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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..685c13f --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #65461 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/65461) diff --git a/old/65461-0.txt b/old/65461-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 1b7f9b8..0000000 --- a/old/65461-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,7023 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Greek Tragedy in the Light of Vase -Paintings, by John Homer Huddilston - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Greek Tragedy in the Light of Vase Paintings - -Author: John Homer Huddilston - -Release Date: May 28, 2021 [eBook #65461] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Richard Tonsing, Turgut Dincer, and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was - produced from images generously made available by The Internet - Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREEK TRAGEDY IN THE LIGHT OF VASE -PAINTINGS *** - - - - - GREEK TRAGEDY - - IN - - THE LIGHT OF VASE PAINTINGS - - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: - - (_Size, about 1 ∶ 9_) - - MEDEIA AMPHORA IN THE OLD PINAKOTHEK, MUNICH - - (_Vid. p. 145 ff._) -] - - - - - GREEK TRAGEDY - IN - THE LIGHT OF VASE PAINTINGS - - - BY - - JOHN H. HUDDILSTON - B.A. (HARV.), PH.D. (MUNICH) - - FORMERLY INSTRUCTOR IN GREEK IN THE NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY AUTHOR OF - ‘THE ESSENTIALS OF NEW TESTAMENT GREEK’ AND ‘THE ATTITUDE OF THE GREEK - TRAGEDIANS TOWARD ART’ - - - London - MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED - NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY - 1898 - - - - - Oxford - HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY - - - - - TO - - PROFESSOR CARL RIEMENSCHNEIDER, PH.D. - - GERMAN WALLACE COLLEGE - - BEREA, OHIO - - WHOSE RARE CLASSICAL SCHOLARSHIP - - IS ALL TOO LITTLE KNOWN - - THIS VOLUME - - BY ONE OF HIS FORMER PUPILS - - IS AFFECTIONATELY - - DEDICATED - - Πλὴν ὁ Σιμωνίδης τὴν μὲν ζωγραφίαν ποίησιν σιωπῶσαν προσαγορεύει, τὴν - δὲ ποίησιν, ζωγραφίαν λαλοῦσαν· ἃς γὰρ οἱ ζωγράφοι πράξεις ὁς - γινομένας δεικνύουσι, ταύτας οἱ λόγοι γεγενημένας διηγοῦνται καὶ - συγγράφουσιν. - - PLUTARCH, _De Gloria Athen._, c. 3. - - Nec mirum, si ista, quae tamen in aliquo posita sunt motu, tantum in - animis valent, cum pictura, tacens opus et habitus semper eiusdem, sic - in intimos penetrat adfectus, ut ipsam vim dicendi nonnumquam superare - videatur. - - QUINTILIAN, _Inst. Orat._, xi. 3. 67. - - - - - PREFACE - - -Although the archaeologists and mythologists constitute for the most -part the number of those seriously concerned with Greek vases, there -still remain many engaged in the study of Greek literature for whom the -vases are bound to possess an abiding value, since they often relate the -stories that Homer, Pindar, Aischylos, and Euripides tell. One may find -on vases of the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries B.C. illustrations -for not a few of the famous pieces in Greek poetry. The paintings may -have been an outgrowth of the common stock of legendary tales, having -their origin in the folk-lore, and in such cases they are independent of -the written literature and go along, so to speak, parallel with the work -of the poets, who drew from the same source. These paintings are -valuable as illustrations of the myths, quite apart from any literary -version of the same. Another class still more interesting, perhaps, owe -their origin to some particular poem or play, and are to be taken as -direct products of the poets’ work. Such are of prime importance for one -who would understand the poet thoroughly. - -The first class of paintings of the latter sort are based on Homer and -the Cyclic poets. After the epic literature, the tragic drama became the -chief formative force in Greek legend and its representation in art. Yet -here again, as in the case of the Cyclic poets, one is compelled to -interpret paintings inspired by works that have come down to us either -as mere names or in a few wretched fragments. The relation of these -monuments to the lost literature is of paramount importance, but the -investigation is beset with many obstacles and will continue to be -largely a field for the specialist. _Extant_ tragedy and vase paintings, -however, come together at so many points, and the former is so illumined -by the latter, that every student of the classics should become -acquainted with at least this part of Greek ceramics. - -The present work represents an attempt to bring this material together -in a convenient and accessible form. The first chapter, which deals with -the influence of tragedy on other classes of monuments, is meant to be -suggestive, not exhaustive; if I shall have succeeded here in setting -the student to think along some new lines that in the end will place him -in more direct touch with antiquity, and help him to a better -understanding of Greek tragic poetry and the part it played in the -artistic life of the Greeks and Romans, my aim will have been achieved. -The foot-notes all the way through are intended to contain somewhat full -references to the literature of the different topics, and to be a sort -of guide to one who desires to prosecute this study further. - -In dealing with even the subject of vase paintings and extant tragedy, -it was not possible to omit saying a word regarding the general question -of the earliest influence of the drama upon the vase painters; this has -been done, however, very briefly, and is no more than a sketch. Some may -think that the subject is disposed of too quickly; many pages, indeed, -might have been written to advantage on this much mooted point, but this -would have required going far aside from the task which I set myself; -and, further, it did not seem wise to encumber the work with a -discussion necessarily of a nature to appeal to the archaeologist rather -than to the student of Aischylos and Euripides. It is the latter’s needs -that have been uppermost in my mind, and it will be found that I have -written for him first and for the archaeologist second. - -My aim has been to collect and publish all paintings that can with a -high degree of probability be said to be inspired by any of the extant -tragedies, and to unfold the relation of the two to each other in such a -way as to throw the greatest possible light upon the interpretation of -the literature. Many of the publications where one can find these -paintings are so expensive and inaccessible that but a comparatively -small number of classical students can make any use of the original -works; the result is that this important class of monuments has been -very little used by philologists. Wherever it seemed necessary, synopses -of the plays have been given, and these will place the student in -possession of everything required for a full appreciation of the -reproductions. Reference has been made to other monuments representing -scenes based on the plays, so that there is in fact a sort of -archaeological commentary for those who care to go further and examine -the general influence of the poet over the artist. It should be borne in -mind, however, that I have not been concerned with the myths involved -except in so far as they were _the_ forms invented or followed by the -tragedians. To be sure, opinions will not be unanimous regarding the -interpretation of some of the paintings, but wherever I have not felt -sure of the debt of the artist to a given play I have preferred not to -publish the work; some such are mentioned in a separate chapter, where -reference is also made to the literature. My endeavour has been to keep -as far as possible aloof from conjectures and reckless theories into -which one is apt to be drawn in dealing with questions in archaeology; -sins of omission should be less reprehended in a work of this character -than sins of commission, and although I shall no doubt be judged guilty -of both, I hope to have erred rather on the side of the former. - -It will be of special interest to archaeologists to have the painting on -the Medeia amphora, in Munich, correctly published; fig. 23 gives for -the first time the correct reading of the inscriptions, and for this -reason I could have wished that space had permitted a much larger -reproduction. The frontispiece, presenting a general view of the whole -vase, will, it is hoped, be of some help in affording those who have not -had an opportunity of seeing the originals, some notion of the size and -magnificent workmanship of this class of vases, called so appropriately -by the Germans _Prachtamphoren_. Another painting, fig. 3, is published -for the first time, and fig. 6, taken from a photograph, displaces the -drawing in Jahn’s _Vasenbilder_. Further than this, the illustrations -are the same as those that have already appeared elsewhere; it has been -possible for me to add new information regarding the whereabouts of some -few vases. - -On the spelling of Greek names it need only be said that I have nearly -always preferred the Greek forms to the Latin equivalents; yet I have -not gone so far as to write _Hiketides_ for _Supplices_, or _Hepta_ for -_Septem_; neither did it seem advisable to disturb a word so common in -English as is _Oedipus_ by writing it _Oidipous_, or much less -_Oidipus_. - -My thanks are due to Professor Otto Kern for help and encouragement -while he was still at the University of Berlin. Professor Carl Robert -has lent me valuable assistance, and I scarcely know whether I am more -indebted to his suggestive replies to my numerous inquiries or to his -writings, which latter have been a constant inspiration to me. Professor -A. Furtwängler, whose profound knowledge in the field of Greek ceramics, -as well as in every department of classical archaeology, is well known, -has aided me by his counsel and has spared some of his valuable time to -go over all the manuscript. I wish to express my indebtedness to all -these eminent scholars as well as to Mr. Charles B. Newcomer, M.A., who -has been kind enough to read the proof, and has favoured me with many -valuable suggestions. Mrs. Huddilston, who more than any one else has -followed all the work, deserves special mention; there is scarcely a -page that does not bear evidence of her sound judgement. - -I indulge the hope that this little book may, with all its defects (and -I am well aware they are many), present much that is helpful in a field -in which there is little addressed to the student of classical -literature; and this brings me to remark that I have long wondered why -the editions of the Greek tragedies are not enlivened more with -reproductions of works of art pertaining to the myth involved. There is -no reason why the student who is set to read the _Choephoroi_, -_Eumenides_, _Medeia_, or _Iphigeneia in Tauris_, not to mention other -plays, should look only at the literary and philological sides of the -author. Is it considered unscholarly to illustrate books of this sort, -or are the scholars who edit them ignorant of the archaeological -apparatus? The time is coming, I firmly believe, when these two -departments of classical studies will not be so divorced as they are at -present, and when the monuments based upon a myth will be included in -our text-books and examined quite as closely as is the text of the poet. -When Greek art is thus made to supplement the study of the poetry, the -latter will be invested with a still greater charm than it now -possesses. More of the spirit is required and less of the letter, and -this is bound to be brought about when Greek art is introduced more -extensively into the instruction in Greek studies. I trust that these -pages will be considered a contribution towards this manner of studying -Greek tragedy, and that the plays which come in question will be read -with renewed interest by all students, and reviewed with pleasure and -profit by those who are instructors in classics; and again by those who -in the various walks of life still have time and inclination to turn -occasionally to the masterpieces of Greek letters—works that will always -remain substantial parts of the world’s literary ballast. - - J. H. HUDDILSTON. - - LONDON, _March, 1898_. - - - - - CONTENTS - - - CHAPTER I - - THE INFLUENCE OF GREEK TRAGEDY UPON ANCIENT ART OUTSIDE OF THE VASES - - PAGE - § 1. INTRODUCTORY 1 - - § 2. TRAGIC INFLUENCES IN SCULPTURE 4 - - 1. Greek Sculpture 4 - - 2. The Etruscan Ash-Urns 10 - - 3. The Roman Sarcophagi 15 - - § 3. THE INFLUENCE OF TRAGEDY ON PAINTING 20 - - 1. On Greek Painting 21 - - 2. The Wall Paintings of Pompeii 24 - - § 4. TRAGIC ELEMENTS ON THE ETRUSCAN MIRRORS 26 - - § 5. GREEK TRAGEDY AND THE ‘MEGARIAN BOWLS’ 27 - - - CHAPTER II - - THE EARLIEST INFLUENCE OF TRAGEDY ON VASE PAINTING - - § 1. THEORIES ADVANCED FOR THE EARLIEST TRACES 31 - - § 2. EARLIEST EVIDENCE 32 - - § 3. THE FIFTH CENTURY B.C. 33 - - § 4. THE FOURTH CENTURY B.C. AND THE CONDITIONS IN LOWER ITALY 37 - - - CHAPTER III - - AISCHYLOS AND VASE PAINTING - - § 1. INTRODUCTION 42 - - § 2. _CHOEPHOROI_ 43 - - § 3. _EUMENIDES_ 55 - - § 4. THE LOST PLAYS 73 - - - CHAPTER IV - - SOPHOKLES AND HIS RELATION TO VASE PAINTING 75 - - - CHAPTER V - - EURIPIDES AND VASE PAINTING - - § 1. INTRODUCTION 78 - - § 2. _ANDROMACHE_ 83 - - § 3. _BAKCHAI_ 88 - - § 4. _HEKABE_ 94 - - § 5. _HIPPOLYTOS_ 101 - - § 6. _IPHIGENEIA AT AULIS_ 112 - - § 7. _IPHIGENEIA AMONG THE TAURIANS_ 121 - - § 8. _KYKLOPS_ 139 - - § 9. _MEDEIA_ 144 - - § 10. _PHOINISSAI_ 171 - - § 11. SUPPLEMENTARY 178 - - A List of Vase Paintings sometimes referred to Extant Plays 178 - - A List of Vase Paintings referred to Lost Plays 179 - - INDEX 182 - - - - - THE COMMON ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE NOTES - - -_Annali d. Inst._ = _Annali dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza -archeologica_ (Rome). - -_Arch. Anz._ = _Archäologischer Anzeiger, Beiblatt zum Jahrbuch des -Archäologischen Instituts_ (Berlin). - -_Arch. Ztg._ = _Archäologische Zeitung_ (Berlin). - -_Athen. Mitth._ = _Mittheilungen des K. deutschen Archäologischen -Instituts in Athen._ - -Baumeister, _Denkmäler_ = Baumeister’s _Denkmäler des Klassischen -Altertums_. - -_B. C. H._ = _Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique_ (Athens). - -_Compte Rendu_ = _Compte Rendu de la Commission impériale archéologique_ -(St. Petersburg). - -_C. I. A._ = _Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum._ - -_Élite Céram._ = _Élite des monuments céramographiques_, Lenormant et De -Witte. - -F.-W. = Friederichs-Wolters, _Die Gipsabgüsse antiker Bildwerke_. - -Furtwängler, _Masterpieces_ = Furtwängler, _Masterpieces of Greek -Sculpture_. - -Gerhard, _Auserl. Vasen._ = Gerhard, _Auserlesen griechische -Vasenbilder_. - -Helbig, _Wandgemälde_ = Helbig, _Wandgemälde der vom Vesuv verschütteten -Städte Campaniens_. - -Inghirami, _Vasi fitt._ = Inghirami, _Pitture di vasi fittili_. - -_Jahrbuch_ = _Jahrbuch des K. deutschen Archäologischen Instituts_ -(Berlin). - -_J. H. S._ = _Journal of Hellenic Studies_ (London). - -_Mon. d. Inst._ = _Monumenti inediti pubblicati dall’ Instituto di -Corrispondenza archeologica_ (Rome). - -Nauck, _Fragmenta_ = Nauck, _Fragmenta tragicorum graecorum._ 2 ed. - -Overbeck, _Bildwerke_ = Overbeck, _Die Bildwerke zum thebischen und -troischen Heldenkreis_. - -Overbeck, _Schriftquellen_ = Overbeck, _Die antiken Schriftquellen zur -Geschichte der bildenden Künste bei den Griechen_. - - Reinach-Millin, _Peintures_ = Reinach, _Peintures de Vases - Reinach-Millingen, _Peintures_ antiques recueillies par Millin - (1808) et Millingen (1813)._ - -Vogel, _Scen. eur. Trag._ = Vogel, _Scenen euripideischer Tragödien in -griechischen Vasengemälden_. - - - - - GREEK TRAGEDY IN THE LIGHT OF VASE PAINTINGS - - - - - CHAPTER I - THE INFLUENCE OF GREEK TRAGEDY UPON ANCIENT ART OUTSIDE OF THE VASES - - - § 1. INTRODUCTORY. - -Painting as a fine art has never been developed to any great degree of -perfection independent of literature. The two are, in a sense, -handmaids, each inspiring the other and assisting it to solve new -problems. A great literature is, furthermore, a necessary precursor of -great achievements in art, since the latter is the more dependent of the -two, and seeks its inspiration from the poet. This may not be clear to -one who looks about at painting in this age of eclecticism, and -endeavours to satisfy himself that literature and art are thus related, -and that the former is required to give the initial impetus to the -latter. The principle can, however, be made plain by going back nearer -the fountain spring of modern literary and artistic development. One -should turn to the Italian Renaissance of the fourteenth and fifteenth -centuries—to the period when Dante became the teacher and guide of -artistic notions—in order to observe the full meaning and force of the -supremacy of literature. There, where for the first time in the modern -world a great genius fashioned the thought of more than a century, one -can study easily the power of the poet over the artist. The influence of -Dante upon artistic notions from Giotto down to the present has, indeed, -been incalculably great. No painter of the _quattrocento_, at least, -worked in any other than the Dantesque spirit; whether consciously or -unconsciously, he was under the spell of the father of Italian letters. -Dante’s Hell and Paradise became the Hell and Paradise of Signorelli and -Michel Angelo. Botticelli, Flaxman, Doré, and many others left their -canvasses and frescoes to interpret the hidden secrets of the _Divina -Commedia_. The great Christian Epic which Cornelius developed through -many years of study and contemplation of Dante, and which he considered -the crowning work of his life, is told in the altar fresco of the -Ludwig’s Church in Munich. Yet this is but one of the many monumental -works of this century which owes its existence to this poet. Delacroix’s -‘Barque of Dante,’ exhibited in the Paris _Salon_ of 1822, has been -called the first real painting of the century. When one turns to England -there is Rossetti, with ‘Beatrice and Dante,’ ‘Dante’s Dream,’ and -several other famous paintings that witness again to the influence of -the Italian poet. But one may remark that Dante’s position in the -history of human progress is unique. This is true. The world has not -known another whose authority was so absolute or whose philosophy -appeared so final. The influence of poets of less power has been -correspondingly smaller. The principle, however, remains true. The poet -ventures where the boldest artist has not gone and prepares, as it were, -the way for him. - -The closest parallel to Dante’s influence upon the trend of artistic -notions must be looked for in ancient Greece; Homer must be named with -Dante. The Homeric poetry has exercised a power which the _Divina -Commedia_ has scarcely surpassed; the thousand and more streams of -influence which rose in the Greek epic literature went out in every -direction to water the fields of art and letters in Greece and Rome, and -flowed on again after Petrarch’s time, and are to-day mighty forces. -Events and incidents of the _Iliad_ and _Odyssey_ have taken so -permanent a place in modern art that one hardly stops to think that this -or that is from Homer. But this company of persons which the world calls -Homer was not the only vital force that shaped men’s thoughts and -furnished the artist with fresh inspiration. The tragic poets are to be -named with Homer. Had Aischylean, Sophoklean, and Euripidean elements -not entered into ancient and modern works of art the world would never -have known some of its most beautiful monuments. This is not, however, -the place to linger over the influence of the Greek epic and tragic -literature in modern times, interesting though this would be. It is in -ancient times, when there was still among the people a peculiar interest -in the mythic legends, that the contact of poet and artist is most -apparent; it is with the three Greek tragedians that we have to do at -present, and some traces of their work may be pointed out in the various -classes of monuments before the vase paintings are examined. - - - § 2. TRAGIC INFLUENCES IN SCULPTURE. - - - 1. _Greek Sculpture._ - -One does not expect the sculptor’s notions to be largely shaped by a -definite situation in literature, as he has little to do with -illustration; his art is too severe and confined to reproduce the -dramatic and pathetic with great success. There is accordingly little -direct influence of the Greek tragic literature over ancient sculpture -except on the sarcophagi. Of the monuments belonging to the fifth -century B.C., which owe their existence indirectly to the drama, three -reliefs occupy the foremost place. These are the well-known Orpheus[1], -Peliades[2], and Peirithoös[3] reliefs, all of which belong close to the -time of the Parthenon frieze. Reisch has made it clear that these works -were conceived and carried out in the spirit of the tragic drama[4]. -They are claimed, indeed, as dedicatory offerings in memory of -particular tragic exhibitions, but no attempt is made to name any poet -or tragedy with which they were connected. Whether one is correct in -holding these reliefs as ἀναθήματα, certain it is that in every -particular they breathe forth the spirit of tragedy. The triple group in -each has been pointed out as corresponding to the three actors. This, -however, is an outer sign that might serve to indicate their origin. The -relation of the figures to each other—the conflict of soul which one may -observe—the pathos that pervades the groups—these are so unlike anything -that occurs on the earlier monuments that a person involuntarily asks -himself whence the artists received their motives. Tragedy provides the -answer. The parting scene between Alkestis and Admetos which Euripides -describes so beautifully belongs to the same decade as does the Orpheus -relief. This touching episode may well have been the incentive to some -such work as the parting between Orpheus and Eurydike. In all three -instances the sculptor was at any rate occupied with the problems which -concerned the tragic poet, and he reproduced true echoes of dramatic -situations. - -Related to these reliefs is another class of monuments which grew out of -the tragic performances. From the middle of the fifth century B.C.[5] -till at least the close of the third century B.C.[6] it was customary -for the successful choregos to dedicate the tripod that the state had -given him as a prize. The magnificence and elaborateness accompanying -this ceremony can be learned from the still extant Lysikrates monument -upon which the tripod once stood and on the intercolumniations of which -tripods in relief are represented. A street in Athens was given over to -the exposition of these prizes. Pausanias states that they were of -bronze and stood on temples[7]. More important still for us in this -connexion is the fact that together with the tripod, probably under the -kettle, it was the custom to set up a figure of a satyr or Dionysos or -Nike[8]. This practice does not appear to have been older than the time -of Praxiteles. So it is that one learns of his famous satyr which -Pausanias mentions in connexion with one of the tripods[9]. The Greek of -this passage does not admit of a satisfactory interpretation, and it is -not possible therefore to determine what the attitude of the figure was. -It is probable that the statue which was thus intimately associated with -the Dionysiac performances was the περιβόητος satyr of Praxiteles, -existing in so many copies and known throughout English literature as -the ‘Marble Faun.’ One can easily understand that this class of choregic -monuments was alone of great importance, and that through this channel -the tragic performances worked a wide influence over sculpture. There -was a vast number of statues in bronze and marble that thus arose from -the exigencies of the theatre. Along with these works may be classed the -numerous pieces of sculpture that were put up as decorations for the -theatre. Such were the εἰκόνες mentioned by Pausanias as being in the -Dionysiac theatre at Athens. The periegete names the statues of -Aischylos, Sophokles, Euripides, and Menander[10]. - -A large number of reliefs that represent Dionysos receiving the worship -of mortals, or advancing in a train of satyrs before a man lying on a -couch, makes up another class of sculpture, which probably owed its -origin to the drama. On the Peiraieus[11] relief three persons carrying -tragic masks advance before the god who reclines upon a _kline_. The -work may possibly be dated as early as the close of the fifth century -B.C.[12] It is at any rate an early example of the influence of the -tragic muse upon sculpture. The so-called Ikarios reliefs illustrating -Dionysos’ first appearance in Attica, and the consequent origin of -tragedy, may not refer to Ikarios at all, but are nevertheless to be -linked to tragedy in some way, as the masks clearly show[13]. They may -have been purely decorative work, or were perhaps offerings of actors. - -It remains to speak of a few monuments which seem to have been more -directly under the influence of particular tragedies. One hears, for -example, that the sculptor Seilanion made a ‘Dying Iokaste.’[14] This -notion would appear to have been borrowed from some play. One may think -of the _Oedipus Tyrannus_ of Sophokles or the _Phoinissai_ of Euripides. -Of far greater importance is the relief on one of the columns from -Ephesos which is known to every one[15]. The most satisfactory -interpretation of this work so far offered explains the scene as -Alkestis being delivered from Death. The heroine, rescued from Thanatos -by Hermes, is being conducted to the upper world again. Unfortunately -there is no agreement among archaeologists on this explanation[16]. -Until a better one is brought forward, however, this important monument -may be held as evidence for the influence exerted by Euripides’ handling -of this popular myth. The _Alkestis_ is known to have been exceptionally -well received. - -If tragic influences are only possibly at hand in the fragment from -Ephesos, the excavations at Pergamon have brought to light extensive -remains of reliefs that were inspired by Attic tragedy. The Telephos -frieze, now in Berlin, is directly associated with the drama. The mythic -founder of Pergamon had a long and varied career, which was told in -dramatic form by both Sophokles and Euripides. The suggestions for the -reliefs in question came from the _Auge_ and _Telephos_ of the latter, -and the _Mysoi_ of the former[17]. In these fragments one can see -distinctly the high esteem in which the Attic drama was held at the -court of the Attalidai. I know of no Greek sculpture which comes so near -being an illustration of tragedy as does this frieze. - -Another work of monumental greatness belonging to about the same period -and exhibiting unmistakable signs of tragic influence is the Farnese -Bull in the National Museum in Naples[18]. This colossal group, which -represents Dirke being tied to a rampant bull by Amphion and Zethos, the -sons of Antiope, is characterized by a passion and violence that are -late products in Greek sculpture. Such motives made their appearance -first in the fourth century B.C. Niobe and her children are the earliest -representation on a grand scale of these elements that are so akin to -the drama. Such compositions were first possible with Praxiteles and -Skopas who broke away from the traditions of the Pheidian age. The -generation that saw a new type of Dionysos and of Aphrodite, and could -appreciate the frenzied maenad of Skopas, had been prepared for these -new motives very largely through the theatre. The drama had not a little -to do with impressing the artist and his public with the importance of -delineating the human feelings. In the case of the Niobe group one would -not attempt to point out any special influence of the _Niobe_ of -Aischylos or Sophokles, and still there is little doubt in my own mind -that the sculptor was more or less influenced by the tragic literature. -May not Praxiteles or Skopas, each of whom shares the credit of the -Niobe group, have been led to the pathetic look upon the mother’s face -by the lines of one of these lost plays? This new tendency in sculpture -reached its highest expression in the Laokoön and the Farnese Bull. The -latter can be traced to the influence of Euripides’ _Antiope_, which -appears to have been the source of all Dirke monuments in ancient art; -there is no dissenting voice as to Euripides’ right to occupy the -honourable position thus assigned[19] him. Reference has already been -made to the Laokoön[20] as representing the culmination of tragedy in -marble. The view held by Lessing and many others that Virgil was the -sculptors’ authority has been abandoned long since. The Pergamon altar -frieze has enabled us to fix the date of the Laokoön with approximate -correctness. It is surely some centuries older than the _Aeneid_ and -stands therefore in a possible relation to the _Laokoön_ of Sophokles. -Yet here again opinions vary widely. Sophokles’ play is lost, and the -few remaining fragments are not enough to enable one to make a -satisfactory reconstruction. The story came down from the epic -literature, and, like so many incidents in the fall of Troy, needed no -further popularization in order to appeal to the artist. That Sophokles’ -tragedy, however, was wholly without any influence on the Rhodian -sculptors who so tragically and realistically represented Apollo’s -vengeance on his priest seems to me highly improbable. Such a conception -as found expression in this masterpiece of sculpture may well have -sprung from the masterpiece in poetry which was at hand in Sophokles’ -_Laokoön_[21]. - - - 2. _The Etruscan Ash-urns._ - -The reliefs on the Etruscan and Roman sarcophagi carry us to Italian -soil and furnish us with a much larger field for pursuing our subject -than could be found in Greek sculpture. Of all the Italian races with -whom the Greeks came into contact, the Etrurians were by far the most -advanced in civilization; and during the centuries of active commercial -relations between the two peoples this nation, whose origin is the -puzzle of historians, and whose language is the _crux_ of philologists, -came more under the influence of Greek literature and art than any of -the Latin races that remained unhellenized. They have left abundant -evidence of these hellenizing influences. In various classes of -monuments which may still be studied—urns, mirrors, cistae, -tomb-paintings, and vases—one discovers Greek mythology and poetry. The -national mythology of the Etruscans is so much of an exception in their -art, and the Greek is so universally adopted, that one is at a loss to -account for the strange fact. On hundreds of Etruscan monuments one sees -the workings of Greek poetry, which found its way into Etruria before -Livius Andronicus produced the first tragedy in Rome 240 B.C. That the -Greek drama was introduced for the most part directly and not through -the medium of the early Latin tragedians, is shown by the fact that the -latter flourished in the second and first centuries B.C., while the urns -exhibiting tragic subjects are, for the most part, from the third -century B.C. Some may, indeed, date from the fourth century. Roman -tragedy can not be said to have really become at all a matter of general -interest before Ennius went to Rome in 204 B.C. He died 169 B.C., and -one should not think that the influence of these Latin adaptations and -translations of Greek plays took an immediate hold upon the neighbouring -Etruscans. Such elements percolate gradually into the various strata of -national life, to say nothing of the time required to reach a foreign -people whose language and customs are so different. But the _summus -epicus poeta_[22] was not the most popular or most prolific pilferer of -Greek plays. His tragedies numbered only about twenty. _In Accio -circaque eum Romana tragoedia est_[23]; and the probable truth of this -statement is well attested by the list of fifty plays that have come -down to us under Accius’ name. This poet, however, was born 170 B.C. and -first exhibited tragedies in 140 B.C. It is therefore very doubtful -whether one can rightly speak of the influence of Latin tragedy upon the -Etruscan artists. One dare not, at any rate, bring the ash-urns too far -into the second century B.C., as Brunn and those immediately under his -teaching formerly did. More recent investigations have proved the -chronological impossibility of interpreting these reliefs with the help -of Ennius, Accius, and Pacuvius. - -Without taking time and space to review the arguments on which the -interpretations of the reliefs are based it will be enough for my -purpose to simply add a list of the scenes which one may reasonably -refer to Greek tragedy. Examining the first volume of Brunn’s _I rilievi -delle urne etrusche_, which is devoted to urns with scenes from the -Trojan Cycle, one learns that those presenting a version of the stories -ascribable to the tragic poets exceed those that are based on the -_Iliad_, _Odyssey_, and other epics. The representation of Paris’ return -to his Trojan home is, with one exception[24], the most frequent. The -thirty-four reliefs were referred, even in the time of the former late -dating, to Euripides’ Ἀλέξανδρος[25]. The fate of Telephos was, -according to Aristotle, a common subject for a tragedy[26]. We have -already met the story on the Pergamon frieze, and it is very frequent on -the Etruscan urns. Telephos grasps the young Orestes and threatens his -life on the altar after the manner of the drama. It may be the influence -of Aischylos or Euripides, but if one judges from the comparative -popularity of these poets in this period he would be inclined to assign -the first place to the latter[27]. The offering of Iphigeneia occurs on -twenty-six urns, nearly all of which were found in the vicinity of -Perugia[28]. It was again unquestionably Greek tragedy that was the -incentive for these scenes. Aischylos, Sophokles, and Euripides may all -share the credit of having furnished the literary source. A smaller -series of urns representing Odysseus’ adventure in taking Philoktetes -from Lemnos is also to be placed under the influence of the fifth -century tragedy[29]. The δόλιος Ὀδυσσεύς is seen playing his part as -cleverly as he does in the extant play of Sophokles. The attitude of -Philoktetes standing before Neoptolemos, having in two cases the arrow -in his hand, corresponds well to the character drawn by this poet. The -injured chieftain displays his courage and scoffs at the thought of -being carried away by the detested Odysseus. The murder of Aigisthos and -Klytaimestra represented on seventeen urns has been shown by Schlie to -be essentially Euripidean[30]. The arrival of Orestes and Pylades at the -precinct of the Tauric Artemis is possibly the subject of three -reliefs[31]. This would also take one directly to Euripides[32]. The -following are published in the second volume of the _Urne etrusche_ by -Körte. Medeia escapes on her dragon-chariot, driving over the bodies of -her children[33]—an echo of the great tragedy that exercised so wide an -influence in other fields of art[34]. The punishment of Dirke on four -reliefs is based without question on the _Antiope_ of Euripides[35]. The -blinding of Oedipus at the hands of Laios’ sons seems to have been an -invention of the same poet and is recognized in another relief[36]. The -Theban fratricide and the assault on the city were both much-prized -subjects[37]. Körte points out many features common to the numerous -reliefs and the _Phoinissai_ of Euripides[38]. The death of Alkmene is -represented on five urns which one would associate with the _Alkmene_ of -the same poet[39]. Euripides’ Κρῆτες is traceable on seven reliefs, -showing the legend of Daidalos and Pasiphaë[40]. Theseus’ fight with the -Minotaur occurs four times and reminds us of Euripides’ _Theseus_[41]. -The death of Hippolytos on eight reliefs does not present any essential -variation from the extant Greek tragedy[42]. Perseus and Andromeda are -met with likewise and emphasize the wide popularity of Euripides’ -play[43]. The famous legend of Oinomaos’ death and Pelops’ triumph -occurs on thirty-one urns[44]. It can be shown that these were inspired -by one or more of the lost tragedies that dealt with the subject[45]. -The Μελέαγρος of Euripides appears to have been the source of at least -three of the many reliefs representing the Kalydonian Hunt[46]. To this -long list of urns based on Euripidean tragedies one must still add seven -that were probably inspired by this poet’s Μελανίππη ἡ σοψή and three -more that follow his Μελανίππη ἡ δεσμῶτις[47]. - -More than two-thirds of the more than four hundred Etruscan urns -examined are decorated with sculpture based on Greek tragedy, and in -nearly all instances the drama was Euripidean. Such are the instructive -facts regarding this important class of monuments. - - - 3. _Roman Sarcophagi._ - -Under the expression ‘Roman sarcophagi’ one understands those of the -first and second centuries A.D. unless the expression is further -qualified. Sarcophagi from the time of the Republic are very rare and -they are withal modest in their workmanship. The florid decorations of -the time of the Empire, and especially of the period just noted, are -often of secondary interest, but the reliefs on the sarcophagi are for -the most part of prime importance, as furnishing reminiscences of lost -tragedies and ancient paintings of great renown. The majority are copies -of very ordinary merit, while now and then a sarcophagus relief is not -unworthy a Greek artist of the fourth century B.C. - -It is a commonly known fact that long before the Laokoön, or the Farnese -Bull, or the Apollo Belvidere was unearthed in the sixteenth and -fifteenth centuries—long before the classical antiquities of Rome, -Florence, and Naples had attracted students and lovers of art—the -sculptures of these sarcophagi, scattered about in cathedrals and -palaces, had begun to teach the Italian artist what the human figure -really is, and what composition and decoration should be. The -Renaissance artist first learned the charm and simplicity of the ancient -costume from these marbles and perceived how vastly superior this was to -the heavy, conventional church-dress that concealed the outlines of the -form and rendered grace and beauty impossible. The study of the antique, -we have reason to believe, was in the early Renaissance largely a study -of these Roman sarcophagi. - -There is no need of going into detail. It will be enough to hint at the -most important monuments of this class that stand under the influence of -Greek tragedy. Whether they are a direct product of the Greek plays or -are founded on the Latin translations, or whether they represent copies -of Greek paintings based on Greek tragedy—this is for the present -purpose all one and the same. It is not necessary to determine whence -the incentive came. The important fact for one to grasp first is, that a -surprisingly large number of the reliefs owe their existence to the -tragic drama, and that these sculptures should be brought into one’s -study of the tragic poets[48]. - -The series of reliefs illustrating Euripides’ _Alkestis_ is of prime -importance for one who wishes to see in art a scene worthy of the -poet[49]. The touching farewell of Alkestis as she reclines upon her -death-bed is in each instance the centre of the groups on the long side. -Around her gathers the whole family. The children draw up close to their -mother’s side. Her parents are also present, and this lends more -interest to the sight, for they could scarcely be absent although the -poet does not mention them in this connexion. The last words of -Alkestis, and Admetos’ reply, form the real charm of the play. All else -falls far behind these speeches, and following one of the gems in Greek -literature the artist could afford to assign his illustration the first -place on the reliefs. Arranged on either side are the other incidents of -the drama, following the poet with considerable faithfulness. In this -connexion should be mentioned the relief in Florence, also based upon -the same source[50]. - -The Hippolytos sarcophagi are, so far as I know, the most numerous of -those that are dependent upon tragedy. If we possess more than a score, -either entire or in fragments, after the destructive elements have been -at work on them since antiquity, there is reason to believe that many -times this number were once in existence. Copies were made in large -numbers, and many a Roman was laid to rest behind the tragedy in marble -which in the _Hippolytos_ of Euripides has continued with some -interruptions to move the sympathies of the civilized world for more -than two thousand years. The reliefs are in the main faithful -illustrations of Euripides. One or two situations are foreign to him, -and these would suggest the influence of a Roman poet. It is unnecessary -to do more here than to refer to the following chapter, where the whole -question finds a further discussion[51]. - -‘The Orestes myth appears upon the sarcophagi exclusively in the form -given to it by the Attic drama. The first part—the slaying of Aigisthos -and Klytaimestra—follows the _Oresteia_ of Aischylos. The second -part—the meeting of Iphigeneia and Orestes and the rape of the Tauric -idol—is based upon the _Iphigeneia in Tauris_ of Euripides.’[52] One -exception only is noted and this appears to represent the influence of a -later play which handled the subject of the _Oresteia_[53]. The scenes -on the other sarcophagi are indeed illustrations of Aischylos. In each -case the final moment of the _Choephoroi_, when the Furies rush in upon -the murderer, guilty of a mother’s blood, is chosen for the middle -group. Right and left from this the succeeding events are arranged. The -right end scene invariably represents Orestes as he is about to escape -from the sanctuary of Apollo at Delphi and go to Athens. He picks his -way with circumspection over the sleeping Furies, and one is led up to -the triumphal verdict of the _Eumenides_[54]. Robert has shown very -clearly the relation of these sculptures to Aischylos’ words, and it is -enough to refer to his discussion. - -The Iphigeneia-Orestes sarcophagi breathe from first to last the spirit -of Euripides. A study of them is scarcely less instructive than a -reading of the play. Step by step the story is unfolded. Orestes and -Pylades are taken captives and stand before the priestess, whose -dreadful office is made more horrible by the remains of human sacrifices -that are fastened up around the sanctuary; the recognition scene with -the letter follows. Then Iphigeneia appears with the idol in her arms, -and asks Thoas’ permission to go and purify it in the sea. The two -Greeks stand bound, ready to follow her, and last of all comes the -_mêlée_ at the ship. One after another of the barbarians is laid low by -the strong arms of Orestes and Pylades. Iphigeneia is placed safely -aboard with the image, and one sees the beginning of the homeward -journey that closed the history of the house of Atreus[55]. - -The Euripidean _Medeia_ is discussed at length in another place, and I -have pointed out there the part that the sarcophagi occupy in art -representations of the tragedy[56]. The two extremes of touching -tenderness and violent passion, which no one ever combined more -successfully in one character than did Euripides in his Medeia, come -prominently to the foreground in these reliefs. I know of no monuments -of ancient art that grasp the spirit of a Greek tragedy more effectually -than the Medeia sarcophagi. The strange and secret power of the -sorceress hovers over and pervades the whole. The dreadful vengeance -exacted by the slighted queen is shown in the most graphic manner. -Standing before the Berlin replica, which is the best preserved and most -beautiful of all the sculptures, one cannot but feel that he is face to -face with a marvellous illustration of the great tragedy. The marble all -but breathes; the dragons of Medeia’s chariot may be heard to hiss. - -A small number of other monuments of this class belongs to the ‘Seven -against Thebes,’ and, as in the case of the Etruscan urns, the -_Phoinissai_ of Euripides is the main source of the illustrations. -Perhaps Seneca’s _Phoenissae_ also entered into the work. Robert -conjectures that Euripides’ _Oedipus_ may have furnished suggestions for -parts of the scenes[57]. - -The _Philoktetes_ of Sophokles is illustrated on one relief very much in -the manner of the Etruscan urns already referred to. The wounded -Philoktetes stands at the mouth of the cave and speaks to Neoptolemos on -the right. Odysseus keeps safely out of sight on the left[58]. - -The story of Pasiphaë’s unholy love is told on a fragment of a -sarcophagus in the Louvre[59]; Daidalos and his cunning work play the -leading part. The ultimate literary authority was Euripides’ Κρῆτες. The -latter may not have been used directly, as the myth enjoyed after this -play a continuous popularity. The relief on one end represents a fruit -offering, and as this would agree with the vegetarian vow of the chorus, -Robert prefers to recognize a direct connexion with Euripides[60]. - -Mention may be made lastly of the Meleager sarcophagi, which, like the -Etruscan urns, have much in common with Euripides’ Μελέαγρος[61]. - - - § 3. THE INFLUENCE OF TRAGEDY ON PAINTING. - -Our knowledge of Greek painting is entirely literary. No vestige of this -art has survived that one may study the real monuments. The wall -paintings of Pompeii and Herculaneum are, however, a sort of recompense -for this loss, and with these and the assistance of Pliny and a few -other writers one can get some notion of certain masterpieces of ancient -painting. But the records are at the most very scant, and the student -has, after all, to allow his imagination to fill in many gaps. - - - 1. _On Greek Painting._ - -The first probable point of contact between tragedy and painting is in -the time of Polygnotos. The series of paintings mentioned by Pausanias -as being in the Propylaia _may_ be brought under the name of the great -painter, since it is expressly stated that two of the ten were from his -hand[62]. Among the subjects were Odysseus fetching Philoktetes from -Lemnos; Orestes slaying Aigisthos; Polyxena on the point of being -sacrificed at Achilles’ tomb. The question arises, have these works any -connexion with the drama? If Polygnotos was the author of all the -paintings, the period of his activity excludes both Sophoklean and -Euripidean influence in the Philoktetes scene. The _Philoktetes_ of -Sophokles is known to have been produced in 409 B.C., and the same play -by Euripides appeared in the trilogy with the _Medeia_ in 431 B.C. This -leaves Aischylos’ tragedy, which could have served Polygnotos’ purpose. -Orestes killing Aigisthos seems also a possible product of the -_Oresteia_, but Pylades engaging the sons of Nauplios who came to the -usurper’s assistance renders the Aischylean source improbable. -Polyxena’s sacrifice is described by Euripides in the _Hekabe_[63], and -was the subject of Sophokles’ _Polyxene_[64]. Nothing, however, can be -made out of the few fragments belonging to the latter. The character of -this picture, in which πάθος excluded ἦθος, led Robert to assign it to -the fourth century and base it upon Euripides[65]. All these subjects -are from the Trojan Cycle, and agree well with what is known of -Polygnotos’ taste in selecting his legends. One has but to recall the -painting in the Lesche of the Knidians at Delphi—τὸ μὲν σύμπαν τὸ ἐν -δεξιᾷ τῆς γραφῆς Ἴλιός τέ ἐστιν ἑαλωκυῖα καὶ ἀπόπλους ὁ Ἑλλήνων[66]—to -learn that the drama was not essential to inspire Polygnotos. On the -other hand, a closer examination of the Philoktetes-Orestes legend -reveals the fact that the crafty Ithacan’s part in bringing Philoktetes -from Lemnos was an invention of the Attic drama[67]. The tragedians -placed Odysseus in the room occupied by Diomede in the Trojan Cycle. It -is absolutely necessary therefore to place this painting under the -influence of tragedy, whether it was by Polygnotos and inspired by -Aischylos or by a later artist and inspired by one or more of the three -tragedies. If the Polygnotos authorship be rejected (and as it is based -on pure conjecture there is nothing to forbid placing it aside), one is -at liberty to point out a relation between these works and later tragic -literature, as has already been done in the case of the Polyxena scene. - -In the latter half of the fifth century B.C. painting appears to have -reflected pronounced tendencies of the drama. The legends of the heroic -time when tried in the crucible of the dramatic poet appealed more -strongly to the imagination of the artist who had been accustomed to -epic severeness and calmness. The conventionality and regulation types -gave way, and the tragic drama remained thereafter the vital force in -shaping the character of paintings occupied with heroic legends. At this -time we learn of a Telephos by Parrhasios, which one naturally -associates with Euripides or Aischylos[68]. The Iphigeneia of Timanthes -was a work that was scarcely possible but for the fresh interest -awakened in the story by the three tragedians[69]. It is highly probable -again that Euripides was the inspiration for the Andromeda of Nikias[70] -and the Medeia of Timomachus[71]. These were both works of great renown. -Apollodoros’ painting representing the Herakleidai can with some -certainty be referred to Euripides’ tragedy[72]. Theorus, a Samian, -painted Orestes slaying Aigisthos and Klytaimestra, and could hardly -have worked independent of Aischylos[73]. The fate of Pentheus and -Lykurgos was painted in the younger of the two temples in the Dionysiac -precinct south of the Acropolis[74]. The date of this temple has been -fixed at approximately 400 B.C.[75] The punishment of Pentheus was -particularly popular with the tragedians, and the dependence of this -painting on the play of Aischylos or Euripides is all but certain. The -former’s _Lykurgeia_ was the source of the numerous vase paintings of -Lower Italy representing the madness of the Thracian king[76], and one -may infer that this painting mentioned by Pausanias was essentially the -Aischylean Lykurgos. In the same place were two other scenes from the -career of Dionysos. Ariadne was represented as being forsaken by Theseus -and rescued by the god, and in another place Dionysos was conducting -Hephaistos to Olympos. Euripides’ _Theseus_ handled the love episode in -the first of the two latter, and this play was probably not without its -effect upon the popularity of the story which was of frequent -occurrence, particularly in Pompeii[77]. This poet’s power in dealing -with love exploits and depicting the sad case of unrequited love and the -attending calamities, was a new force in literature and a never-failing -spring from which the painter could draw. These compositions are one and -all connected with Dionysos, while three of them are parallel with -subjects handled in tragedy. Such scenes were possible only after the -drama had popularized the subjects and prepared the way, so to speak, -for the reception of the same in art. Even though one does not go so far -as to contend that these paintings were an outgrowth of tragedy, they -must be accepted as signs of the increasing interest in Dionysos and his -worship—and this was primarily the Greater Dionysia, where the first -editions of Greek tragedies were published. This was the period of -Zeuxis and Parrhasios—the time when Euripidean πάθος was shaping -artistic conceptions. - - - 2. _The Wall Paintings of Pompeii and Herculaneum._ - -The Pompeian wall paintings, representing scenes from tragedy, are -largely reminiscences of earlier paintings, and many famous works that -have already been referred to are doubtless preserved in more or less -exact copies in these invaluable monuments. Besides the Medeia and -Andromeda, which have been noticed above, there is a series of paintings -based on the Hippolytos-Phaidra casualty[78], and another representing -the sacrifice of Iphigeneia[79]. The latter exhibit a marked similarity -to the work of Timanthes and the final scene in Euripides’ _Iphigeneia -at Aulis_. Several important paintings represent the meeting of Orestes -and Iphigeneia in the Tauric sanctuary, and there can be no question -regarding the decided dramatic colouring here[80]. Two pictures are -based on the Telephos legend, and remind one again of the Pergamon -frieze and the relation of this to Euripides and Sophokles[81]. Daidalos -with his wooden cow before Pasiphaë was another favourite Euripidean -story told at Pompeii[82]. The excavations in 1895 brought to light an -unusual number of priceless treasures in the _casa dei Vettii_. Among -the paintings was one showing the death of Pentheus[83]. The maenads are -hurling stones at him and thrusting him through with their thyrsoi; the -wildness of the locality and the tone of the whole work make it highly -probable that Euripides’ _Bakchai_ was the artist’s inspiration. Mention -may be made lastly of the punishment of Dirke, told in several -paintings[84]. After what has been said touching the Farnese Bull, it is -not necessary to point out again the part played in the Dirke monuments -by Euripides’ _Antiope_. - -A glance at this brief sketch of ancient paintings on tragic subjects -cannot but impress one with the permanent and far-reaching influence of -the tragic poet over the painter. The striking fact that stands out -prominently before all others is the firm hold exercised by Euripides. -Note the following subjects—Andromeda, Dirke, Hippolytos, Iphigeneia at -Aulis, Medeia. Each of these characters has stamped upon it the form -given by this poet. Others after him adapted and translated his work, -but the ultimate authority remains none the less the Greek tragedian, -and neither the ancient nor the modern world accepts any other than the -Euripidean Andromeda, Hippolytos, or Medeia[85]. - - - § 4. TRAGIC ELEMENTS ON THE ETRUSCAN MIRRORS. - -The engravers of the mirrors were less inventive than were the sculptors -of the ash-urns, and they moved in a much narrower sphere. Their work is -for the most part that of the ordinary mechanic whose hand is none too -sure. The compositions taken from tragedy are common with those already -met with on the Etruscan sarcophagi. There are Orestes and Pylades at -the temple of the Tauric Artemis[86]; the Kalydonian Hunt, following the -Μελέαγρος[87]; Daidalos constructing the wooden cow[88]; Polyxena taking -her farewell of Hekabe[89]; three scenes from the Telephos legend[90]; -the parting scene between Alkestis and Admetos[91]; and Prometheus -chained to the Caucasus[92]. These instances at least may be adduced to -emphasize the fact of the wide-spread familiarity of the Etruscans with -tragedy. There is no doubt whatever that in these common everyday -articles, as well as on their sarcophagi, the Etruscans had -illustrations of the tragic poetry that may have been brought to them by -troops of ‘Dionysiac artists’[93]. - - - § 5. GREEK TRAGEDY AND THE ‘MEGARIAN BOWLS.’ - -Intermediate between sculpture and vase paintings appears a remarkably -interesting class of vases, or rather cups, which are decorated with a -band of relief. Certain of these are so intimately connected with the -drama, and with Euripides in particular, that at least a brief reference -should be made to them here. Examples of this ware are to be seen in -nearly every large museum, and I have seen fit to include reproductions -of three in the present work, as well as a small fragment of a -fourth[94]. The inscriptions and general style of the vases lead one to -date them in the second or third century B.C. They are surely not later -than this, and not much earlier. They owe their origin to a wide-spread -interest in the older Greek poets. The majority of the reliefs represent -scenes from the Trojan and Theban Cycles, and illustrate some poetical -work. We have to do at this time with those that are related to tragedy. -It is plain from a casual glance at the nature of the compositions taken -from tragic literature that it was not the words of the poet that -suggested the figures to the artist so much as the theatrical -performances themselves. The posings, gestures, groupings—in short, the -general attempt at effect, take one past the written work to the -Hellenistic stage. The motives are borrowed from Euripides, as played in -the second- and third-century theatre. The humble artist who conceived -these designs had visited the exhibitions of the _Iphigeneia at Aulis_ -or of the _Phoinissai_, and received fresh ideas for his work. It is -necessary to emphasize the fact that these little monuments date from -the time when the dominating force in art was the tragic drama. The -influence of the theatre was felt among all classes of people. The -guilds of Dionysiac actors travelled around from one village to another, -and from one city to another, producing their _répertoire_ from the -three great tragedians, and, even when there was no permanent stage, -delivered from an improvised platform bad and indifferent versions of -the well-known plays[95]. The result was that tragedy was the one -popular form of literature in the Hellenistic period, and this meant -practically that the people were feasted on Euripides. The ‘Megarian -Bowls’ are priceless treasures from this period when the drama had -permeated all classes of society. The unpretentious reliefs are replete -with the spirit that one may discover at the same time in Italy, Asia -Minor, Athens, and Alexandria. They are direct witnesses of the fact -that Euripides was the people’s poet, and re-enforce the impression -gained from the study of all other classes of monuments. - -For my own part I prefer to think of these cups as answering the place -of text illustrations and corresponding to our illustrated editions of -poetical works. One cannot imagine the papyri texts of the ancient poets -illumined with illustrations, but these ‘Megarian Bowls’ meet every -requirement of this kind of art. In order to keep the reader from going -astray in the interpretation the scenes are often accompanied by -inscriptions that render any misunderstanding impossible. The several -groups showing the successive stages of the play serve in fact every end -that is demanded of illustrations. Whether the vases were used by -schoolmasters in drilling their boys in classical poetry, or whether -they were ornaments for the home, the poet was sure to appeal to his -admirers in a new manner. He could be easily remembered by this means if -artificial aid was at all necessary. They had, moreover, the great merit -of being cheap; any number of copies could be made from the mould, and -such cups are really in existence[96]. If three replicas of one and the -same work have accidentally survived the centuries and can to-day be -studied as text illustrations of Euripides, how extensive must have been -the production and use of this sort of art in ancient times![97] - - - - - CHAPTER II - THE INFLUENCE OF GREEK TRAGEDY ON VASE PAINTING. - - - § 1. THEORIES ADVANCED FOR THE EARLIEST POINT OF CONTACT. - -The question as to when the tragic drama first began to influence the -vase painters has been in late years a much mooted one. When our -knowledge of vase chronology was far more fragmentary than it is now, -and the black figured fabric was dated as largely a fifth-century B.C. -product, the attempt was made to point out the dependence on the drama -of certain paintings of this style[98]. Later, when the improbability of -this theory became more and more plain, and an earlier date was fixed -for the black figured vases, other scholars endeavoured to show that the -painters of Euphronios’ set—the masters of the severe red figured -kylikes—stood under the influence of the three tragedians[99]. No one -would venture, however, to speak now of the influence of any of the -dramatists upon the vase painters of this style that flourished at the -end of the sixth and beginning of the fifth century. More nearly correct -was the principle laid down by Robert, in his famous book _Bild und -Lied_, that no vase painting of the fifth century B.C. shows the -influence of heroic legends as recast by the tragedians and produced in -the theatre. Before the year 400 B.C. one should not expect to find -scenes upon the vases that are the direct outcome of the tragic drama. -This, however, is going too far to the other extreme. There is a mean -that may be struck, and this is, as will appear, more in accord with the -present knowledge of Greek ceramics. - - - § 2. EARLIEST EVIDENCE. - -There is one point on which there seems to be little difference of -opinion, and that is, that the lusty choruses of satyrs that abound on -the early red figured vases were largely popularized through the -Dionysiac trains. These groups of dancing, springing satyrs along with -Dionysos are direct reflexions of the scenes that actually took place, -and as these celebrations were the simple beginnings of the tragic drama -there is in this class of pictures a remote echo of the theatre. Yet one -must not understand that the artists were conscious of following any -particular performance[100]. These scenes border more on what we should -imagine a satyric drama to have been. It was a long way from this -comical, kick-about dance of the satyrs around Dionysos and his altar to -the time when the actual performance of the theatre, such as is seen on -the Andromeda krater, occurs on the vases. Still these were beginnings. -Another exceedingly instructive bit of evidence for the development of -tragic influences (or rather it is better to speak still of Dionysiac -influences) is found on a black figured vase in Bologna[101]. The -painting represents the epiphany of the god who rides in a ship borne on -wheels and drawn by two satyrs before whom march two others leading a -steer. The god who sits enthroned upon the ship is being entertained by -flute music furnished by two satyrs riding with him. Such sights we have -reason to believe were not uncommon in Attica, and it may have been in -such a _carrus navalis_ that Thespis travelled the country and -established the beginnings of the later drama. These πομπαί and the -satyr-trains appear therefore to be a very significant inheritance which -the earlier vase painters have left us for the disentangling of the all -too bare literary records touching the origin of the tragic drama. - - - § 3. FIFTH CENTURY. - -Long before one can distinguish definite plays reflected in the vase -paintings, certain marks of interest in tragedy may be detected. There -are, for example, representations of the ceremony connected with the -dedication of the tripod-prize. The painters of _cir._ 460 B.C. have -already taken up this part of the dramatic performances and have -indicated thereby the growing interest in the theatrical -exhibitions[102]. About the same time also the personification of -tragedy and comedy makes its appearance on the vases[103]. These are not -in themselves points of so great weight, but they help to clear the way -for understanding the tremendous influence which the drama had upon -artists of the succeeding generations. - -Down to the middle of the fifth century the predominating force in the -legendary scenes on the vases was Homer and the other epic writers. At -this point the latter began to share their popularity with the -tragedians, and gradually but surely passed into the second place. That -Robert’s position is not a correct one seems to me highly probable, and -nevertheless one finds his words so often quoted that there is need of -placing the evidence together and inquiring anew into the question. For -my own part I am unable to understand why the theatre did not exert an -influence upon the smaller art of vase industry as well as it did upon -the more important art of painting. When one notes in the fifth century -that great artists like Timanthes and Parrhasios were drawn under the -spell of tragedy it is but natural to suppose that the same was true -also in the case of the less famous vase painters. Why should the -influence have been more pronounced in one instance than in the other? -If Aischylos and Euripides were popular enough to warrant the support of -the illustrious artists, one may correctly assume that the vase painter -grasped this point likewise. The latter was primarily concerned in -producing something saleable, and the pictures that were popular and -saleable for the first class were no less so for the second class. This -so far has, however, no further weight than one’s personal opinion. Let -us turn to the monuments and see what there is to bear out this view. - -The Berlin Andromeda krater may be referred to first[104]. This is one -of the most brilliant examples ascribable to tragedy. The profusely -decorated costumes induce one to believe that the artist really -reproduced the dress of the actors in Euripides’ play. The theatrical -air about the work is quite unmistakable, and its Attic origin leads one -to connect it directly with the immense success won by the _Andromeda_ -in 412 B.C. The Kyklops vase, published and discussed below, also dates -from the last quarter of the fifth century[105]. A vase in Naples -representing Diomedes’ rape of the Palladium has been referred to -Sophokles’ Λάκαιναι, and its date is _cir._ 420 B.C.[106] The painting -on the Lower Italy vase published below is also from about this same -time and follows the _Eumenides_[107]. I refer lastly to the celebrated -satyr-play vase in Naples as belonging to this period, and furnishing at -the same time the most palpable evidence of theatrical influence upon -the artist[108]. The picture shows a recital of a satyr chorus in the -presence of Dionysos and Ariadne, and is, as it were, a snap-shot of -this peculiar institution. The painting has long been the keystone of -the ancient testimony concerning the nature of the satyric drama. The -richness of the costume worn by Dionysos and Ariadne gives an invaluable -illustration of the actors’ dress. In this regard the work is in direct -accord with Pollux’s καὶ ἐσθῆτες μὲν τραγικαὶ ποικίλον ... ὁ δὲ κροκωτὸς -ἱμάτιον· Διόνυσος δὲ αὐτῷ ἐχρῆτο, καὶ μασχαλιστῆρι ἀνθινῷ καὶ -θύρσῳ[109]. - -These are the most important examples that can be brought forward to -show the influence of the drama on fifth-century vase painting, and -although not to be compared with the vast number of paintings of a later -period that indicate the development of tragic tendencies, they seem -nevertheless to constitute a considerable array of evidence for the -occurrence of definite tragic scenes borrowed from the drama. The vase -paintings therefore of the last quarter of this century do furnish -undoubted traces of the forms of the myths seen in the theatre[110]. - - - § 4. THE FOURTH CENTURY AND THE CONDITIONS IN LOWER ITALY. - -Till the close of the fifth century, or at least till the time of the -Peloponnesian War, the export of vases from Athens, Corinth, and other -centres in Greece was a lively and paying industry. This traffic had -been carried on with all the Mediterranean and Black Sea ports, but -especially with the cities of Italy. By far the largest number of sixth- -and fifth-century Attic vases now in the European museums and private -collections have come from excavations in Etruria. This article of trade -must have been highly prized by the Etruscans, and it is to their -fondness for Greek vases that we owe a very large part of our knowledge -in this important field of classical archaeology. With the founding of -Greek colonies in Italy the Greek industries were likewise established, -and it was but a question of time till Thurii (founded 445 B.C.), -Tarentum, Herakleia, and other cities supplied the western demand for -vases, and so destroyed the Attic trade. As a matter of fact, few Attic -vases belonging to the fourth century have been discovered in Lower -Italy, and this means that from about 400 B.C. the demand had fallen -off, and the manufacture in Athens had become gradually less and less -important. - -It was to favourable soil that this industry was transplanted. The -cities of Magna Graecia and Sicily were as Greek as were Athens and -Corinth, and they were, besides, far more prosperous. The fourth century -was one of great luxury in these western capitals and Athenian art and -letters found a hearty welcome here. It is instructive to observe the -clear traces of Athenian art that are at hand on the coins of these -regions. The legends on the coins of Thurii, Herakleia, Terina, and -Syracuse, dating from the latter half of the fifth century b.c., are as -distinctly Pheidian in style as are those of the corresponding time at -Athens[111], and this shows clearly the intimate intercourse that -existed between the East and the West, and how rapidly the colonists -took up and appropriated the artistic notions of Athens. Many other -things point to the thoroughly Greek landscape of Southern Italy. Greek -names of cities abounded everywhere, and the ancestral hero of most of -the Apulian towns was Diomede—the Aeneas of the South[112]. Each town -had its own mint and struck its own coin with, of course, a Greek legend -and a Greek inscription. Tarentum soon became the largest and most -influential city of Magna Graecia. The city founded by Taras was -destined to be the Athens of the West for some time to come. Here was -the centre from which Attic influences penetrated inland. The literature -and art of Hellas were received here and handed on to the neighbouring -cities. It is but natural that this flourishing capital should have -become the seat of the vase industry for this part of Italy. The -manufacture was not, however, confined to the limits of the city. We -know that other towns in Apulia contributed to the vast number of vases -that we know as ‘Tarentine’ fabric. There is every reason to believe -that this thoroughly Greek industry continued without any interruption -till the capture of Tarentum, 272 B.C.; but at this point the interest -in vase manufacture no doubt began to abate somewhat. When the -commercial independence and rank of Tarentum were gone the period of -decline began, and the vases that belong to the third century B.C. are -neither numerous nor of great worth artistically. The mysteries of Lower -Italy vase chronology are, however, too great to be settled for some -time to come, and it is best not to be rash in assigning hard and fast -dates to a class of monuments, the investigation concerning which is -quite in its infancy. - -But what can be said about the drama at Tarentum? The remarks already -made hardly render it necessary to emphasize the high esteem in which -the Attic tragedy was held. That it was patronized extensively and that -it was _the_ literature of the time was true in any Greek city of the -fourth century, and here where a new Athens flourished it must have been -doubly true. It is interesting, however, to learn something definite in -this regard concerning the Tarentines. We learn from Plato that the -people were inveterate theatre-goers, and that they did not stop short -of drunkenness at the Dionysiac feast[113]. In another place one is told -that when the Roman general Valerius sailed into the harbour in 282 B.C. -the Tarentines were celebrating the Dionysia and paid no heed to the -practical Roman[114]. Worse than this, Pyrrhus found it necessary to -order the theatres to be closed that he might succeed in getting the men -out for military service[115]. Such was the favourable soil in which the -Attic drama took root in Lower Italy, and in this centre the influence -of tragedy on the vase decorators was perhaps more far-reaching than in -any ancient city. - -The extent of the influence may be seen by an examination of the -paintings on the Lower Italy vases. It has long since been noticed that -many of the Apulian, Campanian, and Lucanian vase paintings have a -marked theatrical composition. The costumes, posings, and gestures are -often notoriously stage-like. In many cases one can observe the -reminiscence of the stage setting; the scene often represents a temple -or palace in or before which the action occurs[116], and even where one -is not able to determine upon the literary source of the picture the -dramatic handling is plain, and one is convinced that some tragedy -furnished the suggestion for the work. The paintings are not to be -considered by any means reliable copies of any particular scene in a -theatre. They were abridged, extended or modified at the notion of the -artist. When he took his ideas from the tragedian, he might turn the -characters round to please his own fancy, putting in or omitting others. -He never illustrated. The value of these paintings in helping one to -reconstruct the lost plays is very considerable. They are generally -certain to provide more valuable information regarding the lost -literature than the few fragments that may have come down to us[117]. As -the three tragedians of the fifth century B.C. were practically the only -ones that were read and heard with pleasure in the fourth century, their -work is the source of nearly all of the paintings based on tragedy. We -may pass on therefore to our study of Aischylos, Sophokles, and -Euripides in their influence upon the vase painters. - - - - - CHAPTER III - AISCHYLOS AND THE VASE PAINTINGS - - - § 1. INTRODUCTION. - -Notwithstanding the fact that the oldest of the tragedians was the least -read in the fourth century B.C., he easily rivals Sophokles in his -influence on art. This was not due to his being more admired, and can -only be accounted for by the bold situations that he invented-situations -new and striking. There are certain of his plays that left a lasting -impression on Greek and Roman art. Such are the _Choephoroi_, the -_Eumenides_, and the _Lykurgeia_. Further than these, Aischylean plays -did not appeal to the artist to any great extent. It is the peculiarly -popular inventions distinguishable in these tragedies, their uniqueness, -so to speak, that set them apart by themselves, a mark for the artist. -The character of the plays is easily denoted. They ring with cries of -murder and resound with the storming fury of avenging deities; we are -struck by the perils of the situations and remain all but breathless to -learn the issue. These features attracted the painter and sculptor, and -this is what meets one on all the monuments that may be called -Aischylean. The deep religious vein that pulsates in every line of the -mighty tragedian is reflected to some degree on the vases and the -sarcophagi. This force in art was rather epic; it was, in a way, -Polygnotean, and the ethical nature of it all but condemned it for the -artists who sought the πάθος of Euripides. This very fact explains why -Aischylos and Sophokles did not address themselves more to the -succeeding generations of artists. The ethical was more difficult to -express than was the pathetic, and it was not so attractive. The spirit -of the times, moreover, demanded the latter as it demanded Euripides, -and consequently one should not expect to meet a large number of vase -paintings that were made under the influence of either Aischylos or -Sophokles. Those that can be associated with the extant tragedies of the -former are given in the following pages. It will be observed that -certain scenes from Aischylos were greatly in favour in Lower Italy. All -of the nine paintings published are from Italian ware. Not one Attic -vase that shows an Aischylean scene has, so far as I know, been -discovered. In the West, however, where he was quite as much at home as -in his own Athens and where he was destined to end his days, the vase -decorators were largely influenced by him. - - - § 2. CHOEPHOROI. - -There is no proof at hand that epic literature knew aught of Elektra or -the part which she played in avenging her father’s murder. The fragments -from the lyric poet Stesichoros furnish the oldest literary source for -the _Oresteia_ which became later so popular under the hands of the -fifth-century tragedians. The trilogy of Aischylos which has happily -come down to us is, therefore, the oldest extant authority. When one -turns to works of art one discovers a series of vase paintings -representing the death of Aigisthos; yet these are but a little older -than Aischylos’ work[118]. Events concerned with Orestes’ return are -even less common in early art. The Melan terra cotta _plaque_ in the -Louvre, which represents a scene somewhat similar to the opening of the -_Choephoroi_, is the oldest of the _Oresteia_ monuments, but still must -be dated within the fifth century B.C.[119] It may be considered as -fairly well established that Elektra and Orestes first appeared in art -but a few years before the production of Aischylos’ trilogy in 458 B.C. -Nor is it possible, so far as I know, to discover any influence of the -_Agamemnon_ or _Choephoroi_ upon artistic productions in the last half -of the century. A small group of vase paintings from Lower Italy -belonging to the fourth century B.C. do, however, present situations -which one may well believe to have been suggested by the early part of -the _Choephoroi_. - -[Illustration: - - FIG. 1. -] - -The painting shown in fig. 1[120] represents a tomb, the base of which -is decorated with triglyphs. Surmounting this is a stele, crowned with a -Corinthian helm, and bearing the name ΑΓΑΜΕ[Μ]ΝΩΝ. Sitting with her back -to the stele on the left is Elektra, ΕΛΕΚΤΡ[Α, wearing a chiton and -mantle and clasping her left knee in a meditative mood; beside her is -another female figure similarly dressed and holding a toilet box in the -left arm, an unusually common article on the vases of Lower Italy. -Perhaps the box is meant to recall the offerings which were brought in -it to the grave. This person is not necessarily Chrysothemis, although -her dress would be more appropriate for Elektra’s sister than for her -attendant. It is, however, the work of the latter to carry such a box of -offerings for Elektra. The figure may therefore be left unnamed. Her -face is turned towards Orestes, ΟΡΕΣΤΗΣ, who stands on the right and -appears to be speaking to Elektra, who pays no attention to his words or -his gesture. He is in travelling costume, chlamys, petasos, and carries -a spear and sword, but curiously enough wears no boots. Below him to the -right in a similar attitude stands Pylades. He has simply a chlamys and -a spear. Another youth sits above on a _terrain_. He serves to round out -the picture, and indicates at the same time the attendants of Orestes. -In the background are a sword and shield; on the grave is an amphora, as -an offering, exactly the shape of the vase on which the painting occurs. -There are numerous restorations in the work, but the main part seems to -be antique. Heydemann states that the inscription on the stele is -genuine, and also ΕΛΕΚΤΡ[Α. Doubt is expressed concerning ΟΡΕΣΤΗΣ. - -We have before us the grave of Agamemnon, at which the first 585 verses -of the _Choephoroi_ were played. There is no trace of palace or royal -building. Orestes, accompanied by Pylades, enters the orchestra and lays -his tribute upon his father’s tomb, τύμβου δ’ ἐπ’ ὄχθῳ (v. 4), but -suddenly withdraws to avoid the company of women which approaches with -ceremonial step. The chorus and Elektra proceed to perform their -services when the latter discovers the lock of hair, ἄγαλμα τύμβου (v. -200), and the footprints—two proofs that Orestes must be near. While she -is still examining the tracks the latter comes up and proves beyond a -doubt, by pointing to the garment that Elektra had once woven, who he is -(vs. 212–232). Perhaps one may think of Elektra as sitting upon the -grave at some point between v. 84 and v. 212, but when she had -discovered the traces of Orestes’ presence, she must have been actively -scanning the surroundings. It pleased the artist, however, to represent -her as ignoring the appeal of her brother, or at least manifesting no -signs of recognizing him. But for the presence of the τύμβος one would -be inclined to see the influence of Sophokles’ _Elektra_, where Orestes’ -words gain credence very slowly, and where Elektra hesitates long, -before believing his assertions that he is living and standing before -her (v. 1219 ff.). But the Sophoklean tragedy is played before the -palace. The pedagogue and Orestes leave the orchestra to pour their -libations on the grave (v. 82 ff.) when Elektra comes out of the house. -The fact that the recognition scene is represented as taking place at -the grave gives us therefore ample reason for accepting our painting as -under the influence of the _Choephoroi_. This painting is strikingly -free in its conception; no words of the poet can be cited as fitting the -situation. The suggestion, the setting, are Aischylean; all else is the -artist’s. The work is far removed from the character of an illustration. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 2 (_vid. p. 47 ff._). -] - -The second painting is on a Lucanian hydria[121]. The central scene is -again the τύμβος of Agamemnon, built up with several steps and -surmounted by a stele with Ionic capital and bound by a fillet. Elektra -sits upon the upper step in veil and chiton. She holds the former with -her right hand and looks away into space. On other steps below her are a -lekythos and other small vases, also a pomegranate and a fillet. The -offerings are much more abundant here than in fig. 1. Unnoticed by his -sister, Orestes approaches the stele on the left, dressed as in fig. 1, -with the addition of boots. He is about to pour a libation from a kylix -in his left hand. The male figure sitting next to him is doubtless -Pylades. He turns his head towards the main scene. The remaining figure -here is but remotely associated with the action. The persons on the -right are more interesting. The youth standing on the step of the grave -about to lay a wreath upon the stele is denoted by his kerykeion as -Hermes. He wears a travelling costume without the usual boots. An -elderly, bearded, male figure stands behind him. He is not characterized -except by a mantle and a long staff, but has been interpreted as -Orestes’ pedagogue. The only objection to this is his dress[122], but -this may be due to the carelessness of the artist. Behind him is another -bearded male figure sitting upon a sort of bag, or pack. His short -chiton, shoes, and staff all point him out as a traveller. The peculiar, -close-fitting cap denotes him as a foreigner. The female figure on the -extreme right in Doric peplos carries an aryballos in her left hand, and -gazes at the group before her. Perhaps she belongs to Elektra. - -The discussion of fig. 1 above applies equally well to Orestes and -Elektra here. We have practically a repetition of the group. The former -figure is, however, thought of at an earlier moment. By removing Elektra -one may think of Orestes at the opening of the play. He holds the vase -in his hand rather than the lock of hair. The first words of the -prologue are suggestive— - - Ἑρμῆ χθόνιε πατρῷ’ ἐποπτεύων κράτη, - σωτὴρ γενοῦ μοι ξύμμαχός τ’ αἰτουμένῳ. - -Chthonian Hermes, who guards the ancestral rights, has really manifested -himself in the painting, and has appeared as a particular ally. The act -of crowning the stele declares Hermes’ friendliness toward the family -and his interest in Agamemnon’s shade. Elektra addresses him also and -beseeches him to hear her supplications and pity her and her dear -Orestes (v. 124 ff.). We may note, therefore, a special fitness in the -artist’s expressing this double relation of Hermes to the children. -Invoked by both of them as a protecting god he introduces nothing that -is not in harmony with the spirit of Aischylos. The addition of this -figure is, moreover, a good instance of the liberty which the vase -painters took with their authors, and shows well the difference between -illustration and independent work. It cannot be denied that with the -assistance of this monument one is led to see between the lines of the -_Choephoroi_. The pedagogue who does not appear in Aischylos is -nevertheless a natural extension of the group. It will be remembered -that he speaks the prologue in the _Elektra_ of Sophokles and occupies -the place which Pylades usually fills. In Euripides’ _Elektra_ (v. 16), -Autourgos says that Orestes had been given into the charge of a τροφεύς. -The person resting on the pack appears at first sight a gratuitous -addition of the artist, but on closer examination the suggestion for him -is found in the poet. When Orestes explains to the chorus that he and -Pylades will attempt to gain an entrance to the palace, he states that -they will disguise themselves as foreigners by speaking the Phokean -dialect (v. 563 f.). To Klytaimestra’s interrogations (v. 668 ff.) he -replies— - - ξἐνος μέν εἰμι Δαυλιεὺς ὲκ Φωκέων· - στείχοντα δ’ αὐτόφορτον οἰκείᾳ σαγῇ - εἰς Ἄργος ... - -In other words, he is a stranger from Phokis who has to carry his own -pack. It is upon this σαγή that the figure is resting. The artist has -characterized him as a foreigner by the peculiar cap. No Greek ever wore -such a head-dress. The make-up hints at the appearance of Orestes -seeking admittance to the palace, while, of course, the person is to be -understood merely as one of the latter’s servants. Whatever he may have -said about carrying his own pack, no artist would have thus represented -him. On the oldest of the Orestes-Elektra monuments, the Melan -relief[123], there is such a figure standing behind Orestes with his -luggage strapped to his shoulders. It seems to me that the painter has -naïvely caught up the spirit of the text and brought in a figure which -goes far towards adding a charm and interest to the scene. - -Another Lucanian hydria representing the same scene is published here -for the first time, in fig. 3[124]. It will be more instructive to point -out the few points in which the two paintings differ from each other -than to describe this one entire. The column in 3 has a Doric capital, -with maeander and checker-board ornament; in 2 the capital is Ionic. In -3 Hermes stands on the ground; in 2 he stands on the step to the grave. -Elektra reaches out her left hand in 3 as though to receive the -libation; in 2 she is unmindful of Orestes. The latter holds a kylix in -2, and in 3 a pitcher. His hat is a pilos in 3, and he wears it; in 2 -the petasos hangs on the back of his neck. The Phokean attendant sitting -upon the luggage is in 3 upon the left, and in 2 upon the right. There -is an extraordinary likeness between the two. There is the same crooked -nose, short chiton, and odd cap, but the latter has no tassel in 3. The -servant wears, besides, a chlamys and rests his stick over his leg. -Behind him is the nude youth, as in 2, upon the left, holding an -ointment vase in a sort of carrier. The two male figures of 2 adjoining -the main scene are wanting in 3. In their stead is a female figure -sitting upon a stool and holding a large toilet box. She is dressed in a -Doric peplos with an _apoptygma_. She is evidently an attendant of -Elektra, and reminds one strongly of the figure in fig. 1. Behind her is -the charming girl, exactly as in 2, except that she carries the -aryballos in her right, and in the left hand a small box. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 3 (_vid. p. 51 ff._). -] - -The painting is, it would seem, more beautiful than that of fig. 2, -although the publication of the latter is an old one, and may be more or -less inaccurate. I have not seen the vase myself. The scene is -abbreviated by one figure; Pylades would be expected. - -Still another painting is given in fig. 4[125], showing a further step -of simplification. Only the middle group, with the female attendant -carrying the aryballos, occurs. Hermes’ position is the same as in fig. -2, but the artist has forgotten to draw the wreath in his right. His -chlamys, too, is buttoned properly instead of being wrapped around his -arm. The latter, however, has the same stumpy appearance seen in 2 and -3. As the scene is simpler, so the offerings on the tomb are fewer. -Orestes’ libation is here in a kantharos. The painting is a careless -piece of work, and cannot be ranked with the other two. It is, however, -very interesting as giving another link to the chain of evidence. - -There can be little doubt that these vases all belong to the same artist -or that they come from the same locality. The marvellous agreement that -runs through them is something quite extraordinary. I know of no other -similar cases in vase paintings of the red figured ware. The popularity -of this scene, and therefore of Aischylos’ _Choephoroi_, is attested by -such a series of paintings as one cannot find in the case of any other -work in Greek literature. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 4. -] - -Since writing the above I have discovered in the Louvre another Lucanian -vase that represents a further simplification of this scene[126]. The -painting is practically identical with the middle group in fig. 3. -Peculiar to the Louvre painting are the tomb with five steps and the -rather tall column, Doric order, surmounted by a krater; an aryballos -and strigil, in addition to the taenia, are fastened to the column. -There is a further slight variation in Elektra’s position, for on her -right is a krater. On her left is a lekythos; below are the two -pomegranates, taenia, and black lekythos, just as in fig. 3. The only -difference in the other persons is that Orestes holds out a kylix and -not a pitcher. - -The painting is evidently a product of the same studio as are those in -figs. 2, 3 and 4. It forms another member of this remarkable class of -pictures that stands alone, unique in Greek ceramics, and bears witness -to the enormous popularity of this scene from Aischylos. In the face of -this important chain of evidence one is safe, it seems to me, in -claiming that Aischylos was acted in the fourth century B.C. and that -considerably. What kept this scene before the public and induced the -artist and his pupils to turn out so many copies of the same work? To -have been thus so saleable the picture must have been popular, and this -could have come about best through the acted drama. These vases and -those following, based on the _Eumenides_, must impress the impartial -student with the fact that Euripides and Sophokles did not by any means -oust Aischylos completely in Lower Italy. - - - § 3. EUMENIDES. - -The various stories which may have been popularly told in regard to -Orestes’ purification, and his reconciliation with the Furies, prior to -March 458 B.C. were swept for ever into oblivion by the last member of -Aischylos’ trilogy. The stamp of his genius has ever remained upon the -myth, and no one ever attempted to repeat his work[127]. All the -elements of the persecution were cast by him into their final mould. The -immense influence of this work is attested in no way more forcibly than -by the monuments of art to which one can point. There is a long line of -vase paintings, dating from the fifth century, that bear witness to the -wide popularity of the _Eumenides_, and that give the most direct and -authoritative testimony of the influence of the play upon the masses of -the people. A sharp distinction must be made, however, between paintings -that illustrate the general myth and those that exhibit unmistakable -Aischylean features. Orestes’ pursuit and expiation were universally -known, and the tale was so popular that it often found its way into art -where the artist had in mind no poetic version of the story. So it is -that there is a number of paintings representing Orestes either pursued -by the Furies or already having reached the omphalos, which do not -represent any situation or combination of situations that can be traced -to Aischylos[128]. Of the number whose subject is Orestes at Delphi, at -least four, it seems to me, are to be explained as substantially under -the influence of the _Eumenides_ and representing the first scene of the -tragedy in more or less modified form. - -I discuss first the scene on the St. Petersburg krater[129], fig. 5. The -painting belongs to the latest period of ceramic art, and is in nearly -every detail a hasty and careless piece of work. In an Ionic temple on -four columns, all painted white, Orestes, flesh dark red, sits _en face_ -with his left arm around the omphalos which is covered with a white net. -He holds the sword in the right and the sheath in the left, and wears -boots and chlamys. On the steps of the temple lie five sleeping Furies. -They are painted, flesh black, only in rough outline. Their dress is a -short chiton. On the right, hastening from the temple, is the Pythia in -long chiton and veil. She carries the big key—emblem of her office as -κλῃδοῦχος[130]. Her flesh is white. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 5. -] - -The addition of the temple strikes one at once as being in harmony with -the poet. To be sure, this need not mean a particularly close relation -with the actual production of the play in a Greek theatre. Our temple is -merely one of the numerous buildings of this class found upon the vases -of Lower Italy, some of which were intended evidently as suggestions of -the stage setting. In the present instance the coincidence is a happy -one. The _Agamemnon_ and the _Choephoroi_, which had just been produced, -were both played before the palace at Argos, and this scenery was -changed to represent the Apollo temple at Delphi for the third play. -There can be no question as to this σκηνή for the _Oresteia_, at least, -even though one does not allow an extensive background for the earlier -plays. The painting is well adapted, therefore, for placing the opening -scene vividly before us. It brings one closer to the meaning of the text -than is apparent at first sight. In v. 1048 ff. of the _Choephoroi_ -Orestes saw the Furies. They wore bright chitons, and had snakes in -their hair. He calls them hounds from whose eyes oozed ugly drops of -blood. The chorus evidently did not see them, for Orestes cries, ‘You do -not behold them here, but I do’.[131] At these words he is away to -Delphi to seek Apollo’s protection. During the intermission which -followed between the two plays the necessary alterations were made in -the σκηνή and the costumes were changed. The chorus in particular, which -had represented Argive maidens, underwent considerable transformation in -order to appear again as Furies. The _Eumenides_ is opened by the -Pythia, who comes from the temple. She recounts the nature of her -duties, and mentions various gods in her address until v. 30, at which -point she turns from the orchestra to re-enter the temple and attend to -the delivery of responses. In a moment she reappears in great fright, -and begins to relate the cause of her alarm. The sight described is -exactly that which the painter had in mind. One is able, however, to get -behind the scenes with the aid of the picture, for the front of the -temple is removed so that the interior is plainly in view. To compare -the words of Aischylos and the painting more closely—the Pythia says -that a terrible sight drove her ἐκ δόμων τῶν Λοξίου[132]. The artist has -expressed this with some action, for she is actually represented as -leaving ‘the house of Loxias.’ She adds further— - - ὁρῶ δ’ ἐπ’ ὀμφαλῷ μὲν ἄνδρα θεομυσῆ - ἕδραν ἔχοντα προστρόπαιον, αἵματι - στάζοντα χεῖρας, καὶ νεοσπαδὲς ξίφος - ἔχοντ’ ... - -The picture shows the man upon the omphalos, and in his hand the drawn -sword. One may imagine that the suppliant’s hands are stained with -blood, when but a short time before he had fled from the scene of the -murder in Argos. Even greater explicitness characterizes the next words -of the priestess:— - - πρόσθεν δὲ τἀνδρὸς τοῦδε θαυμαστὸς λόχος - εὕδει γυναικῶν ἐν θρόνοισιν ἥμενος. - -Surely a ‘marvellous troop of women’ fits the group which we see before -us. In this particular the work is practically an illustration of the -text. The distinction is at once made that the figures are not women nor -Gorgons nor Harpies[133]. They are ἄπτεροι and μέλαιναι, and snore with -unapproachable blasts. It should be noted that the figures in the -painting are also black, as though in direct agreement with -Aischylos[134]. They are further wingless, while the unpleasant details -added are conceivable from the appearance of the ugly creatures. The -number five is of course a mere accident. They lie here in an -unconscious stupour till the ghost of Klytaimestra arouses them again. -The _Eumenides_ is, as is well known, the only extant Greek tragedy in -which the chorus is not visible from the beginning of their part. In the -_Persai_ and _Supplices_ of Aischylos and the _Bakchai_ and _Supplices_ -of Euripides the chorus is, however, in the orchestra when the play -opens. - -There are still two other vase paintings to be considered in this -connexion. They present minor variations from the one just discussed, -but on the whole the three betray a common source. In fig. 6[135] one -sees also the interior of the temple represented by three Ionic columns. -Various dedicatory articles hang from the wall and ceiling. Further -indications of the sanctuary are the two tripods, the laurel tree, and -the omphalos. Orestes, characterized as usual by the drawn sword and -flying chlamys, has fled to the latter and embraces it. His erect hair -shows his fright. Apollo with bow and arrows hastens behind him and -gestures with his right hand to drive back a Fury who is swooping down -upon Orestes. She is but half in sight, and wears a short Doric peplos, -and her flesh is black. The Pythia, with dishevelled gray hair and -frightened mien, quits the sanctuary on the left. Her key, indistinctly -drawn in Jahn’s publication, owing probably to the copyist’s ignorance -of what the article really was, has just fallen from her hands. Artemis -in her huntress-costume, carrying two spears, stands on tiptoe on the -right of the omphalos and shades her eyes with her right hand as she -peers at the disturbance. Two dogs are with her. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 6 -] - -The time of the Pythia’s exit from the temple, as in fig. 5, and the -later moment when Apollo orders the Erinyes from the sanctuary, are well -combined in this painting:— - - ἔξω, κελεύω, τῶνδε δωμάτων τάχος - χωρεῖτ’, ἀπαλλάσσεσθε μαντικῶν μυχῶν, - μὴ καὶ λαβοῦσα πτηνὸν ἀργηστὴν ὄφιν, - χρυσηλάτου θώμιγγος ἐξορμώμενον, - ἀνῇς ὑπ’ ἄλγους μέλαν’ ἀπ’ ἀνθρώπων ἀφρόν. - vs. 179 ff. - -Apollo’s authoritative bearing and absolute power in his own precinct -are very well brought out by the artist. One can all but hear the ἔξω, -κελεύω of Aischylos, and the arrows that the god holds in his left hand -seem to show that Apollo is quite ready to carry out his threat. The -whole is, moreover, dramatically told, and in this respect the stage -influence is easily traceable in the painting. That the Fury is black -accords again with the poet’s μέλαιναι (v. 52). The presence of Artemis -lends a certain charm that one can attribute to the artist’s desire to -appear original[136]. - -The following work falls still further away from the scenery of the -play. Fig. 7 shows a painting on the neck of a large Apulian amphora in -Berlin[137]. The limited space, and the secondary position likewise, -have perhaps curtailed the scope of the work. No architectural details -are given. The sanctuary is denoted by the omphalos and the tripod. -Orestes has sought protection at the former, as in the preceding scenes, -and looks back at a Fury, with short dress and huge wings, who runs -toward him with a dagger in her right and a burning torch in the left -hand. Apollo, who sits upon the tripod, a laurel bough in his hand and -wreath in his hair, extends his right hand to repel the Fury as in fig. -6. On the right the Pythia, dressed as in fig. 5, leaves the shrine in -fright, gesturing at the unexpected visitors. The painter has forgotten -to give her the key. Beside her is an attendant carrying a sort of kylix -in the left hand and looking back at the sanctuary. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 7. -] - -It does not appear necessary to take up the details here after the -examination which has been given to the preceding paintings. The -artist’s debt to Aischylos was quite as direct as in the case of the two -other works. The greatest modification occurs in the figure of the Fury, -which is a being far removed from the Aischylean type. - -A painting on a bell-shaped krater in the Louvre is less hampered by the -scene given in Aischylos, and is accordingly more artistic[138]. The -inventiveness and individuality of the artist come prominently to view, -and the result is an intensely interesting composition. The combination -of events and the manner in which all is told bring one a great deal -nearer to the deeper meaning of _Eumenides_ than any other monument with -which I am acquainted. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 8. -] - -The shrine of Apollo, the μυχός of vs. 39 and 170, is denoted by a -platform on two steps, above which are the laurel tree and the omphalos. -The god stands to the left in large, embroidered chiton or chlamys, -grasping the tree with his left hand and extending his right, in which -is a young pig, over the head of Orestes, who sits with his back to the -omphalos. The latter holds his sword in his right hand, which is raised -meditatively to his chin. Artemis stands behind the platform on the -right, characterized by her costume and the spears. In the left-hand -upper corner the shade of Klytaimestra, veiled, is engaged in arousing -two Furies who sit fast asleep. She points toward Apollo with her right -hand. Below is the half-figure of another Fury apparently rising out of -the ground wide-awake. The Erinyes are all dressed like Artemis, in -short costume and high boots. - -The artist has combined with the first scene a moment earlier than the -action of the play. Orestes’ expiation preceded the prologue of the -Pythia. The purificatory rite had been performed immediately on his -arrival at Delphi, for, when he first appears in the _Eumenides_, he is -undefiled. This is plainly declared to Athena in vs. 237 ff., and to the -Chorus and Athena in vs. 280 ff. While the purification is represented -in various ways upon the other vase paintings[139], this ceremony is the -only one that reminds us of Aischylos. The latter hints at the manner of -the rite, and this passage has unquestionably suggested the group which -we have before us:— - - ποταίνιον γὰρ ὂν πρὸς ἑστίᾳ θεοῦ - Φοίβου καθαρμοῖς ἠλάθη χοιροκτόνοις. vs. 282 f. - -‘While the blood was fresh it was cleansed at the shrine of the god -Phoibos by purification with the blood of pigs.’ The ceremony is -referred to again in - - σφαγαὶ καθαιμάξωσι νεοθήλου βοτοῦ. v. 450. - -There is, therefore, in the painting a representation of this service -with pig’s blood. The freshness and beauty of the scene are peculiar to -works of art in the Pheidian age, and the painting must be considered as -a valuable witness of Aischylos’ influence. The fact that the work is -Apulian and not Attic supplies an interesting bit of evidence for the -extension of Athenian literature in Lower Italy during the fifth century -B.C. Tarentum, which was scarcely less Athenian than Athens, received an -edition of the plays brought out at the Greater Dionysia soon after -their appearance in Athens. It is further to be remembered that -Aischylos’ long connexion with Syracuse had probably made him more -widely known in the West than was either Sophokles or Euripides during -the fifth century. Our vase belongs to the last decades of the century, -perhaps as early as 420 B.C., and in this period Euripides had scarcely -gained a large following in Magna Graecia. - -Apollo’s speech follows directly upon that of the Pythia’s. How the god -appeared in the orchestra is a question on which scholars are not -agreed. The most widely accepted view is that the ekkyklema was brought -into use, and that on it the whole company was in some manner rolled or -pushed out from the temple to the orchestra. This means that the chorus -of twelve or fifteen, together with Orestes, Apollo, and Hermes, was -moved bodily forward from the σκηνή, far enough at least to give the -audience a glimpse of what had been the interior of the temple with all -its surroundings. Apollo seems to speak of the Furies and Orestes as -though he himself saw them and as though the audience could see -them[140]. They are in fact in plain view if one insists upon the -literal meaning of his words. It is argued on the other hand that such a -ponderous weight could not have been moved by any machinery at -Aischylos’ command. In other words, the ekkyklema, in the interpretation -usually given the term, is not to be counted apart of the Aischylean -scenic apparatus[141]. If Apollo stood in the doorway of the temple -where he could look in upon the Furies and Orestes, and at the same time -be seen by the audience, one has really no need of any machinery. The -shade of Klytaimestra must also be thought of as appearing in the same -place. She glances in upon the Furies who continue to give forth their -grunts till v. 140, when they for the first time appear in the -orchestra. There is much in favour of this explanation of the -arrangements for the scene. Fortunately for our purpose it makes little -difference which of the two opinions one follows. Conclusive evidence is -hardly to be reached either one way or the other, yet the notion that -Aischylos did not employ such extensive machinery as the ekkyklema must -have been certainly does not harmonize either with the extant plays or -with the tradition in regard to Aischylos’ inventions. My conviction is -that from v. 64 the interior of the temple was in some way visible, and -that the whole audience could see Orestes at the omphalos, surrounded by -the slumbering Furies. The god reassures the suppliant of his support, -and bids him leave for Athens and embrace the sacred image of Athena. He -turns to Hermes, who is at hand for the occasion, and bids him accompany -Orestes. At this point, v. 93, the two quit the orchestra, Orestes -passing over the bodies of the Furies[142]. - -Our painting follows the development in vs. 94–140, where the shade of -Klytaimestra appears and chides the Erinyes for neglecting their duty -and forgetting her and her rights. The artist has grasped the spirit of -the poet, and has given a graphic account of the scene such as one is -not likely to forget. The dread figure of the veiled ghost, who glances -searchingly at the sleeping instruments of her vengeance and endeavours -to rouse them into consciousness, is a creation but little inferior to -that in Aischylos[143]. Her position on the extreme limits of the -sanctuary serves to express the uncleanliness of the spirit and the -incongruity of its appearing within the sacred ground. The gesture -towards the main group connects the two scenes and lends a unity to the -whole. This is real art and no illustration. One must remember that -Orestes is at this time on his way to Athens, and that the shade did not -appear in his presence. The very fact that the painter chose to unite -the two moments adds greatly to the general effect. The tragedy is -played in part before us. The number of Furies representing the chorus -is the same that one meets first in Euripides[144], and that is -particularly emphasized also by Aischylos in - - ἔγειρ’, ἔγειρε καὶ σὺ τήνδ’, ἐγὼ δέ σε. v. 140. - -Their dress is that of the later type of Erinyes—the huntress-costume of -Artemis. This facilitated their motion. Perhaps the half-figure of the -awakened Fury may be rising from the earth to continue the pursuit, but -it seems to me more probable that the half-figure is such from choice. -After the appearance of the Erinyes in the _Choephoroi_ they are -certainly above ground till conducted to their new home under the -Areopagos. - -While the story of Agamemnon’s murder and the succeeding terrible -revenge wrought by Orestes, as well as the latter’s atonement at Delphi, -were all a part of the legendary inheritance from a very early period -and had played for some centuries, at least, before Aischylos an -important rôle in the epic[145] and lyric[146] literature, it remained -for the great tragedian to break new ground for the last chapter of the -_Oresteia_. Orestes’ acquittal and deliverance were, prior to Aischylos, -distinctly Delphic in setting; in his hands all became decidedly -Athenian. Apollo had once been the sole divinity to absolve the -murderer; Athena became the new arbiter and director of the case. The -temple at Delphi gave way to the ‘Old Temple’ of Athena upon the -Acropolis. Keeping these facts in mind, one has to look about for vase -paintings which show traces of this Attic turn. So far, only the early -scene at Delphi has claimed our attention, and here it has been possible -to point out several compositions that demand the _Eumenides_ to the -exclusion of popular tradition. - -From v. 235 the scene is transferred from Delphi to Athens, and remains -throughout the rest of the play the ‘Old Temple’ on the Acropolis[147]. -Athena becomes the centre. Everything moves about her. The one -impressive figure in this part of the tragedy is the goddess. Orestes is -simply a poor helpless mortal—the apparent subject of the action. He and -the Erinyes sink into insignificance when compared with the majestic -figure of Athena. Substantial traces of the influence of Aischylos’ -invention have reached us on the vases. A small number of paintings -claim the right to be considered under this head. The composition of all -(I know three such) is so similar that it seemed necessary to reproduce -only one. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 9 (_vid. p. 70 ff._) -] - -The painting shown in fig. 9[148] represents the sanctuary at Delphi -with the tripod and the omphalos; kneeling upon the latter is Orestes, -in the same costume as that noticed in the preceding monuments, holding -two spears in addition to the νεοσπαδὲς ξίφος. He glances up to the -right, where Athena looks down upon him. Her right foot rests on a sort -of plinth; she carries a double-pointed spear in her left hand and wears -a Corinthian helm with peculiar crest[149]. Her dress is an embroidered -Ionic chiton and large aigis. The latter is not uncommon on the -fourth-century vases, and is characteristic of the exaggeration of types -in this period. Apollo stands on the left of the omphalos, with a laurel -branch on which are hung fillets and πινάκια[150]. He looks to the left -at a winged Fury with a very elaborate costume, a huge serpent about her -body and one in her hair; above the tripod is the bust of another Fury -on whom are four snakes. In the left-hand upper corner a bust of a youth -with chlamys, pilos, and a spear is most likely meant for Pylades. -Corresponding to this on the other side are the head and shoulders of a -woman, interpreted as Klytaimestra. - -The two other vase paintings are, in the main, close counterparts of -this and need not be described here. The Vatican amphora[151] is -particularly interesting as representing Athena with aigis extended over -Orestes to protect him from the Furies. The Capua hydria in Berlin[152] -takes precedence over the other two in age, and furnishes us with the -nearest approach to Aischylos’ time. It falls within the fifth century, -while the others are to be placed in the last half of the fourth -century. - -The introduction of Athena is the unmistakable sign. She intervenes at -Delphi simply because Aischylos introduced her in Athens. The artist -transferred her to Delphi and combined the two scenes of the tragedy. If -one considers only Orestes and Athena in fig. 9, and reads the interview -between them in the _Eumenides_, he will appreciate at once how well the -painter has managed his task. The whole make-up of the figures is that -of stage characters. This is especially noticeable in the dresses of the -Fury and Athena. This elegance and finery on vases of the fourth century -were widely regulated by dramatic performances. - -The set of paintings which thus associates Athena with Orestes’ delivery -may be counted as the direct product of the _Eumenides_, and therefore -important witnesses for the influence of Aischylos upon the succeeding -century of Greek art. - - - § 4. THE LOST PLAYS. - -One might carry on a long and fruitless discussion concerning certain of -the lost plays, and paintings that present subjects common to them. It -must be all but ‘fruitless,’ since we know next to nothing about the -character of some of these tragedies, as, for example, the _Pentheus_. -But this whole question lies outside the province of the present work, -and I shall not go further than to append a list of the vase paintings -that do in all probability owe much to Aischylos. - - - LYKURGEIA. - - 1. Apulian amphora, Munich, no. 853. Pub. Millin, _Tombeaux de - Canose_, pl. 13. - - 2. Apulian krater, Naples, no. 2874. Pub. Müller-Wieseler, _Denkmäler - der Alten Kunst_, ii. pl. 37, 440. Cf. Welcker’s _Aeschyleische - Trilogie_, p. 327. - - 3. Amphora from Ruvo, Naples, no. 3219 (p. 500 of Heydemann). Pub. - _Mon. d. Inst._ iv. 16, B. - - 4. Krater from Anzi in the Basilicata, no. 3237 in Naples. Pub. - Reinach-Millingen, _Peintures_, pl. 1 = Müller-Wieseler, _op. - cit._ ii. pl. 38, 442 = Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, ii. p. 834. - - 5. Krater in Ruvo-Jatta coll. Pub. _Catalogo Jatta_, pl. 2. 5 = - _Annali d. Inst._ 1874, pl. R.; cf. _ibid._ p. 194 ff. - - 6. Krater, also from Ruvo, in Brit. Mus.; cat. iv. F 271. Pub. _Mon. - d. Inst._ v. pl. 23. Cf. Brunn in _Annali d. Inst._ 1850, p. 336 - ff. - - 7. Fragment of an Apulian amphora in Dresden museum. Pub. _Arch. Anz._ - 1891, p. 24; cf. p. 23 f. - - 8. Marble relief-vases. Pub. Welcker, _Alte Denkmäler_, ii. pl. 3. 8; - cf. _ibid._, p. 94 ff.; _Mon. d. Inst._ ix. 45. - - Cf. further for a discussion of most of these monuments, Michaelis, - _Annali d. Inst._ 1872, p. 248 ff. - - - PHRYGIANS. - - 1. Tarentine amphora. Pub. _Mon. d. Inst._ v. pl. 11; cf. _Annali d. - Inst._ 1866, p. 249 ff., and _Arch. Ztg._ 1879, p. 16, and - G. Haupt. _Commentationes archaeologicae in Aeschylum, - Dissertationes Hallenses_, xiii. 1895, p. 13 ff. Vid. also this - work for the whole subject of Aischylos and the monuments. - - - - - CHAPTER IV - SOPHOKLES AND HIS RELATION TO VASE PAINTING - - -Sophokles appears to have enjoyed together with Euripides a large share -of popularity in the fourth and third centuries, and it is well known -that with the Roman tragedians he was a very important factor. It must -be held as passing strange that we can point to but few monuments -inspired by him. One feels that there is abundant material in the -_Antigone_, for example, to have aroused both painters and sculptors, -and yet there is, so far as I know, no trace in Greek art of any -Antigone scene that owes its existence to Sophokles. It is, however, -true that tragedies which were known in ancient times as among the most -celebrated, and which are to-day counted the masterpieces of Greek -tragedy, were often particularly neglected by the artists. How meagre is -the record of monuments based on the _Prometheus_, the _Ion_, or the -_Oedipus Rex_! The reputation of a play cannot be taken as any guaranty, -therefore, that the artist found in it the required motives. The gentle -and calm Sophokles, who ‘made men as they ought to be and not as they -are,’ wrote in a grand and dignified manner that charmed the people of -his own time and won the praise and admiration of all posterity. How -then is one to account for the small part that he played in ancient art? -It seems to me that it rests on the fact that Sophokles was not a -creative power. Say what we may of the elegance and grace of his style -and the perfection of his diction, a glance at his extant work convinces -us that he seldom allowed his imagination to carry him beyond the bounds -of the accepted form of a myth. He preserved the mythological fabric -with religious fervour and altered little. He was neither an iconoclast -nor an innovator. The gods and heroes in their old-time relations to -each other and to humanity served him fully, and he showed an -unwillingness either to shatter the popular faith or to disturb it with -new doctrines. So long, therefore, as nothing new mythologically was -introduced, the value of the Sophoklean plays, from an artist’s point of -view, was far below the fresh and dashing manner of Euripides, who left -the old and beaten paths and added new chapters to the lives of the -heroes and the exploits of the gods. It has already been observed that -where Aischylos broke new ground he was followed by the painter and -sculptor. The novelty of the _Eumenides_ appealed to the artist even -more strongly than to the public; here was something absolutely new, -unheard of before. So it was with the _Choephoroi_, and we have already -seen that of the extant plays these two are the only ones that -influenced vase painting. Had Sophokles grafted new branches on the old -trees of myths he would likewise have had a far larger following among -ancient artists. As it is, it does not seem possible to point to a -single vase painting that is indisputably a Sophoklean product, and one -must be perplexed by the strange problem. To be sure conjectures have -not been wanting, and here and there a painting has been named in -connexion with Sophokles. But this is by no means a frequent occurrence, -and there has never been any consensus of opinion among archaeologists -that this or that picture _must_ be the outgrowth of one of his extant -tragedies. I have accordingly not published any painting under this -head. It seemed best merely to point out the few instances where -Sophoklean influences have been seen by some, and leave the student free -to determine each case for himself[153]. - - _Antigone._ A Lucanian amphora in the Brit. Mus., cat. iv. F 175. A. - 2. Pub. Reinach-Millingen, _Peintures_, pl. 54; cf. Hirzel in - _Arch. Ztg._ 1863, p. 70, who bases the scene on vs. 376 ff. It - may be remarked that the oriental cap of the king does not at - all fit the position of the Theban Kreon. - - _Oed. Rex._ Painting pub. Inghirami, _Vasi fitt._ iii. pl. 248 = - Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. 2. 11; cf. _ibid._ p. 62 ff., where - vs. 316 ff. are thought of. A much more satisfactory - interpretation is that kindly sent me by Professor Carl Robert. - The scene represents Chryses before Agamemnon and is based on - _Il._ 1. - - _Trachiniai._ Herakles wrestles with the river god Acheloös in the - presence of Deianeira. Reinach-Millingen, _op. cit._ pl. 10. B. - 11. Robert in _Arch. Ztg._ 1883, p. 262, refers the painting to - vs. 9–24 of the prologue, and calls my attention in a letter to - another similar painting, unpublished, in the Jatta-Ruvo coll. - no. 1092. - -Two of the lost plays that have been held by some to be represented on -vase paintings have already been referred to above[154]. - - - - - CHAPTER V - EURIPIDES AND VASE PAINTING - - - § 1. INTRODUCTION. - -It has already been made clear that Euripides enjoyed an enormous -popularity among Greek and Italian artists, and that he was the chief -inspiration for works of art based on tragedy. This latter feature -assumes a new interest when studied with the Greek vases. The great -majority of these paintings, as has been pointed out, is to be placed -within the fourth cent. B.C., and through them one approaches very near -to the poet’s own time. They are to be valued, therefore, as most direct -and reliable testimony concerning Greek tragedy and the place it -occupied in the life of Lower Italy. Not a few of the paintings -published in the following pages may have been seen by people who had -known the Athenian society in which Euripides himself had moved. This -proximity of the vases to the poet’s own day is an important point, and -should be thoroughly comprehended in order to bring the true value of -the paintings before one. The text of a classical Greek author, exposed -to the emendatory zeal of the ancient grammarians and the ignorance and -carelessness of scribes, had a precarious sort of existence before it -was microscopically dissected and violently revised by modern -philologists. Our oldest manuscript hardly goes back more than one-third -of the way to the original. Between 1000 A.D. and 340 B.C., when the -archetype of the three tragedians was ordered by Lykurgos, how long was -the line of copies! It is vastly different with the edition of the -_Medeia_, for example, on the amphora, p. 145. The vase relates the -tragedy at first hand, and furnishes the student with an exhibition of -the play that is more than twenty-two hundred years old. The original -work and no copy carries one into the century succeeding the first -production of the play. Such facts impress one with the importance of -this class of monuments. - -Before taking up the discussion of the vase paintings that are under the -influence of Euripides, it may be well to examine for a moment the -ancient testimony touching the poet. It is well known that he did not -follow the orthodox form of tragic composition established by Aischylos -and adhered to by Sophokles. He was less religious than either of the -other two and, in the same degree, more a man of the world. He was -interested in politics, rhetoric, and philosophy, and these elements -accordingly found room in his plays. For introducing the common, -ordinary affairs of daily life he was stoutly condemned by Aristophanes. -His policy continued the same in spite of the virulent attacks of his -enemies, and the individual appealed to him more strongly than the body -politic; where the former poets had preached ἦθος and directed their -messages to the world καθ’ ὅλον, Euripides disclosed for the first time -the power of πάθος, and that of itself was specific and applied to the -community καθ’ ἕκαστον. Herein lay Aristotle’s unfavourable criticism. -The philosopher admired Homer, Aischylos, and Sophokles more than -Euripides simply because he considered ἦθος to be a more potent factor -than πάθος, and so he complains that none of the younger poets have the -former[155]. By νέοι he evidently meant post-Euripidean writers, and yet -there is no trace of the Aristotelian conception of ἦθος in Euripides. -We may imagine that the great thinker looked for something more stable -than πάθος. But this was all cold, calculating criticism, and Aristotle -appears, for the most part, alone in placing Euripides below Aischylos -and Sophokles. The Alexandrian grammarians were his chief followers. -Plato found in Euripides an authority of great pre-eminence[156]. The -immediate success that he enjoyed in his own time is well illustrated by -the anecdote related in Plutarch’s _Life of Nikias_[157]. The fugitives -from the Athenian army in the Sicilian expedition are said to have -maintained themselves by reciting from Euripides’ works, and captives -were able to gain their freedom by teaching their masters new selections -from the Euripidean plays. The element of truth in this remarkable story -enables one to understand something of the place held by this poet in -the West. It is related of Alexander that he was particularly fond of -Euripides, and that he performed the feat of reciting a whole scene from -the _Andromeda_ at his fatal banquet[158]. A certain Axionikos wrote a -comedy called the ‘Lover of Euripides,’ in which he represented the -people as suffering from the Euripides-fad to such an extent that they -counted all other poetry worthless[159]. A fitting _finale_ to all this -is reached in the story told in the _vita_ of Euripides to the effect -that Philemon would have been willing to hang himself if thereby he -might have seen Euripides. That he was always in men’s mouths is -attested by the large number of fragments from the lost plays. It is -instructive to see that he was quoted in the Hellenistic period to the -exclusion of Aischylos and Sophokles. Wisdom and state-craft were found -in Homer, Hesiod, Pindar, and Euripides[160]. One is not surprised, -therefore, to learn that his tragedies were the only ones produced at -certain Dionysia[161]. This was the period in which most of the vase -paintings in the following pages belong, and it is only these numerous -traditions of the unparalleled popularity of this poet, east and west, -north and south, that makes it possible to appreciate his wide-spread -influence over art. The vases have to be studied in this light, and only -then does their importance as a Euripidean commentary become -sufficiently clear. - -A glance at the conditions in Magna Graecia is necessary before leaving -this topic. The theatre-going propensities of the Tarentines has been -mentioned above, and one has now to ask himself who their favourite poet -was. There can be but one answer. Here, as in Africa, Asia Minor, and -Sicily, the public was sure to find the greatest satisfaction in a -Euripidean _répertoire_. The travelling troops of actors performed in -all the towns of Apulia, Campania, and Lucania, and the tragic forms of -the myths were widely published. Euripides was, in short, more than ever -the people’s poet, and he became later, with the rise of Latin tragedy, -the poet of the Republic. Roman tragedy was Greek in everything but the -language. The 166 years between the death of Euripides and the -production of Livius Andronicus’ first play in Rome were a seed-time for -the works of the Greek poet. The titles of Livius’ ten tragedies include -two from Euripides—the _Andromeda_ and the _Danaë_—and the father of -Latin poetry was a native of Tarentum. Ennius, born in Rudiae, which -Strabo calls a πόλις Ἑλληνίς[162], was educated at Tarentum, and became -the first national poet of the Romans. Among his twenty-two plays the -following are either translations of Euripides or adaptations from him: -_Alexandrus_, _Andromacha_, _Andromeda_, _Erechtheus_, _Medea_, _Medea -exul_, _Melanippa_, _Phoenix_, _Telephus_, and perhaps _Alcumena_. -Pacuvius, a nephew of Ennius, and the third one of the Latin tragedians, -also followed Euripides more than Aischylos or Sophokles. He was born in -Brundusium 268 B.C. and died in Tarentum 140 B.C. These three poets who -come first in the history of Latin literature are peculiarly indebted to -Euripides and likewise have a special relation to Magna Graecia and -Tarentum. More than half of the whole number of works produced by them -would appear to have been Euripidean. Whether it was the rhetorical or -pathetic element that appealed to the Romans more strongly, the fact -that Euripides was the primary force in Latin tragedy is very important. - -In this attempt to indicate the wider influence of the Attic drama upon -the Latins I have been carried beyond the time of the vase industry, but -the Latin literature of the third and second century B.C. was the -legitimate product of the conditions that had prevailed in the preceding -period. The Greek literary and artistic genius blossomed into an Italian -flower and flourished in the soil that had been fertilized by centuries -of Hellenic influences. It is to a small section of this wonderful life -in Magna Graecia that the present work is devoted. The vase paintings -that follow can best tell their own story of the wide-spread -Hellenization of Lower Italy in the fourth century and of the place held -by Euripides in the onward march of Hellenism. - - - § 2. ANDROMACHE. - -It does not appear that in the pre-Euripidean literature Orestes played -any part in the death of Neoptolemos. Pindar at least did not know -anything of the Menelaos-Orestes conspiracy against the son of -Achilles[163] but Menelaos’ relation to Sparta afforded a rare -opportunity for a political polemic. The latter could be painted as a -much more despicable character, as could also the Lakedaimonians in -general, provided Orestes were involved in the unholy murder. The -anti-Spartan feeling in Athens was sufficient to guarantee a hearty -reception to any drama depicting the crookedness and treachery of the -Spartan character. Such a play was certain to meet the demands of a -campaign document. - -The _Andromache_ has, however, little of the merit which one can usually -discover in Euripides; it was classed even by the ancients among his -second-rate works[164]. There is but one effective situation in the -whole tragedy, and that is the speech of the messenger, vs. 1085–1165, -which gives the account of Neoptolemos’ murder at Delphi. The beginning -is remarkably simple and unaffected, but when once the poet gets under -way the action increases rapidly in violence, becoming at every step -more and more intense until at last the whole temple of Apollo resounds -with the roar of the unholy tumult. Orestes’ party is, of course, -victorious over the single-handed descendant of Peleus. This manœuvring -inside the temple is unique, and intensely dramatic and picturesque. The -pictorial importance of the scene is attested by a painting on a large -amphora found in Ruvo[165]. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 10. -] - -In the centre is the sanctuary of Apollo denoted by two tripods, the -laurel tree, the omphalos covered with a netting, and the altar. To the -latter, already dashed with blood, Neoptolemos, ΝΕΟΠΤΟΛΕΜΟΣ, has fled. -He holds a drawn sword in his right hand and whirls his chlamys about -his left. He wears a petasos and has a sword-cut in his left side from -which blood is oozing. His face is turned towards the omphalos behind -which Orestes, ΟΡΕΣΤΑΣ, appears to be dodging. He has a chlamys and a -pilos; in his left hand the sheath of a sword, the latter being in his -right. On the left, behind the altar, is another youth, nude except the -chlamys on the left arm. He holds a spear in the right hand as though -about to cast it at Neoptolemos. The centre of the upper section is -filled out with an Ionic temple, the doors of which are open. On the -left, the half-figure of a woman, recognizable by the key as the temple -priestess (κλῃδοῦχος)[166], appears in great alarm. Apollo, ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝ, -with his bow, occupies a seat on the right of the temple[167]. - -In order to understand the painting it is necessary to bear in mind what -preceded the speech of the messenger. Andromache, the wife of Hektor, -had fallen to the lot of Neoptolemos on the division of the Trojan -spoils and had been taken by him to Phthia. As his captive she had -raised him a son, Molossos, while his lawful wife Hermione, daughter of -Menelaos and cousin of Orestes, continued barren. Hermione, being -suspicious that it was through some drugs of Andromache that she had -been rendered thus unhappy, determined upon the latter’s death, and -while Neoptolemos was absent at Delphi to atone for certain family -wrongs the desperate Hermione proceeded to carry out her resolve to -destroy both the mother and the young Molossos. This spiteful work of -the injured wife occupies the first part of the tragedy. The two are -finally saved by the intervention of the aged Peleus, and Hermione -thereupon resolves to kill herself. At this point, Orestes, who is on -his way to consult the oracle at Dodona, enters. On learning of the -insults and injuries that had been heaped upon Hermione, once promised -him for a bride, he at once undertakes to relieve her of any reason for -dreading the return of Neoptolemos and the attendant disclosure of her -wicked plans. - -He leaves accordingly for Delphi. The messenger comes in after a song by -the chorus and relates what has taken place. Orestes had gone round -putting the Delphians on their guard against this Neoptolemos whose plan -was to sack the temple. Credence was at once given to the fabrication, -and the inhabitants determined upon a bold step. When Neoptolemos was at -the altar addressing the god, the band of armed Delphians who were lying -in wait for him behind the sacred laurel tree sprang out and fell upon -him. - -This furnishes the setting for our painting, and we may turn for a -little to a closer examination of the account given by the poet. It will -be noticed that the artist, while in some respects keeping close to the -latter, has in the main done his work rather independently. Common to -both are the δάφνη (v. 1115) and the βωμός (vs. 1123 and 1138). The -attacking party in the painting includes Orestes, thus emphasizing the -point which Euripides really had in mind. In this particular the artist -has gone ahead of the poet. It appears, indeed, as though Orestes had -just made the slash in Neoptolemos’ side. The moment represented is, -therefore, that when the fight was on. The Delphians appear to have but -one representative, who is certainly creating far less annoyance for -Neoptolemos than does the company in Euripides, where they hurl rocks -and fill the air with dust and din. The setting of the scene in the -painting is magnificent. Everything points to the great shrine; both the -exterior and interior of the temple are visible. As for the Ionic order -it should be remembered that this has nought to do with the historic -facts in the case. An examination of the buildings on the vases of Lower -Italy reveals a decided preference on the part of the artists for this -order of architecture[168]. The painting is an excellent example of the -influence of the poet over the artist. This is, however, no mere -illustration, a fact to be remembered in dealing with all the paintings -of this class; the spirit and not the letter is what one can trace most -readily in works of art based upon the tragedians. The agreement between -the literary source and the picture is more apparent here than in most -instances, and this is largely due to the fact that the _Andromache_ is -particularly Euripidean. This turn does not occur in any other author. A -parallel case will be observed in the chapter dealing with _Iphigeneia -among the Taurians_. It is this alteration and extension of old myths -which characterizes Euripides’ work. These new features were popular and -attracted the public, and here one gets the key to the unparalleled -influence which this poet exercised upon artists. - - - § 3. BAKCHAI. - -Euripides’ _Bakchai_ is our chief authority concerning the fate of -Pentheus[169], yet this writer did not by any means establish the -details of the story. This was done long before Thespis may have assayed -to dramatize the tragic episode[170] and before Aischylos wrote his -_Pentheus_[171]. It is not probable that Euripides materially altered -the accepted form of the myth, and there may be in his play a mixture of -the traditional and Aischylean versions. Pentheus’ death, like the -madness of the Thracian king Lykurgos, was inseparably connected with -the advent of the Dionysiac worship. The series of victories won by the -orgiastic god from the wild North was not bloodless; his coming was -attended with opposition. In the end, however, his foes were annihilated -or ruined, and the new joy brought in by the foreign god captivated a -nation and made it his devout worshipper. Euripides could say little or -nothing new touching the triumph of Dionysos over the king of Thebes, -yet this tragedy, one of the most brilliant pieces of Greek literature, -paints in glorious colours the history of the victory. - -The events, as told by Euripides, are briefly as follows. Dionysos has -arrived in Thebes from Lydia and the East, where he had already -established his choirs of Bacchanals. Thebes was the first city to which -he came, and here, where he least expected opposition, scepticism met -him. The sisters of his mother Semele circulated the report that he was -no god but an impostor. He forthwith drove the Kadmeian women maddened -from their homes to wander in the mountains attired in the Dionysiac -dress; the Bacchic craze spread further, and seized even the seer -Teiresias and Kadmos, who with thyrsoi and fawn-skins joined the orgies. -Pentheus, on hearing of these strange doings, appears and chides them -both, and threatens to hunt the women from the mountains and punish the -stranger who has made his family drunk with frenzy. At v. 434 Dionysos, -bewitchingly beautiful, is led a prisoner before Pentheus, who orders -him to be bound and cast into the royal stable. Soon afterward the walls -are heard to crash in and flames burst forth in every direction (v. 593 -ff.). The god, to be sure, is safe, and Pentheus is mocked and wild with -anger, while the former bids him be quiet and subdue his anger. At this -point a messenger arrives to recount the strange sights that had met his -eyes on the mountains. Three bands of women, led by Autonoë, Agave, and -Ino, had rushed upon his herd of cattle and torn them limb from limb, -and afterward they washed the blood from their hands in a fountain made -to flow by the god. In the face of these wonders he urges Pentheus to -honour the latter, but the king will not brook this Bacchic insolence -and threatens to sacrifice a hekatomb of women on Kithairon rather than -propitiate the unwelcome visitor. Dionysos advises him not to kick -against the pricks (v. 795); in a moment Pentheus’ attitude is seen to -change; the secret power of the god is working on him; he will see the -strange actions himself, and would rather forfeit a thousand-weight in -gold than forgo the opportunity (v. 812). The linen chiton is at once -provided, and Dionysos, who is to lead the way, directs the arrangement -of the dress so that Pentheus shall not be mistaken for a man. After -some scruples as to the figure he may make before his citizens he is -anxious to be off. Once in the mountains giddiness comes upon him. He -sees two suns, and a double Thebes, and twice seven gates; he declares -that the god himself has taken on a bull’s form with horns (v. 918 ff.). -Immediately thereafter he obtains the first glimpse of the women. There -are Ino and his mother Agave. Then he worries lest he may not hold his -thyrsos correctly. This shows his sad predicament too plainly. Dionysos -has done his work; his vengeance on the recalcitrant Pentheus is at -hand. At first the latter feels himself able to overturn the whole -mountain and asks the advice of the god as to the best means of -annihilating the troop. When violence is not recommended he suggests -that he had best hide in a pine-tree to view the sight (v. 954). Nothing -further is ever heard from the king’s own lips except in his death-cry -reported by the messenger who had accompanied him. When they had reached -the band in the glen, shadowed by pines (πεύκη, v. 1052), the thicket -was so dense that Pentheus requested that he might be allowed to ascend -the bank or climb a tree (v. 1061) in order to command the field. -Dionysos bent a tree to the ground, placed the king upon the boughs and -allowed it to rise again, and, turning to his devotees, pointed to their -prey. Stones and darts are directed at Pentheus, and finally the tree is -pulled up by main force and he falls an easy victim to the maddened -women. Agave, heeding none of his cries, tears out a shoulder; Ino, -Autonoë, and the rest help in dismembering the king. His mother fixed -his head upon a thyrsos and led the troop on a wild dance over -Kithairon, finally coming to the palace. Gradually freed from the -insanity, she realized the enormity of her crime. Dionysos’ godhead was, -however, established, and the house of Kadmos remained a terrible -witness of his power. These are the harrowing details of the murder, and -one cannot wonder that there are numerous vase paintings based on the -tragedy. - -There is a long list of vases that can for the most part be passed over -with a mere reference. They are all, with perhaps one exception, later -than 500 B.C. This means that the impetus for the tragedy in art was -given largely by the tragic drama. The oldest painting is older than the -_Pentheus_ of Aischylos and cannot, therefore, be connected with his -play. There may have been an earlier dramatization, such as that -recorded of Thespis, which figured in this monument[172]. All the -remaining paintings belong to the latter part of the fifth century B.C. -and the fourth century B.C., and are, with one exception, of too general -a character to be used as evidence for one of the tragedies[173]. On the -Munich hydria it seems to me there are clear traces of the _Bakchai_, -and this widely-known work is given here in fig. 11[174]. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 11. -] - -Pentheus, wearing chlamys, pilos, and boots, crouches, with a drawn -sword in his right hand, in a thicket denoted by two trees. A maenad who -appears to have just discovered him rushes into the hiding-place with a -torch in her right hand[175]; she is dressed in a plain, Doric peplos. -Another maenad, similarly dressed but having a fawn-skin over the left -hand and a sword in the right, does not seem to have sighted Pentheus. A -third, dressed like the first one, holding a tympanon in the left hand -and a thyrsos in the right, approaches wholly unconcerned with the -discovery of her companions. On the right is another group of three -maenads all dressed alike and all in rapid motion. The first holds in -either hand the quarters of a kid or roe. The second shoulders the -thyrsos with her left hand and makes an ecstatic gesture with her right. -The third one, in even more violent motion, swings her veil about her -and rushes on towards the left. - -It should be noted, to begin with, that the vase is a Lower Italy fabric -of the fourth century B.C., and that there is therefore no chronological -difficulty in placing it under the influence of the _Bakchai_. The troop -of maenads is arranged symmetrically, an equal number being on each side -of the central scene, and this suggests the chorus in the play. The -striking feature is the introduction of the landscape; there is no doubt -as to where the catastrophe occurs. The artist did not allow himself the -licence of placing Pentheus in the tree, for this had been too grotesque -a sight for the fourth-century painter. The frequent references to the -thicket[176] and the protection it was or the inconvenience it caused, -is happily brought out in the picture, but the poet has not been -followed in details. Pentheus does not appear with the thyrsos, talaric -chiton, and dishevelled hair, for the simple reason that he would have -been indistinguishable from the maenads. As he appears in the painting -the contrast is striking and the eye at once grasps the situation. The -torch held by the foremost maenad lights the way to the retreat of -Pentheus, suggesting the words— - - καὶ πρὸς οὐρανὸν - καὶ γαῖαν ἐστήριζε φῶς σεμνοῦ πυρός. v. 1082 f. - -That one is armed with a sword while the others have no weapon finds -also a parallel in Euripides, who says one time that they used nought -but their hands— - - χειρὸς ἀσιδήρου μέτα. v. 736. - -and again that the sword shall do its work— - - ἴτω ξιφηφόρος. vs. 992, 1012. - -The wild revelry of the whole is instructive when studied with the poet. -The Bacchanal who flaunts the quarters of her victim reminds one at once -of the words— - - ἀγρεύων | αἷμα τραγοκτόνον, ὠμοφάγον χάριν. v. 138 f. - -In conclusion, reference should be made again to the newly discovered -wall painting in Pompeii. It is so remarkably preserved and so -thoroughly in the spirit of Euripides that there can be little doubt as -to the influence of the _Bakchai_[177]. The only Pentheus painting -recorded in classical literature was that in the Dionysos temple in -Athens, which may also have been inspired by Euripides[178]. Is the -Pompeian painting an echo of the celebrated one in Athens? - - - § 4. HEKABE. - -The _Hekabe_ is one of those plays which, like the _Andromache_, -embraces a series of events loosely associated. There are in fact two -distinct parts to this tragedy, having no other connexion than one would -observe between two separate works where the same heroine appeared. Two -heavy blows which the Fates dealt Hekabe after the fall of Troy -constitute the subject of the action. - -The first of these new calamities was the death of Polyxena. The Greeks -are encamped on the Chersonesos side of the Hellespont. Among the -captives are the former queen of Troy and her daughter. Achilles, who is -among the shades, demands of the Greeks that Polyxena be sacrificed to -him. The request cannot be ignored, and Odysseus and others are -commissioned to secure her from her mother. The parting scene between -Hekabe and the daughter is heartrending, but the courage and -self-control exhibited by the latter are remarkable. Talthybios, the -faithful herald of Agamemnon, afterwards reports to Hekabe the details -of the sacrifice, and this description of the fair and innocent Polyxena -is one of the gems of Greek literature. The lines in particular which -describe her actions immediately before the fatal moment are famous for -their beauty. - -Although the offering of Polyxena was known in Greek art and letters -before Euripides’ time[179], the subject must have been far more popular -after the production of this tragedy. It appears to me a mere accident -that no vase painting representing the scene has so far come to light. -There is, however, on a so-called ‘Megarian Bowl’ a relief decoration, -probably dating from the third century B.C., which doubtless owes its -existence to Euripides[180]. It has seemed to me desirable to include -this here, even though it carries us beyond the limits prescribed to the -present work. The cup, found in Thebes, is in the Berlin -Antiquarium[181]. The middle of the composition represents the tumulus -of Achilles, above which is raised a stele with akroteria and a fillet. -On the left, Polyxena, with exposed bosom and flowing hair, kneels with -extended arms. Approaching her is Neoptolemos wearing a chlamys and -holding his sword ready for the fatal stroke; behind the latter is a -figure in a short undergarment, mantle and pilos. The cap distinguishes -the person as Odysseus. Agamemnon sits with back to the beholder upon -the extreme left, and lifts his left hand (not his right hand as Robert -says), evidently astonished at the remarkable composure of the victim. -On the right of the tomb are three warriors, who are more or less -closely connected with the others. The first one appears to raise his -hand in wonder at the fortitude of Polyxena; the second, who does not -seem to be armed, has the appearance of one weeping; the third is -apparently little interested in the tragedy. It is not necessary to name -these three persons, evidently representatives of the Achaeans. The -first one may perhaps be Talthybios, since he says he was present (v. -524). The dolphins upon the vase are meant no doubt to characterize the -sea-shore where the sacrifice took place. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 12. -] - -The essential part of the composition is, however, the tumulus and the -figures on the left. Everything here illustrates Euripides. One reads in -v. 221 of - - ... ὀρθὸν χῶμ’ Ἀχιλλείου τάφου. - -The attitude of Polyxena is based upon the beautiful verses in the -messenger’s speech:— - - λαβοῦσα πέπλους ἐξ ἄκρας ἐπωμίδος - ἔρῥηξε λαγόνος ἐς μέσον παρ’ ὀμφαλόν, - μαστούς τ’ ἔδειξε στέρνα θ’ ὡς ἀγάλματος - - κάλλιστα, καὶ καθεῖσα πρὸς γαῖαν γόνυ - ἔλεξε πάντων τλημονέστατον λόγον· - ‘ἰδοὺ τόδ’, εἰ μὲν στέρνον, ὦ νεανία, - παίειν προθυμεῖ, παῖσον, εἰ δ’ ὑπ’ αὐχένα - χρῄζεις, πάρεστι λαιμὸς εὐτρεπὴς ὅδε.’ - ὁ δ’ οὐ θέλων τε καὶ θέλων, οἴκτῳ κόρης, - τέμνει σιδήρῳ πνεύματος διαρῥοάς. vs. 558–567. - -Even the hesitation of Neoptolemos, expressed in the last two verses, -finds its place in the relief. Odysseus, who was intimately identified -with the proceedings from first to last (vs. 218–437), could not be -wanting in an illustration of the final scene. Agamemnon too is -fittingly present, for, according to Euripides, he had given the order -to carry out the sacrifice, - - Ἀγαμέμνων τ’ ἄναξ - εἶπεν μεθεῖναι παρθένον νεανίαις. vs. 553 f. - -and had dismissed Talthybios to Hekabe (v. 504). - -The second part of the play begins with v. 658, where the servant of -Hekabe enters with the body of the latter’s young son Polydoros. Priam -had intrusted the boy to Polymestor, king of Thrace, when the Greeks -attacked Ilion. A considerable sum of gold accompanied the child to -ensure his maintenance if the city should be captured. As long as the -Trojans held out, Polymestor was true to his charge, but no sooner had -the news of the downfall of Priam’s house reached the ears of the good -Thracian than he put the child to death for the money and cast his body -out unburied. This is related in the prologue by the ghost of Polydoros, -who also prophesies the death of Polyxena on that day. His body was -accordingly discovered by the attendant, who happened upon it by mere -chance, and immediately after receiving the terrible message from -Talthybios, Hekabe was made to bow beneath another sorrow. She at once -summons her courage and determines to have revenge upon the unrighteous -Polymestor. She first relates to Agamemnon the story of the boy’s death, -and the king, deeply incensed at the ἀξενία of the Thracian, agrees to -her plan for avenging herself on the latter. She sends for Polymestor -under the pretence of disclosing to him some weighty matter. He comes, -and at her request dismisses his bodyguard, not mistrusting in the least -that his crime had been discovered. To questions as to the welfare of -Polydoros and the safety of the gold he replies that all is well and -that the child would gladly have come to visit his mother. Hekabe then -proceeds to tell him of some treasures which she wishes to commit to his -keeping. These are in the tent, and he shall go inside and examine them -for himself. ‘No Achaean is within; we are quite alone,’ she says, and -with this assurance Polymestor leaves the light of day for ever. Once -inside, his cries of agony soon announce that Hekabe has done her work -with swift and certain hand. - -The scene representing the reappearance of the blinded Polymestor has -been recognized on a Lucanian vase[182]. In the middle stands the -helpless king, his arms extended in a distressed manner. He is dressed -in a short, embroidered chiton and a mantle, and wears a tall head-gear -that indicates his barbarian nationality. Agamemnon is on the left, with -sceptre and himation; he appears to be addressing the former. Following -is a doryphoros. On the right are Hekabe and an attendant, both dressed -in chiton and mantle. The latter places her arm over Hekabe’s shoulder -and seems to be comforting her, as she shrinks away from the figure in -the centre. The cane is suggestive of the queen’s age and of the -wandering life upon which she is entering. A sword rests upon the -ground, pointing probably to the weapon which was used to blind -Polymestor. It is not necessary to cite any particular verses from -Euripides which the artist may have had in mind. He simply told the -story as it recurred to him. Especially suggestive of the king’s -staggering step are the verses beginning - - ὤμοι ἐγώ, πᾷ βῶ, - πᾷ στῶ, πᾷ κέλσω; vs. 1056 ff., - -spoken when Polymestor first appeared before the tent of Hekabe after -the latter had put out his eyes. The chorus, Agamemnon, and Hekabe are -then present, and with alternating parts fill out the rest of the play -(vs. 1109 ff.). - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 13. -] - - - § 5. HIPPOLYTOS. - -In the _Phaidra_ of Sophokles and the first _Hippolytos_ of Euripides it -was Phaidra herself who acknowledged to Hippolytos her love for him. The -votary of Artemis, at once enraged at this effrontery, cast her aside. -She then defamed the youth to Theseus, who, believing her statement, -prayed to Poseidon to destroy his son. The god accordingly sent a -sea-monster to frighten the horses of Hippolytos, and the latter was -soon dragged to his death. On receiving the news of this, Phaidra hung -herself[183]. Sophokles’ play does not appear to have ever made any -impression upon the world and must have been soon forgotten, and -Euripides’ tragedy met with great disapproval. Such a Phaidra was more -than the Greeks would tolerate. The poet grasped the situation and wrote -another _Hippolytos_, which set him right with his public. It was no -longer Phaidra in and of herself who became the instrument of the -youth’s death; Aphrodite, angered at Hippolytos’ serving Artemis instead -of herself, starts the gentle flame within Phaidra’s bosom and visits -her with a love-sickness that drives the unfortunate woman into a -confession of her illness to her attendant. On the latter’s placing the -matter before Hippolytos, all to no avail, Phaidra takes her own life, -not forgetting, however, to leave behind a letter containing delicate -charges against her step-son. Theseus returns, finds his wife a corpse, -and reads the letter. The curse and death of his son follow, as in the -earlier _Hippolytos_. This ruin was brought on him not so much by -Phaidra as by Aphrodite. - -The tragedy was counted among the best of Euripides’, and has always -retained its popularity. The subject was dramatized again in Greek[184], -and there is extant the Latin version of Seneca[185]. The theme was one -which was sure to appeal to modern authors, and among the French alone -one hears of no less than seven tragedies on the love of Phaidra, -written between the years 1573 and 1786. Four of these, the most famous -of which is Racine’s _Phèdre_, belong to the seventeenth century. They -are, however, more directly indebted to Seneca and Ovid[186] than to -Euripides. Mention should be made also of the two operas by Pellegrin, -1733, and Lemoine, 1786. But after all has been said on versions of the -story either in classical or modern times, one turns to the masterpiece -of Euripides as the great work. According to the author of the -Hypothesis, the play is among the best of this poet and was given the -first prize. In reflecting that Hippolytos has stood forth since March, -428 B.C., as the _beau idéal_ of innocent, unsullied, young manhood, one -is inclined to credit the judges with possessing good sense. - -There was hardly a more attractive legend than this which the artists -might have been tempted to make their own, yet one discovers a -surprising dearth of Greek monuments that can be referred to the myth. -From these I select two vase paintings that appear to be based upon -Euripides. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 14 (_vid. p. 102 ff._). -] - -Fig. 14 represents a painting on a krater in the British Museum[187]. -The upper section alone concerns us here, and this shows the interior of -a gynaikonitis with _kline_. On the left is a group of two females. One -sits on a stool to the right, wears chiton and veil, diadem, bracelets, -and necklace, and leans forward, with head dropped to one side, clasping -her right knee thrown over the other. Her left foot rests on a -foot-stool. Behind her a white-haired servant in the usual costume holds -her right hand to her chin, and with troubled air gestures with the left -hand as she speaks to her mistress. A large Eros with immense wings -flies down towards the latter with a taenia in his hands. There are, -further, two other groups of two each. The one before the _kline_ is two -females again. An attendant, distinguished by her hood, who holds a fan -in her right hand, talks and gestures earnestly before the other, who -wears the simple Doric peplos, ungirdled, and stands with her back to -the _kline_ in a disturbed and troubled sort of mood. The remaining -group of two, a pedagogue in the customary dress and a female figure -similar to the one on the extreme left, is also concerned over some -important matter which the pedagogue is telling. Certain articles hang -on the wall. - -The picture has been interpreted as representing Phaidra in the presence -of the chorus, and depending upon _Hippolytos_ vs. 267 ff. The -right-hand group would then be very loosely connected with the rest. In -so far as the love-sickness of Phaidra is concerned this appears to me a -correct interpretation, but that the chorus is in any way represented by -the other figures is entirely out of the question. The whole affair is -supposed to be in Phaidra’s apartments, to which at no time the -Troizenian women had access. What would they be doing by the -_kline_[188]? The pedagogue is added on one side, as though to indicate -how the news is spreading among the domestics[189]. - -But let me turn for a moment to another class of monuments that help to -a better understanding of the scene. There are no less than seventeen -reliefs on the long side of Roman sarcophagi which are practically -intact and furnish from two to three scenes of the tragedy. Less -frequently the ends contain one or two other groups supplementing the -front side[190]. There are four moments that are distinctly traceable. -(1) The love-sick Phaidra sits on a chair in her apartments surrounded -by the old nurse and other servants, who attempt to comfort her. She -wears a veil as on the vase painting, and on two reliefs one of the -attendants is removing this[191]. The diadem is also distinguishable. -(2) The nurse makes her declaration to Hippolytos, who turns away from -her. (3) Hippolytos with his followers is about to start upon, or is -already engaged in, the hunt. (4) The horses run away and bring him to -his death. All four scenes occur on the famous sarcophagus in -Girgenti[192], and on another in St. Petersburg[193]. It will be -observed that in three of the four groups Hippolytos himself is present, -and one naturally looks for him in scenes taken from the tragedy where -he is the main figure. The earliest scene in Euripides which develops -the hopeless state of affairs with Phaidra is, however, of prime -importance next to the death of Hippolytos. - -But a brief comparison of the left-hand group of our painting and the -Phaidra scene on these reliefs is necessary, in order to reveal a -striking resemblance in the compositions. The one difference rests in -the size of the groups; the painter has confined himself to fewer -figures. This fact, however, is of little importance. A closer -examination of the two discloses much that points to a common source. On -nearly all the reliefs Phaidra’s chair has, as in the painting, no back -or arms; Eros, who flies towards Phaidra in fig. 14, invariably stands -beside her on the sarcophagi, looking up into her sad face, or, what is -still worse, aims an arrow at her[194]. The queen wears in all cases the -veil, and often on the reliefs the diadem likewise[195]. The nurse never -fails in her ministry. - -It is time now to look more closely at the tragedy. After the prologue -by Aphrodite, Hippolytos and his followers enter and pay their homage to -Artemis. The hero lays a wreath upon her statue, which adorned one side -of the entrance to Pittheus’ palace. The attendants are ordered inside -and he then withdraws. His servant remains long enough to address a -prayer to Aphrodite’s image on the other side of the stage. Following is -the parodos in which the chorus relates what had been learned concerning -the illness of Phaidra. Among other things they hear that she sits - - ... λεπτὰ δὲ φάρη - ξανθὰν κεφαλὰν σκιάζειν. v. 133 f. - -This, it will be observed, corresponds to her position in the painting -and in the reliefs. It is just this time of abstinence and mourning, -spent in the palace surrounded by the faithful old nurse and other -servants, which suggested the scene on the reliefs and on the vase. The -visitations of Eros serve well to bring into objectivity the real cause -of Phaidra’s illness, and to render the poet more plain. To be sure this -all took place in her apartments, ἐντὸς οἴκων (v. 132), and could -therefore be worked out according to the artist’s fancy. A long and -animated scene ensues, in which Phaidra utters strange expressions that -betray the sadness of her condition. The trophos finally coaxes the -secret from her, and the chorus dips in from time to time as a sort of -second to the nurse. The interview which the latter has with Hippolytos, -vs. 601–668, is overheard by Phaidra. Her unrequited love bears her down -and she leaves the stage determined to die (v. 731), and in a few -moments is announced as dead[196]. - -The scenes on the sarcophagi representing Hippolytos’ hunt, the -counterpart of Phaidra’s illness, and the trophos’ proposal[197] to the -hero do not appear on vases. - -Hippolytos’ ride to death, the terrible _finale_ of the tragedy, appears -on an Apulian krater also in the British Museum[198]. The painting falls -into an upper and lower section. In the latter, Hippolytos dashes along -in his chariot; the four horses are not in any apparent disorder -although the next moment must be fatal, for just before them the -sea-monster rises into view, and a Fury with a flaming torch and -serpents wound about her arms runs into their course. A pedagogue -hurries along from the rear, extending his left hand, warning Hippolytos -of his danger. The scene is viewed by five divinities. Their positions -are the stereotyped ones of the Apulian vases, and their connexion with -the tragedy before them need not be intimate[199]. Athena in the middle, -a great favourite in these groups, leans on her shield and carries a -lance and in her right hand the helmet. Apollo, distinguished by bow, -laurel bough, and wreath in the hair, sits on her right, facing Pan who -stands half reversed to the beholder with the syrinx in the right hand, -and resting his left elbow on a rock. On Athena’s left sits Aphrodite, -attended by a large Eros, who extends a kylix to Poseidon sitting on the -right, holding the trident. There is certainly ample reason for the -presence of the last two gods at the death of Hippolytos; they are, in -fact, very instrumental in bringing about the catastrophe. I am not able -to assign any satisfactory reason for the appearance of Athena, Apollo, -and Pan. Mere speculation concerning the choice of these deities cannot -be of much value. Artemis is surely indispensable in a group of gods -concerned with Hippolytos’ death. Any one who knows these groups on the -vases of Lower Italy is aware that Athena is a great favourite and often -appears, as here, merely because she was so admired. Perhaps Apollo is -intended to represent Artemis, but it is not likely that the artist -thought so far[200]. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 15 (_vid. p. 108 ff._). -] - -In regard to the lower section it may be observed first that the -district is not denoted in any way as being the sea-shore where -Euripides sends the youth for a drive[201]. There is no water indicated, -out of which the ταῦρος ἄγριον τέρας[202] is issuing. The mounted -companions of Hippolytos are represented only by the pedagogue. The time -is that just preceding the breaking away of the horses described by the -messenger, vs. 1218 ff. The Fury, a gratuitous addition of the artist, -serves to intensify the violence of the death awaiting Hippolytos. - -The deplorable end of the hero has never failed to awaken one’s -sympathy. The innocent youth dragged to his death through the workings -of a hasty and unjust curse presents one of the most pathetic pictures -in Greek literature. It is well depicted by Philostratos in the -_Imagines_[203]. ‘You see,’ he says, ‘how the horses no longer obey the -reins but rush madly along the plain, covered with foam. This one makes -for the wild beast, the second rebounds, another rushes for the sea, and -the fourth glances fearfully at the ground.’ The breaking and crashing -of the chariot are pointed out. Then the companions gallop up and try to -manage the horses. The hills near by, sentinels of the disaster, in the -form of women, tear their cheeks for grief; the meadows, in the form of -boys, allow their flowers to wilt and the nymphs from the springs rend -their hair, while water spouts from their breasts. Hippolytos’ limbs are -torn and shattered, and his eyes are gouged from their sockets. Pliny -tells of a painting by Antiphilus of Alexandria which represented -_Hippolytus tauro emisso expavescens_[204], but nothing further is known -of Antiphilus or when he lived. The sarcophagi reliefs representing the -catastrophe are numerous, compared with those showing any other -moment[205]. Not less interesting is the list of Etruscan urns decorated -with reliefs showing the bull, the runaway horses, and the _expavescens_ -youth[206]. In all of these a female figure, doubtless a Fury, is -frightening the horses[207]. In two cases she is winged, and every one -carries a torch likewise, as on the vase painting. - - - § 6. IPHIGENEIA AT AULIS. - -The story of Iphigeneia’s sacrifice appears to have been told first in -the _Kypria_, and yet only occasional references are made to it by -writers before the fifth century. It was the drama that infused new life -into the myth and launched it as one of the most popular ones in the -Trojan Cycle. Each of the three great tragedians tried his hand at the -catastrophe in Aulis. Euripides’ work, the only one surviving, is at -least two generations younger than the play of Aischylos, so that the -wide popularity of the tragedy in this period is well attested. Among -the Roman poets we know that Ennius, at least, wrote a version of the -tragedy. Although it is known that this poet had a special predilection -for Euripides, and for the most part translated or adapted the latter’s -plays, attempts have been made to show that in his _Iphigenia_ Ennius -was largely indebted to Sophokles[208]. The few fragments remaining from -these three _Iphigeneias_ are, however, inconsiderable, and a clear -notion of their relation to each other cannot be reached. The extant -work of Euripides is accordingly of great value to us. - -In art, likewise, this subject was rarely treated. I know of no -Iphigeneia monument earlier than the fifth century. There is a reference -in the _Agamemnon_ to the sacrifice as though Aischylos may have seen -the scene represented in a painting[209], and granted that the poet -really had such a work in mind this becomes the earliest date for -Iphigeneia in art. The earliest monument of which we possess any -authentic record is the famous painting of Timanthes, who was a -contemporary of Zeuxis and Parrhasios[210]. This date, however, does not -carry one beyond the last years of the fifth century B.C.—an altogether -late date for an art representation of a myth, which, from Aischylos’ -time at least, was widely known. We have reason to believe that -Timanthes’ work was suggested by Euripides’ tragedy. The latter was -first produced in Athens after the poet’s death, not earlier than 405 -B.C., and this requires that the painting be placed near the end of the -century, which many are unwilling to admit; it is, however, more a -matter of opinion than proof. Traces of this celebrated picture are very -probably at hand in the well-known Pompeian wall painting[211], and the -Uffizi altar[212]. The composition of the latter has much in common with -such fifth-century products as the Orpheus and Peliades reliefs[213]. -The Etruscan urns on the other hand furnish a wealth of reliefs -representing the sacrifice, rarely surpassed in this class of monuments. -Numbers have come to light in the neighbourhood of Perugia -especially[214]. Two groups are easily distinguishable, (1) Iphigeneia, -as a little girl, is held over the altar by Odysseus, while Agamemnon -goes through the ἀπαρχαί. (2) The first group is extended by (_a_) -Klytaimestra on the side of Agamemnon, and (_b_) Achilles on the side of -Odysseus, each begging for mercy and the life of Iphigeneia. This is all -non-Euripidean, and Schlie has attempted to point out that the reliefs -owe their origin to Ennius’ play which combined Sophoklean and -Euripidean elements[215]. - -There is no vase painting which can be claimed for this scene in its -Euripidean character, but the whole play is the basis of a relief on a -‘Megarian’ cup, and the illustration is so valuable for the proper -appreciation of the tragedy that I do not hesitate to include this -little monument. The cup furnishes inscriptional evidence not only for -the _dramatis personae_ but for the literary source as well, and is, -therefore, a _unicum_ among the monuments that are based upon Euripides. -The cut given in fig. 16 is of the vase in Berlin[216]. It should be -observed, however, that there are two other copies of this same work, -and that they tell exactly the same story from the _Iphigeneia_[217]. A -word is necessary in order to prepare us for the first scene given. -Agamemnon had sent a message to Argos summoning Iphigeneia, and, in -spite of his attempt to countermand this by a secret letter to -Klytaimestra, he was forced to face the results of his earlier resolve. -His daughter came, and accompanying her were her mother and her young -brother Orestes. The nuptials were to be celebrated with the son of -Peleus, and the Argive party in gayest, happiest mood halted before the -tent of Agamemnon. The Chalkian women, who through curiosity had crossed -the Euripos to see the gathered hosts of the Greeks, are ready at hand -to assist Iphigeneia in alighting from the chariot. The lad Orestes, who -appears to have gone to sleep during the journey, is awakened and lifted -down by one of the kindly strangers. With her mother’s permission, -Iphigeneia hastens inside to meet her father[218]—she, innocently happy -over the arrival of her wedding day—he, overcome with grief at her -impending death, and smitten with remorse at the enormity of his crime. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 16. -] - -This much renders plain the group on the right. Agamemnon, ΑΓΑΜΕΜΝΩΝ, -sits upon his θρόνος with one foot on a foot-rest; his right hand is -placed to his temple as though to shut out the gaze of Iphigeneia, -ΙΦΙΓΕΝΕΙΑ, who approaches him in a beseeching manner with extended arms. -The group is based upon vs. 644 ff.— - - Iph. ἔα· - ὡς οὐ βλέπεις ἕκηλον, ἄσμενος μ’ ἰδών. - - Aga. πόλλ’ ἀνδρὶ βασιλεῖ καὶ στρατηλάτῃ μέλει. - - · · · · · - - Iph. μέθες νυν ὀφρὺν ὄμμα τ’ ἔκτεινον φίλον. - - · · · · · - - κἄπειτα λείβεις δάκρυ’ ἀπ’ ὀμμάτων σέθεν; - -Such is the situation described by the poet, and surely the artist has -succeeded to a considerable degree in grasping the meaning of the scene. -Klytaimestra, ΚΛΥΤΑΙΜΗΣΤΡΑ[219], appears on the left with Orestes, -ΟΡΕΣΤΗΣ, and would seem to have had the boy in charge after he was -helped from the chariot (vs. 621 f.). Following is the inscription, -ΕΥΡ[ΙΠΙΔΟΥ] ΙΦΙΓΕΝΕΙΑΣ. The genitive case in the last word may depend -upon some such word as τύποι. To avoid a possible misunderstanding of -the scenes, even with the characters named each time, the artist -considered it advisable to add the literary source. This is the -_Iphigeneia of Euripides_ and not of any other poet. - -After Iphigeneia leaves her father he endeavours to persuade -Klytaimestra to return to Argos and leave the final arrangements for the -nuptials in his charge. Naturally enough she refuses, and retires to -appear at v. 819, where she meets Achilles and enthusiastically brings -up the subject of the marriage. Achilles, amazed at the disclosure, -assures the queen that he has neither wooed Iphigeneia nor heard aught -from the Atreidai concerning any such an alliance. This scene is -represented in the next group. Achilles, ΑΧΙΛΛΕΥΣ, bends toward -Klytaimestra and gestures emphatically. The latter holds her hand to her -chin and is evidently dumbfounded by the declarations. The last words -exchanged before the two separate are suggestive— - - Ach. ἴσως ἐκερτόμησε κἀμὲ καὶ σέ τις, - ἀλλ’ ἀμελίᾳ δὸς αὐτὰ καὶ φαύλως φέρε. - - Kly. χαῖρ’· οὐ γὰρ ὀρθοῖς ὄμμασίν ς’ ἔτ’ εἰσορῶ, - ψευδὴς γενομένη καὶ παθοῦς’ ἀνάξια. - - Ach. καὶ σοὶ τόδ’ ἐστὶν ἐξ ἐμοῦ· πόσιν δὲ σὸν - στείχω ματεύσων τῶνδε δωμάτων ἔσω. vs. 849–854. - -Immediately after these words the faithful old servant of Agamemnon -comes out and relates to Klytaimestra that Iphigeneia is to be slain by -her father; he goes further and tells the cause of it all, and how he -had failed to get away to Argos with the letter. This meeting of the -servant, ΠΡΕΣΣΒΥΣ, and the queen, is dramatically told in the third -group. The former wears the costume of a pedagogue, with -peculiar-looking boots. The latter has laid aside the veil which she -wears in all the other scenes. - -The following groups on the relief reverse the order of the text, so it -is best to consider first that on the extreme left. Agamemnon, -Klytaimestra, and Iphigeneia are all named. The young Orestes pulls at -his father’s chiton; the latter has a mantle over his head, and shields -his face with his left hand. The mother has turned aside and is consumed -with her deep sorrow. She had won the sympathy of Achilles after the -talk with the old servant, vs. 896–1035, and following the choral song -appears again to seek Agamemnon whom neither she nor Iphigeneia had seen -since the terrible truth of the marriage was disclosed. She calls her -daughter from the house, v. 1117, and bids her - - λαβοῦς’ Ὀρέστην σὸν κασίγνητον, τέκνον. - -All of these figures occur on the cup, so that in a certain sense the -whole scene from v. 1122 to v. 1275 is illustrated. The position of -Klytaimestra and Iphigeneia would, however, lead one to think that the -latter’s long appeal was particularly in the mind of the artist. She -recounts in words, as eloquent as they are pathetic, the promises her -father had once made to her as a child, and goes over all the ambitions -that had filled her girlish heart in the happy Argive home. - - βλέψον πρὸς ἡμᾶς, ὄμμα δὸς φίλημά τε, - ἵν’ ἀλλὰ τοῦτο κατθανοῦς’ ἔχω σέθεν - μνημεῖον, εἰ μὴ τοῖς ἐμοῖς πείθει λόγοις. - ἀδελφέ, μικρὸς μὲν σύ γ’ ἐπίκουρος φίλοις, - ὅμως δὲ συνδάκρυσον, ἱκέτευσον πατρὸς - τὴν σὴν ἀδελφὴν μὴ θανεῖν· αἴσθημά τοι - κἀν νηπίοις γε τῶν κακῶν ἐγγίγνεται. - ἰδοὺ σιωπῶν λίσσεταί ς’ ὅδ’, ὦ πάτερ. - ἀλλ’ αἴδεσαί με καὶ κατοίκτειρον βίον. - ναί, πρὸς γενείου ς’ ἀντόμεσθα δύο φίλω· - ὁ μὲν νεοσσός ἐστιν, ἡ δ’ ηὐξημένη. vs. 1238–1248. - -There is certainly inspiration enough in these verses for a more -pretentious group than the simple terra cotta cup presents, but lacking -all other Greek monuments bearing upon this scene one may prize this -witness as a valuable inheritance from the Hellenistic period. Agamemnon -speaks; he loves his child and realizes full well the meaning of the -sacrifice, but he must obey the clamourings of the Greeks. - -Iphigeneia and her mother remain alone with the chorus and bewail the -bitterness of their sorrow, vs. 1276–1345, when a company of men is -observed approaching. Among them is Achilles. His attempt to intercede -in behalf of the doomed Iphigeneia had been of no avail. The Achaeans -were inexorable; her blood must be spilt. Nevertheless he promises them -his assistance, and encourages Klytaimestra to resist Odysseus and the -others who come to drag her daughter away to the altar, vs. 1338–1433. -The early part of this scene is recognizable in the remaining group. - - Iph. διαχαλᾶτέ μοι μέλαθρα, δμῶες, ὡς κρύψω δέμας. - - Kly. τί δέ, τέκνον φεύγεις; - - Iph. Ἀχιλλέα τόνδ’ ἰδεῖν αἰσχύνομαι. - - Kly. ὁς τί δέ; - - Iph. τὸ δυστυχές μοι τῶν γάμων αἰδῶ φέρει. - - Kly. οὐκ ἐν ἁβρότητι κεῖσαι πρὸς τὰ νῦν πεπτωκότα. - ἀλλὰ μίμν’· οὐ σεμνότητος ἔργον, ἢν δυνώμεθα. - - Ach. ὦ γύναι τάλαινα, Λήδας θύγατερ. vs. 1340–1345. - -Achilles stands with staff in hand, either about to address the mother -or perhaps having uttered the last verse above. Iphigeneia turns with -bowed head to avoid his presence; her mother evidently tries to detain -her. Inscriptions again indicate who the persons are. We have then -precisely the situation in the lines quoted. - -The sacrifice which followed, was attended by the marvellous wonder, and -it was to be expected that if any _one_ incident of the tragedy was told -in art it would be the scene at the altar. Our little monument curiously -enough stops where _all_ the others begin. We are taken step by step up -to the final act and there we are left. The works enumerated above[220] -are, without exception, confined to the moment of the sacrifice. The -famous wall painting and the Florence altar have much in common with the -renowned painting of Timanthes, and all three are conceived in the -spirit of Euripides as far as the actions of Agamemnon are concerned. - - ... ὡς δ’ ἐσεῖδεν Ἀγαμέμνων ἄναξ - ἐπὶ σφαγὰς στείχουσαν εὶς ἄλσος κόρην, - ἀνεστέναζε, κἄμπαλιν στρέψας κάρα - δάκρυα προῆγεν, ὀμμάτων πέπλον προθείς. vs. 1547 ff. - -And so he stands completely wrapped in his mantle, exposing no part of -his face. In this invention lay the unsurpassed success which Timanthes -enjoyed with his painting. The dates for this artist allow us to place -the work subsequent to the production of the _Iphigeneia_ in 405 B.C., -and credit Euripides with influencing Timanthes. This is at least -possible, but does not admit of proof. It appears to me very likely that -all three of these works are more or less closely connected with each -other and with Euripides. The Etruscan ash-urns on the other hand, as -well as the vase painting in the British Museum[221], follow a totally -different version of the story. In these cases Agamemnon himself takes -the part of the priest in the ceremony, and performs the ἀπαρχαί. So far -from being the tender-hearted father who cannot even stand and watch the -offering, he draws the fatal knife or pours the sacrificial liquid upon -the victim’s head. Traces of this turn are found early in tragedy[222], -but this is an Agamemnon with a far different heart from the one we -follow in the _Iphigeneia_ of Euripides. Even though the part from v. -1532 till the close of the play be thrown out as an interpolation, the -character of Agamemnon in the first 1500 verses could not have changed -so suddenly at the end that he would have taken the place of Kalchas at -the altar. This set of monuments does not, therefore, give us the -Euripidean spirit. - - - § 7. IPHIGENEIA AMONG THE TAURIANS. - -Euripides in all probability created in the life of Iphigeneia the -chapter concerning her return to Greece with Orestes. There is at any -rate no trace of this turn in preceding authors. Homer does not appear -to have known any such a daughter of Agamemnon, unless one is to seek to -identify Iphigeneia with Iphianassa. The ‘king of men’ speaks of - - Χρυσόθεμις καὶ Λαοδίκη καὶ Ιφιάνασσα. _Il._ 9. 145. - -as his three daughters. We know, however, from Sophokles[223] that -Iphianassa was distinguished from Iphigeneia. Since Homer has not even -her name there is no allusion to the catastrophe at Aulis. It is first -in the _Kypria_[224], a work usually accredited to Stasinos in the early -part of the eighth century B.C., that reference is made to the gathered -hosts at Aulis, the calm, the sacrifice. It was not Iphigeneia, however, -who was the victim, for Artemis had suddenly intervened and, having -taken her away to the Black Sea country, had blessed her with -immortality. From this date then the myth may have been widely spread -among the Greeks. Hesiod related in his Κατάλογος γυναικῶν that -Iphigeneia had received the gift of immortality from Artemis, thus -following closely the author of the _Kypria_[225]. Herodotos also -repeats the same story[226]. One looks in vain for any trace of her -delivery from this wild people, until the latter part of Euripides’ -life. Then it is that new light breaks in upon the old orthodox form of -the myth: the mortal side of Iphigeneia is made to assume a new interest -for the world, and she, who had been long lost amidst a wild, barbarous -people, is suddenly restored to her only hope, Orestes. This is the work -of ‘Euripides, the human, with his droppings of warm tears.’ With this -tragedy the poet created at once a definite chapter in dramatic -literature and furnished another impetus for ancient art. - -There are traces of two other Greek tragedies dealing with this same -subject; yet the play of Timestheos is a mere name[227], while that of -Polyeidos is but little more. Aristotle, however, has given a certain -prominence to the latter work by making two references to it in his -_Poetics_[228]. This differed from the play of Euripides particularly in -the recognition scene. The ἀναγνώρισις was brought about by Orestes -using the words ‘and shall I too be sacrificed?’ Who but Orestes was -likely to know aught of the attempt once made to sacrifice her at Aulis? -It is worthy of note that the _libretto_ of Glück’s opera also follows -this manner of the _dénouement_. Among the Latin dramatists we hear that -Naevius wrote a play called _Iphigenia_. One verse only is -preserved[229]. It goes without saying that the tragedy was taken from -the Greek, but from what author it is worthless to conjecture. The -_Dolorestes_ of Pacuvius was long thought to deal with the same subject, -but this has been shown to be of an entirely different character. It is -altogether improbable that these Latin versions worked any radical -change in the Euripidean form of the myth. It is true that the story was -remodelled in some particulars; Hyginus, e.g. in _fabula_ 261, relates -that the bones of Orestes had been brought from Aricia to Rome and had -been interred before the temple of Saturn! Such a violent contortion of -the myth may be laid to the credit of a poet[230], but I would prefer to -recognize in the words of Hyginus the influence of the mythological -handbooks which were written up in a manner well calculated to pamper -the national pride of the Romans. - -In no work written subsequent to Euripides is it possible to detect the -sources for the representations of the myth in art; in all cases the -poet of the fifth century B.C. can be shown to have wielded his absolute -power. We shall see in the discussion of the vase paintings based upon -the play that this class of monuments is not the only one in which the -new Iphigeneia found her place. The Etruscan urns and mirrors, the wall -paintings of Pompeii and of Herculaneum, the Roman sarcophagi, as well -as pastes and gems, all furnish an extensive field in which parallel -scenes may be traced. - -This introduces the consideration of the vases and their relation to the -tragedy. They fall readily into three classes corresponding to three -well-defined stages in the play: 1. Orestes and Pylades alone upon the -Taurian coast are surprised, and led by the shepherds to the king and -Iphigeneia (vs. 67–466). 2. The scene following, in which it is -determined that not both shall be killed, but that one, and he Pylades, -shall be allowed to return to Mykenai, bearing a message from Iphigeneia -(vs. 467–724). 3. The handing over of the letter and the accompanying -explanation, whereby Orestes and his sister recognize each other (vs. -725–1088). There follow two other well-defined scenes which are not -traceable on vases[231]. 4. The escape with the Artemis idol (vs. -1152–1233), and 5. the messenger’s speech which relates the manner of -the escape. - -There is but one vase painting that can be assigned to the first step in -the play. The painting is a thoroughly ugly and, from an artistic -standpoint, worthless specimen that represents the very decadence of -ceramic art[232]. The vase is a slender amphora with three zones of -pictures; ours is the middle one. On the left a woman in chiton and -mantle sits with head turned to the right, her left hand resting on a -sceptre or staff and her right on her knee. She wears a necklace and on -one arm a bracelet. Standing before her with outstretched right hand is -a bearded male figure in short chiton and mantle, and a spear in his -left; he has just arrived, as one may conclude from the position of his -feet. Immediately following are two youths entirely naked, hands -pinioned behind their backs. The ends of the ropes seem to be held by -the group of three youths following, who are dressed as the first male -figure except that two of them wear boots. Their attention, like that of -all, is directed towards the female figure. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 17. -] - -The arrest of Orestes and Pylades is given here, and more definitely -their appearance before Iphigeneia. To be sure the manner is entirely -different from that on other monuments. One expects Iphigeneia to be in -or near the temple of Artemis and to be represented in a more concerned -and active attitude; and furthermore, one looks for the altar (v. 72), -and some indication of the fate which awaits the captives. All these -features are wanting. That the artist endeavoured to represent the -meeting of the priestess and the two Greeks can, however, admit of no -doubt; that the necessary setting of the scene was omitted need be no -more a matter of surprise to one than the helpless workmanship of the -whole. The monument is valuable as being the only vase painting showing -the first scene, which is never wanting on the sarcophagi[233]. This -moment occurs likewise on certain other monuments[234]. The shepherd -relates (vs. 260–339) how the discovery and capture were made; how they -learned that one of the two was named Pylades; and further that the -prisoners had been conducted first to the king, who after glancing at -them (ἐσιδών) sent them to Artemis and her priestess. Iphigeneia says to -the boukolos in v. 342, σὺ μὲν κόμιζε τοὺς ξένους μολών, and in v. 467, -after her soliloquy and the song of the chorus, she appears again on the -stage where she meets the captives. This is the moment, very largely -modified, which the painting represents. Iphigeneia’s first words are— - - μέθετε τῶν ξένων χέρας, - ὡς ὄντες ἱεροὶ μηκέτ’ ὦσι δέσμιοι. - -At this the guards are commanded to enter the temple and make ready for -the offering. Our picture follows in one respect the traditional manner -of representing the scene. Orestes and Pylades are invariably nude, or -so lightly clad with the chlamys that they are practically naked. There -is the closest analogy between them as they appear here and as they -occur on the sarcophagi. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 18. -] - -The second moment, as I have marked it out above, is also represented on -one vase only[235]. In the centre Orestes, ΟΡΕΣΤΑΣ, sits to the right -upon a large altar, chlamys about his hips, sword on his left side, -hands supported upon his stick towards which his head is sunk. The whole -attitude betokens sorrow. On the right is Iphigeneia wearing long, -sleeved chiton, and mantle, necklace, and bracelets. In her left hand -close by her side (incorrectly published as a knife) is the temple key -which is emblematic of her office as κλῃδοῦχος[236]. Her right is -extended towards Orestes, with whom she is speaking. She is accompanied -by a temple servant who, entirely wrapped in chiton and mantle, carries -in her right an oinochoë and upon her head a dish in which are articles -for the sacrifice, including the branches for sprinkling. Behind Orestes -is a laurel tree and on his right Pylades, ΠΥΛΑΔΗΣ, standing with one -foot thrown over the other, his right hand placed sorrowfully to his -head. The left rests upon his staff. On his left side is a sword. He is -deeply concerned in the conversation. Above on the right behind a -_terrain_ is the temple of Artemis, Ionic order, and akroteria. Beside -it on the left, Artemis, distinguished by her huntress-mantle, two -spears, and hair-dress, sits with face to the left towards Apollo who is -the remaining figure on the vase. He wears a garment around his waist, -and rests his right upon a cane and turns his face towards Artemis. - -The vase is especially interesting as being the only one on which any of -the characters is accompanied by an inscription, and secondly, because -Orestes sits here upon the altar. He cannot be thought of as a victim, -and I do not believe he has fled to the altar for refuge, as has been -suggested. That would comport but poorly with the spirit which he -exhibits throughout the interview. Where does Orestes sit passively upon -an altar at the attack of the Furies? He invariably has his sword drawn -in a very emphatic manner, and while he crouches upon or clings to the -altar he never gives any appearance of being an easy victim to his -pursuers[237]. Just this point it is necessary to emphasize, for had the -artist felt that the meaning of Orestes’ position indicated his pursuit -either by seen or unseen Furies, he never would have committed the -egregious error of placing him in a calm attitude quite unconscious that -he has a _sword ready at his side_. Furthermore there is no trace in -Euripides or the painting to allow us to assume that Orestes is again -pursued at this point. He is not, therefore, in any sense a suppliant. -The vase painter has simply allowed himself a great liberty in seating -his figure where we should least expect to find him. An altar is not by -any means a usual seat, and much less for the victim[238]. This same -freedom in disposing of details led the decorator still further from the -established usage, for neither of the captives should be allowed their -swords. They are already ἱεροί (v. 469) and should be represented -accordingly. In these particulars we must acknowledge that the painter -idealized the scene (vs. 472 ff.). - -If it were necessary to determine upon any one moment which the artist -had in mind, one would discover a close parallel between vs. 625 ff. and -the present scene. It has been agreed that Pylades shall be the -messenger; Orestes is to die in his stead. The latter proceeds to ask -who shall perform the sacrificial act, and whether a tomb shall receive -him when all is over. To this Iphigeneia replies— - - πῦρ ἱερὸν ἔνδον χάσμα τ’ εὐρωπὸν πέτρας. - -and Orestes— - - φεῦ· - πῶς ἄν μ’ ἀδελφῆς χεὶρ περιστείλειεν ἄν; - -to which Iphigeneia remarks, - - μάταιον εὐχήν, ὦ τάλας, ὅστις ποτ’ εἶ, - ηὔξω. - -I can conceive of no more pitiable and hopeless condition than that of -the unfortunate Orestes which the poet depicts. At this point his course -seemed all in vain; Apollo’s promise appeared to be a farce, and Heaven -and Earth seemed wrought into one violent confusion (cf. vs. 572 f. and -711). Perhaps it was at this juncture that he most impressed the -painter, and we may see the wretched Orestes prostrate upon the altar in -this moment of extreme despair. - -Artemis and Apollo take no part in the action, but there is a greater -fitness in their position as spectators than is often the case with the -gods on the vases of Lower Italy. The former is a natural figure in her -own precinct, by her own temple, while Apollo, as her brother, properly -balances the scene. The latter, moreover, stands in so close a relation -to Orestes’ trial and delivery that he is a most appropriate beholder of -the progress of this his own enterprise (cf. v. 977). - -Mention should be made here of the sarcophagi, on which essentially the -same scene is found. The agreement with our vase is striking[239]. -Orestes sits with his head wrapped in his mantle and drooping on his -lap, while Pylades stands before him, always in the same attitude, one -leg thrown over the other, one hand clutching his hair and the other -resting on his stick. This is a striking coincidence, indeed, in these -two classes of monuments, separated by at least four hundred years. - -In the third step of the tragedy we are more fortunate and possess among -vase paintings at least three that represent the transmission of the -letter to Pylades, and the accompanying recognition between Orestes and -his sister. It is not surprising that the supreme moment in the action -should have attracted the artists, and that on the sarcophagi[240] also -this unique point in Greek tragedy should have been represented[241]. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 19. -] - -1. The best known of the vases is an amphora formerly in the possession -of the Duke of Buckingham[242]. In front of the temple of Artemis, Doric -order, stands Iphigeneia, _en face_, in richly embroidered chiton, and -high head-dress from which falls a sort of veil reaching to the knees. -She wears necklace, bracelets, earrings, and sandals; her costume -bespeaks in every respect that of the theatre. She carries again the -token of her office in the left, and hands the letter to Pylades with -the right, who stands ready for the journey, wearing chlamys, pilos, -boots, and carrying two spears. Further, on the left, leaning against -the περιρῥαντήριον is Orestes, _en face_, but with laurel-wreathed head -turned towards Pylades; his right leg is thrown over the left. He wears -a chlamys, and carries two spears and a sword. Beside Iphigeneia is her -servant, as in fig. 18, but with a simple girdled chiton, and in her -right the dish with articles for the altar which is represented in poor -perspective behind Iphigeneia. Above, on the right, before the temple -doors, is Artemis in short, huntress-costume and high Thracian boots; -two spears in her left, and a burning torch in her right. She wears the -Thracian cap. On the left of the temple behind a _terrain_ is a young -satyr, no doubt thrown in to fill up the space. - -2. The largest painting representing this scene is that on an amphora in -St. Petersburg[243]. The centre of the picture is taken up by the -temple, four Ionic columns. Inside on the right is the Artemis statue, -costumed like Artemis in fig. 19; a burning torch in the right, around -which is bound a sort of decoration. It is on a large pedestal, and has -in the left a spear. On the left, about to leave the temple, is -Iphigeneia with an elegant chiton, mantle, a diadem in hair, and the -peculiar key in her left; beside her, and leaning against the wall, is a -kylix with long handle. She makes a gesture towards Pylades with her -right in which there is no letter. He stands on the left by the temple, -leaning against his knotty stick; has petasos on the back of the neck, -and wears high boots and an escaping chlamys. On the left, lower down, -Orestes leans on the περιρῥαντήριον, as in fig. 19, but he is evidently -more dejected here. The rest of the painting, which consists of five -groups of two figures each, has so little to do with the central scene -that we may omit any description of it. In the upper zone on the right -are Hermes and Artemis, on the left Athena and Nike. Athena will observe -the final part of the affair in which she was so deeply interested in -Athens. The two groups, a female and an armed Thracian, represent the -common ‘love-scenes’ on this class of vases. For the third group on the -right, the artist preferred to draw a young deer instead of the female -figure. Stephani[244] is correct in calling these ‘love-scenes,’ and so -separating them permanently from any part in the action. Countless such -groups are thrown upon vases of this style as meaningless, decorative -figures. The parasol, wreaths, and vessels serve to enrich the setting -and add charm to the coquetry. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 20 (_vid. p. 133 ff._). -] - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 21. -] - -3. A vase, formerly in the possession of the art dealer Barone in -Naples, shows an abridgement of the scene[245]. In an Ionic temple, four -columns, and akroteria, Iphigeneia, _en face_, long chiton, mantle, hair -done in a knot behind, leans with her left elbow upon the βρέτας. In her -left is the temple attribute, and in the right the letter which she -extends to Pylades, in chlamys and petasos. He leans against his stick, -and has a sword in the left, while he points with the right towards the -letter. On the right are Apollo and Artemis. The former, nude except for -a mantle and high boots, grasps the laurel tree with his left, and rests -his right upon Artemis’ shoulder, who sits to the left upon the altar -and looks up to Apollo. She is dressed as usual with short chiton and -high boots. She has two spears in the left. - -In setting these three paintings over against each other and comparing -the elements in them, the uniformity is very striking. Perhaps the -details may be clearer if placed in a sort of scheme. - - -_a._ Elements common to all three vases. - -1. Temple of Artemis. 2. Iphigeneia in elaborate dress, indicated as the -κλῃδοῦχος. 3. A youth in travelling costume, with whom she is talking. -4. Artemis on the _right_ of the temple. - -_b._ Elements common to two of the three vases. - -1. In figs. 19 and 20 a youth leans against the περιρῥαντήριον, resting -on one leg over which the other is thrown. 2. In figs. 19 and 21 -Iphigeneia hands the letter to the youth. 3. The Artemis ἄγαλμα is in -the temple in figs. 20 and 21; so also is Iphigeneia. - - -We thus observe that the remarkable agreement, even in the details, -shows that they must all be copies more or less exact of one and the -same original. That Iphigeneia in fig. 20 does not hold the letter in -her hand may be accredited to the carelessness of the artist who merely -forgot to paint it. The same may be said with regard to the abridged -form of the scene in fig. 21, where Orestes has been left out. The two -central figures appeared to the artist to be the important part of the -original, and accordingly he omitted all else. - -Immediately following the scene represented in fig. 18, Iphigeneia -entered the temple to get the letter— - - ἀλλ’ εἶμι, δέλτον τ’ ἐκ θεᾶς ανακτόρων - οἴσω. v. 636 f. - -and ordered the guards to watch the two without binding them. Thereafter -ensues the touching scene between Orestes and Pylades (vs. 657–724). The -priestess then reappears, and commanding the attendants to go inside, -continues— - - δέλτου μὲν αἵδε πολύθυροι διαπτυχαί, - ξένοι, πάρεισιν· ἃ δ’ ἐπὶ τοῖσδε βούλομαι, - ἀκούσατ’. - -Orestes speaks first after these lines and asks her what she wishes. It -shall be an oath for the safe delivery of the letter. At this he demands -a counter-oath from her for the safe withdrawal of Pylades from the -country. We may imagine that during the delivery of these verses, which -were probably spoken while Iphigeneia was still in the temple doorway, -Pylades had approached her to receive the letter, while Orestes stepped -to one side as he appears in figs. 19 and 20. In vs. 769–787 the -contents of the letter are related to ensure safe transfer of the -message, even though the written words be lost in a shipwreck. This is -the time represented on our vases. The hopelessness of Orestes requires, -moreover, the earlier part of the scene, since from v. 772 he begins to -be aroused and to prove his brotherhood to Iphigeneia. The αναγνώρισις -is complete at the close of v. 826, and there follow the fourth and -fifth stages which were noticed above[246]. Neither of these movements -is, so far as I am aware, shown on any vase painting, although they are -an important part of the reliefs on the Roman sarcophagi[247]. - -In conclusion, mention should be made of the wall paintings which -represent the departure of the three with the statue to purify it in the -sea. The first and most important of these is the fine _casa del -citarista_ painting[248]. Robert first correctly recognized the right -meaning of this beautiful monument and based it upon the poet[249], -thereby bringing it into harmony with the sarcophagi. That he was -happily correct in reading the time in the painting _after the -recognition_, contrary to Helbig’s interpretation[250], is nicely borne -out by the painting recently discovered in the _casa dei Vettii_[251], -which is another copy of the same original[252]. The variations are, -however, enough to render any misunderstanding of it impossible. Here -there is no temple, and Iphigeneia occupies the centre between Orestes -and Pylades on the left, and Thoas on the right. She carries plainly the -temple βρέτας on the left shoulder. Furthermore, the unconcerned -attitude of the two prisoners in their _tête-à-tête_ points clearly to -the proper significance of the scene. Curiously enough Orestes appears -to sit on the altar here as on the vase painting, fig. 18. - - - § 8. KYKLOPS. - -The satyr dance, the earliest form of the Greek drama and the simple -beginning from which the immense superstructure of tragedy took its -start, continued, in the satyr composition which followed the regular -trilogy, to remind the public of the original plan and tendency of the -performances in honour of Dionysos[253]. Till late in the fourth century -B.C., at least, this echo of the original Dionysiac festival remained in -vogue. The _Kyklops_ of Euripides is the only example of this sort of -composition which has reached us, and although the present work is -concerned with tragedy and vase paintings I cannot refrain from -including here a painting that is under the influence of this unique -relic of Greek literature. The connexion between the satyr-play and -tragedy is certainly intimate enough to warrant the introduction of the -present chapter. - -Every one is acquainted with the story of Odysseus’ adventure with the -Kyklops Polyphemos. Since the author of the _Odyssey_ threw a charm -around the story, this event in the wanderings of the hero has remained -one of the most popular. In early Greek art there are numerous monuments -based upon the myth. The black figured vases represent two critical -moments. 1. The blinding of Polyphemos. 2. The escape of Odysseus and -his companion from the cave. A long list of paintings tells this story -over and over again, with little variation[254]. The artists evidently -became tired of the monotony of the subject, for it is practically dead -at the beginning of the fifth century. There was nothing new in the -tale; it was distinctly epic, and for this very reason had its day and -gave way to new motives in the dramatic literature. At the end of the -century there was a revival of the myth. It gained a new lease of life -through the _Kyklops_ of Euripides, and once again all eyes were turned -towards the old Homeric fiction. When the poet introduces Seilenos and -his company of satyrs as slaves to Polyphemos, and turns the fortunes of -Odysseus, on his arrival at the cave, by the intervention of this new -element, the artist had certainly a new incentive. The rollicking, lusty -antics of the tribe of satyrs had ever been the red figured vase -painter’s delight, and when Euripides connected them with the adventures -of Odysseus and the Kyklops the old story was ingrafted with a vigorous -shoot[255]. Timanthes, whom we have already met[256], very likely owed -it to Euripides that he associated Polyphemos with satyrs[257]. An -interesting vase painting, which may be dated _cir._ 410 B.C., bears -strong testimony to the influence of the _Kyklops_ in Lower Italy[258]. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 22. -] - -The picture appears in fig. 22. In the foreground Polyphemos lies -stretched out in his drunken stupour[259]; beside him is a stump on -which hangs an empty wineskin, and on the ground a bowl. In the centre -three youths, the middle one wearing a pilos, are busy tugging at a log. -Two others on the left bring fire-wood to kindle the large stick[260]; -another youth, probably Odysseus, in pilos and chlamys, directs the work -from the opposite side. Two bearded satyrs, with the usual horse-tails, -caper around on the right[261]. - -The whole painting breathes with the spirit running through the -_Kyklops_. The impression gained by reading the play is remarkably well -supported by a study of the former. There is no detailed agreement -between the two which strikes one, for the situations in Euripides are -not closely followed. There is, however, the same stamp of originality -and newness characterizing both. The painting is a revelation to one who -has seen only the earlier Homeric monuments. - -It may first be noticed that Polyphemos is represented outside of his -cave, and that the attack upon his big eye is about to take place. This -is quite opposed to Homer and Euripides, yet more than half the charm of -the scene lies in the _naïveté_ with which the artist disposes of the -giant. A glance at the words of the poet will make this clearer. -Odysseus and his chorus of satyrs have fixed upon the means for -overcoming the Kyklops. They beg Odysseus for permission to take a hand -in preparing the fatal pole; - - δεῖ γοῦν· μέγας γὰρ δαλός, ὃν ξυλληπτέον. v. 472. - -says the son of Laertes, but when he came to the point where he really -needed their help they made every manner of excuse; some were suddenly -seized with lameness; others had dust in their eyes. But he knew that it -would turn out so, and he relies on his own companions, - - ... τοῖσι δ’ οἰκείοις φίλοις - χρῆσθαί μ’ ἀνάγκη. vs. 650 f. - -This is well brought out, whether intentionally or not I do not say, for -it is Greeks who are lifting the δαλός, and as for its size every one -will agree that it is μέγας. The two satyrs, representing the chorus, -dance around lustily the while, having smelt the contents of the -wineskin (v. 153 f.). As soon as the plan has been decided upon, -Polyphemos appears again, having already sated his appetite on two of -the Greeks, and having had at least a taste of the wine. What could -prepare one better for the appreciation of the figure on the vase than -his own words? - - παπαπαῖ, πλέως μὲν οἴνου, - γάνυμαι δὲ δαιτὸς ἥβῃ - σκάφος ὁλκὰς ὡς γεμισθεὶς - ποτὶ σέλμα γαστρὸς ἄκρας. - ὑπάγει μ’ ὁ χόρτος εὔφρων - ἐπὶ κῶμον ἦρος ὥραις, - ἐπὶ Κύκλωπας ἀδελφούς. - φέρε μοι, ξεῖνε, φέρ’ ἀσκὸν ἔνδος μοι. vs. 503 ff. - -His proposal to go and share his good fortune with the brother Kyklopes -does not meet the approval of Odysseus, who bids him keep his good -things to himself and enjoy them. Seilenos goes even further and says— - - κλίθητί νύν μοι πλεῦρα θεὶς ἐπὶ χθονός. v. 543. - -and Polyphemos takes up the suggestion at once, for we hear him ask - - τί δῆτα τὸν κρατῆρ’ ὄπισθε μου τίθης; v. 545. - -There can be little doubt that these verses particularly interested the -artist. Well satisfied with the newly discovered drink, the Kyklops has -dropped down upon his side as Seilenos recommended. The ἀσκός, which he -ordered extra, hangs beside him and upon the ground is a bowl[262]. Both -of these have evidently been drained. The inhuman monster sleeps on, -quite in the manner of Euripides, in the presence of the active -preparations for his own ruin. - - - § 9. MEDEIA. - -The heroine of this tragedy of Euripides is one of the most imposing and -terrible figures that has come down to us from ancient Greek literature. -It is not, however, the magician of strange power, who assisted Jason in -winning the Golden Fleece and in performing his other Kolchian -adventures, that overawes one; neither is it the sorceress who worked -her wonders on Pelias, but rather the Medeia who avenged her slighted -honour through the destruction of Jason’s newly won bride and his two -sons; it is the Medeia _at Corinth_ that we know best, the Medeia of -Euripides. This chapter in the barbarian’s career assumed under his hand -a prominence which far exceeded anything that had gone before. -Euripides’ Medeia has remained ever since _the_ Medeia of art and -letters. - -In early Greek art Medeia is not a common figure, and when she does -occur it is invariably as the sorceress[263]. In this rôle one meets her -on both black and red figured vases[264], and on the famous relief in -the Lateran[265]. After the beginning of the fourth century B.C. the -Corinthian Medeia predominates. As such one finds her on vases from -Lower Italy, Apulia and Campania especially, on Pompeian wall -paintings[266], on terra cottas[267], gems[268], and the Roman -sarcophagi[269]. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 23 (_vid. p. 145 ff._) -] - -The most famous vase upon which we find Medeia is the great amphora in -Munich[270], found in Canosa, the ancient Canusium, in Apulia, Oct. 16, -1813. The painting consists of three sections of figures parallel with -the perimeter of the vase. The two upper ones are divided in the middle -by a building with six Ionic columns. On the inside hang two round -shields—a common decoration in this sort of picture. On the right, -inside of the house, is a chair or θρόνος, over the arm-rest of which a -richly dressed female figure has fallen; above on the frieze the -inscription ΚΡΕΟΝΤΕΙΑ (sc. ΠΑΙΣ) shows the person to be Kreusa, or -Glauke[271], the daughter of Kreon. Rushing rapidly towards her from the -right is a youth in petasos and chlamys. He has already reached the -upper step of the palace and is attempting to remove Kreusa’s -head-dress. Incised in the vase is the name ΙΠΠΟΤΗΣ[272]. On the left an -elderly male figure, bearded, wearing long, richly embroidered chiton, -hurries to Kreusa. One hand is placed behind her as though to support -the body; the other, from which the sceptre has just fallen, clutches -his hair. He gazes to one side in a dazed sort of manner. On the frieze -above is ΩΝ, evidently the last letters of ΚΡΕΩΝ[273]. To the left -outside of the palace, and somewhat lower, an elderly woman in long -chiton and mantle runs toward the scene of the tragedy, extending her -left hand and holding her right to her head in the usual attitude of -fright. She is designated by the inscription, incised, as -ΜΕΡΟΠΗ[274]—most likely the wife of Kreon. Further on the left is a -group of two, a pedagogue in the usual costume, and a female attendant. -The former is hurrying towards the palace, while the latter attempts to -divert him from his onward rush. - -To the right from Hippotes is another female figure, _en face_, who -appears to be leaving the palace. Her dress, especially the veil, and -her bearing point her out as a nurse or servant of Kreusa. Just in front -of the latter upon the ground is the open box in which the baneful -presents were brought. - -The lower section is divided into two parts by Medeia’s dragon-chariot, -held in readiness by the charioteer with a burning torch in either hand. -The upper part of the latter’s body is nude. There can be little doubt -that the figure is female. The inscription ΟΙΣΤΡΟΣ shows it to be -Οἴστρος, the personification of Medeia’s rage. On the left, Medeia, -ΜΗΔΕΙΑ[275], with richly decorated oriental costume and Phrygian cap, -advances to the right with drawn sword to kill one son whom she grasps -by the hair with the left hand. It is not easy to say whether the boy -has taken refuge on the altar, or whether his mother has lifted him upon -it. More probably the latter is true. The lad is nude, with the -exception of a garment over his left shoulder. He wears bracelets and on -the left leg an anklet. Immediately behind Medeia a doryphoros, dressed -as Hippotes, but with two spears instead of a sword, hurries to the left -with the second boy, dressed as is the other. On the right of the -chariot and hastening impetuously to rescue his son is Jason, ΙΑΣΩΝ. He -is bearded and has a sword and long spear. His chlamys is thrown over -his left arm. Beside him, but moving at slackened speed, another -doryphoros extends the right hand towards the chariot as though to warn -Jason of the futility of his intervention. Above this group on the right -is a bearded male figure, pointing towards the events transpiring below. -He wears a long royal dress and Phrygian cap, and carries a sceptre in -his left. ΕΙΔΩΛΟΝ ΑΗΤΟΥ, incised, indicates him as the ghost of Aetes, -Medeia’s father. - -The upper section is bounded on either side by a Corinthian column -surmounted by a tripod. Herakles, with club, bow and quiver, and lion’s -skin, stands on the left facing Athene, who sits upon a _terrain_. She -has her helmet in her right hand and leans against her shield. The spear -is not wanting. On the right are two male figures, one sitting, the -other standing. The oil-cruses and strigils, as well as the two stars -and the pilos, near the one who sits, designate them as the Dioskouroi. - -We turn now to a closer consideration of our vase to see if it is under -the influence of Euripides. Starting with the scene which the vase -painter has given us in Kreon’s palace, one cannot but be struck with -the agreement between the picture and the scene described by the poet -through the mouth of the messenger in the celebrated speech, vs. -1136–1230. This wonderful passage is the triumph of Euripidean rhetoric -in the _Medeia_. The two boys, together with their father, had entered -Kreusa’s apartment conveying the box with the rich vestment and golden -crown, and she, who had refused to listen to words and be softened, was, -woman-like, melted by these unexpected gifts. She accepts them, and -father and sons retire. She then arrays herself before the mirror, -admires her beauty, retreats across the room with proud, exulting step, -all too captivated by her gracious figure, when the terrible moment -comes— - - χροιὰν γὰρ ἀλλάξασα λεχρία πάλιν - χωρεῖ τρέμουσα κῶλα καὶ μόλις φθάνει - θρόνοισιν ἐμπεσοῦσα μὴ χαμαὶ πεσεῖν. vs. 1168–1170. - -There is a remarkable harmony between these words and the picture upon -the vase, where Kreusa lies a helpless mass across the arms of the -θρόνος. Her attitude suggests to one’s mind exactly the idea in -θρόνοισιν ἐμπεσοῦσα μὴ χαμαὶ πεσεῖν. Rarely has a vase painter come -nearer to _illustration_ than here. It had, indeed, been far easier to -paint Kreusa in her fallen position upon the floor, πίτνει δ’ ἐς οὖδας -(v. 1195), where the chair and the form of the body would have presented -no such difficulties in drawing as they do in the present position[276]. -Why was this not done? Simply, as I am convinced, because the painter -chose to present the most tragic moments, and shape them into the -greatest possible dramatic effect. He seized the crisis in Kreusa’s -dread struggle, when, doomed by the poison and flames, she _dropped_ -across the chair. Here, as in the scene below, the vase painter has -given evidence of dramatic power of a high degree, and I venture to -think that had he not been an artist he would have been a tragedian. - -Kreon, who, of course, could not be represented as falling upon the body -of Kreusa as he entered the room, ἄφνω προσελθὼν δῶμα προσπίτνει νεκρῷ -(v. 1205), while she was still resting on the chair[277], is painted in -the first moment of reaching the unfortunate one. He places his left -hand under her body, and, overcome by the horror of the sight, lets fall -his sceptre from his right hand as he gazes for a moment in transfixed -agony from his daughter’s situation. The position of the arms is exactly -that of the same figure on the sarcophagi reliefs[278], and no doubt -would be traceable through the five intervening centuries if the -monuments were at hand. Our vase would appear to represent here a -tradition that was always closely followed in representing Kreon in an -upright position. - -Merope, the mother, who is mentioned in Corinthian legends only as the -wife of Sisyphos[279] and of Polybos[280], does not appear at all in -Euripides. The painter’s principle was to name all the chief figures on -the vase, and it is not necessary to point out here another source than -the _Medeia_ of Euripides. A name thus known as belonging to Corinthian -royal families would be a natural invention for the wife of Kreon if -there was no legend to provide further information about her. I hold -this painting, however, as adequate evidence that there was a _third_ -Merope known in Corinth[281]. That the mother as well as the father -should be represented here is further witness of the spirit which the -poet breathed into his work. Medeia’s fixed determination to ruin all -her enemies at one blow and to root out the whole royal house in a day -(vs. 373 f.) is expressed in the extended scene here given, in a manner -well calculated to inspire the beholder with much that lies between the -lines in Euripides. There is absolutely no reason for claiming this -scene as an extension of that given in the poet, and therefore based -upon a post-Euripidean tragedy. One who denies the vase painter the -right to introduce figures foreign to the poet fails utterly in -comprehending the spirit of the fourth and third century vase painting. -The artists followed the number of characters in the poetical version no -more slavishly than they did the disposition and movement of the same. -Starting with what the poet gave them and holding this in mind as a -guide and inspiration in certain details, the painters proceeded to -create, as _independent_ artists, a similar scene, transfused, however, -with their own alterations. It is to be expected that in the over-filled -vase paintings of Apulia and Campania one will find figures that show a -wide liberty on the part of the painters, and that illustrate well how -much the severe methods of the Athenian vase painters had been altered -in Magna Graecia. - -Another instance of this same independence of the painter is seen in the -introduction of Hippotes, to whom there is not the slightest reference -in Euripides. In vs. 1168–1203, where Kreusa’s fate is described, no one -is referred to as present except the female attendants, who were -possessed with terror and lent no aid to their mistress. Kreon -unexpectedly entered, ξυμφορᾶς ἀγνωσίᾳ, and soon succumbed, a victim -together with his daughter. Why does Hippotes appear on the vase as the -one who is trying to liberate Kreusa? With Vogel[282] again the answer -_liegt auf der Hand: weil Euripides nicht die Quelle der Darstellung -ist_. Because the painter enlarged the scene of the poet, and was more -tragic and more dramatic than Euripides, a later or at least another -version of the myth is claimed as his authority. This appears to me -altogether _improbable_ and _unnecessary_. It is _improbable_ because, -as we have abundant reason to believe, Euripides’ version of the myth -was, both in Greek and Roman times, the most popular[283]. Other -_Medeias_ are mere names. Furthermore our vase cannot be dated later -than the second half of the fourth century B.C., i. e. not much more -than a century after the first appearance of the _Medeia_ in 431 B.C. -This is an important fact which seems to have been mostly overlooked. -Euripides, it must be remembered, ruled the fourth century B.C. as the -prophet of the time, and was hailed by the Greeks of the colonies and -the motherland with universal admiration. It is safe to say that no -Greek poet was more upon the lips of the people or more in their hearts. -Tardy as was the recognition of his genius during his lifetime, the -extent of his posthumous fame was unparalleled and his name rang through -Alexandrian and Hellenistic times as that of one of the immortals. Are -we to suppose then that a vase painter of Magna Graecia, who might have -lived with those who had seen Euripides, was, in dealing with the Medeia -myth, under the influence of some poet of a day? Was an artist who lived -in this proximity to Euripides’ own time likely to follow the guidance -of any other than the great master who created the Medeia character and -started her down the centuries in that unexampled rage and fury? We -dare, moreover, go further and claim with Robert that _die Vasen stehen -der Aufführungszeit der Medeia so nahe, dass sie den Werth directer -Zeugnisse beanspruchen dürfen_[284]. - -This explanation is _unnecessary_, for, as we have already pointed out, -the vase painters gave less heed to the subject-matter and the details -of the traditional types than to the general effect and dramatic -arrangement. It was possible to double the dramatic effect here through -the introduction of the bride’s brother, and the painter did not -hesitate to place him on the vase, although the poet did not refer to -him. The onward rush of this finely drawn figure, with his chlamys -fluttering in the wind, has altogether a dramatic air and brings one to -feel that the theatrical element, so much in the background in the fifth -century B.C., had taken possession of the fourth century work[285]. It -is surprising to find with what persistency certain scholars refuse such -additions as incompatible with the dependence of the work on a given -literary source. If the artist has done more than _illustrate_, all -relationship between him and the poet is denied. But let us turn to a -famous work where illustration pure and simple is meant, and we shall -discover that if one follows even there this mode of criticism, the poet -and the drawing which is meant to illustrate him will have to be -divorced. I refer to Botticelli’s drawings for Dante’s _Divina -Commedia_[286]. Each drawing is intended to bring out the events of the -_canto_ to which it is devoted, and so one expects only the incidents of -one _canto_ to appear in one drawing. The illustration for the -_Inferno_, _canto_ ii, represents Beatrice swinging upward in the air, -to whom Virgil is pointing and calling Dante’s attention. This is all a -pure invention of the artist as Beatrice is simply mentioned in the -text, and not at all thought of as present or appearing to the two -pilgrims. Had Botticelli then some other story in mind, and was there -another version of Dante than that which we have? Certainly not. The -artist, although in this place engaged as a mere illustrator, read his -own notions into Dante and put them into his drawing. Again, even on the -same plate, the entrance to the _Inferno_ is shown with the words _per -me_ over the door. This scene belongs to _canto_ iii, where in fact -Botticelli again introduces it. If, therefore, the third _canto_ and the -drawing that belongs to it had never reached us but we did possess -_canto_ ii and its illustration, how would the critics who read the -Greek vases as we have indicated, dispose of Botticelli and his -faithfulness to Dante? They would all declare that the famous painter -must have had another text which he followed. And so one may go on -multiplying instances in this one work to show that an artist, even when -he set out to follow the poet, was not able to do so[287]. - -There are also among the Pompeian wall paintings[288] some that are mere -illustrations and are in the spirit of this sort of work, and yet they -show various peculiar changes and additions contrary to the epigrams on -which they are based. One is to remember therefore that in the vase -paintings, where a more independent form of art is found than in -illustrations, a liberty in adding or omitting figures, that may often -disturb the form of the myth, is to be allowed. To select one example -from many: Euphronios[289] on the Eurystheus kylix represents Sthenelos -and his wife as present when Herakles brings the boar and is about to -drop it into the cistern where Eurystheus has taken refuge. That the -latter was king and had imposed the labours on Herakles, was proof -enough that Sthenelos was already dead. How then did Euphronios dare to -place him on the vase? Evidently because he took little heed of the -exactitude for which modern scholars would call him and others of his -trade to account. - -The old nurse who observed the first signs of her mistress’ precarious -condition—καὶ τις γεραιὰ προσπόλων ... ἀνωλόλυξε (vs. 1171–73)—or one of -the numerous attendants present (v. 1176) may be recognized in the -figure to the right from Hippotes. Perhaps this is more correctly the -one who broke away to convey the sad news to Jason—ἑ δὲ πρὸς τὸν ἀρτίως -πόσιν, | φράσουσα νύμφης συμφοράς (vs. 1178 f.). This person with the -matronly air always occurs on the sarcophagi, but in the scene where the -two boys are handing over the gifts to Kreusa[290]. - -The position of the pedagogue on the opposite side is not so incongruous -as many have thought. There is really no reason for considering him a -sort of connecting link between the middle and lower sections, as Robert -has done[291]. Let us follow the pedagogue and the boys through the -play. At vs. 46 f. of the prologue the nurse reports the latter as -returning from their sport—ἐκ τρόχων πεπαυμένοι—and in vs. 89 ff. she -orders them inside the palace, - - ἴτ’, εὖ γὰρ ἔσται, δωμάτων ἔσω, τέκνα, - -and commands the pedagogue to keep them at a safe distance from their -mother, - - σὺ δ’ ὡς μάλιστα τούσδ’ ἐρημώσας ἔχε, - καὶ μὴ πέλαζε μητρὶ δυσθυμουμένῃ. - -At v. 105 the three disappear and nothing more is heard of them till -Medeia, who is addressing Jason and the chorus, cries out in v. 894— - - ὦ τέκνα, τέκνα, δεῦτε, λείπετε στέγας, - ἐξέλθετ’. - -Hereupon the boys appear in the orchestra, _unaccompanied_ by their -pedagogue, and remain with Medeia and Jason till vs. 969 ff., where -their mother hands them the gifts and bids them go, ὁς τάχιστα (v. 974), -to Kreusa and place the same in her hands. They then depart with their -father and deliver the presents in the manner afterwards described by -the messenger (vs. 1136–1155), and in company with Jason leave Kreusa’s -apartments. Just outside somewhere the pedagogue joins them and appears -with the children in the orchestra to inform Medeia that her sons have -been pardoned (vs. 1002 ff.). Immediately thereafter she orders the -pedagogue to go inside, - - ... ἀλλὰ βαῖνε δωμάτων ἔσω - καὶ παισὶ πόρσυν’ οἶα χρὴ καθ’ ἡμέραν. vs. 1019 f. - -As he re-enters the palace the terrible news reaches him, through, one -of the female attendants, that Kreusa is possessed with some strange -malady. It is at this juncture, dramatic in the extreme, that, as it -seems to me, the vase painter thought of the pedagogue. The latter has -forgotten Medeia’s command to arrange the boys’ program for the day and -is determined to go to the apartments whence comes the great alarm. The -attendant, however, endeavours to dissuade him, and the artist has even -represented her in the attempt to deter the sturdy old pedagogue from -carrying out his resolution. While all this is happening within the -palace, Medeia gives expression to the great battle that is going on in -her bosom. The speech is one of the finest in Euripides. Shall she now -go ahead and kill her children, or is the courage lacking? She finally -bids them enter the house χωρεῖτε, παῖδες, ἐς δόμους (vs. 1053 and -1076), and soon follows them. The death-cries of vs. 1271 ff. are heard -not long afterwards. We have therefore no reason to infer from anything -in Euripides that the pedagogue ever met the boys again. The fact that -he is so often represented in the death-scene[292] is simply due to the -fancy of the artists. It is natural to think of him in company with the -boys. The vase painter has in the present instance shown us the -whereabouts of the pedagogue when the poet had passed him by. - -The lower section, which represents the events directly succeeding those -in the one just considered, completes the dread vengeance work of -Medeia. The artist had an opportunity here to follow largely his own -notions in disposing of the details, for in the last moments when horror -followed close upon horror, and the royal house of Corinth was shaking -to its foundations, Euripides hurries us on with great rapidity and -omits many of the particulars. Medeia moves with resistless fury through -the last part of the bloody drama, till she at last disappears upon her -chariot. What was the vase painter to do with all this? It is plain that -he felt himself compelled to combine, for greater effect, different -moments. Medeia enters the palace after the triumphant address in vs. -1236–1250, and a moment later the cries of the boys are heard within. -Jason, aroused by the ruin wrought upon Kreusa, suddenly appears and -asks where Medeia is, and remarks that he must save his sons from the -fury of the populace (vs. 1293–1305). He at once learns the whole truth, -and orders that the palace doors be thrown open that he may behold the -scene of murder. Medeia appears then on her chariot, rolled out upon the -ekkyklema. She stands thus during the final dialogue with Jason (vs. -1317–1404) till she disappears by the aid of the _Flugmaschine_[293]. - -From these elements the vase painter selected the murder scene, which, -not being described by Euripides, could be represented in any manner -that struck his fancy. He made this the centre about which all else was -grouped; all eyes are turned upon Medeia and the altar. In this -disposition of the matter other details had to be sacrificed. The -chariot, which could not be wanting, had to have a charioteer, and as -Medeia was not ready to mount it herself, the personification of the -Medeia-spirit is the natural figure that the artist would select. Jason, -again, to omit whom would have been unpardonable, had to be painted in -the act of rescuing or attempting the rescue of his sons. So we see that -the three moments discernible in the poet, (_a_) the murder, (_b_) -Jason’s appearance to save the boys, (_c_) the chariot and the escape of -Medeia, are all worked together by the artist into a strong complex. One -feels no incongruity in the picture, and is forced to agree to a large -amount of success that the artist has enjoyed here. Since the pedagogue -appears in the scene above, the artist uses one of the ever convenient -doryphoroi as a companion to the boys or rather as rescuer of one of -them[294]. It is immaterial whether the painter intended to represent -the one boy as actually out of danger or not. A great many useless words -have been spent in trying to show that the vase painter has here -followed a tradition referred to by Diodorus Siculus[295], who relates -that one child escaped—πλὴν γὰρ ἑνὸς τοῦ διαφυγόντος τοὺς ἄλλους υἱοὺς -ἀποσφάξαι. This is not only highly improbable[296], but, more than that, -speaks for a superficial reading of Diodorus on the part of those who -use this quotation. It appears that nothing more of the chapter had been -read than it was necessary to quote. In the first place, what can τοὺς -ἄλλους above refer to if not to _more than one_, and therefore to at -least _two_? But where upon our vase or upon any other monument does -Medeia appear with _three_ children[297]? It would seem, therefore, -that, because the vase painter drew the scene as he did, this very inapt -quotation is brought out to bolster up an unnecessary theory. - -Is it necessary to conclude with numerous scholars that Oistros upon the -chariot represents one of Pollux’s ἔκσκευα πρόσωπα (iv. 141)? Does our -painting necessarily go back to some tragedy in which the -personification, Oistros, appears before the audience as Medeia’s -charioteer? It has already been pointed out that the moment which the -vase painter chose to represent never was visible in the theatre of -Euripides. What happened before the palace doors were unbarred, in v. -1314, could be painted in a hundred different ways, and still be -inspired by the poet from v. 1271 to v. 1316. It is true that Euripides -does not mention Οἶστρος, much less as Medeia’s charioteer. What need -had he to introduce any personification of her rage and fury to guide -the chariot, when, at the first glimpse of it in v. 1317, Medeia manages -it herself? Any one who thoroughly works himself into the situation that -the painter has shown upon the vase cannot help seeing that Medeia’s -double, her burning and infuriated barbarian wildness, the spirit shown -in vs. 1236–1250, was a natural and easy subject for embodiment under -the name Οἶστρος. This personification is not met with in Euripides, and -has naturally caused much stumbling. It should, however, be compared -with Λύσσα, with which it has much in common. Orestes says to Pylades, -μὴ θεαί (i. e. the Furies) μ’ οἴστρω κατασχῶς’[298], and two verses -further on, εὐλαβοῦ Λύσσης μετασχεῖν τῆς ἐμῆς. Thus the use of the -οἶστρος caused Λύσσα. The step to the personification of a figure -Oistros would easily follow from some such development as this, and I -hold both words to cover the _cause_ and _effect_ in the case mentioned. - -As Lyssa was a favourite figure with Euripides, we may examine still -another place where the rôle that she plays is much the same as that -which Oistros takes in the painting. - -In _Her. Fur._ vs. 880 ff., the chorus describes Lyssa as _travelling -upon a chariot_[299]. - - βέβακεν ἐν δίφροισιν ἁ πολύστονος, - ἅρμασι δ’ ἐνδίδωσι κέντρον ὡς ἐπὶ λώβᾳ - Νυκτὸς Γοργὼν ἑκατογκεφάλοις - ὄφεων ἰαχήμασι,[300] Λύσσα[301] μαρμαρωπός. - -Here at least one has adequate evidence that the vase painter did not -paint an unknown scene, even though he did prefer to call his figure -Οἶστρος[302]. - -The shade of Aetes[303], a pure invention of the artist, has been held -to refer to a post-Euripidean tragedy. One finds such pedantic ingenuity -used in explaining this figure that the would-be-learnedness borders -upon the ridiculous. It is affirmed, for example, that somewhere it -_must have been stated for the vase painter that Aetes had died since -Medeia left him_[304]. How far, pray, did vase painters concern -themselves about such points of chronology or sequence of events? We -have already pointed out in regard to these artists that they introduced -and omitted characters just as they chose; and especially is this true -in regard to such side-figures as Aetes is here. Then again, why is any -literary source necessary to prove the old man’s death? It was but the -natural course of events that the painter followed when he concluded -that Aetes was among the shades. It is absurd to require some proof that -the unlucky king had, within the long period of Medeia’s absence, passed -into the world of spirits. It seems to me that there are two views that -can adequately explain this addition to the picture, and with either one -in mind the vase painter would have needed no post-Euripidean work or -painting but simply the _Medeia_ tragedy to inspire him. - -Robert[305] pointed to vs. 31 ff. of the prologue as furnishing perhaps -the suggestion for this figure, but that is but a small part of the -whole suggestion, and it is well to follow this note which recurs in -many places, and is, to my mind, a very important part of the Euripidean -conception of Medeia. I give herewith the various places where this -element may be discovered. - - αὐτὴ πρὸς αὑτὴν πατέρ’ ἀποιμώζη φίλον - καὶ γαῖαν οἴκους θ’, οὒς προδοῦς’ ἀφίκετο. vs. 31 f. - - ὤ πάτερ, ὤ πόλις, ὧν ἀπενάσθην - αἰσχρῶς τὸν ἐμὸν κτείνασα κάσιν. vs. 166 f. - - αὐτὴ δὲ πατέρα καὶ δόμους προδοῦς’ ἐμούς. v. 483. - - πότερα πρὸς πατρὸς δόμους, - οὓς σοὶ προδοῦσα καὶ πάτραν ἀφικόμην; vs. 502 f. - - ἡμάρτανον τόθ’ ἡνίκ’ ἐξελίμπανον - δόμους πατρῴους. vs. 800 f. - -These repeated allusions to her father and her former home seem to me to -express in a strong manner what the painter chose to develop into the -ghost-figure. Aetes appears here to behold the retribution that is -overtaking Jason; and his participation in the fearful tragedy -emphasizes the secret power in Medeia, her sorcery, and her chariot. The -artist read between the lines and discovered the spirit of the poet, and -this he has successfully reproduced. A similar instance was noted in the -liberty assumed by Botticelli in including Beatrice in the second plate -to the _Inferno_[306]. - -In the second place the εἴδωλον emphasizes the barbaric element in the -Medeia-Jason history, and impresses the beholder with the workings of -barbarism _versus_ Hellenism. This chord is, moreover, continuously -struck by Euripides[307]. The poet endeavours from first to last to keep -up the keenest distinction between Greece and Kolchis, between Jason’s -family and that of Aetes. - -There was, moreover, an opportunity, in introducing this oriental king, -to add features strikingly characteristic of the Apulian vase -paintings[308]. The elegance and display of costume peculiar to the -Persian and Asia Minor kings were attractive for an artist, and the -introduction of Aetes’ shade was a happy invention that went far towards -making the deeper meaning of the poet plain. - -The deities, who, as spectators, are an important part of the paintings -on so many Lower Italy vases, are arranged in the upper section. They -need not have any particular connexion with the incidents before them. -The Olympian sympathy with earthly affairs was a favourite theme with -the artists of the time, and a satisfactory number of participating -divinities is usually added where important events occur. Herakles and -Athena seem to be but indifferently interested in what is happening -below them, although the former was intimately associated with the -Argonautic expedition[309], and the latter was the promoter of the -enterprise[310]. The Dioskouroi, who likewise took a large part in the -adventures of the voyage, are fitly represented here[311]. They are, -however, giving no heed to the tragedy. It is enough if the painter has -recalled for us the famous voyage and shown us the prelude, as it were, -to the drama played in the two lower sections. The panorama of Jason and -Medeia’s life together passes before us in distinct scenes. By painting -the participants in the expedition and also the shade of Aetes the -artist has heightened the effect of the double tragedy which the poet -made famous. - -Such is the painting on this celebrated amphora, which I do not hesitate -to call Euripidean. - -Another monument which also shows Kreusa’s death is a vase from -Pomarico, now in Naples[312]. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 24. -] - -Kreusa has fallen from the θρόνος that occupies the middle of the scene, -and in a half-sitting posture upon the floor endeavours to remove the -head-dress. Before her is the open box in which the presents were -brought. A mirror hangs on the wall. She is dressed in the Ionic chiton -with mantle; has earrings and one bracelet. She stares at Kreon, who -hurries toward her with outstretched right hand. He has the sceptre in -the left hand, is bearded, bald, and wears a chiton which has slipped -down to his waist. To the left a female figure rushes away _en face_, -and, watching Kreusa, makes the gestures of one terror-stricken. She is -dressed like the latter except the earrings and necklace. Jahn called -her a companion of Kreusa, considering that if she were Merope of the -Munich vase she would be approaching her daughter and not leaving her. I -prefer to see in this figure one of the attendants who in vs. 1177 ff. -spread the news. It is true that the appearance of the figure is that of -a more important personage than a servant. The latter are not usually -represented wearing jewellery and fine costumes, and yet the attendant -on the Munich vase, who is endeavouring to divert the pedagogue, is -quite as richly dressed. In the present instance, however, the drawing -is very careless and the workmanship is of an inferior sort. I believe, -therefore, that the artist either did not know the fitness of things, or -else took no pains to indicate that this figure was a servant or -attendant. When he had once drawn such a miserable king as Kreon is, -hobbling along in a ridiculous manner, he might well have slipped into -the other extreme of painting a nurse in a lady’s garb. The scene is -based upon the messenger’s speech, vs. 1176 ff. - -The pedagogue on the right, who is hurrying away the two boys wrapped in -cloaks, is a reminiscence of vs. 1157 ff. where the father, Jason, goes -away with them. - - καὶ πρὶν ὲκ δόμων - μακρὰν ἀπεῖνει πατέρα καὶ παῖδας σέθεν. - -The winged Fury sitting in the upper right-hand corner observing the -scene might well be expected as a spectator. The suggestion for her may -be found in - - ἔξελ’ οἴκων φονίαν - τάλαινάν τ’ Ἐρινὺν ὑπ’ ἀλαστόρων. vs. 1259 f. - -The murder of the boys inside of the palace is painted on a Nolan -amphora in the _Cabinet des Médailles_ in Paris[313]. Medeia in Greek -dress and Phrygian cap has slain one boy, who lies over the altar, -either extremity touching the floor. She stands, _en face_, with the -other child grasped fast by the hair. This hand also holds the sword. In -her left, stretched out behind the altar, is the sheath. The artist -doubtless had in mind the words which the chorus heard in vs. 1271 ff.— - - οἴμοι, τί δράσω; ποῖ φύγω μητρὸς χέρας; - οὐκ οἶδ’, ἀδελφὲ φίλτατ’· ὀλλύμεσθα γάρ. - -In the upper right-hand corner the pedagogue appears, carrying an -oil-cruse in his left hand. His right is raised to his head. A wreath -and two fillets point to the sanctuary. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 25. -] - -Another Canosa vase in Naples[314], although furnishing a free handling -of Medeia’s escape, is still an important witness for the chariot and -its actual appearance in the production of the tragedy. In this -particular the painting is Euripidean. - -Medeia in rapid flight upon her dragon-chariot holds the reins in her -left hand and the corner of her mantle in the right. Her dress is the -customary one for charioteers. On the ground by the wheels one boy lies -dead; the other is said to be visible on the original, inside of the -chariot as on the sarcophagi. The sword is also on the ground. She is -pursued by three youths, one on horseback, Jason (?), and two on foot. -They all carry spears, and each has a chlamys. The middle one also wears -a pilos and has a shield. In front of the chariot is Lyssa (?) with a -sword in the right hand, and staff or κέντρον (?) in the left. She has -an Artemis costume with a mantle. Galloping ahead to lead the way is -Selene, seated as usual on her horse. - -The painting is poorly preserved, but the main part is sufficiently -plain. The artist followed the traditional manner of Medeia’s flight. - - - § 10. PHOINISSAI. - -The _Phoinissai_ in common with the _Septem_ of Aischylos deals with the -well-known story of the attack of Polyneikes and his supporters on -Thebes. The events connected with this war can be traced all through -Greek and Roman literature and art[315]. We have here to do with a -relief cup, which illustrates Euripides’ version of the combat. It -possesses, like the other ‘Megarian Bowls’ discussed in the present -work, a value so unique for the study of our poet that it may stand -beside any vase painting in assisting us in the study of the drama’s -influence upon art. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 26 (_vid. p. 170 f._). -] - -The cup shown in fig. 27 is of red, unglazed ware, and is said to have -been found in Thebes[316]. The following figures may be discerned. On -the left Teiresias, ΤΕΙΡΕΣΙΑΣ, carrying a bough and led by his daughter -Manto, ΜΑΝΤΩ, approaches Kreon, ΚΡΕΩΝ, who kneels before the aged seer. -They are both bearded, and the latter wears a long chiton. Next follows -Polyneikes, ΠΟΛΥΝΕΙΚΗΣ, and Eteokles, ΕΤΕΟΚΛΗΣ, in full armour, engaged -in their fatal fight. Thebe, ΘΗΒΗ, holding in her hand a sceptre, sits -upon a rock watching the sight. The messenger, ΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ, wearing a short -chiton and chlamys, stands by Iokaste, ΙΟΚ ... ΣΤΗ, before the palace -from which Antigone, ΑΝΤΙΓΟΝΗ, has come. The latter raises her hand in -astonishment. The women both wear long chitons. Lastly, on the right, -Antigone appears before Kreon, inscriptions in each case, in a -supplicating attitude. - -That Kreon might know definitely how matters were to terminate, he had -sent for Teiresias. The latter makes his appearance in v. 834— - - ἡγοῦ πάροιθε, θύγατερ, ὡς τυφλῷ ποδὶ - ὀφθαλμὸς εἶ σύ, ναυτίλοισιν ἄστρον ὤς· - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 27 (_vid. p. 173 ff._). -] - -and so one sees him here before Kreon. His daughter has brought him as -he wished, and now stands behind him, while the seer discloses the -terrible misfortune which must visit Kreon before success can crown the -Theban arms. The son Menoikeus, who is present in Euripides, has been -left out of the group. The messenger soon appears and calls for Iokaste. - - ἔξελθ’, ἄκουσον, Οἰδίπου κλεινὴ δάμαρ. v. 1070. - -She does hear, and comes from the palace and learns everything about the -attack thus far, and how the different heroes on each side were armed. -To her special inquiry regarding her two sons the messenger replies in -detail (vs. 1217 ff.). - - ἤδη δ’ ἔκρυπτον σῶμα παγχάλκοις ὅπλοις - δισσοὶ γέροντος Οἰδίπου νεανίαι. vs. 1242 f. - - στήτην δὲ λαμπρώ, χρῶμά τ’ οὐκ ἠλλαξάτην, - μαργῶντ’ ἐπ’ ἀλλήλοισιν ἱέναι δόρυ. vs. 1246 f. - -But this is before the battle. They were waiting for the word from the -priests who examined the entrails of the victims. The second messenger -brings the account of the engagement proper, and this is what the artist -seized upon[317]. - - ᾖξαν δρόμημα δεινὸν ἀλλήλοις ἔπι· - κάπροι δ’ ὅπως θήγοντες ἀγρίαν γένυν - ξυνῆψαν, ἀφρῷ διάβροχοι γενειάδας· - ᾖσσον δὲ λόγχαις· ἀλλ’ ὑφίζανον κύκλοις, - ὅπως σίδηρος ἐξολισθάνοι μάτην. vs. 1379 ff. - -This is the moment which the relief represents. Their spears have -clashed, and each is still safe behind the good circumference of his -shield. - -Iokaste, much disturbed at the critical situation described by the -messenger, determines to call Antigone and rush to the battle-field to -reconcile the brothers,— - - ὦ τέκνον, ἔξελθ’, Ἀντιγόνη, δόμων πάρος. v. 1264. - -she cries, and Antigone at once appears and asks— - - τίν’, ὦ τεκοῦσα μῆτερ, ἔκπληξιν νέαν - φίλοις ἀϋτεῖς τῶνδε δωμάτων πάρος; vs. 1270 f. - -The situation is dramatically told on the vase. The palace doors are -still open, and Antigone stands astonished before her mother. - -No sooner has Kreon learned the result of the battle than he passes an -edict banishing the blind Oedipus from the land. The faithful daughter -comes to intercede for her father and the scene is described in vs. -1539–1682. The artist has seized upon this situation, but has omitted -Oedipus. Antigone bows before the new king, who stands with his arms -folded listening placidly to the supplications. - - ἀτὰρ ς’ ἐρωτῶ τὸν νεωστὶ κοίρανον· - τί θεσμοποιεῖς ἐπὶ ταλαιπώρῳ νεκρῷ; vs. 1644 f. - -This is the moment which the last group represents. - -The personification of Thebes occupying the central field and presiding, -as it were, over the destinies of the capital, extends the setting of -the poet and adds not a little to the interest of the picture. - -[Illustration: - - Fig. 28 -] - -There exists, remarkable enough, a small fragment of another cup, which -must have been much like the one just discussed. It is shown in fig. 28, -and joins on well to the last scene in fig. 27, filling out the gap made -by the omission of Oedipus[318]. We see the stooping and aged figure of -the former king, in long chiton, feeling his way along or being led by -some one. The inscription renders everything plain. Οἰδίπ]ους κελεύει -[ἄγειν πρὸς τὸ π]τῶμα τῆς αὑτοῦ μητρ[ός τε καὶ] γυναικὸς καὶ τῶν υίῶ[ν. -The unfortunate Oedipus’ doom is sealed, and he enters with Antigone -upon his permanent banishment, but he will be led to Iokaste that he may -embrace her once more, even though she is now a corpse; - - προσάγαγέ νύν με, μητρὸς ὡς ψαύσω σέθεν. v. 1693. - -At this moment the artist conceived his figure, and that one might not -mistake its meaning he wrote above it who the person was and what the -scene meant. Here, then, in this bit of potsherd, one can see and study -the workings of that awful curse which blasted the house of Labdakos and -sent the miserable Oedipus to wander ‘blind amidst the blaze of noon.’ - - - § 11. SUPPLEMENTARY. - -There remains still a number of vase paintings that have been referred -to certain of Euripides’ extant plays. It will be seen that I have not -been able to convince myself of their Euripidean character, and have -therefore not included them in the number of published paintings. The -following list gives the most important vases of this class. No -discussion accompanies them, as they seem to me to present difficulties -that preclude their relation to extant tragedies. - - - _Alkestis._ - - 1. Etruscan amphora, no. 728 in the _Cabinet des Médailles_, Paris. - Pub. as frontispiece to Dennis’ _Cities and Cemeteries of - Etruria_, vol. ii. = _Arch. Ztg._ 1863, pl. 180. 3. - - - _Andromache._ - - 1. Amphora, Brit. Mus., cat. iii. E 155. Pub. Raoul-Rochette, _Mon. - inéd._ pl. 40. 2; cf. Vogel, _Scen. eur. Trag._ p. 141 f., and - _Arch. Ztg._ 1880, p. 189. - - - _Elektra._ - - 1. Slender Campanian amphora, Berlin. _Pub. Arch._ Anz. 1890, p. 90, - no. 7; cf. _loc. cit._ The interpretation given explains the - scene as representing Orestes slaying Aigisthos. This was done, - however, not at a sanctuary or in the open, as here, but _in the - palace_ where Aigisthos, Orestes, and Pylades were engaged in - the slaughtering of oxen. At v. 790 they had entered the palace. - - - _Herakles Furens._ - - 1. The Assteas vase in Madrid. Pub. _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, ser. B, - pl. 1 = _Mon. d. Inst._ viii. 10; cf. Hirzel, _Annali d. Inst._ - 1864, p. 323 ff.: Körte, _Ueber Personificationen - psychologischer Affekte_, p. 18 f., and Vogel, _op. cit._ p. - 143. - - - _Hippolytos._ - - 1. Amphora. Attic fabric, _cir._ 420 B.C. Berlin, vid. _Arch. Anz._ - 1890, p. 89. - - 2. Lekythos from Paestum, now in Naples, no. 2900. Pub. - Reinach-Millingen, _Peintures_, 41 = _Élite Céram._ iv. 87. - - - _Ion._ - - 1. Nolan vase in Cassel. Pub. _Arch. Ztg._ 1852, pl. 37; cf. - Furtwängler, _Sammlung Sabouroff, Vasen_, Einleitung, p. 14, - note 12; Vogel, _op. cit._ p. 145. - - 2. Painting on a fourth cent. krater. Pub. _Élite Céram._ ii. 76 a; - cf. Furtwängler, _op. cit._ p. 14. - - 3. An Oxybaphon in the Louvre. Pub. _Élite Céram._ ii. 88 a = - Reinach-Millin. _op. cit._ i. 46 = Müller-Wieseler, _Denkmäler - d. a. Kunst._ ii. 142; cf. Furtwängler, _loc. cit._ - - - _Iphigeneia at Aulis._ - - 1. Lucanian krater, Brit. Mus., cat. iv. F 159. Pub. Overbeck, - _Bildwerke_, pl. 14. 9 = _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, ser. 5, pl. 9. - 3 = Inghirami, _Vasi fitt._ iii. pl. 251; cf. Vogel, _op. cit._ - p. 116. - - - Euripides’ Lost Plays. - -The following list includes most of the paintings referred to the lost -tragedies. Where it has seemed to me doubtful about the Euripidean -character of the scenes I have preferred to omit mention of them -altogether. - - - _Aiolos._ - - 1. Canosa hydria in Bari. The shoulder decoration only is pub. _Arch. - Ztg._ 1883, pl. 7. 1; cf. p. 51 ff. and Furtwängler, - _Masterpieces_, p. 109. The latter thinks the painting is from - the fifth cent. B.C. Vid. also Vogel, _op. cit._ p. 28 ff. - - - _Alkmene._ - - 1. Bell-shaped krater, signed by Python now in the Brit. Mus., cat. - iv. F 149. Pub. _J. H. S._ 1890, pl. 6; cf. _ibid._ p. 225 ff. - - 2. Amphora from Capua. Brit. Mus., cat. iv. F 193. Pub. _Annali d. - Inst._ 1872, pl. A. Cf. _ibid._ p. 1 ff. On both paintings - Alkmene sitting on an altar appeals to Zeus against Amphitryon. - Cf. Vogel, _op. cit._ p. 34. - - - _Andromeda._ - - 1. Krater from Capua. Berlin, no. 3237. Cf. _Arch. Anz._ 1893, p. 91, - f. no. 50. Pub. and discussed by Bethe, _Jahrbuch_, 1896, p. 292 - ff. and pl. 2; cf. Bethe’s _Prolegomena zur Geschichte des - Theaters im Altertum_, p. 320, 330, and p. 35 above. - - 2. Amphora from Canosa. Naples, no. 3225. Pub. Minervini, _Memorie - accademiche_, pl. 1–3; cf. Vogel, p. 39. - - 3. Amphora in Naples, no. 708, _Museo S. Angelo_. Pub. _Mon. d. Inst._ - ix. 38; cf. _Annali d. Inst._ 1872, p. 108 f., and Vogel, _op. - cit._ p. 41. - - 4. Hydria from Anzi in the Basilicata. Brit. Mus., cat. iv. F 185; cf. - Vogel, p. 42. C. - - - _Antigone._ - - 1. Ruvo amphora. Jatta coll. no. 423. Pub. _Arch. Ztg._ 1871, pl. 40. - 2, and by Heydemann, _Ueber eine nacheuripideische Tragödie_, - 1868, pl. 1, and _Mon. d. Inst._ x. 26, 27. Polychrome view of - whole vase on pl. 26 = Rayet et Collignon, _Histoire de la - Céramique grecque_, pl. 12, p. 300. - - 2. Apulian amphora. Berlin, no. 3240. Pub. Gerhard, _Apulische - Vasenbilder_, xi = _Arch. Ztg._ 1871, pl. 40. 1. Cf. Heydemann, - _op. cit._ and Klügmann, _Annali d. Inst._ 1876, p. 173 ff., and - Vogel, _op. cit._ p. 50 ff. - - 3. Fragment of Apulian amphora in Carlsruhe; Winnefeld’s _Beschreibung - der Vasensammlung_, p. 62 f. Pub. _Arch. Ztg._ 1884, pl. 19. b = - _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, ser. E. 6. 3. Cf. Winckler in _Aus der - Onomia_, p. 149 ff. - - - _Antiope._ - - 1. Apulian krater found near Syracuse. Berlin, no. 3296. Pub. _Arch. - Ztg._ 1878, pl. 7 and 8; cf. _ibid._ p. 42 ff, and Robert, _Bild - und Lied_, p. 36; Vogel, p. 60 f. - - - _Bellerophon._ - - 1. Ruvo amphora. Pub. _Mon. d. Inst._ iv. 21 = _Wiener - Vorlegeblätter_, ser. viii, pl. 8. 1. Cf. _Annali d. Inst._ - 1845, p. 227. - - - _Chrysippos._ - - 1. Ruvo amphora. Naples, no. 1769. Pub. Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, 1. 2. - - 2. Apulian amphora. Berlin, no. 3239. Pub. Overbeck, _op. cit._ 1. 1. - - 3. An abridgement of the foregoing. Pub. _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, ser. - 6, II. 2 = Roscher’s _Lexikon_, i. p. 903; cf. Vogel, _op. cit._ - p. 137 f. - - - _Hypsipyle._ - - 1. Lasimos amphora in the Louvre. Pub. Reinach-Millin, _Peintures_, - ii. 37 = Overbeck, _op. cit._ pl. 28. 1. Cf. Vogel, p. 98 f. - - 2. Ruvo amphora. Naples, no. 3255. Pub. Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. 4. - 3 = Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, i. p. 114; cf. Vogel, p. 99 f. - - 3. Ruvo amphora. St. Petersburg, no. 523. Pub. Overbeck, _op. cit._ - pl. 4. 2; cf. Vogel, _loc. cit._ - - - _Meleagros._ - - 1. Apulian amphora. Naples, _Mus. S. Angelo_, no. 11, A. Pub. _Arch. - Ztg._ 1867, pl. 220. - - - _Stheneboia._ - - 1. Krater in Naples, No. 1891. Pub. _Annali d. Inst._ 1874, pl. A. - - 2. Krater in St. Petersburg, no. 427. Pub. Inghirami, _Vasi fitt._ i. - pl. 1–3; cf. Engelmann in _Annali_, 1874, p. 35 f., and Vogel, - _op. cit._ p. 85 f. - - - _Telephos._ - - 1. Hydria in Naples. Heydemann, _Raccolta Cumana_, no. 141. Pub. - _Arch. Ztg._ 1857, pl. 106. - - 2. Tischbein, _Vases d’Hamilton_, ii. 6; cf. Jahn, _Telephos und - Troilos_, p. 44, and Vogel, _op. cit._ p. 89 ff. - - - - - INDEX - - N.B.—All references are to pages. - - - Accius, 11. - - Aischylos, authority of, in Magna Graecia, 55, 66, 81 f. - ἦθος of, 80. - statue of, 6. - _Agam._, 58, 112. - _Choe._, 17, 21, 43 ff., 58. - _Eumen._, 35, 55 ff., scenes of, 69 f. - _Iph._, 12, 23. - _Lykurgeia_, 23, 74. - _Niobe_, 8. - Ὅπλων Κρίσις, 31, note 2. - _Pentheus_, 88, 91. - _Phrygians_, 74. - _Prom._, 27. - _Telephos_, 23. - - Andronicus (Livius), 11, 82. - - Antiope, myth of, 9. - - Assteas, 70, note 1, 179. - - - Choregos, prize of, 5 f. - - Comedy, on vases, 40, note 2. - - - Dante, influence of on art, 1 ff. - Botticelli’s drawings for, 155. - - Dirke, monuments of, 9. - - Divinities, on vases, 110. - - - Ekkyklema, 66 f., 160. - - Ennius, 11, 26, 82, 112. - - Etruscans, art of, 10 ff., 27, note 6. - - Euphronios, 31 f., 157. - - Euripides, Aristotle’s criticism of, 79 f. - influence of, 26, 28 f. - πάθος of, 79 f. - _Aiolos_, 179. - _Alexandros_, 12. - _Alkestis_, 7, 16, 27, 178. - _Alkmene_, 14, 179. - _Andromache_, 83, 178. - _Andromeda_, 23, 35, 180. - _Antigone_, 180. - _Antiope_, 9, 13, 26, 180. - _Auge_, 8. - _Bakchai_, 25, 88 ff. - _Bellerophon_, 180. - _Chrysippos_, 180 f. - _Elektra_, 50, 178. - _Hekabe_, 21, 94 ff. - _Herakleidai_, 23. - _Herakles Fur._, 163 f., 179. - _Hippolytos_, 17, 25, 101 ff., 179. - _Hypsipyle_, 181. - _Ion_, 179. - _Iph. A._, 23, 25, 112 ff., 179. - _Iph. T._, 13, 17 f., 25 f., 121 ff. - _Kretes_, 14, 20, 27. - _Kyklops_, 35, 139 ff. - _Medeia_, 13, 19, 23, 144 ff. - _Melanippe_, 14. - _Meleagros_, 14, 20, 26, 181. - _Oedipus_, 13, 19. - _Oinomaos_, 14. - _Philoktetes_, 21. - _Phoin._, 14, 19, 171 ff. - _Rhesos_, 32. - _Stheneboia_, 181. - _Telephos_, 8, 12, 23, 31, 181. - _Theseus_, 14, 24. - - - _Flugmaschine_, 160. - - - Homer, 3, 34. - - - Laokoön, 9 f. - - Lyssa, 163, 171. - - - Niobe, group, 8 f. - - - Oedipus, banishment of, 177. - - Oistros, 162 ff. - - Orpheus, relief of, 4 f. - - - Paeuvius, 12, 82. - - Parrhasios, 23 f., 34. - - Peirithoös, relief, 4. - - Peliades, relief, 4. - - Pergamon, frieze, 7. - - Polygnotos, 21 f., 95, 110. - - Polyxena, 21, 95. - - Praxiteles, 6, 9. - - Python, 70, note 1. - - - Seilanion, ‘Iokaste’ of, 7. - - Skopas, 9. - - Sophokles, influence of, on art, 75 ff. - statue of, 6. - _Antigone_, 75, 77. - _Elektra_, 50. - _Iphigeneia_, 12, 23. - _Lakainai_, 35. - _Laokoön_, 10. - _Mysoi_, 8. - _Niobe_, 8. - _Niptra_, 36, note 3. - _Oed. Rex_, 77. - _Oinomaos_, 14. - _Phaidra_, 101. - _Philoktetes_, 13, 19, 21. - _Polyxene_, 21. - _Trachiniai_, 77. - _Troilos_, 32. - - - Tarentum, 37 ff., 66, 82. - - Timanthes, 23, 25, 34, 113, 140. - - Timomachus, 23, 138. - - Tragedy, Roman and Greek, 11, 82. - - - Zeuxis, 24. - ------ - -Footnote 1: - - F.-W. no. 1198; pub. in Brunn’s _Vorlegeblätter_, no. 18, and - Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, ii. p. 1121. - -Footnote 2: - - Benndorf und Schöne, _Die Bildwerke des Lateranensischen Museums_. no. - 92 = F.-W. no. 1200; pub. in Brunn’s _Vorlegeblätter_, no. 17. - -Footnote 3: - - F.-W. no. 1201; pub. in _Museo Torlonia_, pl. 93, no. 377. This is the - youngest of the three, but the original still belongs to the period - just after the completion of the Parthenon. - -Footnote 4: - - Cf. _Griechische Weihgeschenke_, p. 130 ff. - -Footnote 5: - - Cf. Isaeus v. 41, and Xen. _Hieron_, ix. 4. - -Footnote 6: - - _Athen. Mitth._ 1878, p. 233; Ἀθήναιον B. vii. p. 93. - -Footnote 7: - - 1. 20. 1. - -Footnote 8: - - Cf. _C. I. A._ ii. 3, 1298, and _Anth. Pal._ vi. 239. - -Footnote 9: - - _Loc. cit._ - -Footnote 10: - - 1. 21. 1 and 2. - -Footnote 11: - - Pub. _Athen. Mitth._ 1882, pl. 14; cf. F.-W. no. 1135. - -Footnote 12: - - Furtwängler, _Sammlung Sabouroff_, p. 31. - -Footnote 13: - - Cf. F.-W. no. 1843, 1844, and Jahn’s _Archäologische Beiträge_, p. 198 - ff. - -Footnote 14: - - Cf. Overbeck’s _Schriftquellen_, no. 1128. - -Footnote 15: - - F.-W. no. 1242. - -Footnote 16: - - I follow Robert. Cf. _Thanatos_, p. 37 ff. - -Footnote 17: - - Cf. Robert in _Jahrbuch_, 1887, p. 244 ff. - -Footnote 18: - - F.-W. 1402. Cf. Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ 36, 34. - -Footnote 19: - - One may distinguish two distinct moments in works of art based upon - the Antiope myth. (1) The two sons of Antiope have the unfortunate - Dirke all but fastened to the bull, which is being held only with the - utmost exertion. (2) The catastrophe ensues. The wild animal is - dragging his victim over the ground. It need not be said that the most - celebrated representation of (1) is the _toro farnese_. For (2), cf. a - wall painting, pub. _Arch. Ztg._ 1878, pl. 9, _a_ and _b_. The myth - was wonderfully popular and appears on coins, gems, reliefs, &c., all - of which belong to the period when tragic influence predominated in - art. Cf. Dilthey, _Arch. Ztg._ 1878, p. 43 ff. and Jahn, _ibid._, - 1853, p. 65–105. - -Footnote 20: - - F.-W. no. 1422. Cf. Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ 36, 37. - -Footnote 21: - - Robert, _Bild und Lied_, p. 192 ff., contends against the influence of - Sophokles. - -Footnote 22: - - Cic. _de opt. gen. orat._ 1. 1. - -Footnote 23: - - Velleius, 1. 17. 1. - -Footnote 24: - - The favourite subject was the murder of Troïlos. - -Footnote 25: - - Brunn, _op. cit._ pl. 1–16; cf. Schlie, _Die Darstellungen des - troischen Sagenkreises auf etruskischen Aschenkisten_, p. 13 ff. - -Footnote 26: - - _Poet._ 1453^a. 21. - -Footnote 27: - - _Op. cit._ pl. 26–34, gives eighteen reliefs. - -Footnote 28: - - Cf. p. 113 f. - -Footnote 29: - - Brunn, _op. cit._ pl. 69–72; cf. especially nos. 1, 2 and 3. The - remaining four are not Sophoklean and betray an admixture of different - elements. Odysseus bathes the afflicted foot of Philoktetes on nos. 6 - and 7. - -Footnote 30: - - _Op. cit._ p. 155; cf. pl. 74–83. - -Footnote 31: - - _Op. cit._ pl. 84–85. The attitude of ‘Iphigeneia’ causes some - difficulty in this interpretation. Cf. her part on the other - monuments. - -Footnote 32: - - Cf. p. 124 ff. below. - -Footnote 33: - - Körte, _op. cit._ vol. ii. pl. 1. 2. - -Footnote 34: - - Cf. p. 144 ff. - -Footnote 35: - - _Op. cit._ vol. ii. pl. 4. 1, 2 and 3. and pl. 5. 4. - -Footnote 36: - - Cf. schol. Eur. _Phoin._ v. 61, and Nauck’s _Fragmenta_, Eur. no. 541, - and _op. cit._ ii. pl. 7. 1. - -Footnote 37: - - There are twenty-eight in all representing the fratricide, and nine - showing the attack; Körte, _I rilievi d. urne etrusche_, ii. pl. 8 24. - -Footnote 38: - - _Op. cit._ ii. p. 32 ff. - -Footnote 39: - - Pl. 26–27. - -Footnote 40: - - Pl. 28–30. - -Footnote 41: - - Pl. 31–32. - -Footnote 42: - - Cf. p. 105 f. below. - -Footnote 43: - - Pl. 39–40. Three in all. - -Footnote 44: - - Pl. 41–56. - -Footnote 45: - - One may think of Soph. _Oinom._, called also _Hippodameia_, and of - Eur. _Oinom._ The latter seems to have been followed by Accius. - -Footnote 46: - - Pl. 62; cf. also _op. cit._ ii. p. 150 ff. - -Footnote 47: - - Pl. 100–104. - -Footnote 48: - - The monumental publication, which is now appearing under the direction - of the German Imperial Archaeological Institute, will, when completed, - place within one’s reach all this immense material. The projected plan - embraces six volumes of which the second has so far appeared: _Die - Antiken Sarkophag-Reliefs_, ii. 1890, edited by Carl Robert. The third - part is to embrace three vols., so that we have in the _Antiken - Sarkophag-Reliefs_, iii. 1897, Carl Robert, only the first vol. - -Footnote 49: - - Robert, _op. cit._ iii. part i, pl. 6–7. Nos. 22, 23, 24, 26 are all - practically intact and agree closely with each other. Nos. 27–30 are - larger or smaller fragments. - -Footnote 50: - - Pub. _Arch. Ztg._ 1875, pl. 9 = Robert, _op. cit._ iii. part i, pl. 7. - 32 = Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, i. p. 46. - -Footnote 51: - - P. 101 ff. - -Footnote 52: - - Robert, _op. cit._ ii. p. 165. - -Footnote 53: - - Robert, _Die antiken Sark.-Reliefs_, ii. pl. 54, no. 154. - -Footnote 54: - - Cf. _op. cit._ ii. pl. 54–56, nos 155–166; vid. also p. 67 below. - -Footnote 55: - - Robert, _op. cit._ ii. pl. 57–59, nos. 167–180, and p. 124 ff. below. - -Footnote 56: - - P. 145 ff. - -Footnote 57: - - Robert, _op. cit._ ii. pl. 60, nos. 183, 184, and p. 191 ff. - -Footnote 58: - - Robert, _op. cit._ ii. pl. 51, no. 139. - -Footnote 59: - - Pub. by Robert, _Die Pasiphaë-Sarkophag_, 1890, pl. i.; also _op. - cit._ iii. part i, pi. 10. 35, 35^a, 35^b. - -Footnote 60: - - Cf. Nauck’s _Fragmenta_, no. 472. - -Footnote 61: - - Cf. Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, ii. p. 917, where the Louvre fragment is - published = Clarac, _Musée de Sculpture_, pl. 201, no. 208. A similar - scene is shown in no. 256. - -Footnote 62: - - Paus. 1. 22. 6. - -Footnote 63: - - Cf. p. 94 ff. - -Footnote 64: - - Cf. schol. Eur. _Hek._ v. 3, and Nauck’s _Fragmenta_, p. 245 ff. - -Footnote 65: - - _Homerische Becher_, p. 75; but on p. 25 f. of the _Iliupersis des - Polygnot in der Poikile_, Robert refers the picture to Polykleitos on - the strength of the epigram (_Anth. Plan._ 3. 30) by Pollianos. The - question turns on the reading Πολυκλείτοιο, which has generally been - held to be a corruption of Πολυγνώτοιο. But this does not convince me - that Polygnotos might not have painted the work in the Propylaia. It - is by no means necessary to consider the two paintings identical even - if Πολυκλείτοιο must remain. - -Footnote 66: - - Paus. 10. 25. 2. - -Footnote 67: - - This was shown by Schneidewin in _Philologus_, 1849, p. 645 ff. - -Footnote 68: - - Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ 35. 71. - -Footnote 69: - - Cf. Overbeck, _Schriftquellen_, 1735–1739, and p. 112 f. below. - -Footnote 70: - - Pliny, _Nat. Hist._ 35, 132, and Helbig, _Wandgemälde_, 1183–1203. - -Footnote 71: - - Pliny, _op. cit._ 35, 136, and Helbig, _op. cit._ nos. 1189, - 1262–1264. The latter is from Herculaneum. Cf. Overbeck, - _Schriftquellen_, 2126–2135, for various epigrams touching this - painting of Timomachus. - -Footnote 72: - - Overbeck, _op. cit._ 1642. Cf. Reisch, _Griechische Weihgeschenke_, p. - 127. - -Footnote 73: - - Pliny, _op. cit._ 35, 144; cf. a Pompeian wall painting, pub. _Arch. - Ztg._ 1883, pl. 9. 1. - -Footnote 74: - - Paus. 1. 20. 3. - -Footnote 75: - - Vid. Dörpfeld and Reisch, _Das griechische Theater_, p. 21. - -Footnote 76: - - Cf. p. 74 below. - -Footnote 77: - - Cf. Helbig, _op. cit._ Three groups are distinguishable. (1) Nos. - 1216–1240, Ariadne forsaken by Theseus. (2) 1222–1232, she mourns in - her solitude. (3) 1233–1240, Dionysos comes to her rescue. - -Footnote 78: - - Helbig, _op. cit._ nos. 1242–1247; cf. p. 108, note 1. - -Footnote 79: - - Cf. Helbig, _op. cit._ nos. 1304, 1305. - -Footnote 80: - - Cf. p. 138 below. - -Footnote 81: - - Helbig, _op. cit._ nos. 1142, 1143. - -Footnote 82: - - Especially fine is the painting discovered in the _casa dei Vettii_, - photo. Alinari, no. 12133; cf. _Röm. Mitth_. 1896, p. 50 f. - -Footnote 83: - - Cf. _Röm. Mitth_. 1896, p. 45 f., and _Arch. Anz_. 1895, p. 121, - photo. Alinari, no. 12134. Pub. _J. H. S._ 1896, p. 151. - -Footnote 84: - - Helbig, _op. cit._ nos. 1151–1153. The excavations in 1895 added still - another to those already known. Vid. _Röm. Mitth_. 1896, p. 46, photo. - Alinari, no. 12135. Cf. also _Arch. Ztg_. 1878, pl. 9. _a_ and _b_ for - two others. - -Footnote 85: - - Livius Andronicus, Ennius, and Accius, each wrote an _Andromeda_. - Ennius translated the _Medeia_, and chose over half his pieces from - Euripides. - -Footnote 86: - - Gerhard’s _Etruskische Spiegel_, ii. pl. 239, and v. pl. 117. - -Footnote 87: - - _Op. cit._ iv. pl. 354. 2. - -Footnote 88: - - Gerhard, _op. cit._ iv. 367. 2. Cf. Euripides’ Κρῆτες. - -Footnote 89: - - _Op. cit._ iv. pl. 401. - -Footnote 90: - - _Op. cit._ ii. pl. 229 = Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. 14. 1; iv. pl. - 390. 2; v. pl. 108. - -Footnote 91: - - _Op. cit._ v. p. 217. - -Footnote 92: - - _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, ser. D. pl. 10. 4 and 5 = _op. cit._ ii. pl. - 138. 139. Aischylos was the first to chain Prometheus, and all the - monuments representing the giant thus fastened on the cliff are - dependent on the _Prometheus_. Cf. Milchhoefer, in _Berliner - Winckelmannsprogramm_ for 1882. - -Footnote 93: - - The question as to where and how the Etruscans came to have so wide a - knowledge of Greek poetry will long remain a perplexing one. One thing - seems clear, viz., that the Romans did not serve as any connecting - link between Greece and Etruria. Greek art as well as Greek letters - reached this people direct. It hardly seems probable that translations - of the Greek poets were so extensively made by this practical people, - that the artists could in this manner have had access to so much that - is Euripidean. There is, moreover, a great deal in some of the reliefs - that bespeaks a familiarity with the scenes as actually given in the - theatre. This leads me to think that the wandering troops of actors - had penetrated Etruria also, and introduced the plays of which the - Etruscans made so much in their art. - -Footnote 94: - - Figs. 12, 16, 27, 28; cf. also note 2, p. 95 f. - -Footnote 95: - - Vid. Lüders, _Die dionysischen Künstler_, Berlin, 1873. - -Footnote 96: - - Cf. p. 114 ff. - -Footnote 97: - - The ‘Megarian Bowls’ have much in common with such later monuments as - the _tabula iliaca_. Cf. Jahn’s _Bilderchroniken_, and Baumeister, - _Denkmäler_, i. no. 775. - -Footnote 98: - - Jahn, _Telephos und Troilos_, 1841, p. 46 ff., believed that Exekias - was indebted to Euripides’ _Telephos_ for the idea of his - dice-players; cf. Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. 14. 4, and _Wiener - Vorlegeblätter_, 1888, pl. 6. 1^a. We know now that Exekias must have - lived nearly 100 years before the date of the _Telephos_. - -Footnote 99: - - Klein in his _Euphronios_, 1886, p. 236 ff., saw in the Iliupersis - kylix, pub. Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, i. no. 795, the workings of - Aischylos’ Ὅπλον Κρίσις; in the Euphronios kylix, _Wiener - Vorlegeblätter_, ser. v. pl. 6, representing the death of Troïlos, a - connexion was pointed out with Sophokles’ _Troilos_; and the Dolon - kylix, also by Euphronios, cf. _op. cit._ p. 136 f., might be brought - under the _Rhesos_ of Euripides. - -Footnote 100: - - Note especially the Brygos kylix, Brit. Mus., cat. iii. E 65; pub. - _Mon. d. Inst._ ix. 46, and _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, ser. viii. 6. - Dionysos stands by his altar over which a satyr springs to grasp Iris. - Others of the tribe make merry. Cf. also Brit. Mus., cat. iii. E 768; - pub. _Wiener Vorlegebl._ ser. vii. 4, in the style of Euthymides. - Seilenos in herald’s dress is in the midst of a long train of satyrs. - -Footnote 101: - - The main scene is published and discussed by Dümmler in _Rheinisches - Museum_, 1888, p. 355 ff. - -Footnote 102: - - Cf. the Peiraieus frag. pub. _Arch. Ztg._ 1880, pl. 16. Other examples - of later styles are included by Reisch, _Griech. Weihgeschenke_, p. 68 - ff. Vid. further the list in _Arch. Ztg._ 1880, p. 182 f. - -Footnote 103: - - Gerhard, _Auser. Vasen_, pl. 56, and Reinach-Millin, _Peintures_, i. - 9. - -Footnote 104: - - Berlin, inv. no. 3237. Pub. and discussed by Bethe, _Jahrbuch_, 1896, - p. 292 ff. and pl. 2; cf. Furtwängler, _Arch. Anz._ 1893, p. 91 f. - -Footnote 105: - - P. 141 ff. - -Footnote 106: - - No. 3235, A. Pub. _Mon. d. Inst._ ii. pl. 36; Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, - pl. 24. 19; cf. Furtwängler, _Masterpieces_, p. 152 f. - -Footnote 107: - - Fig. 8, and p. 63 f. - -Footnote 108: - - Heydemann’s cat. no. 3240. Pub. Müller-Wieseler, _Theater-gebäude_, - pl. 6. 2; Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, i. fig. 422. - -Footnote 109: - - iv. 115–117. Cf. also Bethe, _Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters - im Altertum_, p. 42. - -Footnote 110: - - The Penelope vase, pub. _Mon. d. Inst._ ix. pl. 42 = Baumeister’s - _Denkmäler_, iii. no. 2332, has lately been explained by Robert as - being based on Soph. Νίπτρα. Cf. _Die Marathonschlacht in der - Poikile_, p. 78 ff. If I could accept this view my position would be - very materially strengthened. The Νίπτρα must be set _cir._ 428 B.C., - and this means that the painting is later than this date. Much as I - should like to bring this important monument into connexion with the - drama, I cannot think of a later date for the vase than 440 B.C., - which to be sure renders its relation to Sophokles impossible. If, - however, Professor Robert be correct, it shows that there is at least - one vase painting of the fifth century that represents a form of a - myth which belonged to the theatre, and this was not granted in _Bild - und Lied_. - -Footnote 111: - - Cf. Gardner’s _Types of Greek Coins_, pl. v. nos. 17–20, and - Furtwängler’s _Masterpieces_, p. 105 ff., with the very instructive - collection of Italian and Sicilian coins which shows the Attic - influence in this period. - -Footnote 112: - - Cf. Mommsen, _Unteritalische Dialekte_, p. 89 ff. - -Footnote 113: - - _De leg._ 1. 637^c. - -Footnote 114: - - Dio Cassius, 39. 3. 6. - -Footnote 115: - - Zonaris, viii. 2. 370, καὶ τὸ θέατρον ἔκλεισε. - -Footnote 116: - - Cf. figs. 5, 6, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23. - -Footnote 117: - - The large class of Lower Italy vases that illustrate scenes from - comedy are priceless treasures. They are based on the ‘farce-plays,’ - φλύακες τραγικοί—the invention of Rhinthon (vid. _Rhinthonis - Fragmenta_, Halle, dissertation by E. Völker, 1887); cf. especially - Heydemann, _Jahrbuch_, 1886, p. 260 ff., where all the examples then - known are discussed. Bethe, _Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters - im Altertum_, p. 278–292, handles particularly the interesting - question of the stage represented in the scenes. - - Mention should be made also of Körte’s excellent article in the - _Jahrbuch_ for 1893, p. 61–93, on _Archaeologische Studien zur alten - Komödie_. - -Footnote 118: - - Robert’s conclusion in regard to the literary source of all the - monuments (_Bild und Lied_, p. 149 ff.) is that they go back to the - _Oresteia_ of Stesichoros. This view has been generally accepted by - archaeologists, and met with no opposition till Wilamowitz showed - reason for believing in the existence of a Delphic epic dealing with - this subject. The whole question needs another careful investigation. - -Footnote 119: - - Pub. _Mon. d. Inst._ vi. pl. 57. 1 = Roscher’s _Lexikon_, i. p. 1238. - Cf. Robert, _op. cit._ p. 167 ff. - -Footnote 120: - - Naples, no. 1755, pub. Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, iii. 1939 = - Reinach-Millingen, _Peintures_, pl. 14. - -Footnote 121: - - Fig. 2. Pub. Raoul-Rochette, _Monuments inédits_, pl. 34. Cf. _ibid._ - p. 159 ff.; Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. 28. 5; cf. text _ibid._, p. 688 - ff.; Inghirami, _Vasi fitt._ ii. pl. 151. - -Footnote 122: - - Cf. figs. 14, 15, 23, 24 for the regulation dress of the pedagogue. - -Footnote 123: - - Cf. note 2, p. 44. - -Footnote 124: - - Munich coll. Jahn’s cat. no. 814. The figure of Elektra alone together - with the view of the tomb is published by Inghirami, _Vasi fitt._ ii. - pl. 154. - -Footnote 125: - - Pub. Inghirami, _op. cit._ ii. pl. 153. - -Footnote 126: - - An amphora, no. 544. The painting has not been published so far as I - know, but the similarity it bears to figs. 3 and 4 appeared to me to - render a publication of it here unnecessary. - -Footnote 127: - - Cf. παρ’ οὐδετέρω κεῖται ἡ μυθοποιία of the Hypothesis. - -Footnote 128: - - Cf. Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. 29, and Raoul-Rochette, _Mon. inéd._ - pl. 35–38. - -Footnote 129: - - Cat. no. 349; pub. _Compte Rendu_, 1864, pl. 6. 5; cf. Stephani, - _ibid._ p. 252 ff. - -Footnote 130: - - Cf. a similar figure with the key in figs. 6, 18, 20. In the latter - cases Iphigeneia is the priestess. - -Footnote 131: - - v. 1061. - -Footnote 132: - - v. 35. - -Footnote 133: - - Vid my _Attitude of the Greek Tragedians toward Art_, p. 12 ff., for a - discussion of this passage. - -Footnote 134: - - So Eur. _Orest._ v. 321; _Elekt._ v. 1345. - -Footnote 135: - - Naples, no. 3249, photo, Alinari, 11296, from which fig. 6 is taken. - The painting was published by Jahn, _Vasenbilder_, 1839, pl. 1. 1, - from a drawing. Jahn himself had not seen the vase. The drawing does - the fine picture so little justice that I could not think of - reproducing it. The work on the vase is wonderfully clear and strong. - Every figure is in itself a beautiful work of art. The picture - presents an unusual variety of situations that are artistically of - great interest. - -Footnote 136: - - Cf. also fig. 8. - -Footnote 137: - - No. 3256. Pub. Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. 29. 4; general view of the - whole vase, Gerhard’s _Apulische Vasen_. pl. A. 6. Another painting, a - late work and wretchedly done, somewhat similar, is published in - _Arch. Ztg._ 1877, pl. 4. 11. - -Footnote 138: - - Fig. 8. Pub. Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. 29. 7; _Mon. d. Inst._ iv. pl. - 48; _Arch. Ztg._ 1860, pl. 138. 2; Baumeister’s _Denkmäler_, ii. p. - 1117; Rayet et Collignon, _Histoire de la céramique grecque_, p. 297. - -Footnote 139: - - Vid. Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. 29. 11, and 12. - -Footnote 140: - - Cf. vs. 67, 84, 91. - -Footnote 141: - - This view is maintained by Dörpfeld and Reisch, _Das griechische - Theater_, p. 243 ff. In reply to this vid. Robert in _Hermes_, vol. - 32, p. 439 ff. Vid. also Bethe, _Prolegomena zur Geschichte des - Theaters im Altertum_, pp. 112–116, where this point in the production - of the _Eumenides_ is ably discussed. - -Footnote 142: - - Cf. this scene on the Sarcophagi reliefs. Robert, _Die antiken - Sarkophag-Reliefs_, ii. pl. 54–56, nos. 155–161, the right end scene; - also no. 157^1, p. 173. - -Footnote 143: - - Cf. the ghosts of Aigisthos and Klytaimestra on the end reliefs of the - Sarcophagus, no. 155, _op. cit._ - -Footnote 144: - - _Orest._ 408, 1650; _Tro._ 457; cf. also the relief found near Argos, - pub. _Athen. Mitth._ 1879, pl. 9 = Roscher’s _Lexikon_, i. p. 1330. - -Footnote 145: - - Wilamowitz, _Aischylos Orestie, Zweites Stück_, 1896, p. 246 ff., has - shown the plausibility of believing in such an epic. The author was a - Delphian. - -Footnote 146: - - A few fragments remain from the _Oresteia_ of Stesichoros. Cf. - Bergk-Schaefer, _Poetae lyrici graeci_, iii. p. 219 ff. - -Footnote 147: - - Opinions vary on this point. Three different views are held. (1) The - temple of Athena remains the scene throughout the rest of the play; - the Areiopagos (v. 685) becomes then merely a part of the stage - decorations given by the periaktoi. (2) Between v. 235 and v. 685 the - scene was changed from the Acropolis to the Areiopagos. (3) There is - no scene from v. 235 other than the Areiopagos. The latter seems to me - absolutely untenable. Repeated allusion is made to the temple and to - Orestes clinging to the old image in the δῶμα (v. 242 ff.). Regarding - the first and second, it makes little difference whether the scene was - in fact shifted or whether it was represented on the wings. The - practical working was the same in either case. - -Footnote 148: - - The present whereabouts of the vase is not known. Pub. Baumeister, - _Denkmäler_, ii. p. 1118; Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. 29. 9; - Reinach-Millingen, _Peintures_, ii. 68; also as frontispiece to the - 4th ed. of Paley’s _Aeschylus_. He disposes of it in a line or two, - and, with the usual accuracy which characterizes philologists when - dealing with matters of archaeology, says the vase is ‘probably nearly - contemporaneous’ with the _Eumenides_ (p. 584). The composition is - remarkably like the Assteas painting, _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, ser. i. - pl. 7. The figures of Apollo and Kadmos, as well as the two Athenas, - have much in common. There is the same roundness and plumpness in the - figures. Furthermore, Assteas was partial to bust figures and never - lost an opportunity to introduce them. The border on the veil of the - female bust of our vase is Campanian, as are also certain other - details. All this brings me to the opinion that Assteas, who was very - likely from Paestum and may have been in touch with Campanian styles - as well, was the painter of our vase. It is at least from the school - of Assteas. A painting by Python (_J. H. S._ 1890, pl. 6), one of the - set of Assteas, exhibits the same treatment of hair and decoration - that is found on the painting, fig. 9. - -Footnote 149: - - These feathers, for that is what these projections are, can be counted - on dozens of helms belonging to this period. Athena and warriors wear - them alike. Their occurrence before the latter part of the fourth - century B.C. is unknown to me. - -Footnote 150: - - Cf. Aisch. _Supp._ v. 463. - -Footnote 151: - - Pub. _Arch. Ztg._ 1860, pl. 137. 4 = Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. 29. 8. - -Footnote 152: - - Vid. _Arch. Anz._ 1890, p. 90. - -Footnote 153: - - It is worth noting that, when viewed both from the artistic in his - plays and the art that was an outgrowth of his plays, Sophokles - occupies the same position as regards Aischylos and Euripides. Cf. my - _Attitude of the Greek Tragedians toward Art_, p. 32 ff. - -Footnote 154: - - P. 35, note 3, and p. 36, note 3. - -Footnote 155: - - _Poet._ 1450^a. 25. - -Footnote 156: - - _Rep._ 8. 568^a. - -Footnote 157: - - C. 29. - -Footnote 158: - - Athen. p. 537; cf. Plut. _Alex._ c. 10 and 53. - -Footnote 159: - - Athen. p. 175. - -Footnote 160: - - This fact comes out particularly in Polybios; cf. Susemihl, - _Geschichte der griech. Litteratur in der Alexanderzeit_, ii. p. 119. - -Footnote 161: - - _C. I. A._ ii. 973 is the authority for this occurrence in the years - 341–39 B.C. - -Footnote 162: - - 6. 3. 5. - -Footnote 163: - - Cf. _Nem._ 7. v. 49 ff. - -Footnote 164: - - Vid. Hypothesis: τὸ δὲ δρᾶμα τῶν δευτέρον. - -Footnote 165: - - Fig. 10; no. 239 in the Jatta catalogue. Pub. _Annali d. Inst._ 1868, - pl. E = Engelmann’s _Atlas zum Homer_, ii. _Odyssee_, pl. 4. 18; cf. - Vogel, _op. cit._ p. 36 ff. - -Footnote 166: - - Cf. similar figures in figs. 6, 18, 20. - -Footnote 167: - - The composition is strikingly like that in fig. 18. The two temples - are exact counterparts of each other. The altars likewise and the - Apollo figures have much in common. Most important of all is the fact - that in both pictures the chief persons are denoted by inscriptions. - It should be observed further that both vases are of the same style, - amphoras with volute handles, and both were found in Ruvo. These facts - lead me to believe that one and the same artist may have been the - painter of both works. - -Footnote 168: - - Cf. figs. 6, 7, 18, 20, 21, 23. - -Footnote 169: - - The 26th idyll of Theokritos should also be counted with the - _Bakchai_. - -Footnote 170: - - Suidas s. v. Thespis. - -Footnote 171: - - But one verse remains, Nauck’s _Fragmenta_, no. 183. - -Footnote 172: - - A psykter in the Bourguignon coll., Naples; pub. _Jahrbuch_, 1892, pl. - 5. The vase belongs to the Epiktetos set, and may be dated _cir._ 500 - B.C. - -Footnote 173: - - The following, given by Hartwig, _Jahrbuch_, 1892, p. 154 ff., may be - mentioned as supplementing the list in Jahn’s well-known essay, - _Pentheus und die Mainaden_, Kiel, 1841. - - (1) Attic pyxis, Louvre; pub. _Jahrbuch_, 1892, p. 156; date 420–400 - B.C. - - (2) Kylix in _Museo di Papa Giulio_, Rome, described by Hartwig, _op. - cit._ p. 163, who thinks it may have well been influenced by - Euripides, but he sets the date of the _Bakchai_ at 410 B.C.! I have - not seen the vase nor any publication of it, but should infer from - Hartwig’s description that it is older than the tragedy. - -Footnote 174: - - Lucanian fabric, no. 807 in Jahn’s cat., pub. Jahn’s _Pentheus und die - Mainaden_, pl. ii. a; Reinach-Millingen, _Peintures_, pl. 5 = - Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, ii. no. 1396. - -Footnote 175: - - The original shows no trace of the fire that is so prominent in the - publications. There can, however, be no doubt that a _burning_ torch - was meant, if not so painted originally. - -Footnote 176: - - vs. 954 ff., 1052, 1061 ff. - -Footnote 177: - - P. 25 above. It should be noted that this is the first example of a - Pentheus scene discovered in Pompeii or Herculaneum. - -Footnote 178: - - P. 23 above. - -Footnote 179: - - The episode seems to have been first told in the Ἰλίου Πέρσις of - Arktinos. Polyxena being led by Neoptolemos to the tomb of Achilles - appears on an Attic bl. fig. vase of _cir._ 550 B.C., vid. Berlin cat. - 1902; pub. Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. 27. 17. Two gems of the severe - style in the Berlin Antiquarium (nos. 489, 490), pub. Overbeck, _op. - cit._ pl. 27. 13 and 14, also represent the sacrifice. The painting in - the Pinakotheke of the Propylaia may have been by Polygnotos (cf. p. - 21 above), and if it was, Euripides no doubt had often seen it. This - showed her about to be sacrificed; Paus. 1. 22. 6. - -Footnote 180: - - ‘Megarian Bowls’ is a name applied to a class of small cups decorated - with a band of relief. The ware is red or black, and appears both in - glazed and unglazed form. The largest number of the vases has been - found in Megara, hence the name ‘Megarian.’ As many have been - discovered also in Boeotia and other places, the present terminology - is somewhat misleading. Examples of this ware are to be found in every - large museum in Europe. The British Museum possesses no less than nine - such cups, and fragments from fourteen others (vid. cat. iv. pp. - 251–256). The reliefs illustrate mostly scenes from the Theban and - Trojan Cycles. Whether the terra cotta presented a cheap way of - reproducing silver and gold cups, which were highly prized, and served - therefore the place of our casts, or whether the bowls were made from - special moulds and are to be considered independent works of art, is - quite uncertain. The fact that there are in existence three copies of - the same work, each agreeing in every detail with the others, would - seem to point to the former supposition. Robert, who has handled this - set of monuments most thoroughly, distinguishes two classes: (1) the - whole vase is cast from one mould; (2) the reliefs having been made - separately are stamped on the ready bowl. Vid. especially Robert’s - _Homerische Becher_ for the whole question; cf. also p. 27 ff. above. - -Footnote 181: - - Fig. 12, pub. by Robert, _op. cit._ p. 73 ff. - -Footnote 182: - - Fig. 13: pub. _Mon. d. Inst._ ii. pl. 12; Welcker, _Alte Denkmäler_, - iii. pl. 23. 2; Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. 28. 2. - -Footnote 183: - - The first play belonged to the trilogy containing the _Aigeus_ and - _Theseus_, which made up a set of purely Attic interest. It is well - known that Euripides deepened and widened the belief in the Athenian - heroic period. - -Footnote 184: - - Suidas names an _Hippolytos_ of Lykophron—a poet of Alexandria. - -Footnote 185: - - The _Phaedra_ seems to have followed the first _Hippolytos_ of - Euripides. - -Footnote 186: - - Cf. _Met._ 15, vs. 497 ff., and _Heroid._ 4. - -Footnote 187: - - Cat. iv. F 272, pub. by Braun, _Mon. ed Annali_, 1854, pl. 16; - Engelmann’s _Atlas zum Homer_, ii, _Odyssee_, pl. 15. 93. First - correctly interpreted by Heydemann, _Arch. Ztg._ 1871, p. 158 ff.; cf. - also Vogel, _op. cit._ p. 66 f., and Kalkmann, _Arch. Ztg._ 1883, p. - 62 ff. The vase is Apulian ware. The lower zone represents the - violence of the Centaurs at the marriage of Peirithoös’ daughter, - Laodameia. Theseus and the father are seen rushing to the help of the - bride. - -Footnote 188: - - The fact that no succession of events, where one person appears more - than once, can be found in Hellenic art, forbids us interpreting this - group as again Phaidra and an attendant. I cannot, however, rid myself - of the feeling that the figure leaning on the _kline_ is not a - servant, but is more in rank with Phaidra. Her rôle is more than that - of the other attendants. This is shown by her attitude and dress. Her - appearance is exactly that required for Phaidra after she had ordered - her attendants to lift her up, remove her veil, and allow her hair to - drop over her shoulders (vs. 198–202). - -Footnote 189: - - Cf. the part of the pedagogue on the Medeia vase, fig. 23, p. 146. - -Footnote 190: - - There are, besides, fragments of several other reliefs. For the - literature vid. Kalkmann, _Arch. Ztg._ 1883, p. 65 ff., and Jahn, - _Arch. Beiträge_, p. 300 ff. - -Footnote 191: - - Cf. vs. 201 ff. - -Footnote 192: - - Pub. _Arch. Ztg._ 1847, pl. 5 and 6. - -Footnote 193: - - Pub. _Mon. d. Inst._ vi. pl. 1, 2, 3. - -Footnote 194: - - So on the Constantinople relief, pub. _Arch. Ztg._ 1857, pl. 100 = - Brunn’s _Vorlegeblätter_, pl. 9. 3; and on the Girgenti sarcophagi; - cf. note 1 above. - -Footnote 195: - - Clarac, _Musée de Sculpture_, pl. 213, no. 228, and _Mon. d. Inst._ - viii. pl. 38. 1 = _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, ser. 5, pl. 12, and - Gerhard, _Antike Bildwerke_, pl. 26. - -Footnote 196: - - A number of vase paintings interpreted as Phaidra are not included - here since they all admit of a variety of interpretations. Vid. p. 179 - below. - -Footnote 197: - - The remarkable feature in these reliefs that shows non-Euripidean - influence is the letter which the old nurse hands to Hippolytos. This - points to another handling of the myth, where the former confined - herself to a written statement rather than a word of mouth proposal. - Strikingly in harmony with Euripides, however, is the position of the - trophos. She grasps Hippolytos’ elbow—ναὶ πρός δε τῆσδε δεξιᾶς - εὐωλένου (v. 605). Cf. also the Pompeian wall painting, _Mus. - Borbonico_, 8, pl. 52. This and other wall paintings represent the - scene between Hippolytos and the nurse as taking place in the presence - of Phaidra, who sits quite alone. - -Footnote 198: - - Cf. fig. 15. Cat. vol. iv. F 279; pub. by Kalkmann, _Arch. Ztg._ 1883, - pl. 6; vid. _ibid._ p. 43 ff. - -Footnote 199: - - Cf. a similar group in fig. 23. - -Footnote 200: - - The same group of divinities, with the exception of Apollo, occurs on - the Naples amphora, no. 3256, pub. _Mon. d. Inst._ ii. 30, and Robert, - _Die Marathonschlacht_, p. 37; Robert calls attention to the fact that - this is an essentially Athenian assembly. Poseidon, Athena, and Pan - were inseparably associated with the Acropolis, the latter, of course, - after the battle of Marathon. The Naples vase represents a battle - between Greeks and barbarians, and according to Robert’s theory is - dependent upon Polygnotos’ painting in the Stoa Poikile. As - participants and spectators the gods occur in the upper section. - Athena, indeed, whirls into line on her chariot. If this ingenious - theory has hit the gist of the matter regarding the Naples painting, - then we may also claim the group of gods on the Hippolytos vase as - peculiarly Athenian. And such would be very appropriate for a picture - that represented an Attic tragedy, whose hero had a cult under the - shadow of the Acropolis. - -Footnote 201: - - vs. 1199 ff. - -Footnote 202: - - v. 1214; cf. also Ovid, _Met._ 15. 512, where the bull is described as - having his breast half out of the water. - -Footnote 203: - - Bk. ii. 4. - -Footnote 204: - - _Nat. Hist._ 35. 114. - -Footnote 205: - - Cf. _Mon. d. Inst._ vi. pl. 2; _Arch. Ztg._ 1847, pl. 6. - -Footnote 206: - - Körte, _I rilievi delle urne etrusche_, ii. pl. 33–36. - -Footnote 207: - - The urn in the _Brit. Mus._, no. 6, pl. 36, _op. cit._, has two such - figures. - -Footnote 208: - - So Bergk and Ribbeck. - -Footnote 209: - - v. 234 ff. - -Footnote 210: - - Pliny, 35. 73, says of the picture, _oratorum laudibus celebrata_. - Numerous mentions are in fact made of it by the orators. Cf. - especially Cic. _Orat._ 22. 74. Vid. further, Brunn’s _Griech. - Künstler_, ii. p. 82 ff. - -Footnote 211: - - Discovered April 30, 1825, in the house of the ‘Tragic Poet’; pub. - Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, i. no. 807 = photo, Alinari, 12027. Vid. - Helbig, _Campanische Wandgemälde_, no. 1304. Here, however, Iphigeneia - is being carried (cf. Aisch. _Agam._ _loc. cit._), while Pliny speaks - of her as _stans_ in Timanthes’ painting. - -Footnote 212: - - Pub. Baumeister, _op. cit._ i. 806; vid. F.-W. no. 2143. - -Footnote 213: - - Vid. Michaelis in _Röm. Mitth._ 1893, p. 201 ff.; cf. p. 4 above. - -Footnote 214: - - Brunn, _I rilievi delle urne etrusche_, i. pl. 35–47. There are - altogether twenty-six reliefs, of which twenty-one belong to Perugia. - Cf. Schlie, _Die Darstellungen des troischen Sagenkreises auf - etruskischen Aschenkisten_, p. 60 f. - -Footnote 215: - - _Op. cit._ p. 81 f., but cf. my remarks on p. 10 ff. - -Footnote 216: - - Pub. by Robert, _Homerische Becher_, p. 51. - -Footnote 217: - - A second in Athens, pub. Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1887, pl. 5; a third, on the - authority of Furtwängler (vid. Robert, _loc. cit._), in the Branthegem - coll. in Brussels. - -Footnote 218: - - So at least one thinks of the case. Agamemnon ought to have been - inside at this moment, shut off from the public gaze. The Greek drama, - however, had to bring outside, before the public as it were, even - those delicate scenes such as the present where the _interior_ of - Agamemnon’s tent should have been the scene. - -Footnote 219: - - The name occurs six times on the vase, and is always without an N. - This is strong epigraphical evidence that our spelling Klytaim_n_estra - is incorrect. - -Footnote 220: - - P. 113 f. - -Footnote 221: - - Vid. p. 179. - -Footnote 222: - - Cf. Aisch. _Agam._ v. 224 ff.; Eur. _Iph. T._ v. 8 and 360; _Iph. A._ - v. 873, 875, 935, 1177, are hardly to be taken in the literal sense. - -Footnote 223: - - _Elekt._ v. 157 and schol. - -Footnote 224: - - Cf. Proklos in Argum. to _Kypria_. - -Footnote 225: - - Frag. 123, and Paus. 1. 43. 1. - -Footnote 226: - - Bk. iv, ch. 103, and Paus. _loc. cit._ - -Footnote 227: - - Vid. Suidas s.v. - -Footnote 228: - - 1456^a. 6; 1453^b. 11. - -Footnote 229: - - Ribbeck, _Die römische Tragödie_, p. 50. - -Footnote 230: - - Ribbeck thinks of Naevius. - -Footnote 231: - - For these last two scenes as well as the others, vid. Robert, _Die - antiken Sarkophag-Reliefs_, vol. ii. pl. 57–59, and p. 165 f. and 177 - ff. - -Footnote 232: - - Fig. 17, from Raoul-Rochette, _Mon. inéd._ pl. 41. Heydemann, _cat. - Santangelo_, no. 24; cf. Trendelenburg in _Annali d. Inst._ 1872, p. - 114. - -Footnote 233: - - Vid. Robert, _op. cit._ nos. 157^b, 168, 171. - -Footnote 234: - - A wall painting from Herculaneum, pub. _Pitture di Ercolano_, i. pl. - 12; Overbeck’s _Bildwerke_, pl. 30. 9; cf. Helbig, _Campanische - Wandgemälde_, no. 1334. Another painting from Pompeii is published in - _Arch. Ztg._ 1875, pl. 13; for the same on pastes and gems cf. - Overbeck, _op. cit._ pl. 30, and Furtwängler’s _Beschreibung der - geschnittenen Steine im Antiquarium_ (Berlin), nos. 791 ff. - -Footnote 235: - - Fig. 18 from a Ruvo amphora in Naples. Heydemann, no. 3223. Pub. _Mon. - d. Inst._ ii. pl. 43; Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. 30. 4. Vid. _Annali - d. Inst._ vol. ix. p. 198 ff.; _Arch. Ztg._ 1875, p. 137; Vogel, - _Scenen eur. Trag._ p. 70 ff. - -Footnote 236: - - Cf. v. 1463, where the poet says Iphigeneia is to be κλῃδοῦχος for the - Brauronian Artemis. In Aisch. _Supp._, also, Io is spoken of as at one - time κλῃδοῦχος ἥρας. Cf. v. 291. - -Footnote 237: - - Cf. the monuments in Overbeck’s _Bildwerke_, pl. 30, that represent - this scene; and the central group on the front side of the Munich - sarcophagus, _op. cit._ no. 167. - -Footnote 238: - - Artemis sits on an altar in fig. 21, as do Orestes and Pylades on an - Etruscan mirror; vid. Gerhard’s _Etruskische Spiegel_, ii. 239, and v. - 117. Neoptolemos jumps upon the βωμός in the _Andromache_ (v. 1123) to - avoid his foes. Cf. fig. 10, p. 84. - -Footnote 239: - - Cf. Robert, _op. cit._ nos. 177 and 178, the Berlin and Weimar - Sarcophagi, and no. 180, a fragment in the court of the Palazzo - Mattei. Robert properly refers to the next following moment when - Orestes and Pylades are left alone with the chorus, Iphigeneia having - gone inside to bring the letter. In order to obtain just the - sarcophagi scenes we have but to allow Iphigeneia to withdraw after - the close of her speech, v. 642. - -Footnote 240: - - Robert, _op. cit._ pl. 57–59, and p. 165 f. and 177 ff.; _Arch. Ztg._ - 1875, p. 134 ff. - -Footnote 241: - - The two wall paintings published by Overbeck, _Bildwerke_. pl. 30, - nos. 31 and 14, and interpreted as representing this same moment, have - since been explained by Petersen, _Arch. Ztg._ 1863, p. 113 ff., as - belonging to the _Alkestis_. While the former view has been generally - given up, the latter has not by any means been everywhere accepted. It - is, at most, probable. - -Footnote 242: - - Fig. 19, pub. _Arch. Ztg._ 1849, pl. 12 = Overbeck, _op. cit._ pl. 30. - 7 = _Mon. d. Inst._ iv. pl. 51. Vid. also under ‘Iphigeneia’ in - Baumeister, and Roscher. Cf. Vogel, _op. cit._ p. 72 ff., and _Arch. - Ztg._ 1875 p. 136. - -Footnote 243: - - Fig. 20, no. 420, in the cat. of the Hermitage, pub. _Mon. d. Inst._ - vi. pl. 66; cf. _Annali d. Inst._ 1862, p. 116 ff., and Stephani in - _Compte Rendu_, 1863, p. 159 ff. - -Footnote 244: - - _Compte Rendu_, _loc. cit._ - -Footnote 245: - - Fig. 21; pub. in the _Bullettino archeologico Napolitano_, 1862, pl. - 7, and in Brunn’s _Vorlegeblätter_, pl. 13. 1. Cf. also Vogel, _op. - cit._ p. 74 ff. - -Footnote 246: - - P. 124. - -Footnote 247: - - Cf., however, Laborde’s _Vases Lamberg_, i. p. 14, also _Annali d. - Inst._ 1848, pl. L, and Overbeck’s _Bildwerke_, pl. 30. 8, for a vase - which probably shows the escape with the idol. It is not certain, but - this seems to be what is represented. The work is very ordinary. - -Footnote 248: - - Helbig, no. 1333, pub. in _Mon. d. Inst._ viii. pl. 22; photo, - Alinari, no. 12029. Cf. Helbig, _Untersuchungen über die Campanische - Wandmalerei_, p. 147 ff. - -Footnote 249: - - _Arch. Ztg._ 1875, p. 144. - -Footnote 250: - - _Loc. cit._ - -Footnote 251: - - Vid. _Röm. Mitth._ 1896, p. 67. - -Footnote 252: - - We know of such an original, the famous painting of Timomachus. Pliny, - _Hist. Nat._ 35. 136, says, _Timomachus Byzantius Caesaris dictatoris - aetate Aiacem et Medeam pinxit_ ... TIMOMACHI AEQUE LAUDANTUR ORESTES, - IPHIGENIA IN TAURIS. Further than this we know nothing of the painter. - That he was immensely popular follows from Pliny’s statement (_loc. - cit._) that Caesar paid 80 talents for this Aiax. In regard to the - date of Timomachus we possess Pliny’s authority for _Caesaris aetate_. - Robert defends this (_Arch. Märchen_, p. 132), while others seek to - find an earlier date. Miss Sellers in _The Elder Pliny’s Chapters on - the History of Art_, Jex-Blake and Sellers, p. 160 f., argues for the - fourth century B.C. Vid. _loc. cit._ for the latest discussion of this - painter’s date, as well as for references to the literature. Further - reference may be made to Helbig, _Untersuchungen_, p. 147 ff., where - especially the influence of Timomachus on the wall paintings is dwelt - upon. - -Footnote 253: - - Cf. Arist. _Poet._ 1449^a. 19 and 20. - -Footnote 254: - - Miss Harrison, _J. H. S._ 1883, p. 248 ff., has brought together and - discussed thirteen vases connected with this myth, of which the first - twelve are bl. fig. - -Footnote 255: - - v. 99, Odysseus says he thinks they have dropped down on a city of - Bromios, so many are the satyrs whom he sees before the cave. - -Footnote 256: - - P. 23. - -Footnote 257: - - Pliny 35, 74. A _Cyclops dormiens_ so large that a number of satyrs - were engaged in measuring his thumb with a thyrsos. I follow Robert - (_Bild und Lied_, p. 35) and Winter (_Jahrbuch_, 1891, p. 272) in - connecting this painting with Euripides. - -Footnote 258: - - The painting is on a krater in the possession of Sir Francis Cook, - Richmond, England; pub. by Winter, _Jahrbuch_, 1891, pl. 6. He thinks - the work Attic, but Furtwängler (_Masterpieces_, p. 109, note 8) is - sure it is Lower Italy ware. - -Footnote 259: - - The three eyes are plainly visible. One huge eye alone in the centre - of the forehead belongs to later times. - -Footnote 260: - - Furtwängler, _loc. cit._, remarks that the publication is not exactly - correct, as fire is plainly noticeable on the wood that the youths are - contributing. - -Footnote 261: - - Polyphemos here is strikingly like the figure on an Etruscan urn. - Brunn, _I rilievi_, i. pl. 873. The Kyklops is in both cases stretched - out upon his left side, and is on the point of being attacked. - -Footnote 262: - - The poet mentions the krater, and in the next breath the skyphos, - neither of which is exactly found in the rough sketch in the painting. - Besides these, Euripides names in this play the kylix, amphora, and - pithos—a considerable vocabulary of ceramic terms. - -Footnote 263: - - My remark applies only to the extant monuments, for one finds that - Pausanias saw the marriage of Jason and Medeia represented on the - Kypselos Chest (5. 18. 3). This is in keeping with the Corinthian - origin of the Chest. It is hardly to be expected that such domestic - events in Medeia’s career would have found their place in any work of - art that was not made in Corinth, or at least in a place essentially - influenced by Corinthian legend. - -Footnote 264: - - Vid. _Arch. Ztg._ 1867, p. 58. - -Footnote 265: - - Benndorf und Schöne, _Die antiken Bildwerke des Lateranensischen - Museums_, p. 61 ff.; F.-W. no. 1200. The Berlin copy of this relief, - long supposed to be of Renaissance origin, has lately been proved to - be antique; vid. Kekulé von Stradonitz in _Jahrbuch_, 1897, p. 96 ff. - -Footnote 266: - - Cf. Baumeister’s _Denkmäler_, i. p. 142; ii. p. 875; iii. p. 1852. - -Footnote 267: - - Kekulé’s _Die antiken Terracotten_, ii. p. 21. - -Footnote 268: - - Vid. Roscher’s _Lexikon_, ii. p. 2513. - -Footnote 269: - - Robert in _Die antiken Sarkophag-Reliefs_, ii. p. 205–217, gives all - the literature; cf. also pl. 62–65. Vid. _Arch. Ztg._ 1866, p. 234 - ff.; _Annali d. Inst._ 1869, p. 5 ff.; Urlichs’ _Würzburger Programm, - ein Medea-Sarkophag_, 1888. (This fine sarcophagus is now in the - Berlin museum.) Robert and Urlichs have, to my mind, shown - conclusively that these reliefs go back to Euripides’ _Medeia_ for - their literary source. Notwithstanding that they all date from about - the second century A.D., and could thus be based on various Roman - plays, the arrangement of the events on the reliefs bears a remarkable - similarity to the scenes in Euripides. The reliefs on the long sides - are taken up with exactly the scenes of the Greek poet. Those on the - ends are but indifferently worked out, and often do not represent any - events in the Medeia-Jason adventures. - -Footnote 270: - - A half-tone reproduction of the vase is shown in the _frontispiece_. - The section with the painting is given separately in fig. 23. It is - no. 810 in Jahn’s catalogue; pub. in Millin’s _Tombeaux de Canose_, - 1816, pl. 7; _Arch. Ztg._ 1847, pl. 3; _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, ser. - i. pl. 12; Baumeister’s _Denkmäler_, ii. p. 903; Roscher’s _Lexikon_, - ii. p. 2510; Inghirami, _Vasi fitt._ iv. pl. 388; Engelmann, - _Bilderatlas zu Ovid_, pl. 13, 81. Discussed by Jahn, _Arch. Ztg._ - 1847, p. 33 ff.; _ibid._ (by Dilthey) 1875, p. 68 f.; Robert, _Bild - und Lied_, p. 37 ff., and _Hermes_, vol. 30, p. 567 note; Körte, - _Ueber Personificationen psychologischer Affecte_, p. 38 ff.; Vogel, - _Scenen eur. Trag._ p. 146 ff.; Seeliger in Roscher’s _Lexikon_, _loc. - cit._; Bethe, _Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im Altertum_, - p. 148, note 6. - -Footnote 271: - - The latter name is found in schol. Eur. _Med._ v. 19, and in Hyginus. - _fab._ 25. - -Footnote 272: - - Diod. Sic. iv. 55. 5, calls Kreusa’s brother Hippotes. - -Footnote 273: - - The reading Κ ... ΩΝ in Millin’s publication, followed also by Conze - in the _Vorlegeblätter_ and by Baumeister, is incorrect as Jahn (vid. - cat. no. 810, note) expressly stated, and as is plainly proved by a - glance at the original. Hence the useless conjectures that have been - made to fill up the space between the first and last letters. There is - absolutely no trace of the Κ, but there are faint remains of letters - preceding ΩΝ, and the correct reading is without question, ΚΡΕ]ΩΝ. - -Footnote 274: - - Cf. p. 152, and note 3. - -Footnote 275: - - This inscription, which is very distinct, does not appear in Conze’s - publication. All the inscriptions occurring on the palace are painted - in white. All others are incised. - -Footnote 276: - - This moment is shown on another vase (vid. fig. 24), and so, too, on - the sarcophagi Kreusa is always represented in the moment of falling - or springing from the κλίνη. - -Footnote 277: - - In spite of this, Vogel, p. 149, asks, _Warum zeigt uns der Vasenmaler - den Kreon nicht in dem Augenblicke, wo er seine Tochter von den - unheilvollen Brautgeschenken der Medeia befreien will, sondern in dem, - wo er überwältigt von dem Unglücke das Scepter seinen Händen entfallen - lässt und starr und seiner selbst nicht mehr mächtig seine Blicke auf - die herbeieilende Merope lenkt?_ i. e. why did the vase painter not - paint another scene instead of the one he did? - -Footnote 278: - - Cf. note 7, p. 145. On fragment no. 197, Robert, _op. cit._, the arms - of Kreon are incorrectly restored, and his hands are represented as - clasped. On all the reliefs Kreon is turned towards Kreusa and not - away, as on the vase. I refuse, however, to believe with Jahn and - others that Kreon is staring at Merope. He sees nothing and nobody. - -Footnote 279: - - Apollod. I. 9. 3. - -Footnote 280: - - Soph. _Oed. Rex_, v. 775, the wife of Πόλυβος Κορίνθιος. - -Footnote 281: - - Supposing the word to be a pure invention of the painter, there are - still in Euripides suggestions of the name if one were seeking such - for the figure. In v. 404, Medeia declares she ‘will not be a - laughing-stock to the race of _Sisyphos_ and Jason’s new alliances’; - and in v. 1381, γη δε τηδε Σισύφου, the former queens would be - suggested with the name Merope. It is but natural that the vase - painter took the name thus suggested by Euripides. - -Footnote 282: - - P. 149. - -Footnote 283: - - Suidas refers to a _Medeia_ by Neophron. Ennius’ _Medea_ was, - according to Cicero, _De Fin._ 1. 2. 4, a literal translation from - Euripides. The _Medea exul_ by the same poet has generally been held - to be a version of Euripides’ _Aigeus_. - -Footnote 284: - - _Hermes_, vol. 31, p. 567 note. - -Footnote 285: - - _Bild und Lied_, p. 42. - -Footnote 286: - - _Zeichnungen von Sandro Botticelli zu Dantes Goettlicher Komoedie nach - den Originalen im König. Kupferstichkabinet zu Berlin_, von Dr. F. - Lippmann. - -Footnote 287: - - In _canto_ iii, Charon is an old man; Botticelli drew him as the - devil. In the second plate to this same _canto_ the souls are swimming - out to Charon’s boat, a fact which Dante does not mention. The - illustration to _canto_ xx has only two persons identical with those - of the poet, and in _Purgatorio_ iii the souls on the shore and in the - boat are additions of the artist. - -Footnote 288: - - Cf. Dilthey in _Annali d. Inst._ 1876, p. 294, and pl. 35 in _Mon. d. - Inst._ x. - -Footnote 289: - - Vid. Klein’s _Euphronios_, p. 89, and Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, _Her. - Fur._ vol. ii, ed. 1, p. 214. - -Footnote 290: - - Cf. fig. 24, where the female figure on the left is none other than a - nurse. - -Footnote 291: - - _Bild und Lied_, p. 38. - -Footnote 292: - - Cf. figs. 24 and 25 and Baumeister’s _Denkmäler_, i. p. 142. - -Footnote 293: - - It will be observed that the writer does not share the view of Bethe, - _Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im Altertum_, p. 142 ff., - that the _Flugmaschine_ was not in use in the Greek theatre before 425 - B.C. Robert, _Hermes_, vol. 31, p. 530–577, has conclusively shown the - incorrectness of Bethe’s arguments, and not only proved the use of the - _Flugmaschine_ for the _Medeia_, 431 B.C., but also for a much earlier - date. Bethe’s remark, _Demnach ist für die erste Aufführung der Medea - im Jahre 431 ihr Erscheinen in der Höhe, also auch die Anwendung der - Flugmaschine, nicht möglich_ (p. 146), is based upon a false - conception of the resources at hand in that period of Athenian - architectural activity. - -Footnote 294: - - It has already been pointed out above, p. 159, that Medeia entered the - palace to slay the boys, and that they might or might not have been - alone. At any rate it was not allowable to represent them in art - without some older companion. Robert’s remark, _Bild und Lied_, p. 39, - _Den Kindern die bereits bei der Mutter angelangt sind, muss aber - jetzt noch ein anderer Begleiter zugestellt werden_, is inexplicable. - Where had the children gone to reach their mother? Was it not just the - reverse, viz. that the mother had gone to them? - -Footnote 295: - - iv. 54. 7. - -Footnote 296: - - One must remember that Diodorus gathered his excerpts together at - least 300 years after the date of our vase, during all of which time - the mythographers had been busy helping to straighten out the family - affairs that the tragedians of the fifth century had treated - imperfectly! - -Footnote 297: - - As a matter of fact this reference, although brought in under another - φασί than the first remark, where three sons are named, τοὺς μὲν - πρεσβυτάτους δίο διδύμους Θετταλόν τε καὶ Ἀλκιμένην, τὸν δὲ τρίτον - πολυνεώτερον τούτων Τίσανδρον, iv. 54. 1, seems to me to speak of a - common origin, and I hold both as coming from the same authority, - under whose influence our vase painter certainly never stood. - -Footnote 298: - - Eur. _Orest._ v. 791. - -Footnote 299: - - As in the _Medeia_, nothing is said to indicate how the chariot was - drawn. It is only from the monuments and later literary references - (vid. Argum. to the _Medeia_ and schol. on v. 1320) that one learns of - the dragons; or is the utterance of Jason, vs. 1297 f., ἢ πτηνὸν ἆραι - σῶμ’ ες αἰθέρος βάθος | εἰ μὴ τυράννων δώμασιν δώσειν δίκην | πέποιθ’, - an intimation of the strange escape of the sorceress? How was Lyssa’s - chariot drawn? Why not also by dragons? - -Footnote 300: - - Cf. fig. 26, where the figure that stands beside the dragons has been - identified as Οἶστρος or Λύσσα. That the latter is the child of night - harmonizes well with the night escape indicated by Selene and the - stars on this vase. - -Footnote 301: - - On a vase of Assteas, vid. p. 179 below, which shows Herakles in the - act of murdering his sons, the painter calls the personification of - Lyssa, _mania_. - -Footnote 302: - - Mention should be made here of the Parian inscription, which gives us - the curious information that there was a society of _hetairai_ - established under the patronage of the goddess Οἰστρώ; cf. Pernice, - _Athen. Mitth._ 1893, p. 16. 2, and Maass, _ibid._ p. 25 f. There is, - of course, a wide distinction between the personification and the cult - use of οἶστρος, but it is worth while to point out that Eur. _Hipp._ - vs. 1300 ff., gives the same notion that Maass suggests and supports - by a quotation from Paullus Silentiarius (_Anth. Plan._ v. 234), where - οἰστροφόρου Παφίης occurs. Artemis, speaking to Theseus of Hippolytos’ - death and its cause, says, ἀλλ’ ἐς τόδ’ ἦλθον, παιδὸς ἐκδεῖξαι φρένα | - τοῦ σοῦ δικαίαν, ὁς ὑπ’ εὐκλείας θάνῃ | καὶ σῦς γυναικὸς οἶστρον, ἢ - τρόπον τινὰ | γενναιότητα, where we may suppose Euripides to have - thought of Phaidra as possessed with οἶστρος, which means τῆς ἐχθίστης - θεῶν (v. 1301), i.e. τῆς Κύπριδος (v. 1304). - -Footnote 303: - - Cf. Aisch. _Pers._ vs. 681–842, where the εἴδωλον of Dareios is one of - the _dramatis personae_. Also Eur. _Hek._, where the prologue is - spoken by the εἴδωλον of Polydoros. - -Footnote 304: - - Dilthey, _Arch._ 219, 1875, p. 71, followed also by Vogel, _Scen. eur. - Trag._ p. 151. How do these scholars account for the appearance of - Megara and her sons upon the ‘under-world’ vases where Herakles is - also represented in his last labour of capturing Kerberos? This latter - must have been finished and Herakles must have returned to the upper - world before Megara and the boys _could be thought of as in fact in - the under-world_. - -Footnote 305: - - _Bild und Lied_, p. 39 f. - -Footnote 306: - - P. 156 above. - -Footnote 307: - - Cp. among other places in the _Medeia_, vs. 133, 328, 405, 475 ff., - 536 ff., 550, 1330. - -Footnote 308: - - Cf. the Dareios vase in Naples, also found in Canosa; pub. - Baumeister’s _Denkmäler_, i. no. 449; also the costume of the judges - on the so-called ‘under-world’ vases, pub. _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, - ser. E. 1–3. - -Footnote 309: - - Apoll. Rhod. 1. 122 and 341 ff.; Hyg. _fab._ 14; Diod. Sic. iv. 53. 4. - -Footnote 310: - - Apoll. Rhod. 1. 108 ff.; Apollod. 1. 9. 16; Hyg. _fab._ 14. - -Footnote 311: - - Apoll. Rhod. 1. 146 ff.; Paus., 1. 18. 1, relates that in the temple - of the Dioskouroi in Athens, known also as the Anakeion, Mikon painted - events from the Argonautic expedition. - -Footnote 312: - - Fig. 24. Heydemann, _cat. Mus. Santangelo_, no. 526. Pub. in - Raoul-Rochette’s _Choiseaux de Peintures_, p. 263. Discussed by Jahn, - _Arch. Ztg._ 1867, p. 59, and referred to by Vogel, _Scen. eur. Trag._ - p. 151. - -Footnote 313: - - Fig. 25; pub. Raoul-Rochette, _Choiseaux de Peintures_, p. 277. - Described by Jahn, _Arch. Ztg._ 1867, p. 60; cf. Vogel, _op. cit._ p. - 79. - -Footnote 314: - - Fig. 26. Heydemann, no. 3221, A. Cf. _Arch. Ztg._ 1867, p. 62 and pl. - 224. 1. - -Footnote 315: - - The Theban Cycle was handled in the Θηβαΐς and the Οἰδιπόδεια, from - which the tragedians probably drew their material. For the subject in - the fifth century B.C. vid. Benndorfs _Heroon von Gjölbaschi_, p. 187 - ff. and pl. 24. A1–A5. Kapaneus’ catastrophe in attempting to storm - the walls was often shown. Cf. _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, 1889, pl. 11, - nos. 13, 14, 16, 17. The death of Amphiaraos was another popular - story. Cf. _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, 1889, pl. 11. 8. 15. There are - many interesting monuments which represent the conference of the - chiefs before the assault. Cf. especially the famous Etruscan gem with - inscriptions naming Polyneikes, Amphiaraos, Adrastos, Tydeus, and - Parthenopaios; pub. _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, 1889, pl. 11. 5; - Baumeister, _Denkmäler_, iii. no. 1839, no. 369 in _Bilderheft_. An - Etruscan mirror, Gerhard, _Etruskische Spiegel_, ii. pl. 178, gives - Adrastos, Amphiaraos, and Tydeus. - -Footnote 316: - - Brit. Mus., vase cat. vol. iv. G 104. Pub. _ibid._ pl. 16. Cf. _Class. - Review_, 1894, p. 325. - -Footnote 317: - - The fratricide, so common on the Etruscan urns, is rare on Greek - monuments. (1) The group was on the Kypselos Chest (Paus. 5. 19, 6). - (2) Pythagoras worked the brothers in marble (vid. Overbeck, - _Schriftquellen_, no. 501). (3) One group on the Heroön from - Gjölbaschi, cf. Benndorf, _op. cit._ pl. 24. A. 3. There are thirty - urns representing the scene: vid. Körte, _I rilievi delle urne - etrusche_, ii. pl. 8–20, and 36, and supplement. p. 261 ff. Cf. - further Overbeck’s _Bildwerke_, pl. 5 and 6. An Etruscan mirror, which - shows a composition remarkably like that in the inside of the - Penthesileia kylix (Munich, no. 370, pub. Overbeck, _Bildwerke_, pl. - 17. 3), and must be from a fifth century pattern, is perhaps the - oldest of the extant representations. Vid. Gerhard, _Etruskische - Spiegel_, v. pl. 95. - -Footnote 318: - - Brit. Mus., cat. iv. G 105_{1}; pub. _Wiener Vorlegeblätter_, 1889, - pl. 9. 13; Robert, _Homerische Becher_, p. 59; first correctly - interpreted by Murray, _Class. Rev._ 1888, p. 328. - - OXFORD: HORACE HART - PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES - - - 1. P. xx, changed “Scenen euripideisher Tragödien in griechischen - Vasengemälden” to “Scenen euripideischer Tragödien in griechischen - Vasengemälden”. - 2. P. 128, changed “In her left close by her side” to “In her left hand - close by her side”. - 3. Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling. - 4. Archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as printed. - 5. Footnotes were re-indexed using numbers and collected together at - the end of the last chapter. - 6. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_. - 7. Superscripts are denoted by a caret before a single superscript - character or a series of superscripted characters enclosed in - curly braces, e.g. M^r. or M^{ister}. - 8. 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- margin-bottom: 0.5em; } - .c025 { margin-top: .5em; } - .c026 { border: none; border-bottom: thin solid; width: 10%; margin-left: 0; - margin-top: 1em; text-align: justify; } - div.tnotes { padding-left:1em;padding-right:1em;background-color:#E3E4FA; - border:thin solid silver; margin:2em 10% 0 10%; font-family: Georgia, serif; - } - .covernote { visibility: hidden; display: none; } - div.tnotes p { text-align: justify; } - .x-ebookmaker .covernote { visibility: visible; display: block; } - .figcenter {font-size: .9em; page-break-inside: avoid; max-width: 100%; } - .x-ebookmaker img {max-height: 31em;max-width: 99%; } - .footnote {font-size: .9em; } - div.footnote p {text-indent: 2em; margin-bottom: .5em; } - .chapter { clear: both; page-break-before: always; } - .section { page-break-before: always; } - .ol_1 li {font-size: .9em; } - .x-ebookmaker .ol_1 li {padding-left: 1em; text-indent: 0em; } - body {font-family: Georgia, serif; text-align: justify; } - table {font-size: .9em; padding: 1.5em .5em 1em; page-break-inside: avoid; - clear: both; } - div.titlepage {text-align: center; page-break-before: always; - page-break-after: always; } - div.titlepage p {text-align: center; text-indent: 0em; font-weight: bold; - line-height: 1.5; margin-top: 3em; } - .ph1 { text-indent: 0em; font-weight: bold; font-size: xx-large; - margin: .67em auto; page-break-before: always; } - .ph2 { text-indent: 0em; font-weight: bold; font-size: x-large; margin: .75em auto; - page-break-before: always; } - .right {text-align: right; display: block; margin-left: auto; margin-right: 0em; - max-width: 50%; } - .x-ebookmaker p.dropcap:first-letter { float: left; } - </style> - </head> - <body> - -<div style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Greek Tragedy in the Light of Vase Paintings, by John Homer Huddilston</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Greek Tragedy in the Light of Vase Paintings</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: John Homer Huddilston</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: May 28, 2021 [eBook #65461]</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Character set encoding: UTF-8</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Produced by: Richard Tonsing, Turgut Dincer, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</div> - -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREEK TRAGEDY IN THE LIGHT OF VASE PAINTINGS ***</div> - -<div class='tnotes covernote'> - -<p class='c000'><strong>Transcriber’s Note:</strong></p> - -<p class='c000'>The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p> - -</div> - -<div class='chapter ph1'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div>GREEK TRAGEDY</div> - <div class='c002'><span class='small'>IN</span></div> - <div class='c002'>THE LIGHT OF VASE PAINTINGS</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='figcenter id001'> -<img src='images/pm.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -</div> - -<div class='figcenter id002'> -<img src='images/frontispiece.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p><span class='right'>(<em>Size, about 1 ∶ 9</em>)</span><br /><br />MEDEIA AMPHORA IN THE OLD PINAKOTHEK, MUNICH<br /><br />(<em>Vid. p. <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> ff.</em>)</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div class='titlepage'> - -<div> - <h1 class='c003'>GREEK TRAGEDY<br /> <span class='small'>IN</span><br /> THE LIGHT OF VASE PAINTINGS</h1> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c004'> - <div><span class='small'>BY</span></div> - <div class='c002'><span class='xlarge'>JOHN H. HUDDILSTON</span></div> - <div><span class='sc'>B.A. (Harv.), Ph.D. (Munich)</span></div> - <div class='c002'><span class='small'>FORMERLY INSTRUCTOR IN GREEK IN THE NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY AUTHOR OF ‘THE ESSENTIALS OF NEW TESTAMENT GREEK’ AND ‘THE ATTITUDE OF THE GREEK TRAGEDIANS TOWARD ART’</span></div> - <div class='c004'>London</div> - <div><span class='large'>MACMILLAN AND CO., <span class='sc'>Limited</span></span></div> - <div>NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY</div> - <div>1898</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div>Oxford</div> - <div>HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY</div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div>TO</div> - <div class='c002'><span class='large'>PROFESSOR CARL RIEMENSCHNEIDER, <span class='sc'>Ph.D.</span></span></div> - <div class='c002'>GERMAN WALLACE COLLEGE</div> - <div class='c002'>BEREA, OHIO</div> - <div class='c002'>WHOSE RARE CLASSICAL SCHOLARSHIP</div> - <div class='c002'>IS ALL TOO LITTLE KNOWN</div> - <div class='c002'>THIS VOLUME</div> - <div class='c002'>BY ONE OF HIS FORMER PUPILS</div> - <div class='c002'>IS AFFECTIONATELY</div> - <div class='c002'>DEDICATED</div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c005'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Πλὴν ὁ Σιμωνίδης τὴν μὲν ζωγραφίαν ποίησιν σιωπῶσαν προσαγορεύει, -τὴν δὲ ποίησιν, ζωγραφίαν λαλοῦσαν· ἃς γὰρ οἱ ζωγράφοι -πράξεις ὁς γινομένας δεικνύουσι, ταύτας οἱ λόγοι γεγενημένας διηγοῦνται -καὶ συγγράφουσιν.</span></p> - -<div class='lg-container-r c006'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span class='sc'>Plutarch</span>, <cite>De Gloria Athen.</cite>, c. 3.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c005'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Nec mirum, si ista, quae tamen in aliquo posita sunt -motu, tantum in animis valent, cum pictura, tacens opus -et habitus semper eiusdem, sic in intimos penetrat adfectus, -ut ipsam vim dicendi nonnumquam superare videatur.</span></p> - -<div class='lg-container-r c006'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span class='sc'>Quintilian</span>, <cite>Inst. Orat.</cite>, xi. 3. 67.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_ix'>ix</span> - <h2 class='c007'>PREFACE</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c008'>Although the archaeologists and mythologists constitute -for the most part the number of those seriously -concerned with Greek vases, there still remain many -engaged in the study of Greek literature for whom the -vases are bound to possess an abiding value, since they -often relate the stories that Homer, Pindar, Aischylos, -and Euripides tell. One may find on vases of the fourth, -fifth, and sixth centuries <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> illustrations for not a few -of the famous pieces in Greek poetry. The paintings -may have been an outgrowth of the common stock of -legendary tales, having their origin in the folk-lore, and -in such cases they are independent of the written literature -and go along, so to speak, parallel with the work of -the poets, who drew from the same source. These -paintings are valuable as illustrations of the myths, quite -apart from any literary version of the same. Another -class still more interesting, perhaps, owe their origin to -some particular poem or play, and are to be taken -as direct products of the poets’ work. Such are of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_x'>x</span>prime importance for one who would understand the -poet thoroughly.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The first class of paintings of the latter sort are based -on Homer and the Cyclic poets. After the epic literature, -the tragic drama became the chief formative force in -Greek legend and its representation in art. Yet here -again, as in the case of the Cyclic poets, one is compelled -to interpret paintings inspired by works that have come -down to us either as mere names or in a few wretched -fragments. The relation of these monuments to the lost -literature is of paramount importance, but the investigation -is beset with many obstacles and will continue to -be largely a field for the specialist. <em>Extant</em> tragedy and -vase paintings, however, come together at so many -points, and the former is so illumined by the latter, that -every student of the classics should become acquainted -with at least this part of Greek ceramics.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The present work represents an attempt to bring this -material together in a convenient and accessible form. -The first chapter, which deals with the influence of -tragedy on other classes of monuments, is meant to be -suggestive, not exhaustive; if I shall have succeeded -here in setting the student to think along some new -lines that in the end will place him in more direct -touch with antiquity, and help him to a better understanding -of Greek tragic poetry and the part it played -in the artistic life of the Greeks and Romans, my aim -will have been achieved. The foot-notes all the way -<span class='pageno' id='Page_xi'>xi</span>through are intended to contain somewhat full references -to the literature of the different topics, and to be a sort of -guide to one who desires to prosecute this study further.</p> - -<p class='c009'>In dealing with even the subject of vase paintings and -extant tragedy, it was not possible to omit saying a word -regarding the general question of the earliest influence -of the drama upon the vase painters; this has been -done, however, very briefly, and is no more than a sketch. -Some may think that the subject is disposed of too -quickly; many pages, indeed, might have been written -to advantage on this much mooted point, but this would -have required going far aside from the task which I set -myself; and, further, it did not seem wise to encumber -the work with a discussion necessarily of a nature to -appeal to the archaeologist rather than to the student -of Aischylos and Euripides. It is the latter’s needs that -have been uppermost in my mind, and it will be found -that I have written for him first and for the archaeologist -second.</p> - -<p class='c009'>My aim has been to collect and publish all paintings -that can with a high degree of probability be said to -be inspired by any of the extant tragedies, and to unfold -the relation of the two to each other in such a way as to -throw the greatest possible light upon the interpretation -of the literature. Many of the publications where one -can find these paintings are so expensive and inaccessible -that but a comparatively small number of classical -students can make any use of the original works; the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_xii'>xii</span>result is that this important class of monuments has -been very little used by philologists. Wherever it seemed -necessary, synopses of the plays have been given, and -these will place the student in possession of everything -required for a full appreciation of the reproductions. -Reference has been made to other monuments representing -scenes based on the plays, so that there is in fact -a sort of archaeological commentary for those who care -to go further and examine the general influence of the -poet over the artist. It should be borne in mind, however, -that I have not been concerned with the myths -involved except in so far as they were <em>the</em> forms invented -or followed by the tragedians. To be sure, opinions -will not be unanimous regarding the interpretation of -some of the paintings, but wherever I have not felt sure -of the debt of the artist to a given play I have preferred -not to publish the work; some such are mentioned in -a separate chapter, where reference is also made to the -literature. My endeavour has been to keep as far as -possible aloof from conjectures and reckless theories -into which one is apt to be drawn in dealing with -questions in archaeology; sins of omission should be -less reprehended in a work of this character than sins of -commission, and although I shall no doubt be judged -guilty of both, I hope to have erred rather on the side -of the former.</p> - -<p class='c009'>It will be of special interest to archaeologists to have -the painting on the Medeia amphora, in Munich, correctly -<span class='pageno' id='Page_xiii'>xiii</span>published; fig. 23 gives for the first time the -correct reading of the inscriptions, and for this reason -I could have wished that space had permitted a much -larger reproduction. The frontispiece, presenting a -general view of the whole vase, will, it is hoped, be -of some help in affording those who have not had an -opportunity of seeing the originals, some notion of the -size and magnificent workmanship of this class of vases, -called so appropriately by the Germans <i><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Prachtamphoren</span></i>. -Another painting, fig. 3, is published for the first time, -and fig. 6, taken from a photograph, displaces the -drawing in Jahn’s <cite>Vasenbilder</cite>. Further than this, -the illustrations are the same as those that have already -appeared elsewhere; it has been possible for me to add -new information regarding the whereabouts of some few -vases.</p> - -<p class='c009'>On the spelling of Greek names it need only be said -that I have nearly always preferred the Greek forms to -the Latin equivalents; yet I have not gone so far as -to write <em>Hiketides</em> for <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Supplices</span></i>, or <em>Hepta</em> for <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Septem</span></i>; -neither did it seem advisable to disturb a word so -common in English as is <cite>Oedipus</cite> by writing it <em>Oidipous</em>, -or much less <em>Oidipus</em>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>My thanks are due to Professor Otto Kern for help -and encouragement while he was still at the University -of Berlin. Professor Carl Robert has lent me valuable -assistance, and I scarcely know whether I am more -indebted to his suggestive replies to my numerous -<span class='pageno' id='Page_xiv'>xiv</span>inquiries or to his writings, which latter have been -a constant inspiration to me. Professor A. Furtwängler, -whose profound knowledge in the field of Greek ceramics, -as well as in every department of classical archaeology, is -well known, has aided me by his counsel and has spared -some of his valuable time to go over all the manuscript. -I wish to express my indebtedness to all these eminent -scholars as well as to Mr. Charles B. Newcomer, M.A., -who has been kind enough to read the proof, and -has favoured me with many valuable suggestions. -Mrs. Huddilston, who more than any one else has -followed all the work, deserves special mention; there -is scarcely a page that does not bear evidence of her -sound judgement.</p> - -<p class='c009'>I indulge the hope that this little book may, with all -its defects (and I am well aware they are many), present -much that is helpful in a field in which there is little -addressed to the student of classical literature; and this -brings me to remark that I have long wondered why the -editions of the Greek tragedies are not enlivened more -with reproductions of works of art pertaining to the -myth involved. There is no reason why the student -who is set to read the <cite>Choephoroi</cite>, <cite>Eumenides</cite>, <cite>Medeia</cite>, or -<cite>Iphigeneia in Tauris</cite>, not to mention other plays, should -look only at the literary and philological sides of the -author. Is it considered unscholarly to illustrate books -of this sort, or are the scholars who edit them ignorant -of the archaeological apparatus? The time is coming, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_xv'>xv</span>I firmly believe, when these two departments of classical -studies will not be so divorced as they are at present, -and when the monuments based upon a myth will be -included in our text-books and examined quite as closely -as is the text of the poet. When Greek art is thus made -to supplement the study of the poetry, the latter will be -invested with a still greater charm than it now possesses. -More of the spirit is required and less of the letter, and -this is bound to be brought about when Greek art is -introduced more extensively into the instruction in Greek -studies. I trust that these pages will be considered -a contribution towards this manner of studying Greek -tragedy, and that the plays which come in question will -be read with renewed interest by all students, and -reviewed with pleasure and profit by those who are -instructors in classics; and again by those who in the -various walks of life still have time and inclination to -turn occasionally to the masterpieces of Greek letters—works -that will always remain substantial parts of the -world’s literary ballast.</p> - -<div class='lg-container-r'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span class='sc'>J. H. Huddilston.</span></div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c005'><span class='sc'>London</span>, <em>March, 1898</em>.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_xvii'>xvii</span> - <h2 class='c007'>CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - -<table class='table0' summary='CONTENTS'> - <tr><td class='c010' colspan='3'>CHAPTER I</td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td class='c010' colspan='3'>THE INFLUENCE OF GREEK TRAGEDY UPON ANCIENT ART OUTSIDE OF THE VASES</td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <th class='c011'></th> - <th class='c012'> </th> - <th class='c013'><span class='small'>PAGE</span></th> - </tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 1.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'>Introductory</span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_1'>1</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 2.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'>Tragic Influences in Sculpture</span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_4'>4</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'> </td> - <td class='c012'>1. Greek Sculpture</td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_4'>4</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'> </td> - <td class='c012'>2. The Etruscan Ash-Urns</td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_10'>10</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'> </td> - <td class='c012'>3. The Roman Sarcophagi</td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_15'>15</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 3.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'>The Influence of Tragedy on Painting</span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_20'>20</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'> </td> - <td class='c012'>1. On Greek Painting</td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_21'>21</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'> </td> - <td class='c012'>2. The Wall Paintings of Pompeii</td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_24'>24</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 4.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'>Tragic Elements on the Etruscan Mirrors</span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_26'>26</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 5.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'>Greek Tragedy and the ‘Megarian Bowls’</span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_27'>27</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td class='c010' colspan='3'>CHAPTER II</td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td class='c010' colspan='3'>THE EARLIEST INFLUENCE OF TRAGEDY ON VASE PAINTING</td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 1.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'>Theories advanced for the Earliest Traces</span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_31'>31</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 2.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'>Earliest Evidence</span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_32'>32</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 3.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'>The Fifth Century b.c.</span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_33'>33</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 4.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'>The Fourth Century b.c. and the Conditions in Lower Italy</span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_37'>37</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td class='c010' colspan='3'>CHAPTER III</td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td class='c010' colspan='3'>AISCHYLOS AND VASE PAINTING</td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 1.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'>Introduction</span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_42'>42</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 2.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'><cite>Choephoroi</cite></span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_43'>43</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 3.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eumenides</span></cite></span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_55'>55</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 4.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'>The Lost Plays</span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_73'>73</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td class='c010' colspan='3'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xviii'>xviii</span>CHAPTER IV</td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'> </td> - <td class='c014'>SOPHOKLES AND HIS RELATION TO VASE PAINTING</td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_75'>75</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td class='c010' colspan='3'>CHAPTER V</td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr><td class='c010' colspan='3'>EURIPIDES AND VASE PAINTING</td></tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 1.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'>Introduction</span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_78'>78</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 2.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'><cite>Andromache</cite></span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_83'>83</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 3.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'><cite>Bakchai</cite></span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_88'>88</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 4.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'><cite>Hekabe</cite></span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_94'>94</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 5.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'><cite>Hippolytos</cite></span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_101'>101</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 6.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'><cite>Iphigeneia at Aulis</cite></span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_112'>112</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 7.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'><em>Iphigeneia among the Taurians</em></span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_121'>121</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 8.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'><cite>Kyklops</cite></span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_139'>139</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 9.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'><cite>Medeia</cite></span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_144'>144</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 10.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'><cite>Phoinissai</cite></span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_171'>171</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'>§ 11.</td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'>Supplementary</span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_178'>178</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'> </td> - <td class='c012'>A List of Vase Paintings sometimes referred to Extant Plays</td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_178'>178</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'> </td> - <td class='c012'>A List of Vase Paintings referred to Lost Plays</td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_179'>179</a></td> - </tr> - <tr><td> </td></tr> - <tr> - <td class='c011'> </td> - <td class='c012'><span class='sc'>Index</span></td> - <td class='c013'><a href='#Page_182'>182</a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_xix'>xix</span> - <h2 class='c007'>THE COMMON ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE NOTES</h2> -</div> - -<p class='c008'><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Annali d. Inst.</span></cite> = <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Annali dell’ Instituto di Corrispondenza archeologica</span></cite> -(Rome).</p> - -<p class='c009'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Anz.</span></cite> = <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Archäologischer Anzeiger, Beiblatt zum Jahrbuch -des Archäologischen Instituts</span></cite> (Berlin).</p> - -<p class='c009'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> = <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Archäologische Zeitung</span></cite> (Berlin).</p> - -<p class='c009'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athen. Mitth.</span></cite> = <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Mittheilungen des K. deutschen Archäologischen -Instituts in Athen.</span></cite></p> - -<p class='c009'>Baumeister, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite> = Baumeister’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler des Klassischen -Altertums</span></cite>.</p> - -<p class='c009'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">B. C. H.</span></cite> = <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Bulletin de Correspondence Hellénique</span></cite> (Athens).</p> - -<p class='c009'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Compte Rendu</span></cite> = <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Compte Rendu de la Commission impériale -archéologique</span></cite> (St. Petersburg).</p> - -<p class='c009'><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">C. I. A.</span></cite> = <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum.</span></cite></p> - -<p class='c009'><cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Élite Céram.</span></cite> = <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Élite des monuments céramographiques</span></cite>, Lenormant -et De Witte.</p> - -<p class='c009'>F.-W. = Friederichs-Wolters, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Gipsabgüsse antiker Bildwerke</span></cite>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Furtwängler, <cite>Masterpieces</cite> = Furtwängler, <cite>Masterpieces of Greek -Sculpture</cite>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Gerhard, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Auserl. Vasen.</span></cite> = Gerhard, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Auserlesen griechische -Vasenbilder</span></cite>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Helbig, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wandgemälde</span></cite> = Helbig, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wandgemälde der vom Vesuv -verschütteten Städte Campaniens</span></cite>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Inghirami, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Vasi fitt.</span></cite> = Inghirami, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Pitture di vasi fittili</span></cite>.</p> - -<p class='c009'><cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch</span></cite> = <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch des K. deutschen Archäologischen Instituts</span></cite> -(Berlin).</p> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xx'>xx</span><cite>J. H. S.</cite> = <cite>Journal of Hellenic Studies</cite> (London).</p> - -<p class='c009'><cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> = <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Monumenti inediti pubblicati dall’ Instituto di -Corrispondenza archeologica</span></cite> (Rome).</p> - -<p class='c009'>Nauck, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Fragmenta</span></cite> = Nauck, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Fragmenta tragicorum graecorum.</span></cite> -2 ed.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite> = Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Bildwerke zum thebischen -und troischen Heldenkreis</span></cite>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Schriftquellen</span></cite> = Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die antiken Schriftquellen -zur Geschichte der bildenden Künste bei den Griechen</span></cite>.</p> - -<table class='table1' summary=''> - <tr> - <td class='c015'>Reinach-Millin, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Peintures</span></cite><br />Reinach-Millingen, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Peintures</span></cite></td> - <td class='c016'>= Reinach, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Peintures de Vases antiques recueillies par Millin (1808) et Millingen (1813).</span></cite></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<p class='c009'>Vogel, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Scen. eur. Trag.</span></cite> = Vogel, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Scenen euripideischer<a id='xx'></a> Tragödien -in griechischen Vasengemälden</span></cite>.</p> - -<div class='chapter ph1'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div>GREEK TRAGEDY IN THE LIGHT OF VASE PAINTINGS</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_1'>1</span> - <h2 class='c007'>CHAPTER I<br /> <span class='large'>THE INFLUENCE OF GREEK TRAGEDY UPON ANCIENT ART OUTSIDE OF THE VASES</span></h2> -</div> -<h3 class='c017'>§ 1. <span class='sc'>Introductory.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>Painting as a fine art has never been developed to -any great degree of perfection independent of literature. -The two are, in a sense, handmaids, each inspiring the -other and assisting it to solve new problems. A great -literature is, furthermore, a necessary precursor of great -achievements in art, since the latter is the more dependent -of the two, and seeks its inspiration from the poet. -This may not be clear to one who looks about at -painting in this age of eclecticism, and endeavours to -satisfy himself that literature and art are thus related, -and that the former is required to give the initial -impetus to the latter. The principle can, however, be -made plain by going back nearer the fountain spring of -modern literary and artistic development. One should -turn to the Italian Renaissance of the fourteenth and -fifteenth centuries—to the period when Dante became -<span class='pageno' id='Page_2'>2</span>the teacher and guide of artistic notions—in order to -observe the full meaning and force of the supremacy -of literature. There, where for the first time in the -modern world a great genius fashioned the thought of -more than a century, one can study easily the power -of the poet over the artist. The influence of Dante -upon artistic notions from Giotto down to the present -has, indeed, been incalculably great. No painter of -the <i><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">quattrocento</span></i>, at least, worked in any other than the -Dantesque spirit; whether consciously or unconsciously, -he was under the spell of the father of Italian letters. -Dante’s Hell and Paradise became the Hell and -Paradise of Signorelli and Michel Angelo. Botticelli, -Flaxman, Doré, and many others left their canvasses -and frescoes to interpret the hidden secrets of the -<cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Divina Commedia</span></cite>. The great Christian Epic which -Cornelius developed through many years of study and -contemplation of Dante, and which he considered the -crowning work of his life, is told in the altar fresco -of the Ludwig’s Church in Munich. Yet this is but one -of the many monumental works of this century which -owes its existence to this poet. Delacroix’s ‘Barque of -Dante,’ exhibited in the Paris <em>Salon</em> of 1822, has been -called the first real painting of the century. When one -turns to England there is Rossetti, with ‘Beatrice and -Dante,’ ‘Dante’s Dream,’ and several other famous -paintings that witness again to the influence of the -Italian poet. But one may remark that Dante’s position -in the history of human progress is unique. This is true. -The world has not known another whose authority was -so absolute or whose philosophy appeared so final. -The influence of poets of less power has been correspondingly -smaller. The principle, however, remains true. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_3'>3</span>The poet ventures where the boldest artist has not gone -and prepares, as it were, the way for him.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The closest parallel to Dante’s influence upon the -trend of artistic notions must be looked for in ancient -Greece; Homer must be named with Dante. The -Homeric poetry has exercised a power which the -<cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Divina Commedia</span></cite> has scarcely surpassed; the thousand -and more streams of influence which rose in the Greek -epic literature went out in every direction to water the -fields of art and letters in Greece and Rome, and flowed -on again after Petrarch’s time, and are to-day mighty -forces. Events and incidents of the <cite>Iliad</cite> and <cite>Odyssey</cite> -have taken so permanent a place in modern art that -one hardly stops to think that this or that is from -Homer. But this company of persons which the world -calls Homer was not the only vital force that shaped -men’s thoughts and furnished the artist with fresh -inspiration. The tragic poets are to be named with -Homer. Had Aischylean, Sophoklean, and Euripidean -elements not entered into ancient and modern works -of art the world would never have known some of its -most beautiful monuments. This is not, however, the -place to linger over the influence of the Greek epic and -tragic literature in modern times, interesting though -this would be. It is in ancient times, when there was -still among the people a peculiar interest in the mythic -legends, that the contact of poet and artist is most -apparent; it is with the three Greek tragedians that -we have to do at present, and some traces of their work -may be pointed out in the various classes of monuments -before the vase paintings are examined.</p> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_4'>4</span> - <h3 class='c019'>§ 2. <span class='sc'>Tragic Influences in Sculpture.</span></h3> -</div> - -<h4 class='c017'>1. <em>Greek Sculpture.</em></h4> - -<p class='c018'>One does not expect the sculptor’s notions to be -largely shaped by a definite situation in literature, as -he has little to do with illustration; his art is too -severe and confined to reproduce the dramatic and -pathetic with great success. There is accordingly little -direct influence of the Greek tragic literature over -ancient sculpture except on the sarcophagi. Of the -monuments belonging to the fifth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, which -owe their existence indirectly to the drama, three reliefs -occupy the foremost place. These are the well-known -Orpheus<a id='r1' /><a href='#f1' class='c020'><sup>[1]</sup></a>, Peliades<a id='r2' /><a href='#f2' class='c020'><sup>[2]</sup></a>, and Peirithoös<a id='r3' /><a href='#f3' class='c020'><sup>[3]</sup></a> reliefs, all of which -belong close to the time of the Parthenon frieze. -Reisch has made it clear that these works were conceived -and carried out in the spirit of the tragic drama<a id='r4' /><a href='#f4' class='c020'><sup>[4]</sup></a>. -They are claimed, indeed, as dedicatory offerings in -memory of particular tragic exhibitions, but no attempt -is made to name any poet or tragedy with which they -were connected. Whether one is correct in holding -these reliefs as <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀναθήματα</span>, certain it is that in every -particular they breathe forth the spirit of tragedy. The -triple group in each has been pointed out as corresponding -to the three actors. This, however, is an outer -sign that might serve to indicate their origin. The -<span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span>relation of the figures to each other—the conflict of soul -which one may observe—the pathos that pervades the -groups—these are so unlike anything that occurs on -the earlier monuments that a person involuntarily asks -himself whence the artists received their motives. -Tragedy provides the answer. The parting scene -between Alkestis and Admetos which Euripides describes -so beautifully belongs to the same decade as -does the Orpheus relief. This touching episode may -well have been the incentive to some such work as the -parting between Orpheus and Eurydike. In all three -instances the sculptor was at any rate occupied with -the problems which concerned the tragic poet, and he -reproduced true echoes of dramatic situations.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Related to these reliefs is another class of monuments -which grew out of the tragic performances. From the -middle of the fifth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><a id='r5' /><a href='#f5' class='c020'><sup>[5]</sup></a> till at least the close -of the third century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><a id='r6' /><a href='#f6' class='c020'><sup>[6]</sup></a> it was customary for the -successful choregos to dedicate the tripod that the state -had given him as a prize. The magnificence and -elaborateness accompanying this ceremony can be -learned from the still extant Lysikrates monument -upon which the tripod once stood and on the intercolumniations -of which tripods in relief are represented. -A street in Athens was given over to the exposition of -these prizes. Pausanias states that they were of bronze -and stood on temples<a id='r7' /><a href='#f7' class='c020'><sup>[7]</sup></a>. More important still for us in -this connexion is the fact that together with the tripod, -probably under the kettle, it was the custom to set up -a figure of a satyr or Dionysos or Nike<a id='r8' /><a href='#f8' class='c020'><sup>[8]</sup></a>. This practice -<span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span>does not appear to have been older than the time of -Praxiteles. So it is that one learns of his famous satyr -which Pausanias mentions in connexion with one of the -tripods<a id='r9' /><a href='#f9' class='c020'><sup>[9]</sup></a>. The Greek of this passage does not admit -of a satisfactory interpretation, and it is not possible -therefore to determine what the attitude of the figure -was. It is probable that the statue which was thus -intimately associated with the Dionysiac performances -was the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">περιβόητος</span> satyr of Praxiteles, existing in so -many copies and known throughout English literature -as the ‘Marble Faun.’ One can easily understand that -this class of choregic monuments was alone of great -importance, and that through this channel the tragic -performances worked a wide influence over sculpture. -There was a vast number of statues in bronze and -marble that thus arose from the exigencies of the -theatre. Along with these works may be classed the -numerous pieces of sculpture that were put up as -decorations for the theatre. Such were the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εἰκόνες</span> -mentioned by Pausanias as being in the Dionysiac -theatre at Athens. The periegete names the statues -of Aischylos, Sophokles, Euripides, and Menander<a id='r10' /><a href='#f10' class='c020'><sup>[10]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>A large number of reliefs that represent Dionysos -receiving the worship of mortals, or advancing in a train -of satyrs before a man lying on a couch, makes up -another class of sculpture, which probably owed its -origin to the drama. On the Peiraieus<a id='r11' /><a href='#f11' class='c020'><sup>[11]</sup></a> relief three -persons carrying tragic masks advance before the god -who reclines upon a <em>kline</em>. The work may possibly be -dated as early as the close of the fifth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><a id='r12' /><a href='#f12' class='c020'><sup>[12]</sup></a> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span>It is at any rate an early example of the influence of the -tragic muse upon sculpture. The so-called Ikarios reliefs -illustrating Dionysos’ first appearance in Attica, and -the consequent origin of tragedy, may not refer to -Ikarios at all, but are nevertheless to be linked to tragedy -in some way, as the masks clearly show<a id='r13' /><a href='#f13' class='c020'><sup>[13]</sup></a>. They may -have been purely decorative work, or were perhaps -offerings of actors.</p> - -<p class='c009'>It remains to speak of a few monuments which seem -to have been more directly under the influence of particular -tragedies. One hears, for example, that the -sculptor Seilanion made a ‘Dying Iokaste.’<a id='r14' /><a href='#f14' class='c020'><sup>[14]</sup></a> This notion -would appear to have been borrowed from some play. -One may think of the <cite>Oedipus Tyrannus</cite> of Sophokles or the -<cite>Phoinissai</cite> of Euripides. Of far greater importance is the -relief on one of the columns from Ephesos which is known -to every one<a id='r15' /><a href='#f15' class='c020'><sup>[15]</sup></a>. The most satisfactory interpretation of -this work so far offered explains the scene as Alkestis -being delivered from Death. The heroine, rescued from -Thanatos by Hermes, is being conducted to the upper -world again. Unfortunately there is no agreement among -archaeologists on this explanation<a id='r16' /><a href='#f16' class='c020'><sup>[16]</sup></a>. Until a better one -is brought forward, however, this important monument -may be held as evidence for the influence exerted by -Euripides’ handling of this popular myth. The <cite>Alkestis</cite> -is known to have been exceptionally well received.</p> - -<p class='c009'>If tragic influences are only possibly at hand in the -fragment from Ephesos, the excavations at Pergamon -have brought to light extensive remains of reliefs that -were inspired by Attic tragedy. The Telephos frieze, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_8'>8</span>now in Berlin, is directly associated with the drama. -The mythic founder of Pergamon had a long and varied -career, which was told in dramatic form by both Sophokles -and Euripides. The suggestions for the reliefs in question -came from the <cite>Auge</cite> and <cite>Telephos</cite> of the latter, and the -<cite>Mysoi</cite> of the former<a id='r17' /><a href='#f17' class='c020'><sup>[17]</sup></a>. In these fragments one can see -distinctly the high esteem in which the Attic drama was -held at the court of the Attalidai. I know of no Greek -sculpture which comes so near being an illustration of -tragedy as does this frieze.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Another work of monumental greatness belonging to -about the same period and exhibiting unmistakable signs -of tragic influence is the Farnese Bull in the National -Museum in Naples<a id='r18' /><a href='#f18' class='c020'><sup>[18]</sup></a>. This colossal group, which represents -Dirke being tied to a rampant bull by Amphion -and Zethos, the sons of Antiope, is characterized by -a passion and violence that are late products in Greek -sculpture. Such motives made their appearance first in -the fourth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> Niobe and her children are the -earliest representation on a grand scale of these elements -that are so akin to the drama. Such compositions were -first possible with Praxiteles and Skopas who broke -away from the traditions of the Pheidian age. The -generation that saw a new type of Dionysos and of -Aphrodite, and could appreciate the frenzied maenad -of Skopas, had been prepared for these new motives very -largely through the theatre. The drama had not a little -to do with impressing the artist and his public with the -importance of delineating the human feelings. In the -case of the Niobe group one would not attempt to -point out any special influence of the <cite>Niobe</cite> of Aischylos -<span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span>or Sophokles, and still there is little doubt in my own -mind that the sculptor was more or less influenced by -the tragic literature. May not Praxiteles or Skopas, -each of whom shares the credit of the Niobe group, have -been led to the pathetic look upon the mother’s face by -the lines of one of these lost plays? This new tendency -in sculpture reached its highest expression in the -Laokoön and the Farnese Bull. The latter can be -traced to the influence of Euripides’ <cite>Antiope</cite>, which -appears to have been the source of all Dirke monuments -in ancient art; there is no dissenting voice as to -Euripides’ right to occupy the honourable position thus -assigned<a id='r19' /><a href='#f19' class='c020'><sup>[19]</sup></a> him. Reference has already been made to the -Laokoön<a id='r20' /><a href='#f20' class='c020'><sup>[20]</sup></a> as representing the culmination of tragedy in -marble. The view held by Lessing and many others -that Virgil was the sculptors’ authority has been -abandoned long since. The Pergamon altar frieze has -enabled us to fix the date of the Laokoön with approximate -correctness. It is surely some centuries older than -the <cite>Aeneid</cite> and stands therefore in a possible relation to -the <cite>Laokoön</cite> of Sophokles. Yet here again opinions -vary widely. Sophokles’ play is lost, and the few remaining -fragments are not enough to enable one to -make a satisfactory reconstruction. The story came -<span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span>down from the epic literature, and, like so many incidents -in the fall of Troy, needed no further popularization -in order to appeal to the artist. That Sophokles’ tragedy, -however, was wholly without any influence on the -Rhodian sculptors who so tragically and realistically -represented Apollo’s vengeance on his priest seems to -me highly improbable. Such a conception as found -expression in this masterpiece of sculpture may well -have sprung from the masterpiece in poetry which was at -hand in Sophokles’ <cite>Laokoön</cite><a id='r21' /><a href='#f21' class='c020'><sup>[21]</sup></a>.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'>2. <em>The Etruscan Ash-urns.</em></h4> - -<p class='c018'>The reliefs on the Etruscan and Roman sarcophagi -carry us to Italian soil and furnish us with a much larger -field for pursuing our subject than could be found in -Greek sculpture. Of all the Italian races with whom -the Greeks came into contact, the Etrurians were by far -the most advanced in civilization; and during the -centuries of active commercial relations between the two -peoples this nation, whose origin is the puzzle of historians, -and whose language is the <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">crux</span></i> of philologists, -came more under the influence of Greek literature and -art than any of the Latin races that remained unhellenized. -They have left abundant evidence of these -hellenizing influences. In various classes of monuments -which may still be studied—urns, mirrors, cistae, tomb-paintings, -and vases—one discovers Greek mythology -and poetry. The national mythology of the Etruscans is -so much of an exception in their art, and the Greek is so -universally adopted, that one is at a loss to account for -<span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span>the strange fact. On hundreds of Etruscan monuments -one sees the workings of Greek poetry, which found -its way into Etruria before Livius Andronicus produced -the first tragedy in Rome 240 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> That the Greek -drama was introduced for the most part directly and not -through the medium of the early Latin tragedians, is -shown by the fact that the latter flourished in the second -and first centuries <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, while the urns exhibiting tragic -subjects are, for the most part, from the third century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> -Some may, indeed, date from the fourth century. Roman -tragedy can not be said to have really become at all a -matter of general interest before Ennius went to Rome in -204 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> He died 169 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, and one should not think that the -influence of these Latin adaptations and translations of -Greek plays took an immediate hold upon the neighbouring -Etruscans. Such elements percolate gradually into the -various strata of national life, to say nothing of the time -required to reach a foreign people whose language and -customs are so different. But the <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">summus epicus poeta</span></i><a id='r22' /><a href='#f22' class='c020'><sup>[22]</sup></a> -was not the most popular or most prolific pilferer of -Greek plays. His tragedies numbered only about twenty. -<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">In Accio circaque eum Romana tragoedia est</span></cite><a id='r23' /><a href='#f23' class='c020'><sup>[23]</sup></a>; and the -probable truth of this statement is well attested by -the list of fifty plays that have come down to us under -Accius’ name. This poet, however, was born 170 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> and -first exhibited tragedies in 140 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> It is therefore very -doubtful whether one can rightly speak of the influence -of Latin tragedy upon the Etruscan artists. One dare -not, at any rate, bring the ash-urns too far into the -second century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, as Brunn and those immediately -under his teaching formerly did. More recent investigations -have proved the chronological impossibility of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>interpreting these reliefs with the help of Ennius, Accius, -and Pacuvius.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Without taking time and space to review the arguments -on which the interpretations of the reliefs are based it -will be enough for my purpose to simply add a list of the -scenes which one may reasonably refer to Greek tragedy. -Examining the first volume of Brunn’s <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">I rilievi delle urne -etrusche</span></cite>, which is devoted to urns with scenes from the -Trojan Cycle, one learns that those presenting a version -of the stories ascribable to the tragic poets exceed those -that are based on the <cite>Iliad</cite>, <cite>Odyssey</cite>, and other epics. -The representation of Paris’ return to his Trojan home -is, with one exception<a id='r24' /><a href='#f24' class='c020'><sup>[24]</sup></a>, the most frequent. The thirty-four -reliefs were referred, even in the time of the former -late dating, to Euripides’ <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀλέξανδρος</span><a id='r25' /><a href='#f25' class='c020'><sup>[25]</sup></a>. The fate of Telephos -was, according to Aristotle, a common subject for -a tragedy<a id='r26' /><a href='#f26' class='c020'><sup>[26]</sup></a>. We have already met the story on the -Pergamon frieze, and it is very frequent on the Etruscan -urns. Telephos grasps the young Orestes and threatens -his life on the altar after the manner of the drama. It -may be the influence of Aischylos or Euripides, but if one -judges from the comparative popularity of these poets -in this period he would be inclined to assign the first -place to the latter<a id='r27' /><a href='#f27' class='c020'><sup>[27]</sup></a>. The offering of Iphigeneia occurs -on twenty-six urns, nearly all of which were found in -the vicinity of Perugia<a id='r28' /><a href='#f28' class='c020'><sup>[28]</sup></a>. It was again unquestionably -Greek tragedy that was the incentive for these scenes. -Aischylos, Sophokles, and Euripides may all share the -credit of having furnished the literary source. A smaller -<span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>series of urns representing Odysseus’ adventure in taking -Philoktetes from Lemnos is also to be placed under the -influence of the fifth century tragedy<a id='r29' /><a href='#f29' class='c020'><sup>[29]</sup></a>. The <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δόλιος -Ὀδυσσεύς</span> is seen playing his part as cleverly as he does -in the extant play of Sophokles. The attitude of -Philoktetes standing before Neoptolemos, having in two -cases the arrow in his hand, corresponds well to the -character drawn by this poet. The injured chieftain -displays his courage and scoffs at the thought of being -carried away by the detested Odysseus. The murder of -Aigisthos and Klytaimestra represented on seventeen -urns has been shown by Schlie to be essentially -Euripidean<a id='r30' /><a href='#f30' class='c020'><sup>[30]</sup></a>. The arrival of Orestes and Pylades at the -precinct of the Tauric Artemis is possibly the subject of -three reliefs<a id='r31' /><a href='#f31' class='c020'><sup>[31]</sup></a>. This would also take one directly to -Euripides<a id='r32' /><a href='#f32' class='c020'><sup>[32]</sup></a>. The following are published in the second -volume of the <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Urne etrusche</span></cite> by Körte. Medeia escapes -on her dragon-chariot, driving over the bodies of her -children<a id='r33' /><a href='#f33' class='c020'><sup>[33]</sup></a>—an echo of the great tragedy that exercised -so wide an influence in other fields of art<a id='r34' /><a href='#f34' class='c020'><sup>[34]</sup></a>. The -punishment of Dirke on four reliefs is based without -question on the <cite>Antiope</cite> of Euripides<a id='r35' /><a href='#f35' class='c020'><sup>[35]</sup></a>. The blinding -of Oedipus at the hands of Laios’ sons seems to have -been an invention of the same poet and is recognized in -another relief<a id='r36' /><a href='#f36' class='c020'><sup>[36]</sup></a>. The Theban fratricide and the assault -<span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span>on the city were both much-prized subjects<a id='r37' /><a href='#f37' class='c020'><sup>[37]</sup></a>. Körte -points out many features common to the numerous -reliefs and the <cite>Phoinissai</cite> of Euripides<a id='r38' /><a href='#f38' class='c020'><sup>[38]</sup></a>. The death of -Alkmene is represented on five urns which one would -associate with the <cite>Alkmene</cite> of the same poet<a id='r39' /><a href='#f39' class='c020'><sup>[39]</sup></a>. Euripides’ -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κρῆτες</span> is traceable on seven reliefs, showing the -legend of Daidalos and Pasiphaë<a id='r40' /><a href='#f40' class='c020'><sup>[40]</sup></a>. Theseus’ fight with -the Minotaur occurs four times and reminds us of -Euripides’ <cite>Theseus</cite><a id='r41' /><a href='#f41' class='c020'><sup>[41]</sup></a>. The death of Hippolytos on -eight reliefs does not present any essential variation -from the extant Greek tragedy<a id='r42' /><a href='#f42' class='c020'><sup>[42]</sup></a>. Perseus and Andromeda -are met with likewise and emphasize the wide -popularity of Euripides’ play<a id='r43' /><a href='#f43' class='c020'><sup>[43]</sup></a>. The famous legend of -Oinomaos’ death and Pelops’ triumph occurs on thirty-one -urns<a id='r44' /><a href='#f44' class='c020'><sup>[44]</sup></a>. It can be shown that these were inspired by -one or more of the lost tragedies that dealt with the -subject<a id='r45' /><a href='#f45' class='c020'><sup>[45]</sup></a>. The <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Μελέαγρος</span> of Euripides appears to have -been the source of at least three of the many reliefs -representing the Kalydonian Hunt<a id='r46' /><a href='#f46' class='c020'><sup>[46]</sup></a>. To this long list -of urns based on Euripidean tragedies one must still -add seven that were probably inspired by this poet’s -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Μελανίππη ἡ σοψή</span> and three more that follow his -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Μελανίππη ἡ δεσμῶτις</span><a id='r47' /><a href='#f47' class='c020'><sup>[47]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>More than two-thirds of the more than four hundred -Etruscan urns examined are decorated with sculpture -based on Greek tragedy, and in nearly all instances the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>drama was Euripidean. Such are the instructive facts -regarding this important class of monuments.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'>3. <em>Roman Sarcophagi.</em></h4> - -<p class='c018'>Under the expression ‘Roman sarcophagi’ one understands -those of the first and second centuries <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> unless -the expression is further qualified. Sarcophagi from -the time of the Republic are very rare and they are -withal modest in their workmanship. The florid -decorations of the time of the Empire, and especially of -the period just noted, are often of secondary interest, -but the reliefs on the sarcophagi are for the most part -of prime importance, as furnishing reminiscences of lost -tragedies and ancient paintings of great renown. The -majority are copies of very ordinary merit, while now -and then a sarcophagus relief is not unworthy a Greek -artist of the fourth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></p> - -<p class='c009'>It is a commonly known fact that long before the -Laokoön, or the Farnese Bull, or the Apollo Belvidere -was unearthed in the sixteenth and fifteenth centuries—long -before the classical antiquities of Rome, Florence, -and Naples had attracted students and lovers of art—the -sculptures of these sarcophagi, scattered about in -cathedrals and palaces, had begun to teach the Italian -artist what the human figure really is, and what -composition and decoration should be. The Renaissance -artist first learned the charm and simplicity of the -ancient costume from these marbles and perceived how -vastly superior this was to the heavy, conventional -church-dress that concealed the outlines of the form and -rendered grace and beauty impossible. The study of -the antique, we have reason to believe, was in the early -Renaissance largely a study of these Roman sarcophagi.</p> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>There is no need of going into detail. It will be -enough to hint at the most important monuments of -this class that stand under the influence of Greek -tragedy. Whether they are a direct product of the -Greek plays or are founded on the Latin translations, or -whether they represent copies of Greek paintings based -on Greek tragedy—this is for the present purpose all -one and the same. It is not necessary to determine -whence the incentive came. The important fact for one -to grasp first is, that a surprisingly large number of the -reliefs owe their existence to the tragic drama, and that -these sculptures should be brought into one’s study of -the tragic poets<a id='r48' /><a href='#f48' class='c020'><sup>[48]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The series of reliefs illustrating Euripides’ <cite>Alkestis</cite> is -of prime importance for one who wishes to see in art -a scene worthy of the poet<a id='r49' /><a href='#f49' class='c020'><sup>[49]</sup></a>. The touching farewell of -Alkestis as she reclines upon her death-bed is in each -instance the centre of the groups on the long side. -Around her gathers the whole family. The children -draw up close to their mother’s side. Her parents are -also present, and this lends more interest to the sight, -for they could scarcely be absent although the poet does -not mention them in this connexion. The last words of -Alkestis, and Admetos’ reply, form the real charm of -the play. All else falls far behind these speeches, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span>following one of the gems in Greek literature the artist -could afford to assign his illustration the first place on -the reliefs. Arranged on either side are the other incidents -of the drama, following the poet with considerable -faithfulness. In this connexion should be mentioned the -relief in Florence, also based upon the same source<a id='r50' /><a href='#f50' class='c020'><sup>[50]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The Hippolytos sarcophagi are, so far as I know, -the most numerous of those that are dependent upon -tragedy. If we possess more than a score, either entire -or in fragments, after the destructive elements have been -at work on them since antiquity, there is reason to -believe that many times this number were once in -existence. Copies were made in large numbers, and -many a Roman was laid to rest behind the tragedy -in marble which in the <cite>Hippolytos</cite> of Euripides has -continued with some interruptions to move the -sympathies of the civilized world for more than two -thousand years. The reliefs are in the main faithful -illustrations of Euripides. One or two situations are -foreign to him, and these would suggest the influence of -a Roman poet. It is unnecessary to do more here than -to refer to the following chapter, where the whole -question finds a further discussion<a id='r51' /><a href='#f51' class='c020'><sup>[51]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>‘The Orestes myth appears upon the sarcophagi -exclusively in the form given to it by the Attic drama. -The first part—the slaying of Aigisthos and Klytaimestra—follows -the <cite>Oresteia</cite> of Aischylos. The second -part—the meeting of Iphigeneia and Orestes and the -rape of the Tauric idol—is based upon the <cite>Iphigeneia in -Tauris</cite> of Euripides.’<a id='r52' /><a href='#f52' class='c020'><sup>[52]</sup></a> One exception only is noted -<span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>and this appears to represent the influence of a later -play which handled the subject of the <cite>Oresteia</cite><a id='r53' /><a href='#f53' class='c020'><sup>[53]</sup></a>. The -scenes on the other sarcophagi are indeed illustrations -of Aischylos. In each case the final moment of the -<cite>Choephoroi</cite>, when the Furies rush in upon the murderer, -guilty of a mother’s blood, is chosen for the middle -group. Right and left from this the succeeding events -are arranged. The right end scene invariably represents -Orestes as he is about to escape from the sanctuary of -Apollo at Delphi and go to Athens. He picks his way -with circumspection over the sleeping Furies, and one -is led up to the triumphal verdict of the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eumenides</span></cite><a id='r54' /><a href='#f54' class='c020'><sup>[54]</sup></a>. -Robert has shown very clearly the relation of these -sculptures to Aischylos’ words, and it is enough to refer -to his discussion.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The Iphigeneia-Orestes sarcophagi breathe from first -to last the spirit of Euripides. A study of them is -scarcely less instructive than a reading of the play. -Step by step the story is unfolded. Orestes and Pylades -are taken captives and stand before the priestess, whose -dreadful office is made more horrible by the remains -of human sacrifices that are fastened up around the -sanctuary; the recognition scene with the letter follows. -Then Iphigeneia appears with the idol in her arms, and -asks Thoas’ permission to go and purify it in the sea. -The two Greeks stand bound, ready to follow her, and last -of all comes the <em>mêlée</em> at the ship. One after another of -the barbarians is laid low by the strong arms of Orestes -and Pylades. Iphigeneia is placed safely aboard with -the image, and one sees the beginning of the homeward -<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>journey that closed the history of the house of -Atreus<a id='r55' /><a href='#f55' class='c020'><sup>[55]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The Euripidean <cite>Medeia</cite> is discussed at length in -another place, and I have pointed out there the part -that the sarcophagi occupy in art representations of the -tragedy<a id='r56' /><a href='#f56' class='c020'><sup>[56]</sup></a>. The two extremes of touching tenderness -and violent passion, which no one ever combined more -successfully in one character than did Euripides in his -Medeia, come prominently to the foreground in these -reliefs. I know of no monuments of ancient art that -grasp the spirit of a Greek tragedy more effectually than -the Medeia sarcophagi. The strange and secret power -of the sorceress hovers over and pervades the whole. -The dreadful vengeance exacted by the slighted queen -is shown in the most graphic manner. Standing before -the Berlin replica, which is the best preserved and most -beautiful of all the sculptures, one cannot but feel that -he is face to face with a marvellous illustration of the -great tragedy. The marble all but breathes; the dragons -of Medeia’s chariot may be heard to hiss.</p> - -<p class='c009'>A small number of other monuments of this class -belongs to the ‘Seven against Thebes,’ and, as in the -case of the Etruscan urns, the <cite>Phoinissai</cite> of Euripides is -the main source of the illustrations. Perhaps Seneca’s -<cite>Phoenissae</cite> also entered into the work. Robert conjectures -that Euripides’ <cite>Oedipus</cite> may have furnished -suggestions for parts of the scenes<a id='r57' /><a href='#f57' class='c020'><sup>[57]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The <cite>Philoktetes</cite> of Sophokles is illustrated on one -relief very much in the manner of the Etruscan urns -already referred to. The wounded Philoktetes stands at -<span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>the mouth of the cave and speaks to Neoptolemos on -the right. Odysseus keeps safely out of sight on the -left<a id='r58' /><a href='#f58' class='c020'><sup>[58]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The story of Pasiphaë’s unholy love is told on a -fragment of a sarcophagus in the Louvre<a id='r59' /><a href='#f59' class='c020'><sup>[59]</sup></a>; Daidalos -and his cunning work play the leading part. The -ultimate literary authority was Euripides’ <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κρῆτες</span>. The -latter may not have been used directly, as the myth -enjoyed after this play a continuous popularity. The -relief on one end represents a fruit offering, and as this -would agree with the vegetarian vow of the chorus, -Robert prefers to recognize a direct connexion with -Euripides<a id='r60' /><a href='#f60' class='c020'><sup>[60]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Mention may be made lastly of the Meleager sarcophagi, -which, like the Etruscan urns, have much in -common with Euripides’ <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Μελέαγρος</span><a id='r61' /><a href='#f61' class='c020'><sup>[61]</sup></a>.</p> - -<h3 class='c019'>§ 3. <span class='sc'>The Influence of Tragedy on Painting.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>Our knowledge of Greek painting is entirely literary. -No vestige of this art has survived that one may study -the real monuments. The wall paintings of Pompeii -and Herculaneum are, however, a sort of recompense for -this loss, and with these and the assistance of Pliny -and a few other writers one can get some notion of -certain masterpieces of ancient painting. But the records -are at the most very scant, and the student has, after all, -to allow his imagination to fill in many gaps.</p> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span> - <h4 class='c017'>1. <em>On Greek Painting.</em></h4> -</div> - -<p class='c018'>The first probable point of contact between tragedy -and painting is in the time of Polygnotos. The series -of paintings mentioned by Pausanias as being in the -Propylaia <em>may</em> be brought under the name of the great -painter, since it is expressly stated that two of the ten -were from his hand<a id='r62' /><a href='#f62' class='c020'><sup>[62]</sup></a>. Among the subjects were Odysseus -fetching Philoktetes from Lemnos; Orestes slaying -Aigisthos; Polyxena on the point of being sacrificed at -Achilles’ tomb. The question arises, have these works -any connexion with the drama? If Polygnotos was the -author of all the paintings, the period of his activity -excludes both Sophoklean and Euripidean influence in -the Philoktetes scene. The <cite>Philoktetes</cite> of Sophokles is -known to have been produced in 409 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, and the same -play by Euripides appeared in the trilogy with the -<cite>Medeia</cite> in 431 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> This leaves Aischylos’ tragedy, -which could have served Polygnotos’ purpose. Orestes -killing Aigisthos seems also a possible product of the -<cite>Oresteia</cite>, but Pylades engaging the sons of Nauplios who -came to the usurper’s assistance renders the Aischylean -source improbable. Polyxena’s sacrifice is described -by Euripides in the <cite>Hekabe</cite><a id='r63' /><a href='#f63' class='c020'><sup>[63]</sup></a>, and was the subject of -Sophokles’ <cite>Polyxene</cite><a id='r64' /><a href='#f64' class='c020'><sup>[64]</sup></a>. Nothing, however, can be made -out of the few fragments belonging to the latter. -The character of this picture, in which <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πάθος</span> excluded -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἦθος</span>, led Robert to assign it to the fourth century and -base it upon Euripides<a id='r65' /><a href='#f65' class='c020'><sup>[65]</sup></a>. All these subjects are from -<span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>the Trojan Cycle, and agree well with what is known of -Polygnotos’ taste in selecting his legends. One has but -to recall the painting in the Lesche of the Knidians at -Delphi—<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὸ μὲν σύμπαν τὸ ἐν δεξιᾷ τῆς γραφῆς Ἴλιός τέ -ἐστιν ἑαλωκυῖα καὶ ἀπόπλους ὁ Ἑλλήνων</span><a id='r66' /><a href='#f66' class='c020'><sup>[66]</sup></a>—to learn that -the drama was not essential to inspire Polygnotos. On -the other hand, a closer examination of the Philoktetes-Orestes -legend reveals the fact that the crafty Ithacan’s -part in bringing Philoktetes from Lemnos was an invention -of the Attic drama<a id='r67' /><a href='#f67' class='c020'><sup>[67]</sup></a>. The tragedians placed -Odysseus in the room occupied by Diomede in the -Trojan Cycle. It is absolutely necessary therefore to -place this painting under the influence of tragedy, -whether it was by Polygnotos and inspired by Aischylos -or by a later artist and inspired by one or more of the -three tragedies. If the Polygnotos authorship be rejected -(and as it is based on pure conjecture there is nothing to -forbid placing it aside), one is at liberty to point out -a relation between these works and later tragic literature, -as has already been done in the case of the Polyxena -scene.</p> - -<p class='c009'>In the latter half of the fifth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> painting -appears to have reflected pronounced tendencies of the -drama. The legends of the heroic time when tried in -the crucible of the dramatic poet appealed more strongly -to the imagination of the artist who had been accustomed -to epic severeness and calmness. The conventionality -and regulation types gave way, and the tragic drama -<span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>remained thereafter the vital force in shaping the -character of paintings occupied with heroic legends. -At this time we learn of a Telephos by Parrhasios, which -one naturally associates with Euripides or Aischylos<a id='r68' /><a href='#f68' class='c020'><sup>[68]</sup></a>. -The Iphigeneia of Timanthes was a work that was -scarcely possible but for the fresh interest awakened in -the story by the three tragedians<a id='r69' /><a href='#f69' class='c020'><sup>[69]</sup></a>. It is highly probable -again that Euripides was the inspiration for the Andromeda -of Nikias<a id='r70' /><a href='#f70' class='c020'><sup>[70]</sup></a> and the Medeia of Timomachus<a id='r71' /><a href='#f71' class='c020'><sup>[71]</sup></a>. -These were both works of great renown. Apollodoros’ -painting representing the Herakleidai can with some -certainty be referred to Euripides’ tragedy<a id='r72' /><a href='#f72' class='c020'><sup>[72]</sup></a>. Theorus, -a Samian, painted Orestes slaying Aigisthos and Klytaimestra, -and could hardly have worked independent of -Aischylos<a id='r73' /><a href='#f73' class='c020'><sup>[73]</sup></a>. The fate of Pentheus and Lykurgos was -painted in the younger of the two temples in the -Dionysiac precinct south of the Acropolis<a id='r74' /><a href='#f74' class='c020'><sup>[74]</sup></a>. The date of -this temple has been fixed at approximately 400 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><a id='r75' /><a href='#f75' class='c020'><sup>[75]</sup></a> -The punishment of Pentheus was particularly popular -with the tragedians, and the dependence of this painting -on the play of Aischylos or Euripides is all but certain. -The former’s <cite>Lykurgeia</cite> was the source of the numerous -vase paintings of Lower Italy representing the madness -of the Thracian king<a id='r76' /><a href='#f76' class='c020'><sup>[76]</sup></a>, and one may infer that this -<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>painting mentioned by Pausanias was essentially the -Aischylean Lykurgos. In the same place were two -other scenes from the career of Dionysos. Ariadne was -represented as being forsaken by Theseus and rescued -by the god, and in another place Dionysos was conducting -Hephaistos to Olympos. Euripides’ <cite>Theseus</cite> -handled the love episode in the first of the two latter, -and this play was probably not without its effect upon -the popularity of the story which was of frequent -occurrence, particularly in Pompeii<a id='r77' /><a href='#f77' class='c020'><sup>[77]</sup></a>. This poet’s power -in dealing with love exploits and depicting the sad case -of unrequited love and the attending calamities, was a new -force in literature and a never-failing spring from which -the painter could draw. These compositions are one -and all connected with Dionysos, while three of them are -parallel with subjects handled in tragedy. Such scenes -were possible only after the drama had popularized the -subjects and prepared the way, so to speak, for the -reception of the same in art. Even though one does not -go so far as to contend that these paintings were an -outgrowth of tragedy, they must be accepted as signs of -the increasing interest in Dionysos and his worship—and -this was primarily the Greater Dionysia, where the first -editions of Greek tragedies were published. This was -the period of Zeuxis and Parrhasios—the time when -Euripidean <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πάθος</span> was shaping artistic conceptions.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'>2. <em>The Wall Paintings of Pompeii and Herculaneum.</em></h4> - -<p class='c018'>The Pompeian wall paintings, representing scenes from -tragedy, are largely reminiscences of earlier paintings, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>and many famous works that have already been referred -to are doubtless preserved in more or less exact copies -in these invaluable monuments. Besides the Medeia and -Andromeda, which have been noticed above, there is -a series of paintings based on the Hippolytos-Phaidra -casualty<a id='r78' /><a href='#f78' class='c020'><sup>[78]</sup></a>, and another representing the sacrifice of -Iphigeneia<a id='r79' /><a href='#f79' class='c020'><sup>[79]</sup></a>. The latter exhibit a marked similarity to -the work of Timanthes and the final scene in Euripides’ -<cite>Iphigeneia at Aulis</cite>. Several important paintings represent -the meeting of Orestes and Iphigeneia in the -Tauric sanctuary, and there can be no question regarding -the decided dramatic colouring here<a id='r80' /><a href='#f80' class='c020'><sup>[80]</sup></a>. Two pictures are -based on the Telephos legend, and remind one again of -the Pergamon frieze and the relation of this to Euripides -and Sophokles<a id='r81' /><a href='#f81' class='c020'><sup>[81]</sup></a>. Daidalos with his wooden cow before -Pasiphaë was another favourite Euripidean story told at -Pompeii<a id='r82' /><a href='#f82' class='c020'><sup>[82]</sup></a>. The excavations in 1895 brought to light -an unusual number of priceless treasures in the <i><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">casa dei -Vettii</span></i>. Among the paintings was one showing the -death of Pentheus<a id='r83' /><a href='#f83' class='c020'><sup>[83]</sup></a>. The maenads are hurling stones -at him and thrusting him through with their thyrsoi; -the wildness of the locality and the tone of the whole -work make it highly probable that Euripides’ <cite>Bakchai</cite> -was the artist’s inspiration. Mention may be made -lastly of the punishment of Dirke, told in several -paintings<a id='r84' /><a href='#f84' class='c020'><sup>[84]</sup></a>. After what has been said touching the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>Farnese Bull, it is not necessary to point out again the -part played in the Dirke monuments by Euripides’ -<cite>Antiope</cite>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>A glance at this brief sketch of ancient paintings on -tragic subjects cannot but impress one with the permanent -and far-reaching influence of the tragic poet -over the painter. The striking fact that stands out -prominently before all others is the firm hold exercised -by Euripides. Note the following subjects—Andromeda, -Dirke, Hippolytos, Iphigeneia at Aulis, Medeia. -Each of these characters has stamped upon it the form -given by this poet. Others after him adapted and -translated his work, but the ultimate authority remains -none the less the Greek tragedian, and neither the -ancient nor the modern world accepts any other than -the Euripidean Andromeda, Hippolytos, or Medeia<a id='r85' /><a href='#f85' class='c020'><sup>[85]</sup></a>.</p> - -<h3 class='c019'>§ 4. <span class='sc'>Tragic Elements on the Etruscan Mirrors.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>The engravers of the mirrors were less inventive than -were the sculptors of the ash-urns, and they moved in -a much narrower sphere. Their work is for the most -part that of the ordinary mechanic whose hand is none -too sure. The compositions taken from tragedy are -common with those already met with on the Etruscan -sarcophagi. There are Orestes and Pylades at the -temple of the Tauric Artemis<a id='r86' /><a href='#f86' class='c020'><sup>[86]</sup></a>; the Kalydonian Hunt, -following the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Μελέαγρος</span><a id='r87' /><a href='#f87' class='c020'><sup>[87]</sup></a>; Daidalos constructing the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span>wooden cow<a id='r88' /><a href='#f88' class='c020'><sup>[88]</sup></a>; Polyxena taking her farewell of Hekabe<a id='r89' /><a href='#f89' class='c020'><sup>[89]</sup></a>; -three scenes from the Telephos legend<a id='r90' /><a href='#f90' class='c020'><sup>[90]</sup></a>; the parting -scene between Alkestis and Admetos<a id='r91' /><a href='#f91' class='c020'><sup>[91]</sup></a>; and Prometheus -chained to the Caucasus<a id='r92' /><a href='#f92' class='c020'><sup>[92]</sup></a>. These instances at least may -be adduced to emphasize the fact of the wide-spread -familiarity of the Etruscans with tragedy. There is no -doubt whatever that in these common everyday articles, -as well as on their sarcophagi, the Etruscans had illustrations -of the tragic poetry that may have been brought -to them by troops of ‘Dionysiac artists’<a id='r93' /><a href='#f93' class='c020'><sup>[93]</sup></a>.</p> - -<h3 class='c019'>§ 5. <span class='sc'>Greek Tragedy and the ‘Megarian Bowls.’</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>Intermediate between sculpture and vase paintings -appears a remarkably interesting class of vases, or -rather cups, which are decorated with a band of relief. -Certain of these are so intimately connected with the -drama, and with Euripides in particular, that at least -<span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span>a brief reference should be made to them here. -Examples of this ware are to be seen in nearly every -large museum, and I have seen fit to include reproductions -of three in the present work, as well as a small -fragment of a fourth<a id='r94' /><a href='#f94' class='c020'><sup>[94]</sup></a>. The inscriptions and general -style of the vases lead one to date them in the second -or third century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> They are surely not later than -this, and not much earlier. They owe their origin to -a wide-spread interest in the older Greek poets. The -majority of the reliefs represent scenes from the Trojan -and Theban Cycles, and illustrate some poetical work. -We have to do at this time with those that are related -to tragedy. It is plain from a casual glance at the -nature of the compositions taken from tragic literature -that it was not the words of the poet that suggested -the figures to the artist so much as the theatrical performances -themselves. The posings, gestures, groupings—in -short, the general attempt at effect, take one -past the written work to the Hellenistic stage. The -motives are borrowed from Euripides, as played in the -second- and third-century theatre. The humble artist -who conceived these designs had visited the exhibitions -of the <cite>Iphigeneia at Aulis</cite> or of the <cite>Phoinissai</cite>, and -received fresh ideas for his work. It is necessary to -emphasize the fact that these little monuments date -from the time when the dominating force in art was -the tragic drama. The influence of the theatre was felt -among all classes of people. The guilds of Dionysiac -actors travelled around from one village to another, and -from one city to another, producing their <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">répertoire</span></i> from -the three great tragedians, and, even when there was no -<span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>permanent stage, delivered from an improvised platform -bad and indifferent versions of the well-known plays<a id='r95' /><a href='#f95' class='c020'><sup>[95]</sup></a>. -The result was that tragedy was the one popular form -of literature in the Hellenistic period, and this meant -practically that the people were feasted on Euripides. -The ‘Megarian Bowls’ are priceless treasures from this -period when the drama had permeated all classes of -society. The unpretentious reliefs are replete with the -spirit that one may discover at the same time in Italy, -Asia Minor, Athens, and Alexandria. They are direct -witnesses of the fact that Euripides was the people’s -poet, and re-enforce the impression gained from the -study of all other classes of monuments.</p> - -<p class='c009'>For my own part I prefer to think of these cups as -answering the place of text illustrations and corresponding -to our illustrated editions of poetical works. One -cannot imagine the papyri texts of the ancient poets -illumined with illustrations, but these ‘Megarian Bowls’ -meet every requirement of this kind of art. In order -to keep the reader from going astray in the interpretation -the scenes are often accompanied by inscriptions -that render any misunderstanding impossible. The -several groups showing the successive stages of the play -serve in fact every end that is demanded of illustrations. -Whether the vases were used by schoolmasters in -drilling their boys in classical poetry, or whether they -were ornaments for the home, the poet was sure to -appeal to his admirers in a new manner. He could be -easily remembered by this means if artificial aid was -at all necessary. They had, moreover, the great merit -of being cheap; any number of copies could be made -<span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span>from the mould, and such cups are really in existence<a id='r96' /><a href='#f96' class='c020'><sup>[96]</sup></a>. -If three replicas of one and the same work have -accidentally survived the centuries and can to-day be -studied as text illustrations of Euripides, how extensive -must have been the production and use of this sort -of art in ancient times!<a id='r97' /><a href='#f97' class='c020'><sup>[97]</sup></a></p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span> - <h2 class='c007'>CHAPTER II<br /> <span class='large'>THE INFLUENCE OF GREEK TRAGEDY ON VASE PAINTING.</span></h2> -</div> -<h3 class='c017'>§ 1. <span class='sc'>Theories advanced for the Earliest Point of Contact.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>The question as to when the tragic drama first began -to influence the vase painters has been in late years -a much mooted one. When our knowledge of vase -chronology was far more fragmentary than it is now, -and the black figured fabric was dated as largely a fifth-century -<span class='fss'>B.C.</span> product, the attempt was made to point -out the dependence on the drama of certain paintings -of this style<a id='r98' /><a href='#f98' class='c020'><sup>[98]</sup></a>. Later, when the improbability of this -theory became more and more plain, and an earlier -date was fixed for the black figured vases, other scholars -endeavoured to show that the painters of Euphronios’ -set—the masters of the severe red figured kylikes—stood -under the influence of the three tragedians<a id='r99' /><a href='#f99' class='c020'><sup>[99]</sup></a>. No -<span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span>one would venture, however, to speak now of the -influence of any of the dramatists upon the vase -painters of this style that flourished at the end of the -sixth and beginning of the fifth century. More nearly -correct was the principle laid down by Robert, in his -famous book <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bild und Lied</span></cite>, that no vase painting of the -fifth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> shows the influence of heroic legends -as recast by the tragedians and produced in the theatre. -Before the year 400 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> one should not expect to find -scenes upon the vases that are the direct outcome of -the tragic drama. This, however, is going too far to -the other extreme. There is a mean that may be -struck, and this is, as will appear, more in accord with -the present knowledge of Greek ceramics.</p> - -<h3 class='c019'>§ 2. <span class='sc'>Earliest Evidence.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>There is one point on which there seems to be little -difference of opinion, and that is, that the lusty choruses -of satyrs that abound on the early red figured vases -were largely popularized through the Dionysiac trains. -These groups of dancing, springing satyrs along with -Dionysos are direct reflexions of the scenes that actually -took place, and as these celebrations were the simple -beginnings of the tragic drama there is in this class of -pictures a remote echo of the theatre. Yet one must -not understand that the artists were conscious of following -any particular performance<a id='r100' /><a href='#f100' class='c020'><sup>[100]</sup></a>. These scenes -<span class='pageno' id='Page_33'>33</span>border more on what we should imagine a satyric drama -to have been. It was a long way from this comical, -kick-about dance of the satyrs around Dionysos and -his altar to the time when the actual performance of the -theatre, such as is seen on the Andromeda krater, -occurs on the vases. Still these were beginnings. -Another exceedingly instructive bit of evidence for the -development of tragic influences (or rather it is better -to speak still of Dionysiac influences) is found on a -black figured vase in Bologna<a id='r101' /><a href='#f101' class='c020'><sup>[101]</sup></a>. The painting represents -the epiphany of the god who rides in a ship borne on -wheels and drawn by two satyrs before whom march -two others leading a steer. The god who sits enthroned -upon the ship is being entertained by flute music furnished -by two satyrs riding with him. Such sights we -have reason to believe were not uncommon in Attica, -and it may have been in such a <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">carrus navalis</span></i> that -Thespis travelled the country and established the beginnings -of the later drama. These <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πομπαί</span> and the -satyr-trains appear therefore to be a very significant -inheritance which the earlier vase painters have left us -for the disentangling of the all too bare literary records -touching the origin of the tragic drama.</p> - -<h3 class='c019'>§ 3. <span class='sc'>Fifth Century.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>Long before one can distinguish definite plays reflected -in the vase paintings, certain marks of interest -in tragedy may be detected. There are, for example, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span>representations of the ceremony connected with the -dedication of the tripod-prize. The painters of <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">cir.</span></i> -460 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> have already taken up this part of the dramatic -performances and have indicated thereby the growing -interest in the theatrical exhibitions<a id='r102' /><a href='#f102' class='c020'><sup>[102]</sup></a>. About the same -time also the personification of tragedy and comedy -makes its appearance on the vases<a id='r103' /><a href='#f103' class='c020'><sup>[103]</sup></a>. These are not in -themselves points of so great weight, but they help to -clear the way for understanding the tremendous influence -which the drama had upon artists of the succeeding -generations.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Down to the middle of the fifth century the predominating -force in the legendary scenes on the vases was -Homer and the other epic writers. At this point the -latter began to share their popularity with the tragedians, -and gradually but surely passed into the second place. -That Robert’s position is not a correct one seems to me -highly probable, and nevertheless one finds his words so -often quoted that there is need of placing the evidence -together and inquiring anew into the question. For my -own part I am unable to understand why the theatre -did not exert an influence upon the smaller art of vase -industry as well as it did upon the more important -art of painting. When one notes in the fifth century -that great artists like Timanthes and Parrhasios were -drawn under the spell of tragedy it is but natural to -suppose that the same was true also in the case of the -less famous vase painters. Why should the influence -have been more pronounced in one instance than in the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_35'>35</span>other? If Aischylos and Euripides were popular enough -to warrant the support of the illustrious artists, one may -correctly assume that the vase painter grasped this point -likewise. The latter was primarily concerned in producing -something saleable, and the pictures that were -popular and saleable for the first class were no less so for -the second class. This so far has, however, no further -weight than one’s personal opinion. Let us turn to -the monuments and see what there is to bear out this -view.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The Berlin Andromeda krater may be referred to -first<a id='r104' /><a href='#f104' class='c020'><sup>[104]</sup></a>. This is one of the most brilliant examples -ascribable to tragedy. The profusely decorated costumes -induce one to believe that the artist really reproduced -the dress of the actors in Euripides’ play. The -theatrical air about the work is quite unmistakable, -and its Attic origin leads one to connect it directly with -the immense success won by the <cite>Andromeda</cite> in 412 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> -The Kyklops vase, published and discussed below, -also dates from the last quarter of the fifth century<a id='r105' /><a href='#f105' class='c020'><sup>[105]</sup></a>. -A vase in Naples representing Diomedes’ rape of the -Palladium has been referred to Sophokles’ <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Λάκαιναι</span>, -and its date is <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">cir.</span></i> 420 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><a id='r106' /><a href='#f106' class='c020'><sup>[106]</sup></a> The painting on the -Lower Italy vase published below is also from about -this same time and follows the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eumenides</span></cite><a id='r107' /><a href='#f107' class='c020'><sup>[107]</sup></a>. I refer -lastly to the celebrated satyr-play vase in Naples as -belonging to this period, and furnishing at the same time -the most palpable evidence of theatrical influence upon -<span class='pageno' id='Page_36'>36</span>the artist<a id='r108' /><a href='#f108' class='c020'><sup>[108]</sup></a>. The picture shows a recital of a satyr -chorus in the presence of Dionysos and Ariadne, and is, -as it were, a snap-shot of this peculiar institution. The -painting has long been the keystone of the ancient -testimony concerning the nature of the satyric drama. -The richness of the costume worn by Dionysos and -Ariadne gives an invaluable illustration of the actors’ -dress. In this regard the work is in direct accord with -Pollux’s <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καὶ ἐσθῆτες μὲν τραγικαὶ ποικίλον ... ὁ δὲ -κροκωτὸς ἱμάτιον· Διόνυσος δὲ αὐτῷ ἐχρῆτο, καὶ μασχαλιστῆρι -ἀνθινῷ καὶ θύρσῳ</span><a id='r109' /><a href='#f109' class='c020'><sup>[109]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>These are the most important examples that can be -brought forward to show the influence of the drama on -fifth-century vase painting, and although not to be -compared with the vast number of paintings of a later -period that indicate the development of tragic tendencies, -they seem nevertheless to constitute a considerable -array of evidence for the occurrence of definite tragic -scenes borrowed from the drama. The vase paintings -therefore of the last quarter of this century do furnish -undoubted traces of the forms of the myths seen in the -theatre<a id='r110' /><a href='#f110' class='c020'><sup>[110]</sup></a>.</p> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_37'>37</span> - <h3 class='c019'>§ 4. <span class='sc'>The Fourth Century and the Conditions in Lower Italy.</span></h3> -</div> - -<p class='c018'>Till the close of the fifth century, or at least till the -time of the Peloponnesian War, the export of vases -from Athens, Corinth, and other centres in Greece was -a lively and paying industry. This traffic had been -carried on with all the Mediterranean and Black Sea -ports, but especially with the cities of Italy. By far the -largest number of sixth- and fifth-century Attic vases -now in the European museums and private collections -have come from excavations in Etruria. This article of -trade must have been highly prized by the Etruscans, -and it is to their fondness for Greek vases that we owe -a very large part of our knowledge in this important -field of classical archaeology. With the founding of -Greek colonies in Italy the Greek industries were likewise -established, and it was but a question of time till -Thurii (founded 445 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>), Tarentum, Herakleia, and -other cities supplied the western demand for vases, and -so destroyed the Attic trade. As a matter of fact, few -Attic vases belonging to the fourth century have been -discovered in Lower Italy, and this means that from -about 400 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> the demand had fallen off, and the -manufacture in Athens had become gradually less and -less important.</p> - -<p class='c009'>It was to favourable soil that this industry was transplanted. -The cities of Magna Graecia and Sicily were -as Greek as were Athens and Corinth, and they were, -besides, far more prosperous. The fourth century was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_38'>38</span>one of great luxury in these western capitals and Athenian -art and letters found a hearty welcome here. It is -instructive to observe the clear traces of Athenian art -that are at hand on the coins of these regions. The -legends on the coins of Thurii, Herakleia, Terina, and -Syracuse, dating from the latter half of the fifth century -b.c., are as distinctly Pheidian in style as are those of -the corresponding time at Athens<a id='r111' /><a href='#f111' class='c020'><sup>[111]</sup></a>, and this shows -clearly the intimate intercourse that existed between the -East and the West, and how rapidly the colonists took up -and appropriated the artistic notions of Athens. Many -other things point to the thoroughly Greek landscape -of Southern Italy. Greek names of cities abounded -everywhere, and the ancestral hero of most of the -Apulian towns was Diomede—the Aeneas of the South<a id='r112' /><a href='#f112' class='c020'><sup>[112]</sup></a>. -Each town had its own mint and struck its own coin -with, of course, a Greek legend and a Greek inscription. -Tarentum soon became the largest and most influential -city of Magna Graecia. The city founded by Taras was -destined to be the Athens of the West for some time to -come. Here was the centre from which Attic influences -penetrated inland. The literature and art of Hellas -were received here and handed on to the neighbouring -cities. It is but natural that this flourishing capital -should have become the seat of the vase industry for -this part of Italy. The manufacture was not, however, -confined to the limits of the city. We know that other -towns in Apulia contributed to the vast number of vases -that we know as ‘Tarentine’ fabric. There is every -<span class='pageno' id='Page_39'>39</span>reason to believe that this thoroughly Greek industry -continued without any interruption till the capture of -Tarentum, 272 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>; but at this point the interest in vase -manufacture no doubt began to abate somewhat. When -the commercial independence and rank of Tarentum -were gone the period of decline began, and the vases -that belong to the third century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> are neither -numerous nor of great worth artistically. The mysteries -of Lower Italy vase chronology are, however, too great -to be settled for some time to come, and it is best not -to be rash in assigning hard and fast dates to a class of -monuments, the investigation concerning which is quite -in its infancy.</p> - -<p class='c009'>But what can be said about the drama at Tarentum? -The remarks already made hardly render it necessary -to emphasize the high esteem in which the Attic tragedy -was held. That it was patronized extensively and that -it was <em>the</em> literature of the time was true in any Greek -city of the fourth century, and here where a new Athens -flourished it must have been doubly true. It is interesting, -however, to learn something definite in this regard -concerning the Tarentines. We learn from Plato that -the people were inveterate theatre-goers, and that they -did not stop short of drunkenness at the Dionysiac -feast<a id='r113' /><a href='#f113' class='c020'><sup>[113]</sup></a>. In another place one is told that when the -Roman general Valerius sailed into the harbour in 282 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> -the Tarentines were celebrating the Dionysia and paid -no heed to the practical Roman<a id='r114' /><a href='#f114' class='c020'><sup>[114]</sup></a>. Worse than this, -Pyrrhus found it necessary to order the theatres to be -closed that he might succeed in getting the men out for -military service<a id='r115' /><a href='#f115' class='c020'><sup>[115]</sup></a>. Such was the favourable soil in which -<span class='pageno' id='Page_40'>40</span>the Attic drama took root in Lower Italy, and in this -centre the influence of tragedy on the vase decorators -was perhaps more far-reaching than in any ancient city.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The extent of the influence may be seen by an -examination of the paintings on the Lower Italy -vases. It has long since been noticed that many of -the Apulian, Campanian, and Lucanian vase paintings -have a marked theatrical composition. The costumes, -posings, and gestures are often notoriously stage-like. -In many cases one can observe the reminiscence of the -stage setting; the scene often represents a temple or -palace in or before which the action occurs<a id='r116' /><a href='#f116' class='c020'><sup>[116]</sup></a>, and even -where one is not able to determine upon the literary -source of the picture the dramatic handling is plain, -and one is convinced that some tragedy furnished the -suggestion for the work. The paintings are not to be -considered by any means reliable copies of any -particular scene in a theatre. They were abridged, -extended or modified at the notion of the artist. When -he took his ideas from the tragedian, he might turn the -characters round to please his own fancy, putting in or -omitting others. He never illustrated. The value of -these paintings in helping one to reconstruct the lost -plays is very considerable. They are generally certain -to provide more valuable information regarding the lost -literature than the few fragments that may have come -down to us<a id='r117' /><a href='#f117' class='c020'><sup>[117]</sup></a>. As the three tragedians of the fifth -<span class='pageno' id='Page_41'>41</span>century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> were practically the only ones that were -read and heard with pleasure in the fourth century, -their work is the source of nearly all of the paintings -based on tragedy. We may pass on therefore to our -study of Aischylos, Sophokles, and Euripides in their -influence upon the vase painters.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_42'>42</span> - <h2 class='c007'>CHAPTER III<br /> <span class='large'>AISCHYLOS AND THE VASE PAINTINGS</span></h2> -</div> - -<h3 class='c017'>§ 1. <span class='sc'>Introduction.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>Notwithstanding the fact that the oldest of the -tragedians was the least read in the fourth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, -he easily rivals Sophokles in his influence on art. -This was not due to his being more admired, and can -only be accounted for by the bold situations that he -invented-situations new and striking. There are certain -of his plays that left a lasting impression on Greek and -Roman art. Such are the <cite>Choephoroi</cite>, the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eumenides</span></cite>, -and the <cite>Lykurgeia</cite>. Further than these, Aischylean -plays did not appeal to the artist to any great extent. -It is the peculiarly popular inventions distinguishable -in these tragedies, their uniqueness, so to speak, that -set them apart by themselves, a mark for the artist. -The character of the plays is easily denoted. They -ring with cries of murder and resound with the storming -fury of avenging deities; we are struck by the perils -of the situations and remain all but breathless to learn -the issue. These features attracted the painter and -sculptor, and this is what meets one on all the monuments -that may be called Aischylean. The deep -<span class='pageno' id='Page_43'>43</span>religious vein that pulsates in every line of the mighty -tragedian is reflected to some degree on the vases and -the sarcophagi. This force in art was rather epic; it -was, in a way, Polygnotean, and the ethical nature of -it all but condemned it for the artists who sought the -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πάθος</span> of Euripides. This very fact explains why -Aischylos and Sophokles did not address themselves -more to the succeeding generations of artists. The -ethical was more difficult to express than was the -pathetic, and it was not so attractive. The spirit of -the times, moreover, demanded the latter as it demanded -Euripides, and consequently one should not -expect to meet a large number of vase paintings that -were made under the influence of either Aischylos or -Sophokles. Those that can be associated with the -extant tragedies of the former are given in the following -pages. It will be observed that certain scenes from -Aischylos were greatly in favour in Lower Italy. All -of the nine paintings published are from Italian ware. -Not one Attic vase that shows an Aischylean scene -has, so far as I know, been discovered. In the West, -however, where he was quite as much at home as in -his own Athens and where he was destined to end his -days, the vase decorators were largely influenced by -him.</p> - -<h3 class='c019'>§ 2. <span class='sc'>Choephoroi.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>There is no proof at hand that epic literature knew -aught of Elektra or the part which she played in -avenging her father’s murder. The fragments from -the lyric poet Stesichoros furnish the oldest literary -source for the <cite>Oresteia</cite> which became later so popular -<span class='pageno' id='Page_44'>44</span>under the hands of the fifth-century tragedians. The -trilogy of Aischylos which has happily come down to -us is, therefore, the oldest extant authority. When one -turns to works of art one discovers a series of vase -paintings representing the death of Aigisthos; yet these -are but a little older than Aischylos’ work<a id='r118' /><a href='#f118' class='c020'><sup>[118]</sup></a>. Events -concerned with Orestes’ return are even less common in -early art. The Melan terra cotta <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">plaque</span></i> in the Louvre, -which represents a scene somewhat similar to the -opening of the <cite>Choephoroi</cite>, is the oldest of the <cite>Oresteia</cite> -monuments, but still must be dated within the fifth -century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span><a id='r119' /><a href='#f119' class='c020'><sup>[119]</sup></a> It may be considered as fairly well -established that Elektra and Orestes first appeared in -art but a few years before the production of Aischylos’ -trilogy in 458 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> Nor is it possible, so far as I know, -to discover any influence of the <cite>Agamemnon</cite> or <cite>Choephoroi</cite> -upon artistic productions in the last half of the -century. A small group of vase paintings from Lower -Italy belonging to the fourth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> do, however, -present situations which one may well believe to have -been suggested by the early part of the <cite>Choephoroi</cite>.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_45'>45</span> -<img src='images/i_p045.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p><span class='sc'>Fig.</span> 1.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>The painting shown in fig. 1<a id='r120' /><a href='#f120' class='c020'><sup>[120]</sup></a> represents a tomb, the -base of which is decorated with triglyphs. Surmounting -this is a stele, crowned with a Corinthian helm, and -bearing the name <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΑΓΑΜΕ[Μ]ΝΩΝ</span>. Sitting with her -back to the stele on the left is Elektra, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΕΛΕΚΤΡ[Α</span>, -wearing a chiton and mantle and clasping her left knee -in a meditative mood; beside her is another female -figure similarly dressed and holding a toilet box in the -left arm, an unusually common article on the vases of -Lower Italy. Perhaps the box is meant to recall the -offerings which were brought in it to the grave. This -person is not necessarily Chrysothemis, although her dress -would be more appropriate for Elektra’s sister than -for her attendant. It is, however, the work of the latter -to carry such a box of offerings for Elektra. The figure -may therefore be left unnamed. Her face is turned -towards Orestes, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΟΡΕΣΤΗΣ</span>, who stands on the right -and appears to be speaking to Elektra, who pays no -attention to his words or his gesture. He is in travelling -costume, chlamys, petasos, and carries a spear and -sword, but curiously enough wears no boots. Below -<span class='pageno' id='Page_46'>46</span>him to the right in a similar attitude stands Pylades. -He has simply a chlamys and a spear. Another youth -sits above on a <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">terrain</span></i>. He serves to round out the -picture, and indicates at the same time the attendants -of Orestes. In the background are a sword and shield; -on the grave is an amphora, as an offering, exactly the -shape of the vase on which the painting occurs. There -are numerous restorations in the work, but the main part -seems to be antique. Heydemann states that the inscription -on the stele is genuine, and also <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΕΛΕΚΤΡ[Α</span>. -Doubt is expressed concerning <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΟΡΕΣΤΗΣ</span>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>We have before us the grave of Agamemnon, at which -the first 585 verses of the <cite>Choephoroi</cite> were played. -There is no trace of palace or royal building. Orestes, -accompanied by Pylades, enters the orchestra and lays -his tribute upon his father’s tomb, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τύμβου δ’ ἐπ’ ὄχθῳ</span> -(v. 4), but suddenly withdraws to avoid the company of -women which approaches with ceremonial step. The -chorus and Elektra proceed to perform their services -when the latter discovers the lock of hair, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄγαλμα -τύμβου</span> (v. 200), and the footprints—two proofs that -Orestes must be near. While she is still examining the -tracks the latter comes up and proves beyond a doubt, -by pointing to the garment that Elektra had once -woven, who he is (vs. 212–232). Perhaps one may -think of Elektra as sitting upon the grave at some -point between v. 84 and v. 212, but when she had -discovered the traces of Orestes’ presence, she must -have been actively scanning the surroundings. It pleased -the artist, however, to represent her as ignoring the -appeal of her brother, or at least manifesting no signs -of recognizing him. But for the presence of the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τύμβος</span> -one would be inclined to see the influence of Sophokles’ -<span class='pageno' id='Page_47'>47</span><cite>Elektra</cite>, where Orestes’ words gain credence very slowly, -and where Elektra hesitates long, before believing his -assertions that he is living and standing before her -(v. 1219 ff.). But the Sophoklean tragedy is played -before the palace. The pedagogue and Orestes leave -the orchestra to pour their libations on the grave -(v. 82 ff.) when Elektra comes out of the house. The -fact that the recognition scene is represented as taking -place at the grave gives us therefore ample reason for -accepting our painting as under the influence of the -<cite>Choephoroi</cite>. This painting is strikingly free in its conception; -no words of the poet can be cited as fitting -the situation. The suggestion, the setting, are Aischylean; -all else is the artist’s. The work is far removed -from the character of an illustration.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_48'>48</span> -<img src='images/i_p048.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 2 (<em>vid. p. <a href='#Page_47'>47</a> ff.</em>).</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_49'>49</span>The second painting is on a Lucanian hydria<a id='r121' /><a href='#f121' class='c020'><sup>[121]</sup></a>. The -central scene is again the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τύμβος</span> of Agamemnon, built -up with several steps and surmounted by a stele with -Ionic capital and bound by a fillet. Elektra sits upon -the upper step in veil and chiton. She holds the former -with her right hand and looks away into space. On -other steps below her are a lekythos and other small -vases, also a pomegranate and a fillet. The offerings are -much more abundant here than in fig. 1. Unnoticed -by his sister, Orestes approaches the stele on the left, -dressed as in fig. 1, with the addition of boots. He -is about to pour a libation from a kylix in his left hand. -The male figure sitting next to him is doubtless Pylades. -He turns his head towards the main scene. The remaining -figure here is but remotely associated with the -action. The persons on the right are more interesting. -The youth standing on the step of the grave about to -lay a wreath upon the stele is denoted by his kerykeion -as Hermes. He wears a travelling costume without the -usual boots. An elderly, bearded, male figure stands -behind him. He is not characterized except by a mantle -and a long staff, but has been interpreted as Orestes’ -pedagogue. The only objection to this is his dress<a id='r122' /><a href='#f122' class='c020'><sup>[122]</sup></a>, -but this may be due to the carelessness of the artist. -Behind him is another bearded male figure sitting upon -a sort of bag, or pack. His short chiton, shoes, and -staff all point him out as a traveller. The peculiar, -close-fitting cap denotes him as a foreigner. The female -figure on the extreme right in Doric peplos carries an -aryballos in her left hand, and gazes at the group before -her. Perhaps she belongs to Elektra.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The discussion of fig. 1 above applies equally well -to Orestes and Elektra here. We have practically a -repetition of the group. The former figure is, however, -thought of at an earlier moment. By removing Elektra -one may think of Orestes at the opening of the play. -He holds the vase in his hand rather than the lock of -hair. The first words of the prologue are suggestive—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἑρμῆ χθόνιε πατρῷ’ ἐποπτεύων κράτη,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σωτὴρ γενοῦ μοι ξύμμαχός τ’ αἰτουμένῳ</span>.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>Chthonian Hermes, who guards the ancestral rights, -has really manifested himself in the painting, and has -appeared as a particular ally. The act of crowning the -stele declares Hermes’ friendliness toward the family -and his interest in Agamemnon’s shade. Elektra addresses -him also and beseeches him to hear her supplications -<span class='pageno' id='Page_50'>50</span>and pity her and her dear Orestes (v. 124 ff.). -We may note, therefore, a special fitness in the artist’s -expressing this double relation of Hermes to the children. -Invoked by both of them as a protecting god he introduces -nothing that is not in harmony with the spirit -of Aischylos. The addition of this figure is, moreover, -a good instance of the liberty which the vase painters -took with their authors, and shows well the difference -between illustration and independent work. It cannot -be denied that with the assistance of this monument -one is led to see between the lines of the <cite>Choephoroi</cite>. -The pedagogue who does not appear in Aischylos is -nevertheless a natural extension of the group. It will -be remembered that he speaks the prologue in the -<cite>Elektra</cite> of Sophokles and occupies the place which -Pylades usually fills. In Euripides’ <cite>Elektra</cite> (v. 16), -Autourgos says that Orestes had been given into the -charge of a <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τροφεύς</span>. The person resting on the pack -appears at first sight a gratuitous addition of the artist, -but on closer examination the suggestion for him is found -in the poet. When Orestes explains to the chorus that -he and Pylades will attempt to gain an entrance to -the palace, he states that they will disguise themselves -as foreigners by speaking the Phokean dialect -(v. 563 f.). To Klytaimestra’s interrogations (v. 668 ff.) -he replies—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ξἐνος μέν εἰμι Δαυλιεὺς ὲκ Φωκέων·</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">στείχοντα δ’ αὐτόφορτον οἰκείᾳ σαγῇ</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εἰς Ἄργος ...</span></div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>In other words, he is a stranger from Phokis who has -to carry his own pack. It is upon this <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σαγή</span> that the -figure is resting. The artist has characterized him as -<span class='pageno' id='Page_51'>51</span>a foreigner by the peculiar cap. No Greek ever wore -such a head-dress. The make-up hints at the appearance -of Orestes seeking admittance to the palace, while, -of course, the person is to be understood merely as one -of the latter’s servants. Whatever he may have said -about carrying his own pack, no artist would have -thus represented him. On the oldest of the Orestes-Elektra -monuments, the Melan relief<a id='r123' /><a href='#f123' class='c020'><sup>[123]</sup></a>, there is such a -figure standing behind Orestes with his luggage strapped -to his shoulders. It seems to me that the painter has -naïvely caught up the spirit of the text and brought in -a figure which goes far towards adding a charm and -interest to the scene.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Another Lucanian hydria representing the same scene -is published here for the first time, in fig. 3<a id='r124' /><a href='#f124' class='c020'><sup>[124]</sup></a>. It will be -more instructive to point out the few points in which -the two paintings differ from each other than to describe -this one entire. The column in 3 has a Doric capital, -with maeander and checker-board ornament; in 2 the -capital is Ionic. In 3 Hermes stands on the ground; -in 2 he stands on the step to the grave. Elektra reaches -out her left hand in 3 as though to receive the libation; -in 2 she is unmindful of Orestes. The latter holds a kylix -in 2, and in 3 a pitcher. His hat is a pilos in 3, and he -wears it; in 2 the petasos hangs on the back of his neck. -The Phokean attendant sitting upon the luggage is -in 3 upon the left, and in 2 upon the right. There is an -extraordinary likeness between the two. There is the -same crooked nose, short chiton, and odd cap, but -the latter has no tassel in 3. The servant wears, besides, -a chlamys and rests his stick over his leg. Behind him -is the nude youth, as in 2, upon the left, holding an -ointment vase in a sort of carrier. The two male figures -of 2 adjoining the main scene are wanting in 3. In -their stead is a female figure sitting upon a stool and -holding a large toilet box. She is dressed in a Doric -peplos with an <em>apoptygma</em>. She is evidently an attendant -of Elektra, and reminds one strongly of the figure in -fig. 1. Behind her is the charming girl, exactly as in 2, -except that she carries the aryballos in her right, and in -the left hand a small box.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_52'>52</span> -<img src='images/i_p052.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 3 (<em>vid. p. <a href='#Page_51'>51</a> ff.</em>).</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_53'>53</span>The painting is, it would seem, more beautiful than -that of fig. 2, although the publication of the latter -is an old one, and may be more or less inaccurate. -I have not seen the vase myself. The scene is abbreviated -by one figure; Pylades would be expected.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Still another painting is given in fig. 4<a id='r125' /><a href='#f125' class='c020'><sup>[125]</sup></a>, showing a -further step of simplification. Only the middle group, -with the female attendant carrying the aryballos, occurs. -Hermes’ position is the same as in fig. 2, but the artist -has forgotten to draw the wreath in his right. His chlamys, -too, is buttoned properly instead of being wrapped -around his arm. The latter, however, has the same -stumpy appearance seen in 2 and 3. As the scene is -simpler, so the offerings on the tomb are fewer. Orestes’ -libation is here in a kantharos. The painting is a careless -piece of work, and cannot be ranked with the other two. -It is, however, very interesting as giving another link to -the chain of evidence.</p> - -<p class='c009'>There can be little doubt that these vases all belong -to the same artist or that they come from the same -<span class='pageno' id='Page_54'>54</span>locality. The marvellous agreement that runs through -them is something quite extraordinary. I know of -no other similar cases in vase paintings of the red -figured ware. The popularity of this scene, and therefore -of Aischylos’ <cite>Choephoroi</cite>, is attested by such a series -of paintings as one cannot find in the case of any other -work in Greek literature.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_p054.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 4.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>Since writing the above I have discovered in the -Louvre another Lucanian vase that represents a further -simplification of this scene<a id='r126' /><a href='#f126' class='c020'><sup>[126]</sup></a>. The painting is practically -identical with the middle group in fig. 3. Peculiar to -the Louvre painting are the tomb with five steps and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_55'>55</span>the rather tall column, Doric order, surmounted by a -krater; an aryballos and strigil, in addition to the -taenia, are fastened to the column. There is a further -slight variation in Elektra’s position, for on her right -is a krater. On her left is a lekythos; below are the -two pomegranates, taenia, and black lekythos, just as in -fig. 3. The only difference in the other persons is that -Orestes holds out a kylix and not a pitcher.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The painting is evidently a product of the same studio -as are those in figs. 2, 3 and 4. It forms another -member of this remarkable class of pictures that stands -alone, unique in Greek ceramics, and bears witness to -the enormous popularity of this scene from Aischylos. -In the face of this important chain of evidence one is -safe, it seems to me, in claiming that Aischylos was -acted in the fourth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> and that considerably. -What kept this scene before the public and induced the -artist and his pupils to turn out so many copies of the -same work? To have been thus so saleable the picture -must have been popular, and this could have come about -best through the acted drama. These vases and those -following, based on the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eumenides</span></cite>, must impress the -impartial student with the fact that Euripides and -Sophokles did not by any means oust Aischylos completely -in Lower Italy.</p> - -<h3 class='c019'>§ 3. <span class='sc'>Eumenides.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>The various stories which may have been popularly -told in regard to Orestes’ purification, and his reconciliation -with the Furies, prior to March 458 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> were -swept for ever into oblivion by the last member of -Aischylos’ trilogy. The stamp of his genius has ever -<span class='pageno' id='Page_56'>56</span>remained upon the myth, and no one ever attempted to -repeat his work<a id='r127' /><a href='#f127' class='c020'><sup>[127]</sup></a>. All the elements of the persecution -were cast by him into their final mould. The immense -influence of this work is attested in no way more forcibly -than by the monuments of art to which one can point. -There is a long line of vase paintings, dating from the -fifth century, that bear witness to the wide popularity -of the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eumenides</span></cite>, and that give the most direct and -authoritative testimony of the influence of the play upon -the masses of the people. A sharp distinction must be -made, however, between paintings that illustrate the -general myth and those that exhibit unmistakable -Aischylean features. Orestes’ pursuit and expiation -were universally known, and the tale was so popular -that it often found its way into art where the artist -had in mind no poetic version of the story. So it is -that there is a number of paintings representing Orestes -either pursued by the Furies or already having reached -the omphalos, which do not represent any situation -or combination of situations that can be traced to -Aischylos<a id='r128' /><a href='#f128' class='c020'><sup>[128]</sup></a>. Of the number whose subject is Orestes -at Delphi, at least four, it seems to me, are to be explained -as substantially under the influence of the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eumenides</span></cite> -and representing the first scene of the tragedy in more -or less modified form.</p> - -<p class='c009'>I discuss first the scene on the St. Petersburg krater<a id='r129' /><a href='#f129' class='c020'><sup>[129]</sup></a>, -fig. 5. The painting belongs to the latest period of -ceramic art, and is in nearly every detail a hasty and -careless piece of work. In an Ionic temple on four -<span class='pageno' id='Page_57'>57</span>columns, all painted white, Orestes, flesh dark red, sits -<i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en face</span></i> with his left arm around the omphalos which -is covered with a white net. He holds the sword in -the right and the sheath in the left, and wears boots and -chlamys. On the steps of the temple lie five sleeping -Furies. They are painted, flesh black, only in rough -outline. Their dress is a short chiton. On the right, -hastening from the temple, is the Pythia in long chiton -and veil. She carries the big key—emblem of her office -as <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κλῃδοῦχος</span><a id='r130' /><a href='#f130' class='c020'><sup>[130]</sup></a>. Her flesh is white.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_p057.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 5.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_58'>58</span>The addition of the temple strikes one at once as -being in harmony with the poet. To be sure, this need -not mean a particularly close relation with the actual -production of the play in a Greek theatre. Our temple -is merely one of the numerous buildings of this class -found upon the vases of Lower Italy, some of which -were intended evidently as suggestions of the stage -setting. In the present instance the coincidence is -a happy one. The <cite>Agamemnon</cite> and the <cite>Choephoroi</cite>, -which had just been produced, were both played before -the palace at Argos, and this scenery was changed to -represent the Apollo temple at Delphi for the third play. -There can be no question as to this <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σκηνή</span> for the <cite>Oresteia</cite>, -at least, even though one does not allow an extensive -background for the earlier plays. The painting is well -adapted, therefore, for placing the opening scene vividly -before us. It brings one closer to the meaning of the -text than is apparent at first sight. In v. 1048 ff. of -the <cite>Choephoroi</cite> Orestes saw the Furies. They wore bright -chitons, and had snakes in their hair. He calls them -hounds from whose eyes oozed ugly drops of blood. -The chorus evidently did not see them, for Orestes -cries, ‘You do not behold them here, but I do’.<a id='r131' /><a href='#f131' class='c020'><sup>[131]</sup></a> At -these words he is away to Delphi to seek Apollo’s -protection. During the intermission which followed -between the two plays the necessary alterations were -made in the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σκηνή</span> and the costumes were changed. -The chorus in particular, which had represented Argive -maidens, underwent considerable transformation in order -to appear again as Furies. The <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eumenides</span></cite> is opened -by the Pythia, who comes from the temple. She -recounts the nature of her duties, and mentions various -<span class='pageno' id='Page_59'>59</span>gods in her address until v. 30, at which point she turns -from the orchestra to re-enter the temple and attend to -the delivery of responses. In a moment she reappears -in great fright, and begins to relate the cause of her -alarm. The sight described is exactly that which the -painter had in mind. One is able, however, to get -behind the scenes with the aid of the picture, for the -front of the temple is removed so that the interior is -plainly in view. To compare the words of Aischylos -and the painting more closely—the Pythia says that -a terrible sight drove her <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐκ δόμων τῶν Λοξίου</span><a id='r132' /><a href='#f132' class='c020'><sup>[132]</sup></a>. The -artist has expressed this with some action, for she is -actually represented as leaving ‘the house of Loxias.’ -She adds further—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὁρῶ δ’ ἐπ’ ὀμφαλῷ μὲν ἄνδρα θεομυσῆ</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἕδραν ἔχοντα προστρόπαιον, αἵματι</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">στάζοντα χεῖρας, καὶ νεοσπαδὲς ξίφος</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔχοντ’ ...</span></div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>The picture shows the man upon the omphalos, and in -his hand the drawn sword. One may imagine that the -suppliant’s hands are stained with blood, when but a short -time before he had fled from the scene of the murder in -Argos. Even greater explicitness characterizes the next -words of the priestess:—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πρόσθεν δὲ τἀνδρὸς τοῦδε θαυμαστὸς λόχος</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εὕδει γυναικῶν ἐν θρόνοισιν ἥμενος.</span></div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>Surely a ‘marvellous troop of women’ fits the group -which we see before us. In this particular the work is -practically an illustration of the text. The distinction -<span class='pageno' id='Page_60'>60</span>is at once made that the figures are not women nor -Gorgons nor Harpies<a id='r133' /><a href='#f133' class='c020'><sup>[133]</sup></a>. They are <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄπτεροι</span> and <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μέλαιναι</span>, -and snore with unapproachable blasts. It should be -noted that the figures in the painting are also black, -as though in direct agreement with Aischylos<a id='r134' /><a href='#f134' class='c020'><sup>[134]</sup></a>. They -are further wingless, while the unpleasant details added -are conceivable from the appearance of the ugly creatures. -The number five is of course a mere accident. They lie -here in an unconscious stupour till the ghost of Klytaimestra -arouses them again. The <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eumenides</span></cite> is, as is well -known, the only extant Greek tragedy in which the -chorus is not visible from the beginning of their part. -In the <cite>Persai</cite> and <cite>Supplices</cite> of Aischylos and the -<cite>Bakchai</cite> and <cite>Supplices</cite> of Euripides the chorus is, however, -in the orchestra when the play opens.</p> - -<p class='c009'>There are still two other vase paintings to be considered -in this connexion. They present minor variations -from the one just discussed, but on the whole the -three betray a common source. In fig. 6<a id='r135' /><a href='#f135' class='c020'><sup>[135]</sup></a> one sees -also the interior of the temple represented by three -Ionic columns. Various dedicatory articles hang from -the wall and ceiling. Further indications of the sanctuary -are the two tripods, the laurel tree, and the -omphalos. Orestes, characterized as usual by the -drawn sword and flying chlamys, has fled to the latter -<span class='pageno' id='Page_61'>61</span>and embraces it. His erect hair shows his fright. -Apollo with bow and arrows hastens behind him and -gestures with his right hand to drive back a Fury who is -swooping down upon Orestes. She is but half in sight, -and wears a short Doric peplos, and her flesh is black. -The Pythia, with dishevelled gray hair and frightened -mien, quits the sanctuary on the left. Her key, indistinctly -drawn in Jahn’s publication, owing probably to -the copyist’s ignorance of what the article really was, -has just fallen from her hands. Artemis in her huntress-costume, -carrying two spears, stands on tiptoe on the -right of the omphalos and shades her eyes with her -right hand as she peers at the disturbance. Two dogs -are with her.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_p061.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 6</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>The time of the Pythia’s exit from the temple, as in -fig. 5, and the later moment when Apollo orders the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_62'>62</span>Erinyes from the sanctuary, are well combined in this -painting:—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔξω, κελεύω, τῶνδε δωμάτων τάχος</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χωρεῖτ’, ἀπαλλάσσεσθε μαντικῶν μυχῶν,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μὴ καὶ λαβοῦσα πτηνὸν ἀργηστὴν ὄφιν,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χρυσηλάτου θώμιγγος ἐξορμώμενον,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀνῇς ὑπ’ ἄλγους μέλαν’ ἀπ’ ἀνθρώπων ἀφρόν.</span></div> - <div class='line in36'>vs. 179 ff.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>Apollo’s authoritative bearing and absolute power in -his own precinct are very well brought out by the artist. -One can all but hear the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔξω, κελεύω</span> of Aischylos, and -the arrows that the god holds in his left hand seem to -show that Apollo is quite ready to carry out his threat. -The whole is, moreover, dramatically told, and in this -respect the stage influence is easily traceable in the painting. -That the Fury is black accords again with the -poet’s <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μέλαιναι</span> (v. 52). The presence of Artemis lends -a certain charm that one can attribute to the artist’s -desire to appear original<a id='r136' /><a href='#f136' class='c020'><sup>[136]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The following work falls still further away from the -scenery of the play. Fig. 7 shows a painting on the neck -of a large Apulian amphora in Berlin<a id='r137' /><a href='#f137' class='c020'><sup>[137]</sup></a>. The limited -space, and the secondary position likewise, have perhaps -curtailed the scope of the work. No architectural details -are given. The sanctuary is denoted by the omphalos -and the tripod. Orestes has sought protection at the -former, as in the preceding scenes, and looks back at -<span class='pageno' id='Page_63'>63</span>a Fury, with short dress and huge wings, who runs toward -him with a dagger in her right and a burning torch in -the left hand. Apollo, who sits upon the tripod, a laurel -bough in his hand and wreath in his hair, extends his -right hand to repel the Fury as in fig. 6. On the right -the Pythia, dressed as in fig. 5, leaves the shrine in -fright, gesturing at the unexpected visitors. The painter -has forgotten to give her the key. Beside her is an -attendant carrying a sort of kylix in the left hand and -looking back at the sanctuary.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_p063.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 7.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>It does not appear necessary to take up the details -here after the examination which has been given to the -preceding paintings. The artist’s debt to Aischylos was -quite as direct as in the case of the two other works. -The greatest modification occurs in the figure of the -Fury, which is a being far removed from the Aischylean -type.</p> - -<p class='c009'>A painting on a bell-shaped krater in the Louvre is -less hampered by the scene given in Aischylos, and -is accordingly more artistic<a id='r138' /><a href='#f138' class='c020'><sup>[138]</sup></a>. The inventiveness and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_64'>64</span>individuality of the artist come prominently to view, -and the result is an intensely interesting composition. -The combination of events and the manner in which all -is told bring one a great deal nearer to the deeper -meaning of <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eumenides</span></cite> than any other monument with -which I am acquainted.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_p064.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 8.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>The shrine of Apollo, the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μυχός</span> of vs. 39 and 170, is -denoted by a platform on two steps, above which are the -laurel tree and the omphalos. The god stands to the left -in large, embroidered chiton or chlamys, grasping the -tree with his left hand and extending his right, in which -is a young pig, over the head of Orestes, who sits with -his back to the omphalos. The latter holds his sword in -his right hand, which is raised meditatively to his chin. -Artemis stands behind the platform on the right, characterized -by her costume and the spears. In the left-hand -<span class='pageno' id='Page_65'>65</span>upper corner the shade of Klytaimestra, veiled, is -engaged in arousing two Furies who sit fast asleep. She -points toward Apollo with her right hand. Below is -the half-figure of another Fury apparently rising out of -the ground wide-awake. The Erinyes are all dressed -like Artemis, in short costume and high boots.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The artist has combined with the first scene a moment -earlier than the action of the play. Orestes’ expiation -preceded the prologue of the Pythia. The purificatory -rite had been performed immediately on his arrival at -Delphi, for, when he first appears in the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eumenides</span></cite>, he -is undefiled. This is plainly declared to Athena in -vs. 237 ff., and to the Chorus and Athena in vs. 280 ff. -While the purification is represented in various ways -upon the other vase paintings<a id='r139' /><a href='#f139' class='c020'><sup>[139]</sup></a>, this ceremony is the -only one that reminds us of Aischylos. The latter -hints at the manner of the rite, and this passage has -unquestionably suggested the group which we have -before us:—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ποταίνιον γὰρ ὂν πρὸς ἑστίᾳ θεοῦ</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Φοίβου καθαρμοῖς ἠλάθη χοιροκτόνοις.</span> vs. 282 f.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>‘While the blood was fresh it was cleansed at the shrine -of the god Phoibos by purification with the blood of -pigs.’ The ceremony is referred to again in</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σφαγαὶ καθαιμάξωσι νεοθήλου βοτοῦ.</span> v. 450.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>There is, therefore, in the painting a representation of -this service with pig’s blood. The freshness and beauty -of the scene are peculiar to works of art in the Pheidian -age, and the painting must be considered as a valuable -<span class='pageno' id='Page_66'>66</span>witness of Aischylos’ influence. The fact that the work -is Apulian and not Attic supplies an interesting bit of -evidence for the extension of Athenian literature in -Lower Italy during the fifth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> Tarentum, -which was scarcely less Athenian than Athens, received -an edition of the plays brought out at the Greater -Dionysia soon after their appearance in Athens. It is -further to be remembered that Aischylos’ long connexion -with Syracuse had probably made him more -widely known in the West than was either Sophokles or -Euripides during the fifth century. Our vase belongs to -the last decades of the century, perhaps as early as -420 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, and in this period Euripides had scarcely gained -a large following in Magna Graecia.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Apollo’s speech follows directly upon that of the -Pythia’s. How the god appeared in the orchestra is -a question on which scholars are not agreed. The most -widely accepted view is that the ekkyklema was brought -into use, and that on it the whole company was in some -manner rolled or pushed out from the temple to the -orchestra. This means that the chorus of twelve or -fifteen, together with Orestes, Apollo, and Hermes, was -moved bodily forward from the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σκηνή</span>, far enough at -least to give the audience a glimpse of what had been -the interior of the temple with all its surroundings. -Apollo seems to speak of the Furies and Orestes as -though he himself saw them and as though the audience -could see them<a id='r140' /><a href='#f140' class='c020'><sup>[140]</sup></a>. They are in fact in plain view if one -insists upon the literal meaning of his words. It is argued -on the other hand that such a ponderous weight could -not have been moved by any machinery at Aischylos’ -<span class='pageno' id='Page_67'>67</span>command. In other words, the ekkyklema, in the interpretation -usually given the term, is not to be counted -apart of the Aischylean scenic apparatus<a id='r141' /><a href='#f141' class='c020'><sup>[141]</sup></a>. If Apollo -stood in the doorway of the temple where he could look -in upon the Furies and Orestes, and at the same time be -seen by the audience, one has really no need of any -machinery. The shade of Klytaimestra must also be -thought of as appearing in the same place. She glances -in upon the Furies who continue to give forth their grunts -till v. 140, when they for the first time appear in the -orchestra. There is much in favour of this explanation -of the arrangements for the scene. Fortunately for our -purpose it makes little difference which of the two -opinions one follows. Conclusive evidence is hardly to -be reached either one way or the other, yet the notion -that Aischylos did not employ such extensive machinery -as the ekkyklema must have been certainly does not -harmonize either with the extant plays or with the -tradition in regard to Aischylos’ inventions. My conviction -is that from v. 64 the interior of the temple was -in some way visible, and that the whole audience could -see Orestes at the omphalos, surrounded by the slumbering -Furies. The god reassures the suppliant of his -support, and bids him leave for Athens and embrace -the sacred image of Athena. He turns to Hermes, who -is at hand for the occasion, and bids him accompany -Orestes. At this point, v. 93, the two quit the orchestra, -Orestes passing over the bodies of the Furies<a id='r142' /><a href='#f142' class='c020'><sup>[142]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_68'>68</span>Our painting follows the development in vs. 94–140, -where the shade of Klytaimestra appears and chides -the Erinyes for neglecting their duty and forgetting her -and her rights. The artist has grasped the spirit of the -poet, and has given a graphic account of the scene such -as one is not likely to forget. The dread figure of the -veiled ghost, who glances searchingly at the sleeping -instruments of her vengeance and endeavours to rouse -them into consciousness, is a creation but little inferior -to that in Aischylos<a id='r143' /><a href='#f143' class='c020'><sup>[143]</sup></a>. Her position on the extreme -limits of the sanctuary serves to express the uncleanliness -of the spirit and the incongruity of its appearing within -the sacred ground. The gesture towards the main group -connects the two scenes and lends a unity to the whole. -This is real art and no illustration. One must remember -that Orestes is at this time on his way to Athens, and -that the shade did not appear in his presence. The very -fact that the painter chose to unite the two moments -adds greatly to the general effect. The tragedy is played -in part before us. The number of Furies representing -the chorus is the same that one meets first in Euripides<a id='r144' /><a href='#f144' class='c020'><sup>[144]</sup></a>, -and that is particularly emphasized also by Aischylos in</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔγειρ’, ἔγειρε καὶ σὺ τήνδ’, ἐγὼ δέ σε.</span> v. 140.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>Their dress is that of the later type of Erinyes—the -huntress-costume of Artemis. This facilitated their -motion. Perhaps the half-figure of the awakened Fury -may be rising from the earth to continue the pursuit, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_69'>69</span>but it seems to me more probable that the half-figure is -such from choice. After the appearance of the Erinyes -in the <cite>Choephoroi</cite> they are certainly above ground till -conducted to their new home under the Areopagos.</p> - -<p class='c009'>While the story of Agamemnon’s murder and the -succeeding terrible revenge wrought by Orestes, as well -as the latter’s atonement at Delphi, were all a part of the -legendary inheritance from a very early period and had -played for some centuries, at least, before Aischylos -an important rôle in the epic<a id='r145' /><a href='#f145' class='c020'><sup>[145]</sup></a> and lyric<a id='r146' /><a href='#f146' class='c020'><sup>[146]</sup></a> literature, it -remained for the great tragedian to break new ground -for the last chapter of the <cite>Oresteia</cite>. Orestes’ acquittal -and deliverance were, prior to Aischylos, distinctly -Delphic in setting; in his hands all became decidedly -Athenian. Apollo had once been the sole divinity to -absolve the murderer; Athena became the new arbiter -and director of the case. The temple at Delphi gave -way to the ‘Old Temple’ of Athena upon the Acropolis. -Keeping these facts in mind, one has to look about for -vase paintings which show traces of this Attic turn. So -far, only the early scene at Delphi has claimed our attention, -and here it has been possible to point out several -compositions that demand the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eumenides</span></cite> to the exclusion -of popular tradition.</p> - -<p class='c009'>From v. 235 the scene is transferred from Delphi to -Athens, and remains throughout the rest of the play -the ‘Old Temple’ on the Acropolis<a id='r147' /><a href='#f147' class='c020'><sup>[147]</sup></a>. Athena becomes -<span class='pageno' id='Page_70'>70</span>the centre. Everything moves about her. The one -impressive figure in this part of the tragedy is the -goddess. Orestes is simply a poor helpless mortal—the -apparent subject of the action. He and the Erinyes -sink into insignificance when compared with the majestic -figure of Athena. Substantial traces of the influence of -Aischylos’ invention have reached us on the vases. -A small number of paintings claim the right to be considered -under this head. The composition of all (I know -three such) is so similar that it seemed necessary to -reproduce only one.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_71'>71</span> -<img src='images/i_p071.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 9 (<em>vid. p. <a href='#Page_70'>70</a> ff.</em>)</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_72'>72</span>The painting shown in fig. 9<a id='r148' /><a href='#f148' class='c020'><sup>[148]</sup></a> represents the sanctuary -at Delphi with the tripod and the omphalos; kneeling -upon the latter is Orestes, in the same costume as that -noticed in the preceding monuments, holding two spears -in addition to the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">νεοσπαδὲς ξίφος</span>. He glances up to -the right, where Athena looks down upon him. Her -right foot rests on a sort of plinth; she carries a double-pointed -spear in her left hand and wears a Corinthian helm -with peculiar crest<a id='r149' /><a href='#f149' class='c020'><sup>[149]</sup></a>. Her dress is an embroidered Ionic -chiton and large aigis. The latter is not uncommon -on the fourth-century vases, and is characteristic of the -exaggeration of types in this period. Apollo stands -on the left of the omphalos, with a laurel branch on -which are hung fillets and <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πινάκια</span><a id='r150' /><a href='#f150' class='c020'><sup>[150]</sup></a>. He looks to -the left at a winged Fury with a very elaborate costume, -a huge serpent about her body and one in her hair; -above the tripod is the bust of another Fury on -whom are four snakes. In the left-hand upper corner -a bust of a youth with chlamys, pilos, and a spear -is most likely meant for Pylades. Corresponding to -this on the other side are the head and shoulders of -a woman, interpreted as Klytaimestra.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The two other vase paintings are, in the main, close -counterparts of this and need not be described here. -The Vatican amphora<a id='r151' /><a href='#f151' class='c020'><sup>[151]</sup></a> is particularly interesting as -representing Athena with aigis extended over Orestes -to protect him from the Furies. The Capua hydria in -Berlin<a id='r152' /><a href='#f152' class='c020'><sup>[152]</sup></a> takes precedence over the other two in age, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_73'>73</span>furnishes us with the nearest approach to Aischylos’ -time. It falls within the fifth century, while the others -are to be placed in the last half of the fourth century.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The introduction of Athena is the unmistakable sign. -She intervenes at Delphi simply because Aischylos -introduced her in Athens. The artist transferred her to -Delphi and combined the two scenes of the tragedy. -If one considers only Orestes and Athena in fig. 9, and -reads the interview between them in the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eumenides</span></cite>, -he will appreciate at once how well the painter has -managed his task. The whole make-up of the figures -is that of stage characters. This is especially noticeable -in the dresses of the Fury and Athena. This elegance -and finery on vases of the fourth century were widely -regulated by dramatic performances.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The set of paintings which thus associates Athena -with Orestes’ delivery may be counted as the direct -product of the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eumenides</span></cite>, and therefore important -witnesses for the influence of Aischylos upon the succeeding -century of Greek art.</p> - -<h3 class='c019'>§ 4. <span class='sc'>The lost Plays.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>One might carry on a long and fruitless discussion -concerning certain of the lost plays, and paintings that -present subjects common to them. It must be all but -‘fruitless,’ since we know next to nothing about the -character of some of these tragedies, as, for example, -the <cite>Pentheus</cite>. But this whole question lies outside the -province of the present work, and I shall not go further -than to append a list of the vase paintings that do in all -probability owe much to Aischylos.</p> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_74'>74</span> - <h4 class='c017'><span class='sc'>Lykurgeia.</span></h4> -</div> - - <dl class='dl_1 c002'> - <dt>1.</dt> - <dd>Apulian amphora, Munich, no. 853. Pub. Millin, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Tombeaux de Canose</span></cite>, pl. - 13. - </dd> - <dt>2.</dt> - <dd>Apulian krater, Naples, no. 2874. Pub. Müller-Wieseler, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler der Alten - Kunst</span></cite>, ii. pl. 37, 440. Cf. Welcker’s <cite><span lang="lb" xml:lang="lb">Aeschyleische Trilogie</span></cite>, - p. 327. - </dd> - <dt>3.</dt> - <dd>Amphora from Ruvo, Naples, no. 3219 (p. 500 of Heydemann). Pub. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. - Inst.</span></cite> iv. 16, B. - </dd> - <dt>4.</dt> - <dd>Krater from Anzi in the Basilicata, no. 3237 in Naples. Pub. Reinach-Millingen, - <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Peintures</span></cite>, pl. 1 = Müller-Wieseler, <cite>op. cit.</cite> ii. pl. 38, - 442 = Baumeister, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, ii. p. 834. - </dd> - <dt>5.</dt> - <dd>Krater in Ruvo-Jatta coll. Pub. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Catalogo Jatta</span></cite>, pl. 2. 5 = - <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Annali d. Inst.</span></cite> 1874, pl. R.; cf. <cite>ibid.</cite> p. 194 ff. - </dd> - <dt>6.</dt> - <dd>Krater, also from Ruvo, in Brit. Mus.; cat. iv. F 271. Pub. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mon. d. - Inst.</span></cite> v. pl. 23. Cf. Brunn in <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Annali d. Inst.</span></cite> 1850, p. 336 ff. - </dd> - <dt>7.</dt> - <dd>Fragment of an Apulian amphora in Dresden museum. Pub. <cite>Arch. Anz.</cite> 1891, p. - 24; cf. p. 23 f. - </dd> - <dt>8.</dt> - <dd>Marble relief-vases. Pub. Welcker, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Alte Denkmäler</span></cite>, ii. pl. 3. 8; cf. - <cite>ibid.</cite>, p. 94 ff.; <cite>Mon. d. Inst.</cite> ix. 45. - </dd> - <dt> </dt> - <dd>Cf. further for a discussion of most of these monuments, Michaelis, <cite>Annali d. - Inst.</cite> 1872, p. 248 ff. - </dd> - </dl> - -<h4 class='c017'><span class='sc'>Phrygians.</span></h4> - - <dl class='dl_1 c002'> - <dt>1.</dt> - <dd>Tarentine amphora. Pub. <cite>Mon. d. Inst.</cite> v. pl. 11; cf. <cite>Annali d. - Inst.</cite> 1866, p. 249 ff., and <cite>Arch. Ztg.</cite> 1879, p. 16, and G. Haupt. - <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Commentationes archaeologicae in Aeschylum, Dissertationes Hallenses</span></cite>, - xiii. 1895, p. 13 ff. Vid. also this work for the whole subject of Aischylos and the - monuments. - </dd> - </dl> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_75'>75</span> - <h2 class='c007'>CHAPTER IV<br /> <span class='large'>SOPHOKLES AND HIS RELATION TO VASE PAINTING</span></h2> -</div> - -<p class='c008'>Sophokles appears to have enjoyed together with -Euripides a large share of popularity in the fourth and -third centuries, and it is well known that with the Roman -tragedians he was a very important factor. It must be -held as passing strange that we can point to but few -monuments inspired by him. One feels that there is -abundant material in the <cite>Antigone</cite>, for example, to have -aroused both painters and sculptors, and yet there is, so -far as I know, no trace in Greek art of any Antigone -scene that owes its existence to Sophokles. It is, -however, true that tragedies which were known in ancient -times as among the most celebrated, and which are to-day -counted the masterpieces of Greek tragedy, were often -particularly neglected by the artists. How meagre is -the record of monuments based on the <cite>Prometheus</cite>, the -<cite>Ion</cite>, or the <cite>Oedipus Rex</cite>! The reputation of a play -cannot be taken as any guaranty, therefore, that the -artist found in it the required motives. The gentle and -calm Sophokles, who ‘made men as they ought to be and -not as they are,’ wrote in a grand and dignified manner -that charmed the people of his own time and won the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_76'>76</span>praise and admiration of all posterity. How then is -one to account for the small part that he played in -ancient art? It seems to me that it rests on the fact -that Sophokles was not a creative power. Say what -we may of the elegance and grace of his style and the -perfection of his diction, a glance at his extant work -convinces us that he seldom allowed his imagination -to carry him beyond the bounds of the accepted form -of a myth. He preserved the mythological fabric with -religious fervour and altered little. He was neither an -iconoclast nor an innovator. The gods and heroes in -their old-time relations to each other and to humanity -served him fully, and he showed an unwillingness either -to shatter the popular faith or to disturb it with new -doctrines. So long, therefore, as nothing new mythologically -was introduced, the value of the Sophoklean -plays, from an artist’s point of view, was far below the -fresh and dashing manner of Euripides, who left the old -and beaten paths and added new chapters to the lives -of the heroes and the exploits of the gods. It has -already been observed that where Aischylos broke new -ground he was followed by the painter and sculptor. -The novelty of the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eumenides</span></cite> appealed to the artist -even more strongly than to the public; here was -something absolutely new, unheard of before. So it -was with the <cite>Choephoroi</cite>, and we have already seen that -of the extant plays these two are the only ones that -influenced vase painting. Had Sophokles grafted new -branches on the old trees of myths he would likewise -have had a far larger following among ancient artists. -As it is, it does not seem possible to point to a single -vase painting that is indisputably a Sophoklean product, -and one must be perplexed by the strange problem. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_77'>77</span>To be sure conjectures have not been wanting, and here -and there a painting has been named in connexion with -Sophokles. But this is by no means a frequent occurrence, -and there has never been any consensus of opinion -among archaeologists that this or that picture <em>must</em> be -the outgrowth of one of his extant tragedies. I have -accordingly not published any painting under this head. -It seemed best merely to point out the few instances -where Sophoklean influences have been seen by some, -and leave the student free to determine each case for -himself<a id='r153' /><a href='#f153' class='c020'><sup>[153]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c023'><cite>Antigone.</cite> A Lucanian amphora in the Brit. Mus., cat. iv. F 175. A. 2. Pub. -Reinach-Millingen, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Peintures</span></cite>, pl. 54; cf. Hirzel in <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1863, -p. 70, who bases the scene on vs. 376 ff. It may be remarked that -the oriental cap of the king does not at all fit the position of the -Theban Kreon.</p> - -<p class='c023'><cite>Oed. Rex.</cite> Painting pub. Inghirami, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Vasi fitt.</span></cite> iii. pl. 248 = Overbeck, -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. 2. 11; cf. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 62 ff., where vs. 316 ff. are thought -of. A much more satisfactory interpretation is that kindly sent me -by Professor Carl Robert. The scene represents Chryses before -Agamemnon and is based on <cite>Il.</cite> 1.</p> - -<p class='c023'><cite>Trachiniai.</cite> Herakles wrestles with the river god Acheloös in the presence -of Deianeira. Reinach-Millingen, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> pl. 10. B. 11. Robert in -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1883, p. 262, refers the painting to vs. 9–24 of the -prologue, and calls my attention in a letter to another similar -painting, unpublished, in the Jatta-Ruvo coll. no. 1092.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Two of the lost plays that have been held by some -to be represented on vase paintings have already been -referred to above<a id='r154' /><a href='#f154' class='c020'><sup>[154]</sup></a>.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_78'>78</span> - <h2 class='c007'>CHAPTER V<br /> <span class='large'>EURIPIDES AND VASE PAINTING</span></h2> -</div> - -<h3 class='c017'>§ 1. <span class='sc'>Introduction.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>It has already been made clear that Euripides enjoyed -an enormous popularity among Greek and Italian artists, -and that he was the chief inspiration for works of art -based on tragedy. This latter feature assumes a new -interest when studied with the Greek vases. The great -majority of these paintings, as has been pointed out, -is to be placed within the fourth cent. <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, and through -them one approaches very near to the poet’s own time. -They are to be valued, therefore, as most direct and -reliable testimony concerning Greek tragedy and the -place it occupied in the life of Lower Italy. Not a few -of the paintings published in the following pages may -have been seen by people who had known the Athenian -society in which Euripides himself had moved. This -proximity of the vases to the poet’s own day is an -important point, and should be thoroughly comprehended -in order to bring the true value of the paintings before -one. The text of a classical Greek author, exposed to -the emendatory zeal of the ancient grammarians and -the ignorance and carelessness of scribes, had a precarious -sort of existence before it was microscopically dissected -<span class='pageno' id='Page_79'>79</span>and violently revised by modern philologists. Our -oldest manuscript hardly goes back more than one-third -of the way to the original. Between 1000 <span class='fss'>A.D.</span> and -340 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, when the archetype of the three tragedians -was ordered by Lykurgos, how long was the line of -copies! It is vastly different with the edition of the -<cite>Medeia</cite>, for example, on the amphora, p. <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>. The vase -relates the tragedy at first hand, and furnishes the student -with an exhibition of the play that is more than twenty-two -hundred years old. The original work and no copy -carries one into the century succeeding the first production -of the play. Such facts impress one with the -importance of this class of monuments.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Before taking up the discussion of the vase paintings -that are under the influence of Euripides, it may be well -to examine for a moment the ancient testimony touching -the poet. It is well known that he did not follow the -orthodox form of tragic composition established by -Aischylos and adhered to by Sophokles. He was less -religious than either of the other two and, in the same -degree, more a man of the world. He was interested in -politics, rhetoric, and philosophy, and these elements -accordingly found room in his plays. For introducing -the common, ordinary affairs of daily life he was stoutly -condemned by Aristophanes. His policy continued the -same in spite of the virulent attacks of his enemies, and -the individual appealed to him more strongly than the -body politic; where the former poets had preached -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἦθος</span> and directed their messages to the world <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καθ’ ὅλον</span>, -Euripides disclosed for the first time the power of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πάθος</span>, -and that of itself was specific and applied to the community -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καθ’ ἕκαστον</span>. Herein lay Aristotle’s unfavourable -criticism. The philosopher admired Homer, Aischylos, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_80'>80</span>and Sophokles more than Euripides simply because he -considered <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἦθος</span> to be a more potent factor than <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πάθος</span>, -and so he complains that none of the younger poets have -the former<a id='r155' /><a href='#f155' class='c020'><sup>[155]</sup></a>. By <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">νέοι</span> he evidently meant post-Euripidean -writers, and yet there is no trace of the Aristotelian -conception of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἦθος</span> in Euripides. We may imagine that -the great thinker looked for something more stable -than <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πάθος</span>. But this was all cold, calculating criticism, -and Aristotle appears, for the most part, alone in placing -Euripides below Aischylos and Sophokles. The Alexandrian -grammarians were his chief followers. Plato -found in Euripides an authority of great pre-eminence<a id='r156' /><a href='#f156' class='c020'><sup>[156]</sup></a>. -The immediate success that he enjoyed in his own time -is well illustrated by the anecdote related in Plutarch’s -<cite>Life of Nikias</cite><a id='r157' /><a href='#f157' class='c020'><sup>[157]</sup></a>. The fugitives from the Athenian army -in the Sicilian expedition are said to have maintained -themselves by reciting from Euripides’ works, and -captives were able to gain their freedom by teaching -their masters new selections from the Euripidean plays. -The element of truth in this remarkable story enables -one to understand something of the place held by this -poet in the West. It is related of Alexander that he -was particularly fond of Euripides, and that he performed -the feat of reciting a whole scene from the <cite>Andromeda</cite> -at his fatal banquet<a id='r158' /><a href='#f158' class='c020'><sup>[158]</sup></a>. A certain Axionikos wrote -a comedy called the ‘Lover of Euripides,’ in which he -represented the people as suffering from the Euripides-fad -to such an extent that they counted all other poetry -worthless<a id='r159' /><a href='#f159' class='c020'><sup>[159]</sup></a>. A fitting <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">finale</span></i> to all this is reached in the -story told in the <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">vita</span></i> of Euripides to the effect that -Philemon would have been willing to hang himself if -<span class='pageno' id='Page_81'>81</span>thereby he might have seen Euripides. That he was -always in men’s mouths is attested by the large number -of fragments from the lost plays. It is instructive to see -that he was quoted in the Hellenistic period to the -exclusion of Aischylos and Sophokles. Wisdom and -state-craft were found in Homer, Hesiod, Pindar, and -Euripides<a id='r160' /><a href='#f160' class='c020'><sup>[160]</sup></a>. One is not surprised, therefore, to learn -that his tragedies were the only ones produced at certain -Dionysia<a id='r161' /><a href='#f161' class='c020'><sup>[161]</sup></a>. This was the period in which most of the -vase paintings in the following pages belong, and it is -only these numerous traditions of the unparalleled -popularity of this poet, east and west, north and south, -that makes it possible to appreciate his wide-spread -influence over art. The vases have to be studied in -this light, and only then does their importance as a -Euripidean commentary become sufficiently clear.</p> - -<p class='c009'>A glance at the conditions in Magna Graecia is -necessary before leaving this topic. The theatre-going -propensities of the Tarentines has been mentioned above, -and one has now to ask himself who their favourite poet -was. There can be but one answer. Here, as in Africa, -Asia Minor, and Sicily, the public was sure to find the -greatest satisfaction in a Euripidean <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">répertoire</span></i>. The -travelling troops of actors performed in all the towns of -Apulia, Campania, and Lucania, and the tragic forms of -the myths were widely published. Euripides was, in -short, more than ever the people’s poet, and he became -later, with the rise of Latin tragedy, the poet of the -Republic. Roman tragedy was Greek in everything but -<span class='pageno' id='Page_82'>82</span>the language. The 166 years between the death of -Euripides and the production of Livius Andronicus’ first -play in Rome were a seed-time for the works of the -Greek poet. The titles of Livius’ ten tragedies include -two from Euripides—the <cite>Andromeda</cite> and the <cite>Danaë</cite>—and -the father of Latin poetry was a native of Tarentum. -Ennius, born in Rudiae, which Strabo calls a <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πόλις -Ἑλληνίς</span><a id='r162' /><a href='#f162' class='c020'><sup>[162]</sup></a>, was educated at Tarentum, and became the -first national poet of the Romans. Among his twenty-two -plays the following are either translations of Euripides -or adaptations from him: <cite>Alexandrus</cite>, <cite>Andromacha</cite>, -<cite>Andromeda</cite>, <cite>Erechtheus</cite>, <cite>Medea</cite>, <cite>Medea exul</cite>, <cite>Melanippa</cite>, -<cite>Phoenix</cite>, <cite>Telephus</cite>, and perhaps <cite>Alcumena</cite>. Pacuvius, -a nephew of Ennius, and the third one of the Latin -tragedians, also followed Euripides more than Aischylos -or Sophokles. He was born in Brundusium 268 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> -and died in Tarentum 140 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> These three poets who -come first in the history of Latin literature are peculiarly -indebted to Euripides and likewise have a special relation -to Magna Graecia and Tarentum. More than half of -the whole number of works produced by them would -appear to have been Euripidean. Whether it was the -rhetorical or pathetic element that appealed to the -Romans more strongly, the fact that Euripides was the -primary force in Latin tragedy is very important.</p> - -<p class='c009'>In this attempt to indicate the wider influence of the -Attic drama upon the Latins I have been carried beyond -the time of the vase industry, but the Latin literature of -the third and second century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> was the legitimate -product of the conditions that had prevailed in the -preceding period. The Greek literary and artistic genius -blossomed into an Italian flower and flourished in the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_83'>83</span>soil that had been fertilized by centuries of Hellenic -influences. It is to a small section of this wonderful life -in Magna Graecia that the present work is devoted. -The vase paintings that follow can best tell their own -story of the wide-spread Hellenization of Lower Italy in -the fourth century and of the place held by Euripides in -the onward march of Hellenism.</p> - -<h3 class='c019'>§ 2. <span class='sc'>Andromache.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>It does not appear that in the pre-Euripidean literature -Orestes played any part in the death of Neoptolemos. -Pindar at least did not know anything of the Menelaos-Orestes -conspiracy against the son of Achilles<a id='r163' /><a href='#f163' class='c020'><sup>[163]</sup></a> but -Menelaos’ relation to Sparta afforded a rare opportunity -for a political polemic. The latter could be painted as -a much more despicable character, as could also the -Lakedaimonians in general, provided Orestes were -involved in the unholy murder. The anti-Spartan -feeling in Athens was sufficient to guarantee a hearty -reception to any drama depicting the crookedness and -treachery of the Spartan character. Such a play was -certain to meet the demands of a campaign document.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The <cite>Andromache</cite> has, however, little of the merit -which one can usually discover in Euripides; it was -classed even by the ancients among his second-rate -works<a id='r164' /><a href='#f164' class='c020'><sup>[164]</sup></a>. There is but one effective situation in the -whole tragedy, and that is the speech of the messenger, -vs. 1085–1165, which gives the account of Neoptolemos’ -murder at Delphi. The beginning is remarkably simple -and unaffected, but when once the poet gets under way -<span class='pageno' id='Page_84'>84</span>the action increases rapidly in violence, becoming at -every step more and more intense until at last the -whole temple of Apollo resounds with the roar of the -unholy tumult. Orestes’ party is, of course, victorious -over the single-handed descendant of Peleus. This -manœuvring inside the temple is unique, and intensely -dramatic and picturesque. The pictorial importance of -the scene is attested by a painting on a large amphora -found in Ruvo<a id='r165' /><a href='#f165' class='c020'><sup>[165]</sup></a>.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_p084.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 10.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>In the centre is the sanctuary of Apollo denoted by -two tripods, the laurel tree, the omphalos covered with -a netting, and the altar. To the latter, already dashed -with blood, Neoptolemos, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΝΕΟΠΤΟΛΕΜΟΣ</span>, has fled. -He holds a drawn sword in his right hand and whirls his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_85'>85</span>chlamys about his left. He wears a petasos and has -a sword-cut in his left side from which blood is oozing. -His face is turned towards the omphalos behind which -Orestes, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΟΡΕΣΤΑΣ</span>, appears to be dodging. He has -a chlamys and a pilos; in his left hand the sheath -of a sword, the latter being in his right. On the -left, behind the altar, is another youth, nude except the -chlamys on the left arm. He holds a spear in the right -hand as though about to cast it at Neoptolemos. The -centre of the upper section is filled out with an Ionic -temple, the doors of which are open. On the left, -the half-figure of a woman, recognizable by the key -as the temple priestess (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κλῃδοῦχος</span>)<a id='r166' /><a href='#f166' class='c020'><sup>[166]</sup></a>, appears in great -alarm. Apollo, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝ</span>, with his bow, occupies -a seat on the right of the temple<a id='r167' /><a href='#f167' class='c020'><sup>[167]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>In order to understand the painting it is necessary to -bear in mind what preceded the speech of the messenger. -Andromache, the wife of Hektor, had fallen to the lot -of Neoptolemos on the division of the Trojan spoils and -had been taken by him to Phthia. As his captive she -had raised him a son, Molossos, while his lawful wife -Hermione, daughter of Menelaos and cousin of Orestes, -continued barren. Hermione, being suspicious that it -was through some drugs of Andromache that she had -been rendered thus unhappy, determined upon the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_86'>86</span>latter’s death, and while Neoptolemos was absent at -Delphi to atone for certain family wrongs the desperate -Hermione proceeded to carry out her resolve to destroy -both the mother and the young Molossos. This spiteful -work of the injured wife occupies the first part of the -tragedy. The two are finally saved by the intervention -of the aged Peleus, and Hermione thereupon resolves to -kill herself. At this point, Orestes, who is on his way -to consult the oracle at Dodona, enters. On learning of -the insults and injuries that had been heaped upon -Hermione, once promised him for a bride, he at once -undertakes to relieve her of any reason for dreading the -return of Neoptolemos and the attendant disclosure of -her wicked plans.</p> - -<p class='c009'>He leaves accordingly for Delphi. The messenger -comes in after a song by the chorus and relates what has -taken place. Orestes had gone round putting the -Delphians on their guard against this Neoptolemos -whose plan was to sack the temple. Credence was at -once given to the fabrication, and the inhabitants determined -upon a bold step. When Neoptolemos was at -the altar addressing the god, the band of armed -Delphians who were lying in wait for him behind the -sacred laurel tree sprang out and fell upon him.</p> - -<p class='c009'>This furnishes the setting for our painting, and we -may turn for a little to a closer examination of the -account given by the poet. It will be noticed that the -artist, while in some respects keeping close to the latter, -has in the main done his work rather independently. -Common to both are the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δάφνη</span> (v. 1115) and the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">βωμός</span> -(vs. 1123 and 1138). The attacking party in the -painting includes Orestes, thus emphasizing the point -which Euripides really had in mind. In this particular -<span class='pageno' id='Page_87'>87</span>the artist has gone ahead of the poet. It appears, -indeed, as though Orestes had just made the slash in -Neoptolemos’ side. The moment represented is, therefore, -that when the fight was on. The Delphians appear -to have but one representative, who is certainly creating -far less annoyance for Neoptolemos than does the -company in Euripides, where they hurl rocks and fill -the air with dust and din. The setting of the scene -in the painting is magnificent. Everything points to -the great shrine; both the exterior and interior of the -temple are visible. As for the Ionic order it should be -remembered that this has nought to do with the historic -facts in the case. An examination of the buildings on -the vases of Lower Italy reveals a decided preference on -the part of the artists for this order of architecture<a id='r168' /><a href='#f168' class='c020'><sup>[168]</sup></a>. -The painting is an excellent example of the influence of -the poet over the artist. This is, however, no mere -illustration, a fact to be remembered in dealing with all -the paintings of this class; the spirit and not the letter -is what one can trace most readily in works of art based -upon the tragedians. The agreement between the literary -source and the picture is more apparent here than -in most instances, and this is largely due to the fact -that the <cite>Andromache</cite> is particularly Euripidean. This -turn does not occur in any other author. A parallel -case will be observed in the chapter dealing with <em>Iphigeneia -among the Taurians</em>. It is this alteration and -extension of old myths which characterizes Euripides’ -work. These new features were popular and attracted the -public, and here one gets the key to the unparalleled -influence which this poet exercised upon artists.</p> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_88'>88</span> - <h3 class='c019'>§ 3. <span class='sc'>Bakchai.</span></h3> -</div> - -<p class='c018'>Euripides’ <cite>Bakchai</cite> is our chief authority concerning -the fate of Pentheus<a id='r169' /><a href='#f169' class='c020'><sup>[169]</sup></a>, yet this writer did not by any -means establish the details of the story. This was done -long before Thespis may have assayed to dramatize the -tragic episode<a id='r170' /><a href='#f170' class='c020'><sup>[170]</sup></a> and before Aischylos wrote his <cite>Pentheus</cite><a id='r171' /><a href='#f171' class='c020'><sup>[171]</sup></a>. -It is not probable that Euripides materially altered the -accepted form of the myth, and there may be in his -play a mixture of the traditional and Aischylean versions. -Pentheus’ death, like the madness of the Thracian king -Lykurgos, was inseparably connected with the advent -of the Dionysiac worship. The series of victories won -by the orgiastic god from the wild North was not bloodless; -his coming was attended with opposition. In -the end, however, his foes were annihilated or ruined, -and the new joy brought in by the foreign god captivated -a nation and made it his devout worshipper. -Euripides could say little or nothing new touching the -triumph of Dionysos over the king of Thebes, yet this -tragedy, one of the most brilliant pieces of Greek -literature, paints in glorious colours the history of the -victory.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The events, as told by Euripides, are briefly as -follows. Dionysos has arrived in Thebes from Lydia -and the East, where he had already established his -choirs of Bacchanals. Thebes was the first city to -which he came, and here, where he least expected -<span class='pageno' id='Page_89'>89</span>opposition, scepticism met him. The sisters of his -mother Semele circulated the report that he was no -god but an impostor. He forthwith drove the Kadmeian -women maddened from their homes to wander in the -mountains attired in the Dionysiac dress; the Bacchic -craze spread further, and seized even the seer Teiresias -and Kadmos, who with thyrsoi and fawn-skins joined the -orgies. Pentheus, on hearing of these strange doings, -appears and chides them both, and threatens to hunt -the women from the mountains and punish the stranger -who has made his family drunk with frenzy. At v. 434 -Dionysos, bewitchingly beautiful, is led a prisoner before -Pentheus, who orders him to be bound and cast into the -royal stable. Soon afterward the walls are heard to crash -in and flames burst forth in every direction (v. 593 ff.). -The god, to be sure, is safe, and Pentheus is mocked -and wild with anger, while the former bids him be quiet -and subdue his anger. At this point a messenger -arrives to recount the strange sights that had met his -eyes on the mountains. Three bands of women, led by -Autonoë, Agave, and Ino, had rushed upon his herd of -cattle and torn them limb from limb, and afterward they -washed the blood from their hands in a fountain made -to flow by the god. In the face of these wonders he -urges Pentheus to honour the latter, but the king will -not brook this Bacchic insolence and threatens to sacrifice -a hekatomb of women on Kithairon rather than propitiate -the unwelcome visitor. Dionysos advises him -not to kick against the pricks (v. 795); in a moment -Pentheus’ attitude is seen to change; the secret power -of the god is working on him; he will see the strange -actions himself, and would rather forfeit a thousand-weight -in gold than forgo the opportunity (v. 812). -<span class='pageno' id='Page_90'>90</span>The linen chiton is at once provided, and Dionysos, -who is to lead the way, directs the arrangement of the -dress so that Pentheus shall not be mistaken for a man. -After some scruples as to the figure he may make -before his citizens he is anxious to be off. Once in -the mountains giddiness comes upon him. He sees two -suns, and a double Thebes, and twice seven gates; he -declares that the god himself has taken on a bull’s -form with horns (v. 918 ff.). Immediately thereafter he -obtains the first glimpse of the women. There are Ino -and his mother Agave. Then he worries lest he may -not hold his thyrsos correctly. This shows his sad -predicament too plainly. Dionysos has done his work; -his vengeance on the recalcitrant Pentheus is at hand. -At first the latter feels himself able to overturn the -whole mountain and asks the advice of the god as to -the best means of annihilating the troop. When violence -is not recommended he suggests that he had best hide -in a pine-tree to view the sight (v. 954). Nothing further -is ever heard from the king’s own lips except in his -death-cry reported by the messenger who had accompanied -him. When they had reached the band in the -glen, shadowed by pines (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πεύκη</span>, v. 1052), the thicket -was so dense that Pentheus requested that he might be -allowed to ascend the bank or climb a tree (v. 1061) in -order to command the field. Dionysos bent a tree to the -ground, placed the king upon the boughs and allowed -it to rise again, and, turning to his devotees, pointed to -their prey. Stones and darts are directed at Pentheus, -and finally the tree is pulled up by main force and he -falls an easy victim to the maddened women. Agave, -heeding none of his cries, tears out a shoulder; Ino, -Autonoë, and the rest help in dismembering the king. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_91'>91</span>His mother fixed his head upon a thyrsos and led the -troop on a wild dance over Kithairon, finally coming -to the palace. Gradually freed from the insanity, she -realized the enormity of her crime. Dionysos’ godhead -was, however, established, and the house of Kadmos -remained a terrible witness of his power. These are -the harrowing details of the murder, and one cannot -wonder that there are numerous vase paintings based -on the tragedy.</p> - -<p class='c009'>There is a long list of vases that can for the most part -be passed over with a mere reference. They are all, with -perhaps one exception, later than 500 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> This means -that the impetus for the tragedy in art was given largely -by the tragic drama. The oldest painting is older than -the <cite>Pentheus</cite> of Aischylos and cannot, therefore, be connected -with his play. There may have been an earlier -dramatization, such as that recorded of Thespis, which -figured in this monument<a id='r172' /><a href='#f172' class='c020'><sup>[172]</sup></a>. All the remaining paintings -belong to the latter part of the fifth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> and -the fourth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, and are, with one exception, -of too general a character to be used as evidence for -one of the tragedies<a id='r173' /><a href='#f173' class='c020'><sup>[173]</sup></a>. On the Munich hydria it seems -<span class='pageno' id='Page_92'>92</span>to me there are clear traces of the <cite>Bakchai</cite>, and this -widely-known work is given here in fig. 11<a id='r174' /><a href='#f174' class='c020'><sup>[174]</sup></a>.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_p092.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 11.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>Pentheus, wearing chlamys, pilos, and boots, crouches, -with a drawn sword in his right hand, in a thicket -denoted by two trees. A maenad who appears to have -just discovered him rushes into the hiding-place with -a torch in her right hand<a id='r175' /><a href='#f175' class='c020'><sup>[175]</sup></a>; she is dressed in a plain, -Doric peplos. Another maenad, similarly dressed but -having a fawn-skin over the left hand and a sword in -the right, does not seem to have sighted Pentheus. -A third, dressed like the first one, holding a tympanon -in the left hand and a thyrsos in the right, approaches -wholly unconcerned with the discovery of her companions. -On the right is another group of three maenads -all dressed alike and all in rapid motion. The first -holds in either hand the quarters of a kid or roe. The -second shoulders the thyrsos with her left hand and -makes an ecstatic gesture with her right. The third -one, in even more violent motion, swings her veil about -her and rushes on towards the left.</p> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_93'>93</span>It should be noted, to begin with, that the vase is -a Lower Italy fabric of the fourth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, and that -there is therefore no chronological difficulty in placing it -under the influence of the <cite>Bakchai</cite>. The troop of maenads -is arranged symmetrically, an equal number being on -each side of the central scene, and this suggests the -chorus in the play. The striking feature is the introduction -of the landscape; there is no doubt as to -where the catastrophe occurs. The artist did not allow -himself the licence of placing Pentheus in the tree, for -this had been too grotesque a sight for the fourth-century -painter. The frequent references to the thicket<a id='r176' /><a href='#f176' class='c020'><sup>[176]</sup></a> and -the protection it was or the inconvenience it caused, -is happily brought out in the picture, but the poet has -not been followed in details. Pentheus does not appear -with the thyrsos, talaric chiton, and dishevelled hair, for -the simple reason that he would have been indistinguishable -from the maenads. As he appears in the painting -the contrast is striking and the eye at once grasps -the situation. The torch held by the foremost maenad -lights the way to the retreat of Pentheus, suggesting the -words—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line in20'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καὶ πρὸς οὐρανὸν</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καὶ γαῖαν ἐστήριζε φῶς σεμνοῦ πυρός.</span> v. 1082 f.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>That one is armed with a sword while the others have -no weapon finds also a parallel in Euripides, who says -one time that they used nought but their hands—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χειρὸς ἀσιδήρου μέτα.</span> v. 736.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>and again that the sword shall do its work—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἴτω ξιφηφόρος.</span> vs. 992, 1012.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'><span class='pageno' id='Page_94'>94</span>The wild revelry of the whole is instructive when studied -with the poet. The Bacchanal who flaunts the quarters -of her victim reminds one at once of the words—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀγρεύων | αἷμα τραγοκτόνον, ὠμοφάγον χάριν.</span> v. 138 f.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>In conclusion, reference should be made again to the -newly discovered wall painting in Pompeii. It is so -remarkably preserved and so thoroughly in the spirit -of Euripides that there can be little doubt as to the -influence of the <cite>Bakchai</cite><a id='r177' /><a href='#f177' class='c020'><sup>[177]</sup></a>. The only Pentheus painting -recorded in classical literature was that in the Dionysos -temple in Athens, which may also have been inspired -by Euripides<a id='r178' /><a href='#f178' class='c020'><sup>[178]</sup></a>. Is the Pompeian painting an echo of -the celebrated one in Athens?</p> - -<h3 class='c019'>§ 4. <span class='sc'>Hekabe.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>The <cite>Hekabe</cite> is one of those plays which, like the -<cite>Andromache</cite>, embraces a series of events loosely associated. -There are in fact two distinct parts to this -tragedy, having no other connexion than one would -observe between two separate works where the same -heroine appeared. Two heavy blows which the Fates -dealt Hekabe after the fall of Troy constitute the subject -of the action.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The first of these new calamities was the death of -Polyxena. The Greeks are encamped on the Chersonesos -side of the Hellespont. Among the captives -<span class='pageno' id='Page_95'>95</span>are the former queen of Troy and her daughter. -Achilles, who is among the shades, demands of the -Greeks that Polyxena be sacrificed to him. The request -cannot be ignored, and Odysseus and others are commissioned -to secure her from her mother. The parting -scene between Hekabe and the daughter is heartrending, -but the courage and self-control exhibited by the latter -are remarkable. Talthybios, the faithful herald of -Agamemnon, afterwards reports to Hekabe the details of -the sacrifice, and this description of the fair and innocent -Polyxena is one of the gems of Greek literature. The -lines in particular which describe her actions immediately -before the fatal moment are famous for their beauty.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Although the offering of Polyxena was known in Greek -art and letters before Euripides’ time<a id='r179' /><a href='#f179' class='c020'><sup>[179]</sup></a>, the subject must -have been far more popular after the production of -this tragedy. It appears to me a mere accident that no -vase painting representing the scene has so far come to -light. There is, however, on a so-called ‘Megarian -Bowl’ a relief decoration, probably dating from the -third century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, which doubtless owes its existence -to Euripides<a id='r180' /><a href='#f180' class='c020'><sup>[180]</sup></a>. It has seemed to me desirable to include -<span class='pageno' id='Page_96'>96</span>this here, even though it carries us beyond the limits -prescribed to the present work. The cup, found in -Thebes, is in the Berlin Antiquarium<a id='r181' /><a href='#f181' class='c020'><sup>[181]</sup></a>. The middle of -the composition represents the tumulus of Achilles, above -which is raised a stele with akroteria and a fillet. On -the left, Polyxena, with exposed bosom and flowing -hair, kneels with extended arms. Approaching her is -Neoptolemos wearing a chlamys and holding his sword -ready for the fatal stroke; behind the latter is a figure -in a short undergarment, mantle and pilos. The cap -distinguishes the person as Odysseus. Agamemnon sits -with back to the beholder upon the extreme left, and -lifts his left hand (not his right hand as Robert says), -evidently astonished at the remarkable composure of -the victim. On the right of the tomb are three warriors, -who are more or less closely connected with the others. -The first one appears to raise his hand in wonder at the -fortitude of Polyxena; the second, who does not seem -to be armed, has the appearance of one weeping; the -third is apparently little interested in the tragedy. It -<span class='pageno' id='Page_97'>97</span>is not necessary to name these three persons, evidently -representatives of the Achaeans. The first one may -perhaps be Talthybios, since he says he was present -(v. 524). The dolphins upon the vase are meant no -doubt to characterize the sea-shore where the sacrifice -took place.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_p097.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 12.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>The essential part of the composition is, however, the -tumulus and the figures on the left. Everything here -illustrates Euripides. One reads in v. 221 of</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">... ὀρθὸν χῶμ’ Ἀχιλλείου τάφου</span>.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>The attitude of Polyxena is based upon the beautiful -verses in the messenger’s speech:—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">λαβοῦσα πέπλους ἐξ ἄκρας ἐπωμίδος</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔρῥηξε λαγόνος ἐς μέσον παρ’ ὀμφαλόν,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μαστούς τ’ ἔδειξε στέρνα θ’ ὡς ἀγάλματος</span></div> - </div> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc"><span class='pageno' id='Page_98'>98</span>κάλλιστα, καὶ καθεῖσα πρὸς γαῖαν γόνυ</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔλεξε πάντων τλημονέστατον λόγον·</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">‘ἰδοὺ τόδ’, εἰ μὲν στέρνον, ὦ νεανία,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παίειν προθυμεῖ, παῖσον, εἰ δ’ ὑπ’ αὐχένα</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χρῄζεις, πάρεστι λαιμὸς εὐτρεπὴς ὅδε.’</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὁ δ’ οὐ θέλων τε καὶ θέλων, οἴκτῳ κόρης,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τέμνει σιδήρῳ πνεύματος διαρῥοάς.</span> vs. 558–567.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>Even the hesitation of Neoptolemos, expressed in the -last two verses, finds its place in the relief. Odysseus, -who was intimately identified with the proceedings from -first to last (vs. 218–437), could not be wanting in an -illustration of the final scene. Agamemnon too is fittingly -present, for, according to Euripides, he had given -the order to carry out the sacrifice,</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line in12'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀγαμέμνων τ’ ἄναξ</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εἶπεν μεθεῖναι παρθένον νεανίαις</span>. vs. 553 f.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>and had dismissed Talthybios to Hekabe (v. 504).</p> - -<p class='c009'>The second part of the play begins with v. 658, where -the servant of Hekabe enters with the body of the latter’s -young son Polydoros. Priam had intrusted the boy to -Polymestor, king of Thrace, when the Greeks attacked -Ilion. A considerable sum of gold accompanied the -child to ensure his maintenance if the city should be -captured. As long as the Trojans held out, Polymestor -was true to his charge, but no sooner had the news of -the downfall of Priam’s house reached the ears of the -good Thracian than he put the child to death for -the money and cast his body out unburied. This is -related in the prologue by the ghost of Polydoros, who -also prophesies the death of Polyxena on that day. -His body was accordingly discovered by the attendant, -who happened upon it by mere chance, and immediately -<span class='pageno' id='Page_99'>99</span>after receiving the terrible message from Talthybios, -Hekabe was made to bow beneath another sorrow. She -at once summons her courage and determines to have -revenge upon the unrighteous Polymestor. She first -relates to Agamemnon the story of the boy’s death, and -the king, deeply incensed at the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀξενία</span> of the Thracian, -agrees to her plan for avenging herself on the latter. -She sends for Polymestor under the pretence of disclosing -to him some weighty matter. He comes, and at her -request dismisses his bodyguard, not mistrusting in the -least that his crime had been discovered. To questions -as to the welfare of Polydoros and the safety of the gold -he replies that all is well and that the child would gladly -have come to visit his mother. Hekabe then proceeds -to tell him of some treasures which she wishes to commit -to his keeping. These are in the tent, and he shall go -inside and examine them for himself. ‘No Achaean is -within; we are quite alone,’ she says, and with this -assurance Polymestor leaves the light of day for ever. -Once inside, his cries of agony soon announce that -Hekabe has done her work with swift and certain -hand.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The scene representing the reappearance of the blinded -Polymestor has been recognized on a Lucanian vase<a id='r182' /><a href='#f182' class='c020'><sup>[182]</sup></a>. -In the middle stands the helpless king, his arms extended -in a distressed manner. He is dressed in a short, -embroidered chiton and a mantle, and wears a tall -head-gear that indicates his barbarian nationality. Agamemnon -is on the left, with sceptre and himation; he -appears to be addressing the former. Following is a -doryphoros. On the right are Hekabe and an attendant, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_100'>100</span>both dressed in chiton and mantle. The latter places -her arm over Hekabe’s shoulder and seems to be comforting -her, as she shrinks away from the figure in the -centre. The cane is suggestive of the queen’s age and -of the wandering life upon which she is entering. A sword -rests upon the ground, pointing probably to the weapon -which was used to blind Polymestor. It is not necessary -to cite any particular verses from Euripides which the -artist may have had in mind. He simply told the story -as it recurred to him. Especially suggestive of the -king’s staggering step are the verses beginning</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὤμοι ἐγώ, πᾷ βῶ,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πᾷ στῶ, πᾷ κέλσω;</span> vs. 1056 ff.,</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>spoken when Polymestor first appeared before the tent -of Hekabe after the latter had put out his eyes. The -chorus, Agamemnon, and Hekabe are then present, and -with alternating parts fill out the rest of the play -(vs. 1109 ff.).</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_p100.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 13.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_101'>101</span> - <h3 class='c019'>§ 5. <span class='sc'>Hippolytos.</span></h3> -</div> - -<p class='c018'>In the <cite>Phaidra</cite> of Sophokles and the first <cite>Hippolytos</cite> -of Euripides it was Phaidra herself who acknowledged to -Hippolytos her love for him. The votary of Artemis, -at once enraged at this effrontery, cast her aside. She -then defamed the youth to Theseus, who, believing her -statement, prayed to Poseidon to destroy his son. The -god accordingly sent a sea-monster to frighten the -horses of Hippolytos, and the latter was soon dragged to -his death. On receiving the news of this, Phaidra hung -herself<a id='r183' /><a href='#f183' class='c020'><sup>[183]</sup></a>. Sophokles’ play does not appear to have ever -made any impression upon the world and must have been -soon forgotten, and Euripides’ tragedy met with great -disapproval. Such a Phaidra was more than the Greeks -would tolerate. The poet grasped the situation and -wrote another <cite>Hippolytos</cite>, which set him right with his -public. It was no longer Phaidra in and of herself who -became the instrument of the youth’s death; Aphrodite, -angered at Hippolytos’ serving Artemis instead of herself, -starts the gentle flame within Phaidra’s bosom and -visits her with a love-sickness that drives the unfortunate -woman into a confession of her illness to her attendant. -On the latter’s placing the matter before Hippolytos, all -to no avail, Phaidra takes her own life, not forgetting, however, -to leave behind a letter containing delicate charges -against her step-son. Theseus returns, finds his wife -a corpse, and reads the letter. The curse and death of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_102'>102</span>his son follow, as in the earlier <cite>Hippolytos</cite>. This ruin was -brought on him not so much by Phaidra as by Aphrodite.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The tragedy was counted among the best of Euripides’, -and has always retained its popularity. The -subject was dramatized again in Greek<a id='r184' /><a href='#f184' class='c020'><sup>[184]</sup></a>, and there is -extant the Latin version of Seneca<a id='r185' /><a href='#f185' class='c020'><sup>[185]</sup></a>. The theme was one -which was sure to appeal to modern authors, and among -the French alone one hears of no less than seven tragedies -on the love of Phaidra, written between the years 1573 -and 1786. Four of these, the most famous of which is -Racine’s <cite>Phèdre</cite>, belong to the seventeenth century. -They are, however, more directly indebted to Seneca -and Ovid<a id='r186' /><a href='#f186' class='c020'><sup>[186]</sup></a> than to Euripides. Mention should be made -also of the two operas by Pellegrin, 1733, and Lemoine, -1786. But after all has been said on versions of the story -either in classical or modern times, one turns to the -masterpiece of Euripides as the great work. According -to the author of the Hypothesis, the play is among the -best of this poet and was given the first prize. In -reflecting that Hippolytos has stood forth since March, -428 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, as the <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">beau idéal</span></i> of innocent, unsullied, young -manhood, one is inclined to credit the judges with -possessing good sense.</p> - -<p class='c009'>There was hardly a more attractive legend than this -which the artists might have been tempted to make -their own, yet one discovers a surprising dearth of Greek -monuments that can be referred to the myth. From -these I select two vase paintings that appear to be based -upon Euripides.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_103'>103</span> -<img src='images/i_p103.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 14 (<em>vid. p. <a href='#Page_102'>102</a> ff.</em>).</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_104'>104</span>Fig. 14 represents a painting on a krater in the British -Museum<a id='r187' /><a href='#f187' class='c020'><sup>[187]</sup></a>. The upper section alone concerns us here, and -this shows the interior of a gynaikonitis with <em>kline</em>. On -the left is a group of two females. One sits on a stool -to the right, wears chiton and veil, diadem, bracelets, and -necklace, and leans forward, with head dropped to one -side, clasping her right knee thrown over the other. -Her left foot rests on a foot-stool. Behind her a white-haired -servant in the usual costume holds her right hand -to her chin, and with troubled air gestures with the left -hand as she speaks to her mistress. A large Eros with -immense wings flies down towards the latter with a taenia -in his hands. There are, further, two other groups of -two each. The one before the <em>kline</em> is two females again. -An attendant, distinguished by her hood, who holds -a fan in her right hand, talks and gestures earnestly -before the other, who wears the simple Doric peplos, -ungirdled, and stands with her back to the <em>kline</em> in -a disturbed and troubled sort of mood. The remaining -group of two, a pedagogue in the customary dress and -a female figure similar to the one on the extreme left, -is also concerned over some important matter which the -pedagogue is telling. Certain articles hang on the wall.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The picture has been interpreted as representing -Phaidra in the presence of the chorus, and depending -upon <cite>Hippolytos</cite> vs. 267 ff. The right-hand group would -then be very loosely connected with the rest. In so far -as the love-sickness of Phaidra is concerned this appears -<span class='pageno' id='Page_105'>105</span>to me a correct interpretation, but that the chorus is in -any way represented by the other figures is entirely out -of the question. The whole affair is supposed to be in -Phaidra’s apartments, to which at no time the Troizenian -women had access. What would they be doing by the -<em>kline</em><a id='r188' /><a href='#f188' class='c020'><sup>[188]</sup></a>? The pedagogue is added on one side, as though -to indicate how the news is spreading among the -domestics<a id='r189' /><a href='#f189' class='c020'><sup>[189]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>But let me turn for a moment to another class of -monuments that help to a better understanding of the -scene. There are no less than seventeen reliefs on -the long side of Roman sarcophagi which are practically -intact and furnish from two to three scenes of the -tragedy. Less frequently the ends contain one or two -other groups supplementing the front side<a id='r190' /><a href='#f190' class='c020'><sup>[190]</sup></a>. There are -four moments that are distinctly traceable. (1) The -love-sick Phaidra sits on a chair in her apartments surrounded -by the old nurse and other servants, who attempt -to comfort her. She wears a veil as on the vase painting, -and on two reliefs one of the attendants is removing -this<a id='r191' /><a href='#f191' class='c020'><sup>[191]</sup></a>. The diadem is also distinguishable. (2) The -nurse makes her declaration to Hippolytos, who turns -away from her. (3) Hippolytos with his followers is -<span class='pageno' id='Page_106'>106</span>about to start upon, or is already engaged in, the hunt. -(4) The horses run away and bring him to his death. -All four scenes occur on the famous sarcophagus in -Girgenti<a id='r192' /><a href='#f192' class='c020'><sup>[192]</sup></a>, and on another in St. Petersburg<a id='r193' /><a href='#f193' class='c020'><sup>[193]</sup></a>. It will -be observed that in three of the four groups Hippolytos -himself is present, and one naturally looks for him in -scenes taken from the tragedy where he is the main -figure. The earliest scene in Euripides which develops -the hopeless state of affairs with Phaidra is, however, of -prime importance next to the death of Hippolytos.</p> - -<p class='c009'>But a brief comparison of the left-hand group of our -painting and the Phaidra scene on these reliefs is -necessary, in order to reveal a striking resemblance in -the compositions. The one difference rests in the size -of the groups; the painter has confined himself to fewer -figures. This fact, however, is of little importance. -A closer examination of the two discloses much that -points to a common source. On nearly all the reliefs -Phaidra’s chair has, as in the painting, no back or arms; -Eros, who flies towards Phaidra in fig. 14, invariably stands -beside her on the sarcophagi, looking up into her sad -face, or, what is still worse, aims an arrow at her<a id='r194' /><a href='#f194' class='c020'><sup>[194]</sup></a>. The -queen wears in all cases the veil, and often on the reliefs the -diadem likewise<a id='r195' /><a href='#f195' class='c020'><sup>[195]</sup></a>. The nurse never fails in her ministry.</p> - -<p class='c009'>It is time now to look more closely at the tragedy. -After the prologue by Aphrodite, Hippolytos and his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_107'>107</span>followers enter and pay their homage to Artemis. The -hero lays a wreath upon her statue, which adorned one -side of the entrance to Pittheus’ palace. The attendants -are ordered inside and he then withdraws. His servant -remains long enough to address a prayer to Aphrodite’s -image on the other side of the stage. Following is the -parodos in which the chorus relates what had been -learned concerning the illness of Phaidra. Among other -things they hear that she sits</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">... λεπτὰ δὲ φάρη</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ξανθὰν κεφαλὰν σκιάζειν</span>. v. 133 f.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>This, it will be observed, corresponds to her position in -the painting and in the reliefs. It is just this time of -abstinence and mourning, spent in the palace surrounded -by the faithful old nurse and other servants, which -suggested the scene on the reliefs and on the vase. The -visitations of Eros serve well to bring into objectivity -the real cause of Phaidra’s illness, and to render the poet -more plain. To be sure this all took place in her -apartments, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐντὸς οἴκων</span> (v. 132), and could therefore be -worked out according to the artist’s fancy. A long and -animated scene ensues, in which Phaidra utters strange -expressions that betray the sadness of her condition. -The trophos finally coaxes the secret from her, and the -chorus dips in from time to time as a sort of second to -the nurse. The interview which the latter has with -Hippolytos, vs. 601–668, is overheard by Phaidra. Her -unrequited love bears her down and she leaves the stage -determined to die (v. 731), and in a few moments is -announced as dead<a id='r196' /><a href='#f196' class='c020'><sup>[196]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_108'>108</span>The scenes on the sarcophagi representing Hippolytos’ -hunt, the counterpart of Phaidra’s illness, and the -trophos’ proposal<a id='r197' /><a href='#f197' class='c020'><sup>[197]</sup></a> to the hero do not appear on vases.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Hippolytos’ ride to death, the terrible <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">finale</span></i> of the -tragedy, appears on an Apulian krater also in the British -Museum<a id='r198' /><a href='#f198' class='c020'><sup>[198]</sup></a>. The painting falls into an upper and lower -section. In the latter, Hippolytos dashes along in his -chariot; the four horses are not in any apparent disorder -although the next moment must be fatal, for just before -them the sea-monster rises into view, and a Fury with -a flaming torch and serpents wound about her arms runs -into their course. A pedagogue hurries along from the -rear, extending his left hand, warning Hippolytos of his -danger. The scene is viewed by five divinities. Their -positions are the stereotyped ones of the Apulian vases, -and their connexion with the tragedy before them need -not be intimate<a id='r199' /><a href='#f199' class='c020'><sup>[199]</sup></a>. Athena in the middle, a great favourite -in these groups, leans on her shield and carries a lance -and in her right hand the helmet. Apollo, distinguished -by bow, laurel bough, and wreath in the hair, sits on her -right, facing Pan who stands half reversed to the beholder -with the syrinx in the right hand, and resting his left -elbow on a rock. On Athena’s left sits Aphrodite, -attended by a large Eros, who extends a kylix to -Poseidon sitting on the right, holding the trident. -There is certainly ample reason for the presence of the -last two gods at the death of Hippolytos; they are, in -fact, very instrumental in bringing about the catastrophe. -I am not able to assign any satisfactory reason for the -appearance of Athena, Apollo, and Pan. Mere speculation -concerning the choice of these deities cannot be of -much value. Artemis is surely indispensable in a group -of gods concerned with Hippolytos’ death. Any one -who knows these groups on the vases of Lower Italy is -aware that Athena is a great favourite and often appears, -as here, merely because she was so admired. Perhaps -Apollo is intended to represent Artemis, but it is not -likely that the artist thought so far<a id='r200' /><a href='#f200' class='c020'><sup>[200]</sup></a>.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_109'>109</span> -<img src='images/i_p109.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 15 (<em>vid. p. <a href='#Page_108'>108</a> ff.</em>).</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_110'>110</span>In regard to the lower section it may be observed -first that the district is not denoted in any way as being -the sea-shore where Euripides sends the youth for a -drive<a id='r201' /><a href='#f201' class='c020'><sup>[201]</sup></a>. There is no water indicated, out of which the -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ταῦρος ἄγριον τέρας</span><a id='r202' /><a href='#f202' class='c020'><sup>[202]</sup></a> is issuing. The mounted companions -<span class='pageno' id='Page_111'>111</span>of Hippolytos are represented only by the -pedagogue. The time is that just preceding the breaking -away of the horses described by the messenger, vs. 1218 ff. -The Fury, a gratuitous addition of the artist, serves to -intensify the violence of the death awaiting Hippolytos.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The deplorable end of the hero has never failed to -awaken one’s sympathy. The innocent youth dragged -to his death through the workings of a hasty and unjust -curse presents one of the most pathetic pictures in Greek -literature. It is well depicted by Philostratos in the -<cite>Imagines</cite><a id='r203' /><a href='#f203' class='c020'><sup>[203]</sup></a>. ‘You see,’ he says, ‘how the horses no -longer obey the reins but rush madly along the plain, -covered with foam. This one makes for the wild beast, -the second rebounds, another rushes for the sea, and the -fourth glances fearfully at the ground.’ The breaking -and crashing of the chariot are pointed out. Then the -companions gallop up and try to manage the horses. -The hills near by, sentinels of the disaster, in the form -of women, tear their cheeks for grief; the meadows, in -the form of boys, allow their flowers to wilt and the -nymphs from the springs rend their hair, while water -spouts from their breasts. Hippolytos’ limbs are torn -and shattered, and his eyes are gouged from their sockets. -Pliny tells of a painting by Antiphilus of Alexandria -which represented <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Hippolytus tauro emisso expavescens</span></cite><a id='r204' /><a href='#f204' class='c020'><sup>[204]</sup></a>, -but nothing further is known of Antiphilus or when he -lived. The sarcophagi reliefs representing the catastrophe -are numerous, compared with those showing any other -moment<a id='r205' /><a href='#f205' class='c020'><sup>[205]</sup></a>. Not less interesting is the list of Etruscan -urns decorated with reliefs showing the bull, the runaway -<span class='pageno' id='Page_112'>112</span>horses, and the <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">expavescens</span></i> youth<a id='r206' /><a href='#f206' class='c020'><sup>[206]</sup></a>. In all of these -a female figure, doubtless a Fury, is frightening the -horses<a id='r207' /><a href='#f207' class='c020'><sup>[207]</sup></a>. In two cases she is winged, and every one -carries a torch likewise, as on the vase painting.</p> - -<h3 class='c019'>§ 6. <span class='sc'>Iphigeneia at Aulis.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>The story of Iphigeneia’s sacrifice appears to have -been told first in the <cite>Kypria</cite>, and yet only occasional -references are made to it by writers before the fifth -century. It was the drama that infused new life into the -myth and launched it as one of the most popular ones in -the Trojan Cycle. Each of the three great tragedians -tried his hand at the catastrophe in Aulis. Euripides’ -work, the only one surviving, is at least two generations -younger than the play of Aischylos, so that the wide -popularity of the tragedy in this period is well attested. -Among the Roman poets we know that Ennius, at least, -wrote a version of the tragedy. Although it is known -that this poet had a special predilection for Euripides, -and for the most part translated or adapted the latter’s -plays, attempts have been made to show that in his -<cite>Iphigenia</cite> Ennius was largely indebted to Sophokles<a id='r208' /><a href='#f208' class='c020'><sup>[208]</sup></a>. -The few fragments remaining from these three <cite>Iphigeneias</cite> -are, however, inconsiderable, and a clear notion of their -relation to each other cannot be reached. The extant -work of Euripides is accordingly of great value to us.</p> - -<p class='c009'>In art, likewise, this subject was rarely treated. -I know of no Iphigeneia monument earlier than the fifth -century. There is a reference in the <cite>Agamemnon</cite> to the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_113'>113</span>sacrifice as though Aischylos may have seen the scene -represented in a painting<a id='r209' /><a href='#f209' class='c020'><sup>[209]</sup></a>, and granted that the poet -really had such a work in mind this becomes the earliest -date for Iphigeneia in art. The earliest monument of -which we possess any authentic record is the famous -painting of Timanthes, who was a contemporary of -Zeuxis and Parrhasios<a id='r210' /><a href='#f210' class='c020'><sup>[210]</sup></a>. This date, however, does not -carry one beyond the last years of the fifth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>—an -altogether late date for an art representation of -a myth, which, from Aischylos’ time at least, was widely -known. We have reason to believe that Timanthes’ -work was suggested by Euripides’ tragedy. The latter -was first produced in Athens after the poet’s death, not -earlier than 405 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, and this requires that the painting -be placed near the end of the century, which many are -unwilling to admit; it is, however, more a matter of -opinion than proof. Traces of this celebrated picture -are very probably at hand in the well-known Pompeian -wall painting<a id='r211' /><a href='#f211' class='c020'><sup>[211]</sup></a>, and the Uffizi altar<a id='r212' /><a href='#f212' class='c020'><sup>[212]</sup></a>. The composition -of the latter has much in common with such fifth-century -products as the Orpheus and Peliades reliefs<a id='r213' /><a href='#f213' class='c020'><sup>[213]</sup></a>. The -Etruscan urns on the other hand furnish a wealth of -reliefs representing the sacrifice, rarely surpassed in -this class of monuments. Numbers have come to light -<span class='pageno' id='Page_114'>114</span>in the neighbourhood of Perugia especially<a id='r214' /><a href='#f214' class='c020'><sup>[214]</sup></a>. Two -groups are easily distinguishable, (1) Iphigeneia, as -a little girl, is held over the altar by Odysseus, while -Agamemnon goes through the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀπαρχαί</span>. (2) The first -group is extended by (<em>a</em>) Klytaimestra on the side of -Agamemnon, and (<em>b</em>) Achilles on the side of Odysseus, -each begging for mercy and the life of Iphigeneia. This -is all non-Euripidean, and Schlie has attempted to point -out that the reliefs owe their origin to Ennius’ play -which combined Sophoklean and Euripidean elements<a id='r215' /><a href='#f215' class='c020'><sup>[215]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>There is no vase painting which can be claimed for -this scene in its Euripidean character, but the whole play -is the basis of a relief on a ‘Megarian’ cup, and the -illustration is so valuable for the proper appreciation -of the tragedy that I do not hesitate to include this little -monument. The cup furnishes inscriptional evidence -not only for the <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">dramatis personae</span></i> but for the literary -source as well, and is, therefore, a <i><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">unicum</span></i> among the -monuments that are based upon Euripides. The cut -given in fig. 16 is of the vase in Berlin<a id='r216' /><a href='#f216' class='c020'><sup>[216]</sup></a>. It should -be observed, however, that there are two other copies -of this same work, and that they tell exactly the same -story from the <cite>Iphigeneia</cite><a id='r217' /><a href='#f217' class='c020'><sup>[217]</sup></a>. A word is necessary in -order to prepare us for the first scene given. Agamemnon -had sent a message to Argos summoning Iphigeneia, -<span class='pageno' id='Page_115'>115</span>and, in spite of his attempt to countermand this by -a secret letter to Klytaimestra, he was forced to face -the results of his earlier resolve. His daughter came, -and accompanying her were her mother and her young -brother Orestes. The nuptials were to be celebrated -with the son of Peleus, and the Argive party in gayest, -happiest mood halted before the tent of Agamemnon. -The Chalkian women, who through curiosity had crossed -the Euripos to see the gathered hosts of the Greeks, -are ready at hand to assist Iphigeneia in alighting from -the chariot. The lad Orestes, who appears to have -gone to sleep during the journey, is awakened and lifted -down by one of the kindly strangers. With her mother’s -permission, Iphigeneia hastens inside to meet her father<a id='r218' /><a href='#f218' class='c020'><sup>[218]</sup></a>—she, -innocently happy over the arrival of her wedding -day—he, overcome with grief at her impending death, -and smitten with remorse at the enormity of his crime.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_p115.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 16.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_116'>116</span>This much renders plain the group on the right. Agamemnon, -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΑΓΑΜΕΜΝΩΝ</span>, sits upon his <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">θρόνος</span> with -one foot on a foot-rest; his right hand is placed to his -temple as though to shut out the gaze of Iphigeneia, -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΙΦΙΓΕΝΕΙΑ</span>, who approaches him in a beseeching -manner with extended arms. The group is based upon -vs. 644 ff.—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Iph. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔα·</span></div> - <div class='line in5'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὡς οὐ βλέπεις ἕκηλον, ἄσμενος μ’ ἰδών.</span></div> - </div> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Aga. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πόλλ’ ἀνδρὶ βασιλεῖ καὶ στρατηλάτῃ μέλει.</span></div> - </div> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'> · · · · ·</div> - </div> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Iph. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μέθες νυν ὀφρὺν ὄμμα τ’ ἔκτεινον φίλον.</span></div> - </div> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'> · · · · ·</div> - </div> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line in5'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κἄπειτα λείβεις δάκρυ’ ἀπ’ ὀμμάτων σέθεν;</span></div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>Such is the situation described by the poet, and surely -the artist has succeeded to a considerable degree in -grasping the meaning of the scene. Klytaimestra, -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΚΛΥΤΑΙΜΗΣΤΡΑ</span><a id='r219' /><a href='#f219' class='c020'><sup>[219]</sup></a>, appears on the left with Orestes, -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΟΡΕΣΤΗΣ</span>, and would seem to have had the boy -in charge after he was helped from the chariot (vs. 621 f.). -Following is the inscription, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΕΥΡ[ΙΠΙΔΟΥ] ΙΦΙΓΕΝΕΙΑΣ</span>. -The genitive case in the last word may depend upon -some such word as <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τύποι</span>. To avoid a possible misunderstanding -of the scenes, even with the characters -<span class='pageno' id='Page_117'>117</span>named each time, the artist considered it advisable -to add the literary source. This is the <cite>Iphigeneia of -Euripides</cite> and not of any other poet.</p> - -<p class='c009'>After Iphigeneia leaves her father he endeavours to persuade -Klytaimestra to return to Argos and leave the final -arrangements for the nuptials in his charge. Naturally -enough she refuses, and retires to appear at v. 819, where -she meets Achilles and enthusiastically brings up the -subject of the marriage. Achilles, amazed at the disclosure, -assures the queen that he has neither wooed -Iphigeneia nor heard aught from the Atreidai concerning -any such an alliance. This scene is represented in the -next group. Achilles, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΑΧΙΛΛΕΥΣ</span>, bends toward Klytaimestra -and gestures emphatically. The latter holds her -hand to her chin and is evidently dumbfounded by -the declarations. The last words exchanged before the -two separate are suggestive—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Ach. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἴσως ἐκερτόμησε κἀμὲ καὶ σέ τις,</span></div> - <div class='line in5'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀλλ’ ἀμελίᾳ δὸς αὐτὰ καὶ φαύλως φέρε.</span></div> - </div> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Kly. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χαῖρ’· οὐ γὰρ ὀρθοῖς ὄμμασίν ς’ ἔτ’ εἰσορῶ,</span></div> - <div class='line in5'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ψευδὴς γενομένη καὶ παθοῦς’ ἀνάξια.</span></div> - </div> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Ach. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καὶ σοὶ τόδ’ ἐστὶν ἐξ ἐμοῦ· πόσιν δὲ σὸν</span></div> - <div class='line in5'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">στείχω ματεύσων τῶνδε δωμάτων ἔσω.</span> vs. 849–854.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>Immediately after these words the faithful old servant -of Agamemnon comes out and relates to Klytaimestra -that Iphigeneia is to be slain by her father; he goes -further and tells the cause of it all, and how he had -failed to get away to Argos with the letter. This -meeting of the servant, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΠΡΕΣΣΒΥΣ</span>, and the queen, -is dramatically told in the third group. The former -<span class='pageno' id='Page_118'>118</span>wears the costume of a pedagogue, with peculiar-looking -boots. The latter has laid aside the veil which she -wears in all the other scenes.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The following groups on the relief reverse the order -of the text, so it is best to consider first that on the -extreme left. Agamemnon, Klytaimestra, and Iphigeneia -are all named. The young Orestes pulls at his -father’s chiton; the latter has a mantle over his head, and -shields his face with his left hand. The mother has turned -aside and is consumed with her deep sorrow. She had -won the sympathy of Achilles after the talk with the -old servant, vs. 896–1035, and following the choral song -appears again to seek Agamemnon whom neither she -nor Iphigeneia had seen since the terrible truth of the -marriage was disclosed. She calls her daughter from -the house, v. 1117, and bids her</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">λαβοῦς’ Ὀρέστην σὸν κασίγνητον, τέκνον</span>.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>All of these figures occur on the cup, so that in a -certain sense the whole scene from v. 1122 to v. 1275 is -illustrated. The position of Klytaimestra and Iphigeneia -would, however, lead one to think that the latter’s long -appeal was particularly in the mind of the artist. She -recounts in words, as eloquent as they are pathetic, the -promises her father had once made to her as a child, -and goes over all the ambitions that had filled her -girlish heart in the happy Argive home.</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">βλέψον πρὸς ἡμᾶς, ὄμμα δὸς φίλημά τε,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἵν’ ἀλλὰ τοῦτο κατθανοῦς’ ἔχω σέθεν</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μνημεῖον, εἰ μὴ τοῖς ἐμοῖς πείθει λόγοις.</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀδελφέ, μικρὸς μὲν σύ γ’ ἐπίκουρος φίλοις,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὅμως δὲ συνδάκρυσον, ἱκέτευσον πατρὸς</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὴν σὴν ἀδελφὴν μὴ θανεῖν· αἴσθημά τοι</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc"><span class='pageno' id='Page_119'>119</span>κἀν νηπίοις γε τῶν κακῶν ἐγγίγνεται.</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἰδοὺ σιωπῶν λίσσεταί ς’ ὅδ’, ὦ πάτερ.</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀλλ’ αἴδεσαί με καὶ κατοίκτειρον βίον.</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναί, πρὸς γενείου ς’ ἀντόμεσθα δύο φίλω·</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὁ μὲν νεοσσός ἐστιν, ἡ δ’ ηὐξημένη.</span> vs. 1238–1248.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>There is certainly inspiration enough in these verses -for a more pretentious group than the simple terra cotta -cup presents, but lacking all other Greek monuments -bearing upon this scene one may prize this witness -as a valuable inheritance from the Hellenistic period. -Agamemnon speaks; he loves his child and realizes -full well the meaning of the sacrifice, but he must obey -the clamourings of the Greeks.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Iphigeneia and her mother remain alone with the -chorus and bewail the bitterness of their sorrow, vs. -1276–1345, when a company of men is observed approaching. -Among them is Achilles. His attempt -to intercede in behalf of the doomed Iphigeneia had -been of no avail. The Achaeans were inexorable; her -blood must be spilt. Nevertheless he promises them -his assistance, and encourages Klytaimestra to resist -Odysseus and the others who come to drag her daughter -away to the altar, vs. 1338–1433. The early part of -this scene is recognizable in the remaining group.</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Iph. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">διαχαλᾶτέ μοι μέλαθρα, δμῶες, ὡς κρύψω δέμας.</span></div> - </div> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Kly. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τί δέ, τέκνον φεύγεις;</span></div> - </div> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Iph. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀχιλλέα τόνδ’ ἰδεῖν αἰσχύνομαι.</span></div> - </div> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Kly. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὁς τί δέ;</span></div> - </div> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Iph. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὸ δυστυχές μοι τῶν γάμων αἰδῶ φέρει.</span></div> - </div> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Kly. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οὐκ ἐν ἁβρότητι κεῖσαι πρὸς τὰ νῦν πεπτωκότα.</span></div> - <div class='line in5'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀλλὰ μίμν’· οὐ σεμνότητος ἔργον, ἢν δυνώμεθα.</span></div> - </div> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>Ach. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὦ γύναι τάλαινα, Λήδας θύγατερ.</span> vs. 1340–1345.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'><span class='pageno' id='Page_120'>120</span>Achilles stands with staff in hand, either about to -address the mother or perhaps having uttered the last -verse above. Iphigeneia turns with bowed head to -avoid his presence; her mother evidently tries to detain -her. Inscriptions again indicate who the persons are. -We have then precisely the situation in the lines quoted.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The sacrifice which followed, was attended by the -marvellous wonder, and it was to be expected that if -any <em>one</em> incident of the tragedy was told in art it would -be the scene at the altar. Our little monument curiously -enough stops where <em>all</em> the others begin. We are taken -step by step up to the final act and there we are left. -The works enumerated above<a id='r220' /><a href='#f220' class='c020'><sup>[220]</sup></a> are, without exception, -confined to the moment of the sacrifice. The famous -wall painting and the Florence altar have much in -common with the renowned painting of Timanthes, and -all three are conceived in the spirit of Euripides as far -as the actions of Agamemnon are concerned.</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">... ὡς δ’ ἐσεῖδεν Ἀγαμέμνων ἄναξ</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπὶ σφαγὰς στείχουσαν εὶς ἄλσος κόρην,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀνεστέναζε, κἄμπαλιν στρέψας κάρα</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δάκρυα προῆγεν, ὀμμάτων πέπλον προθείς.</span> vs. 1547 ff.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>And so he stands completely wrapped in his mantle, -exposing no part of his face. In this invention lay -the unsurpassed success which Timanthes enjoyed with -his painting. The dates for this artist allow us to place -the work subsequent to the production of the <cite>Iphigeneia</cite> -in 405 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, and credit Euripides with influencing Timanthes. -This is at least possible, but does not admit -of proof. It appears to me very likely that all three -of these works are more or less closely connected with -<span class='pageno' id='Page_121'>121</span>each other and with Euripides. The Etruscan ash-urns on the other hand, as well as the vase painting -in the British Museum<a id='r221' /><a href='#f221' class='c020'><sup>[221]</sup></a>, follow a totally different version -of the story. In these cases Agamemnon himself takes -the part of the priest in the ceremony, and performs -the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀπαρχαί</span>. So far from being the tender-hearted -father who cannot even stand and watch the offering, he -draws the fatal knife or pours the sacrificial liquid upon -the victim’s head. Traces of this turn are found early -in tragedy<a id='r222' /><a href='#f222' class='c020'><sup>[222]</sup></a>, but this is an Agamemnon with a far -different heart from the one we follow in the <cite>Iphigeneia</cite> -of Euripides. Even though the part from v. 1532 -till the close of the play be thrown out as an interpolation, -the character of Agamemnon in the first 1500 -verses could not have changed so suddenly at the end -that he would have taken the place of Kalchas at the -altar. This set of monuments does not, therefore, give -us the Euripidean spirit.</p> - -<h3 class='c019'>§ 7. <span class='sc'>Iphigeneia among the Taurians.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>Euripides in all probability created in the life of -Iphigeneia the chapter concerning her return to Greece -with Orestes. There is at any rate no trace of this turn -in preceding authors. Homer does not appear to have -known any such a daughter of Agamemnon, unless one -is to seek to identify Iphigeneia with Iphianassa. The -‘king of men’ speaks of</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Χρυσόθεμις καὶ Λαοδίκη καὶ Ιφιάνασσα</span>. <cite>Il.</cite> 9. 145.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>as his three daughters. We know, however, from -<span class='pageno' id='Page_122'>122</span>Sophokles<a id='r223' /><a href='#f223' class='c020'><sup>[223]</sup></a> that Iphianassa was distinguished from -Iphigeneia. Since Homer has not even her name there -is no allusion to the catastrophe at Aulis. It is first -in the <cite>Kypria</cite><a id='r224' /><a href='#f224' class='c020'><sup>[224]</sup></a>, a work usually accredited to Stasinos in -the early part of the eighth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, that reference -is made to the gathered hosts at Aulis, the calm, the -sacrifice. It was not Iphigeneia, however, who was the -victim, for Artemis had suddenly intervened and, having -taken her away to the Black Sea country, had blessed -her with immortality. From this date then the myth -may have been widely spread among the Greeks. -Hesiod related in his <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κατάλογος γυναικῶν</span> that Iphigeneia -had received the gift of immortality from Artemis, thus -following closely the author of the <cite>Kypria</cite><a id='r225' /><a href='#f225' class='c020'><sup>[225]</sup></a>. Herodotos -also repeats the same story<a id='r226' /><a href='#f226' class='c020'><sup>[226]</sup></a>. One looks in vain for -any trace of her delivery from this wild people, until -the latter part of Euripides’ life. Then it is that new -light breaks in upon the old orthodox form of the myth: -the mortal side of Iphigeneia is made to assume a new -interest for the world, and she, who had been long lost -amidst a wild, barbarous people, is suddenly restored -to her only hope, Orestes. This is the work of ‘Euripides, -the human, with his droppings of warm tears.’ -With this tragedy the poet created at once a definite -chapter in dramatic literature and furnished another -impetus for ancient art.</p> - -<p class='c009'>There are traces of two other Greek tragedies dealing -with this same subject; yet the play of Timestheos is -a mere name<a id='r227' /><a href='#f227' class='c020'><sup>[227]</sup></a>, while that of Polyeidos is but little more. -Aristotle, however, has given a certain prominence to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_123'>123</span>the latter work by making two references to it in his -<cite>Poetics</cite><a id='r228' /><a href='#f228' class='c020'><sup>[228]</sup></a>. This differed from the play of Euripides -particularly in the recognition scene. The <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀναγνώρισις</span> -was brought about by Orestes using the words ‘and -shall I too be sacrificed?’ Who but Orestes was likely -to know aught of the attempt once made to sacrifice her -at Aulis? It is worthy of note that the <i><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">libretto</span></i> of -Glück’s opera also follows this manner of the <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">dénouement</span></i>. -Among the Latin dramatists we hear that Naevius -wrote a play called <cite>Iphigenia</cite>. One verse only is -preserved<a id='r229' /><a href='#f229' class='c020'><sup>[229]</sup></a>. It goes without saying that the tragedy -was taken from the Greek, but from what author it is -worthless to conjecture. The <cite>Dolorestes</cite> of Pacuvius was -long thought to deal with the same subject, but this -has been shown to be of an entirely different character. -It is altogether improbable that these Latin versions -worked any radical change in the Euripidean form of -the myth. It is true that the story was remodelled in -some particulars; Hyginus, e.g. in <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">fabula</span></i> 261, relates -that the bones of Orestes had been brought from Aricia -to Rome and had been interred before the temple of -Saturn! Such a violent contortion of the myth may be -laid to the credit of a poet<a id='r230' /><a href='#f230' class='c020'><sup>[230]</sup></a>, but I would prefer to -recognize in the words of Hyginus the influence of the -mythological handbooks which were written up in -a manner well calculated to pamper the national pride -of the Romans.</p> - -<p class='c009'>In no work written subsequent to Euripides is it -possible to detect the sources for the representations -of the myth in art; in all cases the poet of the fifth -century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> can be shown to have wielded his absolute -<span class='pageno' id='Page_124'>124</span>power. We shall see in the discussion of the vase -paintings based upon the play that this class of monuments -is not the only one in which the new Iphigeneia -found her place. The Etruscan urns and mirrors, the -wall paintings of Pompeii and of Herculaneum, the -Roman sarcophagi, as well as pastes and gems, all -furnish an extensive field in which parallel scenes may -be traced.</p> - -<p class='c009'>This introduces the consideration of the vases and -their relation to the tragedy. They fall readily into -three classes corresponding to three well-defined stages -in the play: 1. Orestes and Pylades alone upon the -Taurian coast are surprised, and led by the shepherds -to the king and Iphigeneia (vs. 67–466). 2. The scene -following, in which it is determined that not both shall -be killed, but that one, and he Pylades, shall be allowed -to return to Mykenai, bearing a message from Iphigeneia -(vs. 467–724). 3. The handing over of the letter and the -accompanying explanation, whereby Orestes and his -sister recognize each other (vs. 725–1088). There follow -two other well-defined scenes which are not traceable on -vases<a id='r231' /><a href='#f231' class='c020'><sup>[231]</sup></a>. 4. The escape with the Artemis idol (vs. 1152–1233), -and 5. the messenger’s speech which relates the -manner of the escape.</p> - -<p class='c009'>There is but one vase painting that can be assigned to -the first step in the play. The painting is a thoroughly -ugly and, from an artistic standpoint, worthless specimen -that represents the very decadence of ceramic art<a id='r232' /><a href='#f232' class='c020'><sup>[232]</sup></a>. -The vase is a slender amphora with three zones of -<span class='pageno' id='Page_125'>125</span>pictures; ours is the middle one. On the left a woman -in chiton and mantle sits with head turned to the right, -her left hand resting on a sceptre or staff and her right -on her knee. She wears a necklace and on one arm -a bracelet. Standing before her with outstretched right -hand is a bearded male figure in short chiton and mantle, -and a spear in his left; he has just arrived, as one may -conclude from the position of his feet. Immediately -following are two youths entirely naked, hands pinioned -behind their backs. The ends of the ropes seem to be -held by the group of three youths following, who are -dressed as the first male figure except that two of them -wear boots. Their attention, like that of all, is directed -towards the female figure.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_p125.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 17.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>The arrest of Orestes and Pylades is given here, and -more definitely their appearance before Iphigeneia. To be -sure the manner is entirely different from that on other -monuments. One expects Iphigeneia to be in or near -the temple of Artemis and to be represented in a more -concerned and active attitude; and furthermore, one -looks for the altar (v. 72), and some indication of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_126'>126</span>fate which awaits the captives. All these features are -wanting. That the artist endeavoured to represent the -meeting of the priestess and the two Greeks can, however, -admit of no doubt; that the necessary setting of the -scene was omitted need be no more a matter of surprise -to one than the helpless workmanship of the whole. -The monument is valuable as being the only vase -painting showing the first scene, which is never wanting -on the sarcophagi<a id='r233' /><a href='#f233' class='c020'><sup>[233]</sup></a>. This moment occurs likewise on -certain other monuments<a id='r234' /><a href='#f234' class='c020'><sup>[234]</sup></a>. The shepherd relates (vs. -260–339) how the discovery and capture were made; -how they learned that one of the two was named -Pylades; and further that the prisoners had been conducted -first to the king, who after glancing at them -(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐσιδών</span>) sent them to Artemis and her priestess. -Iphigeneia says to the boukolos in v. 342, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σὺ μὲν κόμιζε -τοὺς ξένους μολών</span>, and in v. 467, after her soliloquy and -the song of the chorus, she appears again on the stage -where she meets the captives. This is the moment, -very largely modified, which the painting represents. -Iphigeneia’s first words are—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line in18'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μέθετε τῶν ξένων χέρας,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὡς ὄντες ἱεροὶ μηκέτ’ ὦσι δέσμιοι</span>.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>At this the guards are commanded to enter the temple -and make ready for the offering. Our picture follows -in one respect the traditional manner of representing -<span class='pageno' id='Page_127'>127</span>the scene. Orestes and Pylades are invariably nude, or -so lightly clad with the chlamys that they are practically -naked. There is the closest analogy between them as -they appear here and as they occur on the sarcophagi.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_p127.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 18.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>The second moment, as I have marked it out above, -is also represented on one vase only<a id='r235' /><a href='#f235' class='c020'><sup>[235]</sup></a>. In the centre -Orestes, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΟΡΕΣΤΑΣ</span>, sits to the right upon a large altar, -chlamys about his hips, sword on his left side, hands -supported upon his stick towards which his head is sunk. -The whole attitude betokens sorrow. On the right -<span class='pageno' id='Page_128'>128</span>is Iphigeneia wearing long, sleeved chiton, and mantle, -necklace, and bracelets. In her left hand<a id='t128'></a> close by her side (incorrectly -published as a knife) is the temple key which -is emblematic of her office as <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κλῃδοῦχος</span><a id='r236' /><a href='#f236' class='c020'><sup>[236]</sup></a>. Her right -is extended towards Orestes, with whom she is speaking. -She is accompanied by a temple servant who, entirely -wrapped in chiton and mantle, carries in her right an -oinochoë and upon her head a dish in which are articles -for the sacrifice, including the branches for sprinkling. -Behind Orestes is a laurel tree and on his right Pylades, -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΠΥΛΑΔΗΣ</span>, standing with one foot thrown over the -other, his right hand placed sorrowfully to his head. -The left rests upon his staff. On his left side is a sword. -He is deeply concerned in the conversation. Above on -the right behind a <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">terrain</span></i> is the temple of Artemis, -Ionic order, and akroteria. Beside it on the left, -Artemis, distinguished by her huntress-mantle, two -spears, and hair-dress, sits with face to the left towards -Apollo who is the remaining figure on the vase. He -wears a garment around his waist, and rests his right -upon a cane and turns his face towards Artemis.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The vase is especially interesting as being the only -one on which any of the characters is accompanied by -an inscription, and secondly, because Orestes sits here -upon the altar. He cannot be thought of as a victim, -and I do not believe he has fled to the altar for refuge, -as has been suggested. That would comport but poorly -with the spirit which he exhibits throughout the interview. -Where does Orestes sit passively upon an altar -at the attack of the Furies? He invariably has his -<span class='pageno' id='Page_129'>129</span>sword drawn in a very emphatic manner, and while he -crouches upon or clings to the altar he never gives any -appearance of being an easy victim to his pursuers<a id='r237' /><a href='#f237' class='c020'><sup>[237]</sup></a>. -Just this point it is necessary to emphasize, for had the -artist felt that the meaning of Orestes’ position indicated -his pursuit either by seen or unseen Furies, he never -would have committed the egregious error of placing -him in a calm attitude quite unconscious that he has -a <em>sword ready at his side</em>. Furthermore there is no trace -in Euripides or the painting to allow us to assume that -Orestes is again pursued at this point. He is not, -therefore, in any sense a suppliant. The vase painter -has simply allowed himself a great liberty in seating his -figure where we should least expect to find him. An -altar is not by any means a usual seat, and much less for -the victim<a id='r238' /><a href='#f238' class='c020'><sup>[238]</sup></a>. This same freedom in disposing of details -led the decorator still further from the established usage, -for neither of the captives should be allowed their -swords. They are already <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἱεροί</span> (v. 469) and should be -represented accordingly. In these particulars we must -acknowledge that the painter idealized the scene (vs. -472 ff.).</p> - -<p class='c009'>If it were necessary to determine upon any one -moment which the artist had in mind, one would discover -a close parallel between vs. 625 ff. and the present -scene. It has been agreed that Pylades shall be the -messenger; Orestes is to die in his stead. The latter -<span class='pageno' id='Page_130'>130</span>proceeds to ask who shall perform the sacrificial act, and -whether a tomb shall receive him when all is over. To -this Iphigeneia replies—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πῦρ ἱερὸν ἔνδον χάσμα τ’ εὐρωπὸν πέτρας.</span></div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>and Orestes—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φεῦ·</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πῶς ἄν μ’ ἀδελφῆς χεὶρ περιστείλειεν ἄν;</span></div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>to which Iphigeneia remarks,</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μάταιον εὐχήν, ὦ τάλας, ὅστις ποτ’ εἶ,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ηὔξω</span>.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>I can conceive of no more pitiable and hopeless condition -than that of the unfortunate Orestes which the poet -depicts. At this point his course seemed all in vain; -Apollo’s promise appeared to be a farce, and Heaven -and Earth seemed wrought into one violent confusion -(cf. vs. 572 f. and 711). Perhaps it was at this juncture -that he most impressed the painter, and we may see -the wretched Orestes prostrate upon the altar in this -moment of extreme despair.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Artemis and Apollo take no part in the action, but -there is a greater fitness in their position as spectators -than is often the case with the gods on the vases of -Lower Italy. The former is a natural figure in her -own precinct, by her own temple, while Apollo, as her -brother, properly balances the scene. The latter, moreover, -stands in so close a relation to Orestes’ trial and -delivery that he is a most appropriate beholder of the -progress of this his own enterprise (cf. v. 977).</p> - -<p class='c009'>Mention should be made here of the sarcophagi, on -which essentially the same scene is found. The agreement -<span class='pageno' id='Page_131'>131</span>with our vase is striking<a id='r239' /><a href='#f239' class='c020'><sup>[239]</sup></a>. Orestes sits with his -head wrapped in his mantle and drooping on his lap, -while Pylades stands before him, always in the same -attitude, one leg thrown over the other, one hand -clutching his hair and the other resting on his stick. -This is a striking coincidence, indeed, in these two classes -of monuments, separated by at least four hundred years.</p> - -<p class='c009'>In the third step of the tragedy we are more fortunate -and possess among vase paintings at least three that -represent the transmission of the letter to Pylades, and -the accompanying recognition between Orestes and his -sister. It is not surprising that the supreme moment in -the action should have attracted the artists, and that on -the sarcophagi<a id='r240' /><a href='#f240' class='c020'><sup>[240]</sup></a> also this unique point in Greek tragedy -should have been represented<a id='r241' /><a href='#f241' class='c020'><sup>[241]</sup></a>.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_132'>132</span> -<img src='images/i_p132.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 19.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>1. The best known of the vases is an amphora formerly -in the possession of the Duke of Buckingham<a id='r242' /><a href='#f242' class='c020'><sup>[242]</sup></a>. In -front of the temple of Artemis, Doric order, stands -Iphigeneia, <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en face</span></i>, in richly embroidered chiton, and -high head-dress from which falls a sort of veil reaching -to the knees. She wears necklace, bracelets, earrings, -and sandals; her costume bespeaks in every respect -that of the theatre. She carries again the token of her -office in the left, and hands the letter to Pylades with -the right, who stands ready for the journey, wearing -chlamys, pilos, boots, and carrying two spears. Further, -on the left, leaning against the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">περιρῥαντήριον</span> is Orestes, -<i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en face</span></i>, but with laurel-wreathed head turned towards -Pylades; his right leg is thrown over the left. He -wears a chlamys, and carries two spears and a sword. -Beside Iphigeneia is her servant, as in fig. 18, but with -a simple girdled chiton, and in her right the dish with -articles for the altar which is represented in poor perspective -behind Iphigeneia. Above, on the right, before -<span class='pageno' id='Page_133'>133</span>the temple doors, is Artemis in short, huntress-costume -and high Thracian boots; two spears in her left, and -a burning torch in her right. She wears the Thracian -cap. On the left of the temple behind a <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">terrain</span></i> is a young -satyr, no doubt thrown in to fill up the space.</p> - -<p class='c009'>2. The largest painting representing this scene is that -on an amphora in St. Petersburg<a id='r243' /><a href='#f243' class='c020'><sup>[243]</sup></a>. The centre of the -picture is taken up by the temple, four Ionic columns. -Inside on the right is the Artemis statue, costumed like -Artemis in fig. 19; a burning torch in the right, around -which is bound a sort of decoration. It is on a large -pedestal, and has in the left a spear. On the left, about -to leave the temple, is Iphigeneia with an elegant chiton, -mantle, a diadem in hair, and the peculiar key in her -left; beside her, and leaning against the wall, is a kylix -with long handle. She makes a gesture towards Pylades -with her right in which there is no letter. He stands -on the left by the temple, leaning against his knotty -stick; has petasos on the back of the neck, and wears -high boots and an escaping chlamys. On the left, lower -down, Orestes leans on the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">περιρῥαντήριον</span>, as in fig. 19, -but he is evidently more dejected here. The rest of the -painting, which consists of five groups of two figures -each, has so little to do with the central scene that we -may omit any description of it. In the upper zone on -the right are Hermes and Artemis, on the left Athena -and Nike. Athena will observe the final part of the -affair in which she was so deeply interested in Athens. -The two groups, a female and an armed Thracian, -represent the common ‘love-scenes’ on this class of -vases. For the third group on the right, the artist -preferred to draw a young deer instead of the female -figure. Stephani<a id='r244' /><a href='#f244' class='c020'><sup>[244]</sup></a> is correct in calling these ‘love-scenes,’ -and so separating them permanently from any -part in the action. Countless such groups are thrown -upon vases of this style as meaningless, decorative -figures. The parasol, wreaths, and vessels serve to -enrich the setting and add charm to the coquetry.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_134'>134</span> -<img src='images/i_p134.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 20 (<em>vid. p. <a href='#Page_133'>133</a> ff.</em>).</p> -</div> -</div> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_135'>135</span> -<img src='images/i_p135.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 21.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>3. A vase, formerly in the possession of the art dealer -Barone in Naples, shows an abridgement of the scene<a id='r245' /><a href='#f245' class='c020'><sup>[245]</sup></a>. -In an Ionic temple, four columns, and akroteria, Iphigeneia, -<i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en face</span></i>, long chiton, mantle, hair done in a knot -behind, leans with her left elbow upon the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">βρέτας</span>. In -<span class='pageno' id='Page_136'>136</span>her left is the temple attribute, and in the right the -letter which she extends to Pylades, in chlamys and -petasos. He leans against his stick, and has a sword -in the left, while he points with the right towards the -letter. On the right are Apollo and Artemis. The -former, nude except for a mantle and high boots, grasps -the laurel tree with his left, and rests his right upon -Artemis’ shoulder, who sits to the left upon the altar -and looks up to Apollo. She is dressed as usual with -short chiton and high boots. She has two spears in the -left.</p> - -<p class='c009'>In setting these three paintings over against each -other and comparing the elements in them, the uniformity -is very striking. Perhaps the details may be -clearer if placed in a sort of scheme.</p> - -<p class='c008'><em>a.</em> Elements common to all three vases.</p> - -<p class='c009'>1. Temple of Artemis. 2. Iphigeneia in elaborate -dress, indicated as the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κλῃδοῦχος</span>. 3. A youth in travelling -costume, with whom she is talking. 4. Artemis on the -<em>right</em> of the temple.</p> - -<p class='c009'><em>b.</em> Elements common to two of the three vases.</p> - -<p class='c009'>1. In figs. 19 and 20 a youth leans against the -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">περιρῥαντήριον</span>, resting on one leg over which the other -is thrown. 2. In figs. 19 and 21 Iphigeneia hands the -letter to the youth. 3. The Artemis <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄγαλμα</span> is in the -temple in figs. 20 and 21; so also is Iphigeneia.</p> - -<p class='c008'>We thus observe that the remarkable agreement, even -in the details, shows that they must all be copies more -or less exact of one and the same original. That -Iphigeneia in fig. 20 does not hold the letter in her -hand may be accredited to the carelessness of the artist -who merely forgot to paint it. The same may be said -<span class='pageno' id='Page_137'>137</span>with regard to the abridged form of the scene in fig. 21, -where Orestes has been left out. The two central figures -appeared to the artist to be the important part of the -original, and accordingly he omitted all else.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Immediately following the scene represented in -fig. 18, Iphigeneia entered the temple to get the letter—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀλλ’ εἶμι, δέλτον τ’ ἐκ θεᾶς ανακτόρων</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἴσω</span>. v. 636 f.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>and ordered the guards to watch the two without -binding them. Thereafter ensues the touching scene -between Orestes and Pylades (vs. 657–724). The -priestess then reappears, and commanding the attendants -to go inside, continues—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δέλτου μὲν αἵδε πολύθυροι διαπτυχαί,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ξένοι, πάρεισιν· ἃ δ’ ἐπὶ τοῖσδε βούλομαι,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀκούσατ’</span>.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>Orestes speaks first after these lines and asks her what -she wishes. It shall be an oath for the safe delivery of -the letter. At this he demands a counter-oath from her -for the safe withdrawal of Pylades from the country. -We may imagine that during the delivery of these -verses, which were probably spoken while Iphigeneia -was still in the temple doorway, Pylades had approached -her to receive the letter, while Orestes stepped to one -side as he appears in figs. 19 and 20. In vs. 769–787 -the contents of the letter are related to ensure safe -transfer of the message, even though the written words -be lost in a shipwreck. This is the time represented on -our vases. The hopelessness of Orestes requires, moreover, -the earlier part of the scene, since from v. 772 he -begins to be aroused and to prove his brotherhood to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_138'>138</span>Iphigeneia. The <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">αναγνώρισις</span> is complete at the close -of v. 826, and there follow the fourth and fifth stages -which were noticed above<a id='r246' /><a href='#f246' class='c020'><sup>[246]</sup></a>. Neither of these movements -is, so far as I am aware, shown on any vase -painting, although they are an important part of the -reliefs on the Roman sarcophagi<a id='r247' /><a href='#f247' class='c020'><sup>[247]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>In conclusion, mention should be made of the wall -paintings which represent the departure of the three -with the statue to purify it in the sea. The first and -most important of these is the fine <i><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">casa del citarista</span></i> -painting<a id='r248' /><a href='#f248' class='c020'><sup>[248]</sup></a>. Robert first correctly recognized the right -meaning of this beautiful monument and based it upon -the poet<a id='r249' /><a href='#f249' class='c020'><sup>[249]</sup></a>, thereby bringing it into harmony with the -sarcophagi. That he was happily correct in reading the -time in the painting <em>after the recognition</em>, contrary to -Helbig’s interpretation<a id='r250' /><a href='#f250' class='c020'><sup>[250]</sup></a>, is nicely borne out by the -painting recently discovered in the <i><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">casa dei Vettii</span></i><a id='r251' /><a href='#f251' class='c020'><sup>[251]</sup></a>, -which is another copy of the same original<a id='r252' /><a href='#f252' class='c020'><sup>[252]</sup></a>. The -<span class='pageno' id='Page_139'>139</span>variations are, however, enough to render any misunderstanding -of it impossible. Here there is no temple, and -Iphigeneia occupies the centre between Orestes and -Pylades on the left, and Thoas on the right. She -carries plainly the temple <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">βρέτας</span> on the left shoulder. -Furthermore, the unconcerned attitude of the two -prisoners in their <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">tête-à-tête</span></i> points clearly to the proper -significance of the scene. Curiously enough Orestes -appears to sit on the altar here as on the vase painting, -fig. 18.</p> - -<h3 class='c019'>§ 8. <span class='sc'>Kyklops.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>The satyr dance, the earliest form of the Greek drama -and the simple beginning from which the immense -superstructure of tragedy took its start, continued, in -the satyr composition which followed the regular trilogy, -to remind the public of the original plan and tendency -of the performances in honour of Dionysos<a id='r253' /><a href='#f253' class='c020'><sup>[253]</sup></a>. Till late in -the fourth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, at least, this echo of the original -Dionysiac festival remained in vogue. The <cite>Kyklops</cite> of -Euripides is the only example of this sort of composition -which has reached us, and although the present work is -concerned with tragedy and vase paintings I cannot -refrain from including here a painting that is under the -influence of this unique relic of Greek literature. The -connexion between the satyr-play and tragedy is -certainly intimate enough to warrant the introduction -of the present chapter.</p> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_140'>140</span>Every one is acquainted with the story of Odysseus’ -adventure with the Kyklops Polyphemos. Since the -author of the <cite>Odyssey</cite> threw a charm around the story, -this event in the wanderings of the hero has remained -one of the most popular. In early Greek art there are -numerous monuments based upon the myth. The black -figured vases represent two critical moments. 1. The -blinding of Polyphemos. 2. The escape of Odysseus -and his companion from the cave. A long list of -paintings tells this story over and over again, with little -variation<a id='r254' /><a href='#f254' class='c020'><sup>[254]</sup></a>. The artists evidently became tired of the -monotony of the subject, for it is practically dead at the -beginning of the fifth century. There was nothing new -in the tale; it was distinctly epic, and for this very -reason had its day and gave way to new motives in the -dramatic literature. At the end of the century there was -a revival of the myth. It gained a new lease of life through -the <cite>Kyklops</cite> of Euripides, and once again all eyes were -turned towards the old Homeric fiction. When the poet -introduces Seilenos and his company of satyrs as slaves -to Polyphemos, and turns the fortunes of Odysseus, on -his arrival at the cave, by the intervention of this new -element, the artist had certainly a new incentive. The -rollicking, lusty antics of the tribe of satyrs had ever -been the red figured vase painter’s delight, and when -Euripides connected them with the adventures of -Odysseus and the Kyklops the old story was ingrafted -with a vigorous shoot<a id='r255' /><a href='#f255' class='c020'><sup>[255]</sup></a>. Timanthes, whom we have -<span class='pageno' id='Page_141'>141</span>already met<a id='r256' /><a href='#f256' class='c020'><sup>[256]</sup></a>, very likely owed it to Euripides that he -associated Polyphemos with satyrs<a id='r257' /><a href='#f257' class='c020'><sup>[257]</sup></a>. An interesting -vase painting, which may be dated <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">cir.</span></i> 410 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, bears -strong testimony to the influence of the <cite>Kyklops</cite> in -Lower Italy<a id='r258' /><a href='#f258' class='c020'><sup>[258]</sup></a>.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_p141.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 22.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>The picture appears in fig. 22. In the foreground -Polyphemos lies stretched out in his drunken stupour<a id='r259' /><a href='#f259' class='c020'><sup>[259]</sup></a>; -beside him is a stump on which hangs an empty wineskin, -and on the ground a bowl. In the centre three -youths, the middle one wearing a pilos, are busy tugging -at a log. Two others on the left bring fire-wood to -<span class='pageno' id='Page_142'>142</span>kindle the large stick<a id='r260' /><a href='#f260' class='c020'><sup>[260]</sup></a>; another youth, probably -Odysseus, in pilos and chlamys, directs the work from -the opposite side. Two bearded satyrs, with the usual -horse-tails, caper around on the right<a id='r261' /><a href='#f261' class='c020'><sup>[261]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The whole painting breathes with the spirit running -through the <cite>Kyklops</cite>. The impression gained by -reading the play is remarkably well supported by -a study of the former. There is no detailed agreement -between the two which strikes one, for the situations in -Euripides are not closely followed. There is, however, -the same stamp of originality and newness characterizing -both. The painting is a revelation to one who has seen -only the earlier Homeric monuments.</p> - -<p class='c009'>It may first be noticed that Polyphemos is represented -outside of his cave, and that the attack upon his big eye -is about to take place. This is quite opposed to Homer -and Euripides, yet more than half the charm of the -scene lies in the <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">naïveté</span></i> with which the artist disposes of -the giant. A glance at the words of the poet will make -this clearer. Odysseus and his chorus of satyrs have -fixed upon the means for overcoming the Kyklops. -They beg Odysseus for permission to take a hand in -preparing the fatal pole;</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δεῖ γοῦν· μέγας γὰρ δαλός, ὃν ξυλληπτέον</span>. v. 472.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>says the son of Laertes, but when he came to the point -where he really needed their help they made every -manner of excuse; some were suddenly seized with -<span class='pageno' id='Page_143'>143</span>lameness; others had dust in their eyes. But he knew -that it would turn out so, and he relies on his own -companions,</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>... <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τοῖσι δ’ οἰκείοις φίλοις</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χρῆσθαί μ’ ἀνάγκη</span>. vs. 650 f.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>This is well brought out, whether intentionally or not -I do not say, for it is Greeks who are lifting the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δαλός</span>, -and as for its size every one will agree that it is <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μέγας</span>. -The two satyrs, representing the chorus, dance around -lustily the while, having smelt the contents of the wineskin -(v. 153 f.). As soon as the plan has been decided -upon, Polyphemos appears again, having already sated -his appetite on two of the Greeks, and having had at -least a taste of the wine. What could prepare one -better for the appreciation of the figure on the vase than -his own words?</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παπαπαῖ, πλέως μὲν οἴνου,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γάνυμαι δὲ δαιτὸς ἥβῃ</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σκάφος ὁλκὰς ὡς γεμισθεὶς</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ποτὶ σέλμα γαστρὸς ἄκρας.</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὑπάγει μ’ ὁ χόρτος εὔφρων</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπὶ κῶμον ἦρος ὥραις,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐπὶ Κύκλωπας ἀδελφούς.</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φέρε μοι, ξεῖνε, φέρ’ ἀσκὸν ἔνδος μοι.</span> vs. 503 ff.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>His proposal to go and share his good fortune with the -brother Kyklopes does not meet the approval of -Odysseus, who bids him keep his good things to himself -and enjoy them. Seilenos goes even further and says—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κλίθητί νύν μοι πλεῦρα θεὶς ἐπὶ χθονός</span>. v. 543.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'><span class='pageno' id='Page_144'>144</span>and Polyphemos takes up the suggestion at once, for -we hear him ask</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τί δῆτα τὸν κρατῆρ’ ὄπισθε μου τίθης;</span> v. 545.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>There can be little doubt that these verses particularly -interested the artist. Well satisfied with the newly -discovered drink, the Kyklops has dropped down upon -his side as Seilenos recommended. The <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀσκός</span>, which -he ordered extra, hangs beside him and upon the ground -is a bowl<a id='r262' /><a href='#f262' class='c020'><sup>[262]</sup></a>. Both of these have evidently been drained. -The inhuman monster sleeps on, quite in the manner of -Euripides, in the presence of the active preparations for -his own ruin.</p> - -<h3 class='c019'>§ 9. <span class='sc'>Medeia.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>The heroine of this tragedy of Euripides is one of the -most imposing and terrible figures that has come down -to us from ancient Greek literature. It is not, however, -the magician of strange power, who assisted Jason in -winning the Golden Fleece and in performing his other -Kolchian adventures, that overawes one; neither is it -the sorceress who worked her wonders on Pelias, but -rather the Medeia who avenged her slighted honour -through the destruction of Jason’s newly won bride and -his two sons; it is the Medeia <em>at Corinth</em> that we know -best, the Medeia of Euripides. This chapter in the -barbarian’s career assumed under his hand a prominence -which far exceeded anything that had gone before. -Euripides’ Medeia has remained ever since <em>the</em> Medeia of -art and letters.</p> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_145'>145</span>In early Greek art Medeia is not a common figure, -and when she does occur it is invariably as the sorceress<a id='r263' /><a href='#f263' class='c020'><sup>[263]</sup></a>. -In this rôle one meets her on both black and red figured -vases<a id='r264' /><a href='#f264' class='c020'><sup>[264]</sup></a>, and on the famous relief in the Lateran<a id='r265' /><a href='#f265' class='c020'><sup>[265]</sup></a>. After -the beginning of the fourth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> the Corinthian -Medeia predominates. As such one finds her on vases -from Lower Italy, Apulia and Campania especially, on -Pompeian wall paintings<a id='r266' /><a href='#f266' class='c020'><sup>[266]</sup></a>, on terra cottas<a id='r267' /><a href='#f267' class='c020'><sup>[267]</sup></a>, gems<a id='r268' /><a href='#f268' class='c020'><sup>[268]</sup></a>, and -the Roman sarcophagi<a id='r269' /><a href='#f269' class='c020'><sup>[269]</sup></a>.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_146'>146</span> -<img src='images/i_p146.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 23 (<em>vid. p. <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> ff.</em>)</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_147'>147</span>The most famous vase upon which we find Medeia is -the great amphora in Munich<a id='r270' /><a href='#f270' class='c020'><sup>[270]</sup></a>, found in Canosa, the -ancient Canusium, in Apulia, Oct. 16, 1813. The -painting consists of three sections of figures parallel with -the perimeter of the vase. The two upper ones are -divided in the middle by a building with six Ionic -columns. On the inside hang two round shields—a -common decoration in this sort of picture. On the -right, inside of the house, is a chair or <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">θρόνος</span>, over the -arm-rest of which a richly dressed female figure has -fallen; above on the frieze the inscription <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΚΡΕΟΝΤΕΙΑ</span> -(sc. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΠΑΙΣ</span>) shows the person to be Kreusa, or Glauke<a id='r271' /><a href='#f271' class='c020'><sup>[271]</sup></a>, -the daughter of Kreon. Rushing rapidly towards her -from the right is a youth in petasos and chlamys. He -has already reached the upper step of the palace and -is attempting to remove Kreusa’s head-dress. Incised -in the vase is the name <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΙΠΠΟΤΗΣ</span><a id='r272' /><a href='#f272' class='c020'><sup>[272]</sup></a>. On the left an -elderly male figure, bearded, wearing long, richly embroidered -chiton, hurries to Kreusa. One hand is placed -behind her as though to support the body; the other, -from which the sceptre has just fallen, clutches his hair. -He gazes to one side in a dazed sort of manner. On -the frieze above is <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΩΝ</span>, evidently the last letters of -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΚΡΕΩΝ</span><a id='r273' /><a href='#f273' class='c020'><sup>[273]</sup></a>. To the left outside of the palace, and -<span class='pageno' id='Page_148'>148</span>somewhat lower, an elderly woman in long chiton and -mantle runs toward the scene of the tragedy, extending -her left hand and holding her right to her head in the -usual attitude of fright. She is designated by the inscription, -incised, as <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΜΕΡΟΠΗ</span><a id='r274' /><a href='#f274' class='c020'><sup>[274]</sup></a>—most likely the wife -of Kreon. Further on the left is a group of two, -a pedagogue in the usual costume, and a female -attendant. The former is hurrying towards the palace, -while the latter attempts to divert him from his onward -rush.</p> - -<p class='c009'>To the right from Hippotes is another female figure, -<i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en face</span></i>, who appears to be leaving the palace. Her -dress, especially the veil, and her bearing point her out -as a nurse or servant of Kreusa. Just in front of the -latter upon the ground is the open box in which the -baneful presents were brought.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The lower section is divided into two parts by -Medeia’s dragon-chariot, held in readiness by the -charioteer with a burning torch in either hand. The -upper part of the latter’s body is nude. There can be -little doubt that the figure is female. The inscription -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΟΙΣΤΡΟΣ</span> shows it to be <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Οἴστρος</span>, the personification of -Medeia’s rage. On the left, Medeia, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΜΗΔΕΙΑ</span><a id='r275' /><a href='#f275' class='c020'><sup>[275]</sup></a>, with -richly decorated oriental costume and Phrygian cap, -advances to the right with drawn sword to kill one son -<span class='pageno' id='Page_149'>149</span>whom she grasps by the hair with the left hand. It is -not easy to say whether the boy has taken refuge on the -altar, or whether his mother has lifted him upon it. -More probably the latter is true. The lad is nude, with -the exception of a garment over his left shoulder. He -wears bracelets and on the left leg an anklet. Immediately -behind Medeia a doryphoros, dressed as Hippotes, -but with two spears instead of a sword, hurries to the -left with the second boy, dressed as is the other. On -the right of the chariot and hastening impetuously to -rescue his son is Jason, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΙΑΣΩΝ</span>. He is bearded and -has a sword and long spear. His chlamys is thrown -over his left arm. Beside him, but moving at slackened -speed, another doryphoros extends the right hand -towards the chariot as though to warn Jason of the -futility of his intervention. Above this group on -the right is a bearded male figure, pointing towards the -events transpiring below. He wears a long royal dress -and Phrygian cap, and carries a sceptre in his left. -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΕΙΔΩΛΟΝ ΑΗΤΟΥ</span>, incised, indicates him as the ghost -of Aetes, Medeia’s father.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The upper section is bounded on either side by a -Corinthian column surmounted by a tripod. Herakles, -with club, bow and quiver, and lion’s skin, stands on the -left facing Athene, who sits upon a <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">terrain</span></i>. She has her -helmet in her right hand and leans against her shield. -The spear is not wanting. On the right are two male -figures, one sitting, the other standing. The oil-cruses -and strigils, as well as the two stars and the pilos, near -the one who sits, designate them as the Dioskouroi.</p> - -<p class='c009'>We turn now to a closer consideration of our vase to -see if it is under the influence of Euripides. Starting -with the scene which the vase painter has given us in -<span class='pageno' id='Page_150'>150</span>Kreon’s palace, one cannot but be struck with the -agreement between the picture and the scene described -by the poet through the mouth of the messenger in the -celebrated speech, vs. 1136–1230. This wonderful -passage is the triumph of Euripidean rhetoric in the -<cite>Medeia</cite>. The two boys, together with their father, had -entered Kreusa’s apartment conveying the box with the -rich vestment and golden crown, and she, who had -refused to listen to words and be softened, was, woman-like, -melted by these unexpected gifts. She accepts -them, and father and sons retire. She then arrays -herself before the mirror, admires her beauty, retreats -across the room with proud, exulting step, all too -captivated by her gracious figure, when the terrible -moment comes—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χροιὰν γὰρ ἀλλάξασα λεχρία πάλιν</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χωρεῖ τρέμουσα κῶλα καὶ μόλις φθάνει</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">θρόνοισιν ἐμπεσοῦσα μὴ χαμαὶ πεσεῖν</span>. vs. 1168–1170.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>There is a remarkable harmony between these words -and the picture upon the vase, where Kreusa lies a -helpless mass across the arms of the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">θρόνος</span>. Her -attitude suggests to one’s mind exactly the idea in -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">θρόνοισιν ἐμπεσοῦσα μὴ χαμαὶ πεσεῖν</span>. Rarely has a vase -painter come nearer to <em>illustration</em> than here. It had, -indeed, been far easier to paint Kreusa in her fallen -position upon the floor, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πίτνει δ’ ἐς οὖδας</span> (v. 1195), where -the chair and the form of the body would have presented -no such difficulties in drawing as they do in the present -position<a id='r276' /><a href='#f276' class='c020'><sup>[276]</sup></a>. Why was this not done? Simply, as I am -<span class='pageno' id='Page_151'>151</span>convinced, because the painter chose to present the most -tragic moments, and shape them into the greatest possible -dramatic effect. He seized the crisis in Kreusa’s dread -struggle, when, doomed by the poison and flames, she -<em>dropped</em> across the chair. Here, as in the scene below, -the vase painter has given evidence of dramatic power of -a high degree, and I venture to think that had he not -been an artist he would have been a tragedian.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Kreon, who, of course, could not be represented as -falling upon the body of Kreusa as he entered the room, -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἄφνω προσελθὼν δῶμα προσπίτνει νεκρῷ</span> (v. 1205), while -she was still resting on the chair<a id='r277' /><a href='#f277' class='c020'><sup>[277]</sup></a>, is painted in the first -moment of reaching the unfortunate one. He places -his left hand under her body, and, overcome by the -horror of the sight, lets fall his sceptre from his right -hand as he gazes for a moment in transfixed agony -from his daughter’s situation. The position of the arms -is exactly that of the same figure on the sarcophagi -reliefs<a id='r278' /><a href='#f278' class='c020'><sup>[278]</sup></a>, and no doubt would be traceable through the -five intervening centuries if the monuments were at -hand. Our vase would appear to represent here a tradition -that was always closely followed in representing -Kreon in an upright position.</p> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_152'>152</span>Merope, the mother, who is mentioned in Corinthian -legends only as the wife of Sisyphos<a id='r279' /><a href='#f279' class='c020'><sup>[279]</sup></a> and of Polybos<a id='r280' /><a href='#f280' class='c020'><sup>[280]</sup></a>, -does not appear at all in Euripides. The painter’s -principle was to name all the chief figures on the vase, -and it is not necessary to point out here another source -than the <cite>Medeia</cite> of Euripides. A name thus known as -belonging to Corinthian royal families would be a natural -invention for the wife of Kreon if there was no legend -to provide further information about her. I hold this -painting, however, as adequate evidence that there was -a <em>third</em> Merope known in Corinth<a id='r281' /><a href='#f281' class='c020'><sup>[281]</sup></a>. That the mother -as well as the father should be represented here is -further witness of the spirit which the poet breathed -into his work. Medeia’s fixed determination to ruin -all her enemies at one blow and to root out the whole -royal house in a day (vs. 373 f.) is expressed in the extended -scene here given, in a manner well calculated -to inspire the beholder with much that lies between the -lines in Euripides. There is absolutely no reason for -claiming this scene as an extension of that given in the -poet, and therefore based upon a post-Euripidean tragedy. -One who denies the vase painter the right to introduce -figures foreign to the poet fails utterly in comprehending -the spirit of the fourth and third century vase painting. -The artists followed the number of characters in the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_153'>153</span>poetical version no more slavishly than they did the -disposition and movement of the same. Starting with -what the poet gave them and holding this in mind as -a guide and inspiration in certain details, the painters -proceeded to create, as <em>independent</em> artists, a similar scene, -transfused, however, with their own alterations. It is to -be expected that in the over-filled vase paintings of -Apulia and Campania one will find figures that show -a wide liberty on the part of the painters, and that -illustrate well how much the severe methods of the -Athenian vase painters had been altered in Magna -Graecia.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Another instance of this same independence of the -painter is seen in the introduction of Hippotes, to whom -there is not the slightest reference in Euripides. In -vs. 1168–1203, where Kreusa’s fate is described, no one -is referred to as present except the female attendants, -who were possessed with terror and lent no aid to their -mistress. Kreon unexpectedly entered, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ξυμφορᾶς ἀγνωσίᾳ</span>, -and soon succumbed, a victim together with his -daughter. Why does Hippotes appear on the vase as -the one who is trying to liberate Kreusa? With Vogel<a id='r282' /><a href='#f282' class='c020'><sup>[282]</sup></a> -again the answer <i><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">liegt auf der Hand: weil Euripides -nicht die Quelle der Darstellung ist</span></i>. Because the painter -enlarged the scene of the poet, and was more tragic and -more dramatic than Euripides, a later or at least another -version of the myth is claimed as his authority. This -appears to me altogether <em>improbable</em> and <em>unnecessary</em>. -It is <em>improbable</em> because, as we have abundant reason -to believe, Euripides’ version of the myth was, both in -Greek and Roman times, the most popular<a id='r283' /><a href='#f283' class='c020'><sup>[283]</sup></a>. Other -<span class='pageno' id='Page_154'>154</span><cite>Medeias</cite> are mere names. Furthermore our vase cannot -be dated later than the second half of the fourth century -<span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, i. e. not much more than a century after the first -appearance of the <cite>Medeia</cite> in 431 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> This is an -important fact which seems to have been mostly overlooked. -Euripides, it must be remembered, ruled the -fourth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> as the prophet of the time, and was -hailed by the Greeks of the colonies and the motherland -with universal admiration. It is safe to say that no -Greek poet was more upon the lips of the people or -more in their hearts. Tardy as was the recognition -of his genius during his lifetime, the extent of his -posthumous fame was unparalleled and his name rang -through Alexandrian and Hellenistic times as that of -one of the immortals. Are we to suppose then that -a vase painter of Magna Graecia, who might have lived -with those who had seen Euripides, was, in dealing with -the Medeia myth, under the influence of some poet of -a day? Was an artist who lived in this proximity to -Euripides’ own time likely to follow the guidance of any -other than the great master who created the Medeia -character and started her down the centuries in that -unexampled rage and fury? We dare, moreover, go -further and claim with Robert that <i><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">die Vasen stehen der -Aufführungszeit der Medeia so nahe, dass sie den Werth -directer Zeugnisse beanspruchen dürfen</span></i><a id='r284' /><a href='#f284' class='c020'><sup>[284]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>This explanation is <em>unnecessary</em>, for, as we have already -pointed out, the vase painters gave less heed to the -subject-matter and the details of the traditional types -than to the general effect and dramatic arrangement. -<span class='pageno' id='Page_155'>155</span>It was possible to double the dramatic effect here through -the introduction of the bride’s brother, and the painter -did not hesitate to place him on the vase, although the -poet did not refer to him. The onward rush of this -finely drawn figure, with his chlamys fluttering in the -wind, has altogether a dramatic air and brings one to -feel that the theatrical element, so much in the background -in the fifth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, had taken possession -of the fourth century work<a id='r285' /><a href='#f285' class='c020'><sup>[285]</sup></a>. It is surprising to find -with what persistency certain scholars refuse such -additions as incompatible with the dependence of the -work on a given literary source. If the artist has done -more than <em>illustrate</em>, all relationship between him and -the poet is denied. But let us turn to a famous work -where illustration pure and simple is meant, and we shall -discover that if one follows even there this mode of -criticism, the poet and the drawing which is meant to -illustrate him will have to be divorced. I refer to -Botticelli’s drawings for Dante’s <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Divina Commedia</span></cite><a id='r286' /><a href='#f286' class='c020'><sup>[286]</sup></a>. -Each drawing is intended to bring out the events of the -<i><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">canto</span></i> to which it is devoted, and so one expects only -the incidents of one <i><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">canto</span></i> to appear in one drawing. -The illustration for the <cite>Inferno</cite>, <i><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">canto</span></i> ii, represents -Beatrice swinging upward in the air, to whom Virgil -is pointing and calling Dante’s attention. This is all -a pure invention of the artist as Beatrice is simply -mentioned in the text, and not at all thought of as -present or appearing to the two pilgrims. Had Botticelli -then some other story in mind, and was there another -<span class='pageno' id='Page_156'>156</span>version of Dante than that which we have? Certainly -not. The artist, although in this place engaged as -a mere illustrator, read his own notions into Dante -and put them into his drawing. Again, even on the -same plate, the entrance to the <cite>Inferno</cite> is shown with -the words <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">per me</span></i> over the door. This scene belongs -to <i><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">canto</span></i> iii, where in fact Botticelli again introduces it. -If, therefore, the third <i><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">canto</span></i> and the drawing that -belongs to it had never reached us but we did possess -<i><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">canto</span></i> ii and its illustration, how would the critics who -read the Greek vases as we have indicated, dispose of -Botticelli and his faithfulness to Dante? They would -all declare that the famous painter must have had -another text which he followed. And so one may go -on multiplying instances in this one work to show that -an artist, even when he set out to follow the poet, was -not able to do so<a id='r287' /><a href='#f287' class='c020'><sup>[287]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>There are also among the Pompeian wall paintings<a id='r288' /><a href='#f288' class='c020'><sup>[288]</sup></a> -some that are mere illustrations and are in the spirit -of this sort of work, and yet they show various peculiar -changes and additions contrary to the epigrams -on which they are based. One is to remember therefore -that in the vase paintings, where a more independent -form of art is found than in illustrations, a liberty -in adding or omitting figures, that may often disturb -the form of the myth, is to be allowed. To select one -<span class='pageno' id='Page_157'>157</span>example from many: Euphronios<a id='r289' /><a href='#f289' class='c020'><sup>[289]</sup></a> on the Eurystheus -kylix represents Sthenelos and his wife as present when -Herakles brings the boar and is about to drop it into the -cistern where Eurystheus has taken refuge. That the -latter was king and had imposed the labours on Herakles, -was proof enough that Sthenelos was already dead. -How then did Euphronios dare to place him on the -vase? Evidently because he took little heed of the -exactitude for which modern scholars would call him -and others of his trade to account.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The old nurse who observed the first signs of her -mistress’ precarious condition—<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καὶ τις γεραιὰ προσπόλων ... ἀνωλόλυξε</span> (vs. 1171–73)—or one of the numerous -attendants present (v. 1176) may be recognized in the -figure to the right from Hippotes. Perhaps this is more -correctly the one who broke away to convey the sad -news to Jason—<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἑ δὲ πρὸς τὸν ἀρτίως πόσιν, | φράσουσα -νύμφης συμφοράς</span> (vs. 1178 f.). This person with the -matronly air always occurs on the sarcophagi, but in -the scene where the two boys are handing over the gifts -to Kreusa<a id='r290' /><a href='#f290' class='c020'><sup>[290]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The position of the pedagogue on the opposite side -is not so incongruous as many have thought. There is -really no reason for considering him a sort of connecting -link between the middle and lower sections, as Robert -has done<a id='r291' /><a href='#f291' class='c020'><sup>[291]</sup></a>. Let us follow the pedagogue and the boys -through the play. At vs. 46 f. of the prologue the -nurse reports the latter as returning from their sport—<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐκ -<span class='pageno' id='Page_158'>158</span>τρόχων πεπαυμένοι</span>—and in vs. 89 ff. she orders them -inside the palace,</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἴτ’, εὖ γὰρ ἔσται, δωμάτων ἔσω, τέκνα</span>,</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>and commands the pedagogue to keep them at a safe -distance from their mother,</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σὺ δ’ ὡς μάλιστα τούσδ’ ἐρημώσας ἔχε,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καὶ μὴ πέλαζε μητρὶ δυσθυμουμένῃ</span>.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>At v. 105 the three disappear and nothing more is heard -of them till Medeia, who is addressing Jason and the -chorus, cries out in v. 894—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὦ τέκνα, τέκνα, δεῦτε, λείπετε στέγας,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐξέλθετ’</span>.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>Hereupon the boys appear in the orchestra, <em>unaccompanied</em> -by their pedagogue, and remain with Medeia and -Jason till vs. 969 ff., where their mother hands them the -gifts and bids them go, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὁς τάχιστα</span> (v. 974), to Kreusa -and place the same in her hands. They then depart -with their father and deliver the presents in the manner -afterwards described by the messenger (vs. 1136–1155), -and in company with Jason leave Kreusa’s apartments. -Just outside somewhere the pedagogue joins them and -appears with the children in the orchestra to inform -Medeia that her sons have been pardoned (vs. 1002 ff.). -Immediately thereafter she orders the pedagogue to -go inside,</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'>... <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀλλὰ βαῖνε δωμάτων ἔσω</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καὶ παισὶ πόρσυν’ οἶα χρὴ καθ’ ἡμέραν</span>. vs. 1019 f.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>As he re-enters the palace the terrible news reaches -him, through, one of the female attendants, that Kreusa -<span class='pageno' id='Page_159'>159</span>is possessed with some strange malady. It is at this -juncture, dramatic in the extreme, that, as it seems -to me, the vase painter thought of the pedagogue. The -latter has forgotten Medeia’s command to arrange the -boys’ program for the day and is determined to go -to the apartments whence comes the great alarm. The -attendant, however, endeavours to dissuade him, and the -artist has even represented her in the attempt to deter -the sturdy old pedagogue from carrying out his resolution. -While all this is happening within the palace, Medeia -gives expression to the great battle that is going on in -her bosom. The speech is one of the finest in Euripides. -Shall she now go ahead and kill her children, or is the -courage lacking? She finally bids them enter the house -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χωρεῖτε, παῖδες, ἐς δόμους</span> (vs. 1053 and 1076), and soon -follows them. The death-cries of vs. 1271 ff. are heard -not long afterwards. We have therefore no reason to -infer from anything in Euripides that the pedagogue -ever met the boys again. The fact that he is so often -represented in the death-scene<a id='r292' /><a href='#f292' class='c020'><sup>[292]</sup></a> is simply due to the -fancy of the artists. It is natural to think of him in -company with the boys. The vase painter has in the -present instance shown us the whereabouts of the -pedagogue when the poet had passed him by.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The lower section, which represents the events directly -succeeding those in the one just considered, completes -the dread vengeance work of Medeia. The artist had -an opportunity here to follow largely his own notions in -disposing of the details, for in the last moments when -horror followed close upon horror, and the royal house -of Corinth was shaking to its foundations, Euripides -hurries us on with great rapidity and omits many of the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_160'>160</span>particulars. Medeia moves with resistless fury through -the last part of the bloody drama, till she at last disappears -upon her chariot. What was the vase painter -to do with all this? It is plain that he felt himself -compelled to combine, for greater effect, different -moments. Medeia enters the palace after the triumphant -address in vs. 1236–1250, and a moment later the cries -of the boys are heard within. Jason, aroused by the -ruin wrought upon Kreusa, suddenly appears and asks -where Medeia is, and remarks that he must save his sons -from the fury of the populace (vs. 1293–1305). He -at once learns the whole truth, and orders that the palace -doors be thrown open that he may behold the scene -of murder. Medeia appears then on her chariot, rolled -out upon the ekkyklema. She stands thus during the -final dialogue with Jason (vs. 1317–1404) till she disappears -by the aid of the <i><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Flugmaschine</span></i><a id='r293' /><a href='#f293' class='c020'><sup>[293]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>From these elements the vase painter selected the -murder scene, which, not being described by Euripides, -could be represented in any manner that struck his -fancy. He made this the centre about which all else -was grouped; all eyes are turned upon Medeia and the -altar. In this disposition of the matter other details -had to be sacrificed. The chariot, which could not be -wanting, had to have a charioteer, and as Medeia was -<span class='pageno' id='Page_161'>161</span>not ready to mount it herself, the personification of the -Medeia-spirit is the natural figure that the artist would -select. Jason, again, to omit whom would have been -unpardonable, had to be painted in the act of rescuing -or attempting the rescue of his sons. So we see that -the three moments discernible in the poet, (<em>a</em>) the -murder, (<em>b</em>) Jason’s appearance to save the boys, (<em>c</em>) the -chariot and the escape of Medeia, are all worked -together by the artist into a strong complex. One -feels no incongruity in the picture, and is forced to -agree to a large amount of success that the artist has -enjoyed here. Since the pedagogue appears in the -scene above, the artist uses one of the ever convenient -doryphoroi as a companion to the boys or rather as -rescuer of one of them<a id='r294' /><a href='#f294' class='c020'><sup>[294]</sup></a>. It is immaterial whether the -painter intended to represent the one boy as actually -out of danger or not. A great many useless words -have been spent in trying to show that the vase painter -has here followed a tradition referred to by Diodorus -Siculus<a id='r295' /><a href='#f295' class='c020'><sup>[295]</sup></a>, who relates that one child escaped—<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πλὴν γὰρ -ἑνὸς τοῦ διαφυγόντος τοὺς ἄλλους υἱοὺς ἀποσφάξαι</span>. This -is not only highly improbable<a id='r296' /><a href='#f296' class='c020'><sup>[296]</sup></a>, but, more than that, -speaks for a superficial reading of Diodorus on the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_162'>162</span>part of those who use this quotation. It appears that -nothing more of the chapter had been read than it was -necessary to quote. In the first place, what can <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τοὺς -ἄλλους</span> above refer to if not to <em>more than one</em>, and -therefore to at least <em>two</em>? But where upon our vase or -upon any other monument does Medeia appear with <em>three</em> -children<a id='r297' /><a href='#f297' class='c020'><sup>[297]</sup></a>? It would seem, therefore, that, because the vase -painter drew the scene as he did, this very inapt quotation -is brought out to bolster up an unnecessary theory.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Is it necessary to conclude with numerous scholars -that Oistros upon the chariot represents one of Pollux’s -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔκσκευα πρόσωπα</span> (iv. 141)? Does our painting necessarily -go back to some tragedy in which the personification, -Oistros, appears before the audience as Medeia’s -charioteer? It has already been pointed out that the -moment which the vase painter chose to represent never -was visible in the theatre of Euripides. What happened -before the palace doors were unbarred, in v. 1314, could -be painted in a hundred different ways, and still be -inspired by the poet from v. 1271 to v. 1316. It is -true that Euripides does not mention <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Οἶστρος</span>, much less -as Medeia’s charioteer. What need had he to introduce -any personification of her rage and fury to guide the -chariot, when, at the first glimpse of it in v. 1317, Medeia -manages it herself? Any one who thoroughly works -himself into the situation that the painter has shown -upon the vase cannot help seeing that Medeia’s double, -her burning and infuriated barbarian wildness, the spirit -<span class='pageno' id='Page_163'>163</span>shown in vs. 1236–1250, was a natural and easy subject -for embodiment under the name <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Οἶστρος</span>. This personification -is not met with in Euripides, and has naturally -caused much stumbling. It should, however, be compared -with <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Λύσσα</span>, with which it has much in common. -Orestes says to Pylades, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μὴ θεαί</span> (i. e. the Furies) <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μ’ οἴστρω -κατασχῶς’</span><a id='r298' /><a href='#f298' class='c020'><sup>[298]</sup></a>, and two verses further on, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εὐλαβοῦ Λύσσης -μετασχεῖν τῆς ἐμῆς</span>. Thus the use of the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἶστρος</span> caused -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Λύσσα</span>. The step to the personification of a figure -Oistros would easily follow from some such development -as this, and I hold both words to cover the <em>cause</em> and -<em>effect</em> in the case mentioned.</p> - -<p class='c009'>As Lyssa was a favourite figure with Euripides, we -may examine still another place where the rôle that she -plays is much the same as that which Oistros takes in -the painting.</p> - -<p class='c009'>In <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Her. Fur.</span></cite> vs. 880 ff., the chorus describes Lyssa as -<em>travelling upon a chariot</em><a id='r299' /><a href='#f299' class='c020'><sup>[299]</sup></a>.</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">βέβακεν ἐν δίφροισιν ἁ πολύστονος,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἅρμασι δ’ ἐνδίδωσι κέντρον ὡς ἐπὶ λώβᾳ</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Νυκτὸς Γοργὼν ἑκατογκεφάλοις</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὄφεων ἰαχήμασι,<a id='r300' /><a href='#f300' class='c020'><sup>[300]</sup></a> Λύσσα<a id='r301' /><a href='#f301' class='c020'><sup>[301]</sup></a> μαρμαρωπός.</span></div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'><span class='pageno' id='Page_164'>164</span>Here at least one has adequate evidence that the vase -painter did not paint an unknown scene, even though he -did prefer to call his figure <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Οἶστρος</span><a id='r302' /><a href='#f302' class='c020'><sup>[302]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The shade of Aetes<a id='r303' /><a href='#f303' class='c020'><sup>[303]</sup></a>, a pure invention of the artist, -has been held to refer to a post-Euripidean tragedy. -One finds such pedantic ingenuity used in explaining -this figure that the would-be-learnedness borders upon -the ridiculous. It is affirmed, for example, that somewhere -it <em>must have been stated for the vase painter -that Aetes had died since Medeia left him</em><a id='r304' /><a href='#f304' class='c020'><sup>[304]</sup></a>. How -far, pray, did vase painters concern themselves about -such points of chronology or sequence of events? We -have already pointed out in regard to these artists that -<span class='pageno' id='Page_165'>165</span>they introduced and omitted characters just as they -chose; and especially is this true in regard to such side-figures -as Aetes is here. Then again, why is any literary -source necessary to prove the old man’s death? It was -but the natural course of events that the painter followed -when he concluded that Aetes was among the -shades. It is absurd to require some proof that the -unlucky king had, within the long period of Medeia’s -absence, passed into the world of spirits. It seems to -me that there are two views that can adequately -explain this addition to the picture, and with either -one in mind the vase painter would have needed no -post-Euripidean work or painting but simply the <cite>Medeia</cite> -tragedy to inspire him.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Robert<a id='r305' /><a href='#f305' class='c020'><sup>[305]</sup></a> pointed to vs. 31 ff. of the prologue as furnishing -perhaps the suggestion for this figure, but that is -but a small part of the whole suggestion, and it is well -to follow this note which recurs in many places, and is, -to my mind, a very important part of the Euripidean -conception of Medeia. I give herewith the various places -where this element may be discovered.</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">αὐτὴ πρὸς αὑτὴν πατέρ’ ἀποιμώζη φίλον</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καὶ γαῖαν οἴκους θ’, οὒς προδοῦς’ ἀφίκετο.</span> vs. 31 f.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὤ πάτερ, ὤ πόλις, ὧν ἀπενάσθην</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">αἰσχρῶς τὸν ἐμὸν κτείνασα κάσιν.</span> vs. 166 f.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">αὐτὴ δὲ πατέρα καὶ δόμους προδοῦς’ ἐμούς.</span> v. 483.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line in14'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πότερα πρὸς πατρὸς δόμους,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οὓς σοὶ προδοῦσα καὶ πάτραν ἀφικόμην;</span> vs. 502 f.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἡμάρτανον τόθ’ ἡνίκ’ ἐξελίμπανον</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δόμους πατρῴους.</span> vs. 800 f.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'><span class='pageno' id='Page_166'>166</span>These repeated allusions to her father and her former -home seem to me to express in a strong manner what -the painter chose to develop into the ghost-figure. -Aetes appears here to behold the retribution that is -overtaking Jason; and his participation in the fearful -tragedy emphasizes the secret power in Medeia, her -sorcery, and her chariot. The artist read between the -lines and discovered the spirit of the poet, and this he -has successfully reproduced. A similar instance was -noted in the liberty assumed by Botticelli in including -Beatrice in the second plate to the <cite>Inferno</cite><a id='r306' /><a href='#f306' class='c020'><sup>[306]</sup></a>.</p> - -<p class='c009'>In the second place the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εἴδωλον</span> emphasizes the -barbaric element in the Medeia-Jason history, and impresses -the beholder with the workings of barbarism -<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">versus</span></i> Hellenism. This chord is, moreover, continuously -struck by Euripides<a id='r307' /><a href='#f307' class='c020'><sup>[307]</sup></a>. The poet endeavours from first to -last to keep up the keenest distinction between Greece -and Kolchis, between Jason’s family and that of -Aetes.</p> - -<p class='c009'>There was, moreover, an opportunity, in introducing -this oriental king, to add features strikingly characteristic -of the Apulian vase paintings<a id='r308' /><a href='#f308' class='c020'><sup>[308]</sup></a>. The elegance and -display of costume peculiar to the Persian and Asia -Minor kings were attractive for an artist, and the introduction -of Aetes’ shade was a happy invention that -went far towards making the deeper meaning of the -poet plain.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The deities, who, as spectators, are an important part -<span class='pageno' id='Page_167'>167</span>of the paintings on so many Lower Italy vases, are -arranged in the upper section. They need not have -any particular connexion with the incidents before -them. The Olympian sympathy with earthly affairs -was a favourite theme with the artists of the time, and -a satisfactory number of participating divinities is usually -added where important events occur. Herakles and -Athena seem to be but indifferently interested in what -is happening below them, although the former was -intimately associated with the Argonautic expedition<a id='r309' /><a href='#f309' class='c020'><sup>[309]</sup></a>, -and the latter was the promoter of the enterprise<a id='r310' /><a href='#f310' class='c020'><sup>[310]</sup></a>. The -Dioskouroi, who likewise took a large part in the adventures -of the voyage, are fitly represented here<a id='r311' /><a href='#f311' class='c020'><sup>[311]</sup></a>. -They are, however, giving no heed to the tragedy. It -is enough if the painter has recalled for us the famous -voyage and shown us the prelude, as it were, to the -drama played in the two lower sections. The panorama -of Jason and Medeia’s life together passes before us in -distinct scenes. By painting the participants in the -expedition and also the shade of Aetes the artist has -heightened the effect of the double tragedy which the -poet made famous.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Such is the painting on this celebrated amphora, which -I do not hesitate to call Euripidean.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Another monument which also shows Kreusa’s death -is a vase from Pomarico, now in Naples<a id='r312' /><a href='#f312' class='c020'><sup>[312]</sup></a>.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_168'>168</span> -<img src='images/i_p168.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 24.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>Kreusa has fallen from the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">θρόνος</span> that occupies the -middle of the scene, and in a half-sitting posture upon -the floor endeavours to remove the head-dress. Before -her is the open box in which the presents were brought. -A mirror hangs on the wall. She is dressed in the -Ionic chiton with mantle; has earrings and one bracelet. -She stares at Kreon, who hurries toward her with outstretched -right hand. He has the sceptre in the left -hand, is bearded, bald, and wears a chiton which has -slipped down to his waist. To the left a female figure -rushes away <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en face</span></i>, and, watching Kreusa, makes the -gestures of one terror-stricken. She is dressed like the -latter except the earrings and necklace. Jahn called -her a companion of Kreusa, considering that if she were -Merope of the Munich vase she would be approaching -her daughter and not leaving her. I prefer to see in -this figure one of the attendants who in vs. 1177 ff. spread -the news. It is true that the appearance of the figure -<span class='pageno' id='Page_169'>169</span>is that of a more important personage than a servant. -The latter are not usually represented wearing jewellery -and fine costumes, and yet the attendant on the Munich -vase, who is endeavouring to divert the pedagogue, is -quite as richly dressed. In the present instance, however, -the drawing is very careless and the workmanship -is of an inferior sort. I believe, therefore, that the artist -either did not know the fitness of things, or else took -no pains to indicate that this figure was a servant or -attendant. When he had once drawn such a miserable -king as Kreon is, hobbling along in a ridiculous -manner, he might well have slipped into the other -extreme of painting a nurse in a lady’s garb. The -scene is based upon the messenger’s speech, vs. 1176 ff.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The pedagogue on the right, who is hurrying away -the two boys wrapped in cloaks, is a reminiscence of -vs. 1157 ff. where the father, Jason, goes away with them.</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line in22'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καὶ πρὶν ὲκ δόμων</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μακρὰν ἀπεῖνει πατέρα καὶ παῖδας σέθεν</span>.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>The winged Fury sitting in the upper right-hand corner -observing the scene might well be expected as a spectator. -The suggestion for her may be found in</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line in12'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔξελ’ οἴκων φονίαν</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τάλαινάν τ’ Ἐρινὺν ὑπ’ ἀλαστόρων</span>. vs. 1259 f.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>The murder of the boys inside of the palace is painted -on a Nolan amphora in the <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cabinet des Médailles</span></cite> in -Paris<a id='r313' /><a href='#f313' class='c020'><sup>[313]</sup></a>. Medeia in Greek dress and Phrygian cap has -slain one boy, who lies over the altar, either extremity -touching the floor. She stands, <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en face</span></i>, with the other -<span class='pageno' id='Page_170'>170</span>child grasped fast by the hair. This hand also holds -the sword. In her left, stretched out behind the altar, -is the sheath. The artist doubtless had in mind the -words which the chorus heard in vs. 1271 ff.—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἴμοι, τί δράσω; ποῖ φύγω μητρὸς χέρας;</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οὐκ οἶδ’, ἀδελφὲ φίλτατ’· ὀλλύμεσθα γάρ</span>.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>In the upper right-hand corner the pedagogue appears, -carrying an oil-cruse in his left hand. His right is raised -to his head. A wreath and two fillets point to the -sanctuary.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<img src='images/i_p170.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 25.</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>Another Canosa vase in Naples<a id='r314' /><a href='#f314' class='c020'><sup>[314]</sup></a>, although furnishing -a free handling of Medeia’s escape, is still an important -witness for the chariot and its actual appearance in the -<span class='pageno' id='Page_171'>171</span>production of the tragedy. In this particular the painting -is Euripidean.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Medeia in rapid flight upon her dragon-chariot holds -the reins in her left hand and the corner of her mantle in -the right. Her dress is the customary one for charioteers. -On the ground by the wheels one boy lies dead; the -other is said to be visible on the original, inside of the -chariot as on the sarcophagi. The sword is also on -the ground. She is pursued by three youths, one on -horseback, Jason (?), and two on foot. They all carry -spears, and each has a chlamys. The middle one also -wears a pilos and has a shield. In front of the chariot -is Lyssa (?) with a sword in the right hand, and staff or -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κέντρον</span> (?) in the left. She has an Artemis costume -with a mantle. Galloping ahead to lead the way is -Selene, seated as usual on her horse.</p> - -<p class='c009'>The painting is poorly preserved, but the main part is -sufficiently plain. The artist followed the traditional -manner of Medeia’s flight.</p> - -<h3 class='c019'>§ 10. <span class='sc'>Phoinissai.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>The <cite>Phoinissai</cite> in common with the <cite>Septem</cite> of Aischylos -deals with the well-known story of the attack of Polyneikes -and his supporters on Thebes. The events connected -with this war can be traced all through Greek and -Roman literature and art<a id='r315' /><a href='#f315' class='c020'><sup>[315]</sup></a>. We have here to do with -a relief cup, which illustrates Euripides’ version of the -combat. It possesses, like the other ‘Megarian Bowls’ -discussed in the present work, a value so unique for the -study of our poet that it may stand beside any vase -painting in assisting us in the study of the drama’s -influence upon art.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_172'>172</span> -<img src='images/i_p172.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 26 (<em>vid. p. <a href='#Page_170'>170</a> f.</em>).</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_173'>173</span>The cup shown in fig. 27 is of red, unglazed ware, -and is said to have been found in Thebes<a id='r316' /><a href='#f316' class='c020'><sup>[316]</sup></a>. The following -figures may be discerned. On the left Teiresias, -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΤΕΙΡΕΣΙΑΣ</span>, carrying a bough and led by his daughter -Manto, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΜΑΝΤΩ</span>, approaches Kreon, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΚΡΕΩΝ</span>, who kneels -before the aged seer. They are both bearded, and the -latter wears a long chiton. Next follows Polyneikes, -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΠΟΛΥΝΕΙΚΗΣ</span>, and Eteokles, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΕΤΕΟΚΛΗΣ</span>, in full -armour, engaged in their fatal fight. Thebe, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΘΗΒΗ</span>, -holding in her hand a sceptre, sits upon a rock watching -the sight. The messenger, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ</span>, wearing a short -chiton and chlamys, stands by Iokaste, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΙΟΚ ... ΣΤΗ</span>, before -the palace from which Antigone, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΑΝΤΙΓΟΝΗ</span>, has come. -The latter raises her hand in astonishment. The women -both wear long chitons. Lastly, on the right, Antigone -appears before Kreon, inscriptions in each case, in a -supplicating attitude.</p> - -<p class='c009'>That Kreon might know definitely how matters were -to terminate, he had sent for Teiresias. The latter makes -his appearance in v. 834—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἡγοῦ πάροιθε, θύγατερ, ὡς τυφλῷ ποδὶ</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀφθαλμὸς εἶ σύ, ναυτίλοισιν ἄστρον ὤς·</span></div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='figcenter id003'> -<span class='pageno' id='Page_174'>174</span> -<img src='images/i_p174.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 27 (<em>vid. p. <a href='#Page_173'>173</a> ff.</em>).</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'><span class='pageno' id='Page_175'>175</span>and so one sees him here before Kreon. His daughter -has brought him as he wished, and now stands behind -him, while the seer discloses the terrible misfortune -which must visit Kreon before success can crown the -Theban arms. The son Menoikeus, who is present in -Euripides, has been left out of the group. The messenger -soon appears and calls for Iokaste.</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔξελθ’, ἄκουσον, Οἰδίπου κλεινὴ δάμαρ.</span> v. 1070.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>She does hear, and comes from the palace and learns -everything about the attack thus far, and how the -different heroes on each side were armed. To her -special inquiry regarding her two sons the messenger -replies in detail (vs. 1217 ff.).</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἤδη δ’ ἔκρυπτον σῶμα παγχάλκοις ὅπλοις</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δισσοὶ γέροντος Οἰδίπου νεανίαι.</span> vs. 1242 f.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">στήτην δὲ λαμπρώ, χρῶμά τ’ οὐκ ἠλλαξάτην,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μαργῶντ’ ἐπ’ ἀλλήλοισιν ἱέναι δόρυ.</span> vs. 1246 f.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>But this is before the battle. They were waiting for -the word from the priests who examined the entrails of -the victims. The second messenger brings the account -of the engagement proper, and this is what the artist -seized upon<a id='r317' /><a href='#f317' class='c020'><sup>[317]</sup></a>.</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ᾖξαν δρόμημα δεινὸν ἀλλήλοις ἔπι·</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κάπροι δ’ ὅπως θήγοντες ἀγρίαν γένυν</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ξυνῆψαν, ἀφρῷ διάβροχοι γενειάδας·</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ᾖσσον δὲ λόγχαις· ἀλλ’ ὑφίζανον κύκλοις,</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὅπως σίδηρος ἐξολισθάνοι μάτην.</span> vs. 1379 ff.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'><span class='pageno' id='Page_176'>176</span>This is the moment which the relief represents. Their -spears have clashed, and each is still safe behind the -good circumference of his shield.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Iokaste, much disturbed at the critical situation -described by the messenger, determines to call Antigone -and rush to the battle-field to reconcile the brothers,—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὦ τέκνον, ἔξελθ’, Ἀντιγόνη, δόμων πάρος</span>. v. 1264.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>she cries, and Antigone at once appears and asks—</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τίν’, ὦ τεκοῦσα μῆτερ, ἔκπληξιν νέαν</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φίλοις ἀϋτεῖς τῶνδε δωμάτων πάρος;</span> vs. 1270 f.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>The situation is dramatically told on the vase. The -palace doors are still open, and Antigone stands astonished -before her mother.</p> - -<p class='c009'>No sooner has Kreon learned the result of the battle -than he passes an edict banishing the blind Oedipus -from the land. The faithful daughter comes to intercede -for her father and the scene is described in vs. 1539–1682. -The artist has seized upon this situation, but has omitted -Oedipus. Antigone bows before the new king, who -stands with his arms folded listening placidly to the -supplications.</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀτὰρ ς’ ἐρωτῶ τὸν νεωστὶ κοίρανον·</span></div> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τί θεσμοποιεῖς ἐπὶ ταλαιπώρῳ νεκρῷ</span>; vs. 1644 f.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'>This is the moment which the last group represents.</p> - -<p class='c009'><span class='pageno' id='Page_177'>177</span>The personification of Thebes occupying the central -field and presiding, as it were, over the destinies of the -capital, extends the setting of the poet and adds not -a little to the interest of the picture.</p> - -<div class='figcenter id002'> -<img src='images/i_p177.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' /> -<div class='ic002'> -<p>Fig. 28</p> -</div> -</div> - -<p class='c009'>There exists, remarkable enough, a small fragment of -another cup, which must have been much like the one -just discussed. It is shown in fig. 28, and joins on well -to the last scene in fig. 27, filling out the gap made by -the omission of Oedipus<a id='r318' /><a href='#f318' class='c020'><sup>[318]</sup></a>. We see the stooping and aged -figure of the former king, in long chiton, feeling his way -along or being led by some one. The inscription renders -everything plain. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Οἰδίπ]ους κελεύει [ἄγειν πρὸς τὸ -π]τῶμα τῆς αὑτοῦ μητρ[ός τε καὶ] γυναικὸς καὶ τῶν -υίῶ[ν.</span> The unfortunate Oedipus’ doom is sealed, and -he enters with Antigone upon his permanent banishment, -but he will be led to Iokaste that he may embrace -her once more, even though she is now a corpse;</p> - -<div class='lg-container-l c021'> - <div class='linegroup'> - <div class='group'> - <div class='line'><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">προσάγαγέ νύν με, μητρὸς ὡς ψαύσω σέθεν</span>. v. 1693.</div> - </div> - </div> -</div> - -<p class='c022'><span class='pageno' id='Page_178'>178</span>At this moment the artist conceived his figure, and -that one might not mistake its meaning he wrote -above it who the person was and what the scene meant. -Here, then, in this bit of potsherd, one can see and study -the workings of that awful curse which blasted the house -of Labdakos and sent the miserable Oedipus to wander -‘blind amidst the blaze of noon.’</p> - -<h3 class='c019'>§ 11. <span class='sc'>Supplementary.</span></h3> - -<p class='c018'>There remains still a number of vase paintings that -have been referred to certain of Euripides’ extant plays. -It will be seen that I have not been able to convince -myself of their Euripidean character, and have therefore -not included them in the number of published paintings. -The following list gives the most important vases of this -class. No discussion accompanies them, as they seem -to me to present difficulties that preclude their relation -to extant tragedies.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'><em>Alkestis.</em></h4> - -<p class='c024'>1. Etruscan amphora, no. 728 in the <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Cabinet des Médailles</span></cite>, Paris. -Pub. as frontispiece to Dennis’ <cite>Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria</cite>, -vol. ii. = <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1863, pl. 180. 3.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'><em>Andromache.</em></h4> - -<p class='c024'>1. Amphora, Brit. Mus., cat. iii. E 155. Pub. Raoul-Rochette, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mon. inéd.</span></cite> -pl. 40. 2; cf. Vogel, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Scen. eur. Trag.</span></cite> p. 141 f., and <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> -1880, p. 189.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'><em>Elektra.</em></h4> - -<p class='c024'>1. Slender Campanian amphora, Berlin. <cite>Pub. Arch.</cite> Anz. 1890, p. 90, -no. 7; cf. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">loc. cit.</span></i> The interpretation given explains the scene -as representing Orestes slaying Aigisthos. This was done, however, -not at a sanctuary or in the open, as here, but <em>in the palace</em> -where Aigisthos, Orestes, and Pylades were engaged in the -slaughtering of oxen. At v. 790 they had entered the palace.</p> - -<div> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_179'>179</span> - <h4 class='c017'><i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Herakles Furens.</span></i></h4> -</div> - -<p class='c024'>1. The Assteas vase in Madrid. Pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, ser. B, -pl. 1 = <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> viii. 10; cf. Hirzel, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Annali d. Inst.</span></cite> 1864, -p. 323 ff.: Körte, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ueber Personificationen psychologischer Affekte</span></cite>, -p. 18 f., and Vogel, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 143.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'><em>Hippolytos.</em></h4> - -<p class='c024'>1. Amphora. Attic fabric, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">cir.</span></i> 420 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> Berlin, vid. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Anz.</span></cite> 1890, -p. 89.</p> - -<p class='c023'>2. Lekythos from Paestum, now in Naples, no. 2900. Pub. Reinach-Millingen, -<cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Peintures</span></cite>, 41 = <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Élite Céram.</span></cite> iv. 87.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'><em>Ion.</em></h4> - -<p class='c024'>1. Nolan vase in Cassel. Pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1852, pl. 37; cf. Furtwängler, -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sammlung Sabouroff, Vasen</span></cite>, Einleitung, p. 14, note 12; Vogel, -<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 145.</p> - -<p class='c023'>2. Painting on a fourth cent. krater. Pub. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Élite Céram.</span></cite> ii. 76 a; cf. Furtwängler, -<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 14.</p> - -<p class='c023'>3. An Oxybaphon in the Louvre. Pub. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Élite Céram.</span></cite> ii. 88 a = Reinach-Millin. -<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> i. 46 = Müller-Wieseler, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler d. a. Kunst.</span></cite> ii. -142; cf. Furtwängler, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">loc. cit.</span></i></p> - -<h4 class='c017'><em>Iphigeneia at Aulis.</em></h4> - -<p class='c024'>1. Lucanian krater, Brit. Mus., cat. iv. F 159. Pub. Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, -pl. 14. 9 = <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, ser. 5, pl. 9. 3 = Inghirami, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Vasi fitt.</span></cite> -iii. pl. 251; cf. Vogel, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 116.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'>Euripides’ Lost Plays.</h4> - -<p class='c018'>The following list includes most of the paintings referred to the lost -tragedies. Where it has seemed to me doubtful about the Euripidean -character of the scenes I have preferred to omit mention of them -altogether.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'><cite>Aiolos.</cite></h4> - -<p class='c024'>1. Canosa hydria in Bari. The shoulder decoration only is pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. -Ztg.</span></cite> 1883, pl. 7. 1; cf. p. 51 ff. and Furtwängler, <cite>Masterpieces</cite>, -p. 109. The latter thinks the painting is from the fifth cent. <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> -Vid. also Vogel, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 28 ff.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'><em>Alkmene.</em></h4> - -<p class='c024'>1. Bell-shaped krater, signed by Python now in the Brit. Mus., cat. -iv. F 149. Pub. <cite>J. H. S.</cite> 1890, pl. 6; cf. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 225 ff.</p> - -<p class='c023'><span class='pageno' id='Page_180'>180</span>2. Amphora from Capua. Brit. Mus., cat. iv. F 193. Pub. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Annali d. -Inst.</span></cite> 1872, pl. A. Cf. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 1 ff. On both paintings Alkmene -sitting on an altar appeals to Zeus against Amphitryon. Cf. -Vogel, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 34.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'><em>Andromeda.</em></h4> - -<p class='c024'>1. Krater from Capua. Berlin, no. 3237. Cf. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Anz.</span></cite> 1893, p. 91, -f. no. 50. Pub. and discussed by Bethe, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch</span></cite>, 1896, p. 292 ff. -and pl. 2; cf. Bethe’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im -Altertum</span></cite>, p. 320, 330, and p. 35 above.</p> - -<p class='c023'>2. Amphora from Canosa. Naples, no. 3225. Pub. Minervini, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Memorie -accademiche</span></cite>, pl. 1–3; cf. Vogel, p. 39.</p> - -<p class='c023'>3. Amphora in Naples, no. 708, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Museo S. Angelo</span></cite>. Pub. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> -ix. 38; cf. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Annali d. Inst.</span></cite> 1872, p. 108 f., and Vogel, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 41.</p> - -<p class='c023'>4. Hydria from Anzi in the Basilicata. Brit. Mus., cat. iv. F 185; cf. -Vogel, p. 42. C.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'><em>Antigone.</em></h4> - -<p class='c024'>1. Ruvo amphora. Jatta coll. no. 423. Pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1871, pl. 40. 2, -and by Heydemann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ueber eine nacheuripideische Tragödie</span></cite>, 1868, -pl. 1, and <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> x. 26, 27. Polychrome view of whole -vase on pl. 26 = Rayet et Collignon, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de la Céramique -grecque</span></cite>, pl. 12, p. 300.</p> - -<p class='c023'>2. Apulian amphora. Berlin, no. 3240. Pub. Gerhard, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Apulische Vasenbilder</span></cite>, -xi = <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1871, pl. 40. 1. Cf. Heydemann, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> -and Klügmann, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Annali d. Inst.</span></cite> 1876, p. 173 ff., and Vogel, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> -p. 50 ff.</p> - -<p class='c023'>3. Fragment of Apulian amphora in Carlsruhe; Winnefeld’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Beschreibung -der Vasensammlung</span></cite>, p. 62 f. Pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1884, pl. 19. b = -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, ser. E. 6. 3. Cf. Winckler in <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aus der -Onomia</span></cite>, p. 149 ff.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'><em>Antiope.</em></h4> - -<p class='c024'>1. Apulian krater found near Syracuse. Berlin, no. 3296. Pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. -Ztg.</span></cite> 1878, pl. 7 and 8; cf. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 42 ff, and Robert, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bild und Lied</span></cite>, -p. 36; Vogel, p. 60 f.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'><em>Bellerophon.</em></h4> - -<p class='c024'>1. Ruvo amphora. Pub. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> iv. 21 = <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, -ser. viii, pl. 8. 1. Cf. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Annali d. Inst.</span></cite> 1845, p. 227.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'><em>Chrysippos.</em></h4> - -<p class='c024'>1. Ruvo amphora. Naples, no. 1769. Pub. Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, 1. 2.</p> - -<p class='c023'>2. Apulian amphora. Berlin, no. 3239. Pub. Overbeck, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> 1. 1.</p> - -<p class='c023'><span class='pageno' id='Page_181'>181</span>3. An abridgement of the foregoing. Pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, ser. 6, -<span class='fss'>II.</span> 2 = Roscher’s <cite>Lexikon</cite>, i. p. 903; cf. Vogel, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 137 f.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'><em>Hypsipyle.</em></h4> - -<p class='c024'>1. Lasimos amphora in the Louvre. Pub. Reinach-Millin, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Peintures</span></cite>, ii. -37 = Overbeck, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> pl. 28. 1. Cf. Vogel, p. 98 f.</p> - -<p class='c023'>2. Ruvo amphora. Naples, no. 3255. Pub. Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. -4. 3 = Baumeister, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, i. p. 114; cf. Vogel, p. 99 f.</p> - -<p class='c023'>3. Ruvo amphora. St. Petersburg, no. 523. Pub. Overbeck, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> pl. -4. 2; cf. Vogel, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">loc. cit.</span></i></p> - -<h4 class='c017'><em>Meleagros.</em></h4> - -<p class='c024'>1. Apulian amphora. Naples, <cite>Mus. S. Angelo</cite>, no. 11, A. Pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. -Ztg.</span></cite> 1867, pl. 220.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'><em>Stheneboia.</em></h4> - -<p class='c024'>1. Krater in Naples, No. 1891. Pub. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Annali d. Inst.</span></cite> 1874, pl. A.</p> - -<p class='c023'>2. Krater in St. Petersburg, no. 427. Pub. Inghirami, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Vasi fitt.</span></cite> i. pl. 1–3; -cf. Engelmann in <cite>Annali</cite>, 1874, p. 35 f., and Vogel, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 85 f.</p> - -<h4 class='c017'><em>Telephos.</em></h4> - -<p class='c024'>1. Hydria in Naples. Heydemann, <cite><span lang="co" xml:lang="co">Raccolta Cumana</span></cite>, no. 141. Pub. -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1857, pl. 106.</p> - -<p class='c023'>2. Tischbein, <cite>Vases d’Hamilton</cite>, ii. 6; cf. Jahn, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Telephos und Troilos</span></cite>, -p. 44, and Vogel, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 89 ff.</p> - -<div class='chapter'> - <span class='pageno' id='Page_182'>182</span> - <h2 class='c007'>INDEX</h2> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c004'> - <div>N.B.—All references are to pages.</div> - </div> -</div> - -<ul class='index c004'> - <li class='c025'>Accius, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Aischylos, authority of, in Magna Graecia, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a>, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_81'>81</a> f. - <ul> - <li><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἦθος</span> of, <a href='#Page_80'>80</a>.</li> - <li>statue of, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Agam.</cite>, <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Choe.</cite>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_43'>43</a> ff., <a href='#Page_58'>58</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Eumen.</cite>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_55'>55</a> ff., scenes of, <a href='#Page_69'>69</a> f.</li> - <li><cite>Iph.</cite>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Lykurgeia</cite>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Niobe</cite>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>.</li> - <li><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ὅπλων Κρίσις</span>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, note 2.</li> - <li><cite>Pentheus</cite>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a>, <a href='#Page_91'>91</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Phrygians</cite>, <a href='#Page_74'>74</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Prom.</cite>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Telephos</cite>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c025'>Andronicus (Livius), <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Antiope, myth of, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Assteas, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, note 1, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>.</li> - <li class='c004'>Choregos, prize of, <a href='#Page_5'>5</a> f.</li> - <li class='c025'>Comedy, on vases, <a href='#Page_40'>40</a>, note 2.</li> - <li class='c004'>Dante, influence of on art, <a href='#Page_1'>1</a> ff. - <ul> - <li>Botticelli’s drawings for, <a href='#Page_155'>155</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c025'>Dirke, monuments of, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Divinities, on vases, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>.</li> - <li class='c004'>Ekkyklema, <a href='#Page_66'>66</a> f., <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Ennius, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Etruscans, art of, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a> ff., <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, note 6.</li> - <li class='c025'>Euphronios, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a> f., <a href='#Page_157'>157</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Euripides, Aristotle’s criticism of, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a> f. - <ul> - <li>influence of, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_28'>28</a> f.</li> - <li><span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πάθος</span> of, <a href='#Page_79'>79</a> f.</li> - <li><cite>Aiolos</cite>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Alexandros</cite>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Alkestis</cite>, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>, <a href='#Page_16'>16</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Alkmene</cite>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Andromache</cite>, <a href='#Page_83'>83</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Andromeda</cite>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Antigone</cite>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Antiope</cite>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Auge</cite>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Bakchai</cite>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_88'>88</a> ff.</li> - <li><cite>Bellerophon</cite>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Chrysippos</cite>, <a href='#Page_180'>180</a> f.</li> - <li><cite>Elektra</cite>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>, <a href='#Page_178'>178</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Hekabe</cite>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_94'>94</a> ff.</li> - <li><cite>Herakleidai</cite>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li> - <li><cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Herakles Fur.</span></cite>, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a> f., <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Hippolytos</cite>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a> ff., <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Hypsipyle</cite>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Ion</cite>, <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Iph. A.</cite>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_112'>112</a> ff., <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Iph. T.</cite>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_17'>17</a> f., <a href='#Page_25'>25</a> f., <a href='#Page_121'>121</a> ff.</li> - <li><cite>Kretes</cite>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_27'>27</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Kyklops</cite>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, <a href='#Page_139'>139</a> ff.</li> - <li><cite>Medeia</cite>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> ff.</li> - <li><cite>Melanippe</cite>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Meleagros</cite>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_20'>20</a>, <a href='#Page_26'>26</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>.</li> - <li><span class='pageno' id='Page_183'>183</span><cite>Oedipus</cite>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Oinomaos</cite>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Philoktetes</cite>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Phoin.</cite>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a> ff.</li> - <li><cite>Rhesos</cite>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Stheneboia</cite>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Telephos</cite>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_31'>31</a>, <a href='#Page_181'>181</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Theseus</cite>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c004'><i><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Flugmaschine</span></i>, <a href='#Page_160'>160</a>.</li> - <li class='c004'>Homer, <a href='#Page_3'>3</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>.</li> - <li class='c004'>Laokoön, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a> f.</li> - <li class='c025'>Lyssa, <a href='#Page_163'>163</a>, <a href='#Page_171'>171</a>.</li> - <li class='c004'>Niobe, group, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a> f.</li> - <li class='c004'>Oedipus, banishment of, <a href='#Page_177'>177</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Oistros, <a href='#Page_162'>162</a> ff.</li> - <li class='c025'>Orpheus, relief of, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a> f.</li> - <li class='c004'>Paeuvius, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Parrhasios, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a> f., <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Peirithoös, relief, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Peliades, relief, <a href='#Page_4'>4</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Pergamon, frieze, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Polygnotos, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a> f., <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>, <a href='#Page_110'>110</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Polyxena, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>, <a href='#Page_95'>95</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Praxiteles, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Python, <a href='#Page_70'>70</a>, note 1.</li> - <li class='c004'>Seilanion, ‘Iokaste’ of, <a href='#Page_7'>7</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Skopas, <a href='#Page_9'>9</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Sophokles, influence of, on art, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a> ff. - <ul> - <li>statue of, <a href='#Page_6'>6</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Antigone</cite>, <a href='#Page_75'>75</a>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Elektra</cite>, <a href='#Page_50'>50</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Iphigeneia</cite>, <a href='#Page_12'>12</a>, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Lakainai</cite>, <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Laokoön</cite>, <a href='#Page_10'>10</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Mysoi</cite>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Niobe</cite>, <a href='#Page_8'>8</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Niptra</cite>, <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, note 3.</li> - <li><cite>Oed. Rex</cite>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Oinomaos</cite>, <a href='#Page_14'>14</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Phaidra</cite>, <a href='#Page_101'>101</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Philoktetes</cite>, <a href='#Page_13'>13</a>, <a href='#Page_19'>19</a>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Polyxene</cite>, <a href='#Page_21'>21</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Trachiniai</cite>, <a href='#Page_77'>77</a>.</li> - <li><cite>Troilos</cite>, <a href='#Page_32'>32</a>.</li> - </ul> - </li> - <li class='c004'>Tarentum, <a href='#Page_37'>37</a> ff., <a href='#Page_66'>66</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Timanthes, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_25'>25</a>, <a href='#Page_34'>34</a>, <a href='#Page_113'>113</a>, <a href='#Page_140'>140</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Timomachus, <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>, <a href='#Page_138'>138</a>.</li> - <li class='c025'>Tragedy, Roman and Greek, <a href='#Page_11'>11</a>, <a href='#Page_82'>82</a>.</li> - <li class='c004'>Zeuxis, <a href='#Page_24'>24</a>.</li> -</ul> - -<hr class='c026' /> -<div class='footnote' id='f1'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r1'>1</a>. <span class='pageno' id='Page_184'>184</span>F.-W. no. 1198; pub. in Brunn’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, no. 18, and Baumeister, -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, ii. p. 1121.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f2'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r2'>2</a>. Benndorf und Schöne, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Bildwerke des Lateranensischen Museums</span></cite>. -no. 92 = F.-W. no. 1200; pub. in Brunn’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, no. 17.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f3'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r3'>3</a>. F.-W. no. 1201; pub. in <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Museo Torlonia</span></cite>, pl. 93, no. 377. This is the -youngest of the three, but the original still belongs to the period just after -the completion of the Parthenon.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f4'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r4'>4</a>. Cf. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Griechische Weihgeschenke</span></cite>, p. 130 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f5'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r5'>5</a>. Cf. Isaeus v. 41, and Xen. <cite>Hieron</cite>, ix. 4.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f6'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r6'>6</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athen. Mitth.</span></cite> 1878, p. 233; <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀθήναιον</span> B. vii. p. 93.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f7'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r7'>7</a>. 1. 20. 1.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f8'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r8'>8</a>. Cf. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">C. I. A.</span></cite> ii. 3, 1298, and <cite>Anth. Pal.</cite> vi. 239.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f9'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r9'>9</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Loc. cit.</span></i></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f10'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r10'>10</a>. 1. 21. 1 and 2.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f11'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r11'>11</a>. Pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athen. Mitth.</span></cite> 1882, pl. 14; cf. F.-W. no. 1135.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f12'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r12'>12</a>. Furtwängler, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sammlung Sabouroff</span></cite>, p. 31.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f13'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r13'>13</a>. Cf. F.-W. no. 1843, 1844, and Jahn’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Archäologische Beiträge</span></cite>, p. 198 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f14'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r14'>14</a>. Cf. Overbeck’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Schriftquellen</span></cite>, no. 1128.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f15'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r15'>15</a>. F.-W. no. 1242.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f16'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r16'>16</a>. I follow Robert. Cf. <cite>Thanatos</cite>, p. 37 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f17'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r17'>17</a>. Cf. Robert in <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch</span></cite>, 1887, p. 244 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f18'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r18'>18</a>. F.-W. 1402. Cf. Pliny, <cite>Nat. Hist.</cite> 36, 34.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f19'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r19'>19</a>. One may distinguish two distinct moments in works of art based -upon the Antiope myth. (1) The two sons of Antiope have the unfortunate -Dirke all but fastened to the bull, which is being held only -with the utmost exertion. (2) The catastrophe ensues. The wild -animal is dragging his victim over the ground. It need not be said that -the most celebrated representation of (1) is the <i><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">toro farnese</span></i>. For (2), cf. -a wall painting, pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1878, pl. 9, <em>a</em> and <em>b</em>. The myth was -wonderfully popular and appears on coins, gems, reliefs, &c., all of -which belong to the period when tragic influence predominated in art. -Cf. Dilthey, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1878, p. 43 ff. and Jahn, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i>, 1853, p. 65–105.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f20'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r20'>20</a>. F.-W. no. 1422. Cf. Pliny, <cite>Nat. Hist.</cite> 36, 37.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f21'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r21'>21</a>. Robert, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bild und Lied</span></cite>, p. 192 ff., contends against the influence of -Sophokles.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f22'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r22'>22</a>. Cic. <em>de opt. gen. orat.</em> 1. 1.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f23'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r23'>23</a>. Velleius, 1. 17. 1.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f24'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r24'>24</a>. The favourite subject was the murder of Troïlos.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f25'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r25'>25</a>. Brunn, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> pl. 1–16; cf. Schlie, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Darstellungen des troischen -Sagenkreises auf etruskischen Aschenkisten</span></cite>, p. 13 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f26'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r26'>26</a>. <cite>Poet.</cite> 1453<sup>a</sup>. 21.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f27'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r27'>27</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Op. cit.</span></i> pl. 26–34, gives eighteen reliefs.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f28'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r28'>28</a>. Cf. p. <a href='#Page_113'>113</a> f.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f29'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r29'>29</a>. Brunn, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> pl. 69–72; cf. especially nos. 1, 2 and 3. The remaining -four are not Sophoklean and betray an admixture of different elements. -Odysseus bathes the afflicted foot of Philoktetes on nos. 6 and 7.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f30'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r30'>30</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Op. cit.</span></i> p. 155; cf. pl. 74–83.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f31'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r31'>31</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Op. cit.</span></i> pl. 84–85. The attitude of ‘Iphigeneia’ causes some difficulty -in this interpretation. Cf. her part on the other monuments.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f32'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r32'>32</a>. Cf. p. <a href='#Page_124'>124</a> ff. below.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f33'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r33'>33</a>. Körte, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> vol. ii. pl. 1. 2.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f34'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r34'>34</a>. Cf. p. <a href='#Page_144'>144</a> ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f35'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r35'>35</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Op. cit.</span></i> vol. ii. pl. 4. 1, 2 and 3. and pl. 5. 4.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f36'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r36'>36</a>. Cf. schol. Eur. <cite>Phoin.</cite> v. 61, and Nauck’s <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Fragmenta</span></cite>, Eur. no. 541, -and <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> ii. pl. 7. 1.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f37'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r37'>37</a>. There are twenty-eight in all representing the fratricide, and nine -showing the attack; Körte, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">I rilievi d. urne etrusche</span></cite>, ii. pl. 8 24.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f38'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r38'>38</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Op. cit.</span></i> ii. p. 32 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f39'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r39'>39</a>. Pl. 26–27.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f40'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r40'>40</a>. Pl. 28–30.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f41'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r41'>41</a>. Pl. 31–32.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f42'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r42'>42</a>. Cf. p. <a href='#Page_105'>105</a> f. below.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f43'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r43'>43</a>. Pl. 39–40. Three in all.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f44'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r44'>44</a>. Pl. 41–56.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f45'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r45'>45</a>. One may think of Soph. <cite>Oinom.</cite>, called also <cite>Hippodameia</cite>, and of Eur. -<cite>Oinom.</cite> The latter seems to have been followed by Accius.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f46'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r46'>46</a>. Pl. 62; cf. also <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> ii. p. 150 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f47'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r47'>47</a>. Pl. 100–104.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f48'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r48'>48</a>. The monumental publication, which is now appearing under the -direction of the German Imperial Archaeological Institute, will, when -completed, place within one’s reach all this immense material. The -projected plan embraces six volumes of which the second has so far -appeared: <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Antiken Sarkophag-Reliefs</span></cite>, ii. 1890, edited by Carl Robert. -The third part is to embrace three vols., so that we have in the <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Antiken -Sarkophag-Reliefs</span></cite>, iii. 1897, Carl Robert, only the first vol.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f49'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r49'>49</a>. Robert, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> iii. part i, pl. 6–7. Nos. 22, 23, 24, 26 are all -practically intact and agree closely with each other. Nos. 27–30 are -larger or smaller fragments.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f50'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r50'>50</a>. Pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1875, pl. 9 = Robert, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> iii. part i, pl. 7. 32 = -Baumeister, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, i. p. 46.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f51'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r51'>51</a>. P. <a href='#Page_101'>101</a> ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f52'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r52'>52</a>. Robert, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> ii. p. 165.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f53'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r53'>53</a>. Robert, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die antiken Sark.-Reliefs</span></cite>, ii. pl. 54, no. 154.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f54'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r54'>54</a>. Cf. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> ii. pl. 54–56, nos 155–166; vid. also p. <a href='#Page_67'>67</a> below.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f55'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r55'>55</a>. Robert, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> ii. pl. 57–59, nos. 167–180, and p. <a href='#Page_124'>124</a> ff. below.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f56'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r56'>56</a>. P. <a href='#Page_145'>145</a> ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f57'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r57'>57</a>. Robert, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> ii. pl. 60, nos. 183, 184, and p. 191 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f58'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r58'>58</a>. Robert, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> ii. pl. 51, no. 139.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f59'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r59'>59</a>. Pub. by Robert, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Pasiphaë-Sarkophag</span></cite>, 1890, pl. i.; also <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> iii. -part i, pi. 10. 35, 35<sup>a</sup>, 35<sup>b</sup>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f60'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r60'>60</a>. Cf. Nauck’s <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Fragmenta</span></cite>, no. 472.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f61'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r61'>61</a>. Cf. Baumeister, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, ii. p. 917, where the Louvre fragment is -published = Clarac, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Musée de Sculpture</span></cite>, pl. 201, no. 208. A similar scene -is shown in no. 256.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f62'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r62'>62</a>. Paus. 1. 22. 6.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f63'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r63'>63</a>. Cf. p. <a href='#Page_94'>94</a> ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f64'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r64'>64</a>. Cf. schol. Eur. <cite>Hek.</cite> v. 3, and Nauck’s <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Fragmenta</span></cite>, p. 245 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f65'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r65'>65</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Homerische Becher</span></cite>, p. 75; but on p. 25 f. of the <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Iliupersis des Polygnot -in der Poikile</span></cite>, Robert refers the picture to Polykleitos on the strength of -the epigram (<cite>Anth. Plan.</cite> 3. 30) by Pollianos. The question turns on the -reading <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Πολυκλείτοιο</span>, which has generally been held to be a corruption of -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Πολυγνώτοιο</span>. But this does not convince me that Polygnotos might not -have painted the work in the Propylaia. It is by no means necessary to -consider the two paintings identical even if <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Πολυκλείτοιο</span> must remain.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f66'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r66'>66</a>. Paus. 10. 25. 2.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f67'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r67'>67</a>. This was shown by Schneidewin in <cite>Philologus</cite>, 1849, p. 645 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f68'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r68'>68</a>. Pliny, <cite>Nat. Hist.</cite> 35. 71.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f69'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r69'>69</a>. Cf. Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Schriftquellen</span></cite>, 1735–1739, and p. <a href='#Page_112'>112</a> f. below.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f70'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r70'>70</a>. Pliny, <cite>Nat. Hist.</cite> 35, 132, and Helbig, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wandgemälde</span></cite>, 1183–1203.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f71'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r71'>71</a>. Pliny, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> 35, 136, and Helbig, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> nos. 1189, 1262–1264. The -latter is from Herculaneum. Cf. Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Schriftquellen</span></cite>, 2126–2135, for -various epigrams touching this painting of Timomachus.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f72'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r72'>72</a>. Overbeck, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> 1642. Cf. Reisch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Griechische Weihgeschenke</span></cite>, p. 127.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f73'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r73'>73</a>. Pliny, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> 35, 144; cf. a Pompeian wall painting, pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> -1883, pl. 9. 1.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f74'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r74'>74</a>. Paus. 1. 20. 3.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f75'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r75'>75</a>. Vid. Dörpfeld and Reisch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Das griechische Theater</span></cite>, p. 21.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f76'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r76'>76</a>. Cf. p. <a href='#Page_74'>74</a> below.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f77'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r77'>77</a>. Cf. Helbig, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> Three groups are distinguishable. (1) Nos. 1216–1240, -Ariadne forsaken by Theseus. (2) 1222–1232, she mourns in her -solitude. (3) 1233–1240, Dionysos comes to her rescue.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f78'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r78'>78</a>. Helbig, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> nos. 1242–1247; cf. p. <a href='#Page_108'>108</a>, note 1.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f79'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r79'>79</a>. Cf. Helbig, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> nos. 1304, 1305.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f80'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r80'>80</a>. Cf. p. <a href='#Page_138'>138</a> below.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f81'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r81'>81</a>. Helbig, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> nos. 1142, 1143.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f82'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r82'>82</a>. Especially fine is the painting discovered in the <i><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">casa dei Vettii</span></i>, photo. -Alinari, no. 12133; cf. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Röm. Mitth</span></cite>. 1896, p. 50 f.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f83'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r83'>83</a>. Cf. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Röm. Mitth</span></cite>. 1896, p. 45 f., and <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Anz</span></cite>. 1895, p. 121, photo. -Alinari, no. 12134. Pub. <cite>J. H. S.</cite> 1896, p. 151.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f84'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r84'>84</a>. Helbig, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> nos. 1151–1153. The excavations in 1895 added still -another to those already known. Vid. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Röm. Mitth</span></cite>. 1896, p. 46, photo. -Alinari, no. 12135. Cf. also <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg</span></cite>. 1878, pl. 9. <em>a</em> and <em>b</em> for two others.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f85'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r85'>85</a>. Livius Andronicus, Ennius, and Accius, each wrote an <cite>Andromeda</cite>. -Ennius translated the <cite>Medeia</cite>, and chose over half his pieces from -Euripides.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f86'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r86'>86</a>. Gerhard’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Etruskische Spiegel</span></cite>, ii. pl. 239, and v. pl. 117.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f87'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r87'>87</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Op. cit.</span></i> iv. pl. 354. 2.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f88'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r88'>88</a>. Gerhard, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> iv. 367. 2. Cf. Euripides’ <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κρῆτες</span>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f89'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r89'>89</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Op. cit.</span></i> iv. pl. 401.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f90'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r90'>90</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Op. cit.</span></i> ii. pl. 229 = Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. 14. 1; iv. pl. 390. 2; v. -pl. 108.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f91'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r91'>91</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Op. cit.</span></i> v. p. 217.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f92'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r92'>92</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, ser. D. pl. 10. 4 and 5 = <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> ii. pl. 138. 139. -Aischylos was the first to chain Prometheus, and all the monuments -representing the giant thus fastened on the cliff are dependent on the -<cite>Prometheus</cite>. Cf. Milchhoefer, in <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Berliner Winckelmannsprogramm</span></cite> for 1882.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f93'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r93'>93</a>. The question as to where and how the Etruscans came to have -so wide a knowledge of Greek poetry will long remain a perplexing one. -One thing seems clear, viz., that the Romans did not serve as any connecting -link between Greece and Etruria. Greek art as well as Greek -letters reached this people direct. It hardly seems probable that translations -of the Greek poets were so extensively made by this practical people, -that the artists could in this manner have had access to so much that is -Euripidean. There is, moreover, a great deal in some of the reliefs that -bespeaks a familiarity with the scenes as actually given in the theatre. -This leads me to think that the wandering troops of actors had penetrated -Etruria also, and introduced the plays of which the Etruscans made so -much in their art.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f94'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r94'>94</a>. Figs. 12, 16, 27, 28; cf. also note 2, p. <a href='#Page_95'>95</a> f.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f95'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r95'>95</a>. Vid. Lüders, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die dionysischen Künstler</span></cite>, Berlin, 1873.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f96'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r96'>96</a>. Cf. p. <a href='#Page_114'>114</a> ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f97'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r97'>97</a>. The ‘Megarian Bowls’ have much in common with such later -monuments as the <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">tabula iliaca</span></i>. Cf. Jahn’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bilderchroniken</span></cite>, and Baumeister, -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, i. no. 775.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f98'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r98'>98</a>. Jahn, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Telephos und Troilos</span></cite>, 1841, p. 46 ff., believed that Exekias was -indebted to Euripides’ <cite>Telephos</cite> for the idea of his dice-players; cf. Overbeck, -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. 14. 4, and <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, 1888, pl. 6. 1<sup>a</sup>. -We know now that Exekias must have lived nearly 100 years before the -date of the <cite>Telephos</cite>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f99'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r99'>99</a>. Klein in his <cite>Euphronios</cite>, 1886, p. 236 ff., saw in the Iliupersis kylix, -pub. Baumeister, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, i. no. 795, the workings of Aischylos’ -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ὅπλον Κρίσις</span>; in the Euphronios kylix, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, ser. v. pl. -6, representing the death of Troïlos, a connexion was pointed out with -Sophokles’ <cite>Troilos</cite>; and the Dolon kylix, also by Euphronios, cf. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> -p. 136 f., might be brought under the <cite>Rhesos</cite> of Euripides.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f100'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r100'>100</a>. Note especially the Brygos kylix, Brit. Mus., cat. iii. E 65; pub. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mon. -d. Inst.</span></cite> ix. 46, and <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, ser. viii. 6. Dionysos stands -by his altar over which a satyr springs to grasp Iris. Others of the tribe -make merry. Cf. also Brit. Mus., cat. iii. E 768; pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegebl.</span></cite> -ser. vii. 4, in the style of Euthymides. Seilenos in herald’s dress is in -the midst of a long train of satyrs.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f101'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r101'>101</a>. The main scene is published and discussed by Dümmler in <cite>Rheinisches -Museum</cite>, 1888, p. 355 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f102'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r102'>102</a>. Cf. the Peiraieus frag. pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1880, pl. 16. Other examples -of later styles are included by Reisch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Griech. Weihgeschenke</span></cite>, p. 68 ff. -Vid. further the list in <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1880, p. 182 f.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f103'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r103'>103</a>. Gerhard, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Auser. Vasen</span></cite>, pl. 56, and Reinach-Millin, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Peintures</span></cite>, i. 9.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f104'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r104'>104</a>. Berlin, inv. no. 3237. Pub. and discussed by Bethe, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch</span></cite>, 1896, -p. 292 ff. and pl. 2; cf. Furtwängler, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Anz.</span></cite> 1893, p. 91 f.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f105'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r105'>105</a>. P. <a href='#Page_141'>141</a> ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f106'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r106'>106</a>. No. 3235, A. Pub. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> ii. pl. 36; Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. -24. 19; cf. Furtwängler, <cite>Masterpieces</cite>, p. 152 f.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f107'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r107'>107</a>. Fig. 8, and p. <a href='#Page_63'>63</a> f.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f108'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r108'>108</a>. Heydemann’s cat. no. 3240. Pub. Müller-Wieseler, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Theater-gebäude</span></cite>, -pl. 6. 2; Baumeister, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, i. fig. 422.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f109'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r109'>109</a>. iv. 115–117. Cf. also Bethe, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters -im Altertum</span></cite>, p. 42.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f110'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r110'>110</a>. The Penelope vase, pub. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> ix. pl. 42 = Baumeister’s -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, iii. no. 2332, has lately been explained by Robert as being -based on Soph. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Νίπτρα</span>. Cf. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Marathonschlacht in der Poikile</span></cite>, p. 78 ff. -If I could accept this view my position would be very materially -strengthened. The <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Νίπτρα</span> must be set <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">cir.</span></i> 428 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, and this means that the -painting is later than this date. Much as I should like to bring this -important monument into connexion with the drama, I cannot think of a -later date for the vase than 440 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, which to be sure renders its -relation to Sophokles impossible. If, however, Professor Robert be -correct, it shows that there is at least one vase painting of the fifth -century that represents a form of a myth which belonged to the theatre, -and this was not granted in <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bild und Lied</span></cite>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f111'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r111'>111</a>. Cf. Gardner’s <cite>Types of Greek Coins</cite>, pl. v. nos. 17–20, and Furtwängler’s -<cite>Masterpieces</cite>, p. 105 ff., with the very instructive collection of -Italian and Sicilian coins which shows the Attic influence in this period.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f112'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r112'>112</a>. Cf. Mommsen, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Unteritalische Dialekte</span></cite>, p. 89 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f113'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r113'>113</a>. <cite>De leg.</cite> 1. 637<sup>c</sup>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f114'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r114'>114</a>. Dio Cassius, 39. 3. 6.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f115'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r115'>115</a>. Zonaris, viii. 2. 370, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">καὶ τὸ θέατρον ἔκλεισε</span>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f116'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r116'>116</a>. Cf. figs. 5, 6, 18, 19, 20, 21, 23.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f117'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r117'>117</a>. The large class of Lower Italy vases that illustrate scenes from -comedy are priceless treasures. They are based on the ‘farce-plays,’ -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φλύακες τραγικοί</span>—the invention of Rhinthon (vid. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Rhinthonis Fragmenta</span></cite>, -Halle, dissertation by E. Völker, 1887); cf. especially Heydemann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch</span></cite>, -1886, p. 260 ff., where all the examples then known are discussed. -Bethe, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im Altertum</span></cite>, p. 278–292, -handles particularly the interesting question of the stage represented in -the scenes.</p> - -<p class='c009'>Mention should be made also of Körte’s excellent article in the -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch</span></cite> for 1893, p. 61–93, on <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Archaeologische Studien zur alten Komödie</span></cite>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f118'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r118'>118</a>. Robert’s conclusion in regard to the literary source of all the monuments -(<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bild und Lied</span></cite>, p. 149 ff.) is that they go back to the <cite>Oresteia</cite> of -Stesichoros. This view has been generally accepted by archaeologists, -and met with no opposition till Wilamowitz showed reason for believing -in the existence of a Delphic epic dealing with this subject. The whole -question needs another careful investigation.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f119'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r119'>119</a>. Pub. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> vi. pl. 57. 1 = Roscher’s <cite>Lexikon</cite>, i. p. 1238. -Cf. Robert, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 167 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f120'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r120'>120</a>. Naples, no. 1755, pub. Baumeister, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, iii. 1939 = Reinach-Millingen, -<cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Peintures</span></cite>, pl. 14.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f121'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r121'>121</a>. Fig. 2. Pub. Raoul-Rochette, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Monuments inédits</span></cite>, pl. 34. Cf. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> -p. 159 ff.; Overbeck, <cite>Bildwerke</cite>, pl. 28. 5; cf. text <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i>, p. 688 ff.; Inghirami, -<cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Vasi fitt.</span></cite> ii. pl. 151.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f122'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r122'>122</a>. Cf. figs. 14, 15, 23, 24 for the regulation dress of the pedagogue.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f123'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r123'>123</a>. Cf. note 2, p. <a href='#Page_44'>44</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f124'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r124'>124</a>. Munich coll. Jahn’s cat. no. 814. The figure of Elektra alone -together with the view of the tomb is published by Inghirami, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Vasi fitt.</span></cite> -ii. pl. 154.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f125'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r125'>125</a>. Pub. Inghirami, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> ii. pl. 153.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f126'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r126'>126</a>. An amphora, no. 544. The painting has not been published so far -as I know, but the similarity it bears to figs. 3 and 4 appeared to me to -render a publication of it here unnecessary.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f127'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r127'>127</a>. Cf. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">παρ’ οὐδετέρω κεῖται ἡ μυθοποιία</span> of the Hypothesis.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f128'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r128'>128</a>. Cf. Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. 29, and Raoul-Rochette, <cite>Mon. inéd.</cite> -pl. 35–38.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f129'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r129'>129</a>. Cat. no. 349; pub. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Compte Rendu</span></cite>, 1864, pl. 6. 5; cf. Stephani, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> -p. 252 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f130'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r130'>130</a>. Cf. a similar figure with the key in figs. 6, 18, 20. In the latter cases -Iphigeneia is the priestess.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f131'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r131'>131</a>. v. 1061.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f132'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r132'>132</a>. v. 35.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f133'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r133'>133</a>. Vid my <cite>Attitude of the Greek Tragedians toward Art</cite>, p. 12 ff., for a -discussion of this passage.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f134'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r134'>134</a>. So Eur. <cite>Orest.</cite> v. 321; <cite>Elekt.</cite> v. 1345.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f135'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r135'>135</a>. Naples, no. 3249, photo, Alinari, 11296, from which fig. 6 is taken. -The painting was published by Jahn, <cite>Vasenbilder</cite>, 1839, pl. 1. 1, from a -drawing. Jahn himself had not seen the vase. The drawing does the -fine picture so little justice that I could not think of reproducing it. The -work on the vase is wonderfully clear and strong. Every figure is in -itself a beautiful work of art. The picture presents an unusual variety of -situations that are artistically of great interest.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f136'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r136'>136</a>. Cf. also fig. 8.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f137'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r137'>137</a>. No. 3256. Pub. Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. 29. 4; general view of the -whole vase, Gerhard’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Apulische Vasen</span></cite>. pl. A. 6. Another painting, a late -work and wretchedly done, somewhat similar, is published in <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> -1877, pl. 4. 11.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f138'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r138'>138</a>. Fig. 8. Pub. Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. 29. 7; <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> iv. pl. 48; -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1860, pl. 138. 2; Baumeister’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, ii. p. 1117; Rayet et -Collignon, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de la céramique grecque</span></cite>, p. 297.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f139'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r139'>139</a>. Vid. Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. 29. 11, and 12.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f140'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r140'>140</a>. Cf. vs. 67, 84, 91.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f141'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r141'>141</a>. This view is maintained by Dörpfeld and Reisch, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Das griechische -Theater</span></cite>, p. 243 ff. In reply to this vid. Robert in <cite>Hermes</cite>, vol. 32, p. 439 ff. -Vid. also Bethe, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im Altertum</span></cite>, -pp. 112–116, where this point in the production of the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eumenides</span></cite> is ably -discussed.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f142'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r142'>142</a>. Cf. this scene on the Sarcophagi reliefs. Robert, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die antiken Sarkophag-Reliefs</span></cite>, ii. pl. 54–56, nos. 155–161, the right end scene; also no. 157<sup>1</sup>, -p. 173.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f143'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r143'>143</a>. Cf. the ghosts of Aigisthos and Klytaimestra on the end reliefs of the -Sarcophagus, no. 155, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f144'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r144'>144</a>. <cite>Orest.</cite> 408, 1650; <cite>Tro.</cite> 457; cf. also the relief found near Argos, pub. -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athen. Mitth.</span></cite> 1879, pl. 9 = Roscher’s <cite>Lexikon</cite>, i. p. 1330.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f145'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r145'>145</a>. Wilamowitz, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aischylos Orestie, Zweites Stück</span></cite>, 1896, p. 246 ff., has -shown the plausibility of believing in such an epic. The author was -a Delphian.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f146'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r146'>146</a>. A few fragments remain from the <cite>Oresteia</cite> of Stesichoros. Cf. Bergk-Schaefer, -<cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Poetae lyrici graeci</span></cite>, iii. p. 219 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f147'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r147'>147</a>. Opinions vary on this point. Three different views are held. -(1) The temple of Athena remains the scene throughout the rest of the -play; the Areiopagos (v. 685) becomes then merely a part of the stage -decorations given by the periaktoi. (2) Between v. 235 and v. 685 the -scene was changed from the Acropolis to the Areiopagos. (3) There is no -scene from v. 235 other than the Areiopagos. The latter seems to -me absolutely untenable. Repeated allusion is made to the temple and -to Orestes clinging to the old image in the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δῶμα</span> (v. 242 ff.). Regarding -the first and second, it makes little difference whether the scene was in -fact shifted or whether it was represented on the wings. The practical -working was the same in either case.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f148'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r148'>148</a>. The present whereabouts of the vase is not known. Pub. Baumeister, -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, ii. p. 1118; Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. 29. 9; Reinach-Millingen, -<cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Peintures</span></cite>, ii. 68; also as frontispiece to the 4th ed. of Paley’s <cite>Aeschylus</cite>. -He disposes of it in a line or two, and, with the usual accuracy which -characterizes philologists when dealing with matters of archaeology, says -the vase is ‘probably nearly contemporaneous’ with the <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Eumenides</span></cite> -(p. 584). The composition is remarkably like the Assteas painting, -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, ser. i. pl. 7. The figures of Apollo and Kadmos, -as well as the two Athenas, have much in common. There is the same -roundness and plumpness in the figures. Furthermore, Assteas was partial -to bust figures and never lost an opportunity to introduce them. The -border on the veil of the female bust of our vase is Campanian, as are -also certain other details. All this brings me to the opinion that Assteas, -who was very likely from Paestum and may have been in touch with -Campanian styles as well, was the painter of our vase. It is at least -from the school of Assteas. A painting by Python (<cite>J. H. S.</cite> 1890, pl. 6), -one of the set of Assteas, exhibits the same treatment of hair and -decoration that is found on the painting, fig. 9.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f149'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r149'>149</a>. These feathers, for that is what these projections are, can be counted -on dozens of helms belonging to this period. Athena and warriors wear -them alike. Their occurrence before the latter part of the fourth -century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> is unknown to me.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f150'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r150'>150</a>. Cf. Aisch. <cite>Supp.</cite> v. 463.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f151'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r151'>151</a>. Pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1860, pl. 137. 4 = Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. 29. 8.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f152'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r152'>152</a>. Vid. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Anz.</span></cite> 1890, p. 90.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f153'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r153'>153</a>. It is worth noting that, when viewed both from the artistic in his -plays and the art that was an outgrowth of his plays, Sophokles occupies -the same position as regards Aischylos and Euripides. Cf. my <cite>Attitude -of the Greek Tragedians toward Art</cite>, p. 32 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f154'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r154'>154</a>. P. <a href='#Page_35'>35</a>, note 3, and p. <a href='#Page_36'>36</a>, note 3.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f155'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r155'>155</a>. <cite>Poet.</cite> 1450<sup>a</sup>. 25.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f156'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r156'>156</a>. <cite>Rep.</cite> 8. 568<sup>a</sup>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f157'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r157'>157</a>. C. 29.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f158'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r158'>158</a>. Athen. p. 537; cf. Plut. <cite>Alex.</cite> c. 10 and 53.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f159'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r159'>159</a>. Athen. p. 175.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f160'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r160'>160</a>. This fact comes out particularly in Polybios; cf. Susemihl, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte -der griech. Litteratur in der Alexanderzeit</span></cite>, ii. p. 119.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f161'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r161'>161</a>. <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">C. I. A.</span></cite> ii. 973 is the authority for this occurrence in the years -341–39 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f162'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r162'>162</a>. 6. 3. 5.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f163'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r163'>163</a>. Cf. <cite>Nem.</cite> 7. v. 49 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f164'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r164'>164</a>. Vid. Hypothesis: <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τὸ δὲ δρᾶμα τῶν δευτέρον.</span></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f165'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r165'>165</a>. Fig. 10; no. 239 in the Jatta catalogue. Pub. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Annali d. Inst.</span></cite> 1868, -pl. E = Engelmann’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Atlas zum Homer</span></cite>, ii. <cite>Odyssee</cite>, pl. 4. 18; cf. Vogel, -<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 36 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f166'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r166'>166</a>. Cf. similar figures in figs. 6, 18, 20.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f167'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r167'>167</a>. The composition is strikingly like that in fig. 18. The two temples -are exact counterparts of each other. The altars likewise and the Apollo -figures have much in common. Most important of all is the fact that in -both pictures the chief persons are denoted by inscriptions. It should be -observed further that both vases are of the same style, amphoras with -volute handles, and both were found in Ruvo. These facts lead me -to believe that one and the same artist may have been the painter -of both works.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f168'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r168'>168</a>. Cf. figs. 6, 7, 18, 20, 21, 23.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f169'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r169'>169</a>. The 26th idyll of Theokritos should also be counted with the -<cite>Bakchai</cite>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f170'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r170'>170</a>. Suidas s. v. Thespis.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f171'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r171'>171</a>. But one verse remains, Nauck’s <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Fragmenta</span></cite>, no. 183.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f172'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r172'>172</a>. A psykter in the Bourguignon coll., Naples; pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch</span></cite>, 1892, -pl. 5. The vase belongs to the Epiktetos set, and may be dated <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">cir.</span></i> -500 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f173'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r173'>173</a>. The following, given by Hartwig, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch</span></cite>, 1892, p. 154 ff., may be -mentioned as supplementing the list in Jahn’s well-known essay, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Pentheus -und die Mainaden</span></cite>, Kiel, 1841.</p> - -<p class='c009'>(1) Attic pyxis, Louvre; pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch</span></cite>, 1892, p. 156; date 420–400 -<span class='fss'>B.C.</span></p> - -<p class='c009'>(2) Kylix in <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Museo di Papa Giulio</span></cite>, Rome, described by Hartwig, -<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 163, who thinks it may have well been influenced by Euripides, -but he sets the date of the <cite>Bakchai</cite> at 410 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>! I have not seen the vase -nor any publication of it, but should infer from Hartwig’s description that -it is older than the tragedy.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f174'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r174'>174</a>. Lucanian fabric, no. 807 in Jahn’s cat., pub. Jahn’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Pentheus und die -Mainaden</span></cite>, pl. ii. a; Reinach-Millingen, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Peintures</span></cite>, pl. 5 = Baumeister, -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, ii. no. 1396.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f175'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r175'>175</a>. The original shows no trace of the fire that is so prominent in the -publications. There can, however, be no doubt that a <em>burning</em> torch was -meant, if not so painted originally.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f176'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r176'>176</a>. vs. 954 ff., 1052, 1061 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f177'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r177'>177</a>. P. <a href='#Page_25'>25</a> above. It should be noted that this is the first example of -a Pentheus scene discovered in Pompeii or Herculaneum.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f178'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r178'>178</a>. P. <a href='#Page_23'>23</a> above.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f179'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r179'>179</a>. The episode seems to have been first told in the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἰλίου Πέρσις</span> of -Arktinos. Polyxena being led by Neoptolemos to the tomb of Achilles -appears on an Attic bl. fig. vase of <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">cir.</span></i> 550 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, vid. Berlin cat. 1902; -pub. Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. 27. 17. Two gems of the severe style -in the Berlin Antiquarium (nos. 489, 490), pub. Overbeck, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> pl. 27. -13 and 14, also represent the sacrifice. The painting in the Pinakotheke -of the Propylaia may have been by Polygnotos (cf. p. <a href='#Page_21'>21</a> above), and if -it was, Euripides no doubt had often seen it. This showed her about to -be sacrificed; Paus. 1. 22. 6.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f180'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r180'>180</a>. ‘Megarian Bowls’ is a name applied to a class of small cups decorated -with a band of relief. The ware is red or black, and appears both in glazed -and unglazed form. The largest number of the vases has been found -in Megara, hence the name ‘Megarian.’ As many have been discovered -also in Boeotia and other places, the present terminology is somewhat -misleading. Examples of this ware are to be found in every large -museum in Europe. The British Museum possesses no less than nine -such cups, and fragments from fourteen others (vid. cat. iv. pp. 251–256). -The reliefs illustrate mostly scenes from the Theban and Trojan Cycles. -Whether the terra cotta presented a cheap way of reproducing silver and -gold cups, which were highly prized, and served therefore the place -of our casts, or whether the bowls were made from special moulds and -are to be considered independent works of art, is quite uncertain. The -fact that there are in existence three copies of the same work, each -agreeing in every detail with the others, would seem to point to the former -supposition. Robert, who has handled this set of monuments most -thoroughly, distinguishes two classes: (1) the whole vase is cast from -one mould; (2) the reliefs having been made separately are stamped on -the ready bowl. Vid. especially Robert’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Homerische Becher</span></cite> for the -whole question; cf. also p. <a href='#Page_27'>27</a> ff. above.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f181'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r181'>181</a>. Fig. 12, pub. by Robert, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 73 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f182'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r182'>182</a>. Fig. 13: pub. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> ii. pl. 12; Welcker, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Alte Denkmäler</span></cite>, iii. -pl. 23. 2; Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. 28. 2.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f183'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r183'>183</a>. The first play belonged to the trilogy containing the <cite>Aigeus</cite> and -<cite>Theseus</cite>, which made up a set of purely Attic interest. It is well known -that Euripides deepened and widened the belief in the Athenian heroic -period.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f184'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r184'>184</a>. Suidas names an <cite>Hippolytos</cite> of Lykophron—a poet of Alexandria.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f185'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r185'>185</a>. The <cite>Phaedra</cite> seems to have followed the first <cite>Hippolytos</cite> of Euripides.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f186'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r186'>186</a>. Cf. <cite>Met.</cite> 15, vs. 497 ff., and <cite>Heroid.</cite> 4.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f187'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r187'>187</a>. Cat. iv. F 272, pub. by Braun, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. ed Annali</span></cite>, 1854, pl. 16; Engelmann’s -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Atlas zum Homer</span></cite>, ii, <cite>Odyssee</cite>, pl. 15. 93. First correctly -interpreted by Heydemann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1871, p. 158 ff.; cf. also Vogel, -<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 66 f., and Kalkmann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1883, p. 62 ff. The vase is -Apulian ware. The lower zone represents the violence of the Centaurs -at the marriage of Peirithoös’ daughter, Laodameia. Theseus and the -father are seen rushing to the help of the bride.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f188'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r188'>188</a>. The fact that no succession of events, where one person appears -more than once, can be found in Hellenic art, forbids us interpreting -this group as again Phaidra and an attendant. I cannot, however, -rid myself of the feeling that the figure leaning on the <em>kline</em> is not -a servant, but is more in rank with Phaidra. Her rôle is more than that -of the other attendants. This is shown by her attitude and dress. Her -appearance is exactly that required for Phaidra after she had ordered her -attendants to lift her up, remove her veil, and allow her hair to drop -over her shoulders (vs. 198–202).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f189'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r189'>189</a>. Cf. the part of the pedagogue on the Medeia vase, fig. 23, p. <a href='#Page_146'>146</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f190'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r190'>190</a>. There are, besides, fragments of several other reliefs. For the -literature vid. Kalkmann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1883, p. 65 ff., and Jahn, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. -Beiträge</span></cite>, p. 300 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f191'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r191'>191</a>. Cf. vs. 201 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f192'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r192'>192</a>. Pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1847, pl. 5 and 6.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f193'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r193'>193</a>. Pub. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> vi. pl. 1, 2, 3.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f194'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r194'>194</a>. So on the Constantinople relief, pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1857, pl. 100 = -Brunn’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, pl. 9. 3; and on the Girgenti sarcophagi; cf. -note 1 above.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f195'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r195'>195</a>. Clarac, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Musée de Sculpture</span></cite>, pl. 213, no. 228, and <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> viii. pl. -38. 1 = <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, ser. 5, pl. 12, and Gerhard, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Antike Bildwerke</span></cite>, -pl. 26.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f196'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r196'>196</a>. A number of vase paintings interpreted as Phaidra are not included -here since they all admit of a variety of interpretations. Vid. p. <a href='#Page_179'>179</a> below.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f197'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r197'>197</a>. The remarkable feature in these reliefs that shows non-Euripidean -influence is the letter which the old nurse hands to Hippolytos. This -points to another handling of the myth, where the former confined -herself to a written statement rather than a word of mouth proposal. -Strikingly in harmony with Euripides, however, is the position of the -trophos. She grasps Hippolytos’ elbow—<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ναὶ πρός δε τῆσδε δεξιᾶς εὐωλένου</span> -(v. 605). Cf. also the Pompeian wall painting, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mus. Borbonico</span></cite>, 8, pl. 52. -This and other wall paintings represent the scene between Hippolytos -and the nurse as taking place in the presence of Phaidra, who sits quite -alone.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f198'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r198'>198</a>. Cf. fig. 15. Cat. vol. iv. F 279; pub. by Kalkmann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1883, -pl. 6; vid. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 43 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f199'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r199'>199</a>. Cf. a similar group in fig. 23.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f200'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r200'>200</a>. The same group of divinities, with the exception of Apollo, occurs on -the Naples amphora, no. 3256, pub. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> ii. 30, and Robert, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die -Marathonschlacht</span></cite>, p. 37; Robert calls attention to the fact that this is an -essentially Athenian assembly. Poseidon, Athena, and Pan were inseparably -associated with the Acropolis, the latter, of course, after the -battle of Marathon. The Naples vase represents a battle between Greeks -and barbarians, and according to Robert’s theory is dependent upon -Polygnotos’ painting in the Stoa Poikile. As participants and spectators -the gods occur in the upper section. Athena, indeed, whirls into line on -her chariot. If this ingenious theory has hit the gist of the matter -regarding the Naples painting, then we may also claim the group of gods -on the Hippolytos vase as peculiarly Athenian. And such would be very -appropriate for a picture that represented an Attic tragedy, whose hero -had a cult under the shadow of the Acropolis.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f201'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r201'>201</a>. vs. 1199 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f202'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r202'>202</a>. v. 1214; cf. also Ovid, <cite>Met.</cite> 15. 512, where the bull is described as -having his breast half out of the water.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f203'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r203'>203</a>. Bk. ii. 4.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f204'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r204'>204</a>. <cite>Nat. Hist.</cite> 35. 114.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f205'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r205'>205</a>. Cf. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> vi. pl. 2; <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1847, pl. 6.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f206'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r206'>206</a>. Körte, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">I rilievi delle urne etrusche</span></cite>, ii. pl. 33–36.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f207'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r207'>207</a>. The urn in the <cite>Brit. Mus.</cite>, no. 6, pl. 36, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i>, has two such figures.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f208'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r208'>208</a>. So Bergk and Ribbeck.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f209'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r209'>209</a>. v. 234 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f210'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r210'>210</a>. Pliny, 35. 73, says of the picture, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">oratorum laudibus celebrata</span></i>. -Numerous mentions are in fact made of it by the orators. Cf. especially -Cic. <cite>Orat.</cite> 22. 74. Vid. further, Brunn’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Griech. Künstler</span></cite>, ii. p. 82 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f211'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r211'>211</a>. Discovered April 30, 1825, in the house of the ‘Tragic Poet’; pub. -Baumeister, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, i. no. 807 = photo, Alinari, 12027. Vid. Helbig, -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Campanische Wandgemälde</span></cite>, no. 1304. Here, however, Iphigeneia is being -carried (cf. Aisch. <cite>Agam.</cite> <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">loc. cit.</span></i>), while Pliny speaks of her as <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">stans</span></i> -in Timanthes’ painting.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f212'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r212'>212</a>. Pub. Baumeister, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> i. 806; vid. F.-W. no. 2143.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f213'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r213'>213</a>. Vid. Michaelis in <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Röm. Mitth.</span></cite> 1893, p. 201 ff.; cf. p. <a href='#Page_4'>4</a> above.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f214'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r214'>214</a>. Brunn, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">I rilievi delle urne etrusche</span></cite>, i. pl. 35–47. There are altogether -twenty-six reliefs, of which twenty-one belong to Perugia. Cf. Schlie, -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Darstellungen des troischen Sagenkreises auf etruskischen Aschenkisten</span></cite>, -p. 60 f.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f215'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r215'>215</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Op. cit.</span></i> p. <a href='#Page_81'>81</a> f., but cf. my remarks on p. <a href='#Page_10'>10</a> ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f216'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r216'>216</a>. Pub. by Robert, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Homerische Becher</span></cite>, p. 51.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f217'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r217'>217</a>. A second in Athens, pub. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἐφ. Ἀρχ.</span> 1887, pl. 5; a third, on the -authority of Furtwängler (vid. Robert, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">loc. cit.</span></i>), in the Branthegem coll. -in Brussels.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f218'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r218'>218</a>. So at least one thinks of the case. Agamemnon ought to have -been inside at this moment, shut off from the public gaze. The Greek -drama, however, had to bring outside, before the public as it were, -even those delicate scenes such as the present where the <em>interior</em> of -Agamemnon’s tent should have been the scene.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f219'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r219'>219</a>. The name occurs six times on the vase, and is always without an N. -This is strong epigraphical evidence that our spelling Klytaim<em>n</em>estra -is incorrect.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f220'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r220'>220</a>. P. <a href='#Page_113'>113</a> f.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f221'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r221'>221</a>. Vid. p. <a href='#Page_179'>179</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f222'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r222'>222</a>. Cf. Aisch. <cite>Agam.</cite> v. 224 ff.; Eur. <cite>Iph. T.</cite> v. 8 and 360; <cite>Iph. A.</cite> v. 873, -875, 935, 1177, are hardly to be taken in the literal sense.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f223'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r223'>223</a>. <cite>Elekt.</cite> v. 157 and schol.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f224'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r224'>224</a>. Cf. Proklos in Argum. to <cite>Kypria</cite>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f225'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r225'>225</a>. Frag. 123, and Paus. 1. 43. 1.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f226'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r226'>226</a>. Bk. iv, ch. 103, and Paus. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">loc. cit.</span></i></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f227'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r227'>227</a>. Vid. Suidas s.v.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f228'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r228'>228</a>. 1456<sup>a</sup>. 6; 1453<sup>b</sup>. 11.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f229'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r229'>229</a>. Ribbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die römische Tragödie</span></cite>, p. 50.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f230'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r230'>230</a>. Ribbeck thinks of Naevius.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f231'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r231'>231</a>. For these last two scenes as well as the others, vid. Robert, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die antiken -Sarkophag-Reliefs</span></cite>, vol. ii. pl. 57–59, and p. 165 f. and 177 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f232'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r232'>232</a>. Fig. 17, from Raoul-Rochette, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mon. inéd.</span></cite> pl. 41. Heydemann, -<cite>cat. Santangelo</cite>, no. 24; cf. Trendelenburg in <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Annali d. Inst.</span></cite> 1872, p. 114.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f233'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r233'>233</a>. Vid. Robert, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> nos. 157<sup>b</sup>, 168, 171.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f234'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r234'>234</a>. A wall painting from Herculaneum, pub. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Pitture di Ercolano</span></cite>, i. pl. 12; -Overbeck’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. 30. 9; cf. Helbig, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Campanische Wandgemälde</span></cite>, -no. 1334. Another painting from Pompeii is published in <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1875, -pl. 13; for the same on pastes and gems cf. Overbeck, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> pl. 30, and -Furtwängler’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Beschreibung der geschnittenen Steine im Antiquarium</span></cite> -(Berlin), nos. 791 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f235'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r235'>235</a>. Fig. 18 from a Ruvo amphora in Naples. Heydemann, no. 3223. -Pub. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> ii. pl. 43; Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. 30. 4. Vid. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Annali -d. Inst.</span></cite> vol. ix. p. 198 ff.; <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1875, p. 137; Vogel, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Scenen eur. -Trag.</span></cite> p. 70 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f236'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r236'>236</a>. Cf. v. 1463, where the poet says Iphigeneia is to be <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κλῃδοῦχος</span> for the -Brauronian Artemis. In Aisch. <cite>Supp.</cite>, also, Io is spoken of as at one time -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κλῃδοῦχος ἥρας</span>. Cf. v. 291.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f237'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r237'>237</a>. Cf. the monuments in Overbeck’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. 30, that represent this -scene; and the central group on the front side of the Munich sarcophagus, -<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> no. 167.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f238'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r238'>238</a>. Artemis sits on an altar in fig. 21, as do Orestes and Pylades on an -Etruscan mirror; vid. Gerhard’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Etruskische Spiegel</span></cite>, ii. 239, and v. 117. -Neoptolemos jumps upon the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">βωμός</span> in the <cite>Andromache</cite> (v. 1123) to avoid -his foes. Cf. fig. 10, p. 84.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f239'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r239'>239</a>. Cf. Robert, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> nos. 177 and 178, the Berlin and Weimar Sarcophagi, -and no. 180, a fragment in the court of the Palazzo Mattei. Robert -properly refers to the next following moment when Orestes and Pylades -are left alone with the chorus, Iphigeneia having gone inside to bring the -letter. In order to obtain just the sarcophagi scenes we have but to -allow Iphigeneia to withdraw after the close of her speech, v. 642.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f240'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r240'>240</a>. Robert, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> pl. 57–59, and p. 165 f. and 177 ff.; <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1875, -p. 134 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f241'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r241'>241</a>. The two wall paintings published by Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>. pl. 30, nos. -31 and 14, and interpreted as representing this same moment, have since -been explained by Petersen, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1863, p. 113 ff., as belonging to -the <cite>Alkestis</cite>. While the former view has been generally given up, the -latter has not by any means been everywhere accepted. It is, at most, -probable.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f242'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r242'>242</a>. Fig. 19, pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1849, pl. 12 = Overbeck, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> pl. 30. 7 -= <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> iv. pl. 51. Vid. also under ‘Iphigeneia’ in Baumeister, and -Roscher. Cf. Vogel, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 72 ff., and <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1875 p. 136.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f243'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r243'>243</a>. Fig. 20, no. 420, in the cat. of the Hermitage, pub. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> -vi. pl. 66; cf. <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Annali d. Inst.</span></cite> 1862, p. 116 ff., and Stephani in <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Compte Rendu</span></cite>, -1863, p. 159 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f244'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r244'>244</a>. <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Compte Rendu</span></cite>, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">loc. cit.</span></i></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f245'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r245'>245</a>. Fig. 21; pub. in the <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Bullettino archeologico Napolitano</span></cite>, 1862, pl. 7, and -in Brunn’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, pl. 13. 1. Cf. also Vogel, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 74 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f246'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r246'>246</a>. P. <a href='#Page_124'>124</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f247'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r247'>247</a>. Cf., however, Laborde’s <cite>Vases Lamberg</cite>, i. p. 14, also <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Annali d. Inst.</span></cite> -1848, pl. L, and Overbeck’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. 30. 8, for a vase which probably -shows the escape with the idol. It is not certain, but this seems to -be what is represented. The work is very ordinary.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f248'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r248'>248</a>. Helbig, no. 1333, pub. in <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. Inst.</span></cite> viii. pl. 22; photo, Alinari, -no. 12029. Cf. Helbig, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Untersuchungen über die Campanische Wandmalerei</span></cite>, -p. 147 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f249'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r249'>249</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1875, p. 144.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f250'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r250'>250</a>. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Loc. cit.</span></i></p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f251'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r251'>251</a>. Vid. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Röm. Mitth.</span></cite> 1896, p. 67.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f252'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r252'>252</a>. We know of such an original, the famous painting of Timomachus. -Pliny, <cite>Hist. Nat.</cite> 35. 136, says, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Timomachus Byzantius Caesaris dictatoris -aetate Aiacem et Medeam pinxit</span></i> ... <span class='sc'><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Timomachi aeque laudantur -Orestes, Iphigenia in Tauris</span></span>. Further than this we know nothing of -the painter. That he was immensely popular follows from Pliny’s statement -(<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">loc. cit.</span></i>) that Caesar paid 80 talents for this Aiax. In regard to the date -of Timomachus we possess Pliny’s authority for <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Caesaris aetate</span></cite>. Robert -defends this (<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Märchen</span></cite>, p. 132), while others seek to find an earlier -date. Miss Sellers in <cite>The Elder Pliny’s Chapters on the History of Art</cite>, -Jex-Blake and Sellers, p. 160 f., argues for the fourth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> Vid. -<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">loc. cit.</span></i> for the latest discussion of this painter’s date, as well as for -references to the literature. Further reference may be made to Helbig, -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Untersuchungen</span></cite>, p. 147 ff., where especially the influence of Timomachus -on the wall paintings is dwelt upon.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f253'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r253'>253</a>. Cf. Arist. <cite>Poet.</cite> 1449<sup>a</sup>. 19 and 20.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f254'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r254'>254</a>. Miss Harrison, <cite>J. H. S.</cite> 1883, p. 248 ff., has brought together and -discussed thirteen vases connected with this myth, of which the first -twelve are bl. fig.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f255'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r255'>255</a>. v. 99, Odysseus says he thinks they have dropped down on a city of -Bromios, so many are the satyrs whom he sees before the cave.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f256'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r256'>256</a>. P. <a href='#Page_23'>23</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f257'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r257'>257</a>. Pliny 35, 74. A <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Cyclops dormiens</span></cite> so large that a number of satyrs -were engaged in measuring his thumb with a thyrsos. I follow Robert -(<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bild und Lied</span></cite>, p. 35) and Winter (<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch</span></cite>, 1891, p. 272) in connecting -this painting with Euripides.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f258'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r258'>258</a>. The painting is on a krater in the possession of Sir Francis Cook, -Richmond, England; pub. by Winter, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch</span></cite>, 1891, pl. 6. He thinks -the work Attic, but Furtwängler (<cite>Masterpieces</cite>, p. 109, note 8) is sure it is -Lower Italy ware.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f259'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r259'>259</a>. The three eyes are plainly visible. One huge eye alone in the centre -of the forehead belongs to later times.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f260'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r260'>260</a>. Furtwängler, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">loc. cit.</span></i>, remarks that the publication is not exactly -correct, as fire is plainly noticeable on the wood that the youths are -contributing.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f261'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r261'>261</a>. Polyphemos here is strikingly like the figure on an Etruscan urn. -Brunn, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">I rilievi</span></cite>, i. pl. 873. The Kyklops is in both cases stretched -out upon his left side, and is on the point of being attacked.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f262'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r262'>262</a>. The poet mentions the krater, and in the next breath the skyphos, -neither of which is exactly found in the rough sketch in the painting. -Besides these, Euripides names in this play the kylix, amphora, and -pithos—a considerable vocabulary of ceramic terms.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f263'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r263'>263</a>. My remark applies only to the extant monuments, for one finds that -Pausanias saw the marriage of Jason and Medeia represented on -the Kypselos Chest (5. 18. 3). This is in keeping with the Corinthian -origin of the Chest. It is hardly to be expected that such domestic -events in Medeia’s career would have found their place in any work of -art that was not made in Corinth, or at least in a place essentially -influenced by Corinthian legend.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f264'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r264'>264</a>. Vid. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1867, p. 58.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f265'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r265'>265</a>. Benndorf und Schöne, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die antiken Bildwerke des Lateranensischen -Museums</span></cite>, p. 61 ff.; F.-W. no. 1200. The Berlin copy of this relief, long -supposed to be of Renaissance origin, has lately been proved to be -antique; vid. Kekulé von Stradonitz in <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrbuch</span></cite>, 1897, p. 96 ff.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f266'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r266'>266</a>. Cf. Baumeister’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, i. p. 142; ii. p. 875; iii. p. 1852.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f267'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r267'>267</a>. Kekulé’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die antiken Terracotten</span></cite>, ii. p. 21.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f268'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r268'>268</a>. Vid. Roscher’s <cite>Lexikon</cite>, ii. p. 2513.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f269'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r269'>269</a>. Robert in <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die antiken Sarkophag-Reliefs</span></cite>, ii. p. 205–217, gives all the -literature; cf. also pl. 62–65. Vid. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1866, p. 234 ff.; <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Annali d. -Inst.</span></cite> 1869, p. 5 ff.; Urlichs’ <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Würzburger Programm, ein Medea-Sarkophag</span></cite>, -1888. (This fine sarcophagus is now in the Berlin museum.) Robert -and Urlichs have, to my mind, shown conclusively that these reliefs -go back to Euripides’ <cite>Medeia</cite> for their literary source. Notwithstanding -that they all date from about the second century <span class='fss'>A.D.</span>, and could thus be -based on various Roman plays, the arrangement of the events on the -reliefs bears a remarkable similarity to the scenes in Euripides. The -reliefs on the long sides are taken up with exactly the scenes of the Greek -poet. Those on the ends are but indifferently worked out, and often do -not represent any events in the Medeia-Jason adventures.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f270'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r270'>270</a>. A half-tone reproduction of the vase is shown in the <em>frontispiece</em>. The -section with the painting is given separately in fig. 23. It is no. 810 in -Jahn’s catalogue; pub. in Millin’s <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Tombeaux de Canose</span></cite>, 1816, pl. 7; <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> -1847, pl. 3; <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, ser. i. pl. 12; Baumeister’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, -ii. p. 903; Roscher’s <cite>Lexikon</cite>, ii. p. 2510; Inghirami, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Vasi fitt.</span></cite> iv. pl. 388; -Engelmann, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bilderatlas zu Ovid</span></cite>, pl. 13, 81. Discussed by Jahn, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. -Ztg.</span></cite> 1847, p. 33 ff.; <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> (by Dilthey) 1875, p. 68 f.; Robert, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bild -und Lied</span></cite>, p. 37 ff., and <cite>Hermes</cite>, vol. 30, p. 567 note; Körte, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ueber Personificationen -psychologischer Affecte</span></cite>, p. 38 ff.; Vogel, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Scenen eur. Trag.</span></cite> -p. 146 ff.; Seeliger in Roscher’s <cite>Lexikon</cite>, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">loc. cit.</span></i>; Bethe, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Prolegomena zur -Geschichte des Theaters im Altertum</span></cite>, p. 148, note 6.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f271'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r271'>271</a>. The latter name is found in schol. Eur. <cite>Med.</cite> v. 19, and in Hyginus. -<em>fab.</em> 25.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f272'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r272'>272</a>. Diod. Sic. iv. 55. 5, calls Kreusa’s brother Hippotes.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f273'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r273'>273</a>. The reading <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κ ... ΩΝ</span> in Millin’s publication, followed also by Conze in -the <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Vorlegeblätter</span></cite> and by Baumeister, is incorrect as Jahn (vid. cat. no. 810, -note) expressly stated, and as is plainly proved by a glance at the original. -Hence the useless conjectures that have been made to fill up the space -between the first and last letters. There is absolutely no trace of the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κ</span>, -but there are faint remains of letters preceding <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΩΝ</span>, and the correct -reading is without question, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ΚΡΕ]ΩΝ</span>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f274'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r274'>274</a>. Cf. p. <a href='#Page_152'>152</a>, and note 3.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f275'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r275'>275</a>. This inscription, which is very distinct, does not appear in Conze’s -publication. All the inscriptions occurring on the palace are painted in -white. All others are incised.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f276'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r276'>276</a>. This moment is shown on another vase (vid. fig. 24), and so, too, on -the sarcophagi Kreusa is always represented in the moment of falling -or springing from the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">κλίνη</span>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f277'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r277'>277</a>. In spite of this, Vogel, p. 149, asks, <i><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Warum zeigt uns der Vasenmaler -den Kreon nicht in dem Augenblicke, wo er seine Tochter von den unheilvollen -Brautgeschenken der Medeia befreien will, sondern in dem, wo er überwältigt -von dem Unglücke das Scepter seinen Händen entfallen lässt und starr und -seiner selbst nicht mehr mächtig seine Blicke auf die herbeieilende Merope -lenkt?</span></i> i. e. why did the vase painter not paint another scene instead -of the one he did?</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f278'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r278'>278</a>. Cf. note 7, p. <a href='#Page_145'>145</a>. On fragment no. 197, Robert, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i>, the arms of -Kreon are incorrectly restored, and his hands are represented as clasped. -On all the reliefs Kreon is turned towards Kreusa and not away, as on the -vase. I refuse, however, to believe with Jahn and others that Kreon -is staring at Merope. He sees nothing and nobody.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f279'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r279'>279</a>. Apollod. <span class='fss'>I.</span> 9. 3.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f280'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r280'>280</a>. Soph. <cite>Oed. Rex</cite>, v. 775, the wife of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Πόλυβος Κορίνθιος</span>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f281'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r281'>281</a>. Supposing the word to be a pure invention of the painter, there are -still in Euripides suggestions of the name if one were seeking such for -the figure. In v. 404, Medeia declares she ‘will not be a laughing-stock -to the race of <em>Sisyphos</em> and Jason’s new alliances’; and in v. 1381, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γη δε τηδε -Σισύφου</span>, the former queens would be suggested with the name Merope. -It is but natural that the vase painter took the name thus suggested by -Euripides.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f282'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r282'>282</a>. P. <a href='#Page_149'>149</a>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f283'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r283'>283</a>. Suidas refers to a <cite>Medeia</cite> by Neophron. Ennius’ <cite>Medea</cite> was, -according to Cicero, <i><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">De Fin.</span></i> 1. 2. 4, a literal translation from Euripides. -The <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Medea exul</span></cite> by the same poet has generally been held to be a version -of Euripides’ <cite>Aigeus</cite>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f284'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r284'>284</a>. <cite>Hermes</cite>, vol. 31, p. 567 note.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f285'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r285'>285</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bild und Lied</span></cite>, p. 42.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f286'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r286'>286</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeichnungen von Sandro Botticelli zu Dantes Goettlicher Komoedie -nach den Originalen im König. Kupferstichkabinet zu Berlin</span></cite>, von Dr. F. -Lippmann.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f287'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r287'>287</a>. In <i><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">canto</span></i> iii, Charon is an old man; Botticelli drew him as the devil. -In the second plate to this same <i><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">canto</span></i> the souls are swimming out -to Charon’s boat, a fact which Dante does not mention. The illustration -to <i><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">canto</span></i> xx has only two persons identical with those of the poet, -and in <cite>Purgatorio</cite> iii the souls on the shore and in the boat are additions -of the artist.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f288'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r288'>288</a>. Cf. Dilthey in <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Annali d. Inst.</span></cite> 1876, p. 294, and pl. 35 in <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">Mon. d. -Inst.</span></cite> x.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f289'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r289'>289</a>. Vid. Klein’s <cite>Euphronios</cite>, p. 89, and Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, <cite><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">Her. -Fur.</span></cite> vol. ii, ed. 1, p. 214.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f290'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r290'>290</a>. Cf. fig. 24, where the female figure on the left is none other than -a nurse.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f291'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r291'>291</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bild und Lied</span></cite>, p. 38.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f292'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r292'>292</a>. Cf. figs. 24 and 25 and Baumeister’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, i. p. 142.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f293'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r293'>293</a>. It will be observed that the writer does not share the view of Bethe, -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Prolegomena zur Geschichte des Theaters im Altertum</span></cite>, p. 142 ff., that -the <i><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Flugmaschine</span></i> was not in use in the Greek theatre before 425 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> -Robert, <cite>Hermes</cite>, vol. 31, p. 530–577, has conclusively shown the incorrectness -of Bethe’s arguments, and not only proved the use of the <i><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Flugmaschine</span></i> -for the <cite>Medeia</cite>, 431 <span class='fss'>B.C.</span>, but also for a much earlier date. -Bethe’s remark, <i><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Demnach ist für die erste Aufführung der Medea im Jahre -431 ihr Erscheinen in der Höhe, also auch die Anwendung der Flugmaschine, -nicht möglich</span></i> (p. 146), is based upon a false conception of the -resources at hand in that period of Athenian architectural activity.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f294'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r294'>294</a>. It has already been pointed out above, p. <a href='#Page_159'>159</a>, that Medeia entered -the palace to slay the boys, and that they might or might not have -been alone. At any rate it was not allowable to represent them in -art without some older companion. Robert’s remark, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bild und Lied</span></cite>, -p. 39, <i><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Den Kindern die bereits bei der Mutter angelangt sind, muss aber -jetzt noch ein anderer Begleiter zugestellt werden</span></i>, is inexplicable. Where -had the children gone to reach their mother? Was it not just the -reverse, viz. that the mother had gone to them?</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f295'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r295'>295</a>. iv. 54. 7.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f296'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r296'>296</a>. One must remember that Diodorus gathered his excerpts together -at least 300 years after the date of our vase, during all of which time -the mythographers had been busy helping to straighten out the family -affairs that the tragedians of the fifth century had treated imperfectly!</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f297'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r297'>297</a>. As a matter of fact this reference, although brought in under another -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φασί</span> than the first remark, where three sons are named, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τοὺς μὲν πρεσβυτάτους -δίο διδύμους Θετταλόν τε καὶ Ἀλκιμένην, τὸν δὲ τρίτον πολυνεώτερον -τούτων Τίσανδρον</span>, iv. 54. 1, seems to me to speak of a common -origin, and I hold both as coming from the same authority, under whose -influence our vase painter certainly never stood.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f298'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r298'>298</a>. Eur. <cite>Orest.</cite> v. 791.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f299'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r299'>299</a>. As in the <cite>Medeia</cite>, nothing is said to indicate how the chariot was -drawn. It is only from the monuments and later literary references -(vid. Argum. to the <cite>Medeia</cite> and schol. on v. 1320) that one learns of the -dragons; or is the utterance of Jason, vs. 1297 f., <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἢ πτηνὸν ἆραι σῶμ’ ες -αἰθέρος βάθος | εἰ μὴ τυράννων δώμασιν δώσειν δίκην | πέποιθ’</span>, an intimation -of the strange escape of the sorceress? How was Lyssa’s chariot -drawn? Why not also by dragons?</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f300'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r300'>300</a>. Cf. fig. 26, where the figure that stands beside the dragons has been -identified as <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Οἶστρος</span> or <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Λύσσα</span>. That the latter is the child of night -harmonizes well with the night escape indicated by Selene and the -stars on this vase.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f301'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r301'>301</a>. On a vase of Assteas, vid. p. <a href='#Page_179'>179</a> below, which shows Herakles -in the act of murdering his sons, the painter calls the personification of -Lyssa, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">mania</span></i>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f302'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r302'>302</a>. Mention should be made here of the Parian inscription, which -gives us the curious information that there was a society of <em>hetairai</em> -established under the patronage of the goddess <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Οἰστρώ</span>; cf. Pernice, -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Athen. Mitth.</span></cite> 1893, p. 16. 2, and Maass, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> p. 25 f. There is, of course, -a wide distinction between the personification and the cult use of -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἶστρος</span>, but it is worth while to point out that Eur. <cite>Hipp.</cite> vs. 1300 ff., -gives the same notion that Maass suggests and supports by a quotation -from Paullus Silentiarius (<cite>Anth. Plan.</cite> v. 234), where <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἰστροφόρου Παφίης</span> -occurs. Artemis, speaking to Theseus of Hippolytos’ death and its -cause, says, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀλλ’ ἐς τόδ’ ἦλθον, παιδὸς ἐκδεῖξαι φρένα | τοῦ σοῦ δικαίαν, ὁς -ὑπ’ εὐκλείας θάνῃ | καὶ σῦς γυναικὸς οἶστρον, ἢ τρόπον τινὰ | γενναιότητα</span>, -where we may suppose Euripides to have thought of Phaidra as -possessed with <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οἶστρος</span>, which means <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τῆς ἐχθίστης θεῶν</span> (v. 1301), i.e. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τῆς -Κύπριδος</span> (v. 1304).</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f303'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r303'>303</a>. Cf. Aisch. <cite>Pers.</cite> vs. 681–842, where the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εἴδωλον</span> of Dareios is one -of the <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">dramatis personae</span></i>. Also Eur. <cite>Hek.</cite>, where the prologue is spoken -by the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εἴδωλον</span> of Polydoros.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f304'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r304'>304</a>. Dilthey, <cite>Arch.</cite> 219, 1875, p. 71, followed also by Vogel, <cite>Scen. eur. -Trag.</cite> p. 151. How do these scholars account for the appearance -of Megara and her sons upon the ‘under-world’ vases where Herakles -is also represented in his last labour of capturing Kerberos? This latter -must have been finished and Herakles must have returned to the upper -world before Megara and the boys <em>could be thought of as in fact in the -under-world</em>.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f305'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r305'>305</a>. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bild und Lied</span></cite>, p. 39 f.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f306'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r306'>306</a>. P. <a href='#Page_156'>156</a> above.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f307'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r307'>307</a>. Cp. among other places in the <cite>Medeia</cite>, vs. 133, 328, 405, 475 ff., -536 ff., 550, 1330.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f308'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r308'>308</a>. Cf. the Dareios vase in Naples, also found in Canosa; pub. Baumeister’s -<cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, i. no. 449; also the costume of the judges on the -so-called ‘under-world’ vases, pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, ser. E. 1–3.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f309'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r309'>309</a>. Apoll. Rhod. 1. 122 and 341 ff.; Hyg. <em>fab.</em> 14; Diod. Sic. iv. 53. 4.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f310'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r310'>310</a>. Apoll. Rhod. 1. 108 ff.; Apollod. 1. 9. 16; Hyg. <em>fab.</em> 14.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f311'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r311'>311</a>. Apoll. Rhod. 1. 146 ff.; Paus., 1. 18. 1, relates that in the temple -of the Dioskouroi in Athens, known also as the Anakeion, Mikon -painted events from the Argonautic expedition.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f312'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r312'>312</a>. Fig. 24. Heydemann, <cite>cat. Mus. Santangelo</cite>, no. 526. Pub. in Raoul-Rochette’s -<cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Choiseaux de Peintures</span></cite>, p. 263. Discussed by Jahn, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. -Ztg.</span></cite> 1867, p. 59, and referred to by Vogel, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Scen. eur. Trag.</span></cite> p. 151.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f313'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r313'>313</a>. Fig. 25; pub. Raoul-Rochette, <cite><span lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Choiseaux de Peintures</span></cite>, p. 277. -Described by Jahn, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1867, p. 60; cf. Vogel, <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> p. 79.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f314'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r314'>314</a>. Fig. 26. Heydemann, no. 3221, A. Cf. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. Ztg.</span></cite> 1867, p. 62 and -pl. 224. 1.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f315'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r315'>315</a>. The Theban Cycle was handled in the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Θηβαΐς</span> and the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Οἰδιπόδεια</span>, from -which the tragedians probably drew their material. For the subject -in the fifth century <span class='fss'>B.C.</span> vid. Benndorfs <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Heroon von Gjölbaschi</span></cite>, p. 187 ff. -and pl. 24. A1–A5. Kapaneus’ catastrophe in attempting to storm the -walls was often shown. Cf. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, 1889, pl. 11, nos. -13, 14, 16, 17. The death of Amphiaraos was another popular story. -Cf. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, 1889, pl. 11. 8. 15. There are many interesting -monuments which represent the conference of the chiefs before -the assault. Cf. especially the famous Etruscan gem with inscriptions -naming Polyneikes, Amphiaraos, Adrastos, Tydeus, and Parthenopaios; -pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, 1889, pl. 11. 5; Baumeister, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Denkmäler</span></cite>, -iii. no. 1839, no. 369 in <cite>Bilderheft</cite>. An Etruscan mirror, Gerhard, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Etruskische -Spiegel</span></cite>, ii. pl. 178, gives Adrastos, Amphiaraos, and Tydeus.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f316'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r316'>316</a>. Brit. Mus., vase cat. vol. iv. G 104. Pub. <i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">ibid.</span></i> pl. 16. Cf. <cite>Class. -Review</cite>, 1894, p. 325.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f317'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r317'>317</a>. The fratricide, so common on the Etruscan urns, is rare on Greek -monuments. (1) The group was on the Kypselos Chest (Paus. 5. 19, 6). -(2) Pythagoras worked the brothers in marble (vid. Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Schriftquellen</span></cite>, -no. 501). (3) One group on the Heroön from Gjölbaschi, cf. Benndorf, -<i><span lang="la" xml:lang="la">op. cit.</span></i> pl. 24. A. 3. There are thirty urns representing the scene: -vid. Körte, <cite><span lang="it" xml:lang="it">I rilievi delle urne etrusche</span></cite>, ii. pl. 8–20, and 36, and supplement. -p. 261 ff. Cf. further Overbeck’s <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, pl. 5 and 6. An Etruscan -mirror, which shows a composition remarkably like that in the inside -of the Penthesileia kylix (Munich, no. 370, pub. Overbeck, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bildwerke</span></cite>, -pl. 17. 3), and must be from a fifth century pattern, is perhaps the oldest -of the extant representations. Vid. Gerhard, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Etruskische Spiegel</span></cite>, v. pl. 95.</p> -</div> -<div class='footnote' id='f318'> -<p class='c009'><a href='#r318'>318</a>. Brit. Mus., cat. iv. G 105<sub>1</sub>; pub. <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wiener Vorlegeblätter</span></cite>, 1889, pl. 9. 13; -Robert, <cite><span lang="de" xml:lang="de">Homerische Becher</span></cite>, p. 59; first correctly interpreted by Murray, -<cite>Class. Rev.</cite> 1888, p. 328.</p> -</div> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> - <div class='nf-center'> - <div>OXFORD: HORACE HART</div> - <div>PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY</div> - </div> -</div> - -<div class='pbb'> - <hr class='pb c002' /> -</div> -<div class='tnotes x-ebookmaker'> - -<div class='section ph2'> - -<div class='nf-center-c0'> -<div class='nf-center c001'> - <div>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES</div> - </div> -</div> - -</div> - - <ol class='ol_1 c004'> - <li>P. <a href='#xx'>xx</a>, changed “Scenen euripideisher Tragödien in griechischen Vasengemälden” to - “Scenen euripideischer Tragödien in griechischen Vasengemälden”. - - </li> - <li>P. <a href='#t128'>128</a>, changed “In her left close by her side” to “In her left hand close by - her side”. - - </li> - <li>Silently corrected typographical errors and variations in spelling. - - </li> - <li>Archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings retained as printed. - - </li> - <li>Footnotes were re-indexed using numbers and collected together at the end of the last - chapter. - </li> - </ol> - -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GREEK TRAGEDY IN THE LIGHT OF VASE PAINTINGS ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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