the hope of winning the heathen population over to the -acceptance of their faith, but the majority of them met with a martyr’s -death. When Siberia came under Muhammadan rule, in the reign of Kūchum -Khān, the graves of seven of these missionaries were discovered by an -aged Shaykh who came from Bukhārā to search them out, being anxious -that some memorial should be kept of the devotion of these martyrs to -the faith: he was able to give the names of this number, and up to the -last century their memory was still revered by the Tatars of Siberia. -[819] When Kūchum Khān (who was descended from Jūjī Khān, the eldest -son of Chingīz Khān) became Khān of Siberia (about the year 1570), -either by right of conquest or (according to another account) at the -invitation of the people whose Khān had died without issue, [820] he -made every effort for the conversion of his subjects, and sent to -Bukhārā asking for missionaries to assist him in this pious -undertaking. One of the missionaries who was sent from Bukhārā has left -us an account of how he set out with a companion to the capital of -Kūchum Khān, on the bank of the Irtish. Here, after two years, his -companion died, and, for some reasons that the writer does not mention, -he went back again; but soon afterwards returned to the scene of his -labours, bringing with him another coadjutor, when Kūchum Khān had -appealed for help once more to Bukhārā. [821] Missionaries also came to -Siberia from Kazan. But the advancing tide of Russian conquest soon -brought the proselytising efforts of Kūchum Khān to an end before much -had been accomplished, especially as many of the tribes under his rule -offered a strong opposition to all attempts made to convert them. - -But though interrupted by the Russian conquest, the progress of Islam -was by no means stopped. Mullās from Bukhārā and other cities of -Central Asia and merchants from Kazan were continually active as -missionaries of Islam in Siberia. In 1745 an entrance was first -effected among the Baraba Tatars (between the Irtish and the Ob), and -though at the beginning of the nineteenth century many were still -heathen, they have now all become Musalmans. [822] The conversion of -the Kirghiz has already been spoken of above: the history of most of -the other Muslim tribes of Siberia is very obscure, but their -conversion is probably of a recent date. Among the instruments of -Muhammadan propaganda at the present time, it is interesting to note -the large place taken by the folk-songs of the Kirghiz, in which, -interwoven with tale and legend, the main truths of Islam make their -way into the hearts of the common people. [823] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN INDIA. - - -The Muhammadan invasions of India and the foundation and growth of the -Muhammadan power in that country, have found many historians, both -among contemporary and later writers. But hitherto no one has attempted -to write a history of the spread of Islam in India, considered apart -from the military successes and administrative achievements of its -adherents. Indeed, to many, such a task must appear impossible. For -India has often been picked out as a typical instance of a country in -which Islam owes its existence and continuance in existence to the -settlement in it of foreign, conquering Muhammadan races, who have -transmitted their faith to their descendants, and only succeeded in -spreading it beyond their own circle by means of persecution and forced -conversions. Thus the missionary spirit of Islam is supposed to show -itself in its true light in the brutal massacres of Brahmans by Maḥmūd -of Ghaznạ̄, in the persecutions of Aurangzeb, the forcible circumcisions -effected by Ḥaydar ʻAlī, Tīpū Sulṭān and the like. - -But among the sixty-six millions of Indian Musalmans there are vast -numbers of converts or descendants of converts, in whose conversion -force played no part and the only influences at work were the teaching -and persuasion of peaceful missionaries. This class of converts forms a -very distinct group by itself which can be distinguished from that of -the forcibly converted and the other heterogeneous elements of which -Muslim India is made up. The entire community may be roughly divided -into those of foreign race who brought their faith into the country -along with them, and those who have been converted from one of the -previous religions of the country under various inducements and at many -different periods of history. The foreign settlement consists of three -main bodies: first, and numerically the most important, are the -immigrants from across the north-west frontier, who are found chiefly -in Sind and the Panjāb; next come the descendants of the court and -armies of the various Muhammadan dynasties, mainly in Upper India and -to a much smaller extent in the Deccan; lastly, all along the west -coast are settlements probably of Arab descent, whose original founders -came to India by sea. [824] But the number of families of foreign -origin that actually settled in India is nowhere great except in the -Panjāb and its neighbourhood. More than half the Muslim population of -India has indeed assumed appellations of distinctly foreign races, such -as Shaykh, Beg, Khān, and even Sayyid, but the greater portion of them -are local converts or descendants of converts, who have taken the title -of the person of highest rank amongst those by whom they were converted -or have affiliated themselves to the aristocracy of Islam on even less -plausible grounds. [825] Of this latter section of the community—the -converted natives of the country—part no doubt owed their change of -religion to force and official pressure, but by far the majority of -them entered the pale of Islam of their own free will. The history of -the proselytising movements and the social influences that brought -about their conversion has hitherto received very little attention, and -most of the commonly accessible histories of the Muhammadans in India, -whether written by European or by native authors, are mere chronicles -of wars, campaigns and the achievements of princes, in which little -mention of the religious life of the time finds a place, unless it has -taken the form of fanaticism or intolerance. From the biographies of -the Muslim saints, however, and from local traditions, something may be -learned of the missionary work that was carried on quite independently -of the political life of the country. But before dealing with these it -is proposed to give an account of the official propagation of Islam and -of the part played by the Muhammadan rulers in the spread of their -faith. - -From the fifteenth year after the death of the Prophet, when an Arab -expedition was sent into Sind, up to the eighteenth century, a series -of Muhammadan invaders, some founders of great empires, others mere -adventurers, poured into India from the north-west. While some came -only to plunder and retired laden with spoils, others remained to found -kingdoms that have had a lasting influence to the present day. But of -none of these do we learn that they were accompanied by any -missionaries or preachers. Not that they were indifferent to their -religion. To many of them, their invasion of India appeared in the -light of a holy war. Such was evidently the thought in the minds of -Maḥmūd of Ghaznạ̄ and Tīmūr. The latter, after his capture of Dehli, -writes as follows in his autobiography:—“I had been at Dehli fifteen -days, which time I passed in pleasure and enjoyment, holding royal -Courts and giving great feasts. I then reflected that I had come to -Hindustān to war against infidels, and my enterprise had been so -blessed that wherever I had gone I had been victorious. I had triumphed -over my adversaries, I had put to death some lacs of infidels and -idolaters, and I had stained my proselyting sword with the blood of the -enemies of the faith. Now this crowning victory had been won, and I -felt that I ought not to indulge in ease, but rather to exert myself in -warring against the infidels of Hindustān.” [826] Though he speaks much -of his “proselyting sword,” it seems, however, to have served no other -purpose than that of sending infidels to hell. Most of the Muslim -invaders seem to have acted in a very similar way; in the name of -Allāh, idols were thrown down, their priests put to the sword, and -their temples destroyed; while mosques were often erected in their -place. It is true that the offer of Islam was generally made to the -unbelieving Hindus before any attack was made upon them. [827] Fear -occasionally dictated a timely acceptance of such offers and led to -conversions which, in the earlier days of the Muhammadan invasion at -least, were generally short-lived and ceased to be effective after the -retreat of the invader. An illustration in point is furnished by the -story of Hardatta, a rāʼīs of Bulandshahr, whose submission to Maḥmūd -of Ghaznạ̄ is thus related in the history of that conqueror’s campaigns -written by his secretary. “At length (about A.D. 1019) he (i.e. Maḥmūd) -arrived at the fort of Barba, [828] in the country of Hardat, who was -one of the rāʼīs, that is “kings,” in the Hindī language. When Hardat -heard of this invasion by the protected warriors of God, who advanced -like the waves of the sea, with the angels around them on all sides, he -became greatly agitated, his steps trembled, and he feared for his -life, which was forfeited under the law of God. So he reflected that -his safety would best be secured by conforming to the religion of -Islam, since God’s sword was drawn from the scabbard, and the whip of -punishment was uplifted. He came forth, therefore, with ten thousand -men, who all proclaimed their anxiety for conversion and their -rejection of idols.” [829] - -These new converts probably took the earliest opportunity of -apostatising presented to them by the retreat of the conqueror—a kind -of action which we find the early Muhammadan historians of India -continually complaining of. For when Quṭb al-Dīn Ībak attacked Baran in -1193, he was stoutly opposed by Chandrasen, the then Rājā, who was a -lineal descendant of Hardatta and whose very name betrays his Hindu -faith: nor do we hear of there being any Musalmans remaining under his -rule. [830] - -But these conquerors would appear to have had very little of that “love -for souls” which animates the true missionary and which has achieved -such great conquests for Islam. The Khiljīs (1290–1320), the Tughlaqs -(1320–1412), and the Lodīs (1451–1526) were generally too busily -engaged in fighting to pay much regard to the interests of religion, or -else thought more of the exaction of tribute than of the work of -conversion. [831] Not that they were entirely lacking in religious -zeal: e.g. the Ghakkars, a barbarous people in the mountainous -districts of the North of the Panjāb, who gave the early invaders much -trouble, are said to have been converted through the influence of -Muḥammad Ghorī at the end of the twelfth century. Their chieftain had -been taken prisoner by the Muhammadan monarch, who induced him to -become a Musalman, and then confirming him in his title of chief of -this tribe, sent him back to convert his followers, many of whom having -little religion of their own were easily prevailed upon to embrace -Islam. [832] According to Ibn Baṭūṭah, the Khiljīs offered some -encouragement to conversion by making it a custom to have the new -convert presented to the sultan, who clad him in a robe of honour and -gave him a collar and bracelets of gold, of a value proportionate to -his rank. [833] But the monarchs of the earlier Muhammadan dynasties as -a rule evinced very little proselytising zeal, and it would be hard to -find a parallel in their history to the following passage from the -autobiography of Fīrūz Shāh Tughlaq (1351–1388): “I encouraged my -infidel subjects to embrace the religion of the Prophet, and I -proclaimed that every one who repeated the creed and became a Musalman -should be exempt from the jizyah, or poll tax. Information of this came -to the ears of the people at large and great numbers of Hindus -presented themselves, and were admitted to the honour of Islam. Thus -they came forward day by day from every quarter, and, adopting the -faith, were exonerated from the jizyah, and were favoured with presents -and honours.” [834] - -As the Muhammadan power became consolidated, and particularly under the -Mughal dynasty, the religious influences of Islam naturally became more -permanent and persistent. These influences are certainly apparent in -the Hindu theistic movements that arose in the fifteenth and sixteenth -centuries, and Bishop Lefroy has conjectured that the positive -character of Muslim teaching attracted minds that were dissatisfied -with the vagueness and subjectivity of a Pantheistic system of thought. -“When Mohammedanism, with its strong grasp of the reality of the Divine -existence and, as flowing from this, of the absolutely fixed and -objective character of truth, came into conflict with the haziness of -Pantheistic thought and the subjectivity of its belief, it necessarily -followed, not only that it triumphed in the struggle, but also that it -came as a veritable tonic to the life and thought of Upper India, -quickening into a fresh and more vigorous life many minds which never -accepted for themselves its intellectual sway.” [835] - -A powerful incentive to conversion was offered, when adherence to an -idolatrous system stood in the way of advancement at the Muhammadan -courts; and though a spirit of tolerance, which reached its culmination -under the eclectic Akbar, was very often shown towards Hinduism, and -respected even, for the most part, the state endowments of that -religion; [836] and though the dread of unpopularity and the desire of -conciliation dictated a policy of non-interference and deprecated such -deeds of violence and such outbursts of fanaticism as had characterised -the earlier period of invasion and triumph, still such motives of -self-interest gained many converts from Hinduism to the Muhammadan -faith. Many Rajputs became converts in this way, and their descendants -are to this day to be found among the landed aristocracy. The most -important perhaps among these is the Musalman branch of the great -Bachgoti clan, the head of which is the premier Muhammadan noble of -Oudh. According to one tradition, their ancestor Tilok Chand was taken -prisoner by the Emperor Bābar, and to regain his liberty adopted the -faith of Islam; [837] but another legend places his conversion in the -reign of Humāyūn. This prince having heard of the marvellous beauty of -Tilok Chand’s wife, had her carried off while she was at a fair. No -sooner, however, was she brought to him than his conscience smote him -and he sent for her husband. Tilok Chand had despaired of ever seeing -her again, and in gratitude he and his wife embraced the faith “which -taught such generous purity.” [838] These converted Rajputs are very -zealous in the practice of their religion, yet often betray their Hindu -origin in a very striking manner. In the district of Bulandshahr, for -example, a large Musalman family, which is known as the Lālkhānī -Paṭhāns, still (with some exceptions) retains its old Hindu titles and -family customs of marriage, while Hindu branches of the same clan still -exist side by side with it. [839] In the Mirzapur district, the -Gaharwār Rajputs, who are now Muslim, still retain in all domestic -matters Hindu laws and customs and prefix a Hindu honorific title to -their Muhammadan names. [840] - -Official pressure is said never to have been more persistently brought -to bear upon the Hindus than in the reign of Aurangzeb. In the eastern -districts of the Panjāb, there are many cases in which the ancestor of -the Musalman branch of the village community is said to have changed -his religion in the reign of this zealot, “in order to save the land of -the village.” In Gurgaon, near Dehli, there is a Hindu family of Banyās -who still bear the title of Shaykh (which is commonly adopted by -converted Hindus), because one of the members of the family, whose line -is now extinct, became a convert in order to save the family property -from confiscation. [841] Many Rajput landowners, in the Cawnpore -district, were compelled to embrace Islam for the same reason. [842] In -other cases the ancestor is said to have been carried as a prisoner or -hostage to Dehli, and there forcibly circumcised and converted. [843] -It should be noted that the only authority for these forced conversions -is family or local tradition, and no mention of such (as far as I have -been able to discover) is made in the historical accounts of -Aurangzeb’s reign. [844] It is established without doubt that forced -conversions have been made by Muhammadan rulers, and it seems probable -that Aurangzeb’s well-known zeal on behalf of his faith has caused many -families of Northern India (the history of whose conversion has been -forgotten) to attribute their change of faith to this, the most easily -assignable cause. Similarly in the Deccan, Aurangzeb shares with Ḥaydar -ʻAlī and Tīpū Sulṭān (these being the best known of modern Muhammadan -rulers) the reputation of having forcibly converted sundry families and -sections of the population, whose conversion undoubtedly dates from a -much earlier period, from which no historical record of the -circumstances of the case has come down. [845] - -Tīpū Sulṭān is probably the Muhammadan monarch who most systematically -engaged in the work of forcible conversion. In 1788 he issued the -following proclamation to the people of Malabar: “From the period of -the conquest until this day, during twenty-four years, you have been a -turbulent and refractory people, and in the wars waged during your -rainy season, you have caused numbers of our warriors to taste the -draught of martyrdom. Be it so. What is past is past. Hereafter you -must proceed in an opposite manner, dwell quietly and pay your dues -like good subjects; and since it is the practice with you for one woman -to associate with ten men, and you leave your mothers and sisters -unconstrained in their obscene practices, and are thence all born in -adultery, and are more shameless in your connections than the beasts of -the field, I hereby require you to forsake these sinful practices and -to be like the rest of mankind; and if you are disobedient to these -commands, I have made repeated vows to honour the whole of you with -Islam and to march all the chief persons to the seat of Government.” -This proclamation stirred up a general revolt in Malabar, and early in -1789 Tīpū Sulṭān prepared to enforce his proclamation with an army of -more than twenty thousand men, and issued general orders that “every -being in the district without distinction should be honoured with -Islam, that the houses of such as fled to avoid that honour should be -burned, that they should be traced to their lurking places, and that -all means of truth and falsehood, force or fraud should be employed to -effect their universal conversion.” Thousands of Hindus were -accordingly circumcised and made to eat beef; but by the end of 1790 -the British army had destroyed the last remnant of Tīpū Sulṭān’s power -in Malabar, and this monarch himself perished early in 1799 at the -capture of Seringapatam. Most of the Brahmans and Nayars who had been -forcibly converted, subsequently disowned their new religion. [846] - -How little was effected towards the spread of Islam by violence on the -part of the Muhammadan rulers may be judged from the fact that even in -the centres of the Muhammadan power, such as Dehli and Agra, the -Muhammadans in modern times in the former district hardly exceeded -one-tenth, and in the latter they did not form one-fourth of the -population. [847] A remarkable example of the worthlessness of forced -conversion is exhibited in the case of Bodh Mal, Raja of Majhauli, in -the district of Gorakhpur; he was arrested by Akbar in default of -revenue, carried to Dehli, and there converted to Islam, receiving the -name of Muḥammad Salīm. But on his return his wife refused to let him -into the ancestral castle, and, as apparently she had the sympathy of -his subjects on her side, she governed his territories during the -minority of his son Bhawāni Mal, so that the Hindu succession remained -undisturbed. [848] Until recently there were some strange survivals of -a similarly futile false conversion, noticeable in certain customs of a -Hindu sect called the Bishnois, the principal tenet of whose faith is -the renunciation of all Hindu deities, except Viṣṇu. They used recently -to bury their dead, instead of burning them, to adopt Ghulām Muḥammad -and other Muhammadan names, and use the Muslim form of salutation. They -explained their adoption of these Muhammadan customs by saying that -having once slain a Qāḍī, who had interfered with their rite of -widow-burning, they had compounded for the offence by embracing Islam. -They have now, however, renounced these practices in favour of Hindu -customs. [849] - -But though some Muhammadan rulers may have been more successful in -forcing an acceptance of Islam on certain of their Hindu subjects than -in the last-mentioned cases, and whatever truth there may be in the -assertion [850] that “it is impossible even to approach the religious -side of the Mahomedan position in India without surveying first its -political aspect,” we undoubtedly find that Islam has gained its -greatest and most lasting missionary triumphs in times and places in -which its political power has been weakest, as in Southern India and -Eastern Bengal. Of such missionary movements it is now proposed to -essay some account, commencing with Southern India and the Deccan, then -after reviewing the history of Sind, Cutch and Gujarāt, passing to -Bengal, and finally noticing some missionaries whose work lay outside -the above geographical limits. Of several of the missionaries to be -referred to, little is recorded beyond their names and the sphere of -their labours; accordingly, in view of the general dearth of such -missionary annals, any available details have been given at length. - -The first advent of Islam in South India dates as far back as the -eighth century, when a band of refugees, to whom the Mappillas trace -their descent, came from ʻIrāq and settled in the country. [851] The -trade in spices, ivory, gems, etc., between India and Europe, which for -many hundred years was conducted by the Arabs and Persians, caused a -continual stream of Muhammadan influence to flow in upon the west coast -of Southern India. From this constant influx of foreigners there -resulted a mixed population, half Hindu and half Arab or Persian, in -the trading centres along the coast. Very friendly relations appear to -have existed between these Muslim traders and the Hindu rulers, who -extended to them their protection and patronage in consideration of the -increased commercial activity and consequent prosperity of the country, -that resulted from their presence in it, [852] and no obstacles were -placed in the way of proselytising, the native converts receiving the -same consideration and respect as the foreign merchants, even though -before their conversion they had belonged to the lowest grades of -society. [853] - -The traditionary account of the introduction of Islam into Malabar, as -given by a Muhammadan historian of the sixteenth century, represents -the first missionaries to have been a party of pilgrims on their way to -visit the foot-print of Adam in Ceylon; on their arrival at Cranganore -the Raja sent for them and the leader of the party, Shaykh Sharaf b. -Mālik, who was accompanied by his brother, Mālik b. Dīnār, and his -nephew, Mālik b. Ḥabīb, took the opportunity of expounding to him the -faith of Islam and the mission of Muḥammad, “and God caused the truth -of the Prophet’s teaching to enter into the king’s heart and he -believed therein; and his heart became filled with love for the Prophet -and he bade the Shaykh and companions come back to him again on their -return from their pilgrimage to Adam’s foot-print.” [854] On the return -of the pilgrims from Ceylon, the king secretly departed with them in a -ship bound for the coast of Arabia, leaving his kingdom in the hand of -viceroys. Here he remained for some time, and was just about to return -to his own country, with the intention of erecting mosques there and -spreading the faith of Islam, when he fell sick and died. On his -death-bed he solemnly enjoined on his companions not to abandon their -proposed missionary journey to Malabar, and to assist them in their -labours, he gave them letters of recommendation to his viceroys, at the -same time bidding them conceal the fact of his death. Armed with these -letters, Sharaf b. Mālik and his companions sailed for Cranganore, -where the king’s letter secured for them a kindly welcome and a grant -of land, on which they built a mosque. Mālik b. Dīnār decided to settle -there, but Mālik b. Ḥabīb set out on a missionary tour with the object -of building mosques throughout Malabar. “So Mālik b. Ḥabīb set out for -Quilon with his worldly goods and his wife and some of his children, -and he built a mosque there; then leaving his wife there, he went on to -Hīlī Mārāwī, [855] where he built a mosque”; and so the narrative -continues, giving a list of seven other places at which the missionary -erected mosques, finally returning to Cranganore. Later on, he visited -all these places again to pray in the mosque at each of them, and came -back “praising and giving thanks to God for the manifestation of the -faith of Islam in a land filled with unbelievers.” [856] - -In spite of the circumstantial character of this narrative, there is no -evidence of its historicity. Popular belief puts the date of the events -recorded as far back as the lifetime of the Prophet; with a mild -scepticism Zayn al-Dīn thought that they could not have been earlier -than the third century of the Hijrah; [857] but there is no more -authority for the one date than for the other, or for the common -Mappilla tradition of the existence of the tomb of a Hindu king at -Zafār, on the coast of Arabia, bearing the inscription, “ʻAbd al-Raḥmān -al-Sāmirī, arrived A.H. 212, died A.H. 216”; [858] and the mosque at -Madāyi, said to have been founded by Mālik b. Dīnār, bears an -inscription commemorating its erection in A.D. 1124. [859] - -But the legend certainly bears witness to the peaceful character of the -proselytising influences that were at work on the Malabar coast for -centuries. The agents in this work were chiefly Arab merchants, but Ibn -Baṭūṭah makes mention of several professed theologians from Arabia and -elsewhere, whom he met in various towns on the Malabar coast. [860] The -Zamorin of Calicut, who was one of the chief patrons of Arab trade, is -said to have encouraged conversion to Islam, in order to man the Arab -ships on which he depended for his aggrandisement, and to have ordered -that in every family of fishermen in his dominion one or more of the -male members should be brought up as Muhammadans. [861] At the -beginning of the sixteenth century the Mappillas were estimated to have -formed one-fifth of the population of Malabar, spoke the same language -as the Hindus, and were only distinguished from them by their long -beards and peculiar head-dress. But for the arrival of the Portuguese, -the whole of this coast would have become Muhammadan, because of the -frequent conversions that took place and the powerful influence -exercised by the Muslim merchants from other parts of India, such as -Gujarāt and the Deccan, and from Arabia and Persia. [862] - -But there would appear to be no record of the individuals who took part -in the propaganda, except in the case of the historian ʻAbd al-Razzāq, -who has himself left an account of his unsuccessful mission to the -court of the Zamorin of Calicut. He was sent on this mission in the -year 1441 by the Tīmūrid Shāh Rukh Bahādur, in response to an appeal -made by an ambassador who had been sent by the Zamorin of Calicut to -this monarch. The ambassador was himself a Musalman and represented to -the Sultan how excellent and meritorious an action it would be to send -a special envoy to the Zamorin, “to invite him to accept Islam in -accordance with the injunction ‘Summon thou to the ways of thy Lord -with wisdom and with kindly warning,’ [863] and open the bolt of -darkness and error that locked his benighted heart, and let the -splendour of the light of the faith and the brightness of the sun of -knowledge shine into the window of his soul.” ʻAbd al-Razzāq was chosen -for this task and after an adventurous journey reached Calicut, but -appears to have met with a cold reception, and after remaining there -for about six months abandoned his original purposes and made his way -back to Khurāsān, which he reached after an absence of three years. -[864] - -Another community of Musalmans in Southern India, the Ravuttans, [865] -ascribe their conversion to the preaching of missionaries whose tombs -are held in veneration by them to the present day. The most famous of -these was Sayyid Nathar Shāh [866] (A.D. 969–1039) who after many -wanderings in Arabia, Persia and Northern India, settled down in -Trichinopoly, where he spent the remaining years of his life in prayer -and works of charity, and converted a large number of Hindus to the -faith of Islam; his tomb is much resorted to as a place of pilgrimage -and the Muhammadans re-named Trichinopoly Natharnagar, after the name -of their saint. [867] Sayyid Ibrāhīm Shahīd (said to have been born -about the middle of the twelfth century), whose tomb is at Ervadi, was -a militant hero who led an expedition into the Pandyan kingdom, -occupied the country for about twelve years, but was at length slain; -his son’s life was, however, spared in consideration of the beneficent -rule of his father, and a grant of land given to him, which his -descendants enjoy to the present day. The latest of these saints, Shāh -al-Ḥamīd (1532–1600), was born at Manikpur in Northern India, and spent -most of his life in visiting the holy shrines of Islam and in -missionary tours chiefly throughout Southern India; he finally settled -in Nagore, where the descendants of his adopted son are still in charge -of his tomb. [868] - -Another group of Muhammadans in Southern India, the Dudekulas, who live -by cotton cleaning (as their name denotes) and by weaving coarse -fabrics, attribute their conversion to Bābā Fakhr al-Dīn, whose tomb -they revere at Penukonda. Legend says that he was originally a king of -Sīstān, who abdicated his throne in favour of his brother and became a -religious mendicant. After making the pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina, -he was bidden by the Prophet in a dream to go to India; here he met -Nathar Shāh, of Trichinopoly, and became his disciple and was sent by -him in company with 200 religious mendicants on a proselytising -mission. The legend goes on to say that they finally settled at -Penukonda in the vicinity of a Hindu temple, where their presence was -unwelcome to the Raja of the place, but instead of appealing to force -he applied several tests to discover whether the Muhammadan saint or -his own priest was the better qualified by sanctity to possess the -temple. As a final test, he had them both tied up in sacks filled with -lime and thrown into tanks. The Hindu priest never re-appeared, but -Bābā Fakhr al-Dīn asserted the superiority of his faith by being -miraculously transported to a hill outside the town. The Raja hereupon -became a Musalman, and his example was followed by a large number of -the inhabitants of the neighbourhood, and the temple was turned into a -mosque. [869] - -The history of Islam in Southern India by no means always continued to -be of so peaceful a character, but it does not appear that the forcible -conversions of the Hindus and others to Islam which were perpetrated -when the Muhammadan power became paramount under Ḥaydar ʻAlī -(1767–1782) and Tīpū Sulṭān (1782–1799), can be paralleled in the -earlier history of this part of India. However this may be, there is no -reason to doubt that constant conversions by peaceful methods were made -to Islam from among the lower castes, [870] as is the case at the -present day when accessions to Islam from time to time occur from among -the Tiyans, who are said to form one of the most progressive -communities in India, the Mukkuvans or fisherman caste, as well as from -the Cherumans or agricultural labourers, and other serf castes, to whom -Islam brings deliverance from the disabilities attaching to the -outcasts of the Hindu social system; occasionally, also, converts are -drawn from among the Nayars and the native Christians. In Ponnani, the -residence of the spiritual head of the majority of the Muhammadans of -Malabar, there is an association entitled Minnat al-Islām Sabhā, where -converts are instructed in the tenets of their new faith and material -assistance rendered to those under instruction; the average number of -converts received in this institution in the course of the first three -years of the twentieth century, was 750. [871] So numerous have these -conversions from Hinduism been, that the tendency of the Muhammadans of -the west as well as the east coast of Southern India has been to -reversion to the Hindu or aboriginal type, and, except in the case of -some of the nobler families, they now in great part present all the -characteristics of an aboriginal people, with very little of the -original foreign blood in them. [872] In the western coast districts -the tyranny of caste intolerance is peculiarly oppressive; to give but -one instance, in Travancore certain of the lower castes may not come -nearer than seventy-four paces to a Brahman, and have to make a -grunting noise as they pass along the road, in order to give warning of -their approach. Similar instances might be abundantly multiplied. What -wonder, then, that the Musalman population is fast increasing through -conversion from these lower castes, who thereby free themselves from -such degrading oppression, and raise themselves and their descendants -in the social scale? - -In fact the Mappillas on the west coast are said to be increasing so -considerably through accessions from the lower classes of Hindus, as to -render it possible that in a few years the whole of the lower races of -the west coast may become Muhammadans. [873] - -It was most probably from Malabar that Islam crossed over to the -Laccadive and Maldive Islands, the population of which is now entirely -Muslim. The inhabitants of these islands owed their conversion to the -Arab and Persian merchants, who established themselves in the country, -intermarrying with the natives, and thus smoothing the way for the work -of active proselytism. The date of the conversion of the first -Muhammadan Sultan of the Maldive Islands, Aḥmad Shanūrāzah, [874] has -been conjectured to have occurred about A.D. 1200, but it is very -possible that the Muhammadan merchants had introduced their religion -into the island as much as three centuries before, and the process of -conversion must undoubtedly have been a gradual one. [875] No details, -however, have come down to us. - -At Mālē, the seat of government, is found the tomb of Shaykh Yūsuf -Shams al-Dīn, a native of Tabrīz, in Persia, who is said to have been a -successful missionary of Islam in these islands. His tomb is still held -in great veneration, and always kept in good repair, and in the same -part of the island are buried some of his countrymen who came in search -of him, and remained in the Maldives until their death. [876] - -The introduction of Islam into the neighbouring Laccadive Islands is -attributed to an Arab preacher, known to the islanders by the name of -Mumba Mulyaka; his tomb is still shown at Androth and as the present -qāḍī of that place claims to be twenty-sixth in descent from him, he -probably reached these islands some time in the twelfth century. [877] - -The Deccan also was the scene of the successful labours of many Muslim -missionaries. It has already been pointed out that from very early -times Arab traders had visited the towns on the west coast; in the -tenth century we are told that the Arabs were settled in large numbers -in the towns of the Konkan, having intermarried with the women of the -country and living under their own laws and religion. [878] Under the -Muhammadan dynasties of the Bahmanid (1347–1490) and Bījāpūr -(1489–1686) kings, a fresh impulse was given to Arab immigration, and -with the trader and the soldier of fortune came the missionaries -seeking to make spiritual conquests in the cause of Islam, and win over -the unbelieving people of the country by their preaching and example, -for of forcible conversions we have no record under the early Deccan -dynasties, whose rule was characterised by a striking toleration. [879] - -One of these Arab preachers, Pīr Mahābīr Khamdāyat, came as a -missionary to the Deccan as early as A.D. 1304, and among the -cultivating classes of Bījāpūr are to be found descendants of the Jains -who were converted by him. [880] About the close of the same century a -celebrated saint of Gulbarga, Sayyid Muḥammad Gīsūdarāz, [881] -converted a number of Hindus of the Poona district, and twenty years -later his labours were crowned with a like success in Belgaum. [882] At -Dahanu still reside the descendants of a relative of one of the -greatest saints of Islam, Sayyid ʻAbd al-Qādir Jīlānī of Baghdād; he -came to Western India about the fifteenth century, and after making -many converts in the Konkan, died and was buried at Dahanu. [883] In -the district of Dharwar, there are large numbers of weavers whose -ancestors were converted by Hāshim Pīr Gujarātī, the religious teacher -of the Bījāpūr king, Ibrāhīm ʻĀdil Shāh II, about the close of the -sixteenth century. These men still regard the saint with special -reverence and pay great respect to his descendants. [884] The -descendants of another saint, Shāh Muḥammad Ṣādiq Sarmast Ḥusaynī, are -still found in Nasik; he is said to have been the most successful of -Muhammadan missionaries; having come from Medina in 1568, he travelled -over the greater part of Western India and finally settled at Nasik—in -which district another very successful Muslim missionary, Khwājah -Khunmir Ḥusaynī, had begun to labour about fifty years before. [885] -Two other Arab missionaries may be mentioned, the scene of whose -proselytising efforts was laid in the district of Belgaum, namely -Sayyid Muḥammad b. Sayyid ʻAlī and Sayyid ʻUmar ʻAydrūs Basheban. [886] - -Another missionary movement may be said roughly to centre round the -city of Multan. [887] This in the early days of the Arab conquest was -one of the outposts of Islam, when Muḥammad b. Qāsim had established -Muhammadan supremacy over Sind (A.D. 714). During the three centuries -of Arab rule there were naturally many accessions to the faith of the -conquerors. Several Sindian princes responded to the invitation of the -Caliph ʻUmar b. ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz to embrace Islam. [888] The people of -Sāwandari—who submitted to Muḥammad b. Qāsim and had peace granted to -them on the condition that they would entertain the Musalmans and -furnish guides—are spoken of by al-Balādhurī (writing about a hundred -years later) as professing Islam in his time; and the despatches of the -conqueror frequently refer to the conversion of the unbelievers. - -That these conversions were in the main voluntary, may be judged from -the toleration that the Arabs, after the first violence of their -onslaught, showed towards their idolatrous subjects. The people of -Brahmanābād, for example, whose city had been taken by storm, were -allowed to repair their temple, which was a means of livelihood to the -Brahmans, and nobody was to be forbidden or prevented from following -his own religion, [889] and generally, where submission was made, -quarter was readily given, and the people were permitted the exercise -of their own creeds and laws. - -During the troubles that befell the caliphate in the latter half of the -ninth century, Sind, neglected by the central government, came to be -divided among several petty princes, the most powerful of whom were the -Amīrs of Multan and Mansūra. Such disunion naturally weakened the -political power of the Musalmans, which had in fact begun to decline -earlier in the century. For in the reign of al-Muʻtaṣim (A.D. 833–842), -the Indians of Sindān [890] declared themselves independent, but they -spared the mosque, in which the Musalmans were allowed to perform their -devotions undisturbed. [891] The Muhammadans of Multan succeeded in -maintaining their political independence, and kept themselves from -being conquered by the neighbouring Hindu princes, by threatening, if -attacked, to destroy an idol which was held in great veneration by the -Hindus and was visited by pilgrims from the most distant parts. [892] -But in the hour of its political decay, Islam was still achieving -missionary successes. Al-Balādhurī [893] tells the following story of -the conversion of a king of ʻUsayfān, a country between Kashmīr and -Multan and Kābul. The people of this country worshipped an idol for -which they had built a temple. The son of the king fell sick, and he -desired the priests of the temple to pray to the idol for the recovery -of his son. They retired for a short time, and then returned saying: -“We have prayed and our supplications have been accepted.” But no long -time passed before the youth died. Then the king attacked the temple, -destroyed and broke in pieces the idol, and slew the priests. He -afterwards invited a party of Muhammadan traders, who made known to him -the unity of God; whereupon he believed in the unity and became a -Muslim. A similar missionary influence was doubtless exercised by the -numerous communities of Muslim merchants who carried their religion -with them into the infidel cities of Hindustan. Arab geographers of the -tenth and twelfth centuries mention the names of many such cities, both -on the coast and inland, where the Musalmans built their mosques, and -were safe under the protection of the native princes, who even granted -them the privilege of living under their own laws. [894] The Arab -merchants at this time formed the medium of commercial communication -between Sind and the neighbouring countries of India and the outside -world. They brought the produce of China and Ceylon to the sea-ports of -Sind and from there conveyed them by way of Multan to Turkistan and -Khurāsān. [895] - -It would be strange if these traders, scattered about in the cities of -the unbelievers, failed to exhibit the same proselytising zeal as we -find in the Muhammadan trader elsewhere. To the influence of such -trading communities was most probably due the conversion of the Sammas, -who ruled over Sind from A.D. 1351 to 1521. While the reign of Nanda b. -Bābiniyyah of this dynasty is specially mentioned as one of such “peace -and security, that never was this prince called upon to ride forth to -battle, and never did a foe take the field against him,” [896] it is at -the same time described as being “remarkable for its justice and an -increase of Islam.” This increase could thus only have been brought -about by peaceful missionary methods. One of the most famous of these -missionaries was the celebrated saint, Sayyid Yūsuf al-Dīn, a -descendant of ʻAbd al-Qādir Jīlānī, who was bidden in a dream to leave -Baghdād for India and convert its inhabitants to Islam. He came to Sind -in 1422 and after labouring there for ten years, he succeeded in -winning over to Islam 700 families of the Lohāna caste, who followed -the example of two of their number, by name Sundarjī and Hansrāj; these -men embraced Islam, after seeing some miracles performed by the saint, -and on their conversion received the names of Adamjī and Tāj Muḥammad -respectively. Under the leadership of the grandson of the former, these -people afterwards migrated to Cutch, where their numbers were increased -by converts from among the Cutch Lohānas. [897] - -Sind was also the scene of the labours of Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn, an Ismāʻīlī -missionary, who was head of the Khojah sect about the year 1430. In -accordance with the principles of accommodation practised by this sect, -he took a Hindu name and made certain concessions to the religious -beliefs of the Hindus whose conversion he sought to achieve, and -introduced among them a book entitled Dasavatār in which ʻAlī was made -out to be the tenth Avatār or incarnation of Viṣṇu; this book has been -from the beginning the accepted scripture of the Khojah sect, and it is -always read by the bedside of the dying and periodically at many -festivals; it assumes the nine incarnations of Viṣṇu to be true as far -as they go, but to fall short of the perfect truth, and supplements -this imperfect Vaiṣṇav system by the cardinal doctrine of the -Ismāʻīlians, the incarnation and coming manifestation of ʻAlī. Further, -he made out Brahmā to be Muḥammad, Viṣṇu to be ʻAlī and Adam Siva. The -first of Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn’s converts were won in the villages and towns -of Upper Sind: he preached also in Cutch and from these parts the -doctrines of this sect spread southwards through Gujarāt to Bombay; and -at the present day Khojah communities are to be found in almost all the -large trading towns of Western India and on the seaboard of the Indian -Ocean. [898] - -Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn was not however the first of the Ismāʻīlian -missionaries who came into India. He was preceded by ʻAbd Allāh, a -missionary sent from Yaman about 1067; he is said to have been a man of -great learning, and is credited with the performance of many miracles, -whereby he convinced a large number of Hindus of the truth of his -religion. [899] The second Ismāʻīlī missionary, Nūr al-Dīn, generally -known by the Hindu name he adopted, Nūr Satāgar, was sent into India -from Alamūt, the stronghold of the Grand Master of the Ismāʻīlīs, and -reached Gujarāt in the reign of the Hindu king, Siddhā Rāj (A.D. -1094–1143). [900] He adopted a Hindu name but told the Muhammadans that -his real name was Sayyid Saʻādat; he is said to have converted the -Kanbīs, Khārwās and Korīs, low castes of Gujarāt. [901] - -As Nūr Satāgar is revered as the first missionary of the Khojahs, so is -ʻAbd Allāh believed by some to have been the founder of the sect of the -Bohras, a large and important community of Shīʻahs, mainly of Hindu -origin, who are found in considerable numbers in the chief commercial -centres of the Bombay Presidency. But others ascribe the honour of -being the first Bohra missionary to Mullā ʻAlī, of whose proselytising -methods the following account is given by a Shīʻah historian: “As the -people of Gujarāt in those days were infidels and accepted as their -religious leader an old man whose teaching they blindly followed, Mullā -ʻAlī saw no alternative but to go to the old man and ask to become his -disciple, intending to set before him such convincing arguments that he -would become a Musalman, and afterwards to attempt the conversion of -others. He accordingly spent some years in the service of the old man, -and having learned the language of the people of the country, read -their books and acquired a knowledge of their sciences. Step by step he -unfolded to the enlightened mind of the old man the truth of the faith -of Islam and persuaded him to become a Musalman. After his conversion, -some of his disciples followed the old man’s example. Finally, the -chief minister of the king of that country became aware of the old -man’s conversion to Islam, and going to see him submitted to his -spiritual guidance and likewise became a Musalman. For a long time, the -old man, the minister and the rest of the converts to Islam, kept the -fact of their conversion concealed and through fear of the king always -took care to prevent it coming to his knowledge; but at length the king -received a report of the minister’s having adopted Islam and began to -make inquiries. One day, without giving previous notice, he went to the -minister’s house and found him bowing his head in prayer and was vexed -with him. The minister recognised the purpose of the king’s visit, and -realised that his displeasure had been excited by suspicions aroused by -his prayer, with its bowing and prostrations; but the guidance of God -and divine grace befitting the occasion, he said that he was making -these movements because he was watching a serpent in the corner of the -room. When the king turned towards the corner of the room, by divine -providence he saw a snake there, and accepted the minister’s excuse and -his mind was cleared of all suspicions. In the end the king also -secretly became a Musalman, but for reasons of state concealed his -change of mind; when however, the hour of his death drew near, he gave -orders that his body was not to be burnt, as is the custom of the -infidels. Subsequently to his decease, when Sulṭān Z̤afar, one of the -trusty nobles of Sulṭān Fīrūz Shāh, king of Dehlī, conquered Gujarāt, -some of the Sunnī nobles who accompanied him used arguments to make the -people join the Sunnī sect of the Muslim faith; so some of the Bohras -are Sunnīs, but the greater part remain true to their original faith.” -[902] - -Several small groups of Musalmans in Cutch and Gujarāt trace their -conversion to Imām Shāh of Pīrāna, [903] who was actively engaged in -missionary work during the latter half of the fifteenth century. He is -said to have converted a large body of Hindu cultivators, by bringing -about a fall of rain after two seasons of scarcity. On another occasion -meeting a band of Hindu pilgrims passing through Pīrāna on their way to -Benares, he offered to take them there; they agreed and in a moment -were in the holy city, where they bathed in the Ganges and paid their -vows; they then awoke to find themselves still in Pīrāna and adopted -the faith of the saint who could perform such a miracle. He died in -1512 and his tomb in Pīrāna is still an object of pilgrimage for Hindus -as well as for Muhammadans. [904] - -Many of the Cutch Musalmans that are of Hindu descent reverence as -their spiritual leader Dāwal Shāh Pīr, whose real name was Malik ʻAbd -al-Laṭīf, [905] the son of one of the nobles of Maḥmūd Bīgarah -(1459–1511), the famous monarch of the Muhammadan dynasty of Gujarāt, -to whose reign popular tradition assigns the date of the conversion of -many Hindus. [906] - -It is in Bengal, however, that the Muhammadan missionaries in India -have achieved their greatest success, as far as numbers are concerned. -A Muhammadan kingdom was first founded here at the end of the twelfth -century by Muḥammad Bakhtiyār Khiljī, who conquered Bihar and Bengal -and made Gaur the capital of the latter province. The long continuance -of the Muhammadan rule would naturally assist the spread of Islam, and -though the Hindu rule was restored for ten years under the tolerant -Rājā Kāns, whose rule is said to have been popular with his Muhammadan -subjects, [907] his son, Jatmall, renounced the Hindu religion and -became a Musalman. After his father’s death in 1414 he called together -all the officers of the state and announced his intention of embracing -Islam, and proclaimed that if the chiefs would not permit him to ascend -the throne, he was ready to give it up to his brother; whereupon they -declared that they would accept him as their king, whatever religion he -might adopt. Accordingly, several learned men of the Muslim faith were -summoned to witness the Raja renounce the Hindu religion and publicly -profess his acceptance of Islam: he took the name of Jalāl al-Dīn -Muḥammad Shāh, and according to tradition numerous conversions were -made during his reign. [908] Many of these were however due to force, -for his reign is signalised as being the only one in which any -wholesale persecution of the subject Hindus is recorded, during the -five centuries and a half of Muhammadan rule in Eastern Bengal. [909] - -Conversions, however, often took place at other times under pressure -from the Muhammadan government. The Rajas of Kharagpur were originally -Hindus, and became Muhammadans because, having been defeated by one of -Akbar’s generals, they were only allowed to retain the family estates -on the condition that they embraced Islam. The Hindu ancestor of the -family of Asad ʻAlī Khān, in Chittagong, was deprived of his caste by -being forced to smell beef and had perforce to become a Muhammadan, and -several other instances of the same kind might be quoted. [910] - -Murshid Qulī Khān (son of a converted Brahman), who was made governor -of Bengal by the Emperor Aurangzeb at the beginning of the eighteenth -century, enforced a law that any official or landlord, who failed to -pay the revenue that was due or was unable to make good the loss, -should with his wife and children be compelled to become Muhammadans. -Further, it was the common law that any Hindu who forfeited his caste -by a breach of regulations could only be reinstated by the Muhammadan -government; if the government refused to interfere, the outcast had no -means of regaining his position in the social system of the Hindus, and -would probably find no resource but to become a Musalman. [911] - -The Afghān adventurers who settled in this province also appear to have -been active in the work of proselytising, for besides the children that -they had by Hindu women, they used to purchase a number of boys in -times of scarcity, and educate them in the tenets of Islam. [912] But -it is not in the ancient centres of the Muhammadan government that the -Musalmans of Bengal are found in large numbers, but in the country -districts, in districts where there are no traces of settlers from the -West, and in places where low-caste Hindus and outcasts most abound. -[913] The similarity of manners between these low-caste Hindus and the -followers of the Prophet, and the caste distinctions which they still -retain, as well as their physical likeness, all bear the same testimony -and identify the Bengal Musalmans with the aboriginal tribes of the -country. Here Islam met with no consolidated religious system to bar -its progress, as in the north-west of India, where the Muhammadan -invaders found Brahmanism full of fresh life and vigour after its -triumphant struggle with Buddhism; where, in spite of persecutions, its -influence was an inspiring force in the opposition offered by the -Hindus, and retained its hold on them in the hour of their deepest -distress and degradation. But in Bengal the Muslim missionaries were -welcomed with open arms by the aborigines and the low castes on the -very outskirts of Hinduism, despised and condemned by their proud Aryan -rulers. “To these poor people, fishermen, hunters, pirates, and -low-caste tillers of the soil, Islam came as a revelation from on high. -It was the creed of the ruling race, its missionaries were men of zeal -who brought the Gospel of the unity of God and the equality of men in -its sight to a despised and neglected population. The initiatory rite -rendered relapse impossible, and made the proselyte and his posterity -true believers for ever. In this way Islam settled down on the richest -alluvial province of India, the province which was capable of -supporting the most rapid and densest increase of population. -Compulsory conversions are occasionally recorded. But it was not to -force that Islam owed its permanent success in Lower Bengal. It -appealed to the people, and it derived the great mass of its converts -from the poor. It brought in a higher conception of God, and a nobler -idea of the brotherhood of man. It offered to the teeming low castes of -Bengal, who had sat for ages abject on the outermost pale of the Hindu -community, a free entrance into a new social organisation.” [914] - -The existence in Bengal of definite missionary efforts is said to be -attested by certain legends of the zeal of private individuals on -behalf of their religion, and the graves of some of these missionaries -are still honoured, and are annually visited by hundreds of pilgrims. -[915] One of the earliest of these was Shaykh Jalāl al-Dīn Tabrīzī, who -died in A.D. 1244. He was a pupil of the great saint, Shihāb al-Dīn -Suhrawardī. In the course of his missionary journeys he visited Bengal, -where a shrine to which is attached a rich endowment was erected in his -honour, the real site of his tomb being unknown. Many miracles are -ascribed to him; among others, that he converted a Hindu milkman to -Islam by a single look. [916] - -In the nineteenth century there was a remarkable revival of the -Muhammadan religion in Bengal, and several sects that owe their origin -to the influence of the Wahhābī reformation, have sent their -missionaries through the province purging out the remnants of Hindu -superstitions, awakening religious zeal and spreading the faith among -unbelievers. [917] - -Some account still remains to be given of Muslim missionaries who have -laboured in parts of India other than those mentioned above. One of the -earliest of these is Shaykh Ismāʻīl, one of the most famous of the -Sayyids of Bukhārā, distinguished alike for his secular and religious -learning; he is said to have been the first Muslim missionary who -preached the faith of Islam in the city of Lahore, whither he came in -the year A.D. 1005. Crowds flocked to listen to his sermons, and the -number of his converts swelled rapidly day by day, and it is said that -no unbeliever ever came into personal contact with him without being -converted to the faith of Islam. [918] - -The conversion of the inhabitants of the western plains of the Panjāb -is said to have been effected through the preaching of Bahā al-Ḥaqq of -Multan [919] and Bābā Farīd al-Dīn of Pakpattan, who flourished about -the end of the thirteenth and beginning of the fourteenth centuries. -[920] A biographer of the latter saint gives a list of sixteen tribes -who were won over to Islam through his preaching, but unfortunately -provides us with no details of this work of conversion. [921] - -One of the most famous of the Muslim saints of India and a pioneer of -Islam in Rajputana was Khwājah Muʻīn al-Dīn Chishtī, who died in Ajmīr -in A.D. 1234. He was a native of Sajistān to the east of Persia, and is -said to have received his call to preach Islam to the unbelievers in -India while on a pilgrimage to Medina. Here the Prophet appeared to him -in a dream and thus addressed him: “The Almighty has entrusted the -country of India to thee. Go thither and settle in Ajmīr. By God’s -help, the faith of Islam shall, through thy piety and that of thy -followers, be spread in that land.” He obeyed the call and made his way -to Ajmīr which was then under Hindu rule and idolatry prevailed -throughout the land. Among the first of his converts here was a Yogī, -who was the spiritual preceptor of the Raja himself: gradually he -gathered around him a large body of disciples whom his teachings had -won from the ranks of infidelity, and his fame as a religious leader -became very widespread and attracted to Ajmīr great numbers of Hindus -whom he persuaded to embrace Islam. [922] On his way to Ajmīr he is -said to have converted as many as 700 persons in the city of Delhi. - -Of immense importance in the history of Islam in India was the arrival -in that country of Sayyid Jalāl al-Dīn, who is said to have been born -at Bukhārā in 1199. He settled in Uch, now in the Bahawalpur territory, -in 1244, and converted numbers of persons in the neighbourhood to -Islam; he died in 1291, and his descendants, many of whom are also -revered as saints, have remained as guardians of his shrine up to the -present day and form the centre of a widespread religious influence. -His grandson, Sayyid Aḥmad Kabīr, known as Makhdūm-i-Jahāniyān, is -credited with having effected the conversion of several tribes in the -Punjab. [923] About a mile to the east of Uch is situated the shrine of -Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn, son of Sayyid Ṣadr al-Dīn, who was a contemporary -of Jalāl-al-Dīn; both father and son are said to have made many -converts, and such was the influence attributed to Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn -that it was said as soon as his glance fell upon any Hindu, the latter -would accept Islam. [924] - -Rather later in the same century, a native of Persian ʻIrāq, by name -Abū ʻAlī Qalandar, came into India and took up his residence at -Panipat, where he died at the ripe age of 100, in A.D. 1324. The Muslim -Rajputs of this city, numbering about 300 males, are descended from a -certain Amīr Singh who was converted by this saint. His tomb is still -held in honour and is visited by many pilgrims. - -Another such was Shaykh Jalāl al-Dīn, a Persian who came into India -about the latter half of the fourteenth century and settled down at -Silhaṭ, in Lower Assam, in order to convert the people of these parts -to Islam. He achieved a great reputation as a holy man, and his -proselytising labours were crowned with eminent success. [925] - -In more recent years there have been abundant witnesses for Islam -seeking to spread this faith in India—and with very considerable -success; the second half of the nineteenth century especially witnessed -a great revival of missionary activity, the number of annual -conversions being variously estimated at ten, fifty, one hundred and -six hundred thousand. [926] But it is difficult to obtain accurate -information on account of the peculiarly individualistic character of -Muslim missionary work and the absence of any central organisation or -of anything in the way of missionary reports, and the success that -attends the labours of Muslim preachers is sometimes much exaggerated, -e.g. in the Panjāb a certain Ḥājī Muḥammad is said to have converted as -many as 200,000 Hindus, [927] and a mawlavī in Bangalore boasted that -in five years he had made as many as 1000 converts in this city and its -suburbs. But that there are Muslim missionaries engaged in active and -successful propagandist labours is undoubted, and the following -examples are typical of the period referred to. - -Mawlavī Baqā Ḥusayn Khān, an itinerant preacher, in the course of -several years converted 228 persons, residents of Bombay, Cawnpore, -Ajmīr, and other cities. Mawlavī Ḥasan ʻAlī converted twenty-five -persons, twelve in Poona, the rest in Ḥaydarabad and other parts of -India. [928] In the district of Khandesh, in the Bombay Presidency, the -preaching of the Qāḍī of Nasirabad, Sayyid Safdar ʻAlī, won over to -Islam a large body of artisans, who follow the trade of armourers or -blacksmiths. [929] A number of persons of the same trade, who form a -small community of about 200 souls in the district of Nasik, were -converted in a curious way about 1870. The Presbyterian missionaries of -Nasik had for a long time been trying to convert them from Hinduism, -and they were in a state of hesitation as to whether or not to embrace -Christianity when a Muhammadan faqīr from Bombay, who was well -acquainted with their habits of thought, expounded to them the -doctrines of Islam and succeeded in winning them over to that faith. -[930] - -In Patiala, Mawlavī ʻUbayd Allāh, a converted Brahman of great -learning, proved himself to be a zealous preacher of Islam, and in -spite of the obstacles that were at first thrown in his way by his -relatives, achieved so great a success that his converts almost filled -an entire ward of the city. He wrote controversial works, which have -passed through several editions, directed against the Christian and -Hindu religions. In one of these books he thus speaks of his own -conversion: “I, Muḥammad ʻUbayd Allāh, the son of Munshi Koṭā Mal, -resident of Payal, in the Patiala State, declare that this poor man in -his childhood and during the lifetime of his father was held in the -bondage of idol-worship, but the mercy of God caught me by the hand and -drew me towards Islam, i.e. I came to know the excellence of Islam and -the deficiencies of Hinduism, and I accepted Islam heart and soul and -counted myself one of the servants of the Prophet of God (peace be upon -him!). At that time intelligence, which is the gift of God, suggested -to me that it was mere folly and laziness to blindly follow the customs -of one’s forefathers and be misled by them and not make researches into -matters of religion and faith, whereon depend our eternal bliss or -misery. With these thoughts I began to study the current faiths and -investigated each of them impartially. I thoroughly explored the Hindu -religion and conversed with learned Paṇḍits, gained a thorough -knowledge of the Christian faith, read the books of Islam and conversed -with learned men. In all of them I found errors and fallacies, with the -exception of Islam, the excellence of which became clearly manifest to -me; its leader, Muḥammad the Prophet, possesses such moral excellences -that no tongue can describe them, and he alone who knows the beliefs -and the liturgy, and the moral teachings and practice of this faith, -can fully realise them. Praise be to God! So excellent is this religion -that everything in it leads the soul to God. In short, by the grace of -God, the distinction between truth and falsehood became as clear to me -as night and day, darkness and light. But although my heart had long -been enlightened by the brightness of Islam and my mouth fragrant with -the profession of faith, yet my evil passions and Satan had bound me -with the fetters of the luxury and ease of this fleeting world, and I -was in evil case because of the outward observances of idolatry. At -length, the grace of God thus admonished me: ‘How long wilt thou keep -this priceless pearl hidden within the shell and this refreshing -perfume shut up in the casket? thou shouldest wear this pearl about thy -neck and profit by this perfume.’ Moreover the learned have declared -that to conceal one’s faith in Islam and retain the dress and habits of -infidels brings a man to Hell. So (God be praised!) on the ʻĪd al-Fiṭr -1264 the sun of my conversion emerged from its screen of clouds, and I -performed my devotions in public with my Muslim brethren.” [931] - -Many Muhammadan preachers have adopted the methods of Christian -missionaries, such as street preaching, tract distribution, and other -agencies. In many of the large cities of India, Muslim preachers may be -found daily expounding the teachings of Islam in some principal -thoroughfare. In Bangalore this practice is very general, and one of -these preachers, who was the imām of the mosque about the year 1890, -was so popular that he was even sometimes invited to preach by Hindus: -he preached in the market-place, and in the course of seven or eight -years gained forty-two converts. In Bombay a Muhammadan missionary -preaches almost daily near the chief market of the city, and in -Calcutta there are several preaching-stations that are kept constantly -supplied. Among the converts are occasionally to be found some -Europeans, mostly persons in indigent circumstances; the mass, however, -are Hindus. [932] Some of the numerous Anjumans that have of recent -years sprung up in the chief centres of Musalman life in India, include -among their objects the sending of missionaries to preach in the -bazaars; such are the Anjuman Ḥimāyat-i-Islām of Lahore, and the -Anjuman Ḥāmī Islām of Ajmīr. These particular Anjumans appoint paid -agents, but much of the work of preaching in the bazaars is performed -by persons who are engaged in some trade or business during the working -hours of the day and devote their leisure time in the evenings to this -pious work. - -Much of the missionary zeal of the Indian Musalmans is directed towards -counteracting the anti-Islamic tendencies of the instruction given by -Christian missionaries and the preachers of the Ārya Samāj, and the -efforts made are thus defensive rather than directly proselytising. -Some preachers too turn their attention rather to the strengthening of -the foundation already laid, and endeavour to rid their ignorant -co-religionists of their Hindu superstitions, and instil in them a -purer form of faith, such efforts being in many cases the continuation -of earlier missionary activity. The work of conversion has indeed been -often very imperfect. Of many, nominally Muslims, it may be said that -they are half Hindus: they observe caste rules, they join in Hindu -festivals and practise numerous idolatrous ceremonies. In certain -districts also, e.g. in Mewāt and Gurgaon, large numbers of Muhammadans -may be found who know nothing of their religion but its name; they have -no mosques, nor do they observe the hours of prayer. This is especially -the case among the Muhammadans of the villages or in parts of the -country where they are isolated from the mass of believers; but in the -towns the presence of learned religious men tends, in great measure, to -counteract the influence of former superstitions, and makes for a purer -and more intelligent form of religious life. In recent years, however, -there has been, speaking generally, a movement noticeable among the -Indian Muslims towards a religious life more strictly in accordance -with the laws of Islam. The influence of the Christian mission schools -has also been very great in stimulating among some Muhammadans of the -younger generation a study of their own religion and in bringing about -a consequent awakening of religious zeal. Indeed, the spread of -education generally, has led to a more intelligent grasp of religious -principles and to an increase of religious teachers in outlying and -hitherto neglected districts. This missionary movement of reform (from -whatever cause it may originate), may be observed in very different -parts of India. In the eastern districts of the Panjāb, for example, -after the Mutiny, a great religious revival took place. Preachers -travelled far and wide through the country, calling upon believers to -abandon their idolatrous practices and expounding the true tenets of -the faith. Now, in consequence, most villages, in which Muhammadans own -any considerable portion, have a mosque, while the grosser and more -open idolatries are being discontinued. [933] In Rajputana also, the -Hindu tribes who have been from time to time converted to Islam in the -rural districts, are now becoming more orthodox and regular in their -religious observances, and are abandoning the ancient customs which -hitherto they had observed in common with their idolatrous neighbours. -The Merāts, for example, now follow the orthodox Muhammadan form of -marriage instead of the Hindu ritual they formerly observed, and have -abjured the flesh of the wild boar. [934] A similar revival in Bengal -has already been spoken of above. - -Such movements and the efforts of individual missionaries are, however, -quite inadequate to explain the rapid increase of the Muhammadans of -India, and one is naturally led to inquire what are the causes other -than the normal increase of population, [935] which add so enormously -to their numbers. The answer is to be found in the social conditions of -life among Hindus. The insults and contempt heaped upon the lower -castes of Hindus by their co-religionists, and the impassable obstacles -placed in the way of any member of these castes desiring to better his -condition, show up in striking contrast the benefits of a religious -system which has no outcasts, and gives free scope for the indulgence -of any ambition. In Bengal, for example, the weavers of cotton -piece-goods, who are looked upon as vile by their Hindu -co-religionists, embrace Islam in large numbers to escape from the low -position to which they are otherwise degraded. [936] A very remarkable -instance of a similar kind occurs in the history of the north-eastern -part of the same province. Here in the year 1550 the aboriginal tribe -of the Kocch established a dynasty under their great leader, Haju; in -the reign of his grandson, when the higher classes in the state were -received into the pale of Hinduism, [937] the mass of the people -finding themselves despised as outcasts, became Muhammadans. [938] - -The escape that Islam offers to Hindus from the oppression of the -higher castes was strikingly illustrated in Tinnevelli at the close of -the nineteenth century. A very low caste, the Shanars, had in recent -years become prosperous and many of them had built fine houses; they -asserted that they had the right to worship in temples, from which they -had hitherto been excluded. A riot ensued, in the course of which the -Shanars suffered badly at the hands of Hindus of a higher caste, and -they took refuge in the pale of Islam. Six hundred Shanars in one -village became Muslims in one day, and their example was quickly -followed in other places. [939] - -Similar instances might be given from other parts of India. A Hindu who -has in any way lost caste and been in consequence repudiated by his -relations and by the society of which he has been accustomed to move, -would naturally be attracted towards a religion that receives all -without distinction, and offers to him a grade of society equal in the -social scale to that from which he has been banished. Such a change of -religion might well be accompanied with sincere conviction, but men -also who might be profoundly indifferent to the number or names of the -deities they were called upon to worship, would feel very keenly the -social ostracism entailed by their loss of caste, and become Muhammadan -without any religious feelings at all. The influence of the study of -Muhammadan literature also, and the habitual contact with Muhammadan -society, must often make itself insensibly felt. Among the Rajput -princes of the nineteenth century in Rajputana and Bundelkhand, such -tendencies towards Islamism were to be observed, [940] tendencies -which, had the Mughal empire lasted, would probably have led to their -ultimate conversion. They not only respected Muhammadan saints, but had -Muhammadan tutors for their sons; they also had their food killed in -accordance with the regulations laid down by the Muhammadan law, and -joined in the Muhammadan festivals dressed as faqīrs, and praying like -true believers. On the other hand, it has been conjectured that the -present position of affairs, under a government perfectly impartial in -matters religious, is much more likely to promote conversions among the -Hindus generally than was the case under the rule of the Muhammadan -kingdoms, when Hinduism gained union and strength from the constant -struggle with an aggressive enemy. [941] Hindus, too, often flock in -large numbers to the tombs of Muslim saints on the day appointed to -commemorate them, and a childless father, with the feeling that prompts -a polytheist to leave no God unaddressed, will present his petition to -the God of the Muhammadans, and if children are born to him, apparently -in answer to this prayer, the whole family will in such a case (and -examples are not infrequent) embrace Islam. [942] - -Love for a Muhammadan woman is occasionally the cause of the conversion -of a Hindu, since the marriage of a Muslim woman to an unbeliever is -absolutely forbidden by the Muslim law. Hindu children, if adopted by -wealthy Musalmans, would be brought up in the religion of their new -parents; and a Hindu wife, married to a follower of the Prophet, would -be likely to adopt the faith of her husband. [943] As the contrary -process can rarely take place, the number of Muhammadans is bound to -increase in proportion to that of the Hindus. Hindus, who for some -reason or other have been driven out of their caste; the poor who have -become the recipients of Muhammadan charity, or women and children who -have been protected when their parents have died or deserted them—(such -cases would naturally be frequent in times of famine)—form a continuous -though small stream of additions from the Hindus. [944] There are often -local circumstances favourable to the growth of Islam; for example, it -has been pointed out [945] that in the villages of the Terai, in which -the number of Hindus and Muhammadans happen to be equally balanced, any -increase in the predominance of the Muhammadans is invariably followed -by disputes about the killing of cows and other practices offensive to -Hindu feeling. The Hindus gradually move away from the village, leaving -behind of their creed only the Chamār ploughman in the service of the -Muhammadan peasants. These latter eventually adopt the religion of -their masters, not from any conviction of its truth, but from the -inconvenience their isolation entails. - -Some striking instances of conversions from the lower castes of Hindus -are also found in the agricultural districts of Oudh. Although the -Muhammadans of this province form only one-tenth of the whole -population, still the small groups of Muhammadan cultivators form -“scattered centres of revolt against the degrading oppression to which -their religion hopelessly consigns these lower castes.” [946] The -advantages Islam holds out to such classes as the Korīs and Chamārs, -who stand at the lowest level of Hindu society, and the deliverance -which conversion to Islam brings them, may be best understood from the -following passage descriptive of their social condition as Hindus. -[947] “The lowest depth of misery and degradation is reached by the -Korīs and Chamārs, the weavers and leather-cutters to the rest. Many of -these in the northern districts are actually bond-slaves, having hardly -ever the spirit to avail themselves of the remedy offered by our -courts, and descend with their children from generation to generation -as the value of an old purchase. They hold the plough for the Brahman -or Chhattri master, whose pride of caste forbids him to touch it, and -live with the pigs, less unclean than themselves, in separate quarters -apart from the rest of the village. Always on the verge of starvation, -their lean, black, and ill-formed figures, their stupid faces, and -their repulsively filthy habits reflect the wretched destiny which -condemns them to be lower than the beast among their fellow-men, and -yet that they are far from incapable of improvement is proved by the -active and useful stable servants drawn from among them, who receive -good pay and live well under European masters. A change of religion is -the only means of escape open to them, and they have little reason to -be faithful to their present creed.” - -It is this absence of class prejudices which constitutes the real -strength of Islam in India, and enables it to win so many converts from -Hinduism. - -To complete this survey of Islam in India, some account still remains -to be given of the spread of this faith in Kashmīr and thence beyond -the borders of India into Tibet. Of all the provinces and states of -India (with the exception of Sind) Kashmīr contains the largest number -of Muhammadans (namely 70 per cent.) in proportion to the whole -population; but unfortunately historical facts that should explain the -existence in this state of so many Musalmans, almost entirely of Hindu -or Tibetan origin, are very scanty. But all the evidence leads us to -attribute it on the whole to a long-continued missionary movement -inaugurated and carried out mainly by faqīrs and dervishes, among whom -were Ismāʻīlian preachers sent from Alamūt. [948] - -It is difficult to say when this Islamising influence first made itself -felt in the country. The first Muhammadan king of Kashmīr, Ṣadr al-Dīn, -[949] is said to have owed his conversion to a certain Darwesh Bulbul -Shāh in the early part of the fourteenth century. This saint was the -only religious teacher who could satisfy his craving for religious -truth when, dissatisfied with his own Hindu faith, he looked for a more -acceptable form of doctrine. Towards the end of the same century (in -1388) the progress of Islam was most materially furthered by the advent -of Sayyid ʻAlī Hamadānī, a fugitive from his native city of Hamadān in -Persia, where he had incurred the wrath of Tīmūr. He was accompanied by -700 Sayyids, who established hermitages all over the country and by -their influence appear to have assured the acceptance of the new -religion. Their advent appears, however, to have also stirred up -considerable fanaticism, as Sultan Sikandar (1393–1417) acquired the -name of Butshikan from his destruction of Hindu idols and temples, and -his prime minister, a converted Hindu, set on foot a fierce persecution -of the adherents of his old faith, but on his death toleration was -again made the rule of the kingdom. [950] Towards the close of the -fifteenth century, a missionary, by name Mīr Shams al-Dīn, belonging to -a Shīʻah sect, came from ʻIrāq, and, with the aid of his disciples, won -over a large number of converts in Kashmīr. - -When under Akbar, Kashmīr became a province of the Mughal empire, the -Muhammadan influence was naturally strengthened and many men of -learning came into the country. In the reign of Aurangzeb, the Rajput -Raja of Kishtwar was converted by the miracles of a certain Sayyid Shāh -Farīd al-Dīn and his conversion seems to have been followed by that of -the majority of his subjects, and along the route which the Mughal -emperors took on their progresses into Kashmīr we still find Rajas who -are the descendants of Muhammadanised Rajputs. [951] - -To the north and north-east of Kashmīr, the provinces of Baltistan and -Ladakh are inhabited by a mixed Tibetan race, among whom Islam has been -firmly established for several centuries, but the date and manner of -its introduction is unknown. The Muhammadans of Baltistan tell of four -brothers who came from Khurāsān and brought about a revival of the -faith, but appear to have no tradition regarding the earliest -propagandists. [952] Up to the middle of the nineteenth century Islam -appeared to be making progress, but this tendency was counteracted by -the encouragement which Maharaja Ranbir Singh gave to the followers of -the Buddhist faith. In Ladakh there are a number of half-castes, called -Arghons, [953] born of Tibetan mothers and Muhammadan fathers, traders -who have come to Leh and persuaded the Tibetan women they marry to -accept Islam. These Arghons are all Musalmans and, like their fathers, -marry Tibetan wives; they are said to be increasing in numbers more -rapidly than the pure Tibetan stock. [954] Islam has also been carried -into Tibet Proper by Kashmīrī merchants. Settlements of such merchants -are to be found in all the chief cities of Tibet; they marry Tibetan -wives, who often adopt the religion of their husbands; and there are -now said to be as many as 2000 Muhammadan families in Lhasa. [955] -Islam has made its way into Tibet also from Yunnan, [956] and at -Su-ching, on the border of the Sze-chwan province and Tibet, converts -are being won from among the Tibetan inhabitants. [957] Muhammadan -influences are also said to have come from Persia [958] and from -Turkestan. [959] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN CHINA. - - -Tradition ascribes to Muḥammad the saying, “Seek for knowledge, even -unto China.” [960] Though there is no historical evidence for these -words having ever been uttered by the Prophet, it is not impossible -that the name of this country may have been known to him, for -commercial relations between Arabia and China had been established long -before his birth. It was through Arabia, in great measure, that Syria -and the ports of the Levant received the produce of the East. In the -sixth century, there was a considerable trade between China and Arabia -by way of Ceylon, and at the beginning of the seventh century the -commerce between China, Persia and Arabia was still further extended, -the town of Sīrāf on the Persian Gulf being the chief emporium for the -Chinese traders. It was at this period, at the commencement of the -Tʼang dynasty (618–907) that mention is first made of the Arabs in the -Chinese Annals; [961] they note the rise of the Muslim power in Medina -and briefly describe the religious observances of the new faith. - -The Annals of Kwangtung thus record the coming of the first Muslims -into China:—“At the beginning of the Tʼang dynasty there came to Canton -a large number of strangers, from the kingdoms of Annam, Cambodia, -Medina and several other countries. These strangers worshipped heaven -(i.e. God) and had neither statue, idol nor image in their temples. The -kingdom of Medina is close to that of India, and it is in this kingdom -that the religion of these strangers, which is different to that of -Buddha, originated. They do not eat pork or drink wine, and they regard -as unclean the flesh of any animal not killed by themselves. They are -nowadays called Hui Hui. [962]... Having asked and obtained from the -emperor permission to reside in Canton, they built magnificent houses -of a style different to that of our country. They were very rich and -obeyed a chief chosen by themselves.” [963] Though direct historical -evidence is lacking, [964] it is most probable that Islam was first -introduced into China by merchants who followed the old-established sea -route. But the earliest record we can trust refers to diplomatic -relations carried on by land, through Persia. When Yazdagird, the last -Sāsānid king of Persia, had perished, his son, Fīrūz, appealed to China -for help against the Arab invaders; [965] but the emperor replied that -Persia was too far distant for him to send the required troops. But he -is said to have despatched an ambassador to the Arab court to plead the -cause of the fugitive prince—probably also with instructions to -ascertain the extent and power of the new kingdom that had arisen in -the West, and the caliph ʻUthmān is said to have sent one of the Arab -generals to accompany the Chinese ambassador on his return in 651, and -this first Muslim envoy was honourably received by the emperor. In the -reign of Walīd (705–715), the famous Arab general, Qutaybah b. Muslim, -having been appointed governor of Khurāsān, crossed the Oxus and began -a series of successful campaigns, in which he successively subjugated -Bukhārā, Samarqand and other cities, and carried his conquests up to -the western frontier of the Chinese empire. In 713 he sent envoys to -the emperor, who (according to Arab accounts) dismissed them with -valuable presents. A few years later, the Chinese Annals make mention -of an ambassador, named Sulaymān, who came from the caliph Hishām in -726 to the Emperor Hsuan Tsung. These diplomatic relations between the -Arab and the Chinese empires assumed a new importance at the close of -this emperor’s reign, when, driven from his throne by a usurper, he -abdicated in favour of his son, Su Tsung (A.D. 756). The latter sought -the help of the ʻAbbāsid caliph, al-Manṣūr, who responded to this -appeal by sending a body of Arab troops, and with their assistance the -emperor succeeded in recovering his two capitals, Si-ngan-fu and -Ho-nan-fu, from the rebels. At the end of the war, these Arab troops -did not return to their own country, but married and settled in China. -Various reasons are assigned for this action on their part; one account -represents them as having returned to their native land but, being -refused permission to remain on the ground that they had been so long -in a land where pork was eaten, they went back again to China; -according to another account they were prepared to embark for Arabia, -at Canton, when they were taunted with having eaten pork during their -campaign, and in consequence they refused to return home and run the -risk of similar taunts from their own people; when the governor of -Canton tried to compel them, they joined with the Arab and Persian -merchants, their co-religionists, and pillaged the principal commercial -houses in the city; the governor saved himself by taking refuge on the -city wall, and was only able to return after he had obtained from the -emperor permission for these Arab troops to remain in the country; -houses and lands were assigned to them in different cities, where they -settled down and intermarried with the women of the country. [966] - -The Chinese Muhammadans have a legend that their faith was first -preached in China by a maternal uncle of the Prophet, and his reputed -tomb at Canton is highly venerated by them. But there is not the -slightest historical base for this legend, and it appears to be of late -growth. [967] It doubtless arose from a desire to connect the history -of the faith in their own land as closely as possible with apostolic -times—a fruitful source of legends in countries far removed from the -centres of Muslim history. [968] But of the existence of Muslims in -China, especially of merchants in the port towns, during the Tʼang -dynasty there is clear evidence. The Chinese annalist of this period -(A.D. 713–742) says that “the barbarians of the West came into the -Middle Kingdom in crowds, like a deluge, from a distance of at least -1000 leagues and from more than 100 kingdoms, bringing as tribute their -sacred books, which were received and deposited in the hall set apart -for translations of sacred and canonical books, in the imperial palace: -from this period the religious doctrines of these different countries -were thus diffused and openly practised in the empire of Tʼang.” [969] -An Arab geographer, writing about the year 851, describes these -settlements and the mosques which these merchants were allowed to build -for their religious exercises; [970] he states that he knew of no -Chinaman having embraced Islam, but as he makes the same remark of the -people of India, it may be that he was as ill-informed in the one case -as the other. [971] - -But there is certainly no distinct evidence of any proselytising -activity on the part of the Muslims in China, and indeed very little -information about them at all until the period of Mongol conquests, in -the thirteenth century. These conquests resulted in a vast immigration -of Musalmans of various nationalities, Arabs, Persians, Turks and -others into the Chinese empire. [972] Some came as merchants, artisans, -soldiers or colonists, others were brought in as prisoners of war. A -large number of them settled permanently in the country and developed -into a populous and flourishing community, which gradually lost its -original racial peculiarities through intermarriage with Chinese women. -Several Muhammadans occupied high posts under the Mongol rulers, e.g. -ʻAbd al-Raḥmān, who in 1244 was appointed head of the Imperial finances -and allowed to farm the taxes imposed upon China, [973] and ʻUmar Shams -al-Dīn, commonly known as Sayyid Ajall, a native of Bukhārā, to whom -Qūbīlāy Khān, on his accession in 1259, entrusted the management of the -Imperial finances; he was subsequently governor of Yunnan, after this -province had been conquered and added to the Chinese empire. [974] -Sayyid Ajall died in 1270, leaving behind him a reputation as an -enlightened and upright administrator; he built Confucian temples as -well as mosques in Yunnan city. [975] - -The descendants of Sayyid Ajall played a great part in the establishing -of Islam in China; it was his grandson who in 1335 obtained from the -emperor the recognition of Islam as the “True and Pure Religion”—a name -which it has kept to the present day,—and another descendant of Sayyid -Ajall was authorised by the emperor in 1420 to build mosques in the -capitals, Si-ngan-fu and Nan-kin. [976] - -The Chinese historians of the reign of Qūbīlāy Khān make it a ground of -complaint against this monarch that he did not employ Chinese officials -in place of the immigrant Turks and Persians. [977] The exalted -position occupied by Sayyid Ajall and the facilities of communication -between China and the West established by Mongol conquest, attracted a -number of such persons into the north of China, and it was probably as -a result of these immigrations that those scattered Muhammadan -communities began to be formed, which have grown to large proportions -in most of the provinces of China. Marco Polo, who enjoyed the favour -of Qūbīlāy Khān and lived in China from 1275 to 1292, notes the -presence of Muhammadans in various parts of Yunnan. [978] At the -beginning of the fourteenth century, all the inhabitants of Talifu, the -capital of Yunnan, are said by a contemporary historian to have been -Musalmans; [979] and Ibn Baṭūṭah, who visited several coast towns in -China towards the middle of the fourteenth century, speaks of the -hearty welcome he received from his co-religionists, [980] and reports -that “In every town there is a special quarter for the Muslims, -inhabited solely by them, where they have their mosques; they are -honoured and respected by the Chinese.” [981] - -Up to this period the Muhammadans appear to have been looked upon as a -foreign community in China, but after the expulsion of the Mongol -dynasty in the latter part of the fourteenth century they received no -fresh addition to their numbers from abroad, in consequence of the -policy of isolation which the Chinese government now adopted; and being -thus cut off from communication with their co-religionists in other -countries, they tended, in most parts of the empire, gradually to -become merged into the mass of the native population, through their -marriages with Chinese women and their adoption of Chinese habits and -manners. The founder of the new Ming dynasty, the emperor Hungwu, -extended to them many privileges, and their flourishing condition -during the period that this dynasty lasted (1368–1644) is shown by the -large number of mosques erected. - -The emperors of this dynasty cultivated friendly relations with the -Muhammadan princes on their western frontier, and there was a frequent -interchange of embassies between them and the Tīmūrid princes. One of -these is of interest in the missionary history of Islam, inasmuch as -Shāh Rukh Bahādur in 1412 took advantage of the arrival of a Chinese -embassy at his court in Samarqand, to include in his answer an -invitation to the emperor to embrace Islam. He sent with his envoy, who -accompanied the Chinese ambassadors on their return, two letters, the -first of which, written in Arabic, was to the following effect:—“In the -name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. There is no god save God: -Muḥammad is the Apostle of God. The Apostle of God, Muḥammad (peace be -on him!) said: ‘There shall not cease to be in my church a people -abiding in the commandments of God; whosoever fails to help them or -opposes them, shall never prosper, until the commandment of the Lord -cometh.’ When the Most High God purposed to create Adam and his race, -he said ‘I was a hidden treasure, but it was my pleasure to become -known; I therefore created man that I might be known’; It is manifest -from hence that the divine purpose (great is His power and exalted is -His word!) in the creation of man was to make Himself known and uplift -the banners of right guidance and faith. Wherefore He sent His Apostle -with guidance and the religion of truth that it might prevail over all -other faiths, though the polytheists turn away from it, that he might -make known the laws and the ordinances and the observances of what is -lawful and unlawful, and He gave him the holy Qurʼān miraculously that -thereby he might put to silence the unbelievers and stop their mouths -when they discussed and disputed with him, and by His perfect grace and -His all-pervading guidance He has caused it to remain even unto the day -of judgment. By His power He hath established in all ages and times and -in all parts of the world, in east and west, and in China, a mighty -monarch, lord of great armies and authority, to administer justice and -mercy and spread the wings of peace and security over the heads of men; -to enjoin upon them righteousness and warn them against evil and -disobedience and lift up among them the banners of the noble religion; -and he drives away idolatry and infidelity from among them through -belief in the unity of God. The Most High God thus disposeth our hearts -by His past mercies and His ensuing grace to strive for the -establishing of the laws of pure religion and the continuance of the -ordinances of the shining path. He also bids us administer justice to -our subjects in all suits and cases in accordance with the religion of -the Prophet and the ordinances of the Chosen One, and build mosques and -colleges and monasteries and hermitages and places of worship, that the -teaching of the sciences and the schools of learning may not cease nor -the memorials and injunctions of religion be swept away. Seeing that -the continuance of worldly prosperity and dominion, and the permanence -of authority and rule depend upon the assistance given to truth and -righteousness and the extirpation of the evils caused by idolatry and -unbelief from the earth, in the expectation of blessing and reward, we, -therefore, hope that your Majesty and the nobles of your realm will -agree with us in these matters and join us in strengthening the -foundations of the established law.” The other letter, written in -Persian, makes a more direct appeal, without the rhetorical -embellishments of the Arabic:—“The Most High God, having in the depth -of His wisdom and the perfection of His power created Adam (peace be -upon him!), made some of his sons prophets and apostles and sent them -among men to summon them to the truth. To certain of these prophets, -such as Abraham, Moses, David and Muḥammad (peace be upon them!) He -gave a book and taught a law, and He bade the people of their time -follow the law and the religion of each of them. All these apostles -invited men to faith in the unity and to the worship of God and forbade -the adoration of the sun, moon and stars, of kings and idols; and -though each one of these apostles had a separate law, yet they were all -agreed in the doctrine of the unity of the Most High God. At length, -when the apostolic and prophetic office devolved on the Apostle -Muḥammad Muṣṭafạ̄ (the peace and blessing of God be upon him!) all other -systems of law were abrogated. He was the apostle and the prophet of -the latter age, and it behoves the whole world—lords and kings and -ministers, rich and poor, small and great,—to observe his law and -forsake all past creeds and laws. This is the true and perfect faith -and is called Islam. Some years ago, Chingīz Khān took up arms and sent -his sons into various countries and kingdoms—Jūjī Khān to the confines -of Sarāy, Qrim and Dasht Qafchāq, where some monarchs, such as Ūzbek -Khān, Chānī Khān and Urus Khān, became Musalmans and observed the law -of Muḥammad (peace be upon him!). Hūlāgū Khān was set over Khurāsān, -ʻIrāq and the neighbouring countries, and some of his sons who -succeeded him received into their hearts the light of the law of -Muḥammad (peace be upon him!), and in like manner became Musalmans, and -honoured with the blessedness of Islam passed into the other world, -such as the truthful king, Ghāzān, and Uljāytū Sulṭān and the fortunate -king, Abū Saʻīd Bahādur, until my honoured father, Amīr Tīmūr Gūrgān, -succeeded to the throne. He too observed the law of Muḥammad (peace be -upon him!) in all the countries under his rule, and throughout his -reign the followers of the faith of Islam enjoyed complete prosperity. -Now that by the goodness and favour of God this Kingdom of Khurāsān, -ʻIrāq, Mā-warāʼ-al-nahr, etc., has passed into my hands, the -administration is carried on throughout the whole kingdom in accordance -with the pure law of the Prophet; righteousness is enjoined and wrong -forbidden, and the Yarghū and the institutes of Chingīz Khān have been -abolished. Since, then, it is sure and certain that salvation and -deliverance in the day of judgment, and sovereignty and felicity in the -present world, depend upon true faith and Islam, and the favour of the -Most High God, it is incumbent upon us to treat our subjects with -justice and equity. I hope that by the bounty and benevolence of God -you too will observe the law of Muḥammad, the Apostle of God (peace be -upon him!) and strengthen the religion of Islam, so that you may -exchange the transitory sovereignty of this world for the sovereignty -of the world to come.” [982] - -It is not improbable that these letters gave rise to the later legend -of one of the Chinese emperors having become a convert to Islam. [983] -This legend is referred to, among others, by a Muhammadan merchant, -Sayyid ʻAlī Akbar, who spent some years in Peking at the end of the -fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century; he speaks of the -large number of Musalmans who had settled in China; in the city of -Kenjanfu there were as many as 30,000 Muslim families; they paid no -taxes and enjoyed the favour of the emperor, who gave them grants of -land; they enjoyed complete toleration for the exercise of their -religion, which was favourably viewed by the Chinese, and conversions -were freely permitted; in the capital itself there were four great -mosques and about ninety more in other provinces of the empire,—all -erected at the cost of the emperor. [984] - -Up to the establishment of the Manchu dynasty in 1644 there is no -record of any Muhammadan uprising, and the followers of Islam appear to -have been entirely content with the religious liberty they enjoyed; but -difficulties arose soon after the advent of the new ruling power, and -an insurrection in the province of Kansu in 1648 was the first occasion -on which any Muhammadans rose in arms against the Chinese government, -though it was not until the nineteenth century that any such revolt -entailed very disastrous consequences, or seriously interrupted the -amicable relations that had subsisted from the beginning between the -Chinese Muslims and their rulers. The official view of the Chinese -Government of these relations is set forth in an edict published by the -emperor Yung Chen in 1731:—“In every province of the empire, for many -centuries past, have been found a large number of Muhammadans who form -part of the people whom I regard as my own children just as I do my -other subjects. I make no distinction between them and those who do not -belong to their religion. I have received from certain officials secret -complaints against the Muhammadans on the ground that their religion -differs from that of the other Chinese, that they do not speak the same -language, and wear a different dress to the rest of the people. They -are accused of disobedience, haughtiness, and rebellious feelings, and -I have been asked to employ severe measures against them. After -examining these complaints and accusations, I have discovered that -there is no foundation for them. In fact, the religion followed by the -Musalmans is that of their ancestors; it is true their language is not -the same as that of the rest of the Chinese, but what a multitude of -different dialects there are in China. As to their temples, dress and -manner of writing, which differ from those of the other Chinese—these -are matters of absolutely no importance. These are mere matters of -custom. They bear as good a character as my other subjects, and there -is nothing to show that they intend to rebel. It is my wish, therefore, -that they should be left in the free exercise of their religion, whose -object is to teach men the observance of a moral life, and the -fulfilment of social and civil duties. This religion respects the -fundamental basis of Government, and what more can be asked for? If -then the Muhammadans continue to conduct themselves as good and loyal -subjects, my favour will be extended towards them just as much as -towards my other children. From among them have come many civil and -military officers, who have risen to the very highest ranks. This is -the best proof that they have adopted our habits and customs, and have -learned to conform themselves to the precepts of our sacred books. They -pass their examinations in literature just like every one else, and -perform the sacrifices enjoined by law. In a word, they are true -members of the great Chinese family and endeavour always to fulfil -their religious, civil and political duties. When the magistrates have -a civil case brought before them, they should not concern themselves -with the religion of the litigants. There is but one single law for all -my subjects. Those who do good shall be rewarded, and those who do evil -shall be punished.” [985] - -About thirty years later, his successor, the Emperor Kʼien Lung, showed -distinguished marks of his favour towards the Muhammadans by ennobling -two Turkī Begs who had materially helped in suppressing a revolt in the -north-west and Kāshgar, and building palaces for them in Peking; he -also erected a mosque for the use of the Turkī Begs who visited the -Imperial court and for the prisoners of war who had been brought to the -capital from Kāshgar. Among these prisoners was a beautiful girl who -became a favourite concubine of the emperor, and it is stated that for -love of her he built this mosque immediately opposite his own palace -and erected a pavilion within the palace grounds, from which the -concubine could watch her fellow-countrymen at prayer and could join in -their devotions. This mosque was built in the years 1763–1764 and -contains an inscription in four languages, the Chinese text of which -was written by the emperor himself. [986] - -After crushing the revolt in Zungaria, this same emperor Kʼien Lung, in -1770 transported thither from other parts of China ten thousand -military colonists, who were followed by their families and other -persons, to re-people the country, and they are all said to have -embraced the religion of the surrounding Muhammadan population. [987] -Whether such mass conversions occurred in other parts of the empire -also, we have no means of telling, but the existence of a considerable -Muhammadan population in every province of China can hardly be -explained merely by reference to foreign immigration and the natural -growth of population, [988] though the numbers are larger in those -provinces in which foreign Muhammadans have settled. [989] It is -unlikely that the Muhammadans in China during the many centuries of -their residence in this country, in the enjoyment of religious freedom -and the liberal patronage of several of the emperors, should have been -entirely devoid of that proselytising zeal which modern observers have -noted in their descendants at the present day. [990] To such direct -proselytising efforts must have been due the conversion of Chinese Jews -to Islam; their establishment in this country dates from an early -period, they held employments under the Government and were in -possession of large estates; but by the close of the seventeenth -century a great part of them had been converted to Islam. [991] Such -propaganda must have been quite quiet and unobtrusive, and indeed more -public methods might have excited suspicions on the part of the -Government, as is shown by an interesting report which was sent to the -Emperor Kʼien Lung in 1783 by a governor of the province of Khwang-Se. -It runs as follows: “I have the honour respectfully to inform your -Majesty that an adventurer named Han-Fo-Yun, of the province of -Khwang-Se, has been arrested on a charge of vagrancy. This adventurer -when interrogated as to his occupation, confessed that for the last ten -years he had been travelling through the different provinces of the -Empire in order to obtain information about his religion. In one of his -boxes were found thirty books, some of which had been written by -himself, while others were in a language that no one here understands. -These books praise in an extravagant and ridiculous manner a Western -king, called Muḥammad. The above-mentioned Han-Fo-Yun, when put to the -torture, at last confessed that the real object of his journey was to -propagate the false religion taught in these books, and that he -remained in the province of Shen-Si for a longer time than anywhere -else. I have examined these books myself. Some are certainly written in -a foreign language; for I have not been able to understand them: the -others that are written in Chinese are very bad, I may add, even -ridiculous on account of the exaggerated praise given in them to -persons who certainly do not deserve it, because I have never even -heard of them. Perhaps the above-mentioned Han-Fo-Yun is a rebel from -Kan-Su. His conduct is certainly suspicious, for what was he going to -do in the provinces through which he has been travelling for the last -ten years? I intend to make a serious inquiry into the matter. -Meanwhile, I would request your Majesty to order the stereotyped -plates, that are in the possession of his family, to be burnt, and the -engravers to be arrested, as well as the authors of the books, which I -have sent to your Majesty desiring to know your pleasure in the -matter.” [992] - -This report bears testimony to the activity of at least one Muhammadan -missionary in the eighteenth century, and the growth of Islam, which -the Jesuit missionaries [993] noted in the eighteenth century, was -probably not so little connected with direct proselytism as some of -them supposed. Du Halde, in one of the few passages he devotes to the -Muhammadans in his great work, [994] attributes the increase in their -numbers largely to their habit of purchasing children in times of -famine. “The Mahometans have been settled for more than six hundred -years in various provinces, where they live quite quietly, because they -do not make any great efforts to spread their doctrines and gain -proselytes, and because in former times they only increased in numbers -by the alliances and marriages they contracted. But for several years -past they have continued to make very considerable progress by means of -their wealth. They buy up heathen children everywhere; and the parents, -being often unable to provide them with food, have no scruples in -selling them. During a famine that devastated the Province of Chantong, -they bought more than 10,000 of them. They marry them, and either -purchase or build for them separate quarters in a town, or even whole -villages; gradually in several places they gain such influence that -they do not let any one live among them who does not go to the mosque. -By such means they have multiplied exceedingly during the last -century.” - -Similarly, in the famine that devastated the province of Kwangtung in -1790, as many as ten thousand children are said to have been purchased -by the Muhammadans from parents who, too poor to support them, were -willing to part with them to save them from starvation; these were all -brought up in the faith of Islam. [995] A Chinese Musalman, from -Yunnan, named Sayyid Sulaymān, who visited Cairo in 1894 and was there -interviewed by the representative of an Arabic journal, [996] declared -that the number of accessions to Islam gained in this way every year -was beyond counting. Similar testimony is given by M. d’Ollone, who -reports that this practice of buying children in times of famine -prevails among the Muhammadans throughout the whole of China to the -present day; in the same way, they purchased the children of Christian -parents who were massacred by the Boxers in 1900, and brought them up -as Musalmans. [997] - -The Muhammadans in China tend to live together in separate villages and -towns or to form separate Muhammadan quarters in the towns, where they -will not allow any person to dwell among them who does not go to the -mosque. [998] Though they thus in some measure hold themselves apart, -they are careful to avoid the open exhibition of any specially -distinguishing features of the religious observances of their faith, -which may offend their neighbours, and they have been careful to make -concessions to the prejudices of their Chinese fellow-countrymen. In -their ordinary life they are completely in touch with the customs and -habits that prevail around them; they wear the pigtail and the ordinary -dress of the Chinese, and put on a turban, as a rule, only in the -mosque. To avoid offending against a superstitious prejudice on the -part of the Chinese, they also refrain from building tall minarets, -wherever they build them at all. [999] But for the most part, their -mosques conform to the Chinese type of architecture, often with nothing -to distinguish them from an ordinary temple or dwelling. [1000] Every -mosque is obliged by law to have a tablet to the emperor, with the -inscription on it, “The emperor, the immortal, may he live for ever,” -and the Muhammadans prostrate themselves before it in accordance with -the regular Chinese custom, though with various expedients to satisfy -their consciences and avoid the imputation of idolatry. [1001] Even in -Chinese Tartary, where the special privilege is allowed to the Musalman -soldiers, of remaining unmixed, and of forming a separate body, the -higher Muhammadan officials wear the dress prescribed to their rank, -long moustaches and the pigtail, and on holidays they perform the usual -homage demanded from officials, to a portrait of the emperor, by -touching the ground three times with their forehead. [1002] Similarly -all Muhammadan mandarins and other officials in other provinces perform -the rites prescribed to their official position, in the temples of -Confucius on festival days; in fact every precaution is taken by the -Muslims to prevent their faith from appearing to be in opposition to -the state religion, and hereby they have succeeded in avoiding the -odium with which the adherents of foreign religions, such as Judaism -and Christianity are regarded. They even represent their religion to -their Chinese fellow-countrymen as being in agreement with the -teachings of Confucius, with only this difference, that they follow the -traditions of their ancestors with regard to marriages, funerals, the -prohibition of pork, wine, tobacco, and games of chance, and the -washing of the hands before meals. [1003] Similarly the writings of the -Chinese Muhammadans treat the works of Confucius and other Chinese -classics with great respect, and where possible, point out the harmony -between the teachings contained therein and the doctrines of Islam. -[1004] - -The Chinese government, in its turn, has always given to its Muhammadan -subjects (except when in revolt) the same privileges and advantages as -are enjoyed by the rest of the population. No office of state is closed -to them; and as governors of provinces, generals, magistrates and -ministers of state they enjoy the confidence and respect both of the -rulers and the people. Not only do Muhammadan names appear in the -Chinese annals as those of famous officers of state, whether military -or civil, but they have also distinguished themselves in the mechanical -arts and in sciences such as mathematics and astronomy. [1005] - -The Chinese Muhammadans are also said to be keen men of business and -successful traders; they monopolise the beef trade and carry on other -trades with great success. [1006] They are thus in touch with every -section of the national life and have every opportunity for carrying on -a propaganda, but the few Christian missionaries who have concerned -themselves with this matter are of opinion that they are not animated -with any particular proselytising zeal. [1007] Still, many recent -converts are to be met with, and the fact that a large number of -Chinese Muslims can cite the name of the particular ancestor who first -embraced Islam points to a continuous process of conversion. [1008] -Apparently the Muslims are not allowed to preach their faith in the -streets, as Protestant missionaries do, [1009] but (as we have seen -above) [1010] they do not fail to make use of such opportunities as -present themselves for adding to the number of their sect. One of their -religious text-books, “A Guide to the Rites of the True Religion” -(published in Canton in 1668), commends the work of proselytising and -makes reference to such as may have recently become converts from among -the heathen. [1011] The fundamental doctrines of Islam are taught to -the new converts by means of metrical primers, [1012] and to the -influence of the religious books of the Chinese Muslims, Sayyid -Sulaymān attributes many of the conversions made in recent years. -[1013] The Muslim seminary at Hochow in Kansu is said to train -theological students who return to their several provinces, at the -completion of their studies, to promulgate their faith there, [1014] -and in upwards of ten provinces centres are said to have been started -where mullās are to be trained for Muslim propaganda. [1015] Military -officers convert many of the soldiers serving under them, to Islam, and -Muslim mandarins take advantage of the authority they enjoy, to win -converts, but as they are frequently transferred from one place to -another, they are not able to exercise so much influence as Muslim -military officers. [1016] Conversions may also occasionally occur, -which are not the result of a direct propagandist appeal, e.g. a -Turkish traveller who visited Peking in 1895 reported that he found -thirty mosques there, among them one that had originally been a temple; -this had been the family temple of a wealthy Chinaman, whose life had -been saved during the Boxer insurrection by the Mufti Wa-Ahonad (ʻAbd -al-Raḥmān); as a token of his gratitude, he embraced the faith of his -deliverer. [1017] - -Turkish and other Muslim missionaries have in recent years been -visiting China and endeavouring to stir up among the Chinese Muslims a -more thorough knowledge of their faith and to awaken their zeal, but -their efforts seem so far to have borne but little fruit. [1018] - -In 1867 a Russian writer, [1019] in a remarkable work on Islam in -China, expressed the opinion that it was destined to become the -national faith of the Chinese empire and thereby entirely change the -political conditions of the Eastern world. Nearly half a century has -elapsed since this note of alarm was sounded, but nothing has occurred -since to verify these prognostications. On the contrary, it would -appear that Islam has been losing rather than gaining ground during the -last century, since the wholesale massacres that accompanied the -suppression of the Panthay risings in Yunnan from 1855 to 1873 and the -Tungan rebellion in Shen-si and Kan-su in 1864–1877 and 1895–1896, -reduced the Muhammadan population by millions. [1020] The establishment -of the new Republic has given to the Chinese Muslims a freedom of -activity unknown under any preceding government, but it is too early -yet to discover how far they are likely to avail themselves of the -opportunities offered by the altered conditions of life. The -proselytism that still goes on, restricted as its sphere may be, -indicates a still cherished hope of expansion. Though four centuries -have elapsed since a Muslim traveller [1021] in China could discuss the -possibility of the conversion of the emperor being followed by that of -his subjects, it was still possible for a Chinese Muslim of the present -generation to state that his co-religionists in that country looked -forward with confidence to the day when Islam would be triumphant -throughout the length and breadth of the Chinese empire. [1022] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN AFRICA. - - -The history of Islam in Africa, covering as it does a period of -well-nigh thirteen centuries and embracing two-thirds of this vast -continent, with its numerous and diverse tribes and races, presents -especial difficulties in the way of systematic treatment, as it is -impossible to give a simultaneous account in chronological order of the -spread of this faith in all the different parts of the continent. Its -relations to the Christian Churches of Egypt and the rest of North -Africa, of Nubia and Abyssinia have already been dealt with in a former -chapter; in the present chapter it is proposed to trace its progress -first among the heathen population of North Africa, then throughout the -Sudan and along the West coast, and lastly along the East coast and in -Cape Colony. [1023] - -The information we possess of the spread of Islam among the heathen -population of North Africa is hardly less meagre than the few facts -recorded above regarding the disappearance of the Christian Church. The -Berbers offered a vigorous resistance to the progress of the Arab arms, -and force seems to have had more influence than persuasion in their -conversion. Whenever opportunity presented itself, they rebelled -against the religion as well as the rule of their conquerors, and Arab -historians declare that they apostasised as many as twelve times. -[1024] In the annals of the long struggle a few scanty references to -conversions are to be found. These would appear sometimes to have been -prompted by the recognition of the fact that further resistance to the -Arab arms was useless. When in 703 the Berbers made their last stand -against the invaders, their intrepid leader and prophetess, al-Kāhinah, -[1025] foreseeing that the fortune of battle was to turn against them, -sent her sons into the camp of the Muslim general with instructions -that they were to embrace Islam and make common cause with the enemy; -she herself elected to fall fighting with her countrymen in the great -battle that crushed the political power of the Berbers and gave -Northern Africa into the hands of the Arabs. Peace was made on -condition that the Berbers would furnish 12,000 combatants to the ranks -of the Arab troops, and of these men two army-corps were formed, each -of which was placed under the command of one of the sons of al-Kāhinah. -[1026] By this device of enlisting the Berbers in their armies, the -Arab generals hoped to win them to their own religion by the hope of -booty. - -The army of seven thousand Berbers that sailed from Africa in 711 under -the command of Ṭāriq (himself a Berber) to the conquest of Spain, was -composed of recent converts to Islam, and their conversion is expressly -said to have been sincere: learned Arabs and theologians were -appointed, “to read and explain to them the sacred words of the Qurʼān, -and instruct them in all and every one of the duties enjoined by their -new religion.” [1027] Mūsạ̄, the great conqueror of Africa, showed his -zeal for the progress of Islam by devoting the large sums of money -granted him by the caliph ʻAbd al-Malik to the purchase of such -captives as gave promise of showing themselves worthy children of the -faith: “for whenever after a victory there was a number of slaves put -up for sale, he used to buy all those whom he thought would willingly -embrace Islam, who were of noble origin, and who looked, besides, as if -they were active young men. To these he first proposed the embracing of -Islam, and if, after cleansing their understanding and making them fit -to receive its sublime truths, they were converted to the best of -religions, and their conversion was a sincere one, he then would, by -way of putting their abilities to trial, employ them. If they evinced -good disposition and talents he would instantly grant them liberty, -appoint them to high commands in his army, and promote them according -to their merits; if, on the contrary, they showed no aptitude for their -appointments, he would send them back to the common depôt of captives -belonging to the army, to be again disposed of according to the general -custom of drawing out the spoil by arrows.” [1028] - -How superficial the conversion of the Berbers was may be judged from -the fact that when the pious ʻUmar b. ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz in A.H. 100 (A.D. -718) appointed Ismāʻīl b. ʻAbd Allāh governor of North Africa, ten -learned theologians were sent with him to instruct the Muslim Berbers -in the ordinances of their faith, since up to that time they do not -seem to have recognised that their new religion forbade to them -indulgence in wine. The new governor is said to have shown great zeal -in inviting the Berbers to accept Islam, but the statement that his -efforts were crowned with such success that not a single Berber -remained unconverted is certainly not correct. [1029] For the -conversion of the Berbers was undoubtedly the work of several -centuries; even to the present day they retain many of their primitive -institutions which are in opposition to Muslim law. [1030] Islam took -no firm root among them until it assumed the form of a national -movement and became connected with the establishment of native -dynasties, under which many Berbers came within the pale of Islam who -before had looked upon the acceptance of this faith as a sign of loss -of political independence. Of these various changes of political -condition it is not the place to speak here, but in a history of Muslim -propaganda the rise of the Almoravids deserves special mention as a -great national movement that attracted a great many of the Berber -tribes to join the Muslim community. In the early part of the eleventh -century, Yaḥyạ̄ b. Ibrāhīm, a chief of the Ṣanhāja, one of the Berber -tribes of the Sahara, on his return from a pilgrimage to Mecca, sought -in the religious centres of Northern Africa for a learned and pious -teacher, who should accompany him as a missionary of Islam to his -benighted and ignorant tribesmen: at first he found it difficult to -find a man willing to leave his scholarly retreat and brave the dangers -of the Sahara, but at length he met in ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn the fit -person, bold enough to undertake so difficult a mission, pious and -austere in his life, and learned in theology, law and other sciences. -So far back as the ninth century the preachers of Islam had made their -way among the Berbers of the Sahara and established among them the -religion of the Prophet, but this faith had found very little -acceptance there, and ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn found even the professed -Muslims to be very lax in their religious observances and given up to -all kinds of vicious practices. He ardently threw himself into the task -of converting them to the right path and instructing them in the duties -of religion; but the sternness with which he rebuked their vices and -sought to reform their conduct, alienated their sympathies from him, -and the ill-success of his mission almost drove him to abandon this -stiff-necked people and devote his efforts to the conversion of the -Sudan. Being persuaded, however, not to desert the work he had once -undertaken, he retired with such disciples as his preaching had -gathered around him, to an island in the river Senegal, where they -founded a monastery and gave themselves up unceasingly to devotional -exercises. The more devout-minded among the Berbers, stung to -repentance by the thought of the wickedness that had driven their holy -teacher from their midst, came humbly to his island to implore his -forgiveness and receive his instructions in the saving truths of -religion. Thus day by day there gathered around him an increasing band -of disciples, especially from among the Lamṭūna, a branch of the -Ṣanhāja clan, whose numbers swelled at length to about a thousand. ʻAbd -Allāh b. Yāsīn then recognised that the time had come for launching out -upon a wider sphere of action, and he called upon his followers to show -their gratitude to God for the revelation he had vouchsafed them, by -communicating the knowledge of it to others: “Go to your -fellow-tribesmen, teach them the law of God and threaten them with His -chastisement. If they repent, amend their ways and accept the truth, -leave them in peace; if they refuse and persist in their errors and -evil lives, invoke the aid of God against them, and let us make war -upon them until God decide between us.” Hereupon each man went to his -own tribe and began to exhort them to repent and believe, but without -success: equally unsuccessful were the efforts of ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn -himself, who left his monastery in the hope of finding the Berber -chiefs more willing now to listen to his preaching. At length in 1042 -he put himself at the head of his followers, to whom he had given the -name of al-Murābiṭīn (the so-called Almoravids)—a name derived from the -same root as the ribāṭ [1031] or monastery on his island in the -Senegal,—and attacked the neighbouring tribes and forced the acceptance -of Islam upon them. The success that attended his warlike expeditions -appeared to the tribes of the Sahara a more persuasive argument than -all his preaching, and they very soon came forward voluntarily to -embrace a faith that secured such brilliant successes to the arms of -its adherents. ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn died in 1059, but the movement he -had initiated lived after him and many heathen tribes of Berbers came -to swell the numbers of their Muslim fellow-countrymen, embracing their -religion at the same time as the cause they championed, and poured out -of the Sahara over North Africa and later on made themselves masters of -Spain also. [1032] - -It is not improbable that the other great national movement that -originated among the Berber tribes, viz. the rise of the Almohads at -the beginning of the twelfth century, may have attracted into the -Muslim community some of the tribes that had up to that time still -stood aloof. Their founder, Ibn Tūmart, popularised the sternly -Unitarian tenets of this sect by means of works in the Berber language -which expounded from his own point of view the fundamental doctrines of -Islam, and he made a still further concession to the nationalist spirit -of the Berbers by ordering the call to prayer to be made in their own -language. [1033] - -Some of the Berber tribes, however, remained heathen up to the close of -the fifteenth century, [1034] but the general tendency was naturally -towards an absorption of these smaller communities into the larger. - -The sixteenth century witnessed the birth of a movement of active -proselytising in the Maghrib, which has been traced to the reaction -excited by the successes of the Christian powers in Spain and North -Africa. This gave an immense impulse to the institution of the -“marabouts,” [1035] and large numbers of them set out from the monastic -settlements in the south of Morocco to carry a peaceful missionary -campaign throughout the Maghrib, renewing the faith of the lukewarm -adherents of Islam and converting their heathen neighbours. [1036] To -this proselytising movement the Muslim refugees from Spain contributed -their part, as has been shown above (p. 127), coming to the aid of the -Shurafāʼ or descendants of Idrīs b. ʻAbd Allāh, who had fled to Morocco -to escape the wrath of Hārūn al-Rashīd. [1037] - -From the Sahara the knowledge of Islam first spread among the Negroes -of the Sudan. The early history of this movement is wrapped in -obscurity, but there seems little doubt that it was the Berbers who -first introduced Islam into the lands watered by the Senegal and the -Niger; here they came in contact with pagan kingdoms, some of them -(e.g. Ghāna and Songhay) of great antiquity. [1038] The two Berber -tribes, the Lamṭūna and the Jadāla, belonging to the Ṣanhāja clan, -especially distinguished themselves by their religious zeal in the work -of conversion, [1039] and through their agency the Almoravid movement -reacted on the pagan tribes of the Sudan. The reign of Yūsuf b. -Tāshfīn, the founder of Morocco (A.D. 1062) and the second amīr of the -Almoravid dynasty, was very fruitful in conversions, and many Negroes -under his rule came to know of the doctrines of Muḥammad. [1040] In -1076 the Berbers who had been spreading Islam in the kingdom of Ghāna -for some time, drove out the reigning dynasty, which was probably -Fulbe, and this ancient kingdom became throughout Muhammadan; at the -beginning of the thirteenth century it lost its independence and was -conquered by the Mandingos. [1041] - -Of the introduction of Islam into the ancient kingdom of Songhay, which -is said to have been in existence as early as A.D. 700, we have only -the record that the first Muhammadan king was named Zā-kassi, the -fifteenth monarch of the Zā dynasty; his conversion took place in the -year A.H. 400 (A.D. 1009–1010), and in the Songhay language he was -styled Muslim-dam, which implied that he had adopted Islam of his own -free will and not by compulsion, but there is no mention of the -influences to which he owed his conversion. [1042] - -In the same century there were founded on the Upper Niger two cities, -destined in succeeding centuries to exercise an immense influence on -the development of Islam in the Western Sudan,—Jenne, [1043] founded in -A.H. 435 (A.D. 1043–1044), [1044] and destined to become an important -trading centre, and Timbuktu, the great emporium for the caravan trade -with the north, founded about the year A.D. 1100. The king of Jenne, -Kunburu, became a Muslim towards the end of the sixth century of the -Hijrah (i.e. about A.D. 1200) and his example was followed by the -inhabitants of the city; when he had made up his mind to embrace Islam, -he is said to have collected together all the ʻulamāʼ in his kingdom, -to the number of 4200—(however exaggerated this number may be, the -story would seem to imply that Islam had already made considerable -progress in his dominions)—and publicly in their presence declared -himself a Muslim and exhorted them to pray for the prosperity of his -city; he then had his palace pulled down and built a great mosque -[1045] in its place. [1046] Timbuktu, on the other hand, was a -Muhammadan city from the beginning; “never did the worship of idols -defile it, never did any man prostrate himself on its soil except in -prayer to God the Merciful.” [1047] In later years it became -influential as a seat of Muhammadan learning and piety, and students -and divines flocked there in large numbers, attracted by the -encouragement and patronage they received. Ibn Baṭūṭah, who travelled -through this country in the middle of the fourteenth century, praises -the Negroes for their zeal in the performance of their devotions and in -the study of the Qurʼān: unless one went very early to the mosque on -Friday, he tells us, it was impossible to find a place, so crowded was -the attendance. [1048] In his time, the most powerful state of the -Western Sudan was that of Melle or Māllī, which had risen to importance -about a century before, after the conquest of Ghāna by the Mandingos, -one of the finest races of Africa: Leo Africanus [1049] calls them the -most civilised, the most intellectual and most respected of all the -Negroes, and modern travellers praise them for their industry, -cleverness and trustworthiness. [1050] These Mandingos have been among -the most active missionaries of Islam, which has been spread by them -among the neighbouring peoples. [1051] - -According to the Kano Chronicle it was the Mandingos who brought the -knowledge of Islam to the Hausa people; the date is uncertain, [1052] -as are most dates connected with the history of the Hausa states, -because the Fulbe, who conquered them at the beginning of the -nineteenth century, destroyed most of their historical records. But the -importance of the adoption of Islam by the Hausas cannot be -exaggerated; they are an energetic and intelligent people, and their -remarkable aptitude for trade has won for them an immense influence -among the various peoples with whom they have come in contact; their -language has become the language of commerce for the Western Sudan, and -wherever the Hausa traders go—and they are found from the coast of -Guinea to Cairo—they carry the faith of Islam with them. References to -their missionary activity will be found in the following pages. But of -their own adoption of the faith, as well as of the rise of the seven -Hausa states and their dependencies, [1053] historical evidence is -almost entirely wanting; [1054] one of the missionaries of Islam to -Kano and Katsena would certainly seem to have been a learned and pious -teacher from Tlemsen, Muḥammad b. ʻAbd al-Karīm b. Muḥammad al-Majīlī, -who flourished about the year 1500; [1055] possibly they were affected -by the great wave of Muhammadan influence which moved southward from -Egypt in the twelfth century. [1056] The merchants of Kordofan and in -the Eastern Sudan generally, boast that they are descended from Arabs -who made their way thither after the fall of the Fāṭimid caliphate of -Egypt in 1171. But there were probably still earlier instances of -Muslim influence coming into Central Africa from the north-east. It was -from Egypt that Islam spread into Kanem, a kingdom on the N. and N.E. -of Lake Chad, which shortly after the adoption of Islam rose to be a -state of considerable importance and extended its sway over the tribes -of the Eastern Sudan to the borders of Egypt and Nubia; the first -Muhammadan king of Kanem is said to have reigned either towards the -close of the eleventh or in the first half of the twelfth century. -[1057] But the details we possess of the spread of Islam from the -north-east are even more scanty than those already given for the -history of the states of the Western Sudan. The mere dates of the -conversion of kings and the establishment of Muhammadan dynasties tell -us very little; but one fact stands out clearly from this meagre -record, namely the extreme slowness of the process. The survival of -considerable groups of fetish-worshippers in the midst of territories -which for centuries were under Muhammadan rule, would seem to indicate -that the influence of Islam was long confined to the towns and only by -degrees made its way among the pagan population, if indeed it did not -meet with such stubborn resistance as has kept the Bambara pagan, -though (dwelling between the Upper Senegal and the Upper Niger) they -have been hemmed in by a Muhammadan population for centuries. - -An unsuccessful attempt to convert the Bambara was made by a marabout, -named ʻUmaru Kaba, early in the twentieth century. This man had founded -a new religious confraternity, connected with the Qādiriyyah, and -having failed to attract his co-religionists to it, he turned his -attention to the pagan Bambara, and endeavoured to convert them to -Islam and enrol them in his order. He seemed to be on the road to -success and had already converted a pagan village in the province of -Sansanding, when the chief of the province drove the missionary across -the frontier and ordered the newly-converted Bambara to return to their -old religious observances. [1058] - -Where intermarriages with such races as Arabs and Berbers have been -frequent, a steady process of infiltration has gone on, and this, added -to the propagandist activities of those races—Fulbe, Hausa and -Mandingo—who have distinguished themselves for their zeal on behalf of -their religion, would have contributed to the more rapid growth of a -Muhammadan population, had it not been for the internecine wars that -caused one Muhammadan state to work the destruction of another. Melle -rose on the ruins of Ghāna in the thirteenth century, to be crushed at -the beginning of the sixteenth by Songhay, which in its turn was -desolated by the Moors a century later. As these Muhammadan empires -declined, with the wholesale massacres characteristic of warfare in the -Sudan, fetishism regained much of the ground it had lost; and as in the -Christian, so in the Muhammadan world, there have been periods when -missionary zeal has sunk to a low ebb, and Muhammadans in some parts of -the Sudan have been content to leave the paganism that surrounded them -untouched by any proselytising efforts. - -In the fourteenth century the Tunjar Arabs, emigrating south from -Tunis, made their way through Bornu and Wadai to Darfur; others came in -later from the east; [1059] one of their number named Aḥmad met with a -kind reception from the heathen king of Darfur, who took a fancy to -him, made him director of his household and consulted him on all -occasions. His experience of more civilised methods of government -enabled him to introduce a number of reforms both into the economy of -the king’s household and the government of the state. By judicious -management, he is said to have brought the unruly chieftains into -subjection, and by portioning out the land among the poorer inhabitants -to have put an end to the constant internal raids, thereby introducing -a feeling of security and contentment before unknown. The king having -no male heir gave Aḥmad his daughter in marriage and appointed him his -successor,—a choice that was ratified by the acclamation of the people, -and the Muhammadan dynasty thus instituted has continued down to the -present century. The civilising influences exercised by this chief and -his descendants were doubtless accompanied by some work of proselytism, -but these Arab immigrants seem to have done very little for the spread -of their religion among their heathen neighbours. Darfur only -definitely became Muhammadan through the efforts of one of its kings -named Sulaymān who began to reign in 1596, [1060] and it was not until -the sixteenth century that Islam gained a footing in the other kingdoms -lying between Kordofan and Lake Chad, such as Wadai and Baghirmi. The -first Muhammadan king of Baghirmi was Sultan ʻAbd Allāh, who reigned -from 1568 to 1608, but the chief centre of Muhammadan influence at this -time was the kingdom of Wadai, which was founded by ʻAbd al-Karīm about -A.D. 1612, and it was not until the latter part of the eighteenth -century that the mass of the people of Baghirmi were converted to -Islam. [1061] - -But the history of the Muhammadan propaganda in Africa during the -seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is very slight and wholly -insignificant when compared with the remarkable revival of missionary -activity during the present century. Some powerful influence was needed -to arouse the dormant energies of the African Muslims, whose condition -during the eighteenth century seems to have been almost one of -religious indifference. Their spiritual awakening owed itself to the -influence of the Wahhābī reformation at the close of the eighteenth -century; whence it comes that in modern times we meet with some -accounts of proselytising movements among the Negroes that are not -quite so forbiddingly meagre as those just recounted, but present us -with ample details of the rise and progress of several important -missionary enterprises. - -Towards the end of the eighteenth century, a remarkable man, Shaykh -ʻUthmān Danfodio, [1062] arose from among the Fulbe [1063] as a -religious reformer and warrior-missionary. From the Sudan he made the -pilgrimage to Mecca, whence he returned full of zeal and enthusiasm for -the reformation and propagation of Islam. Influenced by the doctrines -of the Wahhābīs, who were growing powerful at the time of his visit to -Mecca, he denounced the practice of prayers for the dead and the honour -paid to departed saints, and deprecated the excessive veneration of -Muḥammad himself; at the same time he attacked the two prevailing sins -of the Sudan, drunkenness and immorality. - -Up to that time the Fulbe had consisted of a number of small scattered -clans living a pastoral life; they had early embraced Islam, and -hitherto had contented themselves with forming colonies of shepherds -and planters in different parts of the Sudan. The accounts we have of -them in the early part of the eighteenth century, represent them to be -a peaceful and industrious people; one [1064] who visited their -settlements on the Gambia in 1731 speaks of them thus: “In every -kingdom and country on each side of the river are people of a tawny -colour, called Pholeys (i.e. Fulbe), who resemble the Arabs, whose -language most of them speak; for it is taught in their schools, and the -Koran, which is also their law, is in that language. They are more -generally learned in the Arabic, than the people of Europe are in -Latin; for they can most of them speak it; though they have a vulgar -tongue called Pholey. They live in hordes or clans, build towns, and -are not subject to any of the kings of the country, tho’ they live in -their territories; for if they are used ill in one nation they break up -their towns and remove to another. They have chiefs of their own, who -rule with such moderation, that every act of government seems rather an -act of the people than of one man. This form of government is easily -administered, because the people are of a good and quiet disposition, -and so well instructed in what is just and right, that a man who does -ill is the abomination of all.... They are very industrious and frugal, -and raise much more corn and cotton than they consume, which they sell -at reasonable rates, and are so remarkable for their hospitality that -the natives esteem it a blessing to have a Pholey town in their -neighbourhood; besides, their behaviour has gained them such reputation -that it is esteemed infamous for any one to treat them in an -inhospitable manner. Though their humanity extends to all, they are -doubly kind to people of their own race; and if they know of any of -their body being made a slave, all the Pholeys will unite to redeem -him. As they have plenty of food they never suffer any of their own -people to want; but support the old, the blind, and the lame, equally -with the others. They are seldom angry, and I never heard them abuse -one another; yet this mildness does not proceed from want of courage, -for they are as brave as any people of Africa, and are very expert in -the use of their arms, which are the assagay, short cutlasses, bows and -arrows and even guns upon occasion.... They are strict Mahometans; and -scarcely any of them will drink brandy, or anything stronger than -water.” - -Danfodio united into one powerful organisation these separate -communities, scattered throughout the various Hausa states. The first -outbreak occurred in the year 1802, in the still pagan kingdom of -Gober, which had gained ascendancy over the northernmost of the Hausa -states; the attempt of the king of Gober to check the growing power of -the Fulbe in his dominions caused Danfodio to raise the standard of -revolt; he soon found himself at the head of a powerful army, which -attacked not only the pagan tribes, forcing upon them the faith of the -Prophet, but also the Muhammadan Hausa states. These fell one after -another and the whole of Hausaland came under the rule of Danfodio -before his death in 1816. His grave in Sokoto is still an object of -reverence to large numbers of pilgrims. He divided his kingdom among -his two sons, who still further extended the boundary of Fulbe rule; -Adamaua, founded in 1837 on the ruins of several pagan kingdoms, marks -the limit of their conquests to the south-east; and the city of Ilorin, -in the Yoruba country, founded in the lifetime of Danfodio, was the -bulwark of the Pul empire to the south-west. With varying fortunes the -dominant power remained throughout the nineteenth century in the hands -of the Fulbe, who showed themselves cruel and fanatical propagandists -of Islam, until British administration was established in Nigeria in -1900. - -The introduction of law and order into Southern Nigeria has favoured -the propaganda of Islam as in other parts of Africa that have come -under European rule. The Hausa Muslims, some of whom belong to the -Tijāniyyah order, have been able to move freely about the country and -to penetrate among pagan tribes which had hitherto kept all Muhammadan -influences rigidly at bay. In the Yoruba country particularly Islam is -said to be rapidly gaining ground. There is a legend of an unsuccessful -attempt made by a Muslim missionary as early as the eleventh or twelfth -century; he was a Hausa who came to Ife, the religious capital of the -pagan Yoruba country, and used to call the people together and read -them passages from the Qurʼān; he could only speak the Yoruba language -imperfectly, and with a foreign accent he would repeat to his -listeners, “Let us worship Allāh: He created the mountain, He created -the lowland, He created everything, He created us.” He did this from -time to time without succeeding in winning a single convert, and died a -few months after his arrival in Ife. After his death his Qurʼān was -found hanging on a peg in the wall of his room, and it came to be -worshipped as a fetish. [1065] Where this early apostle of the faith -failed, his modern co-religionists have achieved a remarkable success. -During the period of anarchy before the British occupation, the Muslims -were for the most part congregated in large, walled towns, but under -the new conditions of security they are able to reside permanently in -villages, and near the scenes of their agricultural labours, and -Muhammadan influences have thus become more widely extended over the -country. As in German East Africa, the presence of Muhammadans among -the native troops has been found to be favourable to the extension of -their faith, and the pagan recruits often adopt Islam in order to -escape ridicule and gain in self-respect. [1066] In the Ijebu country -also, in Southern Nigeria, a quite recent propagandist movement has -been observed; Islam was only introduced into this part of the country -in 1893, and in 1908 there was one town with twenty, and another with -twelve mosques. [1067] This rapid spread of the Muslim faith is -particularly noticeable along the banks of the river Niger in Southern -Nigeria; a Christian missionary reports: “When I came out in 1898 there -were few Mohammedans to be seen below Iddah. [1068] Now they are -everywhere, excepting below Abo, and at the present rate of progress -there will scarcely be a heathen village on the river-banks by 1910.” -[1069] - -There has thus been much missionary work done for Islam in this part of -Africa by men who have never taken up the sword to further their -end,—the conversion of the heathen. Such have been the members of some -of the great Muhammadan religious orders, which form such a prominent -feature of the religious life of Northern Africa. Their efforts have -achieved great results during the nineteenth century, and though -doubtless much of their work has never been recorded, still we have -accounts of some of the movements initiated by them. - -Of these one of the earliest owed its inception to Sī Aḥmad b. Idrīs, -[1070] who enjoyed a wide reputation as a religious teacher in Mecca -from 1797 to 1833, and was the spiritual chief of the Khaḍriyyah; -before his death in 1835 he sent one of his disciples, by name Muḥammad -ʻUthmān al-Amīr Ghanī, on a proselytising expedition into Africa. -Crossing the Red Sea to Kossayr, he made his way inland to the Nile; -here, among a Muslim population, his efforts were mainly confined to -enrolling members of the order to which he belonged, but in his journey -up the river he did not meet with much success until he reached Aṣwān; -from this point up to Dongola, his journey became quite a triumphant -progress; the Nubians hastened to join his order, and the royal pomp -with which he was surrounded produced an impressive effect on this -people, and at the same time the fame of his miracles attracted to him -large numbers of followers. At Dongola Muḥammad ʻUthmān left the valley -of the Nile to go to Kordofan, where he made a long stay, and it was -here that his missionary work among unbelievers began. Many tribes in -this country and about Sennaar were still pagan, and among these the -preaching of Muḥammad ʻUthmān achieved a very remarkable success, and -he sought to make his influence permanent by contracting several -marriages, the issue of which, after his death in 1853, carried on the -work of the order he founded—called after his name the Amīrghaniyyah. -[1071] - -A few years before this missionary tour of Muḥammad ʻUthmān, the troops -of Muḥammad ʻAlī, the founder of the present dynasty of Egypt, had -begun to extend their conquests into the Eastern Sudan, and the -emissaries of the various religious orders in Egypt were encouraged by -the Egyptian government, in the hope that their labours would assist in -the pacification of the country, to carry on a propaganda in this -newly-acquired territory, where they laboured with so much success, -that the recent insurrection in the Sudan under the Mahdī has been -attributed to the religious fervour their preaching excited. [1072] - -In the West of Africa two orders have been especially instrumental in -the spread of Islam, the Qādiriyyah and the Tijāniyyah. The former, the -most widespread of the religious orders of Islam, was founded in the -twelfth century by ʻAbd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī, said to be the most popular -and most universally revered of all the saints of Islam, [1073]—and was -introduced into Western Africa in the fifteenth century, by emigrants -from Tuat, one of the oases in the western half of the Sahara; they -made Walata the first centre of their organisation, but later on their -descendants were driven away from this town, and took refuge in -Timbuktu, further to the east. In the beginning of the nineteenth -century the great spiritual revival that was so profoundly influencing -the Muhammadan world, stirred up the Qādiriyyah of the Sahara and the -Western Sudan to renewed life and energy, and before long, learned -theologians or small colonies of persons affiliated to the order were -to be found scattered throughout the Western Sudan from the Senegal to -the mouth of the Niger. The chief centres of their missionary -organisation are in Kanka, Timbo (Futah-Jallon) and Musardu (in the -Mandingo country). [1074] These initiates formed centres of Islamic -influence in the midst of a pagan population, among whom they received -a welcome as public scribes, legists, writers of amulets, and -schoolmasters: gradually they would acquire influence over their new -surroundings, and isolated cases of conversion would soon grow into a -little band of converts, the most promising of whom would often be sent -to complete their studies at the chief centres of the order, or even to -the schools of Kairwan or Tripoli, or to the universities of Fez and -al-Azhar in Cairo. [1075] Here they might remain for several years, -until they had perfected their theological studies, and would then -return to their native place, fully equipped for the work of spreading -the faith among their fellow-countrymen. In this way a leaven has been -introduced into the midst of fetish-worshippers and idolaters, which -has gradually spread the faith of Islam surely and steadily, though by -almost imperceptible degrees. Up to the middle of the nineteenth -century most of the schools in the Sudan were founded and conducted by -teachers trained under the auspices of the Qādiriyyah and their -organisation provided for a regular and continuous system of propaganda -among the heathen tribes. The missionary work of this order has been -entirely of a peaceful character, and has relied wholly on personal -example and precept, on the influence of the teacher over his pupils, -and on the spread of education. [1076] In this way the Qādiriyyah -missionaries of the Sudan have shown themselves true to the principles -of their founder and the universal tradition of their order. For the -guiding principles that governed the life of ʻAbd al-Qādir were love of -his neighbour and toleration: though kings and men of wealth showered -their gifts upon him, his boundless charity kept him always poor, and -in none of his books or precepts are to be found any expressions of -ill-will or enmity towards the Christians; whenever he spoke of the -people of the Book, it was only to express his sorrow for their -religious errors, and to pray that God might enlighten them. This -tolerant attitude he bequeathed as a legacy to his disciples, and it -has been a striking characteristic of his followers in all ages. [1077] - -The Tijāniyyah, belonging to an order founded in Algiers towards the -end of the eighteenth century, have, since their establishment in the -Sudan about the middle of the nineteenth century, pursued the same -missionary methods as the Qādiriyyah, and their numerous schools have -contributed largely to the propagation of the faith; but, unlike the -former, they have not refrained from appealing to the sword to assist -in the furtherance of their scheme of conversion, and, unfortunately -for a true estimate of the missionary work of Islam in Western Africa, -the fame of their Jihāds or religious wars has thrown into the shade -the successes of the peaceful propagandist, though the labours of the -latter have been more effectual towards the spread of Islam than the -creation of petty, short-lived dynasties. The records of campaigns, -especially when they have interfered with the commercial projects or -schemes of conquest of the white men, have naturally attracted the -attention of Europeans more than the unobtrusive labours of the -Muhammadan preacher and schoolmaster. But the history of such movements -possesses this importance, that—as has often happened in the case of -Christian missions also—conquest has opened out new fields for -missionary activity, and forcibly impressed on the minds of the -faithful the existence of large tracts of country whose inhabitants -still remained unconverted. - -The first of these militant propagandist movements on the part of the -members of the Tijāniyyah order owes its inception to al-Ḥājj ʻUmar, -who had been initiated into this order by a leader of the sect whose -acquaintance he made in Mecca. He was born in 1797, near Podor on the -Lower Senegal, and appears to have been a man of considerable -endowments and personal influence, and of a commanding presence. He was -the son of a marabout and received a careful religious education; he -was already famed for his learning and piety when he set out on the -pilgrimage to Mecca in 1827. He did not return to his own country until -1833, when he commenced an active propaganda of the teaching of the -Tijāniyyah order, fiercely attacking his co-religionists for their -ignorance and their lukewarmness, especially the adepts of the -Qādiriyyah order, whose toleration particularly excited his wrath. He -traversed the Central Sudan, winning many adherents and receiving -honour as a new prophet, until about 1841 he reached Futah-Jallon, -where he armed his followers and commenced a series of proselytising -expeditions against those tribes that still remained pagan about the -Upper Niger and the Senegal. It was in one of these expeditions that he -met his death in 1865. His son, Aḥmadu Shaykhu, succeeded in holding -together the various provinces of his father’s kingdom for a few years -only; internal conflicts and the advance of the French broke up the -Tijāniyyah empire, and their territories passed under the rule of -France. [1078] - -Some mention has already been made of the introduction of Islam into -this part of Africa. The seed planted here by ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn and -his companions, was fructified by continual contact with Muhammadan -merchants and teachers, and with the Arabs of the oasis of al-Ḥawḍ and -others. A traveller of the fifteenth century tells how the Arabs strove -to teach the Negro chiefs the law of Muḥammad, pointing out how -shameful a thing it was for them, being chiefs, to live without any of -God’s laws, and to do as the base folk did who lived without any law at -all. From which it would appear that these early missionaries took -advantage of the imposing character of the Muslim religion and -constitution to impress the minds of these uncivilised savages. [1079] - -We have ampler details of a more recent movement of the same kind, -which had been set on foot in the south of Senegambia by a Mandingo, -named Ṣamudu, commonly known by the name Samory, a pagan soldier of -fortune born about 1846, who became a Muhammadan early in the course of -his career and founded an empire, south of Senegambia, in the country -watered by the upper basin of the Niger and its tributaries. An Arabic -account of the career of Samory, written by a native chronicler, gives -us some interesting details of his achievements. It begins as follows: -“This is an account of the Jihād of the Imām Aḥmadu Ṣamudu, a -Mandingo.... God conferred upon him His help continually after he began -the work of visiting the idolatrous pagans, who dwell between the sea -and the country of Wasulu, with a view of inviting them to follow the -religion of God, which is Islam. Know all ye who read this—that the -first effort of the Imām Ṣamudu was a town named Fulindiyah. Following -the Book and the Law and the Traditions, he sent messengers to the king -at that town, Sindidu by name, inviting him to submit to his -government, abandon the worship of idols and worship one God, the -Exalted, the True, whose service is profitable to His people in this -world and in the next; but they refused to submit. Then he imposed a -tribute upon them, as the Qurʼān commands on this subject; but they -persisted in their blindness and deafness. The Imām then collected a -small force of about five hundred men, brave and valiant, for the -Jihād, and he fought against the town, and the Lord helped him against -them and gave him the victory over them, and he pursued them with his -horses until they submitted. Nor will they return to their idolatry, -for now all their children are in schools being taught the Qurʼān, and -a knowledge of religion and civilisation. Praise be to God for this.” -[1080] It is not possible here to trace the course of his conquests, -which were marked by wholesale massacres and devastation. [1081] He -reached the height of his power about 1881, shortly after which he came -in conflict with the French, who took him prisoner in 1898 after a -series of harassing campaigns. He died in 1900. Though the effect of -his conquests was the destruction of large numbers of pagans who were -massacred by his ruthless armies, while others were terrified into a -nominal acceptance of Islam, he does not appear to have put before him -the same distinctly religious aim as al-Ḥājj ʻUmar did. [1082] He left -to the Qādiriyyah marabouts the task of propaganda, and they with their -accustomed traditions of toleration are said to have done much to -mitigate the savagery of his proceedings. [1083] They opened schools in -the conquered towns, established there the organisation of their order, -and both instructed the new converts and sought to win fresh ones. - -With regard to these militant movements of Muhammadan propagandism, it -is important to notice that it is not the military successes and -territorial conquests that have most contributed to the progress of -Islam in these parts; for it has been pointed out that, outside the -limits of those fragments of the empire of al-Ḥājj ʻUmar that have -definitively remained in the hands of his successors, the forced -conversions that he made have quickly been forgotten, and in spite of -the momentary grandeur of his successes and the enthusiasm of his -armies, very few traces remain of this armed propaganda. [1084] The -real importance of these movements in the missionary history of Islam -in Western Africa is the religious enthusiasm they stirred up, which -exhibited itself in a widespread missionary activity of a purely -peaceful character among the heathen populations. These Jihāds, rightly -looked upon, are but incidents in the modern Islamic revival and are by -no means characteristic of the forces and activities that have been -really operative in the promulgation of Islam in Africa: indeed, unless -followed up by distinctly missionary efforts they would have proved -almost wholly ineffectual in the creation of a true Muslim community. -In fact, the devastating wars and cruel violence of conquerors such as -al-Ḥājj ʻUmar and Samory and especially the emissaries of the -Tijāniyyah have caused the faith of Islam to be bitterly hated by the -pagan tribes of the Sudan in the countries watered by the Senegal and -the Niger. Hostility to the Muslim faith has almost assumed with them -the form of a national movement, but still this Muhammadan propaganda -has spread the faith of the Prophet in many parts of Guinea and -Senegambia, to which the Fulbe [1085] and merchants from the Hausa -country in their frequent trading expeditions have brought the -knowledge of their religion, and have succeeded during the last and the -present century in winning large numbers of converts. Especially -noteworthy is the activity of those Qādiriyyah preachers and Muslim -traders who have won fresh converts to their faith since the French -occupation has brought peace to the country; this peaceful penetration -has been facilitated in the French Sudan, as in other parts of Africa -that have recently come under the sway of European powers, by the -consideration shown by French officials to the educated classes, who -are of course all Muhammadans, and by the open contempt with which the -degraded habits and superstitions of the pagan fetish-worshippers are -regarded. [1086] - -But the proselytising work of the order that is now to be described has -never in any way been connected with violence or war and has employed -in the service of religion only the arts of peace and persuasion. In -1837 a religious society was founded by an Algerian jurisconsult, named -Sīdī Muḥammad b. ʻAlī al-Sanūsī, with the object of reforming Islam and -spreading the faith; before his death in 1859, he had succeeded in -establishing, by the sheer force of his genius and without the shedding -of blood, a theocratic state, to which his followers render devoted -allegiance and the limits of which are every day being extended by his -successors. [1087] The members of this sect are bound by rigid rules to -carry out to the full the precepts of the Qurʼān in accordance with the -most strictly monotheistic principles, whereby worship is to be given -to God alone, and prayers to saints and pilgrimages to their tombs are -absolutely interdicted. They must abstain from coffee and tobacco, -avoid all intercourse with Jews or Christians, contribute a certain -portion of their income to the funds of the society, if they do not -give themselves up entirely to its service, and devote all their -energies to the advancement of Islam, resisting at the same time any -concessions to European influences. This sect is spread over the whole -of North Africa, having religious houses scattered about the country -from Egypt to Morocco, and far into the interior, in the oases of the -Sahara and the Sudan. The centre of its organisation was in the oasis -of Jaghabūb [1088] in the Libyan desert between Egypt and Tripoli, -where every year hundreds of missionaries were trained and sent out as -preachers of Islam to all parts of northern Africa. It is to the -religious house in this village that all the branch establishments -(said to be 121 in number) looked for counsel and instruction in all -matters concerning the management and extension of this vast theocracy, -which embraced in a marvellous organisation thousands of persons of -numerous races and nations, otherwise separated from one another by -vast differences of geographical situation and worldly interests. For -the success that has been achieved by the zealous and energetic -emissaries of this association is enormous; convents of the order are -to be found not only all over the north of Africa from Egypt to -Morocco, throughout the Sudan, in Senegambia and Somaliland, but -members of the order are to be found also in Arabia, Mesopotamia and -the islands of the Malay Archipelago. [1089] Though primarily a -movement of reform in the midst of Islam itself, the Sanūsiyyah sect is -also actively proselytising, and several African tribes that were -previously pagan or merely nominally Muslim, have since the advent of -the emissaries of this sect in their midst, become zealous adherents of -the faith of the Prophet. Thus, for example, the Sanūsī missionaries -laboured to convert that portion of the Baele (a tribe inhabiting the -hill country of Ennedi, E. of Borku) which was still heathen, and -communicated their own religious zeal to such other sections of the -tribe as had only a very superficial knowledge of Islam, and were -Muhammadan only in name; [1090] the Tedas of Tu or Tibesti, in the -Sahara, S. of Fezzan, who were likewise Muhammadans only in name when -the Sanūsiyyah came among them, also bear witness to the success of -their efforts. [1091] The missionaries of this sect also carry on an -active propaganda in the Galla country and fresh workers are sent -thither every year from Harar, where the Sanūsiyyah are very strong and -include among their numbers all the chiefs in the court of the Amīr -almost without exception. [1092] In the furtherance of their -proselytising efforts these missionaries open schools, form settlements -in the oases of the desert, and—noticeably in the case of the -Wadai—they have gained large accessions to their numbers by the -purchase of slaves, who have been educated at Jaghabūb and when deemed -sufficiently well instructed in the tenets of the sect, enfranchised -and then sent back to their native country to convert their brethren. -[1093] It would appear, however, that the influence of this order is -now on the decline. [1094] - -Slight as these records are of the missionary labours of the Muslims -among the pagan tribes of the Sudan, they are of importance in view of -the general dearth of information regarding the spread of Islam in this -part of Africa. But while documentary evidence is wanting, the -Muhammadan communities dwelling in the midst of fetish-worshippers and -idolaters, as representatives of a higher faith and civilisation, are a -living testimony to the proselytising labours of the Muhammadan -missionaries, and (especially on the south-western borderland of -Islamic influence) present a striking contrast to the pagan tribes -demoralised by the European gin traffic. This contrast has been well -indicated by a modern traveller, [1095] in speaking of the degraded -condition of the tribes of the Lower Niger: “In steaming up the river -(i.e. the Niger), I saw little in the first 200 miles to alter my -views, for there luxuriated in congenial union fetishism, cannibalism -and the gin trade. But as I left behind me the low-lying coast region, -and found myself near the southern boundary of what is called the -Central Sudan, I observed an ever-increasing improvement in the -appearance of the character of the native; cannibalism disappeared, -fetishism followed in its wake, the gin trade largely disappeared, -while on the other hand, clothes became more voluminous and decent, -cleanliness the rule, while their outward more dignified bearing still -further betokened a moral regeneration. Everything indicated a -leavening of some higher element, an element that was clearly taking a -deep hold on the negro nature and making him a new man. That element -you will perhaps be surprised to learn is Mahommedanism. On passing -Lokoja at the confluence of the Benué with the Niger, I left behind me -the missionary outposts of Islam, and entering the Central Sudan, I -found myself in a comparatively well-governed empire, teeming with a -busy populace of keen traders, expert manufacturers of cloth, brass -work and leather; a people, in fact, who have made enormous advances -towards civilisation.” - -In order to form a just estimate of the missionary activity of Islam in -Nigritia, it must be borne in mind that, while on the coast and along -the southern boundary of the sphere of Islamic influence, the -Muhammadan missionary is the pioneer of his religion, there is still -left behind him a vast field for Muslim propaganda in the inland -countries that stretch away to the north and the east, though it is -long since Islam took firm root in this soil. Some sections of the -Fūnj, the predominant Negro race of Sennaar, are partly Muhammadan and -partly heathen, and Muhammadan merchants from Nubia are attempting the -conversion of the latter. [1096] - -The pagan tribe of the Jukun, [1097] whose once powerful kingdom -disappeared before the victorious development of the Fulbe, has -withstood the advancing influence of Muhammadanism, though the foreign -minister of their king has always been a Muslim and colonies of Hausas -and other Muhammadans have settled among them; but these Muslim -settlers do not succeed in making any converts from among the Jukun, -whose traditions of their past greatness make them cling to the -national faith whose spiritual headship is vested in their king. [1098] - -It would be easy also to enumerate many sections of the population of -the Sudan and Senegambia, that still retain their heathen habits and -beliefs, or cover these only with a slight veneer of Muhammadan -observance even though they have been (in most cases) surrounded for -centuries by the followers of the Prophet. The Konnohs, an offshoot of -the great tribe of the Mandingos, are still largely pagan, and it is -only in recent years that Islam has been making progress among them. -[1099] Consequently, the remarkable zeal for missionary work that has -displayed itself among the Muhammadans of these parts during the -present century, has not far to go in order to find abundant scope for -its activity. Hence the importance, in the missionary history of Islam -in this continent, of the movements of reform in the Muslim religion -itself and the revivals of religious life, to which attention has been -drawn above. - -The West Coast is another field for Muhammadan missionary enterprise -where Islam finds itself confronted with a vast population still -unconverted, in spite of the progress it has made on the Guinea Coast, -in Sierra Leone and Liberia, in which last there are more Muhammadans -than heathen. One of the earliest notices of Muslim missionary activity -in the neighbourhood of Sierra Leone is to be found in a petition for -the dissolution of the Sierra Leone Company, ordered to be printed by -the House of Commons, on the 25th May, 1802. “Not more than seventy -years ago, a small number of Mahomedans established themselves in a -country about forty miles to the northward of Sierra Leone, called from -them the Mandingo Country. As is the practice of the professors of that -religion they formed schools, in which the Arabic language and the -doctrines of Mahomet were taught, and the customs of Mahomedans, -particularly that of not selling any of their own religion as slaves, -were adopted. Laws founded on the Koran were introduced. Those -practices which chiefly contribute to depopulate the coast were -eradicated, and in spite of many intestine convulsions, a great -comparative degree of civilisation, union and security were introduced. -Population, in consequence, rapidly increased and the whole power of -that part of the country in which they are settled has gradually fallen -into their hands. Those who have been taught in their schools are -succeeding to wealth and power in the neighbouring countries, and carry -with them a considerable portion of their religion and laws. Other -chiefs are adopting the name assumed by these Mahomedans, on account of -the respect which attends it; and the religion of Islam seems likely to -diffuse itself peaceably over the whole district in which the colony is -situated, carrying with it those advantages which seem ever to have -attended its victory over Negro superstition.” [1100] In the Mendi -country, about one hundred miles south of Sierra Leone, Islam appears -to have found an entrance only in the present century, but to be now -making steady progress. “The propagandism is not conducted by any -special order of priests set apart for the purpose, but every Musalman -is an active missionary. Some half a dozen of them, more or less, -meeting in a town, where they intend to reside for any length of time, -soon run up a mosque and begin work. They first approach the chief of -the town and obtain his consent to their intended act, and perhaps his -promise to become an adherent. They teach him their prayers in Arabic, -or as much as he can, or cares to, commit to memory. They put him -through the forms and ceremonies used in praying, forbid him the use of -alcoholic beverages—a restriction as often observed as not—and lo! the -man is a convert.” [1101] On the Guinea Coast, Muslim influences are -spread chiefly by Hausa traders who are to be found in all the -commercial towns on this coast; whenever they form a settlement, they -at once build a mosque and by their devout behaviour, and their -superior culture, they impress the heathen inhabitants; whole tribes of -fetish-worshippers pass over to Islam as the result of their imitation -of what they recognise to be a higher civilisation than their own, -without any particular efforts being necessary for persuading them. -[1102] - -In Ashanti there was a nucleus of a Muhammadan population to be found -as early as 1750 and the missionaries of Islam have laboured there ever -since with slow but sure success, [1103] as they find a ready welcome -in the country and have gained for themselves considerable influence at -the court; by means of their schools they get a hold on the minds of -the younger generation, and there are said to be significant signs that -Islam will become the predominant religion in Ashanti, as already many -of the chiefs have adopted it. [1104] In Dahomey and the Gold Coast, -Islam is daily making fresh progress, and even when the heathen -chieftains do not themselves embrace it, they very frequently allow -themselves to come under the influence of its missionaries, who know -how to take advantage of this ascendancy in their labours among the -common people. [1105] Dahomey and Ashanti are the most important -kingdoms in this part of the continent that are still subject to pagan -rulers, and their conversion is said to be a question of a short time -only. [1106] In Lagos there are well-nigh 10,000 Muslims, and all the -trading stations of the West Coast include in their populations numbers -of Musalmans belonging to the superior Negro tribes, such as the Fulbe, -the Mandingos and the Hausa. When these men come down to the cities of -the coast, as they do in considerable numbers, either as traders or to -serve as troops in the armies of the European powers, they cannot fail -to impress by their bold and independent bearing the Negro of the -coast-land; he sees that the believers in the Qurʼān are everywhere -respected by European governors, officials and merchants; they are not -so far removed from him in race, appearance, dress or manners as to -make admission into their brotherhood impossible to him, and to him too -is offered a share in their privileges on condition of conversion to -their faith. [1107] As soon as the pagan Negro, however obscure or -degraded, shows himself willing to accept the teachings of the Prophet, -he is at once admitted as an equal into their society, and admission -into the brotherhood of Islam is not a privilege grudgingly granted, -but one freely offered by zealous and eager proselytisers. For, from -the mouth of the Senegal to Lagos, over two thousand miles, there is -said to be hardly any town of importance on the seaboard in which there -is not at least one mosque, with active propagandists of Islam, often -working side by side with the teachers of Christianity. [1108] - -We must now turn to the history of the spread of Islam on the other -side of the continent of Africa, the inhabitants of which were in -closer proximity to the land where this faith had its birth. The facts -recorded respecting the early settlements of the Arabs on the East -Coast are very meagre; according to an Arabic chronicle which the -Portuguese found in Kiloa [1109] when that town was sacked by Don -Francisco d’Almeïda in 1505, the first settlers were a body of Arabs -who were driven into exile because they followed the heretical -teachings of a certain Zayd, [1110] a descendant of the Prophet, after -whom they were called Emozaydij (probably أمّة زيديّة or people of -Zayd). The Zayd here referred to is probably Zayd b. ʻAlī, a grandson -of Ḥusayn and so great-grandson of ʻAlī, the nephew of Muḥammad: in the -reign of the caliph Hishām he claimed to be the Imām Mahdī and stirred -up a revolt among the Shīʻah faction, but was defeated and put to death -in A.H. 122 (A.D. 740). [1111] - -They seem to have lived in considerable dread of the original pagan -inhabitants of the country, but succeeded gradually in extending their -settlements along the coast, until the arrival of another band of -fugitives who came from the Arabian side of the Persian Gulf, not far -from the island of Baḥrayn. These came in three ships under the -leadership of seven brothers, in order to escape from the persecution -of the king of Lasah, [1112] a city hard by the dwelling-place of their -tribe. The first town they built was Magadaxo, [1113] which afterwards -rose to such power as to assume lordship over all the Arabs of the -coast. But the original settlers, the Emozaydij, belonging as they did -to a different Muhammadan sect, being Shīʻahs, while the new-comers -were Sunnīs, were unwilling to submit to the authority of the rulers of -Magadaxo, and retired into the interior, where they became merged into -the native population, intermarrying with them and adopting their -manners and customs. [1114] - -Magadaxo was founded about the middle of the tenth century and remained -the most powerful city on this coast for more than seventy years, when -the arrival of another expedition from the Persian Gulf led to the -establishment of a rival settlement further south. The leader of this -expedition was named ʻAlī, one of the seven sons of a certain Sultan -Ḥasan of Shiraz: because his mother was an Abyssinian, he was looked -down upon with contempt by his brothers, whose cruel treatment of him -after the death of their father, determined him to leave his native -land and seek a home elsewhere. Accordingly, with his wife and children -and a small body of followers, he set sail from the island of Ormuz, -and avoiding Magadaxo, whose inhabitants belonged to a different sect, -and having heard that gold was to be found on the Zanzibar coast, he -pushed on to the south and founded the city of Kiloa, where he could -maintain a position of independence and be free from the interference -of his predecessors further north. [1115] - -In this way a number of Arab towns sprang up along the east coast from -the Gulf of Aden to the Tropic of Capricorn, on the fringe of what was -called by the mediæval Arab geographers the country of the Zanj. -Whatever efforts may have been made by the Muhammadan settlers to -convert the Zanj, no record of them seems to have survived. There is a -curious story preserved in an old collection of travels written -probably in the early part of the tenth century, which represents Islam -as having been introduced among one of these tribes by the king of it -himself. An Arab trading vessel was driven out of its course by a -tempest in the year A.D. 922 and carried to the country of the -man-eating Zanj, where the crew expected certain death. On the -contrary, the king of the place received them kindly and entertained -them hospitably for several months, while they disposed of their -merchandise on advantageous terms; but the merchants repaid his -kindness with foul treachery, by seizing him and his attendants when -they came on board to bid them farewell, and then carrying them off as -slaves to Omam. Some years later the same merchants were driven by a -storm to the same port, where they were recognised by the natives who -surrounded them in their canoes; giving themselves up for lost this -time, they repeated for one another the prayers for the dead. They were -taken before the king, whom they discovered to their surprise and -confusion to be the same they had so shamefully treated some years -before. Instead, however, of taking vengeance upon them for their -treacherous conduct, he spared their lives and allowed them to sell -their goods, but rejected with scorn the rich presents they offered. -Before they left, one of the party ventured to ask the king to tell the -story of his escape. He described how he had been taken as a slave to -Baṣrah and thence to Baghdād, where he was converted to Islam and -instructed in the faith; escaping from his master, he joined a caravan -of pilgrims going to Mecca, and after performing the prescribed rites, -reached Cairo and made his way up the Nile in the direction of his own -country, which he reached at length after encountering many dangers and -having been more than once enslaved. Restored once again to his -kingdom, he taught his people the faith of Islam; “and now I rejoice in -that God hath given to me and to my people the knowledge of Islam and -the true faith; to no other in the land of the Zanj hath this grace -been vouchsafed; and it is because you have been the cause of my -conversion, that I pardon you. Tell the Muslims that they may come to -our country, and that we—Muslims like themselves—will treat them as -brothers.” [1116] - -From the same source we learn that even at this early period, this -coast-land was frequented by large numbers of Arab traders, yet in -spite of centuries of intercourse with the followers of Islam, the -original inhabitants of this coast (with the exception of the Somalis) -have been remarkably little influenced by this religion. Even before -the Portuguese conquests of the sixteenth century, what few conversions -had been made, seem to have been wholly confined to the sea-border, and -even after the decline of Portuguese influence in this part of the -world, and the restoration of Arab rule under the Sayyids of Omam, -hardly any efforts were made until the twentieth century to spread the -knowledge of Islam among the tribes of the interior, with the exception -of the Galla and Somali. As a modern traveller has said: “During the -three expeditions which I conducted in East Central Africa I saw -nothing to suggest Mohammedanism as a civilising power. Whatever living -force might be in the religion remained latent. The Arabs, or their -descendants, in these parts were not propagandists. There were no -missionaries to preach Islam, and the natives of Muscat were content -that their slaves should conform, to a certain extent, to the forms of -the religion. They left the East African tribes, who indeed, in their -gross darkness, were evidently content to remain in happy ignorance. -Their inaptitude for civilisation was strikingly shown in the strange -fact that five hundred years of contact with semi-civilised people had -left them without the faintest reflection of the higher traits which -characterised their neighbours—not a single good seed during all these -years had struck root and flourished.” [1117] Given up wholly to the -pursuits of commerce or to slave-hunting, the Arabs in Eastern Africa -exhibited a lukewarmness in promoting the interests of their faith, -which is in striking contrast to the missionary zeal displayed by their -co-religionists in other parts of Africa. - -A notable exception is the propagandist activity of the Arab traders -who were admitted into Uganda in the first half of the nineteenth -century; they probably recognised that the sturdy independence of the -Baganda made slave-raiding among them impossible, so they sought to -gain their confidence by winning them over to their own faith. Many of -the Baganda became Muhammadans during the reign of King Mutesa, but -Stanley’s visit to this monarch in 1875 led to the introduction of -Christian missions in the following year, and the power of the -Muhammadans in the state declined with the rapid increase in the -numbers of the Christian converts and the establishment of a British -Protectorate. [1118] But a number of Muhammadans still hold important -positions in Uganda, and it is stated that there is a possibility of -the Eastern Province becoming Muslim. In the rich tributary country of -Busoga, to the north of Uganda, a large number of those in authority -were said, in 1906, to be Muhammadans. [1119] But with this exception -Islam in East Equatorial Africa was up to the latter part of the -nineteenth century confined to the coast-lands and the immediately -adjoining country. The explanation would appear to be that it was not -to the interests of the slave-dealers to spread Islam among the heathen -tribes from among whom they obtained their unhappy victims; for, once -converted to Islam, the native tribes would enter into the brotherhood -of the faith and could not be raided and carried off as slaves. [1120] - -The suppression of the slave-trade, with the extension of European rule -over East Equatorial Africa, was followed by a remarkable expansion of -Muslim missionary activity; peace and order were established in the -interior, railways and high roads were made, and the peaceful Muslim -trader could now make his way into districts hitherto closed to him. -The administration selected its officials from among the more -cultivated Muhammadan section of the population; thousands of posts -were created by the government of German East Africa and given to -Muhammadan officials, whose influence was used to bring over whole -villages to Islam. [1121] The teachers of the state schools were -likewise Muhammadans, and as early as the last decades of the -nineteenth century Swahili schoolmasters were observed to be carrying -on a lively and successful mission work among the people of Bondëi and -the Wadigo (who dwell a little inland from the coast) in German East -Africa. [1122] But it was in the beginning of the twentieth century, -especially after the suppression of the insurrection of 1905 in German -East Africa, that the activity of this new missionary movement became -strikingly noticeable in the interior. [1123] This movement of -expansion has especially followed the railroads and the great trade -routes, and has spread right across German East Africa to its western -boundary on Lake Tanganyika, northward from Usambara to the Kilimanjaro -district, and southward to Lake Nyasa. [1124] The workers in this -propaganda are merchants, especially Swahilis from the coast, soldiers -and government officials. [1125] The acceptance of Islam is looked upon -as a sign of an elevation to a higher civilisation and social status, -and the ridicule with which the pagans are regarded by the Muhammadans -is said often to be a determining factor in their conversion. [1126] An -instance of the operation of this feeling may be taken from West -Usambara, which was said in 1891 to be still closed to Islam; the -feeling of both chiefs and people was hostile to the Muhammadans, who -were hated and feared as slave-dealers; but when the days of the -slave-trade were over and an ordered administration was established, -the first native officials appointed were almost entirely Muhammadans; -they impressed upon the chiefs and other notables who came in touch -with them that it was the correct thing for those who moved in official -circles to be Muhammadans, and thereby achieved the conversion of some -of the greater chiefs, who afterwards exercised a similar influence on -chiefs of an inferior degree. [1127] There seems to be little evidence -of the activity of professional missionaries or of any of the religious -orders, but there are not wanting evidences of systematic efforts, such -as those of a Muslim teacher, who is reported to have regularly visited -a district in the Kilimanjaro country every week for five months, -preaching the faith of Islam; his ministrations were welcomed by the -people, whom he entertained with feasts of rice, etc. [1128] In this -zealous propaganda it is noticeable that the preachers of Islam do not -confine their attention to pagans only, but seek also to win converts -from among the native Christians. [1129] - -Islam made its way into Nyasaland also from the East Coast, having been -introduced by the slave-raiding Arabs and their allies the Yaos, whose -ancestors came from near the East Coast where they had long since -accepted Islam. It is said that an Arab is now seldom seen in -Nyasaland, but the Yaos constitute one of the most powerful native -tribes in Nyasaland, and look upon Islam as their national faith. -Though there appears to be no organised propaganda, Islam has spread -very rapidly during the first decade of the twentieth century, and that -among some of the most intelligent tribes in the country. [1130] - -Islam has achieved a similar success among the Galla and the Somali. -Mention has already been made of the Galla settlements in Abyssinia; -these immigrants, who are divided into seven principal clans, with the -generic name of Wollo-Galla, were probably all heathen at the time of -their incursion into the country, [1131] and a large part of them -remain so to the present day. After settling in Abyssinia they soon -became naturalised there, and in many instances adopted the language, -manners and customs of the original inhabitants of the country. [1132] - -The story of their conversion is obscure: while some of them are said -to have been forcibly baptised into the Christian faith, the absence of -any political power in the hands of the Muhammadans precludes the -possibility of any converts to Islam having been made in a similar -fashion. In the eighteenth century, those in the south were said to be -mostly Muhammadans, those to the east and west chiefly pagans. [1133] -More recent information points to a further increase in the number of -the followers of the Prophet, and in 1867 Munzinger prophesied that in -a short time all the Galla tribes would be Muhammadan, [1134] and as -they were said to be “very fanatical,” we may presume that they were by -no means half-hearted or lukewarm in their adherence to this religion. -[1135] - -The Galla freedman whom Doughty met at Khaybar certainly exhibited a -remarkable degree of zeal for his own faith. He had been carried off -from his home when a child and sold as a slave in Jiddah; when Doughty -asked him whether no anger was left in his heart against those who had -stolen him and sold his life to servitude in the ends of the earth, -“Yet one thing,” he answered, “has recompensed me,—that I remained not -in ignorance with the heathen!—Oh, the wonderful providence of Ullah! -whereby I am come to this country of the Apostle, and to the knowledge -of the religion!” [1136] “Oh! what sweetness is there in believing! -Trust me, dear comrade, it is a thing above that which any heart may -speak; and would God thou wert come to this (heavenly) knowledge; but -the Lord will surely have a care of thee, that thou shouldst not perish -without the religion. Ay, how good a thing it were to see thee a -Moslem, and become one with us; but I know that the time is in God’s -hand: the Lord’s will be done.” [1137] - -Among the Galla tribes of the true Galla country, the population is -partly Muhammadan (some tribes having been converted about 1500) [1138] -and partly heathen, with the exception of those tribes immediately -bordering on Abyssinia who in the latter part of the nineteenth century -were forced by the king of that country to accept Christianity. [1139] -Among the mountains, the Muhammadans are in a minority, but on the -plains the missionaries of Islam have met with striking success, and -their teaching found a rapidly increasing acceptance during the last -century. Antonio Cecchi, who visited the petty kingdom of Limmu in -1878, gives an account of the conversion of Abba Baghibò, [1140] the -father of the then reigning chieftain, by Muhammadans who for some -years had been pushing their proselytising efforts in this country in -the guise of traders. His example was followed by the chiefs of the -neighbouring Galla kingdoms and by the officers of their courts; part -of the common people also were won over to the new faith, and it -continued to make progress among them, but the greater part cling -firmly to their ancient cult. [1141] These traders received a ready -welcome at the courts of the Galla chiefs, inasmuch as they found them -a market for the commercial products of the country and imported -objects of foreign manufacture in exchange. As they made their journeys -to the coast once a year only, or even once in two years, and lived all -the rest of the time in the Galla country, they had plenty of -opportunities, which they knew well how to avail themselves of, for the -work of propagating Islam, and wherever they set their foot they were -sure in a short space of time to gain a large number of proselytes. -[1142] Islam here came in conflict with Christian missionaries from -Europe, whose efforts, though winning for Christianity a few converts, -have been crowned with very little success, [1143]—even the converts of -Cardinal Massaja (after he was expelled from these parts) either -embraced Islam or ended by believing neither in Christ nor in Allāh, -[1144]—whereas the Muslim missionaries achieved a continuous success, -and pushed their way far to the south, and crossed the Wābi river. -[1145] The majority of the Galla tribes dwelling in the west of the -Galla country were still heathen towards the end of the nineteenth -century, but among the most westerly of them, viz. the Lega, [1146] the -old nature worship appeared to be on the decline and the growing -influence of the Muslim missionaries made it probable that within a few -years the Lega would all have entered into the pale of Islam. [1147] - -The North-East Africa of the present day presents indeed the spectacle -of a remarkably energetic and zealous missionary activity on the part -of the Muhammadans. Several hundreds of missionaries come from Arabia -every year, and they have been even more successful in their labours -among the Somali than among the Galla. [1148] The close proximity of -the Somali country to Arabia must have caused it very early to have -been the scene of Muhammadan missionary labours, but of these -unfortunately little record seems to have survived. The people of -Zaylaʻ were said by Ibn Ḥawqal [1149] in the second half of the ninth -century to be Christians, but in the first half of the fourteenth -century Abu’l-Fidā speaks of them as being Musalmans. [1150] The new -faith was probably brought across the sea by Arab merchants or -refugees. The Somalis of the north have a tradition of a certain Arab -of noble birth who, compelled to flee his own country, crossed the sea -to Adel, where he preached the faith of Islam among their forefathers. -[1151] In the fifteenth century a band of forty-four Arabs came as -missionaries from Ḥaḍramawt, landing at Berberah on the Red Sea, and -thence dispersed over the Somali country to preach Islam. One of them, -Shaykh Ibrāhīm Abū Zarbay, made his way to the city of Harar about A.D. -1430, and gained many converts there, and his tomb is still honoured in -that city. A hill near Berberah is still called the Mount of Saints in -memory of these missionaries, who are said to have sat there in solemn -conclave before scattering far and wide to the work of conversion. -[1152] Islam gradually became predominant throughout the whole of -North-East Africa, but the growing power of the Emperor Menelik and his -occupation of Harar in 1886 resulted in a certain number of conversions -to Christianity. [1153] - -In order to complete this survey of Islam in Africa, it remains only to -draw attention to the fact that this religion has also made its -entrance into the extreme south of this continent, viz. in Cape Colony. -These Muhammadans of the Cape are descendants of Malays, who were -brought here by the Dutch [1154] either in the seventeenth or -eighteenth century; [1155] they speak a corrupt form of the Boer -dialect, with a considerable admixture of Arabic, and some English and -Malay words. A curious little book published in this dialect and -written in Arabic characters was published in Constantinople in 1877 by -the Turkish minister of education, to serve as a handbook of the -principles of the Muslim faith. [1156] The thoroughly Dutch names that -some of them bear, and the type of face observable in many of them, -point to the probability that they have at some time received into -their community some persons of Dutch birth, or at least that they have -in their veins a considerable admixture of Dutch blood. They have also -gained some converts from among the Hottentots. Very little notice has -been taken of them by European travellers, [1157] or even by their -co-religionists until recently. In 1819 Colebrooke had drawn attention -to the growth of Islam in some interesting notes he wrote on the Cape -Colony: “Mohammedanism is said to be gaining ground among the slaves -and free people of colour at the Cape; that is to say, more converts -among negroes and blacks of every description are made from Paganism to -the Musleman, than to the Christian religion, notwithstanding the -zealous exertions of pious missionaries. One cause of this perversion -is asserted to be a marked disinclination of slave owners to allow -their slaves to be baptized; arising from some erroneous notions or -over-charged apprehensions of the rights which a baptized slave -acquires. Slaves are certainly impressed with the idea that such a -disinclination subsists, and it is not an unfrequent answer of a slave, -when asked his motives for turning Musleman, that ‘some religion he -must have, and he is not allowed to turn Christian.’ Prejudices in this -respect are wearing away; and less discouragement is now given to the -conversion of slaves than heretofore. Masters, it is affirmed, begin to -find that their slaves serve not the worse for instruction received in -religious duties. Missionaries who devote themselves especially to the -religious instruction of slaves (and there is one in each of the -principal towns) have increasing congregations, and hope that their -labours are not unfruitful. But the Musleman priest, with less -exertion, has a greater flock.” [1158] During the last fifty years the -Muhammadans in Cape Colony have been visited by some zealous -co-religionists from other countries, and more attention is now paid by -them to education, and a deeper religious life has been stirred up -among them, and they are said to carry on a zealous propaganda, -especially among the coloured people at the Cape and to achieve a -certain success. [1159] This proselytising movement is especially -strong in the western part of Cape Colony. It is said that there is a -movement on foot for the founding of a college at Claremont, in the -vicinity of Cape Town, which shall become a centre for the propagation -of Islam. One of the methods at present employed is the adoption of -neglected or abandoned children, who are brought up in the Muslim -faith. [1160] Every year some of them make the pilgrimage to Mecca, -where a special Shaykh has been appointed to look after them. [1161] -The Indian coolies that come to work in the diamond fields of South -Africa are also said to be propagandists of Islam. [1162] - -On account of its isolated position, 220 to 540 miles from the -mainland, the island of Madagascar calls for separate mention. The only -tribe that has adopted Islam is that of the Antaimorona, occupying a -part of the south-east coast; they undoubtedly owed their conversion to -missionaries from Arabia, but the date at which this change of faith -took place is entirely unknown; tradition would carry it back to the -very days of Muḥammad himself, but it is not until the sixteenth -century that we get, in the works of Italian and Portuguese -geographers, authentic mention of Muhammadans on the island. [1163] - -From the historical sketch given above it may be seen that peaceful -methods have largely characterised the Muhammadan missionary movement -in Africa, and though Islam has often taken the sword as an instrument -to further its spiritual conquests, such an appeal to violence and -bloodshed has in most cases been preceded by the peaceful efforts of -the missionary, and the preacher has followed the conqueror to complete -the imperfect work of conversion. It is true that the success of Islam -has been very largely facilitated in many parts of Africa by the -worldly successes of Muhammadan adventurers, and the erection of -Muhammadan states on the ruins of pagan kingdoms, and fire and -bloodshed have often marked the course of a Jihād, projected for the -extermination of the infidel. The words of the young Arab from Bornu -whom Captain Burton [1164] met in the palace of the King of Abeokuta -doubtless express the aspirations of many an African Muhammadan: “Give -those guns and powder to us, and we will soon Islamise these dogs”: and -they find an echo in the message that Mungo Park [1165] gives us as -having been sent by the Muslim King of Futah Toro to his pagan -neighbour: “With this knife Abdulkader will condescend to shave the -head of Damel, if Damel will embrace the Mahommedan faith; and with -this other knife Abdulkader will cut the throat of Damel, if Damel -refuses to embrace it; take your choice.” - -But much as Islam may have owed to the martial prowess of such fanatics -as these, there is the overwhelming testimony of travellers and others -to the peaceful missionary preaching, and quiet and persistent labours -of the Muslim propagandist, which have done more for the rapid spread -of Islam in modern Africa than any violent measures: by the latter its -opponents may indeed have been exterminated, but by the former chiefly, -have its converts been made, and the work of conversion may still be -observed in progress in many regions of the coast and the interior. -[1166] Wherever Islam has made its way, there is the Muhammadan -missionary to be found bearing witness to its doctrines,—the trader, be -he Arab, Pul or Mandingo, who combines proselytism with the sale of his -merchandise, and whose very profession brings him into close and -immediate contact with those he would convert, and disarms any possible -suspicion of sinister motives; such a man when he enters a pagan -village soon attracts attention by his frequent ablutions and regularly -recurring times of prayer and prostration, in which he appears to be -conversing with some invisible being, and by his very assumption of -intellectual and moral superiority, commands the respect and confidence -of the heathen people, to whom at the same time he shows himself ready -and willing to communicate his high privileges and knowledge;—the ḥājī -or pilgrim who has returned from Mecca full of enthusiasm for the -spread of the faith, to which he devotes his whole energies, wandering -about from place to place, supported by the alms of the faithful who -bear witness to the truth in the midst of their pagan neighbours;—the -student who, in consequence of his knowledge of Islamic theology and -law, receives honour as a man of learning: sometimes, too, he practises -medicine, or at least he is in great requisition as a writer of charms, -texts from the Qurʼān, which are sewn up in pieces of leather or cloth -and tied on the arms, or round the neck, and which he can turn to -account as a means of adding to the number of his converts: for -instance, when childless women or those who have lost their children in -infancy, apply for these charms, as a condition of success the -obligation is always imposed upon them of bringing up their future -children as Muhammadans. [1167] These religious teachers, or marabouts, -or alūfas as they are variously termed, are held in the highest -estimation. In some tribes of Western Africa every village contains a -lodge for their reception, and they are treated with the utmost -deference and respect: in Darfur they hold the highest rank after those -who fill the offices of government: among the Mandingos they rank still -higher, and receive honour next to the king, the subordinate chiefs -being regarded as their inferiors in point of dignity: in those states -in which the Qurʼān is made the rule of government in all civil -matters, their services are in great demand, in order to interpret its -meaning. So sacred are the persons of these teachers esteemed, that -they pass without molestation through the countries of chiefs, not only -hostile to each other, but engaged in actual warfare. Such deference is -not only paid to them in Muhammadan countries, but also in the pagan -villages in which they establish their schools, where the people -respect them as the instructors of their children, and look upon them -as the medium between themselves and Heaven, either for securing a -supply of their necessities, or for warding off or removing calamities. -[1168] Many of these teachers have studied in the mosques of Qayrwān, -Fas, Tripoli [1169] and other centres of Muslim learning; but -especially in the mosque of al-Azhar in Cairo. Students flock to it -from all parts of the Muslim world, and among them is often to be found -a contingent from Negro Africa,—students from Darfur, Wadai and Bornu, -and some who even make their way on foot from the far distant West -Coast; when they have finished their courses of study in Muslim -theology and jurisprudence, there are many of them who become -missionaries among the heathen population of their native land. Schools -are established by these missionaries in the towns they visit, which -are frequented by the pagan as well as the Muslim children. They are -taught to read the Qurʼān, and instructed in the doctrines and -ceremonies of Islam. Having thus gained a footing, the Muhammadan -missionary, by his superior knowledge and attainments, is not slow to -obtain great influence over the people among whom he has come to live. -In this he is aided by the fact that his habits and manner of life are -similar in many respects to their own, nor is he looked upon with -suspicion, inasmuch as the trader has already prepared the way for him; -and by intermarriage with the natives, being thus received into their -social system, his influence becomes firmly rooted and permanent, and -so in the most natural manner he gradually causes the knowledge of -Islam to spread among them. - -His propagandist efforts are further facilitated by the fact that the -deism which forms the background of the religious consciousness of many -fetish-worshippers may pass by an easy transition into the theism of -Islam, together with some other aspects of their theology, while their -general outlook upon life and several of their religious institutions -are capable of taking on a Muslim colouring and of being transferred to -the new system of faith without undergoing much modification. [1170] - -The arrival of the Muhammadan in a pagan country is also the beginning -of the opening up of a more extensive trade, and of communication with -great Muhammadan trading centres such as Jenne, Segu or Kano, and a -share in the advantages of this material civilisation is offered, -together with the religion of the Prophet. Thus “among the uncivilised -negro tribes the missionary may be always sure of a ready audience: he -can not only give them many truths regarding God and man which make -their way to the heart and elevate the intellect, but he can at once -communicate the Shibboleth of admission to a social and political -communion, which is a passport for protection and assistance from the -Atlantic to the Wall of China. Wherever a Moslem house can be found -there the negro convert who can repeat the dozen syllables of his -creed, is sure of shelter, sustenance and advice, and in his own -country he finds himself at once a member of an influential, if not of -a dominant caste. This seems the real secret of the success of the -Moslem missionaries in West Africa. It is great and rapid as regards -numbers, for the simple reason that the Moslem missionary, from the -very first profession of the convert’s belief, acts practically on -those principles regarding the equality and brotherhood of all -believers before God, which Islam shares with Christianity; and he does -this, as a general rule, more speedily and decidedly than the Christian -missionary, who generally feels bound to require good evidence of a -converted heart before he gives the right hand of Christian fellowship, -and who has always to contend with race prejudices not likely to die -out in a single generation where the white Christian has for -generations been known as master, and the black heathen as slave.” -[1171] - -It is important, too, to note that neither his colour nor his race in -any way prejudice the Negro in the eyes of his new co-religionists. The -progress of Islam in Negritia has no doubt been materially advanced by -this absence of any feeling of repulsion towards the Negro—indeed Islam -seems never to have treated the Negro as an inferior, as has been -unhappily too often the case in Christendom. [1172] - -This consideration goes partly to explain the success of Muslim as -contrasted with Christian missions among the Negro peoples. It has -frequently been pointed out that the Negro convert to Christianity is -apt to feel that his European co-religionists belong to a stratum of -civilisation alien to his own habits of life, whereas he feels himself -to be more at home in a Muslim society. This has been well stated by a -modern observer, in the following passage:—“Islam, despite its -shortcomings, does not, from the Nigerian point of view, demand race -suicide of the Nigerian as an accompaniment of conversion. It does not -stipulate revolutionary changes in social life, impossible at the -present stage of Nigerian development; nor does it undermine family or -communal authority. Between the converter and converted there is no -abyss. Both are equal, not in theory, but in practice, before God. Both -are African; sons of the soil. The doctrine of the brotherhood of man -is carried out in practice. Conversion does not mean for the converted -a break with his interests, his family, his social life, his respect -for the authority of his natural rulers.... No one can fail to be -impressed with the carriage, the dignity of the Nigerian—indeed of the -West African—Mohammedan; the whole bearing of the man suggests a -consciousness of citizenship, a pride of race which seems to say: ‘We -are different, thou and I, but we are men.’ The spread of Islam in -Southern Nigeria which we are witnessing to-day is mainly social in its -action. It brings to those with whom it comes in contact a higher -status, a loftier conception of man’s place in the universe around him, -release from the thraldom of a thousand superstitious fears.” [1173] - -According to Muhammadan tradition Moses was a black man, as may be seen -from the following passages in the Qurʼān. “Now draw thy hand close to -thy side: it shall come forth white, but unhurt:—another sign!” (xx. -23). “Then drew he forth his hand, and lo! it was white to the -beholders. The nobles of Pharaoh’s people said: ‘Verily this is an -expert enchanter’” (vii. 105–6). The following story also, handed down -to us from the golden period of the ʻAbbāsid dynasty, is interesting as -evidence of Muhammadan feeling with regard to the Negro. Ibrāhīm, a -brother of Hārūn al-Rashīd and the son of a negress, had proclaimed -himself Caliph at Baghdād, but was defeated and forgiven by al-Maʼmūn, -who was then reigning (A.D. 819). He thus describes his interview with -the Caliph:—“Al-Maʼmūn said to me on my going to see him after having -obtained pardon: ‘Is it thou who art the Negro khalīfah?’ to which I -replied:—‘Commander of the faithful! I am he whom thou hast deigned to -pardon; and it has been said by the slave of Banuʼl-Ḥasḥās:—“When men -extol their worth, the slave of the family of Ḥasḥās can supply, by his -verses, the defect of birth and fortune.” Though I be a slave, my soul, -through its noble nature, is free; though my body be dark, my mind is -fair.’ To this al-Maʼmūn replied: ‘Uncle! a jest of mine has put you in -a serious mood.’ He then repeated these verses: ‘Blackness of skin -cannot degrade an ingenious mind, or lessen the worth of the scholar -and the wit. Let darkness claim the colour of your body: I claim as -mine your fair and candid soul.’” [1174] - -Thus, the converted Negro at once takes an equal place in the -brotherhood of believers, neither his colour nor his race nor any -associations of the past standing in the way. It is doubtless the ready -admission they receive, that makes the pagan Negroes willing to enter -into a religious society whose higher civilisation demands that they -should give up many of their old barbarous habits and customs; at the -same time the very fact that the acceptance of Islam does imply an -advance in civilisation and is a very distinct step in the -intellectual, moral and material progress of a Negro tribe, helps very -largely to explain the success of this faith. The forces arrayed on its -side are so powerful and ascendant, that the barbarism, ignorance and -superstition which it seeks to sweep away have little chance of making -a lengthened resistance. What the civilisation of Muslim Africa implies -to the Negro convert, is admirably expressed in the following words: -“The worst evils which, there is reason to believe, prevailed at one -time over the whole of Africa, and which are still to be found in many -parts of it, and those, too, not far from the Gold Coast and from our -own settlements—cannibalism and human sacrifice and the burial of -living infants—disappear at once and for ever. Natives who have -hitherto lived in a state of nakedness, or nearly so, begin to dress, -and that neatly; natives who have never washed before begin to wash, -and that frequently; for ablutions are commanded in the Sacred Law, and -it is an ordinance which does not involve too severe a strain on their -natural instincts. The tribal organisation tends to give place to -something which has a wider basis. In other words, tribes coalesce into -nations, and, with the increase of energy and intelligence, nations -into empires. Many such instances could be adduced from the history of -the Soudan and the adjoining countries during the last hundred years. -If the warlike spirit is thus stimulated, the centres from which war -springs are fewer in number and further apart. War is better organised, -and is under some form of restraint; quarrels are not picked for -nothing; there is less indiscriminate plundering and greater security -for property and life. Elementary schools, [1175] like those described -by Mungo Park a century ago, spring up, and even if they only teach -their scholars to recite the Koran, they are worth something in -themselves, and may be a step to much more. The well-built and -neatly-kept mosque, with its call to prayer repeated five times a day, -its Mecca-pointing niche, its Imām and its weekly service, becomes the -centre of the village, instead of the ghastly fetish or Juju house. The -worship of one God, omnipotent, omnipresent, omniscient, and -compassionate, is an immeasurable advance upon anything which the -native has been taught to worship before. The Arabic language, in which -the Mussulman scriptures are always written, is a language of -extraordinary copiousness and beauty; once learned it becomes a lingua -franca to the tribes of half the continent, and serves as an -introduction to literature, or rather, it is a literature in itself. It -substitutes moreover, a written code of law for the arbitrary caprice -of a chieftain—a change which is, in itself, an immense advance in -civilisation. Manufactures and commerce spring up, not the dumb trading -or the elementary bartering of raw products which we know from -Herodotus to have existed from the earliest times in Africa, nor the -cowrie shells, or gunpowder, or tobacco, or rum, which still serve as a -chief medium of exchange all along the coast, but manufactures -involving considerable skill, and a commerce which is elaborately -organised; and under their influence, and that of the more settled -government which Islam brings in its train, there have arisen those -great cities of Negroland whose very existence, when first they were -described by European travellers, could not but be half discredited. I -am far from saying that the religion is the sole cause of all this -comparative prosperity. I only say it is consistent with it, and it -encourages it. Climatic conditions and various other influences -co-operate towards the result; but what has Pagan Africa, even where -the conditions are very similar, to compare with it? As regards the -individual, it is admitted on all hands that Islam gives to its new -Negro converts an energy, a dignity, a self-reliance, and a -self-respect which is all too rarely found in their Pagan or their -Christian fellow-countrymen.” [1176] - -The words above quoted were written before the partition of the greater -part of Africa among the governments of Christian Europe—England, -France and Germany—but the imposing character of Muslim civilisation -has not ceased to impress the Negro mind, or to operate as one of the -influences favourable to the conversion of the African -fetish-worshippers. Brought suddenly into contact with European -culture, these have received an impulse to advance in the path of -civilisation, but being unable to bridge over the gulf that separates -them from their foreign rulers, they find in Islam a culture -corresponding to their needs and capable of understanding their -requirements and aspirations. [1177] So far, therefore, from the -extension of European domination tending to hamper the activities of -Muhammadan propagandists, it has to a very remarkable degree -contributed towards the progress of Islam. The bringing of peace to -countries formerly harassed by wars of extermination or the raids of -slave-hunters, the establishment of ordered methods of government and -administration, and the increased facilities of communication by the -making of roads and the building of railways, have given a great -stimulus to trade and have enabled that active propagandist, the Muslim -trader, to extend his influence in districts previously untrodden, and -traverse familiar ground with greater security. Further, the -suppression of the slave-trade has removed one of the great obstacles -to the spread of Islam in pagan Africa, because it was to the interest -of the Arab and other Muhammadan slave-dealers not to narrow the field -of their operations by admitting their possible victims into the -brotherhood of Islam. [1178] Converts are now won from pagan tribes -which in the days of the slave-trade were untouched by missionary -effort. To this result the European governments have contributed by -employing Muhammadans to fill the subordinate posts in the civil -administration (since among the Muhammadans alone were educated persons -to be found) and distributing them throughout pagan districts, by -employing Muhammadan teachers in the Government schools, and by -recruiting their armies from among Muhammadan tribes; they have thus -added to the prestige of Islam in the eyes of the pagan Africans—a -circumstance that the Muslims have not been slow to make use of, to the -advantage of their own faith. [1179] - -So little truth is there in the statement that Islam makes progress -only by force of arms, [1180] that on the contrary the partition of -Africa among the European powers, who have wrested the sword from the -hands of the Muslim chiefs now under their control, has initiated a -propaganda which seems likely to succeed where centuries of Muhammadan -domination have failed. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO. - - -The history of the Malay Archipelago during the last 600 years -furnishes us with one of the most interesting chapters in the story of -the spread of Islam by missionary efforts. During the whole of this -period we find evidences of a continuous activity on the part of the -Muhammadan missionaries, in one or other at least of the East India -islands. In every instance, in the beginning, their work had to be -carried on without any patronage or assistance from the rulers of the -country, but solely by the force of persuasion, and in many cases in -the face of severe opposition, especially on the part of the Spaniards. -But in spite of all difficulties, and with varying success, they have -prosecuted their efforts with untiring energy, perfecting their work -(more especially in the present day) wherever it has been partial or -insufficient. - -It is impossible to fix the precise date of the first introduction of -Islam into the Malay Archipelago. It may have been carried thither by -the Arab traders in the early centuries of the Hijrah, long before we -have any historical notices of such influences being at work. This -supposition is rendered the more probable by the knowledge we have of -the extensive commerce with the East carried on by the Arabs from very -early times. In the second century B.C. the trade with Ceylon was -wholly in their hands. At the beginning of the seventh century of the -Christian era, the trade with China, through Ceylon, received a great -impulse, so that in the middle of the eighth century Arab traders were -to be found in great numbers in Canton; while from the tenth to the -fifteenth century, until the arrival of the Portuguese, they were -undisputed masters of the trade with the East. [1181] We may therefore -conjecture with tolerable certainty that they must have established -their commercial settlements on some of the islands of the Malay -Archipelago, as they did elsewhere, at a very early period: though no -mention is made of these islands in the works of the Arab geographers -earlier than the ninth century, [1182] yet in the Chinese annals, under -the date A.D. 674, an account is given of an Arab chief, who from later -notices is conjectured to have been the head of an Arab settlement on -the west coast of Sumatra. [1183] - -Missionaries must also, however, have come to the Malay Archipelago -from the south of India, judging from certain peculiarities of -Muhammadan theology adopted by the islanders. Most of the Musalmans of -the Archipelago belong to the Shāfiʻiyyah sect, which is at the present -day predominant on the Coromandel and Malabar coasts, as was the case -also about the middle of the fourteenth century when Ibn Baṭūṭah -visited these parts. [1184] So when we consider that the Muhammadans of -the neighbouring countries belong to the Ḥanafiyyah sect, we can only -explain the prevalence of Shāfiʻiyyah teachings by assuming them to -have been brought thither from the Malabar coast, the ports of which -were frequented by merchants from Java, as well as from China, Yaman -and Persia. [1185] From India, too, or from Persia, must have come the -Shīʻism, of which traces are still found in Java and Sumatra. From Ibn -Baṭūṭah we learn that the Muhammadan Sultan of Samudra had entered into -friendly relations with the court of Dehli, and among the learned -doctors of the law whom this devout prince especially favoured, there -were two of Persian origin, the one coming from Shiraz and the other -from Ispahan. [1186] But long before this time merchants from the -Deccan, through whose hands passed the trade between the Musalman -states of India and the Malay Archipelago, had established themselves -in large numbers in the trading ports of these islands, where they -sowed the seed of the new religion. [1187] - -It is to the proselytising efforts of these Arab and Indian merchants -that the native Muhammadan population, which we find already in the -earliest historical notices of Islam in these parts, owes its -existence. Settling in the centres of commerce, they intermarried with -the people of the land, and these heathen wives and the slaves of their -households thus formed the nucleus of a Muslim community which its -members made every effort in their power to increase. The following -description of the methods adopted by these merchant missionaries in -the Philippine Islands, gives a picture of what was no doubt the -practice of many preceding generations of Muhammadan traders:—“The -better to introduce their religion into the country, the Muhammadans -adopted the language and many of the customs of the natives, married -their women, purchased slaves in order to increase their personal -importance, and succeeded finally in incorporating themselves among the -chiefs who held the foremost rank in the state. Since they worked -together with greater ability and harmony than the natives, they -gradually increased their power more and more, as having numbers of -slaves in their possession, they formed a kind of confederacy among -themselves and established a sort of monarchy, which they made -hereditary in one family. Though such a confederacy gave them great -power, yet they felt the necessity of keeping on friendly terms with -the old aristocracy, and of ensuring their freedom to those classes -whose support they could not afford to dispense with.” [1188] It must -have been in some such way as this that the different Muhammadan -settlements in the Malay Archipelago laid a firm political and social -basis for their proselytising efforts. They did not come as conquerors, -like the Spanish in the sixteenth century, or use the sword as an -instrument of conversion; nor did they arrogate to themselves the -privileges of a superior and dominant race so as to degrade and oppress -the original inhabitants, but coming simply in the guise of traders -they employed all their superior intelligence and civilisation in the -service of their religion, rather than as a means towards their -personal aggrandisement and the amassing of wealth. [1189] With this -general statement of the subsidiary means adopted by them, let us -follow in detail their proselytising efforts through the various -islands in turn. - -Tradition represents Islam as having been introduced into Sumatra from -Arabia. But there is no sound historical basis for such a belief, and -all the evidence seems to point to India as the source from which the -people of Sumatra derived their knowledge of the new faith. Active -commercial relations had existed for centuries between India and the -Malay Archipelago, and the first missionaries to Sumatra were probably -Indian traders. [1190] There is, however, no historical record of their -labours, and the Malay chronicles ascribe the honour of being the first -missionary to Atjeh, in the north-west of Sumatra, to an Arab named -ʻAbd Allāh ʻĀrif, who is said to have visited the island about the -middle of the twelfth century; one of his disciples, Burhān al-Dīn, is -said to have carried the knowledge of the faith down the west coast as -far as Priaman. [1191] Untrustworthy as this record is, it may yet -possibly indicate the existence of some proselytising activity about -this period; for the Malay chronicle of Atjeh gives 1205 as the date of -the accession of Jūhan Shāh, the traditionary founder of the Muhammadan -dynasty. He is said to have been a stranger from the West, [1192] and -to have come to these shores to preach the faith of the Prophet; he -made many proselytes, married a wife from among the people of the -country, and was hailed by them as their king, under the half-Sanskrit, -half-Arabic title of Srī Padūka Sulṭān. For some time the new faith -would in all probability have been confined to the ports at which -Muhammadan merchants touched, and its progress inland would be slower, -as here it would come up against the strong Hindu influences that had -their centre in the kingdom of Menangkabau. - -Marco Polo, who spent five months on the north coast of Sumatra in -1292, speaks of all the inhabitants being idolaters, except in the -petty kingdom of Parlāk on the north-east corner of the island, where, -too, only the townspeople were Muhammadans, for “this kingdom, you must -know, is so much frequented by the Saracen merchants that they have -converted the natives to the Law of Mahommet,” but the hill-people were -all idolaters and cannibals. [1193] Further, one of the Malay -chronicles says that it was Sultan ʻAlī Mughāyat Shāh, who reigned over -Atjeh from 1507 to 1522, who first set the example of embracing Islam, -in which he was followed by his subjects. [1194] But it is not -improbable that the honour of being the first Muslim ruler of the state -has been here attributed as an added glory to the monarch who founded -the greatness of Atjeh and began to extend its sway over the -neighbouring country, and that he rather effected a revival of, or -imparted a fresh impulse to, the religious life of his subjects than -gave to them their first knowledge of the faith of the Prophet. For -Islam had certainly set firm foot in Sumatra long before his time. -According to the traditionary account of the city of Samudra, the -Sharīf of Mecca sent a mission to convert the people of Sumatra. The -leader of the party was a certain Shaykh Ismāʻīl: the first place on -the island at which they touched, after leaving Malabar, was Pasuri -(probably situated a little way down the west coast), the people of -which were persuaded by their preaching to embrace Islam. They then -proceeded northward to Lambri and then coasted round to the other side -of the island and sailed as far down the east coast as Aru, nearly -opposite Malacca, and in both of these places their efforts were -crowned with a like success. At Aru they made inquiries for Samudra, a -city on the north coast of the island, which seems to have been the -special object of their mission, and found that they had passed it. -Accordingly they retraced their course to Parlāk, where Marco Polo had -found a Muhammadan community a few years before, and having gained -fresh converts here also, they went on to Samudra. This city and the -kingdom of the same name had lately been founded by a certain Mara -Silu, who was persuaded by Shaykh Ismāʻīl to embrace Islam, and took -the name of al-Malik al-Ṣāliḥ. He married the daughter of the king of -Parlāk, by whom he had two sons, and in order to have a principality to -leave to each, he founded the Muhammadan city and kingdom of Pasei, -also on the north coast. [1195] - -The king, al-Malik al-Z̤āhir, whom Ibn Baṭūṭah found reigning in Samudra -when he visited the island in 1345, was probably the elder of these two -sons. This prince displayed all the state of Muhammadan royalty, and -his dominions extended for many days’ journey along the coast; he was a -zealous and orthodox Muslim, fond of holding discussions with -jurisconsults and theologians, and his court was frequented by poets -and men of learning. Ibn Baṭūṭah gives us the names of two -jurisconsults who had come thither from Persia and also of a noble who -had gone on an embassy to Dehli on behalf of the king—which shows that -Sumatra was already in touch with several parts of the Muhammadan -world. Al-Malik al-Z̤āhir was also a great general, and made war on the -heathen of the surrounding country until they submitted to his rule and -paid tribute. [1196] - -Islam had undoubtedly by this time made great progress in Sumatra, and -after having established itself along the coast, began to make its way -inland. The mission of Shaykh Ismāʻīl and his party had borne fruit -abundantly, for a Chinese traveller who visited the island in 1413, -speaks of Lambri as having a population of 1000 families, all of whom -were Muslims “and very good people,” while the king and people of the -kingdom of Aru were all of the same faith. [1197] It was either about -the close of the same century or in the fifteenth century, that the -religion of the Prophet found adherents in the great kingdom of -Menangkabau, whose territory at one time extended from one shore to -another, and over a great part of the island, north and south of the -equator. [1198] Though its power had by this time much declined, still -as an ancient stronghold of Hinduism it presented great obstacles in -the way of the progress of the new religion. Despite this fact, Islam -eventually took firmer root among the subjects of this kingdom than -among the majority of the inhabitants of the interior of the island. -[1199] It is very remarkable that this, the most central people of the -island, should have been more thoroughly converted than the inhabitants -of so many other districts that were more accessible to foreign -influences. To the present day the inhabitants of the Batak country are -still, for the most part, heathen; but Islam has gained a footing among -them, e.g. some living on the borders of Atjeh have been converted, by -their Muhammadan neighbours, [1200] others dwelling in the mountains of -the Rau country on the equator have likewise become Musalmans; [1201] -on the east coast also conversions of Bataks, who come much in contact -with Malays, are not uncommon. [1202] - -The fanatical Padris (p. 372) made strenuous efforts, in vain, to force -Islam upon the Bataks at the point of the sword, laying waste their -country and putting many to death; but these violent methods did not -win converts. When, however, the Dutch Government suppressed the Padri -rising and annexed the southern part of the Batak country, Islam began -to spread by peaceful means, chiefly through the zealous efforts of the -native subordinate officials of the new régime, who were all Muhammadan -Malays, [1203] but also through the influence of the traders who -wandered through the country, whose proselytising activity was followed -up by the ḥājīs and other recognised teachers of the faith. It is a -remarkable fact that the Bataks, who for centuries had offered a -pertinacious resistance to the entrance of Islam into their midst, -though they were hemmed in between two fanatical Muhammadan -populations, the Achinese on the north and the Malays on the south, -have in recent years responded with enthusiasm to the peaceful efforts -made for their conversion. An explanation would appear to be found in -the breaking down of their exclusive national characteristics through -the Dutch occupation and the conquest opening up their country to -foreign influences, which implied the commencement of a new era in -their cultural development, as well as in the skilful procedure of the -exponents of the new faith, who knew how to accommodate their teachings -to the existing beliefs of the Bataks and their deep-rooted -superstitions. [1204] A considerable impulse seems to have been given -to Muslim propaganda by the establishment of Christian missions among -the Bataks in 1897, and they appear even to have paved the way for its -success. Two Batak villages, the entire population of which had been -baptised, are said to have gone over in a body to Islam shortly -afterwards. [1205] - -In Central Sumatra there is still a large heathen population, though -the majority of the inhabitants are Muslims; but these latter are very -ignorant of their religion, with the exception of a few ḥājīs and -religious teachers: even among the people of Korintji, who are for the -most part zealous adherents of the faith, there are certain sections of -the population who still worship the gods of their pagan ancestors. -[1206] Efforts are, however, being made towards a religious revival, -and the Muslim missionaries are making fresh conquests from among the -heathen, especially along the west coast. [1207] In the district of -Sipirok a religious teacher attached to the mosque in the town of the -same name, in a quarter of a century, converted the whole population of -this district to Islam, with the exception of the Christians who were -to be found there, mostly descendants of former slaves, [1208] and a -later missionary movement in the first decade of the twentieth century -succeeded in winning over to Islam many of the Christians of this -district, even some living in the centre of the sphere of influence of -the Christian mission. [1209] - -Islam is traditionally represented to have been introduced into -Palembang about 1440 by Raden Raḥmat, of whose propagandist activity an -account will be given below (p. 381). But Hindu influences appear to -have been firmly rooted here, and the progress of the new faith was -slow. Even up to the nineteenth century the Muslims of Palembang were -said to know little of their religion except the external observances -of it, with the exception of the inhabitants of the capital who come -into daily contact with Arabs; [1210] but in the first decade of the -twentieth century there would appear to have been a revival of the -religious life and a growing propaganda, as the Colonial Reports of the -Dutch Government draw attention to the continual spread of Islam among -the heathen population of various districts of Palembang. [1211] - -It was from Java that Islam was first brought into the Lampong -districts which form the southern extremity of Sumatra, by a chieftain -of these districts, named Minak Kamala Bumi. About the end of the -fifteenth century he crossed over the Strait of Sunda to the kingdom of -Bantam on the west coast of Java, which had accepted the teachings of -the Muslim missionaries a few years before the date of his visit; here -he, too, embraced Islam, and after making the pilgrimage to Mecca, -spread the knowledge of his newly adopted faith among his -fellow-countrymen. [1212] This religion has made considerable progress -among the Lampongs, and most of the villages have mosques in them, but -the old superstitions still linger on in parts of the interior. [1213] - -In the early part of the nineteenth century a religious revival was set -on foot in Sumatra, which was not without its influence in promoting -the further propagation of Islam. In 1803 three Sumatran ḥājīs returned -from Mecca to their native country: during their stay in the holy city -they had been profoundly influenced by the Wahhābī movement for the -reformation of Islam, and were now eager to introduce the same reforms -among their fellow-countrymen and to stir up in them a purer and more -zealous religious life. Accordingly they began to preach the strict -monotheism of the Wahhābī sect, forbade prayers to saints, drinking and -gambling and all other practices contrary to the law of the Qurʼān. -They made a number of proselytes both from among their co-religionists -and the heathen population. They later declared a Jihād against the -Bataks, and in the hands of unscrupulous and ambitious men the movement -lost its original character and degenerated into a savage and bloody -war of conquest. In 1821 these so-called Padris came into conflict with -the Dutch Government and it was not until 1838 that their last -stronghold was taken and their power broken. [1214] - -All the civilised Malays of the Malay Peninsula trace their origin to -migrations from Sumatra, especially from Menangkabau, the famous -kingdom mentioned above, which is said at one time to have been the -most powerful on the island; some of the chiefs of the interior states -of the southern part of the Malay Peninsula still receive their -investiture from this place. At what period these colonies from the -heart of Sumatra settled in the interior of the Peninsula, is matter of -conjecture, but Singapore and the southern extremity of the Peninsula -seem to have received a colony in the middle of the twelfth century, by -the descendants of which Malacca was founded about a century later. -[1215] From its advantageous situation, in the highway of eastern -commerce it soon became a large and flourishing city, and there is -little doubt but that Islam was introduced by the Muhammadan merchants -who settled here. [1216] The Malay chronicle of Malacca assigns the -conversion of this kingdom to the reign of a certain Sulṭān Muḥammad -Shāh who came to the throne in 1276. He is said to have been reigning -some years before a ship commanded by Sīdī ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz came to -Malacca from Jiddah, and the king was persuaded by the new-comers to -change his faith and to give up his Malay name for one containing the -name of the Prophet. [1217] But the general character of this document -makes its trustworthiness exceedingly doubtful, [1218] in spite of the -likelihood that the date of so important an event would have been -exactly noted (as was done in many parts of the Archipelago) by a -people who, proud of the event, would look upon it as opening a new -epoch in their history. A Portuguese historian gives a much later date, -namely 1384, in which year, he says, a Qāḍī came from Arabia and having -converted the king, gave him the name of Muḥammad after the Prophet, -adding Shāh to it. [1219] - -In the annals of Queda, one of the northernmost of the states of the -Malay Peninsula, we have a curious account of the introduction of Islam -into this kingdom, about A.D. 1501, [1220] which (divested of certain -miraculous incidents) is as follows: A learned Arab, by name Shaykh -ʻAbd Allāh, having come to Queda, visited the Raja and inquired what -was the religion of the country. “My religion,” replied the Raja, “and -that of all my subjects is that which has been handed down to us by the -people of old. We all worship idols.” “Then has your highness never -heard of Islam, and of the Qurʼān which descended from God to Muḥammad, -and has superseded all other religions, leaving them in the possession -of the devil?” “I pray you then, if this be true,” said the Raja, “to -instruct and enlighten us in this new faith.” In a transport of holy -fervour at this request, Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh embraced the Raja and then -instructed him in the creed. Persuaded by his teaching, the Raja sent -for all his jars of spirits (to which he was much addicted), and with -his own hands emptied them on the ground. After this he had all the -idols of the palace brought out; the idols of gold, and silver, and -clay, and wood were all heaped up in his presence, and were all broken -and cut to pieces by Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh with his sword and with an axe, -and the fragments consumed in the fire. The Shaykh asked the Raja to -assemble all his women of the fort and palace. When they had all come -into the presence of the Raja and the Shaykh, they were initiated into -the doctrines of Islam. The Shaykh was mild and courteous in his -demeanour, persuasive and soft in his language, so that he gained the -hearts of the inmates of the palace. The Raja soon after sent for his -four aged ministers, who, on entering the hall, were surprised at -seeing a Shaykh seated near the Raja. The Raja explained to them the -object of the Shaykh’s coming; whereupon the four chiefs expressed -their readiness to follow the example of his highness, saying, “We hope -that Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh will instruct us also.” The latter hearing these -words, embraced the four ministers and said that he hoped that, to -prove their sincerity, they would send for all the people to come to -the audience hall, bringing with them all the idols that they were wont -to worship and the idols that had been handed down by the men of former -days. The request was complied with and all the idols kept by the -people were at that very time brought down and there destroyed and -burnt to dust; no one was sorry at this demolition of their false gods, -all were glad to enter the pale of Islam. Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh after this -said to the four ministers, “What is the name of your prince?” They -replied, “His name is Pra Ong Mahāwāngsā.” “Let us change it for one in -the language of Islam,” said the Shaykh. After some consultation, the -name of the Raja was changed at his request to Sultan Muzlaf al-Shāh, -because, the Shaykh averred, it is a celebrated name and is found in -the Qurʼān. [1221] - -The Raja now built mosques wherever the population was considerable, -and directed that to each there should be attached forty-four of the -inhabitants at least as a settled congregation, for a smaller number -would have been few for the duties of religion. So mosques were erected -and great drums were attached to them to be beaten to call the people -to prayer on Fridays. Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh continued for some time to -instruct the people in the religion of Islam; they flocked to him from -all the coasts and districts of Queda and its vicinity, and were -initiated by him into its forms and ceremonies. - -The news of the conversion of the inhabitants of Queda by Shaykh ʻAbd -Allāh reached Atjeh, and the Sultan of that country and a certain -Shaykh Nūr al-Dīn, an Arab missionary, who had come from Mecca, sent -some books and a letter, which ran as follows:—“This letter is from the -Sultan of Atjeh and Nūr al-Dīn to our brother the Sultan of Queda and -Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh of Yaman, now in Queda. We have sent two religious -books, in order that the faith of Islam may be firmly established and -the people fully instructed in their duties and in the rites of the -faith.” A letter was sent in reply by the Raja and Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh, -thanking the donors. So Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh redoubled his efforts, and -erected additional small mosques in all the different villages for -general convenience, and instructed the people in all the rules and -observances of the faith. The Raja and his wife were constantly with -the Shaykh, learning to read the Qurʼān. The royal pair searched also -for some maiden of the lineage of the Rajas of the country, to be the -Shaykh’s wife. But no one could be found who was willing to give his -daughter thus in marriage because the holy man was about to return to -Baghdād, and only waited until he had sufficiently instructed some -person to supply his place. Now at this time the Sultan had three sons, -Raja Muʻaz̤z̤am Shāh, Raja Muḥammad Shāh, and Raja Sulaymān Shāh. These -names had been borrowed from the Qurʼān by Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh and -bestowed upon the princes, whom he exhorted to be patient and slow to -anger in their intercourse with their slaves and the lower orders, and -to regard with pity all the servants of God, and the poor and needy. -[1222] - -It must not be supposed that the labours of Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh were -crowned with complete success, for we learn from the annals of Atjeh -that a Sultan of this country who conquered Queda in 1649, set himself -to “more firmly establish the faith and destroy the houses of the Liar” -or temples of idols. [1223] Thus a century and a half elapsed before -idolatry was completely rooted out. - -We possess no other details of the history of the conversion of the -Malays of the Peninsula, but in many places the graves of the Arab -missionaries who first preached the faith to them are honoured by these -people. [1224] Their long intercourse with the Arabs and the Muslims of -the east coast of India has made them very rigid observers of their -religious duties, and they have the reputation of being the most -exemplary Muhammadans of the Archipelago; at the same time their -constant contact with the Hindus, Buddhists, Christians and pagans of -their own country has made them liberal and tolerant. They are very -strict in the keeping of the fast of Ramaḍān and in performing the -pilgrimage to Mecca. The religious interests of the people are always -considered at the same time as their temporal welfare; and when a -village is found to contain more than forty houses and is considered to -be of a size that necessitates its organisation and the appointment of -the regular village officers, a public preacher is always included -among the number and a mosque is formally built and instituted. [1225] - -In the north, where the Malay states border on Siam, Islam has -exercised considerable influence on the Siamese Buddhists; those who -have here been converted are called Samsams and speak a language that -is a mixed jargon of the languages of the two people. [1226] Converts -are also made from among the wild tribes of the Peninsula. [1227] - -The history of the spread of Islam in Indo-China is obscure; Arab and -Persian merchants probably introduced their religion into the sea-port -towns from the tenth century onwards, but its most important expansion -was due to the immigrations of Malays which began at the close of the -fourteenth century. [1228] - -We must now go back several centuries in order to follow out the -history of the conversion of Java. The preaching and promulgation of -the doctrines of Islam in this island were undoubtedly for a long time -entirely the result of the labours of individual merchants or of the -leaders of small colonies, for in Java there was no central Muhammadan -power to throw in its influence on the side of the new religion or -enforce the acceptance of it by warlike means. On the contrary, the -Muslim missionaries came in contact with a Hindu civilisation, that had -thrust its roots deep into the life of the country and had raised the -Javanese to a high level of culture and progress—expressing itself -moreover in institutions and laws radically different to those of -Arabia. Even up to the present day, the Muhammadan law has failed to -establish itself absolutely, even where the authority of Islam is -generally predominant, and there is still a constant struggle between -the adherents of the old Malayan usages and the Ḥājīs, who having made -the pilgrimage to Mecca, return enthusiastic for a strict observance of -Muslim Law. Consequently the work of conversion must have proceeded -very slowly, and we can say with tolerable certainty that while part of -the history of this proselytising movement may be disentangled from -legends and traditions, much of it must remain wholly unknown to us. In -the Malay Chronicle, which purports to give us an account of the first -preachers of the faith, what was undoubtedly the work of many -generations and must have been carried on through many centuries, is -compressed within the compass of a few years; and, as frequently -happens in popular histories, a few well-known names gain the fame and -credit that belongs of right to the patient labours of their unknown -predecessors. [1229] Further, the quiet, unobtrusive labours of many of -these missionaries would not be likely to attract the notice of the -chronicler, whose attention would naturally be fixed rather on the -doings of kings and princes, and of those who came in close -relationship to them. But failing such larger knowledge, we must fain -be content with the facts that have been handed down to us. - -In the following pages, therefore, it is proposed to give a brief -sketch of the establishment of the Muhammadan religion in this island, -as presented in the native chronicle, which, though full of -contradictions and fables, has undoubtedly a historical foundation, as -is attested by the inscriptions on the tombs of the chief personages -mentioned and the remains of ancient cities, etc. The following account -therefore may, in the want of any other authorities, be accepted as -substantially correct, with the caution above mentioned against -ascribing too much efficacy to the proselytising efforts of -individuals. - -The first attempt to introduce Islam into Java was made by a native of -the island about the close of the twelfth century. The first king of -Pajajaran, a state in the western part of the island, left two sons; of -these, the elder chose to follow the profession of a merchant and -undertook a trading expedition to India, leaving the kingdom to his -younger brother, who succeeded to the throne in the year 1190 with the -title of Prabu Munding Sari. In the course of his wanderings, the elder -brother fell in with some Arab merchants, and was by them converted to -Islam, taking the name of Ḥājī Purwa. - -On his return to his native country, he tried with the help of an Arab -missionary to convert his brother and the royal family to his new -faith; but, his efforts proving unsuccessful, he fled into the jungle -for fear of the king and his unbelieving subjects, and we hear no more -of him. [1230] - -In the latter half of the fourteenth century, a missionary movement, -which was attended with greater success, was instituted by a certain -Mawlānā Malik Ibrāhīm, who landed on the east coast of Java with some -of his co-religionists, and established himself near the town of -Gresik, opposite the island of Madura. He is said to have traced his -descent to Zayn al-ʻĀbidīn, a great-grandson of the Prophet, and to -have been cousin of the Raja of Chermen. [1231] Here he occupied -himself successfully in the work of conversion, and speedily gathered a -small band of believers around him. Later on, he was joined by his -cousin, the Raja of Chermen, who came in the hope of converting the -Raja of the Hindu Kingdom of Majapahit, and of forming an alliance with -him by offering his daughter in marriage. On his arrival he sent his -son, Ṣādiq Muḥammad, to Majapahit to arrange an interview, while he -busied himself in the building of a mosque and the conversion of the -inhabitants. A meeting of the two princes took place accordingly, but -before the favourable impression then produced could be followed up, a -sickness broke out among the people of the Raja of Chermen, which -carried off his daughter, three of his nephews who had accompanied him, -and a great part of his retinue; whereupon he himself returned to his -own kingdom. These misfortunes prejudiced the mind of the Raja of -Majapahit against the new faith, which he said should have better -protected its votaries: and the mission accordingly failed. Mawlānā -Ibrāhīm, however, remained behind, in charge of the tombs [1232] of his -kinsfolk and co-religionists, and himself died twenty-one years later, -in 1419, and was buried at Gresik, where his tomb is still venerated as -that of the first apostle of Islam to Java. - -A Chinese Musalman, who accompanied the envoy of the Emperor of China -to Java in the capacity of interpreter, six years before the death of -Mawlānā Ibrāhīm, i.e. in 1413, mentions the presence of his -co-religionists in this island in his “General Account of the Shores of -the Ocean,” where he says, “In this country there are three kinds of -people. First the Muhammadans, who have come from the west, and have -established themselves here; their dress and food is clean and proper; -second, the Chinese who have run away and settled here; what they eat -and use is also very fine, and many of them have adopted the Muhammadan -religion and observe its precepts. The third kind are the natives, who -are very ugly and uncouth, they go about with uncombed heads and naked -feet, and believe devoutly in devils, theirs being one of the countries -called devil-countries in Buddhist books.” [1233] - -We now approach the period in which the rule of the Muhammadans became -predominant in the island, after their religion had been introduced -into it for nearly a century; and here it will be necessary to enter a -little more closely into the details of the history in order to show -that this was not the result of any fanatical movement stirred up by -the Arabs, but rather of a revolution carried out by the natives of the -country themselves, [1234] who (though they naturally gained strength -from the bond of a common faith) were stirred up to unite in order to -wrest the supreme power from the hands of their heathen -fellow-countrymen, not by the preaching of a religious war, but through -the exhortations of an ambitious aspirant to the throne who had a wrong -to avenge. [1235] - -The political condition of the island may be described as follows:—The -central and eastern provinces of the island, which were the most -wealthy and populous and the furthest advanced in civilisation, were -under the sway of the Hindu kingdom of Majapahit. Further west were -Cheribon and several other petty, independent princedoms; while the -rest of the island, including all the districts at its western -extremity, was subject to the King of Pajajaran. - -The King of Majapahit had married a daughter of the prince of Champa, a -small state in Cambodia, east of the Gulf of Siam. [1236] She being -jealous of a favourite concubine of the King, he sent this concubine -away to his son Arya Damar, governor of Palembang in Sumatra, where she -gave birth to a son, Raden Patah, who was brought up as one of the -governor’s own children. This child (as we shall see) was destined in -after years to work a terrible vengeance for the cruel treatment of his -mother. Another daughter of the prince of Champa had married an Arab -who had come to Champa to preach the faith of Islam. [1237] From this -union was born Raden Raḥmat, who was carefully brought up by his father -in the Muhammadan religion and is still venerated by the Javanese as -the chief apostle of Islam to their country. [1238] - -When he reached the age of twenty, his parents sent him with letters -and presents to his uncle, the King of Majapahit. On his way, he stayed -for two months at Palembang, as the guest of Arya Damar, whom he almost -persuaded to become a Musalman, only he dared not openly profess Islam -for fear of the people who were strongly attached to their ancient -superstitions. Continuing his journey Raden Raḥmat came to Gresik, -where an Arab missionary, Shaykh Mawlānā Jumāda ’l-Kubrạ̄, hailed him as -the promised Apostle of Islam to East Java, and foretold that the fall -of paganism was at hand, and that his labours would be crowned by the -conversion of many to the faith. At Majapahit he was very kindly -received by the King and the princess of Champa. Although the King was -unwilling himself to become a convert to Islam, yet he conceived such -an attachment and respect for Raden Raḥmat, that he made him governor -over 3000 families at Ampel, on the east coast, a little south of -Gresik, allowed him the free exercise of his religion and gave him -permission to make converts. Here after some time he gained over most -of those placed under him, to Islam. - -Ampel was now the chief seat of Islam in Java, and the fame of the -ruler who was so zealously working for the propagation of his religion, -spread far and wide. Hereupon a certain Mawlānā Isḥāq came to Ampel to -assist him in the work of conversion, and was assigned the task of -spreading the faith in the kingdom of Balambangan, in the extreme -eastern extremity of the island. Here he cured the daughter of the -King, who was grievously sick, and the grateful father gave her to him -in marriage. She ardently embraced the faith of Islam and her father -allowed himself to receive instruction in the same, but when the -Mawlānā urged him to openly profess it, as he had promised to do, if -his daughter were cured, he drove him from his kingdom, and gave orders -that the child that was soon to be born of his daughter, should be -killed. But the mother secretly sent the infant away to Gresik to a -rich Muhammadan widow [1239] who brought him up with all a mother’s -care and educated him until he was twelve years old, when she entrusted -him to Raden Raḥmat. He, after learning the history of the child, gave -him the name of Raden Paku, and in course of time gave him also his -daughter in marriage. Raden Paku afterwards built a mosque at Giri, to -the south-west of Gresik, where he converted thousands to the faith; -his influence became so great, that after the death of Raden Raḥmat, -the King of Majapahit made him governor of Ampel and Gresik. [1240] -Meanwhile several missions were instituted from Gresik. Two sons of -Raden Raḥmat established themselves at different parts of the -north-east coast and made themselves famous by their religious zeal and -the conversion of many of the inhabitants of those parts. Raden Raḥmat -also sent a missionary, by name Shaykh Khalīfah Ḥusayn, across to the -neighbouring island of Madura, where he built a mosque and won over -many to the faith. - -We must now return to Arya Damar, the governor of Palembang. (See p. -380.) He appears to have brought up his children in the religion which -he himself feared openly to profess, and he now sent Raden Patah, when -he had reached the age of twenty, together with his foster-brother, -Raden Ḥusayn, who was two years younger, to Java, where they landed at -Gresik. Raden Patah, aware of his extraction and enraged at the cruel -treatment his mother had received, refused to accompany his -foster-brother to Majapahit, but stayed with Raden Raḥmat at Ampel -while Raden Ḥusayn went on to the capital, where he was well received -and placed in charge of a district and afterwards made general of the -army. - -Meanwhile Raden Patah married a granddaughter of Raden Raḥmat, and -formed an establishment in a place of great natural strength called -Bintara, in the centre of a marshy country, to the west of Gresik. As -soon as the King of Majapahit heard of this new settlement, he sent -Raden Ḥusayn to persuade his brother to come to the capital and pay -homage. This Raden Ḥusayn prevailed upon him to do, and he went to the -court, where his likeness to the king was at once recognised, and where -he was kindly received and formally appointed governor of Bintara. -Still burning for revenge and bent on the destruction of his father’s -kingdom, he returned to Ampel, where he revealed his plans to Raden -Raḥmat. The latter endeavoured to moderate his anger, reminding him -that he had never received anything but kindness at the hands of the -king of Majapahit, his father, and that while the prince was so just -and so beloved, his religion forbade him to make war upon or in any way -to injure him. However, unpersuaded by these exhortations (as the -sequel shows), Raden Patah returned to Bintara, which was now daily -increasing in importance and population, while great numbers of people -in the surrounding country were being converted to Islam. He had formed -a plan of building a great mosque, but shortly after the work had been -commenced, news arrived of the severe illness of Raden Raḥmat. He -hastened to Ampel, where he found the chief missionaries of Islam -gathered round the bed of him they looked upon as their leader. Among -them were the two sons of Raden Raḥmat mentioned above (p. 382), Raden -Paku of Giri, and five others. A few days afterwards Raden Raḥmat -breathed his last, and the only remaining obstacle to Raden Patah’s -revengeful schemes was thus removed. The eight chiefs accompanied him -back to Bintara, where they assisted in the completion of the mosque, -[1241] and bound themselves by a solemn oath to assist him in his -attempt against Majapahit. All the Muhammadan princes joined this -confederacy, with the exception of Raden Ḥusayn, who with all his -followers remained true to his master, and refused to throw in his lot -with his rebellious co-religionists. - -A lengthy campaign followed, into the details of which we need not -enter, but in 1478, [1242] after a desperate battle which lasted seven -days, Majapahit fell and the Hindu supremacy in eastern Java was -replaced by a Muhammadan power. A short time after, Raden Ḥusayn was -besieged with his followers in a fortified place, compelled to -surrender and brought to Ampel, where he was kindly received by his -brother. A large number of those who remained faithful to the old Hindu -religion fled in 1481 to the island of Bali, where the worship of Siva -is still the prevailing religion. [1243] Others seem to have formed -small kingdoms, under the leadership of princes of the house of -Majapahit, which remained heathen for some time after the fall of the -great Hindu capital. - -Even under Muslim chiefs the population of central Java long remained -heathen, and the progress of Islam southward from the early centres of -missionary effort on the north coast was the work of centuries; even to -the present day the influence of their old Hindu faith is strikingly -manifest in the religious notions of the Muslim population of central -Java. One remarkable evidence of the deep roots that Hinduism had -struck in this part of the island is the fact that it was not until -1768 that the authority of the Hindu law-books, particularly the code -of Manu, gave way before a code of laws more in accordance with the -spirit of Muslim legislation. [1244] - -Islam was introduced into the eastern parts of the island some years -later, probably in the beginning of the following century, through the -missionary activity of Shaykh Nūr al-Dīn Ibrāhīm of Cheribon. He won -for himself a great reputation by curing a woman afflicted with -leprosy, with the result that thousands came to him to be instructed in -the tenets of the new faith. At first the neighbouring chiefs tried to -set themselves against the movement, but finding that their opposition -was of no avail, they suffered themselves to be carried along with the -tide and many of them became converts to Islam. [1245] Shaykh Nūr -al-Dīn Ibrāhīm of Cheribon sent his son, Mawlānā Ḥasan al-Dīn, to -preach the faith of Islam in Bantam, the most westerly province of the -island, and a dependency of the heathen kingdom of Pajajaran. Here his -efforts were attended with considerable success, among the converts -being a body of ascetics, 800 in number. It is especially mentioned in -the annals of this part of the country that the young prince won over -those whom he converted to Islam, solely by the gentle means of -persuasion, and not by the sword. [1246] He afterwards went with his -father on a pilgrimage to Mecca, and on his return extended his power -over the neighbouring coast of Sumatra, without ever having to draw the -sword, and winning converts to the faith by peaceful methods alone. -[1247] - -But the progress of Islam in the west of Java seems to have been much -slower than in the east; a long struggle ensued between the worshippers -of Siva and the followers of the Prophet, and it was probably not until -the middle of the sixteenth century that the Hindu kingdom of -Pajajaran, which at one period of the history of Java seems to have -exercised suzerainty over the princedoms in the western part of the -island, came to an end, [1248] while other smaller heathen communities -survived to a much later period, [1249]—some even to the present day. -The history of one of these—the so-called Baduwis—is of especial -interest; they are the descendants of the adherents of the old -religion, who after the fall of Pajajaran fled into the woods and the -recesses of the mountains, where they might uninterruptedly carry out -the observances of their ancestral faith. In later times, when they -submitted to the rule of the Musalman Sultan of Bantam, they were -allowed to continue in the exercise of their religion, on condition -that no increase should be allowed in the numbers of those who -professed this idolatrous faith; [1250] and strange to say, they still -observe this custom, although the Dutch rule has been so long -established in Java and sets them free from the necessity of obedience -to this ancient agreement. They strictly limit their number to forty -households, and when the community increases beyond this limit, one -family or more has to leave this inner circle and settle among the -Muhammadan population in one of the surrounding villages. [1251] - -But, though the work of conversion in the west of Java proceeded more -slowly than in the other parts of the island, yet, owing largely to the -fact that Hinduism had not taken such deep root among the people here -as in the centre of the island, the victory of Islam over the heathen -worship which it supplanted was more complete than in the districts -which came more immediately under the rule of the Rajas of Majapahit. -The Muhammadan law is here a living force and the civilisation brought -into the country from Arabia has interwoven itself with the government -and the life of the people; and it has been remarked that at the -present day the Muhammadans of the west of Java, who study their -religion at all or have performed the pilgrimage to Mecca, form as a -rule the most intelligent and prosperous part of the population. [1252] - -We have already seen that large sections of the Javanese remained -heathen for centuries after the establishment of Muhammadan kingdoms in -the island; at the present day the whole population of Java, with some -trifling exceptions, is Muhammadan, and though many superstitions and -customs have survived among them from the days of their pagan -ancestors, still the tendency is continually in the direction of the -guidance of thought and conduct in accordance with the teaching of -Islam. This long work of conversion has proceeded peacefully and -gradually, and the growth of Muslim states in this island belongs -rather to its political than to its religious history, since the -progress of the religion has been achieved by the work rather of -missionaries than of princes. - -While the Musalmans of Java were plotting against the Hindu Government -and taking the rule of the country into their own hands by force, a -revolution of a wholly peaceful character was being carried on in other -parts of the Archipelago through the preaching of the Muslim -missionaries who were slowly but surely achieving success in their -proselytising efforts. Let us first turn our attention to the history -of this propagandist movement in the Molucca islands. - -The trade in cloves must have brought the Moluccas into contact with -the islanders of the western half of the Archipelago from very early -times, and the converted Javanese and other Malays who came into these -islands to trade, spread their faith among the inhabitants of the -coast. [1253] The companions of Magellan brought back a curious story -of the way in which these men introduced their religious doctrines -among the Muluccans. “The kings of these islands [1254] a few years -before the arrival of the Spaniards began to believe in the immortality -of the soul, induced by no other argument but that they had seen a very -beautiful little bird, that never settled on the earth nor on anything -that was of the earth, and the Mahometans, who traded as merchants in -those islands, told them that this little bird was born in paradise, -and that paradise is the place where rest the souls of those that are -dead. And for this reason these seignors joined the sect of Mahomet, -because it promises many marvellous things of this place of the souls.” -[1255] - -Islam seems first to have begun to make progress here in the fifteenth -century. A heathen king of Tidor yielded to the persuasions of an Arab, -named Shaykh Manṣūr, and embraced Islam together with many of his -subjects. The heathen name of the king, Tjireli Lijatu, was changed to -that of Jamāl al-Dīn, while his eldest son was called Manṣūr after -their Arab teacher. [1256] It was the latter prince who entertained the -Spanish expedition that reached Tidor in 1521, shortly after the -ill-fated death of Magellan. Pigafetta, the historian of this -expedition, calls him Raia Sultan Mauzor, and says that he was more -than fifty-five years old, and that not fifty years had passed since -the Muhammadans came to live in these islands. [1257] - -Islam seems to have gained a footing on the neighbouring island of -Ternate a little earlier. The Portuguese, who came to this island the -same year as the Spaniards reached Tidor, were informed by the -inhabitants that it had been introduced a little more than eighty -years. [1258] - -According to the Portuguese account [1259] also the Sultan of Ternate -was the first of the Muluccan chieftains who became a Muslim. The -legend of the introduction of Islam into this island tells how a -merchant, named Datu Mullā Ḥusayn, excited the curiosity of the people -by reading the Qurʼān aloud in their presence; they tried to imitate -the characters written in the book, but could not read them, so they -asked the merchant how it was that he could read them, while they could -not; he replied that they must first believe in God and His Apostle; -whereupon they expressed their willingness to accept his teaching, and -became converted to the faith. [1260] The Sultan of Ternate, who -occupied the foremost place among the independent rulers in these -islands, is said to have made a journey to Gresik, in Java, in order to -embrace the Muhammadan faith there, in 1495. [1261] He was assisted in -his propagandist efforts by a certain Pati Putah, who had made the -journey from Hitu in Amboina to Java in order to learn the doctrines of -the new faith, and on his return spread the knowledge of Islam among -the people of Amboina. [1262] Islam, however, seems at first to have -made but slow progress, and to have met with considerable opposition -from those islanders who clung zealously to their old superstitions and -mythology, so that the old idolatry continued for some time crudely -mixed up with the teachings of the Qurʼān, and keeping the minds of the -people in a perpetual state of incertitude. [1263] The Portuguese -conquest also made the progress of Islam slower than it would otherwise -have been. They drove out the Qāḍī, whom they found instructing the -people in the doctrines of Muḥammad, and spread Christianity among the -heathen population with some considerable, though short-lived success. -[1264] For when the Muluccans took advantage of the attention of the -Portuguese being occupied with their own domestic troubles, in the -latter half of the sixteenth century, to try to shake off their power, -they instituted a fierce persecution against the Christians, many of -whom suffered martyrdom, and others recanted, so that Christianity lost -all the ground it had gained, [1265] and from this time onwards, the -opposition to the political domination of the Christians secured a -readier welcome for the Muslim teachers who came in increasing numbers -from the west. [1266] The Dutch completed the destruction of -Christianity in the Moluccas by driving out the Spanish and Portuguese -from these islands in the seventeenth century, whereupon the Jesuit -fathers carried off the few remaining Christians of Ternate with them -to the Philippines. [1267] - -From these islands Islam spread into the rest of the Moluccas; though -for some time the conversions were confined to the inhabitants of the -coast. [1268] Most of the converts came from among the Malays, who -compose the whole population of the smaller islands, but inhabit the -coast-lands only of the larger ones, the interior being inhabited by -Alfurs. But converts in later times were drawn from among the latter -also. [1269] Even so early as 1521, there was a Muhammadan king of -Gilolo, a kingdom on the western side of the northern limb of the -island of Halemahera. [1270] In modern times the existence of certain -regulations, devised for the benefit of the state-religion, has -facilitated to some extent the progress of the Muhammadan religion -among the Alfurs of the mainland, e.g. if any one of them is discovered -to have had illicit intercourse with a Muhammadan girl, he must marry -her and become a Muslim; any of the Alfur women who marry Muhammadans -must embrace the faith of their husbands; offences against the law may -be atoned for by conversion to Islam; and in filling up any vacancy -that may happen to occur among the chiefs, less regard is paid to the -lawful claims of a candidate than to his readiness to become a -Musalman. [1271] - -Similarly, Islam in Borneo is mostly confined to the coast, although it -had gained a footing in the island as early as the beginning of the -sixteenth century. About this time, it was adopted by the people of -Banjarmasin, a kingdom on the southern side, which had been tributary -to the Hindu kingdom of Majapahit, until its overthrow in 1478; [1272] -they owed their conversion to one of the Muhammadan states that rose on -the ruins of the latter. [1273] The story is that the people of -Banjarmasin asked for assistance towards the suppression of a revolt, -and that it was given on condition that they adopted the new religion; -whereupon a number of Muhammadans came over from Java, suppressed the -revolt and effected the work of conversion. [1274] On the north-west -coast, the Spaniards found a Muhammadan king at Brunai, when they -reached this place in 1521. [1275] A little later, 1550, it was -introduced into the kingdom of Sukadana, [1276] in the western part of -the island, by Arabs coming from Palembang in Sumatra. [1277] The -reigning king refused to abandon the faith of his fathers, but during -the forty years that elapsed before his death (in 1590), the new -religion appears to have made considerable progress. His successor -became a Musalman and married the daughter of a prince of a -neighbouring island, in which apparently Islam had been long -established; [1278] during his reign, a traveller, [1279] who visited -the island in 1600, speaks of Muhammadanism as being a common religion -along the coast. The inhabitants of the interior, however, he tells us, -were all idolaters—as indeed they remain for the most part to the -present day. The progress of Islam in the kingdom of Sukadana seems now -to have drawn the attention of the centre of the Muhammadan world to -this distant spot, and in the reign of the next prince, a certain -Shaykh Shams al-Dīn came from Mecca bringing with him a present of a -copy of the Qurʼān and a large hyacinth ring, together with a letter in -which this defender of the faith received the honourable title of -Sultan Muḥammad Ṣafī al-Dīn. [1280] - -In the latter part of the eighteenth century one of the inland tribes, -called the Idaans, dwelling in the interior of north Borneo, is said to -have looked upon the Muhammadans of the coast with very great respect, -as having a religion which they themselves had not yet got. [1281] -Dalrymple, who obtained his information on the Idaans of Borneo during -his visit to Sulu from 1761 to 1764, tells us that they “entertain a -just regret of their own ignorance, and a mean idea of themselves on -that account; for, when they come into the houses, or vessels, of the -Mahometans, they pay them the utmost veneration, as superior -intelligences, who know their Creator; they will not sit down where the -Mahometans sleep, nor will they put their fingers into the same chunam, -or betel box, but receive a portion with the utmost humility, and in -every instance denote, with the most abject attitudes and gesture, the -veneration they entertain for a God unknown, in the respect they pay to -those who have a knowledge of Him.” [1282] These people appear since -that time to have embraced the Muhammadan faith, [1283] one of the -numerous instances of the powerful impression that Islam produces upon -tribes that are low down in the scale of civilisation. From time to -time other accessions have been gained in the persons of the numerous -colonists, Arabs, Bugis and Malays, as well as Chinese (who have had -settlements here since the seventh century), [1284] and of the slaves -introduced into the island from different countries; so that at the -present day the Muhammadans of Borneo are a very mixed race. [1285] -Many of these foreigners were still heathen when they first came to -Borneo, and of a higher civilisation than the Dyaks whom they conquered -or drove into the interior, where they mostly still remain heathen, -except in the western part of the island, in which from time to time -small tribes of Dyaks embrace Islam. [1286] When the pagan Dyaks change -their faith, it is more commonly the case that they yield to the -persuasions of the Muhammadan rather than to those of the Christian -missionary, or, having first embraced Christianity they then pass over -to Islam, and the Muhammadans are making zealous efforts to win -converts both from among the heathen and the Christian Dyaks. [1287] - -In the island of Celebes we find a similar slow growth of the -Muhammadan religion, taking its rise among the people of the coast and -slowly making its way into the interior. Only the more civilised -portion of the inhabitants has, however, adopted Islam; this is mainly -divided into two tribes, the Macassars and the Bugis, who inhabit the -south-west peninsula, the latter, however, also forming a large -proportion of the coast population on the other peninsulas. The -interior of the island, except in the south-west peninsula where nearly -all the inhabitants are Muhammadan, is still heathen and is populated -chiefly by the Alfurs, a race low in the scale of civilisation, who -also form the majority of the inhabitants of the north, the east and -the south-east peninsulas; at the extremity of the first of these -peninsulas, in Minahassa, they have in large numbers been converted to -Christianity; the Muhammadans did not make their way hither until after -the Portuguese had gained a firm footing in this part of the island, -and the Alfurs whom they converted to Roman Catholicism were turned -into Protestants by the Dutch, whose missionaries have laboured in -Minahassa with very considerable success. But Islam is slowly making -its way among the heathen tribes of Alfurs in different parts of the -island, both in the districts directly administered by the Dutch -Government, and those under the rule of native chiefs. [1288] - -When the Portuguese first visited the island about 1540, they found -only a few Muhammadan strangers in Gowa, the capital of the Macassar -kingdom, the natives being still unconverted, and it was not until the -beginning of the seventeenth century that Islam began to be generally -adopted among them. The history of the movement is especially -interesting, as we have here one of the few cases in which Christianity -and Islam have been competing for the allegiance of heathen people. One -of the incidents in this contest is thus admirably told by an old -compiler: “The discovery of so considerable a country was looked upon -by the Portuguese as a Matter of Great Consequence, and Measures were -taken to secure the Affections of those whom it was not found easy to -conquer; but, on the other hand, capable of being obliged, or rendered -useful, as their allies, by good usage. The People were much braver, -and withal had much better Sense than most of the Indians; and -therefore, after a little Conversation with the Europeans, they began, -in general, to discern that there was no Sense or Meaning in their own -Religion; and the few of them who had been made Christians by the care -of Don Antonio Galvano (Governor of the Moluccas), were not so -thoroughly instructed themselves as to be able to teach them a new -Faith. The whole People, in general, however, disclaimed their old -Superstitions, and became Deists at once; but, not satisfied with this, -they determined to send, at the same time, to Malacca and to Achin, -[1289] to desire from the one, Christian Priests; and from the other, -Doctors of the Mohammedan Law; resolving to embrace the Religion of -those Teachers who came first among them. The Portugeze have hitherto -been esteemed zealous enough for their Religion; but it seems that Don -Ruis Perera, who was then Governor of Malacca, was a little deficient -in his Concern for the Faith, since he made a great and very -unnecessary delay in sending the Priests that were desired. On the -other hand, the Queen of Achin being a furious Mohammedan no sooner -received an Account of this Disposition in the people of the Island of -Celebes than she immediately dispatched a vessel full of Doctors of the -Law, who in a short time, established their Religion effectually among -the Inhabitants. Some time after came the Christian Priests, and -inveighed bitterly against the Law of Mohammed but to no Purpose; the -People of Celebes had made their Choice, and there was no Possibility -of bringing them to alter it. One of the Kings of the Island, indeed, -who had before embraced Christianity, persisted in the Faith, and most -of his Subjects were converted to it; but still, the Bulk of the People -of Celebes continued Mohammedans, and are so to this Day, and the -greatest Zealots for their Religion of any in the Indies.” [1290] - -This event is said to have occurred in the year 1603. [1291] The -frequent references to it in contemporary literature make it impossible -to doubt the genuineness of the story. [1292] In the little -principality of Tallo, to the north of Gowa, with which it has always -been confederated, is still to be seen the tomb of one of the most -famous missionaries to the Macassars, by name Khaṭīb Tungal. The prince -of this state, after his conversion proved himself a most zealous -champion of the new faith, and it was through his influence that it was -generally adopted by all the tribes speaking the Macassar language. The -sequel of the movement is not of so peaceful a character. The Macassars -were carried away by their zeal for their newly adopted faith, to make -an attempt to force it on their neighbours the Bugis. The king of Gowa -made an offer to the king of Boni to consider him in all respects as an -equal if he would worship the one true God. The latter consulted his -people on the matter, who said, “We have not yet fought, we have not -yet been conquered.” They tried the issue of a battle and were -defeated. The king accordingly became a Muhammadan and began on his own -account to attempt by force to impose his own belief on his subjects -and on the smaller states, his neighbours. Strange to say, the people -applied for help to the king of Macassar, who sent ambassadors to -demand from the king of Boni an answer to the following -questions,—Whether the king, in his persecution, was instigated by a -particular revelation from the Prophet?—or whether he paid obedience to -some ancient custom?—or followed his own personal pleasure? If for the -first reason, the king of Gowa requested information; if for the -second, he would lend his cordial co-operation; if for the third, the -king of Boni must desist, for those whom he presumed to oppress were -the friends of Gowa. The king of Boni made no reply and the Macassars -having marched a great army into the country defeated him in three -successive battles, forced him to fly the country, and reduced Boni -into a province. After thirty years of subjection, the people of Boni, -with the assistance of the Dutch, revolted against the Macassars, and -assumed the headship of the tribes of Celebes, in the place of their -former masters. [1293] The propagation of Islam certainly seems to have -been gradual and slow among the Bugis, [1294] but when they had once -adopted the new religion, it seems to have stirred them up to action, -as it did the Arabs (though this newly-awakened energy in either case -turned in rather different directions),—and to have made them what they -are now, at once the bravest men and the most enterprising merchants -and navigators of the Archipelago. [1295] In their trading vessels they -make their way to all parts of the Archipelago, from the coast of New -Guinea to Singapore, and their numerous settlements, in the -establishment of which the Bugis have particularly distinguished -themselves, have introduced Islam into many a heathen island: e.g. one -of their colonies is to be found in a state that extends over a -considerable part of the south coast of Flores, where, intermingling -with the native population, which formerly consisted partly of Roman -Catholics, they have succeeded in converting all the inhabitants of -this state to Islam. [1296] - -In their native island of Celebes also the Bugis have combined -proselytising efforts with their commercial enterprises, and in the -little kingdom of Bolaäng-Mongondou in the northern peninsula [1297] -they have succeeded, in the course of the present century, in winning -over to Islam a Christian population whose conversion dates from the -end of the seventeenth century. The first Christian king of -Bolaäng-Mongondou was Jacobus Manopo (1689–1709), in whose reign -Christianity spread rapidly, through the influence of the Dutch East -India Company and the preaching of the Dutch clergy. [1298] His -successors were all Christian until 1844, when the reigning Raja, -Jacobus Manuel Manopo, embraced Islam. His conversion was the crown of -a series of proselytising efforts that had been in progress since the -beginning of the century, for it was about this time that the zealous -efforts of some Muhammadan traders—Bugis and others—won over some -converts to Islam in one of the coast towns of the southern kingdom, -Mongondou; from this same town two trader missionaries, Ḥakīm Bagus and -Imām Tuwéko by name, set out to spread their faith throughout the rest -of this kingdom. They made a beginning with the conversion of some -slaves and native women whom they married, and these little by little -persuaded their friends and relatives to embrace the new faith. From -Mongondou Islam spread into the northern kingdom Bolaäng; here, in -1830, the whole population was either Christian or heathen, with the -exception of two or three Muhammadan settlers; but the zealous -preachers of Islam, the Bugis, and the Arabs who assisted them in their -missionary labours, soon achieved a wide-spread success. The -Christians, whose knowledge of the doctrines of their religion was very -slight and whose faith was weak, were ill prepared with the weapons of -controversy to meet the attacks of the rival creed; despised by the -Dutch Government, neglected and well-nigh abandoned by the authorities -of the Church, they began to look on these foreigners, some of whom -married and settled among them, as their friends. As the work of -conversion progressed, the visits of these Bugis and Arabs,—at first -rare,—became more frequent, and their influence in the country very -greatly increased, so much so that about 1832 an Arab married a -daughter of the king, Cornelius Manopo, who was himself a Christian; -many of the chiefs, and some of the most powerful among them, about the -same time, abandoned Christianity and embraced Islam. In this way Islam -had gained a firm footing in his kingdom before Raja Jacobus Manuel -Manopo became a Muslim in 1844; this prince had made repeated -applications to the Dutch authorities at Manado to appoint a successor -to the Christian schoolmaster, Jacobus Bastiaan,—whose death had been a -great loss to the Christian community—but to no purpose, and learning -from the resident at Manado that the Dutch Government was quite -indifferent as to whether the people of his state were Christians or -Muhammadans, so long as they were loyal, openly declared himself a -Musalman and tried every means to bring his subjects over to the same -faith. An Arab missionary took advantage of the occurrence of a -terrible earthquake in the following year, to prophecy the destruction -of Bolaäng-Mongondou, unless the people speedily became converted to -Islam. Many in their terror hastened to follow this advice, and the -Raja and his nobles lent their support to the missionaries and Arab -merchants, whose methods of dealing with the dilatory were not always -of the gentlest. Nearly half the population, however, still remains -heathen, but the progress of Islam among them, though slow, is -continuous and sure. [1299] - -The neighbouring island of Sambawa likewise probably received its -knowledge of this faith from Celebes, through the preaching of -missionaries from Macassar between 1540 and 1550. All the more -civilised inhabitants are true believers and are said to be stricter in -the performance of their religious duties than any of the neighbouring -Muhammadan peoples. This is largely due to a revivalist movement set on -foot by a certain Ḥājī ʻAli after the disastrous eruption of Mount -Tambora in 1815, the fearful suffering that ensued thereon being made -use of to stir up the people to a more strict observance of the -precepts of their religion and the leading of a more devout life. -[1300] At the present time Islam still continues to win over fresh -converts in this island. [1301] - -The Sasaks of the neighbouring island of Lombok also owed their -conversion to the preaching of the Bugis, who form a large colony here, -having either crossed over the strait from Sambawa or come directly -from Celebes: at any rate the conversion appears to have taken place in -a peaceable manner. [1302] The population of Lombok falls into two -distinct divisions, the Sasaks and the Balinese; the first of these, -consisting of the Muhammadan Sasaks, the original inhabitants of the -island, far outnumbers the second, but about the middle of the -eighteenth century they came under the rule of the Balinese and soon -found their island overrun by swarms of the Hindu neighbours. [1303] -The rule of the Balinese was very oppressive, and they made -efforts—though with little success—to bring their Muslim subjects over -to Hinduism; the Sasaks tried in vain to shake off the yoke of their -oppressors, and more than once appealed to the Dutch Government, before -the expedition of 1894 brought peace to the island and established an -orderly administration under Dutch rule. The new government brought -with it a large number of native Muhammadan officials, who throw in -their influence on the side of their own faith, and it is thus expected -that one of the results of the Dutch conquest of Lombok will be to give -a great impetus to Islam in this island. [1304] - -In the Philippine Islands we find a struggle between Christianity and -Islam for the allegiance of the inhabitants, somewhat similar in -character to that in Celebes, but more stern and enduring, entangling -the Spaniards and the Muslims in a fierce and bloody conflict, even up -to the nineteenth century. It is uncertain when Islam first reached -these islands. [1305] The traditionary annals of Mindanao represent -Islam as having been introduced from Johore, in the Malay Peninsula, by -a certain Sharīf Kabungsuwan, who settled with a number of followers in -the island and married there. He is said to have refused to land until -the men who came to meet him on his arrival promised to embrace Islam, -and these early records give the impression that the landing of -Kabungsuwan and the conversion of the people of Mindanao at first -proceeded quite peacefully; but after he had established his power, he -began to conquer the neighbouring chiefs and tribes, and they accepted -his religion in submitting to his authority. [1306] The Spaniards who -discovered them in 1521, found the population of the northern islands -to be rude and simple pagans, while Mindanao and the Sulu Islands were -occupied by more civilised Muhammadan tribes. [1307] The latter up to -the close of the nineteenth century successfully resisted for the most -part all the efforts of the Christians towards conquest and conversion, -so that the Spanish missionaries despaired of ever effecting their -conversion. [1308] The success of Islam as compared with Christianity -has been due in a great measure to the different form under which these -two faiths were presented to the natives. The adoption of the latter -implied the loss of all political freedom and national independence, -and hence came to be regarded as a badge of slavery. The methods -adopted by the Spaniards for the propagation of their religion were -calculated to make it unpopular from the beginning; their violence and -intolerance were in strong contrast to the conciliatory behaviour of -the Muhammadan missionaries, who learned the language of the people, -adopted their customs, intermarried with them, and melting into the -mass of the people, neither arrogated to themselves the exclusive -rights of a privileged race nor condemned the natives to the level of a -degraded caste. The Spaniards, on the other hand, were ignorant of the -language, habits and manners of the natives; their intemperance and -above all their avarice and rapacity brought their religion into odium; -while its propagation was intended to serve as an instrument of their -political advancement. [1309] It is not difficult therefore to -understand the opposition offered by the natives to the introduction of -Christianity, which indeed only became the religion of the people in -those parts in which the inhabitants were weak enough, or the island -small enough, to enable the Spaniards to effect a total subjugation; -the native Christians after their conversion had to be forced to -perform their religious duties through fear of punishment, and were -treated exactly like school-children. [1310] Up to the time of the -American occupation of the Philippine Islands the independent -Muhammadan kingdom of Mindanao was a refuge for those who wished to -escape from the hated Christian government; [1311] the island of Sulu, -also, though nominally a Spanish possession since 1878, formed another -centre of Muhammadan opposition to Christianity, Spanish-knowing -renegades even being found here. [1312] - -We have no certain historical evidence as to how long the inhabitants -of the Sulu Islands had been Muhammadan, before the arrival of the -Spaniards. The annals of Sulu give the name of Sharīf Karīm al-Makhdūm -as the first missionary of Islam in these islands. He is said to have -been an Arab who went to Malacca about the middle of the fourteenth -century and converted Sulṭān Muḥammad Shāh and the people of Malacca to -Islam. Continuing his journey eastward, he reached Sulu about the year -1380 and settled in Bwansa, [1313] the old capital of Sulu, where the -people built a mosque for him and many of the chiefs accepted his -teachings. He is said to have visited almost every island of the -Archipelago and to have made converts in many places; his grave is said -to be on the island of Sibutu. [1314] The next missionary is said to -have been Abū Bakr, who is also stated to have been an Arab, and to -have commenced his missionary labours in Malacca and to have made his -way to Palembang and Brunei, and reached Sulu about 1450; he built -mosques and carried on a successful propaganda. The Muslim king of -Bwansa, Raja Baginda, gave him his daughter in marriage, and appointed -him his heir, and Abū Bakr is credited with having organised the -government and legislation of Sulu on orthodox Muslim lines as far as -local custom would allow. [1315] Though so long converted, the people -of Sulu are far from being rigid Muhammadans, indeed, the influence of -the numerous Christian slaves that they carried off from the -Philippines in their predatory excursions used to be so great that it -was even asserted [1316] that “they would long ere this have become -professed Christians but from the prescience that such a change, by -investing a predominating influence in the priesthood, would inevitably -undermine their own authority, and pave the way to the transfer of -their dominions to the Spanish yoke, an occurrence which fatal -experience has too forcibly instructed all the surrounding nations that -unwarily embrace the Christian persuasion.” Further, the aggressive -behaviour of the Spanish priests who established a mission in Sulu -created in the mind of the people a violent antipathy to the foreign -religion. [1317] - -Since the American occupation of the Philippines, the influence of -Islam has been considerably restricted, and is now confined to the -island of Palawan, the south coast of Mindanao and the archipelago of -Sulu. [1318] But it is said to be seeking to extend its propaganda -among the northern islands, and to have made a beginning of missionary -activity even in Manila. Certain conditions are said to favour its -success, especially the fact that the Filipinos are prejudiced against -Christianity on account of the abuses that led them to take up arms -against the Spanish friars. [1319] - -As has been already mentioned, Islam has been most favourably received -by the more civilised races of the Malay Archipelago, and has taken but -little root among the lower races. Such are the Papuans of New Guinea, -and the islands to the north-west of it, viz. Waigyu, Misool, Waigama -and Salawatti. These islands, together with the peninsula of Onin, on -the north-west of New Guinea, were in the sixteenth century subject to -the Sultan of Batjan, [1320] one of the kings of the Moluccas. Through -the influence of the Muhammadan rulers of Batjan, the Papuan chiefs of -these islands adopted Islam, [1321] and though the mass of the people -in the interior have remained heathen up to the present day, the -inhabitants of the coast are Muhammadans largely no doubt owing to the -influence of settlers from the Moluccas. [1322] In New Guinea itself, -very few of the Papuans seem to have become Muhammadans. Islam was -introduced into the west coast (probably in the peninsula of Onin) by -Muhammadan merchants, who propagated their religion among the -inhabitants, as early as 1606. [1323] But it appears to have made very -little progress during the centuries that have elapsed since then, -[1324] and the Papuans have shown as much reluctance to become -Muhammadans as to accept the teachings of the Christian missionaries, -who have laboured among them without much success since 1855. The -Muhammadans of the neighbouring islands have been accused of holding -the Papuans in too great contempt to make efforts to spread Islam among -them. [1325] The name of one missionary, however, is found, a certain -Imām Dikir (? Dhikr), who came from one of the islands on the -south-east of Ceram about 1856 and introduced Islam into the little -island of Adi, south of the peninsula of Onin; after fulfilling his -mission he returned to his own home, resisting the importunities of the -inhabitants to settle among them. [1326] Muhammadan traders from Ceram -and Goram are reported to have made a number of converts from among the -heathen during the first decade of the twentieth century. [1327] -Similar efforts are being made to convert the Papuans of the -neighbouring Kei Islands. In the middle of the nineteenth century there -were said to be hardly any Muhammadans on these islands, with the -exception of the descendants of immigrants from the Banda Islands; some -time before, missionaries from Ceram had succeeded in making some -converts, but the precepts of the Qurʼān were very little observed, -both forbidden meats and intoxicating liquors being indulged in. The -women, however, were said to be stricter in their adherence to their -faith than the men, so that when their husbands wished to indulge in -swine’s flesh, they had to do so in secret, their wives not allowing it -to be brought into the house. [1328] But in 1887 it was noted that -there had been a revival of religious life among the Kei islanders, and -the number of Muhammadans was daily increasing. Arab merchants from -Madura, Java, and Bali proved themselves zealous propagandists of Islam -and left no means untried to win converts, sometimes enforcing their -arguments by threats and violence, and at other times by bribes: as a -rule new converts were said to get 200 florins’ worth of presents, -while chiefs received as much as a thousand florins. [1329] At the -close of the nineteenth century about 8000 of the Kei islanders were -said to be Muhammadan out of a total population of 23,000. [1330] - -The above sketch of the spread of Islam from west to east through the -Malay Archipelago comprises but a small part of the history of the -missionary work of Islam in these islands. Many of the facts of this -history are wholly unrecorded, and what can be gleaned from native -chronicles and the works of European travellers, officials and -missionaries is necessarily fragmentary and incomplete. But there is -evidence enough to show the existence of peaceful missionary efforts to -spread the faith of Islam during the last six hundred years: sometimes -indeed the sword has been drawn in support of the cause of religion, -but preaching and persuasion rather than force and violence have been -the main characteristics of this missionary movement. The marvellous -success that has been achieved has been largely the work of traders, -who won their way to the hearts of the natives, by learning their -language, adopting their manners and customs, and began quietly and -gradually to spread the knowledge of their religion by first converting -the native women they married and the persons associated with them in -their business relations. Instead of holding themselves apart in proud -isolation, they gradually melted into the mass of the population, -employing all their superiority of intelligence and civilisation for -the work of conversion and making such skilful compromises in the -doctrines and practices of their faith as were needed to recommend it -to the people they wished to attract. [1331] In fact, as Buckle said of -them, “The Mahometan missionaries are very judicious.” [1332] - -Beside the traders, there have been numbers of what may be called -professional missionaries—theologians, preachers, jurisconsults and -pilgrims. The latter have, in recent years, been especially active in -the work of proselytising, in stirring up a more vigorous and -consistent religious life among their fellow-countrymen, and in purging -away the lingering remains of heathen habits and beliefs. The number of -those who make the pilgrimage to Mecca from all parts of the -Archipelago is constantly on the increase, and there is in consequence -a proportionate growth of Muhammadan influence and Muhammadan thought. -Up to the middle of the nineteenth century the Dutch Government tried -to put obstacles in the way of the pilgrims and passed an order that no -one should be allowed to make the pilgrimage to the holy city without a -passport, for which he had to pay 110 florins; and any one who evaded -this order was on his return compelled to pay a fine of double that -amount. [1333] Accordingly it is not surprising to find that in 1852 -the number of pilgrims was so low as seventy, but in the same year this -order was rescinded, and since then, there has been a steady increase. - -The average number of pilgrims during the last decade of the nineteenth -century was 7000—during the first decade of the twentieth, 7300; [1334] -but the numbers vary considerably from year to year, the largest -recorded number from the Dutch Indies being 14,234 in 1910. [1335] - -Such an increase is no doubt largely due to the increased facilities of -communication between Mecca and the Malay Archipelago, but, as a -Christian missionary has observed, this by no means “diminishes the -importance of the fact, especially as the Hadjis, whose numbers have -grown so rapidly, have by no means lost in quality what they gained in -quantity; on the contrary, there are now amongst them many more -thoroughly acquainted with the doctrines of Islam, and wholly imbued -with Moslem fanaticism and hatred against the unbelievers, than there -formerly were.” [1336] The reports of the Dutch Government and of -Christian missionaries bear unanimous testimony to the influence and -the proselytising zeal of these pilgrims who return to their homes as -at once reformers and missionaries. [1337] Beside the pilgrims who -content themselves with merely visiting the sacred places and -performing the due ceremonies, and those who make a longer stay in -order to complete their theological studies, there is a large colony of -Malays in Mecca at the present time, who have taken up their residence -permanently in the sacred city. These are in constant communication -with their fellow-countrymen in their native land, and their efforts -have been largely effectual in purging Muhammadanism in the Malay -Archipelago from the contamination of heathen customs and modes of -thought that have survived from an earlier period. A large number of -religious books is also printed in Mecca in the various languages -spoken by the Malay Muhammadans and carried to all parts of the -Archipelago. Indeed Mecca has been well said to have more influence on -the religious life of these islands than on Turkey, India or Bukhārā. -[1338] - -As might be anticipated from a consideration of these facts, there has -been of recent years a very great awakening of missionary activity in -the Malay Archipelago, and the returned pilgrims, whether as merchants -or religious teachers, become preachers of Islam wherever they come in -contact with a heathen population. The religious orders moreover have -extended their organisation to the Malay Archipelago, [1339] even the -youngest of them—the Sanūsiyyah—finding adherents in the most distant -islands, [1340] one of the signs of its influence being the adoption of -the name Sanūsī by many Malays, when in Mecca they change their native -for Arabic names. [1341] - -The Dutch Government has been accused by Christian missionaries of -favouring the spread of Islam; however this may have been, it is -certain that the work of the Muslim missionaries is facilitated by the -fact that Malay, which is spoken by hardly any but Muhammadans, has -been adopted as the official language of the Dutch Government, except -in Java; and as the Dutch civil servants are everywhere attended by a -crowd of Muhammadan subordinate officials, political agents, clerks, -interpreters and traders, they carry Islam with them into every place -they visit. All persons that have to do business with the Government -are obliged to learn the Malay language, and they seldom learn it -without at the same time becoming Musalmans. In this way the most -influential people embrace Islam, and the rest soon follow their -example. [1342] Thus Islam is at the present time rapidly driving out -heathenism from the Malay Archipelago. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -CONCLUSION. - - -To the modern Christian world, missionary work implies missionary -societies, paid agents, subscriptions, reports and journals; and -missionary enterprise without a regularly constituted and continuous -organisation seems a misnomer. The ecclesiastical constitution of the -Christian Church has, from the very beginning of its history, made -provision for the propagation of Christian teaching among unbelievers; -its missionaries have been in most cases, regularly ordained priests or -monks; the monastic orders (from the Benedictines downwards) and the -missionary societies of more modern times have devoted themselves with -special and concentrated attention to the furthering of a department of -Christian work that, from the first, has been recognised to be one of -the prime duties of the Church. But in Islam the absence of any kind of -priesthood or any ecclesiastical organisation whatever has caused the -missionary energy of the Muslims to exhibit itself in forms very -different to those that appear in the history of Christian missions: -there are no missionary societies, [1343] no specially trained agents, -very little continuity of effort. The only exception appears to be -found in the religious orders of Islam, whose organisation resembles to -some extent that of the monastic orders of Christendom. But even here -the absence of the priestly ideal, of any theory of the separateness of -the religious teacher from the common body of believers or of the -necessity of a special consecration and authorisation for the -performance of religious functions, makes the fundamental difference in -the two systems stand out as clearly as elsewhere. - -Whatever disadvantages may be entailed by this want of a priestly -class, specially set apart for the work of propagating the faith, are -compensated for by the consequent feeling of responsibility resting on -the individual believer. There being no intermediary between the Muslim -and his God, the responsibility of his personal salvation rests upon -himself alone: consequently he becomes as a rule much more strict and -careful in the performance of his religious duties, he takes more -trouble to learn the doctrines and observances of his faith, and thus -becoming deeply impressed with the importance of them to himself, is -more likely to become an exponent of the missionary character of his -creed in the presence of the unbeliever. The would-be proselytiser has -not to refer his convert to some authorised religious teacher of his -creed who may formally receive the neophyte into the body of the -Church, nor need he dread ecclesiastical censure for committing the sin -of Korah. Accordingly, however great an exaggeration it may be to say, -as has been said so often, [1344] that every Muhammadan is a -missionary, still it is true that every Muhammadan may be one, and few -truly devout Muslims, living in daily contact with unbelievers, neglect -the precept of their Prophet: “Summon them to the way of thy Lord with -wisdom and with kindly warning.” [1345] Thus it is that, side by side -with the professional propagandists,—the religious teachers who have -devoted all their time and energies to missionary work,—the annals of -the propagation of the Muslim faith contain the record of men and women -of all ranks of society, from the sovereign [1346] to the peasant, and -of all trades and professions, who have laboured for the spread of -their faith,—the Muslim trader, unlike his Christian brother, showing -himself especially active in such work. In a list of Indian -missionaries published in the journal of a religious and philanthropic -society of Lahore [1347] we find the names of schoolmasters, Government -clerks in the Canal and Opium Departments, traders (including a dealer -in camel-carts), an editor of a newspaper, a book-binder and a workman -in a printing establishment. These men devote the hours of leisure left -them after the completion of the day’s labour, to the preaching of -their religion in the streets and bazaars of Indian cities, seeking to -win converts both from among Christians and Hindus, whose religious -beliefs they controvert and attack. - -It is interesting to note that the propagation of Islam has not been -the work of men only, but that Muslim women have also taken their part -in this pious task. Several of the Mongol princes owed their conversion -to the influence of a Muslim wife, and the same was probably the case -with many of the pagan Turks when they had carried their raids into -Muhammadan countries. The Sanūsiyyah missionaries who came to work -among the Tūbū, to the north of Lake Chad, opened schools for girls, -and took advantage of the powerful influence exercised by the women -among these tribes (as among their neighbours, the Berbers), in their -efforts to win them over to Islam. [1348] In German East Africa, the -pagan natives who leave their homes for six months or more, to work on -the railways or plantations, are converted by the Muhammadan women with -whom they contract temporary alliances; these women refuse to have -anything to do with an uncircumcised kāfir, and to escape the disgrace -attaching to such an appellation, their husbands become circumcised and -thus receive an entry into Muslim society. [1349] The progress of Islam -in Abyssinia during the first half of the last century has been said to -be in large measure due to the efforts of Muhammadan women, especially -the wives of Christian princes, who had to pretend a conversion to -Christianity on the occasion of their marriage, but brought up their -children in the tenets of Islam and worked in every possible way for -the advancement of that faith. [1350] On the western frontier of -Abyssinia, there is a pagan tribe called the Boruns; some of these men -who had enlisted in a negro regiment, under the Anglo-Egyptian -government of the Sudan, were converted to Islam by the wives of the -black soldiers while the battalion was returning to Khartum. [1351] The -Tatar women of Kazan are said to be especially zealous as propagandists -of Islam. [1352] The professed devotee, because she happens to be a -woman, is not thereby debarred from taking her place with the male -saint in the company of the preachers of the faith. The legend of the -holy women, descended from ʻAlī, who are said to have flown through the -air from Karbalāʼ to Lahore, and there by the influence of their devout -lives of prayer and fasting to have won the first converts from -Hinduism to Islam, [1353] could hardly have originated if the influence -of such holy women were a thing quite unknown. One of the most -venerated tombs in Cairo is that of Nafīsah, the great-granddaughter of -Ḥasan (the martyred son of ʻAlī), whose theological learning excited -the admiration even of her great contemporary, Imām al-Shāfiʻī, and -whose piety and austerities raised her to the dignity of a saint: it is -related of her that when she settled in Egypt, she happened to have as -her neighbours a family of dhimmīs whose daughter was so grievously -afflicted that she could not move her limbs but had to lie on her back -all day. The parents of the poor girl had to go one day to the market -and asked their pious Muslim neighbour to look after their daughter -during their absence. Nafīsah, filled with love and pity, undertook -this work of mercy; and when the parents of the sick girl were gone, -she lifted up her soul in prayer to God on behalf of the helpless -invalid. Scarcely was her prayer ended than the sick girl regained the -use of her limbs and was able to go to meet her parents on their -return. Filled with gratitude, the whole family became converts to the -religion of their benefactor. [1354] - -Even the Muslim prisoner will on occasion embrace the opportunity of -preaching his faith to his captors or to his fellow-prisoners. The -first introduction of Islam into Eastern Europe was the work of a -Muslim jurisconsult who was taken prisoner, probably in one of the wars -between the Byzantine empire and its Muhammadan neighbours, and was -brought to the country of the Pechenegs [1355] in the beginning of the -eleventh century. He set before many of them the teachings of Islam and -they embraced the faith with sincerity, so that it began to be spread -among this people. But the other Pechenegs who had not accepted the -Muslim religion, took umbrage at the conduct of their fellow-countrymen -and finally came to blows with them. The Muslims, who numbered about -twelve thousand, successfully withstood the attack of the unbelievers, -though they were more than double their number, and the remnant of the -defeated party embraced the religion of the victors. Before the close -of the eleventh century the whole nation had become Muhammadan and had -among them men learned in Muslim theology and jurisprudence. [1356] In -the reign of the Emperor Jahāngīr (1605–1628) there was a certain Sunnī -theologian, named Shaykh Aḥmad Mujaddid, who especially distinguished -himself by the energy with which he controverted the doctrines of the -Shīʻahs: the latter, being at this time in favour at court, succeeded -in having him imprisoned on some frivolous charge; during the two years -that he was kept in prison he converted to Islam several hundred -idolaters who were his companions in the same prison. [1357] In more -recent times, an Indian mawlavī, who had been sentenced to -transportation for life to the Andaman Islands by the British -Government, because he had taken an active part in the Wahhābī -conspiracy of 1864, converted many of the convicts before his death. In -Central Africa, an Arab chief condemned to death by the Belgians, spent -his last hours in trying to convert to Islam the Christian missionary -who had been sent to bring him the consolations of religion. [1358] - -Such being the missionary zeal of the Muslims, that they are ready to -speak in season and out of season,—as Doughty, with fine insight, says, -“Their talk is continually (without hypocrisy) of religion, which is of -genial devout remembrance to them,” [1359]—let us now consider some of -the causes that have contributed to their success. - -Foremost among these is the simplicity [1360] of the Muslim creed, -There is no god but God; Muḥammad is the Apostle of God. Assent to -these two simple doctrines is all that is demanded of the convert, and -the whole history of Muslim dogmatics fails to present any attempt on -the part of ecclesiastical assemblies to force on the mass of believers -any symbol couched in more elaborate and complex terms. This simple -creed demands no great trial of faith, arouses as a rule no particular -intellectual difficulties and is within the compass of the meanest -intelligence. Unencumbered with theological subtleties, it may be -expounded by any, even the most unversed in theological expression. The -first half of it enunciates a doctrine that is almost universally -accepted by men as a necessary postulate, while the second half is -based on a theory of man’s relationship to God that is almost equally -wide-spread, viz. that at intervals in the world’s history God grants -some revelation of Himself to men through the mouthpiece of inspired -prophets. This, the rationalistic character of the Muslim creed, and -the advantage it reaps therefrom in its missionary efforts, have -nowhere been more admirably brought out than in the following sentences -of Professor Montet:— - -“Islam is a religion that is essentially rationalistic in the widest -sense of this term considered etymologically and historically. The -definition of rationalism as a system that bases religious beliefs on -principles furnished by the reason, applies to it exactly. It is true -that Muḥammad, who was an enthusiast and possessed, too, the ardour of -faith and the fire of conviction, that precious quality he transmitted -to so many of his disciples,—brought forward his reform as a -revelation: but this kind of revelation is only one form of exposition -and his religion has all the marks of a collection of doctrines founded -on the data of reason. To believers, the Muhammadan creed is summed up -in belief in the unity of God and in the mission of His Prophet, and to -ourselves who coldly analyse his doctrines, to belief in God and a -future life; these two dogmas, the minimum of religious belief, -statements that to the religious man rest on the firm basis of reason, -sum up the whole doctrinal teaching of the Qurʼān. The simplicity and -the clearness of this teaching are certainly among the most obvious -forces at work in the religion and the missionary activity of Islam. It -cannot be denied that many doctrines and systems of theology and also -many superstitions, from the worship of saints to the use of rosaries -and amulets, have become grafted on to the main trunk of the Muslim -creed. But in spite of the rich development, in every sense of the -term, of the teachings of the Prophet, the Qurʼān has invariably kept -its place as the fundamental starting-point, and the dogma of the unity -of God has always been proclaimed therein with a grandeur, a majesty, -an invariable purity and with a note of sure conviction, which it is -hard to find surpassed outside the pale of Islam. This fidelity to the -fundamental dogma of the religion, the elemental simplicity of the -formula in which it is enunciated, the proof that it gains from the -fervid conviction of the missionaries who propagate it, are so many -causes to explain the success of Muhammadan missionary efforts. A creed -so precise, so stripped of all theological complexities and -consequently so accessible to the ordinary understanding, might be -expected to possess and does indeed possess a marvellous power of -winning its way into the consciences of men.” [1361] - -Bishop Lefroy considers that the “secret of the extraordinary power for -conquest and advance which Islam has in its best ages evinced” is to be -found in its recognition of the Existence of God rather than the Unity -of God. “Not so much that God is one as that God IS—that His existence -is the ultimate fact of the universe—that His will is supreme—His -sovereignty absolute—His power limitless ... the conviction that, -amidst all the chaos and confusion and disorders of the world which so -fearfully obscure it, there is nevertheless, an ultimate Will, -resistless, supreme, and that man is called to be a minister of that -Will, to promulgate it, to compel—if necessary by very simple and -elementary means indeed—obedience to that Will—this it was which welded -the Mohammedan hosts into so invincible an engine of conquest, which -inspired them with a spirit of military subordination and discipline, -as well as with a contempt of death, such as has probably never been -surpassed in any system—this it is which, so far as it is still in any -true sense operative amongst Mohammadans, gives at once that backbone -of character, that firmness of determination and strength of will, and -also that uncomplaining patience and submission in the presence of the -bitterest misfortune, which characterise and adorn the best adherents -of the creed.” [1362] - -When the convert has accepted and learned this simple creed, he has -then to be instructed in the five practical duties of his religion: (1) -recital of the creed, (2) observance of the five appointed times of -prayer, (3) payment of the legal alms, (4) fasting during the month of -Ramaḍān, and (5) the pilgrimage to Mecca. - -The observance of this last duty has often been objected to as a -strange survival of idolatry in the midst of the monotheism of the -Prophet’s teaching, but it must be borne in mind that to him it -connected itself with Abraham, whose religion it was his mission to -restore. [1363] But above all—and herein is its supreme importance in -the missionary history of Islam—it ordains a yearly gathering of -believers, of all nations and languages, brought together from all -parts of the world, to pray in that sacred place towards which their -faces are set in every hour of private worship in their distant homes. -No fetch of religious genius could have conceived a better expedient -for impressing on the minds of the faithful a sense of their common -life and of their brotherhood in the bonds of faith. Here, in a supreme -act of common worship, the Negro of the west coast of Africa meets the -Chinaman from the distant east; the courtly and polished Ottoman -recognises his brother Muslim in the wild islander from the farthest -end of the Malayan Sea. At the same time throughout the whole -Muhammadan world the hearts of believers are lifted up in sympathy with -their more fortunate brethren gathered together in the sacred city, as -in their own homes they celebrate the festival of ʻĪd al-Aḍḥạ̄ or (as it -is called in Turkey and Egypt) the feast of Bayrām. Their visit to the -sacred city has been to many Muslims the experience that has stirred -them up to “strive in the path of God,” and in the preceding pages -constant reference has been made to the active part taken by the ḥājīs -in missionary work. - -Besides the institution of the pilgrimage, the payment of the legal -alms is another duty that continually reminds the Muslim that “the -faithful are brothers” [1364]—a religious theory that is very -strikingly realised in Muhammadan society and seldom fails to express -itself in acts of kindness towards the new convert. Whatever be his -race, colour or antecedents he is received into the brotherhood of -believers and takes his place as an equal among equals. - -It is not, however, true, as some European writers have maintained, -that if an unbeliever is the slave of a Muslim his conversion to Islam -procures for him his manumission, for, according to Muhammadan law, the -conversion of a slave does not affect the prior state of bondage; -[1365] and the condition of the Muslim slave has varied much according -to the character of his master. But freedom is in many instances the -reward of conversion, and devout minds have even recognised in -enslavement God’s guidance to the true faith, as the negroes from the -Upper Nile countries, whom Doughty met in Arabia. “In those Africans -there is no resentment that they have been made slaves ... even though -cruel men-stealers rent them from their parentage. The patrons who paid -their price have adopted them into their households, the males are -circumcised and—that which enfranchises their souls, even in the long -passion of home-sickness—God has visited them in their mishap; they can -say ‘it was His grace,’ since they be thereby entered into the saving -religion. This, therefore, they think is the better country, where they -are the Lord’s free men, a land of more civil life, the soil of the two -Sanctuaries, the land of Mohammed:—for such they do give God thanks -that their bodies were sometime sold into slavery!” [1366] - -Very effective also, both in winning and retaining, is the ordinance of -the daily prayers five times a day. Montesquieu [1367] has well said, -“Une religion chargée de beaucoup de pratiques attache plus à elle -qu’une autre qui l’est moins; on tient beaucoup aux choses dont on est -continuellement occupé.” The religion of the Muslim is continually -present with him and in the daily prayer manifests itself in a solemn -and impressive ritual, which cannot leave either the worshipper or the -spectator unaffected. Saʻīd b. Ḥasan, an Alexandrian Jew, who embraced -Islam in the year 1298, speaks of the sight of the Friday prayer in a -mosque as a determining factor in his own conversion. During a severe -illness he had had a vision in which a voice bade him declare himself a -Muslim. “And when I entered the mosque” (he goes on) “and saw the -Muslims standing in rows like angels, I heard a voice speaking within -me, ‘This is the community whose coming was announced by the prophets -(on whom be blessings and peace!)’; and when the preacher came forth -clad in his black robe, a deep feeling of awe fell upon me ... and when -he closed his sermon with the words, ‘Verily God enjoineth justice and -kindness and the giving of gifts to kinsfolk, and He forbiddeth -wickedness and wrong and oppression. He warneth you; haply ye will be -mindful.’ [1368] And when the prayer began, I was mightily uplifted, -for the rows of the Muslims appeared to me like rows of angels, to -whose prostrations and genuflections God Almighty was revealing -Himself, and I heard a voice within me saying, ‘If God spake twice unto -the people of Israel throughout the ages, verily He speaketh unto this -community in every time of prayer,’ and I was convinced in my mind that -I had been created to be a Muslim.” [1369] - -If Renan could say, “Je ne suis jamais entré dans une mosquée sans une -vive émotion, le dirai-je? sans un certain regret de n’être pas -musulman,” [1370] it can be readily understood how the sight of the -Muslim trader at prayer, his frequent prostrations, his absorbed and -silent worship of the Unseen, would impress the heathen African, endued -with that strong sense of the mysterious such as generally accompanies -a low stage of civilisation. Curiosity would naturally prompt inquiry, -and the knowledge of Islam thus imparted might sometimes win over a -convert who might have turned aside had it been offered unsought, as a -free gift. Of the fast during the month of Ramaḍān, it need only be -said that it is a piece of standing evidence against the theory that -Islam is a religious system that attracts by pandering to the -self-indulgence of men. As Carlyle has said, “His religion is not an -easy one: with rigorous fasts, lavations, strict complex formulas, -prayers five times a day, and abstinence from wine, it did not succeed -by being an easy religion.” - -Bound up with these and other ritual observances, but not encumbered or -obscured by them, the articles of the Muslim creed are incessantly -finding outward manifestation in the life of the believer, and thus, -becoming inextricably interwoven with the routine of his daily life, -make the individual Musalman an exponent and teacher of his creed far -more than is the case with the adherents of most other religions. -[1371] Couched in such short and simple language, his creed makes but -little demand upon the intellect, and the definiteness, positiveness, -and minuteness of the ritual leave the believer in no doubt as to what -he has to do, and these duties performed, he has the satisfaction of -feeling that he has fulfilled all the precepts of the Law. In this -union of rationalism and ritualism, we may find, to a great extent, the -secret of the power that Islam has exercised over the minds of men. “If -you would win the great masses give them the truth in rounded form, -neat and clear, in visible and tangible guise.” [1372] - -Many other circumstances might be adduced that have contributed towards -the missionary success of Islam—circumstances peculiar to particular -times and countries. Among these may be mentioned the advantage that -Muhammadan missionary work derives from the fact of its being so -largely in the hands of traders, especially in Africa and other -uncivilised countries where the people are naturally suspicious of the -foreigner. For, in the case of the trader, his well-known and harmless -avocation secures to him an immunity from any such feelings of -suspicion, while his knowledge of men and manners, his commercial -savoir-faire, gain for him a ready reception, and remove that feeling -of constraint which might naturally arise in the presence of the -stranger. He labours under no such disadvantages as hamper the -professed missionary, who is liable to be suspected of some sinister -motive, not only by people whose range of experience and mental horizon -are limited and to whom the idea of any man enduring the perils of a -long journey and laying aside every mundane occupation for the sole -purpose of gaining proselytes, is inexplicable, but also by more -civilised men of the world who are very prone to doubt the sincerity of -the paid missionary agent. - -The circumstances are very different when Islam has not to appear as a -suppliant in a foreign country, but stands forth proudly as the -religion of the ruling race. In the preceding pages it has been shown -that the theory of the Muslim faith enjoins toleration and freedom of -religious life for all those followers of other faiths who pay tribute -in return for protection, and though the pages of Muhammadan history -are stained with the blood of many cruel persecutions, still, on the -whole, unbelievers have enjoyed under Muhammadan rule a measure of -toleration, the like of which is not to be found in Europe until quite -modern times. Forcible conversion was forbidden, in accordance with the -precepts of the Qurʼān:—“Let there be no compulsion in religion” (ii. -257). “Wilt thou compel men to become believers? No soul can believe -but by the permission of God” (x. 99, 100). The very existence of so -many Christian sects and communities in countries that have been for -centuries under Muhammadan rule is an abiding testimony to the -toleration they have enjoyed, and shows that the persecutions they have -from time to time been called upon to endure at the hands of bigots and -fanatics, have been excited by some special and local circumstances -rather than inspired by a settled principle of intolerance. [1373] - -At such times of persecution, the pressure of circumstances has driven -many unbelievers to become—outwardly at least—Muhammadans, and many -instances might be given of individuals who, on particular occasions, -have been harassed into submission to the religion of the Qurʼān. But -such oppression is wholly without the sanction of Muhammadan law, -either religious or civil. The passages in the Qurʼān that forbid -forced conversion and enjoin preaching as the sole legitimate method of -spreading the faith have already been quoted above (Introduction, pp. -5–6), and the same doctrine is upheld by the decisions of the -Muhammadan doctors. When Moses Maimonides, who under the fanatical rule -of the Almohads had feigned conversion to Islam, fled to Egypt and -there openly declared himself to be a Jew, a Muslim jurisconsult from -Spain denounced him for his apostasy and demanded that the extreme -penalty of the law should be inflicted on him for this offence; but the -case was quashed by al-Qāḍī al-Fāḍil, ʻAbd al-Raḥīm b. ʻAlī, [1374] one -of the most famous of Muslim judges, and the prime minister of the -great Saladin, who authoritatively declared that a man who had been -converted to Islam by force could not be rightly considered to be a -Muslim. [1375] In the same spirit, when Ghāzān (1295–1304) discovered -that the Buddhist monks who had become Muhammadans at the beginning of -his reign (when their temples had been destroyed) only made a pretence -of being converted, he granted permission to all those who so wished to -return to Tibet, where among their Buddhist fellow-countrymen they -would be free once more to follow their own faith. [1376] Tavernier -tells us a similar story of some Jews of Ispahan who were so grievously -persecuted by the governor “that either by force or cunning he caused -them to turn Mahometans; but the king (Shāh ʻAbbās II) (1642–1667), -understanding that only power and fear had constrained them to turn, -suffer’d them to resume their own religion and to live in quiet.” -[1377] A story of a much earlier traveller [1378] in Persia, in 1478, -shows how even in those turbulent times a Muhammadan governor set -himself to severely crush an outburst of fanaticism of the same -character. A rich Armenian merchant of the city of Tabrīz was sitting -in his shop one day when a Ḥājī, [1379] with a reputation for sanctity, -coming up to him importuned him to become a Musalman and abandon his -Christian faith; when the merchant expressed his intention of remaining -steadfast in his religion and offered the fellow alms with the hope of -getting rid of him, he replied that what he wanted was not his alms but -his conversion; and at length, enraged at the persistent refusal of the -merchant, suddenly snatched a sword out of the hand of a bystander and -struck the merchant a mortal blow on the head and then ran away. When -the Governor of the city heard the news, he was very angry and ordered -the murderer to be pursued and captured; the culprit having been -brought into his presence, the governor stabbed him to death with his -own hand and ordered his body to be cast forth to be devoured by dogs, -saying: “What! is this the way in which the religion of Muḥammad -spreads?” At nightfall, the common people took up the body and buried -it, whereupon the Governor, enraged at this contempt of his order, gave -up the place for three or four hours to be sacked by his soldiers and -afterwards imposed a fine as a further penalty; also he called the son -of the merchant to him and comforted him and caressed him with good and -kindly words. Even the mad al-Ḥākim (996–1020), whose persecutions -caused many Jews and Christians to abandon their own faith and become -Musalmans, afterwards allowed these unwilling converts to return again -to their own religion and rebuild their ruined places of worship. -[1380] Neglected as the Eastern Christians have been by their Christian -brethren in the West, unarmed for the most part and utterly -defenceless, it would have been easy for any of the powerful rulers of -Islam to have utterly rooted out their Christian subjects or banished -them from their dominions, as the Spaniards did the Moors, or the -English the Jews for nearly four centuries. It would have been -perfectly possible for Salīm I (in 1514) or Ibrāhīm (in 1646) to have -put into execution the barbarous notion they conceived of exterminating -their Christian subjects, just as the former had massacred 40,000 -Shīʻahs with the aim of establishing uniformity of religious belief -among his Muhammadan subjects. The muftis who turned the minds of their -masters from such a cruel purpose, did so as the exponents of Muslim -law and Muslim tolerance. [1381] - -Still, though the principle that found so much favour in Germany in the -seventeenth century [1382]—Cuius regio eius religio,—was never adopted -by any Muhammadan potentate, it is obvious that the fact of Islam being -the state religion could not fail to have had some influence in -increasing the number of its adherents. Persons on whom their religious -faith sat lightly would be readily influenced by considerations of -worldly advantage, and ambition and self-interest would take the place -of more laudable motives for conversion. St. Augustine made a similar -complaint in the fifth century, that many entered the Christian Church -merely because they hoped to gain some temporal advantage thereby: -“Quam multi non quaerunt Iesum, nisi ut illis faciat bene secundum -tempus! Alius negotium habet, quaerit intercessionem clericorum; alius -premitur a potentiore, fugit ad ecclesiam; alius pro se vult -interveniri apud eum apud quem parum valet: ille sic, ille sic; -impletur quotidie talibus ecclesia.” [1383] - -Moreover, to the barbarous and uncivilised tribes that saw the glory -and majesty of the empire of the Arabs in the heyday of its power, -Islam must have appeared as imposing and have exercised as powerful a -fascination as the Christian faith when presented to the Barbarians of -Northern Europe, when “They found Christianity in the -Empire—Christianity refined and complex, imperious and -pompous—Christianity enthroned by the side of kings, and sometimes -paramount above them.” [1384] - -Added to this must often have been the slow, persistent influence of -daily contact with Muslim life and thought, such as led even a -Nestorian writer of the twelfth century to add words of blessing to the -mention of the name of the Prophet and the early caliphs, [1385] and to -pray for the mercy of God on the caliph ʻUmar b. ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz. [1386] -In modern times Christian missionaries complain that the system of -public instruction in Egypt under the British occupation, according to -which “Christian boys are often compelled to sit and listen to the -Koran and Dîn (religious teaching) being taught to their Moslem -companions when there is no room where they can be separated,” [1387] -tends to give the Muhammadans a preponderating influence over their -Christian fellow-students. One of the most active of the followers of -the late Muftī Muḥammad ʻAbduh was originally a Coptic medical student, -who had been won over to Islam through the influence of the religious -instruction he had heard given in school hours. [1388] - -But the recital of such motives as little accounts for all cases of -conversion in the one religion as in the other, and they should not -make us lose sight of other factors in the missionary life of Islam, -whose influence has been of a more distinctly religious character. -Foremost among these is the influence of the devout lives of the -followers of Islam. Strange as it may appear to a generation accustomed -to look upon Islam as a cloak for all kinds of vice, it is nevertheless -true that in earlier times many Christians who have come into contact -with a living Muslim society have been profoundly impressed by the -virtues exhibited therein; if these could so strike the traveller and -the stranger, they would no doubt have some influence of attraction on -the unbeliever who came in daily contact with them. Ricoldus de Monte -Crucis, a Dominican missionary who visited the East at the close of the -thirteenth century, thus breaks out in praise of the Muslims among whom -he had laboured: “Obstupuimus, quomodo in lege tante perfidie poterant -opera tante perfectionis inveniri. Referemus igitur hic breviter opera -perfectionis Sarracenorum.... Quis enim non obstupescat, si diligenter -consideret, quanta in ipsis Sarracenis sollicitudo ad studium, devocio -in oratione, misericordia ad pauperes, reverencia ad nomen Dei et -prophetas et loca sancta, gravitas in moribus, affabilitas ad -extraneos, concordia et amor ad suos?” [1389] William Petit of Newburgh -in similar manner, towards the end of the twelfth century, praised the -sobriety of the Saracens as the outcome of the teaching of their -Prophet and as inspiring them with a sense of moral superiority over -the Christians: “Gulosos vero atque ebriosos, orbi terrarum graves -abominatus, sobrietatem docuit, ciborum delicias sugillavit, vini usum, -praeterquam paucis certisque diebus solemnibus, interdixit [Macometus]. -Inde est, quod cum Sarraceni in fluxu libidinum de sui, ut dictum est, -seductoris indulgentia probentur esse spurcissimi; nostris, proh dolor! -in frugalitate superiores esse videntur, nobisque, proh pudor! -comessationum et ebrietatum sordes improperant. Denique malleus -Christiani nominis Saladinus ante annos aliquot, cum nostrorum mores -explorans, audisset quod pluribus in prandio ferculis uterentur, -dixisse fertur, ‘tales Terra Sancta indignos esse.’ Unde constat, quod -luxus nostrorum conspectus Agarenos, de frugalitate gloriantes, contra -nos incitet animetque tanquam dicentes; ‘Deus dereliquit crapulatos -istos, persequamur et comprehendamus, quia non est qui eripiat.’” -[1390] - -The literature of the Crusades is rich in such appreciations of Muslim -virtues, while the Ottoman Turks in the early days of their rule in -Europe received many a tribute of praise from Christian lips, as has -already been shown in a former chapter. - -At the present day there are two chief factors (beyond such of the -above-mentioned as still hold good) that make for missionary activity -in the Muslim world. The first of these is the revival of religious -life which dates from the Wahhābī reformation at the end of the -eighteenth century; though this new departure has long lost all -political significance outside the confines of Najd, as a religious -revival its influence is felt throughout Africa, India and the Malay -Archipelago even to the present day, and has given birth to numerous -movements which take rank among the most powerful influences in the -Islamic world. In the preceding pages it has already been shown how -closely connected many of the modern Muslim missions are with this -wide-spread revival: the fervid zeal it has stirred up, the new life it -has infused into existing religious institutions, the impetus it has -given to theological study and to the organisation of devotional -exercises, have all served to awake and keep alive the innate -proselytising spirit of Islam. - -Side by side with this reform movement, is another of an entirely -different character—for, to mention one point of difference only, while -the former is strongly opposed to European civilisation, the latter is -rather in sympathy with modern thought and offers a presentment of -Islam in accordance therewith,—viz. the Pan-Islamic movement, which -seeks to bind all the nations of the Muslim world in a common bond of -sympathy. Though in no way so significant as the other, still this -trend of thought gives a powerful stimulus to missionary labours; the -effort to realise in actual life the Muslim ideal of the brotherhood of -all believers reacts on collateral ideals of the faith, and the sense -of a vast unity and of a common life running through the nations -inspirits the hearts of the faithful and makes them bold to speak in -the presence of the unbelievers. - -What further influence these two movements will have on the missionary -life of Islam, the future only can show. But their very activity at the -present day is a proof that Islam is not dead. The spiritual energy of -Islam is not, as has been so often maintained, commensurate with its -political power. [1391] On the contrary, the loss of political power -and worldly prosperity has served to bring to the front the finer -spiritual qualities which are the truest incentives to missionary work. -Islam has learned the uses of adversity, and so far from a decline in -worldly prosperity being a presage of the decay of this faith, it is -significant that those very Muslim countries that have been longest -under Christian rule show themselves most active in the work of -proselytising. The Indian and Malay Muhammadans display a zeal and -enthusiasm for the spread of the faith, which one looks for in vain in -Turkey or Morocco. - - - - - - - - -APPENDIX I. - -LETTER OF AL-HĀSHIMĪ INVITING AL-KINDĪ TO EMBRACE ISLAM. - - -The following is the text of al-Hāshimī’s letter inviting al-Kindī to -embrace Islam:—“In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. I -have begun this letter with the salutation of peace and blessing after -the fashion of my lord and the lord of the prophets, Muḥammad, the -Apostle of God (may the peace and mercy of God be upon him!). For those -trustworthy, righteous and truthful persons who have handed down to us -the traditions of our Prophet (peace be upon him!) have related this -tradition concerning him that such was his habit and that whenever he -began to converse with men he would commence with the salutation of -peace and blessing and made no distinction of dhimmīs and illiterate, -between Muslims and polytheists, saying ‘I am sent to be kind and -considerate to all men and not to deal roughly or harshly with them,’ -and quoting the words of God, ‘Verily God is kind and merciful to -believers.’ Likewise I have observed that those of our Khalīfahs that I -have met, followed the footsteps of their Prophet in courtesy, -nobility, graciousness and beneficence, and made no distinctions in -this matter and preferred none before another. So I have followed this -excellent way and have begun my letter with the salutation of peace and -blessing, that I be blamed of none who sees my letter. - -“I have been guided therein by my affection towards you because my lord -and prophet, Muḥammad (may the peace and mercy of God be upon him!) -used to say that love of kinsmen is true piety and religion. So I have -written this to you in obedience to the Apostle of God (may the peace -and mercy of God be upon him!), feeling bound to show gratitude for the -services you have done us, and because of the love and affection and -inclination that you show towards us, and because of the favour of my -lord and cousin the Commander of the Faithful (may God assist him!) -towards you and his trust in you and his praise of you. So in all -sincerity desiring for you what I desire for myself, my family and my -parents, I will set forth the religion that we hold, and that God has -approved of for us and for all creatures and for which He has promised -a good reward in the end and safety from punishment when unto Him we -shall return.... So I have sought to gain for you what I would gain for -myself; and seeing your high moral life, vast learning, nobility of -character, your virtuous behaviour, lofty qualities and your extensive -influence over your co-religionists, I have had compassion on you lest -you should continue in your present faith. Therefore I have determined -to set before you what the favour of God has revealed to us and to -expound unto you our faith with good and gentle speech, following the -commandment of God, ‘Dispute not with the people of the book except in -the best way.’ (xxix. 45.) So I will discuss with you only in words -well-chosen, good and mild; perchance you may be aroused and return to -the true path and incline unto the words of the Most High God which He -has sent down to the last of the Prophets and lord of the children of -Adam, our Prophet Muḥammad (the peace and blessing of God be upon -him!). I have not despaired of success, but had hope of it for you from -God who showeth the right path to whomsoever He willeth, and I have -prayed that He may make me an instrument to this end. God in His -perfect book says ‘Verily the religion before God is Islam’ (iii. 17), -and again, confirming His first saying, ‘And whoso desireth any other -religion than Islam, it shall by no means therefore be accepted from -him, and in the next world he shall be among the lost’ (iii. 79), and -again He confirms it decisively, when He says, ‘O believers, fear God -as He deserveth to be feared; and die not without having become -Muslims.’ (iii. 97.) - -“And you know—(May God deliver you from the ignorance of unbelief and -open your heart to the light of faith!)—that I am one over whom many -years have passed and I have sounded the depths of other faiths and -weighed them and studied many of their books especially your books.” -[Here he enumerates the chief books of the Old and New Testaments, and -explains how he has studied the various Christian sects.] “I have met -with many monks, famous for their austerities and vast knowledge, have -visited many churches and monasteries, and have attended their -prayers.... I have observed their extraordinary diligence, their -kneeling and prostrations and touching the ground with their cheeks and -beating it with their foreheads and humble bearing throughout their -prayers, especially on Sunday and Friday nights, and on their festivals -when they keep watch all night standing on their feet praising and -glorifying God and confessing Him, and when they spend the whole day -standing in prayer, continually repeating the name of the Father, Son, -and Holy Ghost, and in the days of their retreats which they call Holy -Week when they stand barefooted in sackcloth and ashes, with much -weeping and shedding of tears continually, and wailing with strange -cries. I have seen also their sacrifices, with what cleanliness they -keep the bread for it, and the long prayers they recite with great -humility when they elevate it over the altar in the well-known church -at Jerusalem with those cups full of wine, and I have observed also the -meditations of the monks in their cells during their six fasts,—i.e. -the four greater and the two less, etc. On all such occasions I have -been present and observant of the people. Also I have visited their -Metropolitans and Bishops, renowned for their learning and their -devotion to the Christian faith and extreme austerity in the world, and -have discussed with them impartially, seeking for the truth, laying -aside all contentiousness, ostentation of learning and imperiousness in -altercation and bitterness and pride of race. I have given them -opportunity to maintain their arguments and speak out their minds -without interruption or browbeating, as is done by the vulgar and -illiterate and foolish persons among our co-religionists who have no -principle to work up to or reasons on which to rest, or religious -feeling or good manners to restrain them from rudeness; their speech is -but browbeating and proud altercation and they have no knowledge or -arguments except taking advantage of the rule of the government. -Whenever I have held discussions with them and asked them to speak -freely as their reason, their creed and their conclusion prompted, they -have spoken openly and without deception of any kind, and their inward -feelings have been laid bare to me as plainly as their outward -appearance. So I have written at such length to you (may God show you -the better way!) after long consideration and profound inquiry and -investigation, so that none may suspect that I am ignorant of the -things whereof I write and that all into whose hands this letter may -come, may know that I have an accurate knowledge of the Christian -faith. - -“So, now (may God shower His blessings upon you!) with this knowledge -of your religion and so long-standing an affection (for you), I invite -you to accept the religion that God has chosen for me and I for myself, -assuring you entrance into Paradise and deliverance from Hell. And it -is this,—You shall worship the one God, the only God, the Eternal, He -begetteth not, neither is He begotten, who hath no consort and no son, -and there is none like unto Him. This is the attribute wherewith God -has denominated Himself, for none of His creatures could know Him -better than He Himself. I have invited you to the worship of this the -One God, whose attribute is such, and in this my letter I have added -nothing to that wherewith He has denominated Himself (high and exalted -be His name above what they associate with Him!). This is the religion -of your father and our father, Abraham (may the blessings of God rest -upon him!), for he was a Ḥanīf and Muslim. - -“Then I invite you (may God have you in His keeping!) to bear witness -and acknowledge the prophetic mission of my lord and the lord of the -sons of Adam, and the chosen one of the God of all worlds and the seal -of the prophets, Muḥammad ... sent by God with glad tidings and -warnings to all mankind. ‘He it is who hath sent His Apostle with the -guidance and a religion of the truth, that He may make it victorious -over every other religion, albeit they who assign partners to God be -averse from it.’ (ix. 33.) So he invited all men from the East and from -the West, from land and sea, from mountain and from plain, with -compassion and pity and good words, with kindly manners and gentleness. -Then all these people accepted his invitation, bearing witness that he -is the apostle of God, the Creator of the worlds, to those who are -willing to give heed to admonition. All gave willing assent when they -beheld the truth and faithfulness of his words, and sincerity of his -purpose, and the clear argument and plain proof that he brought, namely -the book that was sent down to him from God, the like of which cannot -be produced by men or Jinns. ‘Say: Assuredly if mankind and the Jinns -should conspire to produce the like of this Qurʼān, they could not -produce its like, though the one should help the other.’ (xvii. 91.) -And this is sufficient proof of his mission. So he invited men to the -worship of the One God, the only God, the Self-sufficing, and they -entered into his religion and accepted his authority without being -forced and without unwillingness, but rather humbly acknowledging him -and soliciting the light of his guidance, and in his name becoming -victorious over those who denied his divine mission and rejected his -message and scornfully entreated him. So God set them up in the cities -and subjected to them the necks of the nations of men, except those who -hearkened to them and accepted their religion and bore witness to their -faith, whereby their blood, their property and their honour were safe -and they were exempt from humbly paying jizyah.” [He then enumerates -the various ordinances of Islam, such as the five daily prayers, the -fast of Ramaḍān, Jihād; expounds the doctrine of the resurrection of -the dead and the last judgment, and recounts the joys of Paradise and -the pains of Hell.] “So I have admonished you: if you believe in this -faith and accept whatever is read to you from the revealed Word of God, -then you will profit from my admonition and my writing to you. But if -you refuse and continue in your unbelief and error and contend against -the truth, I shall have my reward, having fulfilled the commandment. -And the truth will judge you.” [He then enumerates various religious -duties and privileges of the Muslim, and concludes.] “So now in this my -letter I have read to you the words of the great and high God, which -are the words of the Truth, whose promises cannot fail and in whose -words there is no deceit. Then give up your unbelief and error, of -which God disapproves and which calls for punishment, and speak no more -of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, these words that you yourself admit to -be so confusing: and give up the worship of the cross which brings loss -and no profit, for I wish you to turn away from it, since your learning -and nobility of soul are degraded thereby. For the great and high God -says: ‘Verily, God will not forgive the union of other gods with -Himself; but other than this will He forgive to whom He pleaseth. And -whoso uniteth gods with God, hath devised a great wickedness.’ (iv. -51.) And again: ‘Surely now are they infidels who say, “God is the -Messiah, Son of Mary;” for the Messiah said, “O children of Israel! -worship God, my Lord and your Lord.” Verily, those who join other gods -with God, God doth exclude from Paradise, and their abode the Fire; and -for the wicked no helpers! They surely are infidels who say, “God is a -third of three:” for there is no god but one God; and if they refrain -not from what they say, a grievous chastisement shall assuredly befall -such of them as believe not. Will they not, therefore, turn unto God, -and ask pardon of Him? since God is Forgiving, Merciful! The Messiah, -Son of Mary, is but an Apostle; other Apostles have flourished before -him; and his mother was a just person; they both ate food.’ (v. 76–9.) -Then leave this path of error and this long and stubborn clinging to -your religion and those burdensome and wearisome fasts which are a -constant trouble to you and are of no use or profit and produce nothing -but weariness of body and torment of soul. Embrace this faith and take -this, the right and easy path, the true faith, the ample law and the -way that God has chosen for His favoured ones and to which He has -invited the people of all religions, that He may show His kindness and -favour to them by guiding them into the true path by means of His -guidance, and fill up the measure of His goodness unto men. - -“So I have advised you and paid the debt of friendship and sincere -love, for I have desired to take you to myself, that you and I may be -of the same opinion and the same faith, for I have found my Lord saying -in his perfect Book: ‘Verily the unbelievers among the people of the -Book and among the polytheists, shall go into the fire of Hell to abide -therein for ever. Of all creatures they are the worst. But they verily -who believe and do the things that are right—these of all creatures are -the best. Their recompense with their Lord shall be gardens of Eden, -’neath which the rivers flow, in which they shall abide for evermore. -God is well pleased with them, and they with Him. This, for him who -feareth his Lord.’ (xcviii. 5–8.) ‘Ye are the best folk that hath been -raised up for mankind. Ye enjoin what is just, and ye forbid what is -evil, and ye believe in God: and if the people of the book had -believed, it had surely been better for them. Believers there are among -them, but most of them are disobedient.’ (iii. 106.) So I have had -compassion upon you lest you might be among the people of Hell who are -the worst of all creatures, and I have hoped that by the grace of God -you may become one of the true believers with whom God is well pleased -and they with Him, and they are the best of all creatures, and I have -hoped that you will join yourself to that religion which is the best of -the religions raised up for men. But if you refuse and persist in your -obstinacy, contentiousness and ignorance, your infidelity and error, -and if you reject my words and refuse the sincere advice I have offered -you (without looking for any thanks or reward)—then write whatever you -wish to say about your religion, all that you hold to be true and -established by strong proof, without any fear or apprehension, without -curtailment of your proofs or concealment of your beliefs; for I -purpose only to listen patiently to your arguments and to yield to and -acknowledge all that is convincing therein, submitting willingly -without refusing or rejecting or fear, in order that I may compare your -account and mine. You are free to set forth your case; bring forward no -plea that fear prevented you from making your arguments complete and -that you had to put a bridle on your tongue, so that you could not -freely express your arguments. So now you are free to bring forward all -your arguments, that you may not accuse me of pride, injustice or -partiality: for that is far from me. - -“Therefore bring forward all the arguments you wish and say whatever -you please and speak your mind freely. Now that you are safe and free -to say whatever you please, appoint some arbitrator who will -impartially judge between us and lean only towards the truth and be -free from the empery of passion: and that arbitrator shall be Reason, -whereby God makes us responsible for our own rewards and punishments. -Herein I have dealt justly with you and have given you full security -and am ready to accept whatever decision Reason may give for me or -against me. For ‘there is no compulsion in religion’ (ii. 257) and I -have only invited you to accept our faith willingly and of your own -accord and have pointed out the hideousness of your present belief. -Peace be with you and the mercy and blessings of God!” - -There can be very little doubt but that this document has come down to -us in an imperfect condition and has suffered mutilation at the hands -of Christian copyists: the almost entire absence of any refutation of -such distinctively Christian doctrines as that of the Blessed Trinity, -and the references to such attacks to be found in al-Kindī’s reply, -certainly indicate the excision of such passages as might have given -offence to Christian readers. [1392] - - - - - - - - -APPENDIX II. - -CONTROVERSIAL LITERATURE BETWEEN MUSLIMS AND -THE FOLLOWERS OF OTHER FAITHS. - - -Although Islam has had no organised system of propaganda, no tract -societies or similar agencies of missionary work, there has been no -lack of reasoned presentments of the faith to unbelievers, particularly -to Christians and Jews. Of these it is not proposed to give a detailed -account here, but it is of importance to draw attention to their -existence if only to remove the wide-spread misconception that mass -conversion is the prevailing characteristic of the spread of Islam and -that individual conviction has formed no part of the propagandist -schemes of the Muslim missionary. The beginnings of Muhammadan -controversy against unbelievers are to be found in the Qurʼān itself, -but from the ninth century of the Christian era begins a long series of -systematic treatises of Muhammadan Apologetics, which has been actively -continued to the present day. The number of such works directed against -the Christian faith has been far more numerous than the Christian -refutations of Islam, and some of the ablest of Muslim thinkers have -employed their pens in their composition, e.g. Abū Yūsuf b. Isḥāq -al-Kindī (A.D. 813–873), al-Masʻūdī (ob. A.D. 958), Ibn Ḥazm (A.D. -994–1064), al-Ghazālī (ob. A.D. 1111), etc. It is interesting also to -note that several renegades have written apologies for their change of -faith and in defence of the Muslim creed, e.g. Ibn Jazlah in the -eleventh century, Yūsuf al-Lubnānī and Shaykh Ziyādah b. Yaḥyạ̄ in the -thirteenth, ʻAbd Allāh b. ʻAbd Allāh in the fifteenth, Darwesh ʻAlī in -the sixteenth, Aḥmad b. ʻAbd Allāh, an Englishman born at Cambridge, in -the seventeenth century, etc. These latter were all Christians before -their conversion, but Jewish renegades also, though fewer in number, -have been among the apologists of Islam. In India, besides many -Muhammadan books written against the Christian religion, there is an -enormous number of controversial works against Hinduism: as to whether -the Muhammadans have been equally active in other heathen countries, I -have no information. - -The reader will find a vast store of information on Muslim -controversial literature in the following writings: Moritz -Steinschneider: Polemische und apologetische Litteratur in arabischer -Sprache, zwischen Muslimen, Christen und Juden. (Leipzig, 1877); Ignaz -Goldziher: Über Muhammedanische Polemik gegen Ahl al-kitâb (Z.D.M.G., -vol. 32, p. 341 ff. 1878); Martin Schreiner: Zur Geschichte der Polemik -zwischen Juden und Muhammedanern (Z.D.M.G., vol. 42, p. 591 ff. 1888); -W. A. Shedd: Islam and the Oriental Churches, pp. 252–3; Carl -Güterbock: Der Islam in Lichte der byzantinischen Polemik. (Berlin, -1912.) - - - - - - - - -APPENDIX III. - -MUSLIM MISSIONARY SOCIETIES. - - -The formation of societies for carrying on a propaganda in an organised -and systematic manner is a recent development in the missionary history -of Islam—as indeed it is comparatively recent in the history of -Christian missions. Such Muslim missionary societies would appear to -have been formed in conscious imitation of similar organisations in the -Christian world, and are not in themselves the most characteristic -expressions of the missionary spirit in Islam. In the Western world -there is very little to note. No attempt seems to have been made to -form such a society before the latter half of the nineteenth century, -and the earliest efforts were attended with little success. When H. M. -Stanley in 1875 urged in the English Press the sending of a Christian -mission to King Mutesa of Uganda, the wide-spread attention paid to his -appeal led to the formation of a missionary society in Constantinople -for the propagation of Islam in that country, but no Muhammadan -missionaries were ever sent to Uganda, and the outbreak of the -Russo-Turkish war in 1878 diverted the attention of the Turks from any -such enterprise. [1393] A similar failure to establish organised -missionary effort was manifested when the Anglo-Egyptian Government of -the Sudan marked out zones of influence for various Christian -missionary societies in districts the natives of which were heathen; -some Muslims of Cairo claimed that a part of the territory should be -allotted to the followers of Islam; whereupon the Government replied -that all they had to do was to send the missionaries and the same -facilities would be afforded to them as to the Christian missionaries; -but the necessary organisation was lacking and the matter was allowed -to drop. [1394] In 1910 Shaykh Rashīd, the editor of al-Manār, founded -a missionary society in Cairo, the object of which is to establish a -college (entitled Dār al-daʻwah waʼl-irshād) for the training of -missionaries and apologists for Islam, who are to be sent primarily -into heathen and Christian lands, but also into those Muhammadan -countries in which attempts are being made to induce the Muhammadans to -abandon their faith. [1395] - -But it is in India that there has been the greatest expansion of such -organisations. One of the best organised of these is probably the -Anjuman Ḥimāyat-i-Islām of Lahore, but propagandist work forms only a -small part of the wide field of its activities and it cannot therefore -be described as a missionary society pure and simple. The original -purpose for which the Anjuman Ḥāmī Islām of Ajmer was founded was to -answer the objections urged against Islam by the members of the Ārya -Samāj, but it included among its objects the preaching of Islam and the -providing of food and clothing to new converts. [1396] The Anjuman -Waʻz̤-i-Islām, as its name denotes, concentrated its efforts on the -preaching of Islam, and, while Mawlavī Baqā Ḥusayn Khān (p. 283) was -its Secretary, published lists of the converts gained—as did also the -Anjuman-i-Islām and the Anjuman Tablīgh-i-Islām (which aimed at the -conversion of the Hindu untouchables) established in Ḥaydarabad -(Deccan), but it does not appear that either of these societies -continues to exist. [1397] Among the societies that have been -established in the twentieth century are the Madrasa Ilāhiyyāt at -Cawnpore, for the training of missionaries and the publication of -tracts in defence of Islam and in refutation of attacks made upon it; -and the Anjuman Ishāʻat wa Taʻlīm-i-Islām at Baṭālah in the Panjāb, -with similar objects. But the largest of these organisations is the -Anjuman Hidāyat al-Islām of Dehlī, to which as many as twenty-four -other societies, [1398] in various parts of India, are affiliated; this -Anjuman sends out missionaries to preach the doctrines of Islam and to -hold controversies with non-Muslims, and publishes controversial -literature, especially in refutation of the attacks made by the members -of the Ārya Samāj. - - - - - - - - -TITLES OF WORKS CITED BY ABBREVIATED REFERENCES. - - -(The Titles, etc., of books quoted once only, are given in full in the -foot-notes.) - - -Aa (P. J. B. 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(Migne, tom. xlii, p. 823.) - -[3] Accordingly the reader will find no account of the recent history -of Armenia or Crete, or indeed of any part of the empire of the Turks -during the present century—a period singularly barren of missionary -enterprise on their part. - -[4] Phrantzes, p. 5. - -[5] The student of the literature of Science or of the Fine Arts finds -the libraries at South Kensington open till 10 o’clock on three -evenings every week, but the one library in this country that aims at -any completeness is available only to such students as are at leisure -during the day-time. - -[6] A note on Mr. Lyall’s article: “Missionary Religions.” Fortnightly -Review, July, 1874. - -[7] Reclus, vol. v. p. 433; Gasztowtt, p. 320 sqq. - -[8] This misinterpretation of the Muslim wars of conquest has arisen -from the assumption that wars waged for the extension of Muslim -domination over the lands of the unbelievers implied that the aim in -view was their conversion. Goldziher has well pointed out this -distinction in his Vorlesungen über den Islam: “Was Muhammed zunächst -in seinem arabischen Umkreise getan, das hinterlässt er als Testament -für die Zukunft seiner Gemeinde: Bekämpfung der Ungläubigen, die -Ausbreitung nicht so sehr des Glaubens als seiner Machtsphäre, die die -Machtsphäre Allahs ist. Es ist dabei den Kämpfern des Islams zunächst -nicht so sehr um Bekehrung als um Unterwerfung der Ungläubigen zu tun.” -(p. 25.) - -[9] See Enhardi Fuldensis Annales, A.D. 777. “Saxones post multas cædes -et varia bella afflicti, tandem christiani effecti, Francorum dicioni -subduntur.” G. H. Pertz: Monumenta Germaniæ Historica, vol. i. p. 349. -(See also pp. 156, 159.) - -[10] “Tum zelo propagandæ fidei succensus, barbara regna iusto -certamine aggressus, devictas subditasque nationes christianæ legi -subiugavit.” (Breviarium Romanum. Iun. 19.) - -[11] Mathurin Veyssière de la Croze: Histoire du Christianisme des -Indes, pp. 529–531. (The Hague, 1724.) - -[12] Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, vol. xi. p. 89. - -[13] Konrad Maurer: Die Bekehrung des norwegischen Stammes zum -Christenthume, vol. i. p. 284. (München, 1855.) - -[14] Jean, Sire de Joinville: Histoire de Saint Louis, ed. N. de -Wailly, p. 30 (§ 53). - -[15] Severus, p. 191 (ll. 21–22). - -[16] Ibn Isḥāq, p. 120. - -[17] Id. p. 155. - -[18] He is famous throughout the Muhammadan world as the first -muʼadhdhin. - -[19] Ibn Isḥāq, p. 219–220. Ṭabarī makes no mention of this mission and -Caetani (i. p. 278) accordingly suggests that it is a later invention. - -[20] Ibn Isḥāq, pp. 225–6. - -[21] Ibn Isḥāq, pp. 286–7. - -[22] Caetani, vol. i. pp. 334–5. - -[23] Ibn Isḥāq, p. 291 sq. - -[24] The appointment of the fast of Ramaḍān (Qurʼān ii. 179–84), is -doubtless another sign of the breaking with the Jews, the fast on the -Day of Atonement being thus abolished. - -[25] “Aber Gottes Botschaft ist nicht auf die Araber beschränkt. Sein -Wille gilt für alle Creatur, es heischt unbedingten Gehorsam von aller -Menschheit, und dass Muhammed als sein Bote denselben Gehorsam zu -heischen berechtigt und verpflichtet sei, scheint von Anfang an ein -integrirender Bestandtheil seines Gedankensystem gewesen zu sein.” -(Sachau, pp. 293–4.) Goldziher (Vorlesungen über den Islam, p. 25 sqq.) -and Nöldeke (WZKM, vol. xxi. pp. 307–8) express a similar opinion. - -[26] On the doubtful authenticity of these letters, see Caetani, vol. -i. p. 725 sqq. - -[27] It seems strange that in the face of these passages, some have -denied that Islam was originally intended by its founder to be a -universal religion. Thus Sir William Muir says, “That the heritage of -Islam is the world, was an afterthought. The idea, spite of much -prophetic tradition, had been conceived but dimly, if at all, by -Mahomet himself. His world was Arabia, and for it the new dispensation -was ordained. From first to last the summons was to Arabs and to none -other.... The seed of a universal creed had indeed been sown; but that -it ever germinated was due to circumstance rather than design.” (The -Caliphate, pp. 43–4.) Caetani is the latest exponent of this view. -(Annali dell’Islām, vol. v. pp. 323–4.) - -[28] Ibn Saʻd, § 10. This story may indeed be apocryphal, but is -significant at least of the early realisation of the missionary -character of Islam. - -[29] A. von Kremer (3), pp. 309, 310. - -[30] This would seem to be acknowledged even by Muir, when speaking of -the massacre of the Banū Qurayẓah (A.H. 6): “The ostensible grounds -upon which Mahomet proceeded were purely political, for as yet he did -not profess to force men to join Islam, or to punish them for not -embracing it.” (Muir (2), vol. iii. p. 282.) - -[31] Ibn Isḥāq, p. 648 sq. - -[32] Muir (2), vol. iv. pp. 107–8. See also Caetani, vol. i. p. 663. -“Assai più che tutte le prediche del Profeta, assai più che tutta la -bontà delle dottrine islamiche, siffatti vantaggi militari -contribuirono al aumentare il numero dei seguaci. La rapidità della -diffusione dell’Islām divenne in special modo sensibile per il contegno -et per lo spirito di tolleranza, di libertà, e di opportunismo, che -diresse il Profeta nei suoi rapporti con i convertiti.” - -[33] Ibn Isḥāq, p. 943–4. (This story rests on somewhat doubtful -authority, cf. Caetani, vol. i. p. 610.) - -[34] Ibn Saʻd, § 118. - -[35] Ibn Isḥāq, pp. 252–4. - -[36] Caetani, vol. ii. t. i. p. 341. - -[37] Ibn Saʻd, § 56. - -[38] Ibn Saʻd, § 85. - -[39] Id. § 86. - -[40] Id. § 91. - -[41] See Sprenger, vol. iii. pp. 360–1. - -[42] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 433. - -[43] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 429. - -[44] This has been nowhere more fully and excellently brought out than -in the scholarly work of Prof. Ignaz Goldziher (Muhammedanische -Studien, vol. i.), from which I have derived the following -considerations. - -[45] Döllinger, pp. 5–6. - -[46] Caetani, Studi di Storia Orientale, I, p. 365 sqq. (Milano, 1911.) - -[47] This interpretation of the Arab conquests as the last of the great -Semitic migrations has been worked out in a masterly manner by Caetani, -vol. ii. pp. 831–61. - -[48] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 455; vol. v. p. 521. (“In Madīnah si formò un -considerevole nucleo religioso, composto d’elementi eterogenei, ma -forse in maggioranza madinesi, i quali presero l’Islām molto sul serio -e cercarono sinceramente di osservare la nuova dottrina, per la -convinzione che, così agendo facevan bene, ed in devoto omaggio alla -volontà del Profeta.”) - -[49] Masʻūdī, tome iv. p. 238. - -[50] Muir’s Caliphate, pp. 121–2. - -[51] Caetani, vol. iii. p. 814 (§ 323). - -[52] Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 260, 299, 351. - -[53] Id. pp. 792–3; vol. iii. p. 253 (§ 8). - -[54] Id. pp. 1112–15. - -[55] Muir, Caliphate, pp. 90–4. - -[56] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 299. Wellhausen, iv. p. 156 (n. 5). - -[57] Ṭabarī, Prima Series, p. 2482. - -[58] For an exhaustive study of the jizyah, with a masterly array and -critical examination of all the available historical materials, see -Caetani, vol. v. p. 319 sqq.; for Egypt during the first century of -Muslim rule, see Bell, p. 167 sqq., and Becker, Beiträge zur Geschichte -Aegyptens unter dem Islam, p. 81 sqq. - -[59] Caetani (vol. iv. p. 227) believes that this story is the -invention of a later epoch, to explain the fiscal anomaly of a -Christian tribe being treated as if it were Muslim. - -[60] The few meagre notices of this tribe in the works of Arabic -historians have been admirably summarised by Lammens: Le Chantre des -Omiades. (J. A., ix. sér., tome iv. pp. 97–9, 438–59.) See also -Caetani, vol. iv. p. 227 sqq. - -[61] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 1180. - -[62] Barhebræus (3), pp. 134–5. - -[63] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 828. - -[64] Ṭabarī, i. p. 2041. - -[65] Masʻūdī, tome iv. p. 256. - -[66] “Gli Arabi nei primi anni non perseguitarono invece alcuno per -ragioni di fede, non si diedero pena alcuna per convertire chicchessia, -sicchè sotto l’Islām, dopo le prime conquiste, i cristiani Semiti -goderno d’una tolleranza religiosa quale non si era mai vista da varie -generazioni.” (Caetani, vol. v. p. 4.) - -[67] Sir Henry Layard: Early Adventures in Persia, Susiana and -Babylonia, vol. i. p. 100. (London, 1887); R. Hartmann: Die Herrschaft -von al-Karak. (Der Islam, vol. ii. p. 137.) - -[68] Burckhardt (2), p. 564. - -[69] W. G. Palgrave: Essays on Eastern Questions, pp. 206–8. (London, -1872.) - -[70] I. A. Dorner: A System of Christian Doctrine, vol. iii. pp. -215–16. (London, 1885.) J. C. Robertson: History of the Christian -Church, vol. ii. p. 226. (London, 1875.) - -[71] That such fears were not wholly groundless may be judged from the -emperor’s intolerant behaviour towards many of the Monophysite party in -his progress through Syria after the defeat of the Persians in 627. -(See Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 412, and Caetani, vol. ii. p. -1049.) For the outrages committed by the Byzantine soldiers on their -co-religionists in the reign of Constans II (642–668), see Michael the -Elder, vol. ii. p. 443. - -[72] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 412–13. Barhebræus, about a -century later, wrote in a similar strain. (Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, -ed. J. B. Abbeloos et Lamy, p. 474.) - -[73] Azdī, p. 97. - -[74] Balādhurī, p. 137. - -[75] Caetani, vol. iii. p. 813; vol. v. p. 394. (“Gli abitanti -accettarono con non celato favore il mutamento di governo, appena -ebbero compreso che gli Arabi avrebbero rispettato i loro diritti -individuali, ed avrebbero lasciata completa libertà di coscienza in -materia religiosa. In Siria, città ed interi distretti si affrettarono -a trattare con gli Arabi anche prima della rotta finale dei Greci. Nel -Sawād si lasciarono passivamente sopraffare accettando il nuovo dominio -senza pattuire condizioni di sorta; è probabile che anche in Siria -questo fosse il caso per molte regioni remote dalle grandi vie di -comunicazioni.”) - -[76] Gottheil has brought together a valuable collection of documentary -evidence as to the condition of the protected peoples under Muslim rule -in his “Dhimmīs and Moslems in Egypt.” - -[77] Balādhurī, pp. 74 (ad fin.), 116, 121 (med.). - -[78] For a discussion of this document, see Caetani, vol. iii. p. 952 -sqq. - -[79] Ṭabarī, i. p. 2405. - -[80] Balādhurī, p. 129. - -[81] Ibn Sʻad, III, i. p. 246. - -[82] Mémoire sur la conquête de la Syrie, p. 143 sq. - -[83] Annali dell’Islām, vol. iii. p. 957. - -[84] Some authorities on Muhammadan law held that this rule did not -extend to villages and hamlets, in which the construction of churches -was not to be prevented. (Hidāyah, vol. ii. p. 219.) - -[85] “The ʻUlamāʼ are divided in opinion on the question of the -teaching of the Qurʼān: the sect of Mālik forbids it: that of Abū -Ḥanīfah allows it; and Shāfiʻī has two opinions on the subject: on the -one hand, he countenances the study of it, as indicating a leaning -towards Islam; and on the other hand, he forbids it, because he fears -that the unbeliever who studies the Qurʼān being still impure may read -it solely with the object of turning it to ridicule, since he is the -enemy of God and the Prophet who wrote the book; now as these two -statements are contradictory, Shāfiʻī has no formally stated opinion on -this matter.” (Belin, p. 508.) - -[86] Such as the forms of greeting, etc., that are only to be used by -Muslims to one another. - -[87] Abū Yūsuf (p. 82) says that Christians were to be allowed to go in -procession once a year with crosses, but not with banners; outside the -city, not inside where the mosques were. - -[88] The nāqūs, lit. an oblong piece of wood, struck with a rod. - -[89] Gottheil, pp. 382–4, where references are given to the various -versions of this document. - -[90] There is evidence to show that the Arab conquerors left unchanged -the fiscal system that they found prevailing in the lands they -conquered from the Byzantines, and that the explanation of jizyah as a -capitation-tax is an invention of later jurists, ignorant of the true -condition of affairs in the early days of Islam. (Caetani, vol. iv. p. -610 (§ 231); vol. v. p. 449.) H. Lammens: Ziād ibn Abīhi. (Rivista -degli Studi Orientali, vol. iv. p. 215.) - -[91] Goldziher, vol. i. pp. 50–7, 427–30. Caetani, vol. v. p. 311 sqq. - -[92] Caetani, vol. v. pp. 424 (§ 752), 432. - -[93] Balādhurī, pp. 124–5. - -[94] A. von Kremer (1), vol. i. pp. 60, 436. - -[95] A dirham is about fivepence. - -[96] Bell, pp. xxv, 173. - -[97] Abū Yūsuf, pp. 69–71. - -[98] Ṭabarī, Prima Series, p. 2055. - -[99] Id. p. 2050. - -[100] Abū Yūsuf, p. 81. - -[101] Balādhurī, p. 159. - -[102] Ṭabarī, Prima Series, p. 2665. - -[103] Marsigli, vol. i. p. 86 (he calls them “Musellim”). - -[104] Finlay, vol. vi. pp. 30, 33. - -[105] Lazăr, p. 56. - -[106] De la Jonquière, p. 14. - -[107] Thomas Smith, p. 324. - -[108] Dorostamus, p. 326. - -[109] De la Jonquière, p. 265. - -[110] Lammens, p. 13. - -[111] Ibn Abī Usaybiʻah, vol. i. p. 164. - -[112] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 475. - -[113] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 71 (l. 16). Abū Nūḥ al-Anbārī wrote a -refutation -of the Qurʼān and other theological works (Wright, p. 191 n. 3). - -[114] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 84. - -[115] Hilāl al-Ṣābī, p. 95. - -[116] Ibn al-Athīr, vol. ix. p. 16. - -[117] Von Kremer (1), vol. i. pp. 167–8. Lammens, p. 11. - -[118] Renaudot, pp. 430, 540. - -[119] Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 180–1. - -[120] Von Kremer (1), vol. i. p. 183. - -[121] Caetani, vol. iii. pp. 350 sq., 387 sqq. - -[122] Gottheil, pp. 360–1. Goldziher: Zur Literatur des Ichtilâf -al-maḏâhib, ZDMG., vol. 38, pp. 673–4. - -[123] On this theoretical character of much of Muslim legal literature, -see Snouck Hurgronje: Mohammedanisches Recht in Theorie und -Wirklichkeit. - -[124] Gottheil, p. 363. - -[125] Gottheil, pp. 358–9, however, doubts whether there is evidence -for attributing this intolerance to ʻUmar II. - -[126] Journal Asiatique, IVme série, tome xviii. (1851), pp. 433, 450. -Ṭabarī, III, p. 1419. - -[127] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 476. Renaudot, p. 189. - -[128] Eutychius, II, p. 41 init. Severus (p. 139) says “two churches.” - -[129] Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. p. 175. - -[130] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 490, 491. - -[131] Ibn Khallikān, vol. i. p. 485. - -[132] Elias of Nisibis, p. 128. - -[133] A. J. Butler: The Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt, vol. i. p. -181. (Oxford, 1884.) - -[134] Yāqūt, vol. ii. p. 662. - -[135] Yāqūt, vol. ii. p. 670. - -[136] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 73. - -[137] Ishok of Romgla, p. 266. - -[138] Eutychius, II, p. 58. - -[139] Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 175–6. - -[140] Butler: Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt, vol. i. p. 76. - -[141] Renaudot, p. 399. - -[142] Ishok of Romgla, p. 333. - -[143] Abū Ṣāliḥ, p. 92. - -[144] A Dominican monk from Florence, by name Ricoldus de Monte Crucis, -who visited the East about the close of the thirteenth and the -beginning of the fourteenth century, speaks of the toleration the -Nestorians had enjoyed under Muhammadan rule right up to his time: “Et -ego inveni per antiquas historias et autenticas aput Saracenos, quod -ipsi Nestorini amici fuerunt Machometi et confederati cum eo, et quod -ipse Machometus mandauit suis posteris, quod Nestorinos maxime -conseruarent. Quod usque hodie diligenter obseruant ipsi Sarraceni.” -(Laurent, p. 128.) - -[145] J. Labourt: De Timotheo I, Nestorianorum Patriarcha, p. 37 sqq. -(Paris, 1904.) - -[146] E. von Dobschütz, p. 390–1. - -[147] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 439–40. - -[148] Makīn, p. 12. J. Labourt: Le Christianisme sous la dynastie -sassanide, p. 139 sq. (Paris, 1904.) - -[149] Renaudot, p. 169. - -[150] Von Kremer well remarks: “Wir verdanken dem unermüdlichen -Sammelfleiss der arabischen Chronisten unsere Kenntniss der politischen -und militärischen Geschichte jener Zeiten, welche so genau ist als dies -nur immer auf eine Entfernung von zwölf Jahrhunderten der Fall sein -kann; allein gerade die innere Geschichte jener denkwürdigen Epoche, -die Geschichte des Kampfes einer neuen, rohen Religion gegen die alten -hochgebildeten, zum Theile überbildeten Culte ist kaum in ihren -allgemeinsten Umrissen bekannt.” (Von Kremer (2), pp. 1–2.) - -[151] Thomas of Margā, vol. ii. p. 309 sq. - -[152] Thomas of Margā, vol. ii. pp. 310, 324 sq. - -[153] Cf. in addition to the passages quoted below, MʻClintoch & -Strong’s Cyclopædia, sub art. Mohammedanism, vol. vi. p. 420. James -Freeman Clarke: Ten Great Religions, Part ii. p. 75. (London, 1883.) - -[154] Thus the Emperor Heraclius is represented by the Muhammadan -historian as saying, “Their religion is a new religion which gives them -new zeal.” (Ṭabarī, p. 2103.) - -[155] History of Latin Christianity, vol. ii. pp. 216–17. - -[156] Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 1045–6. - -[157] A paper read before the Church Congress at Wolverhampton, October -7th, 1887. - -[158] For the oppressive fiscal system under the Byzantine empire, see -Gfrörer: Byzantinische Geschichten, vol. ii. pp. 337–9, 389–91, 450. - -[159] “Der Islam war ein Rückstoss gegen den Missbrauch, welchen -Justinian mit der Menschheit, besonders aber mit der christlichen -Religion trieb, deren oberstes geistliches und weltliches Haupt er zu -sein behauptete. Dass der Araber Mahomed, welcher 571 der christlichen -Zeitrechnung, sechs Jahre nach dem Tode Justinians, das Licht der Welt -erblickte, mit seiner Lehre unerhörtes Glück machte, verdankte er -grossentheils dem Abscheu, welchen die im Umkreise des byzantinischen -Reiches angesessenen Völker, wie die benachbarten Nationen, über die -von dem Basileus begangenen Greuel empfanden.” (Gfrörer: Byzantinische -Geschichten, vol. ii. p. 437.) - -[160] Id. vol. ii. pp. 296–306, 337. - -[161] Id. vol. ii. pp. 442–4. - -[162] Id. vol. ii. p. 445. - -[163] Masʻūdī, vol. ii. p. 387. - -[164] Von Kremer (2), p. 8. - -[165] Id. p. 54 and (3), p. 32. Nicholson, p. 231. - -[166] Among the Muʻtazilite philosophers, Muḥammad b. al-Huzayl, the -teacher of al-Maʼmūn, is said to have converted more than three -thousand persons to Islam. (Aḥmad b. Yaḥyạ̄ b. al-Murtaḍạ̄, p. 26, l. 7.) - -[167] Von Kremer (2), pp. 3, 7–8. C. H. Becker: Christliche Polemik und -islamische Dogmenbildung (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, xxvi. 1912). - -[168] Ibn Khallikān, vol. i. p. 45. - -[169] Wüstenfeld, p. 103. - -[170] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 412–13. Caetani, vol. v. p. 508. -(“Le vittorie sui Greci e sui Persiani non solamente erano il trionfo -della razza araba sulle popolazioni delle provincie conquistate, ma -nella mente orientale che vede in tutto la mano di Dio, costituivano un -trionfo del principio islamico su quello cristiano e mazdeista, ma -sovrattutto sul cristiano.”) - -[171] Goldziher, vol. i. chaps. 3 and 4. - -[172] The last of these was prompted by the discovery of an attempt on -the part of the Christians to burn the city of Cairo. (De Guignes, vol. -iv. pp. 204–5.) Gottheil, p. 359, Journal Asiatique, IVme série, tome -xviii. (1851), pp. 454, 455, 463, 484, 491. - -[173] Assemani, tom. iii. pars. 2, p. c. Renaudot, pp. 432, 603, 607. - -[174] Muir: The Caliphate, p. 475. - -[175] Von Kremer (3), p. 246. - -[176] Muir (1), pp. 508, 516–17. - -[177] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 79 sq. Ṣalībā b. Yuḥannā, p. 71. - -[178] Gottheil, p. 364 sqq. - -[179] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 114 (ll. 14–16). - -[180] This tradition appears in several forms, e.g. “Whoever wrongs one -with whom a compact has been made (i.e. a dhimmī) and lays on him a -burden beyond his strength, I will be his accuser.” (Balādhurī, p. 162, -fin.) (Yaḥyā b. Ādam, p. 54 (fin.), adds the words, “till the day of -judgment.”) “Whoever does violence to a dhimmī who has paid his jizyah -and evidenced his submission—his enemy am I.” (Usd al-Ghāba, quoted by -Goldziher, in the Jewish Encyclopædia, vol. vi. p. 655.) The Christian -historian al-Makīn (p. 11) gives, “Whoever torments the dhimmīs, -torments me.” - -[181] Journal Asiatique, IVme série, tome xix. p. 109. (Paris, 1852.) -See also R. Gottheil: A Fetwa on the appointment of Dhimmīs to office. -(Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, vol. xxvi. p. 203 sqq.) - -[182] Belin, pp. 435–40, 442, 448, 456, 459–61, 479–80. - -[183] Id. p. 435, n. 2. - -[184] Id. p. 478. - -[185] Mārī b. Sulaymān (p. 115, ll. 1–2) offers this explanation of the -defections that followed the persecution towards the close of the tenth -century: واسلم خلق كثير وكان اصل ذلك تجوّز الناس في اديانہم وقبح سيرة -الكہنة في المذبح والبيع ونيوت المقدس - -[186] The Caliph of Egypt, al-Ḥākim (A.D. 996–1020), did in fact order -all the Jews and Christians to leave Egypt and emigrate into the -Byzantine territory, but yielded to their entreaties to revoke his -orders. (Maqrīzī (1), p. 91.) It would have been quite possible, -however, for him to have enforced its execution as it would have been -for the ferocious Salīm I (1512–1520), who with the design of putting -an end to all religious differences in his dominions caused 40,000 -Shīʻahs to be massacred, to have completed this politic scheme by the -extermination of the Christians also. But in allowing himself to be -dissuaded from this design, he most certainly acted in accordance with -the general policy adopted by Muhammadan rulers towards their Christian -subjects. (Finlay, vol. v. pp. 29–30.) - -[187] Silbernagl, p. 268. - -[188] Id. p. 354. - -[189] Id. pp. 307, 360. - -[190] Id. p. 25–6. - -[191] Id. p. 335. - -[192] Id. p. 384. - -[193] See A. von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 490–2. - -[194] The sack of Constantinople by the Crusaders in 1204 may be taken -as a type of the treatment that the Eastern Christians met with at the -hands of the Latins. Barhebræus complains that the monastery of Harran -was sacked and plundered by Count Goscelin, Lord of Emessa, in 1184, -just as though he had been a Saracen or a Turk. (Barhebræus (1), vol. -ii. pp. 506–8.) - -[195] H. H. Milman, vol. ii. p. 218. - -[196] A. von Kremer (1), vol. i. p. 172. - -[197] Assemani, tom. iii. Pars Prima, pp. 130–1. - -[198] Ibn Saʻd, Ṭabaqāt, vol. v. p. 258. - -[199] Id. p. 285. - -[200] Maḥbūb al-Manbijī, p. 358 (ll. 2–3). - -[201] Ibn Saʻd, Ṭabaqāt, vol. v. p. 262. - -[202] August Müller, vol. i. p. 440. - -[203] Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. 96, pp. 1336–48. - -[204] Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. 97, pp. 1528–9, 1548–61. - -[205] Id. p. 1557. - -[206] ʻAmr b. Mattai, p. 65. - -[207] Id. p. 72. - -[208] Risālah ʻAbd Allāh b. Ismāʻīl al-Hāshimī ilạ̄ ʻAbd al-Masīḥ b. -Isḥāq al-Kindī, pp. 1–37. (London, 1885.) - -[209] Appendix I. For an account of Muslim controversial literature, -see Appendix II. - -[210] Kindī, pp. 111–13. - -[211] Balādhurī, pp. 430. - -[212] It is very probable that the occasion of this visit of -Yazdānbakht to Baghdād was the summoning of a great assembly of the -leaders of all the religious bodies of the period, by al-Maʼmūn, when -it had come to his ears that the enemies of Islam declared that it owed -its success to the sword and not to the power of argument: in this -meeting, the Muslim doctors defended their religion against this -imputation, and the unbelievers are said to have acknowledged that the -Muslims had satisfactorily proved their point. (Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā b. -al-Murtaḍạ̄: Al-munyah wa’l-amal fī sharḥ kitāb al-milal wa’l-niḥal. -British Museum, Or. 3937, fol. 53 (b), ll. 9–11.) - -[213] Kitāb al-Fihrist, vol. i. p. 338. - -[214] Barhebræus (1), vol. iii. p. 194. - -[215] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 101 (ll. 3–4). - -[216] Barhebræus (1), vol. iii. p. 230. - -[217] Id., (1), vol. iii. p. 248. - -[218] All the Jacobite Patriarchs assumed the name of Ignatius; before -his consecration he was called Mark bar Qīqī. - -[219] Barhebræus (1), vol. iii. pp. 288–90. Elias of Nisibis, pp. -153–4. He returned to the Christian faith, however, before his death, -which took place about twenty years later. Two similar cases are -recorded in the annals of the Jacobite Patriarchs of Antioch in the -sixteenth century: of these one, named Joshua, became a Muhammadan in -1517, but afterwards recanting fled to Cyprus (at that time in the -hands of the Venetians), where prostrate at the door of a church in -penitential humility he suffered all who went in or out to tread over -his body; the other, Niʻmat Allāh (flor. 1560), having abjured -Christianity for Islam, sought absolution of Pope Gregory XIII in Rome. -(Barhebræus (1), vol. ii. pp. 847–8.) - -[220] In fact Elias of Nisibis, the contemporary chronicler of the -conversion of the Jacobite Patriarch, makes no mention of such a -failing, nor does Mārī b. Sulaymān (pp. 115–16), the historian of the -rival Nestorian Church, though he accuses him of plundering the sacred -vessels and ornaments of the churches. As Wright (Syriac Literature, p. -192) says of Joseph of Merv, “We need not believe all the evil that -Barhebræus tells us of this unhappy man.” - -[221] Barhebræus (1), vol. ii. p. 518. - -[222] Id. vol. ii. p. 712 sq. - -[223] Historia Orientalis, C. 15 (p. 45). - -[224] De Guignes, tome ii. (Seconde Partie), p. 15. - -[225] Odo de Diogilo. (De Ludovici vii. Itinere. Migne, Patr. Lat., -tom. cxcv. p. 1243.) “Vitantes igitur sibi crudeles socios fidei, inter -infideles sibi compatientes ibant securi, et sicut audivimus plusquam -tria millia iuvenum sunt illis recedentibus sociati. O pietas omni -proditione crudelior! Dantes panem fidem tollebant, quamvis certum sit -quia, contenti servitio, neminem negare cogebant.” - -[226] Guizot: Histoire de la civilisation en Europe, p. 234. (Paris, -1882.) - -[227] Usāma b. Munqidh, p. 99. - -[228] Prutz, pp. 266–7. - -[229] Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois. (Recueil des historiens des -Croisades, Assises de Jérusalem, tome ii. p. 325.) - -[230] Bahā al-Dīn, p. 25. - -[231] Roger Hoveden, vol. ii. p. 307. - -[232] Benedict of Peterborough, vol. ii. pp. 11–12. - -[233] Id., vol. ii. pp. 20–1. Roger Hoveden, vol. ii. pp. 316, 322. - -[234] Abū Shāmah, p. 150. - -[235] Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Richardi, p. 131. -(Chronicles and Memorials of the reign of Richard I. Edited by William -Stubbs.) (London, 1864.) - -[236] Joinville, p. 238. - -[237] Id. p. 262. - -[238] Mas Latrie (1), vol. ii. p. 72. - -[239] Ludolf de Suchem, p. 71. - -[240] Lionardo Frescobaldi, quoted in the preface of Defrémery and -Sanguinetti’s edition of Ibn Baṭūṭah, vol. i. p. xl. - -[241] Christophori Füreri ab Haimendorf Itinerarium Ægypti, p. 42. -(Norimbergæ, 1620.) - -[242] Le Voyage en Ethiopie entrepris par le Père Aymard Guérin. -(Rabbath, pp. 17–18.) - -[243] “Notandum autem in rei veritate, licet quidam contrarium -senciant, qui ea volunt asserere, que non viderunt, quod oriens totus -ultra mare Yndiam et Ethiopiam nomen Christi confitetur et predicat, -preter solos Sarracenos et quosdam Turcomannos, qui in Cappadocia sedem -habent, ita quod pro certo assero, sicut per memet ipsum vidi et ab -aliis, quibus notum erat, audivi, quod semper in omni loco et regno -preterquam in Egypto et Arabia, ubi plurimum habitant Sarraceni et alii -Machometum sequentes, pro uno Sarraceno triginta vel amplius invenies -Christianos. Verum tamen, quod Christiani omnes transmarini natione -sunt orientales, qui licet sint Christiani, quia tamen usum armorum non -habent multum, cum impugnantur a Sarracenis, Tartaris, vel aliis -quibuscumque, subiciuntur eis et tributis pacem et quietem emunt, et -Sarraceni sive alii, qui eis dominantur, balivos suos et exactores in -terris illis ponunt. Et inde contigit, quod regnum illud dicitur esse -Sarracenorum, cum tamen in rei veritate sunt omnes Christiani preter -ipsos balivos et exactores et aliquos de familia ipsorum, sicut oculis -meis vidi in Cilicia et Armenia minori, que est subdita dominio -Tartarorum.” (Burchardi de Monte Sion, Descriptio Terræ Sanctæ, p. 90.) - -[244] Recueil des historiens des Croisades. (Assises de Jérusalem, tome -i. p. 325.) - -[245] Prutz, pp. 146–7, 150. - -[246] The prelates of the Holy Land wrote as follows, in 1244, -concerning the invasion of the Khwarizmians, whom Sultan Ayyūb had -called in to assist him in driving out the Crusaders:—“Per totam terram -usque ad partes Nazareth et Saphet libere nullo resistente discurrunt, -occupantes eandem, et inter se quasi propriam dividentes, per villas et -cazalia Christianorum legatos et bajulos præficiunt, suscipientes a -rusticis redditus et tributa, quæ Christianis præstare solebant, qui -jam Christianis hostes effecti et rebelles dictis Corosminis -universaliter adhæserunt.” (Matthei Parisiensis Chronica Majora, ed. H. -R. Luard, vol. iv. p. 343.) (London, 1872–83.) - -[247] Finlay, vol. iii. pp. 358–9. J. H. Krause: Die Byzantiner des -Mittelalters, p. 276. (Halle, 1869.) - -[248] Tavernier (1), p. 174. - -[249] Joselian, p. 125. All the Abkhazes, Djikhethes, Ossetes, Kabardes -and Kisthethes fell away from the Christian faith about this time. - -[250] Id. p. 127. - -[251] Id. p. 143. - -[252] David Chytræus, p. 49. - -[253] Joselian, p. 157. - -[254] Brosset, IIe partie, Ire livraison, pp. 227–35. Description -géographique de la Géorgie par le Tsarévitch Wakhoucht, p. 79. (St. -Petersburg, 1842.) - -[255] The Six Voyages, p. 123. - -[256] Joselian, p. 149. - -[257] Id. pp. 160–1. - -[258] Tavernier (1), pp. 124, 126. He estimates the number of -Muhammadans at about twelve thousand. (Id. p. 123.) - -[259] Brosset, IIe partie, Ire livraison, pp. 85, 181. - -[260] Documens originaux sur les relations diplomatiques de la Géorgie -avec la France vers la fin du règne de Louis XIV, recueillis par M. -Brosset jeune. (J. A. 2me série, tome ix. (1832), pp. 197, 451.) - -[261] Mackenzie, p. 7. Garnett, p. 194. - -[262] Barbier de Meynard, p. 45 sqq. - -[263] R. du M. M., VII, p. 320 (1909). - -[264] Amélineau, p. 3; Caetani, vol. iv. p. 81 sq. Justinian is said to -have had 200,000 Copts put to death in the city of Alexandria, and the -persecutions of his successors drove many to take refuge in the desert. -(Wansleben: The Present State of Egypt, p. 11.) (London, 1678.) - -[265] Renaudot, p. 161. Severus, p. 106. - -[266] John, Jacobite bishop of Nikiu (second half of seventh century), -p. 584. Caetani, vol. iv. pp. 515–16. - -[267] Bell, p. xxxvii. But the exactions and hardships that, according -to Maqrīzī, the Copts had to endure about seventy years after the -conquest hardly allow us to extend this period so far as Von Ranke -does: “Von Aegypten weiss man durch die bestimmtesten Zeugnisse, dass -sich die Einwohner in den nächsten Jahrhunderten unter der arabischen -Herrschaft in einem erträglichen Zustand befunden haben.” -(Weltgeschichte, vol. v. p. 153, 4th ed.) - -[268] John of Nikiu, p. 560. - -[269] Id. p. 585. “Or beaucoup des Égyptiens, qui étaient de faux -chrétiens, renièrent la sainte religion orthodoxe et le baptême qui -donne la vie, embrassèrent la religion des Musulmans, les ennemis de -Dieu, et acceptèrent la détestable doctrine de ce monstre, c’est-à-dire -de Mahomet; ils partagèrent l’égarement de ces idolâtres et prirent les -armes contre les chrétiens.” - -[270] Qurra b. Sharīk (governor of Egypt from 709 to 714), or his -predecessor, appears to have insisted on the converts continuing to pay -jizyah. (Becker, Papyri Schott-Reinhardt, p. 18.) - -[271] Ibn Saʻd, Ṭabaqāt, vol. v. p. 283. - -[272] Caetani, vol. iv. p. 618; vol. v. pp. 384–5. - -[273] Severus, pp. 172–3. - -[274] Id. pp. 205–6. - -[275] “Sans aucun doute il y eut dans la multiplicité des martyrs une -sorte de résistance nationale contre les gouverneurs étrangers.” -(Amélineau, p. 58.) - -[276] Amélineau, pp. 57–8. - -[277] Abū Ṣāliḥ, pp. 163–4. - -[278] Amélineau, pp. 53–4, 69–70. - -[279] Abū Ṣāliḥ gives an account of some monks who embraced the faith -of the Prophet, and these are probably representative of a larger -number of whom the historian has left no record, as lacking the -peculiar circumstances of loss to the monastery or of recantation that -made such instances of interest to him (pp. 128, 142). - -[280] Lane, pp. 546, 549. - -[281] Lüttke (1), vol. i. pp. 30, 35. Dr. Andrew Watson writes: “No -year has passed during my residence of forty-four years in the Nile -valley without my hearing of several instances of defection. The causes -are, chiefly, the hope of worldly gain of various kinds, severe and -continued persecution, exposure to the cruelty and rapacity of Moslem -neighbours, and personal indignities as well as political disabilities -of various kinds.” (Islam in Egypt: Mohammedan World, p. 24.) - -[282] Severus, pp. 122, 126, 143. One of the very first occasions on -which they had to complain of excessive taxation was when Menas, the -Christian prefect of Lower Egypt, extorted from the city of Alexandria -32,057 pieces of gold, instead of 22,000 which ʻAmr had fixed as the -amount to be levied. (John of Nikiu, p. 585.) Renaudot (p. 168) says -that after the restoration of the Orthodox hierarchy, about seventy -years after the Muhammadan conquest, the Copts suffered as much at its -hands as at the hands of the Muhammadans themselves. - -[283] Maqrīzī mentions five other risings of the Copts that had to be -crushed by force of arms, within the first century of the Arab -domination. (Maqrīzī (2), pp. 76–82.) - -[284] Renaudot, pp. 189, 374, 430, 540. - -[285] Id. p. 603. - -[286] Id. pp. 432, 607. Nāṣir-i-Khusrau: Safar-nāmah, ed. Schefer, pp. -155–6. - -[287] Renaudot, pp. 212, 225, 314, 374, 540. - -[288] Renaudot, p. 388. - -[289] Id. pp 567, 571, 574–5. - -[290] Wansleben, p. 30. Wansleben mentions another instance (under -different circumstances) of the decay of the Coptic Church, in the -island of Cyprus, which was formerly under the jurisdiction of the -Coptic Patriarch: here they were so persecuted by the Orthodox clergy, -who enjoyed the protection of the Byzantine emperors, that the -Patriarch could not induce priests to go there, and consequently all -the Copts on the island either accepted Islam or the Council of -Chalcedon, and their churches were all shut up. (Id. p. 31.) - -[291] Renaudot, p. 377. - -[292] Renaudot, p. 575. - -[293] Relation du voyage du Sayd ou de la Thebayde fait en 1668, par -les PP. Protais et Charles-François d’Orleans, Capuchins Missionaires, -p. 3. (Thevenot, vol. ii.) - -[294] Caetani, vol. iv. p. 520. - -[295] Ishok of Romgla, pp. 272–3. - -[296] Idrīsī, p. 32. - -[297] Maqrīzī (2), tome i. 2me partie, p. 131. - -[298] Maqrīzī, pp. 128–30. - -[299] Burckhardt (1), p. 494. - -[300] About twelve miles above the modern Khartum. - -[301] Artin, pp. 62, 144. - -[302] Becker, Geschichte des östlichen Sūdān, p. 160. - -[303] Vol. iv. p. 396. - -[304] Slatin Pasha records a tradition current among the Danagla Arabs -that this town was founded by their ancestor, Dangal, who called it -after his own name. (This however is impossible, inasmuch as Dongola -was in existence in ancient Egyptian times, and is mentioned on the -monuments. See Vivien de Saint-Martin, vol. ii. p. 85.) According to -their tradition, this Dangal, though a slave, rose to be ruler of -Nubia, but paid tribute to Bahnesa, the Coptic bishop of the entire -district lying between the present Sarras and Debba. (Fire and Sword in -the Sudan, p. 13.) (London, 1896.) - -[305] Ibn Salīm al-Aswānī, quoted by Maqrīzī: Kitāb al-Khiṭaṭ, vol. i. -p. 190. (Cairo, A.H. 1270.) - -[306] Budge, vol. ii. p. 199. Artin, p. 144. - -[307] Maqrīzī: Kitāb al-Khiṭaṭ, vol. i. p. 193. - -[308] Morié, vol. i. pp. 417–18. - -[309] Lord Stanley of Alderley in his translation of Alvarez’ Narrative -from the original Portuguese, gives the answer of the king as follows: -“He said to them that he had his Abima from the country of the Moors, -that is to say from the Patriarch of Alexandria; ... how then could he -give priests and friars since another gave them” (p. 352). (London, -1881.) - -[310] Viaggio nella Ethiopia al Prete Ianni fatto par Don Francesco -Alvarez Portughese (1520–1527). (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 200, 250.) - -[311] Wansleben, p. 30. For descriptions of the ruins that still -remain, see Budge, vol. ii. p. 299 sqq., and G. S. Nileham, Churches in -Lower Nubia. (Philadelphia, 1910.) - -[312] Burckhardt (1), p. 133. - -[313] Alvarez, p. 250. - -[314] Idrīsī, p. 32. - -[315] ʻArabfaqīh, p. 323. - -[316] Maqrīzī (2), tome ii. 2me partie, p. 183. - -[317] Basset, p. 240. - -[318] Id., p. 247. - -[319] Alvarez. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 218, 242, 249.) - -[320] ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 83, 191. - -[321] ʻArabfaqīh, p. 275–6. - -[322] Id. pp. 319, 324. - -[323] Id. pp. 28, 129, 275. - -[324] Plowden, p. 36. - -[325] ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 321, 335, 343. - -[326] Id. passim. - -[327] Id. pp. 175, 195, 248. - -[328] Id. p. 178. - -[329] ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 34–5, 120–1, 182–3, 244, 327. - -[330] ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 181–2, 186. - -[331] Iobi Ludolfi ad suam Historiam Æthiopicam Commentarius, p. 474. -(Frankfurt a. M., 1691.) - -[332] Histoire de la Haute Ethiopie, par le R. P. Manoel d’Almeïda, p. -7. (Thevenot, vol. ii.) - -[333] Massaja, vol. ii. pp. 205–6. “Ognuno comprende che movente di -queste conversioni essendo la sete di regnare, nel fatto non si -riducevano che ad una formalità esterna, restando poi i nuovi -convertiti veri mussulmani nei cuori e nei costumi. E perciò accadeva -che, elevati alla dignità di Râs, si circondavano di mussulmani, dando -ad essi la maggior parte degli impieghi e colmandoli di titoli, -ricchezze e favori: e così l’Abissinia cristiana invasa e popolata da -questa pessima razza, passò coll’andar del tempo sotto il giogo -dell’islamismo.” (Id. p. 206.) - -[334] Rüppell, vol. i. pp. 328, 366. - -[335] Plowden, p. 15. - -[336] Tābōt, the ark of the covenant. - -[337] Littmann, pp. 69–70. - -[338] Plowden, pp. 8–9. - -[339] Beke, pp. 51–2. Isenberg, p. 36. - -[340] Reclus, vol. x. p. 247. Massaja, vol. xi. p. 125. - -[341] Massaja, vol. xi. p. 124. - -[342] Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 77–8. - -[343] Id. pp. 124, 125. - -[344] Oppel, p. 307. Reclus, tome x. p. 247. - -[345] Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 79, 81. - -[346] Morié, vol. ii. p. 449. - -[347] Littmann, pp. 68–70. K. Cederquist: Islam and Christianity in -Abyssinia, p. 154 (The Moslem World, vol. ii.). - -[348] Gibbon, vol. i. p. 161. - -[349] Id. vol. ii. p. 212. - -[350] C. O. Castiglioni: Recherches sur les Berbères atlantiques, pp. -96–7. (Milan, 1826.) - -[351] Synesii Catastasis. (Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. lxvi. p. 1569.) - -[352] Neander (2), p. 320. - -[353] Gibbon, vol. iv. pp. 331–3. - -[354] Id. vol. v. p. 115. - -[355] Tijānī, p. 201. Gibbon, vol. v. p. 122. - -[356] Gibbon, vol. v. p. 214. - -[357] Neander (1), vol. v. pp. 254–5. J. E. T. Wiltsch: Hand-book of -the geography and statistics of the Church, vol. i. pp. 433–4. (London, -1859.) J. Bournichon: L’Invasion musulmane en Afrique, pp. 32–3. -(Tours, 1890.) - -[358] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 70, D.) - -[359] “Deusen, una città antichissima edificata da Romani dove confina -il regno di Buggia col diserto di Numidia.” (Id. p. 75, F.) - -[360] Pavy, vol. i. p. iv. - -[361] “Tous ceux qui ne se convertirent pas à l’islamisme, ou qui -(conservant leur foi) ne voulurent pas s’obliger à payer la capitation, -durent prendre la fuite devant les armées musulmanes.” (Tijānī, p. -201.) - -[362] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 7.) - -[363] “Afros passim ad ecclesiasticos ordines (procedentes) -prætendentes nulla ratione suscipiat (Bonifacius), quia aliqui eorum -Manichæi, aliqui rebaptizati sæpius sunt probati.” Epist. iv. (Migne: -Patr. Lat., tom. lxxxix, p. 502.) - -[364] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, pp. 65, 66, 68, 69, 76.) - -[365] Qayrwān or Cairoan, founded A.H. 50; Fez, founded A.H. 185; -al-Mahdiyyah, founded A.H. 303; Masīlah, founded A.H. 315; Marocco, -founded A.H. 424. (Abū’l-Fidā, tome ii. pp. 198, 186, 200, 191, 187.) - -[366] Ibn Abī Zarʻ, p. 16. - -[367] A doubtful case of forced conversion is attributed to ʻAbd -al-Muʼmin, who conquered Tunis in 1159. See De Mas Latrie (2), pp. -77–8. “Deux auteurs arabes, Ibn-al-Athir, contemporain, mais vivant à -Damas au milieu de l’exaltation religieuse que provoquaient les -victoires de Saladin, l’autre El-Tidjani, visitant l’Afrique orientale -au quatorzième siècle, ont écrit que le sultan, maître de Tunis, força -les chrétiens et les juifs établis dans cette ville à embrasser -l’islamisme, et que les réfractaires furent impitoyablement massacrés. -Nous doutons de la réalité de toutes ces mesures. Si l’arrêt fatal fut -prononcé dans l’emportement du triomphe et pour satisfaire quelques -exigences momentanées, il dut être éludé ou révoqué, tant il était -contraire au principe de la liberté religieuse respecté jusque-là par -tous les princes maugrebins. Ce qu’il y a de certain, c’est que les -chrétiens et les juifs ne tardèrent pas à reparaître à Tunis et qu’on -voit les chrétiens avant la fin du règne d’Abd-el-Moumen établis à -Tunis et y jouissant comme par le passé de la liberté, de leurs -établissements, de leur commerce et de leur religion.... ‘Accompagné -ainsi par Dieu même dans sa marche, dit un ancien auteur maugrebin, il -traversa victorieusement les terres du Zab et de l’Ifrikiah, conquérant -le pays et les villes, accordant l’aman à ceux qui le demandaient et -tuant les récalcitrants.’ Ces derniers mots confirment notre sentiment -sur sa politique à l’égard des chrétiens qui acceptèrent l’arrêt fatal -de la destinée.” - -[368] De Mas Latrie (2), pp. 27–8. - -[369] S. Leonis IX. Papæ Epist. lxxxiii. (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. -cxliii. p. 728.) This letter deals with a quarrel for precedence -between the bishops of Gummi and Carthage, and it is quite possible -that the disordered condition of Africa at the time may have kept the -African bishops ignorant of the condition of other sees besides their -own and those immediately adjacent, and that accordingly the -information supplied to the Pope represented the number of the bishops -as being smaller than it really was. - -[370] A. Müller, vol. ii. pp. 628–9. - -[371] S. Gregorii VII. Epistola xix. (Liber tertius). (Migne: Patr. -Lat., tom. cxlviii. p. 449.) - -[372] De Mas Latrie, p. 226. A number of Spanish Christians, whose -ancestors had been deported to Morocco in 1122, were to be found there -as late as 1386, when they were allowed to return to Seville through -the good offices of the then sultan of Morocco. (Whishaw, pp. 31–4.) - -[373] C. Trumelet: Les Saints de l’Islam, p. xxxiii. (Paris, 1881.) - -[374] Compare the articles published by a Junta held at Madrid in 1566, -for the reformation of the Moriscoes; one of which runs as follows: -“That neither themselves, their women, nor any other persons should be -permitted to wash or bathe themselves either at home or elsewhere; and -that all their bathing houses should be pulled down and demolished.” -(J. Morgan, vol. ii. p. 256.) - -[375] C. Trumelet: Les Saints de l’Islam, pp. xxvi–xxxvii. - -[376] Leo Africanus says that at the end of the fifteenth century all -the mountaineers of Algeria and of Buggia, though Muhammadans, painted -black crosses on their cheeks and palms of the hand (Ramusio, i. p. -61); similarly the Banū Mzab to the present day still keep up some -religious observances corresponding to excommunication and confession -(Oppel, p. 299), and some nomad tribes of the Sahara observe the -practice of a kind of baptism and use the cross as a decoration for -their stuffs and weapons. (De Mas Latrie (2), p. 8.) - -[377] Tijānī, p. 203. - -[378] The modern Touzer, in Tunis. - -[379] Taʼrīkh al-duwal al-islāmiyyah biʼl maghrib, I. p. 146. (ed. De -Slane. Alger, 1847.) - -[380] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 67.) - -[381] Pavy, vol. i. p. vii. - -[382] De Mas Latrie (2), pp. 61–2, 266–7. L. del Marmol-Caravajal: De -l’Afrique, tome ii. p. 54. (Paris, 1667.) - -[383] De Mas Latrie (2), p. 192. - -[384] e.g. Innocent III, Gregory VII, Gregory IX and Innocent IV. - -[385] De Mas Latrie (2), p. 273. - -[386] Baudissin, p. 22. - -[387] Helfferich, p. 68. - -[388] Makkarī, vol. i. pp. 280–2. - -[389] Baudissin, p. 7. - -[390] Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 45–6. - -[391] A. Müller, vol. ii. p. 463. - -[392] Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 44–6. - -[393] So St. Boniface (A.D. 745, Epist. lxii.). “Sicut aliis gentibus -Hispaniæ et Provinciæ et Burgundionum populis contigit, quæ sic a Deo -recedentes fornicatæ sunt, donec index omnipotens talium criminum -ultrices pœnas per ignorantiam legis Dei et per Saracenos venire et -sævire permisit.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. lxxxix. p. 761.) Eulogius: -lib. i. § 30. “In cuius (i.e. gentis Saracenicæ) ditione nostro -compellente facinore sceptrum Hispaniæ translatum est.” (Migne: Patr. -Lat., tom. cxv. p. 761.) Similarly Alvar (2), § 18. “Et probare nostro -vitio inlatum intentabo flagellum. Nostra hæc, fratres, nostra desidia -peperit mala, nostra impuritas, nostra levitas, nostra morum obscœnitas -... unde tradidit nos Dominus qui institiam diligit, et cuius vultus -æquitatem decernit, ipsi bestiæ conrodendos” (pp. 531–2). - -[394] Dozy (3), tome i. pp. 15–20. Whishaw, pp. 38, 44. - -[395] Samson, pp. 377–8, 381. - -[396] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 210. - -[397] Bishop Egila, who was sent to Southern Spain by Pope Hadrian I, -towards the end of the eighth century, on a mission to counteract the -growing influence of Muslim thought, denounces the Spanish priests who -lived in concubinage with married women. (Helfferich, p. 83.) - -[398] Alvari Cordubensis, Epist. xix. “Ob meritum æternæ retributionis -devovi me sedulum in lege Domini consistere.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. -cxxi. p. 512.) - -[399] Helfferich, pp. 79–80. - -[400] “Bedenkt man nun, wie wichtig gerade die alttestamentliche Idee -des Prophetenthums in der Christologie des germanischen Arianismus -nachklang und auch nach der Annahme des katholischen Dogmas in dem -religiösen Bewusstsein der Westgothen haften blieb, so wird man es sehr -erklärlich finden, dass unmittelbar nach dem Einfall der Araber die -verwandten Vorstellungen des Mohammedanismus unter den geknechteten -Christen auftauchten.” (Helfferich, p. 82.) - -[401] Lucæ Diaconi Tudensis Chronicon Mundi. (Andreas Schottus: -Hispaniæ Illustratæ, tom. iv. p. 53.) (Francofurti, 1603–8.) - -[402] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 41. Whishaw, p. 17. - -[403] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 39. - -[404] Baudissin, pp. 11–13, 196. - -[405] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct., lib. i. § 30, “inter ipsos sine molestia -fidei degimus” (p. 761). Id., ib., lib. i. § 18, “Quos nulla -præsidialis violentia fidem suam negare compulit, nec a cultu sanctæ -piæque religionis amovit” (p. 751). John of Gorz (who visited Spain -about the middle of the tenth century) § 124, “(Christiani), qui in -regno eius libere divinis suisque rebus utebantur.” - -A Spanish bishop thus described the condition of the Christians to John -of Gorz. “Peccatis ad hæc devoluti sumus, ut paganorum subiaceamus -ditioni. Resistere potestati verbo prohibemur apostoli. Tantum hoc unum -relictum est solatii, quod in tantæ calamitatis malo legibus nos -propriis uti non prohibent; qui quos diligentes Christianitatis -viderint observatores, colunt et amplectuntur, simul ipsorum convictu -delectantur. Pro tempore igitur hoc videmur tenere consilii, ut quia -religionis nulla infertur iactura, cetera eis obsequamur, iussisque -eorum in quantum fidem non impediunt obtemperemus” § 122 (p. 302). - -[406] Baudissin, pp. 16–17. - -[407] Eulogius, ob. 859 (Mem. Sanct. lib. iii. c. 3) speaks of churches -recently erected (ecclesias nuper structas). The chronicle falsely -ascribed to Luitprand records the erection of a church at Cordova in -895 (p. 1113). - -[408] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct., lib. iii. c. 11 (p. 812). - -[409] Baudissin, p. 16. - -[410] Id. p. 21, and John of Gorz, § 128 (p. 306). - -[411] Whishaw, pp. 272, 301. - -[412] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 42. - -[413] Baudissin, pp. 96–7. - -[414] See the letter of Pope Hadrian I to the Spanish bishops: “Porro -diversa capitula quæ ex illis audivimus partibus, id est, quod multi -dicentes se catholicos esse, communem vitam gerentes cum Iudæis et non -baptizatis paganis, tam in escis quamque in potu et in diversis -erroribus nihil pollui se inquiunt: et illud quod inhibitum est, ut -nulli liceat iugum ducere cum infidelibus, ipsi enim filias suas cum -alio benedicent, et sic populo gentili tradentur.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., -tome xcviii. p. 385.) - -[415] Isidori Pacensis Chronicon, § 42 (p. 1266). - -[416] Alvar: Indic. Lum., § 35 (p. 53). John of Gorz, § 123 (p. 303). - -[417] Letter of Hadrian I, p. 385. John of Gorz, § 123 (p. 303). - -[418] Some Arabic verses of a Christian poet of the eleventh century -are still extant, which exhibit considerable skill in handling the -language and metre. (Von Schack, II. 95.) - -[419] Abbot Samson gives us specimens of the bad Latin written by some -of the ecclesiastics of his time, e.g. “Cum contempti essemus -simplicitas christiana,” but his correction is hardly much better, -“contenti essemus simplicitati christianæ” (pp. 404, 406). - -[420] Alvar: Indic. Lum., § 35 (pp. 554–6). - -[421] Von Schack, vol. ii. p. 96. - -[422] Orderic Vitalis, p. 928. - -[423] Alvar: Ind. Lum., § 29. “Compositionem verborum, et preces omnium -eius membrorum quotidie pro eo eleganti facundia, et venusto confectas -eloquio, nos hodie per eorum volumina et oculis legimus et plerumque -miramur.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome cxxi. p. 546.) - -[424] Enhueber, § 26, p. 353. - -[425] Helfferich, p. 88. - -[426] “Postmodum transgressus legem Dei, fugiens ad paganos -consentaneos, periuratus effectus est.” Frobenii dissertatio de hæresi -Elipandi et Felicis, § xxiv. (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome ci. p. 313.) - -[427] Pseudo-Luitprandi Chronicon, § 341 (p. 1115). “Basilius Toletanum -concilium contrahit; quo providetur, ne Christiani detrimentum -acciperent convictu Saracenorum.” - -[428] There is little record of such, but they seem referred to in the -following sentences of Eulogius (Liber Apologeticus Martyrum, § 20), on -Muḥammad: “Cuius quidem erroris insaniam, prædicationis deliramenta, et -impiæ novitatis præcepta quisquis catholicorum cognoscere cupit, -evidentius ab eiusdem sectæ cultoribus perscrutando advertet. Quoniam -sacrum se quidpiam tenere et credere autumantes, non modo privatis, sed -apertis vocibus vatis sui dogmata prædicant.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome -cxv. p. 862.) - -[429] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 53. - -[430] Lea, The Moriscos, pp. 17, 18. - -[431] Samson, p. 379. - -[432] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct. Pref., § 2. (Migne, tom. cxv. p. 737.) - -[433] Id. c. xiii. (p. 794.) - -[434] The number of the martyrs is said not to have exceeded forty. (W. -H. Prescott: History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. i. p. -342, n.) (London, 1846.) - -[435] Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 161–2. - -[436] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct. I, iii. c. vii. (p. 805). “Pro eo quod -nullus sapiens, nemo urbanus, nullusque procerum Christianorum huiusce -modi rem perpetrasset, idcirco non debere universos perimere -asserebant, quos non præit personalis dux ad prælium.” - -[437] Alvar: Ind. Lum., § 14. “Nonne ipsi qui videbantur columnæ, qui -putabantur Ecclesiæ petræ, qui credebantur electi, nullo cogente, -nemine provocante, iudicem adierunt, et in præsentia Cynicorum, imo -Epicureorum, Dei martyres infamaverunt? Nonne pastores Christi, -doctores Ecclesiæ, episcopi, abbates, presbyteri, proceres et magnati, -hæreticos eos esse publice clamaverunt? et publica professione sine -desquisitione, absque interrogatione, quæ nec imminente mortis -sententia erant dicenda, spontanea voluntate, et libero mentis -arbitrio, protulerunt?” (Migne: tom. cxxi. p. 529.) - -[438] Alvar: Indic. Lum., § 15. “Quid obtendendum est de illis quos -ecclesiastice interdiximus, et a quibus ne aliquando ad martyrii -surgerent palmam iuramentum extorsimus? quibus errores gentilium -infringere vetuimus, et maledictum ne maledictionibus impeterent? -Evangelio et cruce educta vi iurare improbiter fecimus, imo feraliter -et belluino terrore coegimus, minantes inaudita supplicia, et -monstruosa promittentes truncationum membrorum varia et horrenda dictu -audituve flagella?” (Migne: tom. cxxi. p. 530.) - -[439] Baudissin, p. 199. - -[440] Morgan, vol. ii. pp. 297–8, 345. - -[441] Id. p. 310. - -[442] Lea, The Moriscos, p. 259. - -[443] Morgan, vol. ii. p. 337. - -[444] Id. p. 289. - -[445] Stirling-Maxwell, vol. i. p. 115. - -[446] This is no place to give a history of these territorial -acquisitions, which may be briefly summed up thus. In 1353 the Ottoman -Turks first passed over into Europe and a few years later Adrianople -was made their European capital. Under Bāyazīd (1389–1402), their -dominions stretched from the Ægæan to the Danube, embracing all -Bulgaria, Macedonia, Thessaly and Thrace, with the exception of -Chalkidike and the district just round Constantinople. Murād II -(1421–1451) occupied Chalkidike and pushed his conquests to the -Adriatic. Muḥammad II (1451–1481) by the overthrow of Constantinople, -Albania, Bosnia and Servia, became master of the whole South-Eastern -peninsula, with the exception of the parts of the coast held by Venice -and Montenegro. Sulaymān II (1520–1566) added Hungary and made the -Ægæan an Ottoman sea. In the seventeenth century Crete was won and -Podolia ceded by Poland. - -[447] Phrantzes, pp. 305–6. - -[448] Finlay, vol. iii. p. 522. Pitzipios, seconde partie, p. 75. M. -d’Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 52–4. Arminjon, vol. i. p. 16. - -[449] A traveller who visited Cyprus in 1508 draws the following -picture of the tyranny of the Venetians in their foreign possessions: -“All the inhabitants of Cyprus are slaves to the Venetians, being -obliged to pay to the state a third part of all their increase or -income, whether the product of their ground or corn, wine, oil, or of -their cattle, or any other thing. Besides, every man of them is bound -to work for the state two days of the week wherever they shall please -to appoint him: and if any shall fail, by reason of some other business -of their own, or for indisposition of body, then they are made to pay a -fine for as many days as they are absent from their work: and which is -more, there is yearly some tax or other imposed on them, with which the -poor common people are so flead and pillaged that they hardly have -wherewithal to keep soul and body together.” (The Travels of Martin -Baumgarten, p. 373.) See also the passages quoted by Hackett, History -of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus, p. 183. - -[450] Finlay, vol. iii. p. 502. - -[451] Urquhart, quoted by Clark: Races of European Turkey, p. 82. - -[452] Karamsin, vol. v. p. 437. - -[453] Martin Crusius writes in the same spirit: “Et mirum est, inter -barbaros, in tanta tantæ urbis colluvie, nullas cædes audiri, vim -iniustam non ferri, ius cuivis dici. Ideo Constantinopolin Sultanus, -Refugium totius orbis scribit: quod omnes miseri, ibi tutissime latent: -quodque omnibus (tam infimis quam summis: tam Christianis quam -infidelibus) iustitia administretur.” (Turcogræcia, p. 487.) (Basileæ, -1584.) - -[454] Phrantzes, p. 81. - -[455] Phrantzes, p. 92. - -[456] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 5, 123. Adeney, p. 311. Gerlach, writing in -the year 1577, says: “Wo Christen oder Juden in den Orten wohnen, da es -Kadi oder Richter und Subbassi oder Vögte hat, dass die gemeinen -Türcken nicht ihres Gefallens mit ihnen umbgehen dörffen, sind sie viel -lieber unter den Türcken, dann unter den Christen. Wann sie Jährlich -ihren Tribut geben, sind sie hernach frey. Aber in der Christenheit ist -das gantze Jahr des Gebens kein Ende.” (Tage-Buch, p. 413.) - -[457] Hertzberg, pp. 467, 646, 650. - -[458] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 156–7. - -[459] This interval was, however, not a fixed one; at first, the levy -took place every seven or five years, but later at more frequent -intervals according to the exigencies of the state. (Menzel, p. 52.) -Metrophanes Kritopoulos, writing in 1625, states that the collectors -came to the cities every seventh year and that each city had to -contribute three or four, or at least two boys (p. 205). - -[460] Qurʼān, viii. 42. - -[461] Id. x. 99. 100. - -[462] “On ne forçait cependant pas les jeunes Chrétiens à changer de -foi. Les principes du gouvernement s’y opposaient aussi bien que les -préceptes du Cour’ann; et si des officiers, mus par leur fanatisme, -usaient quelquefois de contrainte, leur conduite à cet égard pouvait -bien être tolérée; mais elle n’était jamais autorisée par les chefs.” -(M. d’Ohsson, tome iii. pp. 397–8.) - -[463] Hertzberg, p. 472. - -[464] “Sed hoc tristissimum est, quod, ut olim Christiani imperatores, -ex singulis oppidis, certum numerum liberorum, in quibus egregia -indoles præ cæteris elucebat, delegerunt: quos ad publica officia -militiæ togatæ et bellicæ in Aula educari curarunt: ita Turci, occupato -Græcorum imperio, idem ius eripiendi patribus familias liberos ingeniis -eximiis præditos, usurpant.” (David Chytræus, pp. 12–14.) - -[465] Creasy, p. 99. M. d’Ohsson, tome iii. p. 397. Menzel, p. 53. -Thomas Smith, speaking of such parents, says: “Others, to the great -shame and dishonour of the Religion, Christians only in name, part with -them freely and readily enough, not only because they are rid of the -trouble and charge of them, but in hopes they may, when they are grown -up, get some considerable command in the government.” (An Account of -the Greek Church, p. 12. London, 1680.) In the reign of Murād I, -Christian troops were employed in collecting this tribute of Christian -children. (Finlay, vol. v. p. 45.) - -[466] “Verum tamen hos (liberos) pecunia redimere a conquisitoribus -sæpe parentibus licet.” (David Chytræus, p. 13.) De la Guilletière -mentions it in 1669 as one of the privileges of the Athenians. (An -Account of a Late Voyage to Athens, p. 272. London, 1676.) - -[467] Confessio, p. 205. - -[468] An Account of the Greek Church, p. 12. (London, 1680.) - -[469] Menzel, p. 52. Thomas Smith: De Moribus ac Institutis Turcarum, -p. 81. (Oxonii, 1672.) - -[470] Hill, p. 174. - -[471] Joseph von Hammer (2), vol. ii. p. 151. Hans Schiltberger, who -was captured by the Turks in 1396 and returned home to Munich after -thirty-two years’ captivity, states that the tax the Christians had to -pay did not amount to more than two pfennig a month. (Reisebuch, p. -92.) - -[472] Soli Sacerdotes, quasi in honorem sacri illius, quo funguntur, -Deo ita ordinante, ministerii hoc factum sit, una cum fœminis, ab hoc -tributo pendendo immunes habentur. (De Græcæ Hodierno Statu Epistola, -authore Thoma Smitho, p. 12.) (Trajecti ad Rhenum, 1698.) - -[473] Silbernagl, p. 60. - -[474] Martin Crusius, p. 487; Sansovino, p. 67; Georgieviz, p. 98–9; -Scheffler, § 56; Hertzberg, p. 648; De la Jonquière, p. 267. A work -published in London in 1595, entitled “The Estate of Christians living -under the subjection of the Turke,” states the capitation-tax for male -children to have been eight shillings (p. 2). Michel Baudin says one -sequin a head for every male. (Histoire du Serrail, p. 7. Paris, 1662.) - -[475] Georgirenes, p. 9; Tournefort, vol. i. p. 91; Tavernier (3), p. -11. - -[476] In a work published by Joseph Georgirenes, Archbishop of Samos, -in 1678, during a visit to London, he gives us an account of the income -of his own see, the details of which are not likely to have been -considered extortionate, as they were here set down for the benefit of -English readers: in comparing the sums here mentioned, it should be -borne in mind that he speaks of the capitation-tax as being three -crowns or dollars (pp. 8–9). “At his (i.e. the Archbishop’s) first -coming, the Papas or Parish Priest of the Church of his Residence -presents him fifteen or twenty dollers, they of the other Churches -according to their Abilities. The first year of his coming, every -Parish Priest pays him four dollers, and the following year two. Every -Layman pays him forty-eight aspers”—(In the commercial treaty with -England, concluded in the year 1675, the value of the dollar was fixed -at eighty aspers (Finlay, v. 28))—“and the following years twenty-four. -The Samians pay one Doller for a Licence; all Strangers two; but he -that comes after first marriage for a Licence for a second or third, -pays three or four” (pp. 33–4). - -[477] Tournefort, vol. i. p. 91. - -[478] Scheffler, § 56. “Was aber auch den Ducaten anbelangt, so werdet -ihr mit demselben in eurem Sinn ebener massen greulich betrogen. Denn -es ist zwar wahr, dass der Türckische Käyser ordentlich nicht mehr nimt -als vom Haupt einen Ducaten: aber wo bleiben die Zölle und -ausserordentliche Anlagen? nehmen dann seine Königliche Verweser und -Hauptleute nichts? muss man zu Kriegen nichts ausser ordentlich -geben?... Was aber die ausser ordentliche Anlagen betrifft; die steigen -und fallen nach den bösen Zeiten, und müssen von den Türckischen -Unterthanen so wohl gegeben werden als bey uns.” - -[479] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 24–5. H. von Moltke: Brief über Zustände und -Begebenheiten in der Türkei aus den Jahren 1835 bis 1839, pp. 274, 354. -(5th ed., Berlin, 1891.) - -[480] Hammer (2), vol. i. p. 346. - -[481] “The hard lot of the Christian subjects of the Sultan has at all -times arisen from the fact that the central authority at Constantinople -has but little real authority throughout the Empire of Turkey. It is -the petty tyranny of the village officials, sharpened by personal -hatred, which has instigated those acts of atrocity to which, both in -former times, and still more at the present day, the Christians in -Turkey are subjected. In the days of a nation’s greatness justice and -even magnanimity towards a subject race are possible; these, however, -are rarely found to exist in the time of a nation’s decay.” (Rev. W. -Denton: Servia and the Servians, p. 15. London, 1862.) Gerlach, pp. 49, -52. - -[482] Businello, pp. 43–4. - -[483] “The central government of the Sultan has generally treated its -Mussulman subjects with as much cruelty and injustice as the conquered -Christians. The sufferings of the Greeks were caused by the insolence -and oppression of the ruling class and the corruption that reigned in -the Othoman administration, rather than by the direct exercise of the -Sultan’s power. In his private affairs, a Greek had a better chance of -obtaining justice from his bishop and the elders of his district than a -Turk from the cadi or the voivode.” (Finlay, vol. vi. pp. 4–5.) - -“It would be a mistake to suppose that the Christians are the only part -of the population that is oppressed and miserable. Turkish -misgovernment is uniform, and falls with a heavy hand upon all alike. -In some parts of the kingdom the poverty of the Mussulmans may be -actually worse than the poverty of the Christians, and it is their -condition which most excites the pity of the traveller.” (William -Forsyth: The Slavonic Provinces South of the Danube, pp. 157–8. London, -1876.) - -“All this oppression and misery (i.e. in the north of Asia Minor) falls -upon the Mohammedan population equally with the Christian.” (James -Bryce: Transcaucasia and Ararat, p. 381.) - -“L’Europe s’imagine que les chrétiens seuls sont soumis, en Turquie, à -l’arbitraire, aux souffrances, aux avilissements de toute nature, qui -naissent de l’oppression; il n’en est rien! Les musulmans, précisément -parce que nulle puissance étrangère ne s’intéresse à eux, sont -peut-être plus indignement spoliés, plus courbés sous le joug que ceux -qui méconnaissent le prophète.” (De la Jonquière, p. 507.) - -“To judge from what we have already observed, the lowest order of -Christians are not in a worse condition in Asia Minor than the same -class of Turks; and if the Christians of European Turkey have some -advantages arising from the effects of the superiority of their numbers -over the Turks, those of Asia have the satisfaction of seeing that the -Turks are as much oppressed by the men in power as they are themselves; -and they have to deal with a race of Mussulmans generally milder, more -religious, and better principled than those of Europe.” (W. M. Leake: -Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, p. 7. London, 1824.) - -Cf. also Laurence Oliphant: The Land of Gilead, pp. 320–3, 446. -(London, 1880.) - -[484] It was in the sixteenth century that the tribute of children fell -into desuetude, and the last recorded example of its exaction was in -the year 1676. - -[485] De la Jonquière, p. 333. Scheffler, § 45–6. Gasztowtt, p. 51. - -[486] “Denn ich höre mit grosser Verwunderung und Bestürtzung, dass -nicht allein unter den gemeinen Pövel Reden im Schwange gehn, es sey -unter dem Türcken auch gut wohnen: wann man einen Ducaten von Haupt -gebe, so wäre man frey; Item er liesse die Religion frey; man würde die -Kirchen wieder bekommen; und was vergleichen: sondern dass auch andre, -die es wol besser verstehen sollten, sich dessen erfreuen, und über ihr -eigen Unglück frolocken! welches nicht allein Halssbrüchige, sondern -auch Gottlose Vermessenheiten seynd, die aus keinem andrem Grunde, als -aus dem Geist der Ketzerey, der zum Auffruhr und gäntzlicher Ausreitung -des Christenthumbs geneigt ist, herkommen.” (Scheffler, § 48.) - -[487] Hertzberg, p. 650. - -[488] De la Jonquière, p. 34. A similar contrast was made in 1605 by -Richard Staper, an English merchant who had been in Turkey as early as -1578: “And notwithstanding that the Turks in general be a most wicked -people, walking in the works of darkness ... yet notwithstanding do -they permit all Christians, both Greeks and Latins, to live in their -religion and freely to use to their conscience, allowing them churches -for their divine service, both in Constantinople and very many other -places, whereas to the contrary by proof of twelve years’ residence in -Spain I can truly affirm, we are not only forced to observe their -popish ceremonies, but in danger of life and goods” (M. Epstein: The -Early History of the Levant Company, p. 57. London, 1908.) - -[489] Macarius, vol. i. pp. 183, 165. Cf. the memorial presented by -Polish refugees from Russia to the Sublime Porte, in 1853. (Gasztowtt, -p. 217.) - -[490] “Alii speciem sibi quandam confixerunt stultam libertatis ... -quod quum sub Christiano consequuturos se desperent, ideo vel Turcam -mallent: quasi is benignior sit in largienda libertate hac, quam -Christianus.” (Ioannis Ludovici Vivis De Conditione Vitæ Christianorum -sub Turca, pp. 220, 225.) (Basileæ, 1538.) “Quidam obganniunt, liberam -esse sub Turca fidem.” (Othonis Brunfelsii ad Principes et Christianos -omnes Oratio, p. 133.) (Basileæ, 1538.) Ubertus Folieta, a noble of -Genoa, writing about 1577, says, “Sæpe mecum quaesivi ... qua re fiat, -ut tot de nostris hominibus ad illos continenter transfugiant, -Christianaque religione eiurata Mahumetanæ sectæ nomina dent.” (De -Causis Magnitudinis Turcarum Imperii, col. 1209.) (Thesaurus -Antiquitatum et Historiarum Italiæ, curâ Joannis Georgii Grævii, tom. -i. Lugduni Batavorum, 1725.) - -[491] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xvii. (a). - -[492] Blount, vol. i. p. 548. - -[493] Scheffler, §§ 51, 53. - -[494] Dousa, p. 38. Busbecq, p. 190. - -[495] Thomas Smith, p. 32. - -[496] Thomas Smith, p. 42. Blount, vol. i. p. 548. Georgieviz, p. 20. -Schiltberger, pp. 83–4. Baudier, pp. 149, 313. - -[497] Alexander Ross, p. ix. Baudier, p. 317. Cf. also Rycaut, vol. i. -p. 276. “On croit meriter beaucoup que de faire un Proselyte, il n’y a -personne assez riche pour avoir un esclave qui n’en veüille un jeune, -qui soit capable de recevoir sans peine toutes sortes d’impressions, et -qu’il puisse appeller son converti, afin de meriter l’honneur d’avoir -augmenté le nombre des fidèles.” Thomas Smith relates how the old man -who showed him the tomb of Urkhān at Brusa “ingenti cum fervore, oculis -ad Cælum elevatis, Deum precatus est ut nos ad fidem Musulmannicam suo -tempore tandem convertere dignaretur: Hoc nimirum est summum erga nos -affectus testimonium, qui ex isto falso et imperitissimo zelo solet -profluere.” (Epistolæ duae, quarum altera De Moribus ac Institutis -Turcarum agit, p. 20.) (Oxonii, 1672.) - -[498] By an anonymous writer who was a captive in Turkey from 1436 to -1458. Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xvii. (a). - -[499] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xi. (b). Lionardo of Scio, -Archbishop of Mitylene, who was present at the taking of -Constantinople, speaks of the large number of renegades in the -besieging army: “Chi circondò la città, e chi insegnò a’ turchi -l’ordine, se non i pessimi christiani? Io son testimonio, che i Greci, -ch’i Latini, che i Tedeschi, che gli Ungari, e che ogni altra -generation di christiani, mescolati co’ turchi impararono l’opere e la -fede loro, i quali domenticatisi della fede christiana, espugnavano la -città. O empij che rinegasti Christo. O settatori di antichristo, -dannati alle pene infernali, questo è hora il vostro tempo.” -(Sansovino, p. 258.) - -[500] J. H. Krause: Die Byzantiner des Mittelalters, pp. 385–6. (Halle, -1869.) - -[501] Hertzberg, p. 616. Finlay, vol. v. p. 118. - -[502] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xix. (a). - -[503] Rycaut, vol. i. pp. 710–11. Bizzi, fol. 49 (b). - -[504] Pichler, pp. 164, 172. - -[505] Id. p. 143. - -[506] Pichler, p. 148. It is doubtful, however, whether Cyril was -really the author of this document bearing his name. (Kyriakos, p. -100.) - -[507] Id. pp. 183–9. - -[508] Id. p 226. - -[509] As regards the Christian captives the Protestants certainly had -the reputation among the Turks of showing a greater inclination towards -conversion than the Catholics. (Gmelin, p. 21.) - -[510] Pichler, pp. 211, 227. - -[511] Id. pp. 181, 228. - -[512] Id. pp. 222, 226. - -[513] Pichler, p. 173. - -[514] Id. pp. 128, 132, 143. - -[515] Id. p. 143. - -[516] Le Quien, tom. i. col. 334. - -[517] Pichler, p. 172. - -[518] Hefele, vol. i. p. 473. - -[519] Cyril II of Berrhœa. - -[520] Le Quien, tom. i. col. 335. - -[521] Id. tom. i. col. 336. - -[522] Id. tom. i. col. 337. - -[523] However, in an earlier attempt made by the Protestant theologians -of Tübingen (1573–77) to introduce the doctrines of the Reformed Church -into the Eastern Church, the Vaivode Quarquar of Samtskheth in Georgia -embraced the Confession of Augsburg, but in 1580 became a Muslim. -(Joselian, p. 140.) - -[524] Scheffler, §§ 53–6. Finlay, vol. v. pp. 118–19. - -[525] Hammer (1), vol. vi. p. 94. - -[526] Spon, vol. ii. p. 57. - -[527] Hammer (1), vol. vi. p. 364. - -[528] Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant, edited by J. Theodore -Bent, p. 210. (London, 1893.) Similarly, Michel Baudier concludes his -description of the festivities in Constantinople on the occasion of the -circumcision of Muḥammad III in the latter part of the sixteenth -century, with an account of the conversion of a large number of -Christians. “During the spectacles of this solemnity, the wretched -Grecians ran by troupes in this place to make themselves Mahometans; -Some abandoned Christianitie to avoid the oppression of the Turkes, -others for the hope of private profit.... The number of these -cast-awayes was found to be above foure thousand soules.” (The History -of the Serrail, and of the Court of the Grand Seigneur Emperour of the -Turkes, pp. 93–4. (London, 1635.) Histoire generale du Serrail, et de -la Cour du Grand Seigneur, Empereur des Turcs, pp. 89–90. (Paris, -1631.)) - -[529] Scheffler, § 55. - -[530] Thomas Smith: An Account of the Greek Church, pp. 15–16. (London, -1680.) - -[531] A. de la Motraye: Voyages en Europe, Asie et Afrique, vol. i. pp. -306, 308. (La Haye, 1727.) - -[532] Pitzipios, Seconde Partie, pp. 83–7. Pichler, p. 29. - -[533] Tournefort, vol. i. p. 107. Spon uses much the same language, -vol. i. p. 56. - -[534] Gaultier de Leslie, p. 137. - -[535] A. J. Evans, p. 267. Similarly Mackenzie and Irby say: “In most -parts of Old Serbia the idea we found associated with a bishop, was -that of a person who carried off what few paras the Turks had left” (p. -258). A similar account of the clergy of the Greek Church is given by a -writer in the Revue des Deux Mondes (tome 97, p. 336), who narrates the -following story: “Au début de ce siècle, à Tirnova, un certain pope du -nom de Joachim, adoré de ses ouailles, détesté de son évêque, reçut -l’ordre, un jour, de faire la corvée du fumier dans l’écurie -épiscopale. Il se rebiffa: aussitôt la valetaille l’assaillit à coups -de fourche. Mais notre homme était vigoureux: il se débattit, et, -laissant sa tunique en gage, s’en fut tout chaud chez le cadi. Le -soleil n’était pas couché qu’il devenait bon Musulman.” - -[536] Pitzipios, Seconde Partie, p. 87. - -[537] Id. Seconde Partie, p. 87. Pichler, p. 29. - -[538] Lazăr, p. 223. - -[539] Finlay, vol. iv. pp. 153–4. - -[540] Tournefort, vol. i. p. 104. Cf. Pichler, pp. 29, 31. Spon, vol. -i. p. 44. - -[541] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xiii. (b); fol. xv. (b); -fol. xvii. (b); fol. xx. (a). Veniero, pp. 32, 36. Busbecq, p. 174. - -[542] Gaultier de Leslie, pp. 180, 182. - -[543] Rycaut, vol. i. p. 689. See also Georgieviz, pp. 53–4, and -Menavino, p. 73. - -[544] Alexander Ross, p. ix.; he calls the Qurʼān a “gallimaufry of -Errors (a Brat as deformed as the Parent, and as full of Heresies, as -his scald head was of scurf),”—“a hodg podge made up of these four -Ingredients. 1. Of Contradictions. 2. Of Blasphemy. 3. Of ridiculous -Fables. 4. Of Lyes.” - -[545] Finlay, vol. v. p. 29. - -[546] Schiltberger, p. 96. - -[547] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xii. (b), xiii. (a). - -[548] Id. fol. xxvii. (a). - -[549] “Dum corpora exterius fovendo sub pietatis specie non occidit: -interius fidem auferendo animas sua diabolica astutia occidere -intendit. Huius rei testimonium innumerabilis multitudo fidelium esse -potest. Quorum multi promptissimi essent pro fide Christi et suarum -animarum salute in fide Christi mori: quos tamen conservando a morte -corporali: et ductos in captivitatem per successum temporis suo -infectos veneno fidem Christi turpiter negare facit.” Turchicæ -Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. i.; cf. fol. vi. (a). - -[550] Menavino, p. 96. John Harris: Navigantium atque Itinerantium -Bibliotheca, vol. ii. p. 819. (London, 1764.) - -[551] “Dieses muss man den Türken nachsagen, dass sie die Diener und -Sclaven, durch deren Fleiss und Bemühung sie sich einen Nutzen schaffen -können, sehr wol und oft besser, als die Christian die ihrige, halten -... und wann ein Knecht in einer Kunst erfahren ist, gehet ihm nichts -anders als die Freyheit ab, ausser welche er alles andere hat, was ein -freyer Mensch sich nur wünschen kan.” (G. C. von den Driesch, p. 132.) - -[552] Sir William Stirling-Maxwell says of these: “The poor wretches -who tugged at the oar on board a Turkish ship of war lived a life -neither more nor less miserable than the galley-slaves under the sign -of the Cross. Hard work, hard fare, and hard knocks were the lot of -both. Ashore, a Turkish or Algerine prison was, perhaps, more noisome -in its filth and darkness than a prison at Naples or Barcelona; but at -sea, if there were degrees of misery, the Christian in Turkish chains -probably had the advantage; for in the Sultan’s vessels the oar-gang -was often the property of the captain, and the owner’s natural -tenderness for his own was sometimes supposed to interfere with the -discharge of his duty.” (Vol. i. pp. 102–3.) - -[553] Gmelin, p. 16. - -[554] Id. p. 23. - -[555] John Harris: Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca, vol. ii. -p. 810. - -[556] “Die ersten Jahre sind für solche unglückliche Leute am -beschwehrlichsten, absonderlich wenn sie noch jung, weil die Türken -selbige entweder mit Schmeicheln, oder, wann dieses nichts verfangen -will, mit der Schärfe zu ihren Glauben zu bringen suchen; wann aber -dieser Sturm überwunden, wird man finden, dass die Gefangenschaft -nirgend erträglicher als bey den Türken seye.” (G. C. von den Driesch, -p. 132.) Moreover Georgieviz says that those who persevered in the -Christian faith were set free after a certain fixed period. “Si in -Christiana fide perseveraverint, statuitur certum tempus serviendi, quo -elapso liberi fiunt ... Verum illis qui nostram religionem abiurarunt, -nec certum tempus est serviendi, ned ullum ius in patriam redeundi, -spes libertatis solummodo pendet a domini arbitrio” (p. 87). Similarly -Menavino, p. 65. Cantacuzenos gives this period as seven years:—“Grata -è la compagnia che essi fanno a gli schiavi loro, percioche Maumetto -gli ha fra l’altre cose comandato che egli non si possa tener in -servitù uno schiavo più che sette anni, et perciò nessuno o raro è -colui che a tal comandamento voglia contrafare” (p. 128). - -[557] “Fromme Christen, die nach der Türkei oder in andere -muhamedanische Länder kamen, hatten Anlass genug zur Trauer über die -Häufigkeit des Abfalls ihrer Glaubensgenossen, und besonders die -Schriften der Ordensgeistlichen sind voll von solchen Klagen. Bei den -Sclaven konnte sich immer noch ein Gefühl des Mitleids dem der -Missbilligung beimischen, aber oft genug musste man die bittersten -Erfahrungen auch an freien Landsleuten machen. Die christlichen -Gesandten waren keinen Tag sicher, ob ihnen nicht Leute von ihrem -Gefolge davon liefen, und man that gut daran, den Tag nicht vor dem -Abend zu loben.” (Gmelin, p. 22.) Cf. Von den Driesch, p. 161. - -[558] Thomas Smith, pp. 144–5. - -[559] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xxxv. (a). - -[560] M. d’Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 133. Georgieviz, p. 87 (quoted above). -Menavino, p. 95. - -[561] Von den Driesch, p. 250. - -[562] Id. p. 131–2. - -[563] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xi. - -[564] Hertzberg, p. 621. - -[565] “The old People dying, the young ones generally turn Mahumetans: -so that now (1655) you can hardly meet with two Christian Armenians in -all those fair Plains, which their fathers were sent to manure.” -Tavernier (1), p. 16. - -[566] H. H. Jessup: Fifty-three Years in Syria, vol. ii. p. 658. (New -York, 1910.) - -[567] For a list of these, see Finlay, vol. vi. pp. 28–9. - -[568] Leake, p. 250. - -[569] The name by which the Albanians always call themselves, lit. -rock-dwellers. - -[570] One of themselves, an Albanian Christian, speaking of the enmity -existing between the Christians and Muhammadans of Bulgaria, says: -“Aber für Albanien liegen die Sachen ganz anders. Die Muselmänner sind -Albanesen, wie die Christen; sie sprechen dieselbe Sprache, sie haben -dieselben Sitten, sie folgen denselben Gebräuchen, sie haben dieselben -Traditionen; sie und die Christen haben sich niemals gehasst, zwischen -ihnen herrscht keine Jahrhunderte alte Feindschaft. Der Unterschied der -Religion war niemals ein zu einer systematischen Trennung treibendes -Motiv; Muselmänner und Christen haben stets, mit wenigen Ausnahmen, auf -gleichem Fusse gelebt, sich der gleichen Rechte erfreuend, dieselben -Pflichten erfüllend.” (Wassa Effendi: Albanien und die Albanesen, p. -59.) (Berlin, 1879.) - -[571] Finlay, vol. v. p. 46. - -[572] Clark, pp. 175–7. The Mirdites, who are very fanatical Roman -Catholics (in the diocese of Alessio), will not suffer a Muhammadan to -live in their mountains, and no member of their tribe has ever abjured -his faith; were any Mirdite to attempt to do so, he would certainly be -put to death, unless he succeeded in making good his escape from -Albania. (Hecquard: Histoire de la Haute Albanie, p. 224.) - -[573] Published in Farlati’s Illyricum Sacrum. - -[574] Alessandro Comuleo, 1593. Bizzi, 1610. Marco Crisio, 1651. Fra -Bonaventura di S. Antonio, 1652. Zmaievich, 1703. - -[575] Bizzi, fol. 60, b. - -[576] Bizzi, fol. 35, a. - -[577] Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 104, 107. - -[578] It is also complained that the Archbishop’s palace was -appropriated by the Muhammadans, but it had been left unoccupied for -eight years, as Archbishop Ambrosius (flor. 1579–1598) had found it -prudent to go into exile, having attacked Islam “with more fervour than -caution, inveighing against Muḥammad and damning his Satanic -doctrines.” (Farlati, vol. vii. p. 107.) - -[579] Bizzi, fol. 9, where he says, “E comunicai quella mattina quasi -tutta la Christianità latina.” From a comparison with statistics given -by Zmaievich (fol. 227) I would hazard the conjecture that the Latin -Christian community at this time amounted to rather over a thousand -souls. - -[580] Bizzi, fol. 27, b; 38, b. - -[581] Veniero, fol. 34. This was also the custom in some villages of -Albania as late as the beginning of the nineteenth century; see W. M. -Leake: Travels in Northern Greece, vol. i. p. 49. (London, 1835): “In -some villages, Mahometans are married to Greek women, the sons are -educated as Turks, and the daughters as Christians; and pork and mutton -are eaten at the same table.” - -[582] Bizzi, fol. 38, b. Farlati, tom. vii. p. 158. - -[583] Bizzi, fol. 10, b. Veniero, fol. 34. - -[584] Shortly after Marco Bizzi’s arrival at Antivari a Muhammadan lady -of high rank wished to have her child baptised by the Archbishop -himself, who tells us that she complained bitterly to one of the -leading Christians of the city that “io non mi fossi degnato di far a -lei questo piacere, il qual quotidianamente vien fatto dai miei preti a -richiesta di qualsivoglia plebeo” (fol. 10, b). - -[585] For modern instances of the harmonious relations subsisting -between the followers of the two faiths living together in the same -village, see Hyacinthe Hecquard: Histoire et description de la Haute -Albanie (pp. 153, 162, 200). (Paris, 1858.) - -[586] Bizzi, fol. 38, a. - -[587] Garnett, p. 267. - -[588] Bizzi, fol. 36, b. - -[589] Id. fol. 38, b; 37, a. - -[590] Bizzi, fol. 38, b; 61, a; 37, a; 33, b. - -[591] Zmaievich, fol. 5. The Venetian real in the eighteenth century -was equal to a Turkish piastre. (Businello, p. 94.) - -[592] Bizzi, fol. 12–13. Zmaievich, fol. 5. - -[593] Bizzi, fol. 10–11. - -[594] Id. fol. 31, b. - -[595] Id. fol. 60, b. - -[596] Id. fol. 33, b. “Qui deriva il puoco numero de Sacerdoti in -quelle parti e la puoca loro intelligenza in quel mestiero; il gran -numero de’ Christiani, che invecchiano, et anco morono senza il -sacramento della Confermatione et apostatano della fede quasi per -tutto.” - -[597] “Se l’Albania non riceverà qualche maggior agiuto in meno di anni -anderà a male quasi tutta quella Christianità per il puoco numero dei -Vescovi e dei Sacerdoti di qualche intelligenza.” (Id. fol. 61, a.) - -[598] Id. fol. 36, a. Id. fol. 64, b. - -[599] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 153–4. Clark, p. 290. - -[600] “E quei miseri hanno fermata la conscientia in creder di non -peccar per simil coniuntioni (i.e. the giving of Christian girls in -marriage to Muhammadans) per esser i turchi signori del paese, e che -però non si possa, nè devea far altro che obbedirli quando comandano -qualsivoglia cosa.” (Bizzi, fol. 38, b.) - -[601] Garnett, p. 268. - -[602] Bizzi, fol. 38, b; 63, a. - -[603] Kyriakos, p. 12. - -[604] Farlati, tom. vii. pp. 124, 141. - -[605] Marco Crisio, p. 202. - -[606] Zmaievich, fol. 227. - -[607] Bizzi, fol. 60, b. - -[608] Zmaievich, fol. 137. - -[609] Zmaievich, fol. 157. - -[610] Zmaievich, fol. 11, 159. - -[611] Zmaievich, fol. 13. - -[612] Bizzi, fol. 38, b. Farlati, vol. vii. p. 158. - -[613] Zmaievich, fol. 13–14. - -[614] Informatione circa la missione d’Albania, fol. 196. - -[615] Crisio, fol. 204. - -[616] Fra Bonaventura, fol. 201. - -[617] Marco Crisio, fol. 202, 205. - -[618] Id. fol. 205. - -[619] Zmaievich, fol. 13. - -[620] Farlati, tom. vii. p. 109. Bizzi, fol. 19, b. - -[621] Marco Crisio, fol. 205. - -[622] Zmaievich, fol. 11. - -[623] Id. fol. 32. - -[624] Crisio, fol. 204. - -[625] Zmaievich, fol. 11. Farlati, vol. vii. p. 151. - -[626] Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 126–32. Zmaievich, fol. 4–5, fol. 20. - -[627] “Plerique, ut se iniquis tributis et vexationibus eximerent, -paullatim a Christiana religione deficere coeperunt.” (Farlati, tom. -vii. p. 311.) - -[628] Zmaievich fol. 5. - -[629] Id. fol. 5. - -[630] Zmaievich, fol. 15, 197. - -[631] Id. fol. 11. - -[632] Id. fol. 137. - -[633] Id. fol. 149. - -[634] Id. fol. 143–4. - -[635] Zmaievich, fol. 22. - -[636] Farlati, tom. vii. p. 141. - -[637] Zmaievich, fol. 7, 17. - -[638] Id. fol. 9. - -[639] Id. fol. 141. - -[640] Farlati, vol. vi. p. 317. - -[641] Eliot, p. 401. - -[642] Id. p. 392. - -[643] Yāqūt, vol. i. p. 469 sq. - -[644] Géographie d’Aboulféda, traduite par M. Reinaud, tome ii. pp -294–5. - -[645] Enrique Dupuy de Lôme: Los Esclavos y Turquía, pp. 17–18. -(Madrid, 1877.) - -[646] De la Jonquière, p. 215. - -[647] Id. p. 290. - -[648] Kanitz, p. 37. - -[649] Id. pp. 37–8. - -[650] A map of this country is given by Mackenzie and Irby (p. 243): it -contains Prizren, the old Servian capital, Ipek, the seat of the -Servian Patriarch, and the battle-field of Kossovo. - -[651] Kanitz, p. 37. - -[652] Mackenzie and Irby, pp. 250–1. - -[653] Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 127–8. - -[654] Mackenzie and Irby, pp. 374–5. Kanitz, p. 39. - -[655] Id. pp. 39–40. - -[656] Kanitz, p. 38. - -[657] Bizzi, fol. 48, b. - -[658] Zmaievich, fol. 182. - -[659] Kanitz, p. 38. - -[660] Montenegro was ruled by bishops from 1516 to 1852. - -[661] E. L. Clark, pp. 362–3. - -[662] Honorius III in 1221, Gregory IX in 1238, Innocent IV in 1246, -Benedict XII in 1337. The Inquisition was established in 1291. - -[663] Asboth, pp. 42–95. Evans, pp. xxxvi–xlii. - -[664] Asboth, pp. 96–7. - -[665] “They revile the ceremonies of the church and all church -dignitaries, and they call orthodox priests blind Pharisees, and bay at -them as dogs at horses. As to the Lord’s Supper, they assert that it is -not kept according to God’s commandment, and that it is not the body of -God, but ordinary bread.” (Kosmas, quoted by Evans, pp. xxx–xxxi.) - -[666] Sūrah iv. 156. - -[667] Cf. the admiration of the Turks for Charles XII of Sweden. “Son -opiniâtreté à s’abstenir du vin, et sa régularité à assister deux fois -par jour aux prières publiques, leur faisaient dire: C’est un vrai -musulman.” (Œuvres de Voltaire, tome 23, p. 200.) (Paris, 1785.) - -[668] Kosmas, quoted by Evans, p. xxxi. - -[669] Asboth, p. 36. Wetzer und Welte, vol. ii. p. 975. - -[670] Olivier, pp. 17–18. - -[671] Olivier, p. 113. - -[672] Amari, vol. i. p. 163; vol. ii. p. 260. - -[673] Cornaro, vol. i. pp. 205–8. - -[674] Perrot, p. 151. - -[675] Pashley, vol. i. p. 30; vol. ii. pp. 284, 291–2. - -[676] Id. vol. ii. p. 298. - -[677] Pashley, vol. ii. p. 285. - -[678] Id. vol. i. p. 319. - -[679] Perrot, p. 151. - -[680] Charles Edwardes: Letters from Crete, pp. 90–2. (London, 1887.) - -[681] Pashley, vol. ii. pp. 151–2. - -[682] Id. vol. i. p. 9. - -[683] Perrot, p. 159. - -[684] Pashley, vol. i. pp. 10, 195. - -[685] T. A. B. Spratt: Travels and Researches in Crete, vol. i. p. 47. -(London, 1865.) - -[686] R. du M. M. vii. p. 99. - -[687] Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 910–11. A. de Gobineau (1), pp. 55–6. - -[688] Abū Yūsuf: Kitāb al-Kharāj, p. 73. - -[689] Id. p. 74 and Balādhurī, pp. 71 (fin.), 79, 80. - -[690] Caetani, vol. v. pp. 361 (§ 611 n. 1), 394–5, 457. - -[691] pp. 68–9. - -[692] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 910. - -[693] A. de Gobineau (2), pp. 306–10. - -[694] Dozy (1), p. 157. - -[695] Haneberg, p. 5. - -[696] Dozy (1), p. 191. A. de Gobineau (1), p. 55. - -[697] Les croyances Mazdéennes dans la religion Chiite, par Ahmed-Bey -Agaeff. (Transactions of the Ninth International Congress of -Orientalists, vol. ii. pp. 509–11. London, 1893.) For other points of -contact, see Goldziher: Islamisme et Parsisme. (Revue de l’Histoire des -Religions, xliii. p. 1. sqq.) - -[698] Dosabhai Framji Karaka: History of the Parsis, vol. i. pp. 56–9, -62–7. (London, 1884.) Nicolas de Khanikoff says that there were 12,000 -families of fire-worshippers in Kirmān at the end of the 18th century. -(Mémoire sur la partie méridionale de l’Asie centrale, p. 193. Paris, -1861.) - -[699] Chwolsohn, vol. i. p. 287. - -[700] Masʻūdī, vol. iv. p. 86. - -[701] Iṣṭakhrī, pp. 100, 118. Ibn Ḥawqal, pp. 189–190. - -[702] Kitāb al-milal waʼl-niḥal, edited by Cureton, part i. p. 198. - -[703] Masʻūdī, vol. viii. p. 279; vol. ix. pp. 4–5. - -[704] Ibn Khallikān, vol. iii. p. 517. - -[705] Kitāb al-Fihrist, ed. Flügel, p. 149 (l. 2). - -[706] For a comprehensive sketch of their condition under Muslim rule, -see D. Menant: Les Zoroastriens de Perse. (R. du M. M. iii. pp. 193 -sqq., p. 421 sqq.) - -[707] Khojā Vrittānt, pp. 141–8. For a further account of Ismāʻīlian -missionaries in India, see chap. ix. - -[708] Le Bon Silvestre De Sacy: Exposé de la Religion des Druzes, tome -i. pp. lxvii–lxxvi, cxlviii–clxii. - -[709] Balādhurī, p. 421. - -[710] Narshakhī, p. 46. - -[711] Id. p. 47. - -[712] Balādhurī, p. 426. - -[713] Ṭabarī, ii. pp. 1507 sqq. - -[714] Balādhurī, p. 431. - -[715] August Müller, vol. i. p. 520. - -[716] Cahun, p. 150. - -[717] Ibn al-Athīr, vol. viii. p. 396 (ll. 19–20.) Grenard, pp. 7 sq., -42–3. - -[718] Grenard, pp. 9–10. “D’une guerre d’ambition [la tradition] fait -une guerre sainte, elle attribue à Satoḳ Boghra Khân une conquête qui a -été accomplie réellement par son douzième successeur; par une confusion -absurde, elle donne le nom de ce dernier à l’oncle infidèle de Satoḳ. -Non contente de réduire deux personnages en un seul, elle prête au même -prince une marche sur Tourfân, c’est-à-dire contre les Ouigour, qui est -en effet l’œuvre d’un troisième.” (Id. p. 50.) - -[719] Raverty, p. 905. - -[720] This was the capital of the Khāns of Turkistan during the tenth -and eleventh centuries, but the exact site is uncertain. - -[721] Narshakhī, pp. 234–5. - -[722] Raverty, pp. 925–7. - -[723] Grenard, p. 76. - -[724] Raverty, p. 117. - -[725] Bellew, p. 96. - -[726] Id. pp. 15–16. - -[727] Balādhurī, p. 402. - -[728] August Müller, vol. ii. p. 29. - -[729] Qurʼān, xix. 23. - -[730] Ibn al-Athīr, vol. xii. pp. 233–4. - -[731] William of Rubruck, pp. 182, 191. C. d’Ohsson, tome ii. p. 488. - -[732] De Guignes, tome iii. pp. 200, 203. - -[733] Id. vol. iii. p. 115. - -[734] Id. p. 125. Cahun, p. 391. - -[735] Klaproth, p. 204. - -[736] C. d’Ohsson, tome ii. pp. 226–7. Cahun, p. 408 sq. - -[737] Of this writer Yule says, “He gives an unfavourable account of -the literature and morals of their clergy, which deserves more weight -than such statements regarding those looked upon as schismatics -generally do; for the narrative of Rubruquis gives one the impression -of being written by a thoroughly honest and intelligent person.” -(Cathay and the Way Thither, vol. i. p. xcviii.) - -[738] William of Rubruck, pp. 158–9. - -[739] Maqrīzī (2), tome i. 1re partie, pp. 98, 106. - -[740] The Chosen One—Muḥammad. - -[741] Jūzjānī, pp. 448–50. Raverty, pp. 1288–90. - -[742] So notoriously brutal was the treatment they received that even -the Chinese showmen in their exhibitions of shadow figures exultingly -brought forward the figure of an old man with a white beard dragged by -the neck at the tail of a horse, as showing how the Mongol horsemen -behaved towards the Musalmans. (Howorth, vol. i. p. 159.) - -[743] Raverty, p. 1146. Howorth, vol. i. pp. 112, 273. This edict was -only withdrawn when it was found that it prevented Muhammadan merchants -from visiting the court and that trade suffered in consequence. - -[744] Howorth, vol. i. p. 165. - -[745] Jūzjānī, pp. 404–5. Raverty, p. 1160 sqq. - -[746] De Guignes, vol. iii. p. 265. - -[747] In the thirteenth century, three-fourths of the Mongol hosts were -Turks. (Cahun, p. 279.) - -[748] C. d’Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 121. - -[749] Rashīd al-Dīn, pp. 600–2. - -[750] Blochet, pp. 74–7. - -[751] It is of interest to note that Najm al-Dīn Mukhtār al-Zāhidī in -1260 compiled for Baraka Khān a treatise which gave the proofs of the -divine mission of the Prophet, a refutation of those who denied it, and -an account of the controversies between Christians and Muslims. -(Steinschneider, pp. 63–4.) - -[752] Abu’l-Ghāzī, tome ii. p. 181. - -[753] Jūzjānī, p. 447. Raverty, pp. 1283–4. - -[754] Jūzjānī, p. 447. Raverty, pp. 1285–6. - -[755] Maqrīzī (2), tome i. pp. 180–1, 187. - -[756] Maqrīzī (2), tome i. p. 215. - -[757] Id. p. 222. - -[758] Waṣṣāf calls him Nikūdār before, and Aḥmad after, his conversion. - -[759] Hayton. (Ramusio, tome ii. p. 60, c.) - -[760] Qurʼān, vi. 125. - -[761] Waṣṣāf, pp. 231–4. - -[762] De Guignes, vol. iii. pp. 263–5. - -[763] C. d’Ohsson, tome iv. pp. 141–2. - -[764] Id. ib. p. 148. - -[765] Id. ib. p. 365. - -[766] Id. ib. pp. 148, 354. Cahun, p. 434. - -[767] C. d’Ohsson, tome iv. pp. 128, 132. - -[768] Hammer-Purgstall: Geschichte der Ilchanen, vol. ii. p. 182. It is -not improbable that the captive Muslim women took a considerable part -in the conversion of the Mongols to Islam. Women appear to have -occupied an honoured position among the Mongols, and many instances -might be given of their having taken a prominent part in political -affairs, just as already several cases have been mentioned of the -influence they exercised on their husbands in religious matters. -William of Rubruck tells us how he found the influence of a Muslim wife -an obstacle in the way of his proselytising labours: “On the day of -Pentecost a certain Saracen came to us, and while in conversation with -us, we began expounding the faith, and when he heard of the blessings -of God to man in the incarnation, the resurrection of the dead, the -last judgment, and the washing away of sins in baptism, he said he -wished to be baptised; but while we were making ready to baptise him, -he suddenly jumped on his horse saying he had to go home to consult -with his wife. And the next day talking with us he said he could not -possibly venture to receive baptism, for then he could not drink -cosmos” (mare’s milk). (Rubruck, pp. 90–1.) - -[769] Ibn Baṭūṭah, vol. ii. p. 57. - -[770] Jūzjānī, pp. 381, 397. Raverty, pp. 1110, 1145–6. - -[771] Rashīd al-Dīn, pp. 173–4, 188. - -[772] Abu’l-Ghāzī, tome ii. p. 159. - -[773] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iii. p. 47. - -[774] Abu’l-Ghāzī, tome ii. pp. 166–8. Muḥammad Ḥaydar, pp. 13–15. - -[775] When the power of the Chaghatāy Khāns declined, a portion of the -eastern division of their realm became practically independent under -the name of Mughalistān, a pastoral country suited to the habits of -nomad herdsmen, in what is now known as Chinese Turkistan. - -[776] Muḥammad Ḥaydar, pp. 57–8. - -[777] In the reign of ʻAbd al-Karīm, who was Khān of Kāshgar from A.H. -983 to 1003 (A.D. 1575–1594). - -[778] Martin Hartmann: Der Islamische Orient, vol. i. p. 203. (Berlin, -1899.) - -[779] Id. p. 202. - -[780] Assemani, tome iii. pars. ii. p. cxvi. - -[781] Ibn Baṭūṭah, vol. iii. p. 40. - -[782] Rashīd al-Dīn, p. 600, l. 1. - -[783] Cahun, p. 410. - -[784] Howorth, vol ii. p. 1015. - -[785] Abū’l-Ghāzī, tome ii. p. 184. - -[786] De Guignes, vol. iii. p. 351. - -[787] Karamsin, vol. iv. pp. 391–4. - -[788] Hammer-Purgstall: Geschichte der Goldenen Horde in Kiptschak, p. -290. - -[789] De Baschkiris quae memoriae prodita sunt ab Ibn-Foszlano et -Jakuto, interprete C. N. Fraehnio. (Mémoires de l’Académie Impériale -des Sciences de St. Pétersbourg, tome viii. p. 626. 1822.) - -[790] Abū ʻUbayd al-Bakrī, pp. 470–1. - -[791] Karamsin, tome i. pp. 259–71. - -[792] Bobrovnikoff, p. 13. - -[793] Reclus, tome v. p. 831. R. du M. M., tome iii. pp. 76, 78. - -[794] Relation des Tartares, par Jean de Luca, p. 17. (Thevenot, tome -i.) - -[795] Islam and Missions, p. 257. - -[796] Gasztowtt, pp. 321–3. R. du M. M., xi. (1910), pp. 287 sqq. - -[797] The Russian Policy regarding Central Asia. An historical sketch. -By Prof. V. Grigorief. (Eugene Schuyler: Turkistan, vol. ii. pp. 405–6. -5th ed. London, 1876); Franz von Schwarz: Turkestan, p. 58. (Freiburg, -1910.) - -[798] Islam and Missions, pp. 251–2, 255. - -[799] D. Mackenzie Wallace: Russia, vol. i. pp. 242–4. (London, 1877, -4th ed.) R. du M. M., vol. ix. (1909), p. 249. Bobrovnikoff, p. 5 sqq. - -[800] W. Hepworth Dixon: Free Russia, vol. ii. p. 284. (London, 1870.) - -[801] E.g. “En 1883, des paysans Tatars du village d’Apozof étaient -poursuivis, devant le tribunal de Kazan, pour avoir abandonné -l’orthodoxie. Les accusés déclaraient avoir toujours été musulmans; -sept d’entre eux n’en furent pas moins condamnés, comme apostats, aux -travaux forcés.... Beaucoup de ces relaps ont été déportés en Sibérie.” -Anatole Leroy-Beaulieu: L’Empire des Tsars et les Russes, tome iii. p. -645. (Paris, 1889–93.) - -[802] D. Mackenzie Wallace: Russia, vol. i. p. 245. - -[803] Palmieri, pp. 85–6. R. du M. M., i. (1907), pp. 162 sq. - -[804] R. du M. M., ix. (1909), p. 294. - -[805] Id. x. (1910), p. 413. Id. i. (1907), p. 273. - -[806] Id. ix. p. 252. - -[807] Id. p. 249. - -[808] Bobrovnikoff, p. 12. - -[809] Reclus, tome v. pp. 746, 748. - -[810] Eruslanov, pp. 3, 6. - -[811] Id. pp. 7–8. - -[812] Id. pp. 5–6. - -[813] Eruslanov, pp. 9, 13. - -[814] Id. pp. 17, 20, 36. - -[815] Id. pp. 38–9. - -[816] Bobrovnikoff, p. 22. - -[817] Id. pp. 21–2, 31. - -[818] Id. p. 13. Islam and Missions, p. 257. - -[819] G. F. Müller: Sammlung Russischer Geschichte, vol. vii. p. 191. - -[820] Id. vol. vii. pp. 183–4. - -[821] Radloff, vol. i. p. 147. - -[822] Jadrinzew, p. 138. Radloff, vol. i. p. 241. - -[823] Radloff, vol. i. pp. 472, 497. - -[824] Census of India, 1891. General Report by J. A. Baines, p. 167. -(London, 1893.) - -[825] Id. pp. 126, 207. - -[826] Elliot, vol. ii. p. 448. - -[827] Muḥammad b. Qāsim invited the Hindu princes to embrace Islam, and -the invaders who followed him were probably equally observant of the -religious law. (Elliot, vol. i. pp. 175, 207.) - -[828] Or Baran, the old name of Bulandshahr. - -[829] Elliot, vol. ii. pp. 42–3. - -[830] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. iii. part ii. p. 85. - -[831] “The military adventurers, who founded dynasties in Northern -India and carved out kingdoms in the Dekhan, cared little for things -spiritual; most of them had indeed no time for proselytism, being -continually engaged in conquest or in civil war. They were usually -rough Tartars or Moghals; themselves ill-grounded in the faith of -Mahomed, and untouched by the true Semitic enthusiasm which inspired -the first Arab standard bearers of Islam. The empire which they set up -was purely military, and it was kept in that state by the half success -of their conquests and the comparative failure of their spiritual -invasion. They were strong enough to prevent anything like religious -amalgamation among the Hindus, and to check the gathering of tribes -into nations; but so far were they from converting India, that among -the Mahommedans themselves their own faith never acquired an entire and -exclusive monopoly of the high offices of administration.” (Sir Alfred -C. Lyall: Asiatic Studies, p. 289.) (London, 1882.) - -[832] Firishtah, vol. i. p. 184. - -[833] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iii. p. 197. - -[834] Elliot, vol. iii. p. 386. - -[835] Mankind and the Church, p. 286. (London, 1907.) - -[836] Sir Richard Temple: India in 1880, p. 164. (London, 1881.) Punjab -States Gazetteers, vol. xxxvi A, Bahawalpur, p. 183. - -[837] Manual of Titles for Oudh, p. 78. (Allahabad, 1889.) - -[838] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. 466. - -[839] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. iii. part ii. p. 46. - -[840] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. xiv. part ii. p. 119. In the -Cawnpore district, the Musalman branch of the Dikhit family observes -Muhammadan customs at births, marriages, and deaths, and, though they -cannot, as a rule, recite the prayers (namāz), they perform the -orthodox obeisances (sijdah). But at the same time they worship Chachak -Devī to avert small-pox, and keep up their friendly intercourse with -their old caste brethren, the Thakurs, in domestic occurrences, and are -generally called by common Hindu names. (Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. -vi. p. 64.) - -[841] Ibbetson, p. 163. - -[842] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. p. 64. Compare also id. vol. -xiv. part iii. p. 47. “Muhammadan cultivators are not numerous; they -are usually Nau-Muslims. Most of them assign the date of their -conversion to the reign of Aurangzeb, and represent it as the result -sometimes of persecution and sometimes as made to enable them to retain -their rights when unable to pay revenue.” - -[843] Ibbetson, p. 163. - -[844] Indeed Firishtah distinctly says: “Zealous for the faith of -Mahommed, he rewarded proselytes with a liberal hand, though he did not -choose to persecute those of different persuasions in matters of -religion.” (The History of Hindostan, translated from the Persian, by -Alexander Dow, vol. iii. p. 361.) (London, 1812.) - -[845] The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xxii. p. 222; vol. xxiii. p. 282. - -[846] Innes, pp. 72–3, 190. - -[847] Sir W. W. Hunter: The Religions of India. (The Times, February -25th, 1888.) - -[848] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. p. 518. - -[849] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. v. part i. pp. 302–3. - -[850] Sir Alfred C. Lyall: Asiatic Studies, p. 236. - -[851] A tomb in the cemetery of Pantalāyini Kollam bears an inscription -with the date A.H. 166. (Innes, p. 436.) - -[852] Zayn al-Dīn, pp. 34–5. - -[853] Id. p. 36 (init.). - -[854] Id. p. 21. - -[855] The modern Madāyi. - -[856] Zayn al-Dīn, pp. 23–4. - -[857] Id. p. 25. - -[858] Innes, p. 41. - -[859] Id. p. 398. - -[860] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 82, 88, etc. - -[861] Innes, p. 190. - -[862] Oboardo Barbosa, p. 310. - -Similarly it has been conjectured that but for the arrival of the -Portuguese, Ceylon might have become a Muhammadan kingdom. For before -the Portuguese armaments appeared in the Indian seas, the Arab -merchants were undisputed masters of the trade of this island (where -indeed they had formed commercial establishments centuries before the -birth of the Prophet), and were to be found in every sea-port and city, -while the facilities for commerce attracted large numbers of fresh -arrivals from their settlements in Malabar. Here as elsewhere the -Muslim traders intermarried with the natives of the country and spread -their religion along the coast. But no very active proselytising -movement would seem to have been carried on, or else the Singhalese -showed themselves unwilling to embrace Islam, as the Muhammadans of -Ceylon at the present day appear mostly to be of Arab descent. (Sir -James Emerson Tennent: Ceylon, vol. i. pp. 631–3.) (5th ed., London, -1860.) - -[863] Qurʼān, xvi. 126. - -[864] ʻAbd al-Razzāq: Maṭlaʻ al-saʻdayn, fol. 173. - -[865] They are found chiefly in the Tamil-speaking districts of Madura, -Tinnevelly, Coimbatore, North Arcot and the Nilgiris. - -[866] The Imperial Gazetteer of India (vol. xxiv. p. 47) spells his -name Nādir Shāh; Qādir Ḥusayn Khān calls him Nathad Vali. - -[867] Madras District Gazetteers. Trichinopoly, vol. i. p. 338. -(Madras, 1907.) Qādir Ḥusayn Khān: South Indian Musalmans, p. 36. -(Madras, 1910.) - -[868] Qādir Ḥusayn Khān, pp. 36–8. - -[869] Qādir Ḥusayn Khān, op. cit. pp. 39–42. Madras District -Gazetteers. Anantapur, vol. i. pp. 193–4. (Madras, 1905.) - -[870] Zayn al-Dīn, pp. 33 (l. 4), 36 (l. 1). - -[871] Innes, p. 190. Census of India, 1911. Vol. xii. Part. I. p. 54. - -[872] Report on the Census of the Madras Presidency, 1871, by W. R. -Cornish, pp. 71, 72, 109. (Madras, 1874.) - -[873] Report of the Second Decennial Missionary Conference held at -Calcutta 1882–3 (pp. 228, 233, 248). (Calcutta, 1883.) - -[874] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. p. 128. Ibn Baṭūṭah resided in the Maldive -Islands during the years 1343–4 and married “the daughter of a Vizier -who was grandson of the Sulṭān Dāʼūd, who was a grandson of the Sulṭān -Aḥmad Shanūrāzah” (tome iv. p. 154); from this statement the date A.D. -1200 has been conjectured. - -[875] H. C. P. Bell: The Maldive Islands, pp. 23–5, 57–8, 71. (Colombo, -1883.) - -[876] Memoir on the Inhabitants of the Maldive Islands. By J. A. Young -and W. Christopher. (Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society -from 1836 to 1838, p. 74. Bombay, 1844.) - -[877] Innes, pp. 485, 492. - -[878] Masʻūdī, tome ii. pp. 85–6. - -[879] The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. x. p 132; vol. xvi. p. 75. - -[880] Id. vol. xxiii. p. 282. - -[881] Sometimes called Sayyid Makhdūm Gīsūdarāz. - -[882] The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xviii. p. 501; vol. xxi. pp. 218, 223. - -[883] Id. vol. xiii. part i. p. 231. - -[884] Id. vol. xxii. p. 242. - -[885] Id. vol. xvi. pp. 75–6. - -[886] Id. vol. xxi. p. 203. - -[887] At the time of the Arab conquest the dominions of the Hindu ruler -of Sind extended as far north as this city, which is now no longer -included in this province. - -[888] Balādhurī, p. 441 (fin.) - -[889] Elliot, vol. i. pp. 185–6. - -[890] Probably the Sindān in Abrāsa, the southern district of Cutch. - -[891] Balādhurī, p. 446. - -[892] Iṣṭakhrī, pp. 173–4. - -[893] Balādhurī, p. 446. - -[894] Iṣṭakhrī, loc. cit. Ibn Ḥawqal, p. 230 sq. Idrīsī (Géographie -d’Édrisi, traduite par P. A. Jaubert, vol. i. p. 175 sqq.). - -[895] Masʻūdī, vol. i. p. 207. - -[896] Elliot, vol. i. p. 273. - -[897] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. i. p. 93. - -[898] Khojā Vṛttānt, p. 208. Sir Bartle Frere: The Khojas: the -Disciples of the Old Man of the Mountain. Macmillan’s Magazine, vol. -xxxiv. pp. 431, 433–4. (London, 1876.) - -[899] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. p. 26. - -[900] K. B. Fazalullah Lutfullah conjectures that Nūr Satāgar came to -India rather later, in the reign of Bhīma II (A.D. 1179–1242.) (Bombay -Gazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. p. 38.) - -[901] Khojā Vṛttānt, p. 154–8. - -[902] Nūr Allāh al-Shūshtarī: Majālis al-Muʼminīn, fol. 65. (India -Office MS. No. 1400.) - -[903] A town ten miles south-west of Ahmadabad. - -[904] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. pp. 66, 76. - -[905] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. v. p. 89. - -[906] Id. vol. ii. p. 378; vol. iii. pp. 36–7. - -[907] So Firishtah, but see H. Blochmann: Contributions to the -Geography and History of Bengal. (J. A. S. B., vol. xlii. No. 1, pp. -264–6. 1873.) - -[908] J. H. Ravenshaw: Gaur: its ruins and inscriptions, p. 99. -(London, 1878.) Firishtah, vol. iv. p. 337. - -[909] Wise, p. 29. - -[910] Census of India, 1901, vol. vi. part i. p. 170. - -[911] Id. p. 30. - -[912] Charles Stewart: The History of Bengal, p. 176. (London, 1813.) -H. Blochmann: Contributions to the Geography and History of Bengal. (J. -A. S. B., vol. xlii. No. 1, p. 220. 1873.) - -[913] The Indian Evangelical Review, p. 278. (January 1883.) - -[914] Sir W. W. Hunter: The Religions of India. (The Times, February -25, 1888.) See also Wise, p. 32. - -[915] Wise, p. 37. - -[916] Blochmann, op. cit. p. 260. - -[917] Wise, pp. 48–55. - -[918] Ghulām Sarwar: Khazīnat al-Aṣfīyā, vol. ii. p. 230. - -[919] Otherwise known as Shaykh Bahā al-Dīn Zakariyyā. - -[920] Ibbetson, p. 163. - -[921] Aṣghar ʻAlī: Jawāhir-i-Farīdī (A.H. 1033), p. 395. (Lahore, -1884.) - -[922] Elliot, vol. ii. p. 548. - -[923] Punjab States Gazetteers, vol. xxxvi A. Bahawalpur State. -(Lahore, 1908), p. 160 sqq. The names of some of the tribes who ascribe -their conversion to Makhdūm-i-Jahāniyān are given on p. 162. - -[924] Id. p. 171. - -[925] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. p. 217. Yule, p. 515. - -[926] The Indian Evangelical Review, vol. xvi, pp. 52–3. (Calcutta, -1889–90.) The Contemporary Review, February 1889, p. 170. The -Spectator, October 15, 1887, p. 1382. - -[927] Garcin de Tassy: La Langue et la Littérature Hindoustanies de -1850 à 1869, p. 343. (Paris, 1874.) - -[928] Mawlavī Ḥasan ʻAlī furnished me with these figures some years -before his death in 1896. In an obituary notice published in “The -Moslem Chronicle” (April 4, 1896), the following quaint account is -given of his life: “In private and school life, he was marked as a very -intelligent lad and made considerable progress in his scholastic career -within a short time. He passed Entrance at a very early age and -received scholarship with which he went up to the First Art, but -shortly after his innate anxiety to seek truth prompted him to go -abroad the world, and abandoning his studies he mixed with persons of -different persuasions, Fakirs, Pandits, and Christians, entered -churches, and roamed over wilderness and forests and cities with -nothing to help him on except his sincere hopes and absolute reliance -on the mercy of the Great Lord; for one year he wandered in various -regions of religion until in 1874 he accepted the post of a head master -in a Patna school.... As he was born to become a missionary of the -Moslem faith, he felt an imperceptible craving to quit his post, from -which he used to get Rs. 100 per mensem. He tendered his resignation, -much to the reluctance of his friends, and maintained himself for some -time by publishing a monthly journal, ‘Noorul Islam.’ He gave several -lectures on Islam at Patna, and then went to Calcutta, where he -delivered his lecture in English, which produced such effect on the -audience that several European clergymen vouchsafed the truth of Islam, -and a notable gentleman, Babu Bepin Chandra Pal, was about to become -Musalman. He was invited by the people at Dacca, where his preachings -and lectures left his name imbedded in the hearts of the citizens. His -various books and pamphlets and successive lectures in Urdu and in -English in the different cities and towns in India gave him a historic -name in the world. Some one hundred men became Musalmans on hearing his -lectures and reading his books.” His missionary zeal manifested itself -up to the last hour of his life, when he was overheard to say, “Abjure -your religion and become a Musalman.” On being questioned, he said he -was talking to a Christian. - -[929] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xii. p. 126. - -[930] Id. vol. xvi. p. 81. - -[931] Tuḥfat al-Hind, p. 3. (Dehli, A.H. 1309.) - -[932] The Indian Evangelical Review, 1884, p. 128. Garcin de Tassy: La -Langue et la Littérature Hindoustanies de 1850 à 1869, p. 485. (Paris, -1874.) Garcin de Tassy: La Langue et la Littérature Hindoustanies en -1871, p. 12. (Paris, 1872.) - -[933] Ibbetson, p. 184. - -[934] The Rajputana Gazetteer, vol. i. p. 90; vol. ii. p. 47. -(Calcutta, 1879.) - -[935] On these as they affect the Muhammadans, see the Census of India, -1901. Vol. vi. p. 172. - -[936] E. T. Dalton, p. 324. - -[937] For an account of such Hinduising of the aboriginal tribes see -Sir Alfred Lyall: Asiatic Studies, pp. 102–4. - -[938] E. T. Dalton, p. 89. - -[939] The Missionary Review of the World, N.S. vol. xiii, pp. 72–3. -(New York, 1900.) - -[940] Sir Alfred Lyall (Asiatic Studies, p. 29) speaks of the -perceptible proclivity towards the faith of Islam occasionally -exhibited by some of the Hindu chiefs. - -[941] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. xix. - -[942] To give one instance only: in Ghātampur, in the district of -Cawnpore, one branch of a large family is Muslim in obedience to the -vow of their ancestor, Ghātam Deo Bais, who while praying for a son at -the shrine of a Muhammadan saint, Madār Shāh, promised that if his -prayer were granted, half his descendants should be brought up as -Muslims. (Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. pp. 64, 238.) - -The worship of Muhammadan saints is so common among certain low-caste -Hindus that in the Census of 1891, in the North-Western Provinces and -Oudh alone, 2,333,643 Hindus (or 5·78 per cent. of the total Hindu -population of these provinces) returned themselves as worshippers of -Muhammadan saints. (Census of India, 1891, vol. xvi. part i. pp. 217, -244.) (Allahabad, 1894.) - -[943] Instances of such causes of conversion are given in the Census of -India, 1901. Vol. vi. Bengal, part. i, Appendix II. - -[944] Report on the Census of the N.W.P. and Oudh, 1881, by Edward -White, p. 62. (Allahabad, 1882.) - -[945] Id. p. 63. - -[946] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. xix. - -[947] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. pp. xxiii–xxiv. - -[948] Khojā Vṛttānt, p. 141. - -[949] Or Shams al-Dīn, according to another account, see Muḥammad -Haydar, p. 433 (n. 2). - -[950] Firishtah, vol. iv. pp. 464, 469. - -[951] F. Drew: The Jummoo and Kashmir Territories, pp. 58, 155. -(London, 1875.) - -[952] Drew, op. cit. p. 359. - -[953] On this word see Yule’s Marco Polo, vol. i. p. 290. - -[954] Aḥmad Shāh: Four years in Tibet, pp. 45, 74. (Benares, 1906.) - -[955] Broomhall, p. 206. Tu Wen-siu, the leader of the Panthay -rebellion from 1856 to 1873, who for sixteen years was practically -Sultan of half the province of Yunnan, issued a proclamation in Lhasa -itself, at the outset of his revolt, in order to gain Muhammadan -recruits. (Id. p. 132.) - -[956] Mission d’Ollone, pp. 207, 226, 233. - -[957] Broomhall, p. 206. - -[958] A. Bastian: Die Geschichte der Indochinesen, p. 159. (Leipzig, -1866.) - -[959] R. du M. M., tome i. p. 275. (1907.) - -[960] Kanz al-ʻUmmāl, vol. v. p. 202. - -[961] Bretschneider (2), p. 6. - -[962] On the origin of this name, see Devéria, p. 311; Mission -d’Ollone, p. 420 sqq. - -[963] De Thiersant, vol. i. pp. 19–20. - -[964] D’Ollone gives the following warning as to the uncertainty of our -knowledge of Islam in China:—“Or rien n’est moins connu que l’Islam -chinois. On ne sait exactement ni comment il s’est propagé dans -l’Empire, ni combien d’adeptes il a réunis, ni si sa doctrine est pure, -ni quelle est son organisation, ni s’il possède des relations avec le -reste du monde musulman.” (Mission d’Ollone, p. 1.) The references to -China in Arabic and Persian writers have been collected by Schefer, -“Notice sur les relations des peuples musulmans avec les Chinois.” - -[965] Chavannes, p. 172. - -[966] De Thiersant, vol. i. pp. 70–1. - -[967] This legend has been exhaustively discussed by Broomhall: Islam -in China, cap. iv, vii. - -[968] Thus the people of Khotan claim that Islam was first brought to -their land by Jaʻfar, a cousin of the Prophet (Grenard: Mission -Dutreuil de Rhins, t. iii. p. 2), and the Chams of Cambodia ascribe -their conversion to one of the fathers-in-law of Muḥammad. (R. du M. -M., vol. ii. p. 138.) - -[969] De Thiersant, vol. i. p. 153. - -[970] Reinaud: Relation des Voyages faits par les Arabes et les Persans -dans l’Inde et à la Chine, i. pp. 13, 64. (Paris, 1845.) - -[971] Id. p. 58. - -[972] That there was some migration westward also of Chinese into the -conquered countries of Islam, where they would come within the sphere -of its religious influence, we learn from the diary of a Chinese monk -who travelled through Central Asia to Persia in the years 1221–4; -speaking of Samarqand, he says, “Chinese workmen are living -everywhere.” (Bretschneider (1), vol. i. p. 78.) - -[973] Howorth, vol. i. p. 161. - -[974] For Chinese biographies of Sayyid Ajall, see R. du M. M., viii. -p. 344 sqq. and xi. p. 3 sqq.; Mission d’Ollone, p. 25 sqq. - -[975] Broomhall, p. 127. - -[976] Mission d’Ollone, pp. 435–6. - -[977] Howorth, vol. i. p. 257. - -[978] Marco Polo, vol. i. pp. 219, 274; vol. ii. p. 66. - -[979] Rashīd al-Dīn (Yule’s Cathay, p. 9). - -[980] Vol. iv. pp. 270, 283. - -[981] Id. p. 258. - -[982] ʻAbd al-Razzāq al-Samarqandī: Maṭlaʻ al-saʻdayn, foll. 60–1. -(Blochet, pp. 249–52.) - -[983] Zenker, pp. 798–9. Mélanges Orientaux, p. 65. (Publications de -l’École des Langues Orientales Vivantes, Sér. ii. t. 9.) (Paris, 1883.) - -[984] Schefer, pp. 29–30. Zenker, p. 796. - -[985] De Thiersant, tome i. pp. 154–6. - -[986] Broomhall, p. 92 sqq. Devéria: Musulmans et Manichéens chinois. -(J. A. 9me Sér., tome x. p. 447 sqq.) - -[987] De Thiersant, tome i. pp. 163–4. - -[988] The Muhammadans are said to be more prolific than the ordinary -Chinese, and the Chinese census, which counts according to families, -estimates six for a Muhammadan family and five for the ordinary -Chinese. (Broomhall, pp. 197, 203.) - -[989] Broomhall, in chap. xii. of his Islam in China, gives the total -as between five and ten millions. D’Ollone puts it as low as four -millions (p. 430). - -[990] Vide infra, pp. 309–310. - -[991] Clark Abel: Narrative of a journey in the interior of China, p. -361. (London, 1818.) - -[992] De Thiersant, tome ii. pp. 361–3. - -[993] One missionary, writing from Peking in 1721, says, “La secte des -Mahométans s’étend de plus en plus.” (Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, -tome xix. p. 140.) - -[994] J. B. du Halde: Description géographique, historique, -chronologique, politique et physique de l’Empire de la Chine, tome iii. -p. 64. (Paris, 1735.) - -[995] Anderson, p. 151. Grosier, tome iv. p. 507. - -[996] Thamarāt al-Funūn, 17th Shawwāl, p. 3. (Bayrūt, A.H. 1311.) - -[997] Mission d’Ollone, p. 279. R. du M. M., tome ix. pp. 577, 578. - -[998] Broomhall, p. 226. Grosier, tome iv. p. 508. - -[999] Vasil’ev, p. 15. - -[1000] Broomhall, p. 237. - -[1001] Id. pp. 186, 228. - -[1002] Arminius Vambéry: Travels in Central Asia, p. 404. (London, -1864.) - -[1003] Vasil’ev, p. 16. - -[1004] De Thiersant, tome ii. pp. 367, 372. - -[1005] De Thiersant, tome i. p. 247. Thamarāt al-Funūn, 28th Shaʻbān, -p. 3. - -[1006] Broomhall, p. 224. - -[1007] Du Halde, loc. cit. Broomhall, p. 282. - -[1008] Mission d’Ollone, pp. 210, 431. - -[1009] Broomhall, pp. 274, 282. - -[1010] P. 307. - -[1011] Broomhall, pp. 231–2. - -[1012] W. J. Smith, p. 175. Mission d’Ollone, p. 407 sqq. - -[1013] Thamarāt al-Funūn, loc. cit. - -[1014] Broomhall, p. 240. - -[1015] The Missionary Review of the World, vol. xxv. p. 786 (1912). - -[1016] Mission d’Ollone, p. 431. - -[1017] R. du M. M., iii. p. 124 (1907). - -[1018] Broomhall, pp. 242, 286, 292 sqq. - -[1019] Vasil’ev, pp. 3, 5, 14, 17. - -[1020] For a longer list of Muhammadan insurrections, see Mission -d’Ollone, p. 436. - -[1021] Sayyid ʻAlī Akbar: Khitāy Nāmah, p. 83. “If the emperor of China -embraces Islam, his subjects must inevitably become Muslims too, -because they all worship him to such an extent that they accept -whatever he says, and when that light coming from the West grows in -strength, the unbelievers of the East will come flocking into Islam -without showing any contention, because they are free from all -fanaticism in matters of religion.” - -[1022] Thamarāt al-Funūn, 26th Shawwāl, p. 3. (A.H. 1311.) - -[1023] An excellent map of the extent of Islam in Africa is to be found -in “The International Review of Missions,” vol. i. p. 652. - -[1024] Fournel, vol. i. p. 271. - -[1025] i.e. the diviner or priestess; her real name is unknown. - -[1026] Fournel, vol. i. p. 224. - -[1027] Makkarī, vol. i. p. 253. - -[1028] Makkarī, vol. i. p. lxv. - -[1029] Fournel, vol. i. p. 270. - -[1030] For these and the heretical movements that reveal survivals of -the earlier Berber faith, see Goldziher, Materialien zur Kenntniss der -Almohadenbewegung in Nordafrika (Z D M G, vol. xli, p. 37 sqq.). - -[1031] On this word, see Doutté, Notes sur l’Islam maghribin. (Revue de -l’histoire des religions, tom. xli. p. 24–6.) - -[1032] Ibn abī Zarʻ, pp. 168–73. A. Müller, vol. ii. pp. 611–13. - -[1033] Ibn abī Zarʻ, p. 250. Goldziher, op. laud., p. 71. - -[1034] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 11.) - -[1035] مرابط. - -[1036] Doutté, xl. p. 354; xli. pp. 26–7. - -[1037] Depont et Coppolani, p. 127 sq. - -[1038] It is not the place here to deal with the rise and political -history of the various kingdoms of the Western Sudan; this has been -done most fully for the English reader by Lady Lugard in her work -entitled, “A Tropical Dependency. An Outline of the Ancient History of -the Western Sudan, with an Account of the Modern Settlement of Northern -Nigeria.” (London, 1905.) See also H. F. Helmolt: The World’s History, -vol. iii. chap. ix. (London, 1903.) - -[1039] Blau, p. 322. - -[1040] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 7, 77.) - -[1041] Meyer, p. 91. - -[1042] Taʼrīkh al-Sūdān, p. 3. - -[1043] Jinnī or Dienné. - -[1044] So Meyer following Barth; the Taʼrīkh al-Sūdān (p. 12) places -the date about three centuries earlier. - -[1045] Félix Dubois gives a plan and reconstruction of this mosque, -which was destroyed by order of Shaykhu Aḥmadu about 1830, in -“Tombouctou la Mystérieuse,” chap. ix. - -[1046] Taʼrīkh al-Sūdān, pp. 12–13. - -[1047] Taʼrīkh al-Sūdān, p. 21. - -[1048] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 421–2. - -[1049] Ramusio, tom. i. p. 78. - -[1050] Winwood Reade describes them as “a tall, handsome, -light-coloured race, Moslems in religion, possessing horses and large -herds of cattle, but also cultivating cotton, ground-nuts, and various -kinds of corn. I was much pleased with their kind and hospitable -manners, the grave and decorous aspect of their women, the cleanliness -and silence of their villages.” (W. Winwood Reade: African Sketchbook, -vol. i. p. 303.) - -[1051] Waitz, IIer Theil, pp. 18–19. - -[1052] Palmer (p. 59) places its introduction into Kano between A.D. -1349 and 1385, another Hausa chronicle makes the reign of the first -Muhammadan king of Zozo begin about 1456. (Journal of the African -Society, vol. ix. p. 161.) - -[1053] For the various enumerations of these, see Meyer, p. 27. - -[1054] As in other parts of the Muslim world, tradition places the -first introduction of Islam in the lifetime of the founder and gives -the name of al-Fazāzī, a reputed companion of the Prophet, as the -apostle of the Hausa people. (J. Lippert: Sudanica. MSOS, iii. part 3, -p. 204. Berlin, 1900.) - -[1055] Mischlich and Lippert, pp. 138–9. - -[1056] Meyer, loc. cit. Artin Pasha (p. 62) puts the beginning of this -infiltration of Muslim Arabs as early as the eighth century. - -[1057] Becker, Geschichte des östlichen Sūdān, p. 162–3. Blau, p. 322. -Oppel, p. 289. At the close of the fourteenth century ʻUmar b. Idrīs -moved his capital to the west of Lake Chad in the territory of Bornu, -by which name the kingdom of Kanem became henceforth known. - -[1058] Maurice Delafosse, p. 87. - -[1059] Becker: Geschichte des östlichen Sūdān, pp. 161–2. - -[1060] R. C. Slatin Pasha: Fire and Sword in the Sudan, pp. 38, 40–2. -(London, 1896.) - -[1061] Westermann, p. 628. - -[1062] Oppel, p. 292. Meyer, pp. 36–7. Westermann, pp. 629–30. - -[1063] Fulbe (sing. Pul) is the name by which these people call -themselves; upwards of a hundred variants are applied to them by their -neighbours, the commonest of which are Fulah and Fulani. (Meyer, p. -28.) - -[1064] Francis Moore, pp. 75–7. - -[1065] R. E. Dennett: Nigerian Studies, pp. 12, 75. (London, 1910.) - -[1066] Islam and Missions, pp. 71–3. The Moslem World, pp. 296–7, 351. - -[1067] Church Missionary Review (1908), p. 640. - -[1068] A town on the Niger, just south of the northern boundary of -Southern Nigeria. - -[1069] Church Missionary Society Intelligencer (1902), p. 353. - -[1070] Rinn, pp. 403–4. - -[1071] Le Chatelier (1), pp. 231–3. - -[1072] Le Chatelier (2), pp. 89–91. - -[1073] Rinn, p. 175. - -[1074] Bonet-Maury, p. 239. - -[1075] Id. p. 230. - -[1076] Le Chatelier (2), pp. 100–9. - -[1077] Rinn, p. 174. - -[1078] Oppel, pp. 292–3. Blyden, p. 10. Le Chatelier (3), p. 167 sqq. - -[1079] Delle Navigationi di Messer Alvise da Ca da Mosto. (A.D. 1454.) -Ramusio, tome i. p. 101. - -[1080] Blyden, pp. 357–60. - -[1081] This has been set forth in detail by Le Chatelier (3), p. 225 -sqq. - -[1082] Le Chatelier (3), p. 237. “Samory n’intervint pas directement -dans la question religieuse.” L. G. Binger arrived at the same -conclusion, as the result of personal acquaintance with Samory. (Le -Péril de l’Islam, p. 20.) (Paris, 1906.) - -[1083] Le Chatelier (3), pp. 238–40. - -[1084] Le Chatelier (2), p. 112. R. du M. M., vol. xii. p. 22. - -[1085] “The Fulanis are all fervent Mohammedans. Wherever there are -Fulanis there will be found a mosque.” (Haywood, p. 200.) - -[1086] Le Chatelier (3), pp. 231, 273, 303. Westermann, pp. 632–3. - -[1087] Muḥammad b. ʻUthmān al Ḥashāʼishī, p. 84 sqq. - -[1088] In 1895 Sīdī al-Mahdī, the son and successor of Sīdī Muḥammad -al-Sanūsī, migrated to Kufra, as being more central than Jaghabūb -(Muḥammad b. ʻUthmān al-Ḥashāʼishī, pp. 111–15), but later went further -south to the region of Borku and Tibesti, where he died in 1902. The -head of the order in 1908 was Sīdī Aḥmad, a relative of the founder. -(J. C. E. Falls: Drei Jahre in der Libyschen Wüste, p. 274.) (Freiburg, -1911.) - -[1089] Riedel (1), pp. 7, 59, 162. - -[1090] G. Nachtigal: Sahara und Sudan, vol. ii. p. 175. (Berlin, -1879–81.) - -[1091] Duveyrier, p. 45. - -[1092] Paulitschke, p. 214. - -[1093] H. Duveyrier: La Confrérie musulmane de Sîdi Mohammed Ben ʼAlî -Es-Senousî, passim. (Paris, 1886.) Louis Rinn: Marabouts et Khouans, -pp. 481–513. N. Slousch: Les Senoussiya en Tripolitaine. (R. du M. M., -vol. i. p. 169 sqq.). For a bibliography of the Sanūsiyyah movement, -see Der Islam, iii. pp. 141–2, 312. - -[1094] R. du M. M., vol. i. p. 181; vol. viii. pp. 64–5. - -[1095] Joseph Thomson (2), p. 185. - -[1096] Oppel, p. 303. - -[1097] In the Muri Province of Northern Nigeria. - -[1098] Journal of the African Society, vol. vii. pp. 379–81. - -[1099] Haywood, p. 33. - -[1100] Claude George: The Rise of British West Africa, pp. 120–1. -(London, 1902.) - -[1101] Islam and Missions, pp. 73–4. - -[1102] Lippert: Über die Bedeutung der Haussanation für unsere Togo- -und Kamerunkolonie, p. 200. MSOS, Band x. (1907), Abteilung III. - -[1103] Waitz: IIer Theil, p. 250. - -[1104] C. S. Salmon, p. 891. - -[1105] Pierre Bouche, p. 256. - -[1106] Blyden, p. 357. - -[1107] C. S. Salmon, p. 887. - -[1108] Blyden, p. 202. Westermann, pp. 633–4. - -[1109] Situated on an island about 2° S. of Zanzibar. - -[1110] “Hum Mouro chamado Zaide, que foi neto de Hocem filho de Ale o -sobrinho de Mahamed.” (De Barros, Dec. i. Liv. viii. cap. iv. p. 211.) - -[1111] Ibn Khaldūn, vol. iii. pp. 98–100. - -[1112] Possibly a mistake for al-Ḥasā. See Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome ii. pp. -247–8. - -[1113] Or (to give it its Arabic name) Maqdishū. - -[1114] J. de Barros: Dec. i. Liv. viii. cap. iv. pp. 211–12. - -[1115] De Barros, id. pp. 224–5. See also Justus Strandes: Die -Portugiesenzeit von Deutsch- und Englisch-Ostafrika, p. 81 sqq. -(Berlin, 1899.) - -[1116] Kitāb ʻajāʼib al-Hind ou Livre des Merveilles de l’Inde, publié -par P. A. van der Lith, pp. 51–60. (Leiden, 1883.) - -[1117] Mohammedanism in Central Africa, by Joseph Thomson, p. 877. - -[1118] Roscoe, p. 229 sq. - -[1119] Zwemer, p. 236. Gairdner (p. 26) gives the number of Muhammadans -as 200,000 out of a population of four millions, but he does not state -from what source he derives these figures. Roscoe (p. 6) gives the -total population of Uganda as about one million only. - -[1120] Richter, pp. 146–7, 154. Merensky, p. 156. Klamroth, p. 4. - -[1121] R. du M. M., vol. ix. (1909), p. 322. - -[1122] Oscar Baumann: Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete, pp. 141, 153. -(Berlin, 1891.) - -[1123] Becker, Islam in Deutsch-Ostafrika, p. 10. - -[1124] Id. p. 13 sqq. Klamroth, pp. 14–28. - -[1125] Id. p. 53. - -[1126] Klamroth, pp. 21, 25, 54. - -[1127] Id. pp. 23–4. - -[1128] Id. p. 26. - -[1129] Id. p. 67. - -[1130] Becker: Islam in Deutsch-Ostafrika, p. 14. The Moslem World, -vol. ii. p. 3 sqq. - -[1131] A contemporary Ethiopic account of these tribes,—Geschichte der -Galla. Bericht eines abessinischen Mönches über die Invasion der Galla -in sechzehnten Jahrhundert. Text und Übersetzung hrsg. von A. W. -Schleichler (Berlin, 1893),—seems certainly to represent them as -heathen, though no detailed account is given of their religion. Reclus -(tome x. p. 330), however, supposes them to have been Muhammadan at the -time of their invasion. - -[1132] Henry Salt: A Voyage to Abyssinia, p. 299. (London, 1814.) - -[1133] James Bruce: Travels to discover the source of the Nile, 2nd ed. -vol. iii. p. 243. (Edinburgh, 1805.) - -[1134] Munzinger, p. 408. - -[1135] I. L. Krapf: Reisen in Ost-Africa, ausgeführt in den Jahren -1837–55, vol. i. p. 106. (Kornthal, 1858.) - -[1136] Arabia Deserta, vol. ii. p. 168. - -[1137] Id., vol. ii. p. 109. - -[1138] Morié, vol. ii. p. 248. - -[1139] Reclus, tome. x. p. 309. Basset, pp. 270–1. - -[1140] When the Roman Catholics opened a mission among the Gallas in -1846, Abba Baghibò said to them: “Had you come thirty years ago, not -only I, but all my countrymen might have embraced your religion; but -now it is impossible.” (Massaja, vol. iv. p. 103.) - -[1141] Da Zeila alle frontiere del Caffa, vol. ii. p. 160. (Rome, -1886–7.) Massaja, vol. iv. p. 103; vol. vi. p. 10. - -[1142] Massaja, vol. iv. p. 102. - -[1143] Speaking of the failure of Christian missions, Cecchi says: “di -ciò si deve ricercare la causa nello espandersi che fece quaggiù in -questi ultimi anni l’islamismo, portato da centinaja di preti e -mercanti musulmani, cui non facevano difetto i mezzi, l’astuzia e la -piena conoscenza della lingua.” (Op. cit. vol. ii. p. 342.) - -[1144] Id., p. 343. - -[1145] Reclus, tome xiii. p. 834. - -[1146] The Lega are found in long. 9° to 9° 30′ and lat. E. 34° 35′ to -35°. - -[1147] Reclus, tome x. p. 350. - -[1148] Paulitschke, pp. 330–1. - -[1149] Ibn Ḥawqal, p. 41. - -[1150] Abu’l-Fidā, tome ii. 1re partie, pp. 231–2. - -[1151] Documents sur l’histoire, la géographie et le commerce de -l’Afrique Orientale, recueillis par M. Guillain. Deuxième partie, tome -i. p. 399. (Paris, 1856.) - -[1152] R. F. Burton: First Footprints in East Africa, pp. 76, 404. -(London, 1856.) - -[1153] R. du M. M., vi. p. 288. (1908.) - -[1154] The Cape of Good Hope was in the possession of the Dutch from -1652 to 1795; restored to them after the Peace of Amiens in 1802, it -was re-occupied by the British as soon as war broke out again. - -[1155] Among these was Shaykh Yūsuf, a religious teacher of great -influence in Java and the last champion of the independence of Bantam; -in 1694 he was removed by the Dutch to Cape Colony as a prisoner of -state, together with his family and numerous attendants; his tomb is -still regarded as a holy place. (G. M. Theal: History and Ethnography -of Africa south of the Zambesi, vol. ii. p. 263.) (London, 1909.) - -[1156] M. J. de Goeje: Mohammedaansche Propaganda, pp. 2, 6. -(Overgedrukt uit de Nederlandsche Spectator, No. 51, 1881.) - -[1157] Attention was drawn to them in 1814 by a Mr. Campbell. See -William Adams: The Modern Voyager and Traveller, vol. i. p. 93. -(London, 1834.) - -[1158] Sir T. E. Colebrooke: The Life of H. T. Colebrooke, p. 335. -(London, 1873.) - -[1159] F. Coillard: Au Cap de Bonne Espérance. (Journal des missions -évangéliques, avril 1899, p. 265.) - -[1160] Kumm, p. 233. - -[1161] C. Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. pp. 296–7. - -[1162] Jacques Bonzon: Les Missionaires de l’Islam en Afrique. (Revue -Chrétienne, tome xiii. p. 295.) (Paris, 1893.) - -[1163] G. Ferrand, Les Musulmans à Madagascar, pp. 19, 50 sqq., 138. -(Paris, 1891.) Id. Les Migrations musulmanes et juives à Madagascar. -(Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, vol. lii. p. 381 sqq.) - -[1164] Richard F. Burton (1), vol. i. p. 256. - -[1165] Travels in the Interior of Africa, chap. xxv. ad fin. - -[1166] D. J. East, pp. 118–20. W. Winwood Reade, vol. i. p. 312. -Blyden, pp. 13, 202. - -[1167] Bishop Crowther on Islam in Western Africa. (Church Missionary -Intelligencer, p. 254, April 1888.) - -[1168] D. J. East, pp. 112–13. Blyden, p. 202. - -[1169] It is said that over a thousand missionaries of Islam leave -Tripoli every year to work in the Sudan. (Paulitschke, p. 331.) - -[1170] For a detailed examination of these points of contact, see -Forget, p. 28 sqq. Merensky, p. 155. - -[1171] Sir Bartle Frere (1), pp. 18–19. - -[1172] E. W. Blyden, pp. 18–24. E. Allégret, p. 200. Westermann, pp. -644–5. - -In a very interesting, but now forgotten, debate before the -Anthropological Society of London, on the Efforts of Missionaries among -Savages, a case was mentioned of a Christian missionary in Africa who -married a negress: the feeling against him in consequence was so strong -that he had to leave the colony. The Muslim missionary labours under no -such disadvantage. (Journal of the Anthropological Society of London, -vol. iii. 1865.) - -The contrast between the way in which Christianity and Islam present -themselves to the African is well brought out by one who is himself a -Negro, in the following passage:—“Tandis que les missions renvoient à -une époque indéfinie l’établissement du pastorat indigène, les prêtres -musulmans pénètrent dans l’intérieur de l’Afrique, trouvent un accès -facile chez les païens et les convertissent à l’islam. De sorte -qu’aujourd’hui les nègres regardent l’islam comme la religion des -noirs, et le christianisme comme la religion des blancs. Le -christianisme, pensent-ils, appelle le nègre au salut, mais lui assigne -une place tellement basse que, découragé, il se dit: ‘Je n’ai ni part -ni portion dans cette affaire.’ L’islam appelle le nègre au salut et -lui dit: ‘Il ne dépend que de toi pour arriver aussi haut que -possible.’ Alors, le nègre enthousiasmé se livre corps et âme au -service de cette religion.” L’islam et le christianisme en Afrique -d’après un Africain. (Journal des Missions Évangéliques. 63e année, p. -207.) (Paris, 1888.) - -[1173] E. D. Morel: Nigeria, its people and its problems, pp. 216–17. -(London, 1911.) - -[1174] Ibn Khallikān, vol. i. p. 18. - -[1175] “Extracts from the Koran form the earliest reading lessons of -children, and the commentaries and other works founded upon it furnish -the principal subjects of the advanced studies. Schools of different -grades have existed for centuries in various interior negro countries, -and under the provision of law, in which even the poor are educated at -the public expense, and in which the deserving are carried on many -years through long courses of regular instruction. Nor is the system -always confined to the Arabic language, or to the works of Arabic -writers. A number of native languages have been reduced to writing, -books have been translated from the Arabic and original works have been -written in them. Schools also have been kept in which native languages -are taught.” Condition and Character of Negroes in Africa. By Theodore -Dwight. (Methodist Quarterly Review, January 1869.) - -Dr. Blyden (pp. 206–7) mentions the following books as read by Muslims -in Western Africa: Maqāmāt of Ḥarīrī, portions of Aristotle and Plato -translated into Arabic, an Arabic version of Hippocrates, and the -Arabic New Testament and Psalms issued by the American Bible Society. -For the literature of the Muslims in East Africa, see Becker: Islam in -Deutsch Ostafrika, p. 18 sqq. - -[1176] Mohammedanism in Africa, by R. Bosworth Smith. (The Nineteenth -Century, December 1887, pp. 798–800.) - -[1177] Le Chatelier, (3), p. 348. - -[1178] Forget, p. 95. Merensky, p. 156. (“Den Vertretern des Islam aber -stand ihr Vorteil, der Gewinn, den die Unterdrückung der Eingeborenen -bringt, höher als die Ausbreitung ihres Glaubens. Hätte man die Völker -Afrikas durch die Macht geistiger Waffen unter gütigem Entgegenkommen -zu Mohammedanern gemacht, so wären sie Glaubensgenossen, -gleichberechtigte Brüder, die man nicht mehr berauben, zu Sklaven -machen, oder als Sklaven nur Arbeit ausnutzen könnte.”) - -[1179] Westermann, p. 643. L. de Contenson, p. 244. Kumm, p. 122. - -[1180] Thus Merensky, discussing the failure of Islam to dominate the -whole of Africa after centuries of occupation says:—“Wir sehen die -Ursache für diese merkwürdige Erscheinung in den Beziehungen, in denen -bei den Mohammedanern die äussere Gewalt zum Islam und zur Ausbreitung -des Islam steht. Beides steht und fällt miteinander, dringt miteinander -vor und geht miteinander auch wieder zurück.” (p. 156.) - -[1181] Niemann, p. 337. - -[1182] Reinaud: Géographie d’Aboulféda, tome i. p. cccxxxix. - -[1183] Groeneveldt, pp. 14, 15. - -[1184] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 66, 80. - -[1185] Veth (3), vol. i. p. 231. Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. p. 89. - -[1186] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 230, 234. - -[1187] Snouck Hurgronje (1), pp. 8–9. - -[1188] Padre Gainza, quoted by C. Semper, p. 67. - -[1189] Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. p. 265. - -[1190] Snouck Hurgronje: L’Arabie et les Indes Néerlandaises. (Revue de -l’Histoire des Religions, vol. lvii. p. 69 sqq.) - -[1191] De Hollander, vol. i. p. 581. Veth (1), p. 60. - -[1192] This vague reference would fit either Arabia, Persia or India; -but if such a person as Jūhan Shāh ever existed, he probably came from -the Coromandel or Malabar coast. (Chronique du Royaume d’Atcheh, -traduite du Malay par Ed. Dulaurier, p. 7.) - -[1193] Marco Polo, vol. ii. p. 284. - -[1194] Veth (1), p. 61. - -[1195] Yule’s Marco Polo, vol. ii. pp. 294, 303. - -[1196] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 230–6. - -[1197] Groeneveldt, p. 94. - -[1198] At the height of its power, it stretched from 2° N. to 2° S. on -the west coast, and from 1° N. to 2° S. on the east coast, but in the -sixteenth century it had lost its control over the east coast. (De -Hollander, vol. i. p. 3.) - -[1199] Marsden, p. 343. - -[1200] J. H. Moor. (Appendix, p. 1.) - -[1201] Marsden, p. 355. - -[1202] Godsdienstige verschijnselen en toestanden in Oost-Indië. (Uit -de Koloniale Verslagen van 1886 en 1887.) Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vol. -xxxii. pp. 175–6. (1888.) In 1909, out of a total of 500,000 Bataks, -300,000 were still pagan, but 125,000 were Muslim and 80,000 Christian. -(R. du M. M., vol. viii. p. 183.) - -[1203] J. Warneck: Die Religion der Batak, p. 122. (Leipzig, 1909.) - -[1204] G. R. Simon: Die Propaganda des Halbmondes. Ein Beitrag zur -Skizzierung des Islam unter den Batakken, pp. 425, 429–430. (Allgemeine -Missions-Zeitschrift, vol. xxvii. 1900.) - -[1205] R. du M. M., vol. viii. (1909), p. 183. - -[1206] A. L. van Hassalt, pp. 55, 68. - -[1207] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. id. p. 173. (Koloniaal Verslag van 1911, -p. 26; 1912, p. 17.) - -[1208] Uit het Koloniaal Verslag van 1889. (Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. -vol. xxxiv. p. 168.) (1890.) - -[1209] Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 30. - -[1210] De Hollander, vol. i. p. 703. - -[1211] Koloniaal Verslag van 1904, p. 80; 1905, p. 46; 1909, p. 47; -1910, p. 33; 1911, p. 29; 1912, p. 21. - -[1212] Canne, p. 510. - -[1213] Marsden, p. 301. - -[1214] Niemann, pp. 356–9. - -[1215] J. H. Moor, p. 255. - -[1216] “Depois que estes de induzidos por os Mouros Parseos, e -Guzarates (que alli vieram residir por causa do commercio), de Gentios -os convertêram á secta de Mahamed. Da qual conversão por alli -concorrerem varias nações, começou laurar esta inferna peste pela -virzinhança de Malaca.” (De Barros, Dec. ii. Liv. vi. cap. i. p. 15.) - -[1217] Aristide Marre: Malâka. Histoire des rois malays de Malâka. -Traduit et extrait du Livre des Annales malayses, intitulé en arabe -Selâlet al Selâtyn, p. 8. (Paris, 1874.) - -[1218] Crawfurd (1), pp. 241–2. - -[1219] De Barros, Dec. iv. Liv. ii. cap. 1. - -[1220] Barbosa, writing in 1516, speaks of the numerous Muhammadan -merchants that frequented the port of Queda. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 317.) - -[1221] The form مزلف does not actually occur in the Qurʼān; reference -is probably made to some such passage as xxvi. 90: وَأزْلِفَتِ آلْجَنَّةُ -اِلْمُتَّقِينَ “And paradise shall be brought near the pious.” - -[1222] A translation of the Keddah Annals, by Lieut.-Col. James Low, -vol. iii. pp. 474–7. - -[1223] A translation of the Keddah Annals, by Lieut.-Col. James Low, -vol. iii. p. 480. - -[1224] Newbold, vol. i. p. 252. - -[1225] McNair, pp. 226–9. - -[1226] J. H. Moor, p. 242. - -[1227] Newbold, vol. ii. pp. 106, 396. - -[1228] R. du M. M., tome ii (1907), pp. 137–8. - -[1229] Snouck Hurgronje (1), p. 9. - -[1230] Veth (3), vol. i. p. 215. Raffles (ed. of 1830), vol. ii. pp. -103, 104, 183. - -[1231] The situation of Chermen is not certain. Veth (3), vol. i. p. -230, conjectures that it may have been in India, but Rouffaer (p. 115n) -gives good reasons for placing it in Sumatra. - -[1232] A description of the present condition of these tombs, on one of -which traces of an inscription in Arabic characters are still visible, -is given by J. F. G. Brumund, p. 185. - -[1233] Groeneveldt, pp. vii. 49–50. - -[1234] Kern, p. 21. - -[1235] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 233–42. Raffles, vol. ii. pp. 113–33. - -[1236] Rouffaer, however, places this Champa, not in Cambodia, but on -the north coast of Atjeh and identifies it with the modern Djeumpa. -(Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. iv. p. 206.) - -[1237] Remains of minarets and Muhammadan tombs are still to be found -in Champa. (Bastian, vol. i. pp. 498–9.) - -[1238] This genealogical table will make clear these relationships, as -well as others referred to later in the text:— - - King of Champa. - | - +---------+----------+ - | | - a daughter a daughter = an - named Arab missionary -A concubine = Angka Wijāya = Dārāwati | - | king of Majapahit | | - | | | - | Arya Damar | - | | Raden Raḥmat. - | Raden Ḥusayn | - | | - | +--------------------------------------+-----+ - | | | - | --- a daughter = - | | Raden Paku - Raden Patah = a daughter - -[1239] The memory of this woman is held in great honour by the -Javanese, and many come to pray by her grave. See Brumund, p. 186. - -[1240] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 235–6. - -[1241] This mosque is still standing and is looked upon by the Javanese -as one of the most sacred objects in their island. - -[1242] There seems little doubt that this date is too early. A study of -the Portuguese authorities points to the conclusion that Majapahit did -not fall until forty years later. (Rouffaer, p. 144.) - -[1243] The people of the Bali to the present day have resisted the most -zealous efforts of the Muhammadans to induce them to accept the faith -of Islam, though from time to time conversions have been made and a -small native Muhammadan community has been formed, numbering about 3000 -souls out of a population of over 862,000. The favourable situation of -the island for purposes of trade has always attracted a number of -foreigners to its shores, who have in many cases taken up a permanent -residence in the island. While some of these settlers have always held -themselves aloof from the natives of the country, others have formed -matrimonial alliances with them and have consequently become merged -into the mass of the population. It is owing to the efforts of the -latter that Islam has made this very slow but sure progress, and the -Muhammadans of Bali are said to form an energetic and flourishing -community, full of zeal for the promotion of their faith, which at -least impresses their pagan neighbours, though not successful in -persuading them to deny their favourite food of swine’s flesh for the -sake of the worship of Allāh. (Liefrinck, pp. 241–3.) - -[1244] Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 523. - -[1245] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 245, 284. - -[1246] Raffles, vol. ii. p. 316. - -[1247] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 285–6. - -[1248] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 305, 318–9. - -[1249] A traveller in Java in 1596 mentions two or three heathen -kingdoms with a large heathen population. (Niemann, p. 342.) - -[1250] Raffles, vol. ii. pp. 132–3. - -[1251] Metzger, p. 279. - -[1252] L. W. C. van den Berg (1), pp. 35–6. C. Poensen, pp. 3–8. - -[1253] De Barros, Dec. iii. Liv. v. Cap. v. pp. 579–80. Argensola, p. -11 B. - -[1254] At this period, the Moluccas were for the most part under the -rule of four princes, viz. those of Ternate, Tidor, Gilolo and Batjan. -The first was by far the most powerful: his territory extended over -Ternate and the neighbouring small islands, a portion of Halemahera, a -considerable part of the Celebes, Amboina and the Banda islands. The -Sultan of Tidor ruled over Tidor and some small neighbouring islands, a -portion of Halemahera, the islands lying between it and New Guinea, -together with the west coast of the latter and a part of Ceram. The -territory of the Sultan of Gilolo seems to have been confined to the -central part of Halemahera and to a part of the north coast of Ceram; -while the Sultan of Batjan ruled chiefly over the Batjan and Obi -groups. (De Hollander, vol. i. p. 5.) - -[1255] Massimiliano Transilvano. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 351 D.) - -[1256] P. J. B. C. Robidé van der Aa, p. 18. - -[1257] Pigafetta, tome i. pp. 365, 368. - -[1258] “Segundo a conta que elles dam, ao tempo que os nossos -descubriram aquellas Ilhas, haveria pouco mais de oitenta annos, que -nellas tinha entrada esta peste.” (J. de Barros: Da Asia, Dec. iii. -Liv. v. Cap. v. p. 580.) - -[1259] De Barros, id. ib. - -[1260] Simon, p. 13. - -[1261] Bokemeyer, p. 39. - -[1262] Simon, p. 13. - -[1263] Argensola, pp. 3–4. - -[1264] Id. p. 15 B. - -[1265] Id. pp. 97, 98. - -[1266] Id. pp. 155 and 158, where he calls Ternate “este receptaculo de -setas, donde tienen escuela todas las apostasias; y particularmente los -torpes sequazes de Mahoma. Y desde el anno de mil y quinientos y -ochenta y cinco, en que los Holandeses tentaron aquellos mares, hasta -este tiempo no han cessado de traer sectarios, y capitanes pyratas. -Estos llevan las riquezas de Assia, y en su lugar dexan aquella falsa -dotrina, con que hazen infrutuosa la conversion de tantas almas.” - -[1267] Their descendants are still to be found in the province of -Cavité in the island of Luzon. (Crawfurd (1), p. 85.) - -[1268] W. F. Andriessen, p. 222. - -[1269] T. Forrest, p. 68. - -[1270] Pigafetta. (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 366.) - -[1271] Campen, p. 346. Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 56; 1911, p. 52. - -[1272] Dulaurier, p. 528. - -[1273] Damak, on the north coast of Java, opposite the south of Borneo. - -[1274] Hageman, pp. 236–9. - -[1275] Pigafetta. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 363–4.) - -[1276] This kingdom had been founded by a colony from the Hindu kingdom -of Majapahit (De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 67), and would naturally have -come under Muslim influence after the conversion of the Javanese. - -[1277] Dozy (1), p. 386. - -[1278] Veth (2), vol. i. p. 193. - -[1279] Olivier de Noort. (Histoire générale des voyages, vol. xiv. p. -225.) (The Hague, 1756.) - -[1280] i.e. Pure in Religion; he died about 1677; his father does not -seem to have taken a Muhammadan name, at least he is only known by his -heathen name of Panembahan Giri-Kusuma. (Netscher, pp. 14–15.) - -[1281] Thomas Forrest, p. 371. - -[1282] Essay towards an account of Sulu, p. 557. - -[1283] B. Panciera, p. 161. - -[1284] J. Hageman, p. 224. - -[1285] Veth (2), vol. i. p. 179. - -[1286] De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 61. - -[1287] Coolsma, p. 556. Koloniaal Verslag van 1911, pp. 38, 41; 1912, -p. 30. - -[1288] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vol. xxxii. p. 177; vol. xxxiv. p. 170. - -[1289] i.e. Atjeh. - -[1290] A Compleat History of the Rise and Progress of the Portugeze -Empire in the East Indies. Collected chiefly from their own Writers. -John Harris: Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca, vol. i. p. -682. (London, 1764.) - -[1291] Crawfurd (1), p. 91. The Encyclopaedie van N.-I. (vol. i. p. -216) gives 1606 as the date. - -[1292] Fernandez Navarette, a Spanish priest, who went to the -Philippine Islands in 1646. (Collection of Voyages and Travels, p. 236. -London, 1752.) - -Tavernier, who visited Macassar in 1648. (Travels in India, p. 193.) -(London, 1678.) - -Itinerarium Orientale R. P. F. Philippi à SSma. Trinitate Carmelitae -Discalceati ab ipso conscriptum, p. 267. (Lugduni, 1649.) - -[1293] Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. pp. 385–9. - -[1294] “No extraordinary exertion seems for a long time to have been -made on behalf of the new religion. An abhorrence of innovation and a -most pertinacious and religious adherence to ancient custom, -distinguish the people of Celebes beyond all the other tribes of the -Eastern isles; and these would, at first, prove the most serious -obstacles to the dissemination of Mahometanism. It was this, probably, -which deferred the adoption of the new religion for so long a period, -and till it had recommended itself by wearing the garb of antiquity.” -(Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. p. 387.) - -[1295] Crawfurd (1), p. 75. De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 212. - -[1296] Id. vol. ii. p. 666. Riedel (2), p. 67. - -[1297] To the east of Minahassa, between long. 124° 45′ and 123° 20′, -with a population that has been variously estimated at 35,000 and -50,000. (De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 247.) - -[1298] Wilken (1), pp. 42–4. - -[1299] Wilken (2), pp. 276–9. Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 52; 1911, -p. 47. - -[1300] Zollinger (2), pp. 126, 169. - -[1301] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. xxxii. p. 177; xxxiv. p. 170. - -[1302] Zollinger (1), p. 527. - -[1303] De Hollander (in 1882) gave the numbers as 20,000 Balinese and -380,000 Sasaks. (Vol. i. p. 489.) - -[1304] Encyclopaedie van N.-I. vol. ii. pp. 432–4, 524. - -W. Cool: With the Dutch in the East. An outline of the military -operations in Lombok, 1894. (London, 1897.) - -[1305] Captain Thomas Forrest, writing in 1775, says that Arabs came to -the island of Mindanao 300 years before and that the tomb of the first -Arab, a Sharīf from Mecca, was still shown—“a rude heap of coral rock -stones” (pp. 201, 313). - -[1306] N. N. Saleeby: Studies in Moro History, Law and Religion, pp. -24–5, 53–5. (Manila, 1905.) - -[1307] Relatione di Ivan Gaetan del discoprimento dell’Isole Molucche. -(Ramusio, tom. i. p. 375 E.) - -[1308] “Se muestran tan obstinados á la gracia de Dios y tan aferrados -á sus creencias, que es casi moralmente imposible su conversion al -cristianismo.” (Cartas de los PP. de la Compañia de Jesús de la Missión -de Filipinas, 1879, quoted by Montero y Vidal, tom. i. p. 21.) - -[1309] Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. pp. 274–280. - -[1310] “Ils sont peu soigneux de satisfaire au devoir du Christianisme -qu’ils ont receu, et il les y faut contraindre par la crainte du -chastiment, et gouverner comme des enfans à l’escole.” Relation des -Isles Philippines, Faite par un Religieux, p. 7. (Thevenot, vol. i.) - -[1311] “A Mindanao, les Tagal de l’Est, fuyant le joug abhorré de leurs -maîtres catholiques, se groupent chaque jour davantage autour des chefs -des dynasties nationales. Plus de 360,000 sectateurs du coran y -reconnaissent un sultan indépendant. Aux jésuites chassés de l’île, aux -représentants du culte officiel, se substituent comme maîtres religieux -et éducateurs de la population, les missionnaires musulmans de la Chine -et de l’Inde, qui rénovent ainsi la propagande, commencée par les -invasions arabes.” (A. le Chatelier (2), p. 45.) - -[1312] Montero y Vidal, vol. i. p. 86. - -[1313] Situated three miles west of Jolo, the present capital. - -[1314] N. M. Saleeby: The History of Sulu, pp. 150, 158–9. (Manila, -1908.) - -[1315] N. M. Saleeby: The History of Sulu, pp. 150, 162–3. - -[1316] J. H. Moor. (Appendix, p. 37.) - -[1317] Dalrymple, p. 549. - -[1318] R. du M. M., vii. pp. 115–16. (1909.) - -[1319] The Missionary Review of the World, N.S., vol. xiv. p. 877. (New -York, 1901.) - -[1320] The first prince of Batjan who became a Muhammadan was a certain -Zayn al-ʻĀbidīn, who was reigning in 1521 when the Portuguese first -came to the Moluccas. - -[1321] Robidé van der Aa, pp. 350, 352–3. - -[1322] Id. p. 147 (Misool), “De strandbewoners zijn allen -Mahomedanen.... De bergbewoners zijn heidenen.” Id. p. 53 (Salawatti), -“Een klein deel der bevolking van het eiland belijdt de leer van -Mahomed. Het grootste deel bestaat echter uit Papoesche heidenen, -eenige tot het Mahomedaansche geloof zijn overgegaan, althans den -schijn daarvan aannemen.” Id. p. 290 (Waigyu). - -Some of the Papuans of the island of Gebi, between Waigyu and -Halemahera, have been converted by the Muhammadan settlers from the -Moluccas. (Crawfurd (1), p. 143.) - -[1323] Robidé van der Aa, p. 352. - -[1324] Captain Forrest, however, in 1775, tells us that “Many of the -Papuas turn Musselmen.” (Voyage to New Guinea, p. 68.) - -[1325] Robidé van der Aa, p. 71. “De Papoe is te woest van aard, om -behoefte aan godsdienst te gevoelen. Evenmin als de Christelijke leer -tot nog toe ingang bij hem heeft kunnen vinden, zou de Mahomedaansche -godsdienst slagen, wanneer daartoe bij deze volksstammen poging gedaan -werd. Voorzoover mij is gebleken op vijf reizen naar dit land, hebben -noch Tidoreezen, noch Cerammers of anderen ooit ernstige pogingen -gedaan, om de leer van Mahomed hier in te voeren.... Slechts zeer -weinige hoofden, zooals de Radja Ampat van Waigeoe, Salawatti, Misool -en Waigama, mogen als belijders van die leer aangemerkt worden; zij en -eenige hunner bloedverwanten vervullen sommige geloofsvormen, doordien -zij meermalen te Tidor geweest zijn en daar niet gaarne als gewone -Papoes beschouwd worden. Onder de eigenlijke bevolking is nooit -gepoogd, den Islam intevoeren, misschien wel uit eerbied voor dien -godsdienst, die te verheven is voor de Papoes.” - -[1326] Robidé van der Aa, p. 319. - -[1327] Koloniaal Verslag van 1906, p. 70; 1911, p. 52. - -[1328] The Journal of the Indian Archipelago, vol. vii. pp. 64, 71. -(Singapore, 1853.) - -[1329] G. W. W. C. Baron von Hoëvell, p. 120. Krieger, p. 436. - -[1330] Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 210. - -[1331] Crawfurd (2), pp. 275, 307. - -[1332] Buckle’s Miscellaneous and Posthumous Works, edited by Helen -Taylor, vol. i. p. 594. (London, 1872.) - -[1333] Neimann, pp. 406–7. - -[1334] C. Snouck Hurgronje: De hadji-politiek der Indische Regeering, -p. 12. (Overdruk uit Onze Eeuw, 1909.) - -[1335] Id.: Notes sur le mouvement du pèlerinage de la Mecque aux Indes -Néerlandaises. (R. du M. M., vol. xv. pp. 409, 412.) - -[1336] Report of Centenary Conference on Protestant Missions, vol. i. -p. 21. Niemann, p. 407. - -[1337] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vols. xxxii., xxxiv. passim. - -[1338] Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. pp. xv. 339–393. Encyclopaedie -van N.-I., vol. ii. pp. 576–9. - -[1339] e.g. the Qādiriyyah, Naqshbandiyyah and Sammāniyyah. (C. Snouck -Hurgronje (2), p. 186.) Id. (3) vol. ii. p. 372, etc. - -[1340] J. G. F. Riedel (1), pp. 7, 59, 162. - -[1341] Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. p. 323. - -[1342] Hauri, p. 313. Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 524. - -[1343] Organisations based on the model of Christian missionary -societies do not begin to make their appearance until the twentieth -century; some account of these is given in Appendix III. - -[1344] “À tout musulman, quelque mondain qu’il soit, le prosélytisme -semble être en quelque sorte inné.” (Snouck Hurgronje, Revue de -l’Histoire des Religions, vol. lvii. p. 66.) “Der Muslim ist von Natur -Missionär ... Er treibt Mission auf eigne Faust und Kosten.” -(Munzinger, p. 411.) Snouck Hurgronje (1), p. 8; Lüttke (2), p. 30; -Julius Richter, p. 152; Merensky, p. 154. - -[1345] Qurʼān, xvi. 126. - -[1346] See the interesting letter addressed by Mawlāʼī Ismāʻīl, Sharīf -of Morocco, in 1698 to King James II, inviting him to embrace Islam. -(Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, vol. xlvii. p. 174 sqq.) - -[1347] Anjuman Ḥimāyat-i-Islām kā māhwārī risālah, pp. 5–13. (Lahore, -October 1889.) - -[1348] Duveyrier, p. 17. - -[1349] Klamroth, p. 12. - -[1350] Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 124–5. - -[1351] Artin, p. 119. - -[1352] R. du M. M., ix. (1909), p. 252. - -[1353] Ghulām Sarwar: Khazīnat al-Aṣfīyā, vol. ii. p. 407–8. - -[1354] Goldziher, vol. ii. pp. 303–4. - -[1355] The Pechenegs at that time occupied the country between the -lower Danube and the Don, to which they had migrated from the banks of -the Ural at the end of the ninth century. (Karamsin, vol. i. pp. -180–1.) - -[1356] Abū ʻUbayd al-Bakrī (died 1094), pp. 467–8. - -[1357] Ghulām Sarwar: Khazīnat al-Aṣfīyā, vol. i. p. 613. - -[1358] D. Crawford: Thinking Black, p. 202. (London, 1913.) - -[1359] Doughty, vol. ii. p. 39. - -[1360] This was emphasised by Marracci in the seventeenth century. “Si -ethnicus mysteria humani intellectus captum excedentia, vel naturali -conditioni et imbecillitati difficillima, si non impossibilia, cum -Alcoranica doctrina comparaverit, statim ab his refugiet, et ad illa -obviis ulnis accurret.” (Alcorani textus ... translatus, p. 9. Patavii, -1698.) - -[1361] Edouard Montet: La propagande chrétienne et ses adversaires -musulmans, pp. 17–18. (Paris, 1890.) - -[1362] Mankind and the Church, p. 283–4. (London, 1907.) - -[1363] Qurʼān, ii. 118–26. - -[1364] Qurʼān, xlix. 10. - -[1365] W. H. Macnaghten: Principles and Precedents of Moohummudan Law, -p. 312. (Madras, 1882.) - -[1366] Arabia Deserta, vol. i. pp. 554–5. - -[1367] De l’Esprit des Lois, livre xxv. chap. 2. - -[1368] Qur., chap. xvi. v. 92. - -[1369] Goldziher, Saʻīd b. Ḥasan d’Alexandrie. (Revue des Études -Juives, tome xxx. pp. 17–18.) (Paris, 1895.) - -[1370] Ernest Renan: L’Islamisme et la Science, p. 19. (Paris, 1883.) - -This has been emphasised by many observers, but it will be enough here -to quote the words of an eminent Christian bishop. “No one who comes in -contact for the first time with Mohammedans can fail to be struck by -this aspect of their faith.... Wherever one may be, in open street, in -railway station, in the field, it is the most ordinary thing to see a -man, without the slightest touch of Pharisaism or parade, quietly and -humbly leaving whatever pursuit he may be at the moment engaged in, in -order to say his prayers at the appointed hour. On a larger scale, no -one who has ever seen the courtyard of the Great Mosque at Delhi on the -last Friday in the fast-month (Ramazan) filled to overflowing with, -perhaps, 15,000 worshippers, all wholly absorbed in prayer, and -manifesting the profoundest reverence and humility in every gesture, -can fail to be deeply impressed by the sight, or to get a glimpse of -the power which underlies such a system; while the very regularity of -the daily call to prayer, as it rings out at earliest dawn, before -light commences, or amid all the noise and bustle of the business -hours, or again as the evening closes in, is fraught with the same -message.” (Dr. G. A. Lefroy: Mankind and the Church, pp. 287–8. -(London, 1907.)) - -[1371] “One may notice and admire the kind of chivalrous pride which -the average Mohammedan takes in his faith.” (Bishop Lefroy: Mankind and -the Church, p. 289.) - -[1372] A. Kuenen: National Religions and Universal Religions, p. 35. -(London, 1882.) - -[1373] e.g. The persecution, under al-Mutawakkil, by the orthodox -reaction against all forms of deviation from the popular creed: in -Persia and other parts of Asia about the end of the thirteenth century -in revenge for the domineering and insulting behaviour of the -Christians in the hour of their advancement and power under the early -Mongols. (Maqrīzī (2), Tome i. Première Partie, pp. 98, 106.) Assemani -(tom. iii. pars. ii. p.c.), speaking of the causes that have excited -the persecution of the Christians under Muhammadan rule, says:—“Non -raro persecutionis procellam excitarunt mutuae Christianorum ipsorum -simultates, sacerdotum licentia, praesulum fastus, tyrannica magnatum -potestas, et medicorum praesertim scribarumque de supremo in gentem -suam imperio altercationes.” During the crusades the Christians of the -East frequently fell under the suspicion of favouring the invasions of -their co-religionists from the West, and in modern Turkey the movement -for Greek Independence and the religious sympathies it excited in -Christian Europe contributed to make the lot of the subject Christian -races harder than it would have been, had they not been suspected of -disloyalty and disaffection towards their Muhammadan ruler. De Gobineau -has expressed himself very strongly on this question of the toleration -of Islam: “Si l’on sépare la doctrine religieuse de la nécessité -politique qui souvent a parlé et agi en son nom, il n’est pas de -religion plus tolérante, on pourrait presque dire plus indifférente sur -la foi des hommes que l’Islam. Cette disposition organique est si forte -qu’en dehors des cas où la raison d’État mise en jeu a porté les -gouvernements musulmans à se faire arme de tout pour tendre à l’unité -de foi, la tolérance la plus complète a été la règle fournie par le -dogme.... Qu’on ne s’arrête pas aux violences, aux cruautés commises -dans une occasion ou dans une autre. Si on y regarde de près, on ne -tardera pas à y découvrir des causes toutes politiques ou toutes de -passion humaine et de tempérament chez le souverain ou dans les -populations. Le fait religieux n’y est invoqué que comme prétexte et, -en réalité, il reste en dehors.” (A. de Gobineau (1), pp. 24–5.) - -[1374] For a biography of him, see Ibn Khallikān, vol. ii. pp. 111–15. - -[1375] Barhebræus (2), pp. 417–18. - -[1376] C. d’Ohsson, vol. iv. p. 281. - -[1377] Tavernier (1), p. 160. - -[1378] Viaggio di Iosafa Barbero nella Persia. (Ramusio, vol. ii. p. -111.) - -[1379] If indeed by Azi is meant Ḥājī. - -[1380] Makīn, p. 260. Similarly, about a century before, al-Muqtadir -(A.D. 908–932) gave orders for the rebuilding of some churches at -Ramlah in Palestine which had been destroyed by Muhammadans during a -riot, the cause of which is not recorded. (Eutychius, ii. p. 82.) Abū -Ṣāliḥ makes mention of the rebuilding of a great many churches and -monasteries in Egypt which had either been destroyed in time of war -(e.g. during the invasion of the Ghuzz and the Kurds in 1164) (pp. 91, -96, 112, 120), been wrecked by fanatics (pp. 85–6, 182, and Maqrīzī -quoted in the Appendix pp. 327–8), or fallen into decay (pp. 5, 87, -103–4). - -[1381] A. de la Jonquière, pp. 203, 213, 312. - -[1382] E. Charvériat: Histoire de la Guerre de Trente Ans, tome ii. pp. -615, 625. (Paris, 1878.) - -[1383] In Ioannis Evangelium Tractatus, xxv. § 10. - -[1384] C. Merivale: The Conversion of the Northern Nations, p. 102. -(London, 1866.) - -[1385] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 62 (ll. 4, 6, 13). The learned Maronite, -Yūsuf Simʻān al-Simʻānī, in the eighteenth century, thus expressed his -horror at such a concession to Muslim sentiment: “Mahometi eiusque -sectariorum laudes persequitur, et quod sine horrore dici nequit, -illius pseudo-prophetae nomen es adiuncto praeconio memorat, quo -Mahometani solent, nimirum عليه السّلام.” (Assemani, tom. iii, pars. i. -p. 585.) - -[1386] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 65 (l. 16). - -[1387] Methods of Mission Work among Moslems, p. 62. - -[1388] Id. pp. 61–4. - -[1389] Laurent, p. 131. - -[1390] Historia Rerum Anglicarum Willelmi Parvi de Newburgh, ed. Hans -Claude Hamilton, vol. ii. p. 158. (London, 1856.) - -[1391] Frederick Denison Maurice was giving expression to one of the -most commonly received opinions regarding this faith when he said, “It -has been proved that Mahometanism can only thrive while it is aiming at -conquest.” (The Religions of the World, p. 28.) (Cambridge, 1852.) - -[1392] Similarly, the Spanish editor of the controversial letters that -passed between Alvar and “the transgressor” (a Christian convert to -Judaism), adds the following note after Epist. xv.: “Quatuordecim in -hac pagina ita abrasae sunt liniae, ut nec verbum unum legi possit. -Folium subsequens exsecuit possessor codicis, ne transgressoris -deliramenta legerentur.” (Migne, Patr. Lat., tom. cxxi. p. 483.) - -[1393] Richter, pp. 164–5. - -[1394] Artin, p. 35. - -[1395] The Moslem World, vol. i. p. 441. - -R. du M. M., vol. xv. p. 374; vol. xviii. pp. 216, 224. - -[1396] Rajputana Herald, April 17, 1889. - -[1397] Mohammedan World of To-day, p. 183. - -[1398] A list of these is given on p. 19 of the Annual Report for the -year 1328 H. - - - - - - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PREACHING OF ISLAM *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. 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