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diff --git a/old/65103-0.txt b/old/65103-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 276eb82..0000000 --- a/old/65103-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8408 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, Legendary Islands of the Atlantic, by William -Henry Babcock - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - - - - -Title: Legendary Islands of the Atlantic - A Study of Medieval Geography - - -Author: William Henry Babcock - - - -Release Date: April 18, 2021 [eBook #65103] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK LEGENDARY ISLANDS OF THE -ATLANTIC*** - - -E-text prepared by ellinora, Charlie Howard, and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team (http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made -available by Internet Archive (https://archive.org) - - - -Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this - file which includes the original illustrations. - See 65103-h.htm or 65103-h.zip: - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/65103/65103-h/65103-h.htm) - or - (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/65103/65103-h.zip) - - - Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - https://archive.org/details/legendaryislands00babc - - -Transcriber’s note: - -Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - -A caret character is used to denote superscription. A -single character following the caret is superscripted -(example: y^a). - - - - - -LEGENDARY ISLANDS -OF THE ATLANTIC - - -American Geographical Society -Research Series No. 8 -W. L. G. Joerg, Editor - - -LEGENDARY ISLANDS -OF THE ATLANTIC - -A Study in Medieval Geography - -by - -WILLIAM H. BABCOCK - -Author of “Early Norse Visits to North America” - - -[Illustration] - - - - - - -New York -American Geographical Society -1922 - -Copyright, 1922 -by -The American Geographical Society -of New York - -The Conde Nast Press -Greenwich, Conn. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - CHAPTER PAGE - - I INTRODUCTION 1 - - II ATLANTIS 11 - - III ST. BRENDAN’S EXPLORATIONS AND ISLANDS 34 - - IV THE ISLAND OF BRAZIL 50 - - V THE ISLAND OF THE SEVEN CITIES 68 - - VI THE PROBLEM OF MAYDA 81 - - VII GREENLAND OR GREEN ISLAND 94 - - VIII MARKLAND, OTHERWISE NEWFOUNDLAND 114 - - IX ESTOTILAND AND THE OTHER ISLANDS OF ZENO 124 - - X ANTILLIA AND THE ANTILLES 144 - - XI CORVO, OUR NEAREST EUROPEAN NEIGHBOR 164 - - XII THE SUNKEN LAND OF BUSS AND OTHER PHANTOM ISLANDS 174 - - XIII SUMMARY 187 - - INDEX 191 - -The following chapters are reprinted, with modifications, from the -_Geographical Review_: III, Vol. 8, 1919; V, Vol. 7, 1919; VI, Vol. 9, -1920; VIII, Vol. 4, 1917; X, Vol. 9, 1920; XI, Vol. 5, 1918. - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - -(_All illustrations, except Figs. 1, 15, and 23, are reproductions of -medieval maps. The source is indicated in a general way in each title; -the precise reference will be found in the text where the map is first -discussed._) - - - FIG. PAGE - - 1 Map of the Sargasso Sea, 1:72,000,000 28 - - 2 The Pizigani, 1367 (two sections) 40–41 - - 3 Beccario, 1426 45 - - 4 Dalorto, 1325 51 - - 5 Catalan map, 1375 58 - - 6 Nicolay, 1560 62 - - 7 Catalan map, about 1480 64 - - 8 World map in portolan atlas, about 1508 (Egerton MS. 2803) 74 - - 9 Desceliers, 1546 76 - - 10 Ortelius, 1570 77 - - 11 Ptolemy, 1513 82 - - 12 Prunes, 1553 88 - - 13 Coppo, 1528 97 - - 14 Bishop Thorláksson, 1606 98 - - 15 Map of the early Norse Western and Eastern Settlements - of Greenland, 1:6,400,000 103 - - 16 Clavus, 1427 104 - - 17 Donnus Nicolaus Germanus, after 1466 105 - - 18 Sigurdr Stefánsson, 1590 107 - - 19 Zeno, 1558 126 - - 20 Beccario, 1435 152 - - 21 Pareto, 1455 158 - - 22 Benincasa, 1482 160 - - 23 Representation of Corvo on fourteenth- and fifteenth-century - maps as compared with its present outline 172 - - 24 Buss Island, probably 1673 176 - - 25 Bianco, 1436 179 - - - - -CHAPTER I - -INTRODUCTION - - -We cannot tell at what early era the men of the eastern Mediterranean -first ventured through the Strait of Gibraltar out on the open ocean, -nor even when they first allowed their fancies free rein to follow -the same path and picture islands in the great western mystery. -Probably both events came about not long after these men developed -enough proficiency in navigation to reach the western limit of the -Mediterranean. We are equally in lack of positive knowledge as to what -seafaring nation led the way. - -The weight of authority favors the Phoenicians, but there are some -indications in the more archaic of the Greek myths that the Hellenic or -pre-Hellenic people of the Minoan period were promptly in the field. -These bequests of an olden time are most efficiently exploited, in the -matter-of-fact and very credulous “Historical Library” of Diodorus -Siculus,[1] about the time of Julius Caesar, who feels himself fully -equipped with information as to the far-ranging campaigns of Hercules, -Perseus, and other worthies. His identifications of tribes, persons, -and places find an echo which may be called modern in Hakluyt’s map of -1587,[2] illustrating Peter Martyr, which shows the Cape Verde Islands -as Hesperides and Gorgades vel Medusiae. But this, though curious, is, -of course, irrelevant as corroboration. Diodorus himself was a long -way from his material in point of time, but from him we may at least -possibly catch some glimmer of the origin of the mythical narratives, -some refraction of the events that suggested them. - - -EARLY ACCOUNTS OF BIG SHIPS - -Small coasting, and incidentally sea-ranging, vessels must be of great -antiquity, for the record of great ships capable of carrying hundreds -of men and prolonging their voyages for years extends very far back -indeed. We may recall the Scriptural item incidentally given of the -fleets of Hiram, King of Tyre, and Solomon, King of Israel: “For the -king had at sea a navy of Tharshish with the navy of Hiram: once in -three years came the navy of Tharshish, bringing gold, and silver, -ivory, and apes, and peacocks.”[3] Tharshish is generally understood -to have been Tartessus by the Guadalquivir beyond the western end of -the Mediterranean. The elements of these exotic cargoes indicate, -rather, traffic across the eastern seas. No doubt “ship of Tharshish” -had come (like the term East Indiaman) to have a secondary meaning, -distinguishing, wherever used, a special type of great vessel of ample -capacity and equipment, named from the long voyage westward to Spain, -in which it was first conspicuously engaged. But this would carry back -we know not how many centuries the era of huge ships sailing from -Phoenicia toward the Atlantic and seemingly able to go anywhere; with -the certainty that lesser craft had long anticipated them on the nearer -laps of the journey at least. - -Corroboration is found in the utterances of a Chinese observer, later -in date but apparently dealing with a continuing size and condition. -“There is a great sea [the Mediterranean], and to the west of this sea -there are countless countries, but Mu-lan-p’i [Mediterranean Spain] is -the one country which is visited by the big ships.... Putting to sea -from T’o-pan-ti [the Suez of today] ... after sailing due west for full -an hundred days, one reaches this country. A single one of these (big) -ships of theirs carries several thousand men, and on board they have -stores of wine and provisions, as well as weaving looms. If one speaks -of big ships, there are none so big at those of Mu-lan-p’i.”[4] - -This statement is credited to only a hundred years before Marco Polo. -One naturally suspects some exaggeration. But a parallel account, -nearly as expansive and very circumstantial, is given in the same work -concerning giant vessels sailing in the opposite direction some six -hundred years earlier. It begins: “The ships that sail the Southern Sea -and south of it are like houses. When their sails are spread they are -like great clouds in the sky.” Professor Holmes, drawing attention to -these passages (which he quotes), very justly observes, “who shall say -that the mastery of the sea known to have been attained in the Orient -500 A. D. had not been achieved long prior to that date?”[5] - - -THE ATLANTIS LEGEND - -We may be safe in styling Atlantis (Ch. II) the earliest mythical -island of which we have any knowledge or suggestion, since Plato’s -narrative, written more than 400 years before Christ, puts the time -of its destruction over 9,000 years earlier still. It seems pretty -certain that there never was any such mighty and splendid island -empire contending against Athens and later ruined by earthquakes and -engulfed by the ocean. Atlantis may fairly be set down as a figment -of dignified philosophic romance, owing its birth partly to various -legendary hints and reports of seismic and volcanic action but much -more to the glorious achievements of Athens in the Persian War and the -apparent need of explaining a supposed shallow part of the Atlantic -known to be obstructed and now named the Sargasso Sea. Perhaps Plato -never intended that any one should take it as literally true, but his -story undoubtedly influenced maritime expectations and legends during -medieval centuries. It cannot be said that any map unequivocally shows -Atlantis; but it may be that this is because Atlantis vanished once for -all in the climax of the recital. - - -PHOENICIAN EXPLORATION - -It may be that Phoenician exploration in Atlantic waters was well -developed before 1100 B. C., when the Phoenicians are alleged to have -founded Cadiz on the ocean front of southern Spain; but its development -at any rate could not have been greatly retarded after that. The new -city promptly grew into one of the notable marts of the world, able -during a long period to fit out her own fleets and extend her commerce -anywhere. It is greatly to be regretted that we have no record of her -discoveries. Carthage, a younger but still ancient Tyrian colony, -farther from the scene of western action, was not less enterprising -and in time quite eclipsed her; but at last she fell utterly, as did -Tyre itself, whereas Cadiz, though no longer eminent, continues to -exist. However, in her prime Carthage ranged the seas pretty widely; -according to Diodorus Siculus, she was much at home in Madeira,[6] -and her coins have been found off the shore of distant Corvo of the -Azores. But it cannot be said that any of the Phoenician cities, older -or newer, has left any traces of exploration among Atlantic islands -other than these or added any mythical islands to maps or legends, -unless through successors translating into another language. The -crowning achievement of the Phoenicians, so far as we know, was the -circumnavigation of Africa by mariners in the service of Pharaoh Necho -some 700 years before Christ. This would naturally have brought them -_en route_ into contact with the Canary and Cape Verde Islands, and -they would be likely to pass on to the Egyptians and Greeks a report -of the attributes of those islands partly embodied in names that might -adhere. - - -THE GREEKS AND ROMANS - -We know that the Greeks of Pythias’ time coasted as far north as -Britain and probably Scandinavia and had most likely made the -acquaintance still earlier of the Fortunate Islands (two or more of the -Canary group), similarly following downward the African shore. Long -afterward the Roman Pliny knew Madeira and her consorts as the Purple -Islands; Sertorius contemplated a possible refuge in them or other -Atlantic island neighbors; and Plutarch wrote confidently of an island -far west of Britain and a great continent beyond the sea where Saturn -slept. Other almost prophetic utterances of the kind have been culled -from classical authors, but they have mostly the air of speculation. -It cannot be said that the Greeks or Romans devoted much energy to the -remoter reaches of the ocean. - - -IRISH SEA-ROVING - -Ireland was never subject to Rome, though influenced by Roman trade and -culture. From prehistoric times the Irish had done some sea roving, -as their Imrama, or sea sagas, attest; and this roving was greatly -stimulated in the first few centuries of conversion to Christianity by -an abounding access of religious zeal. Irish monks seem to have settled -in Iceland before the end of the eighth century and even to have sailed -well beyond it. There are good reasons for believing that they had -visited most of the islands of the eastern Atlantic archipelagoes. We -cannot suppose that this rather reckless persistency ended there in -such a period of expansion. It is quite possible that we owe to this -trait the Island of Brazil, in the latitude of southern Ireland, as an -American souvenir on so many medieval maps (Ch. IV). It is certain that -the “Navigatio” of St. Brendan scattered St. Brandan Islands, real or -fanciful, over the ocean wastes of a credulous cartography (Ch. III). - - -THE NORSEMEN - -A little later Scandinavians followed along the northern route, finding -convenient stopping points in the Faroes and Iceland, discovered -Greenland, and planted two settlements on its southwestern shore -in the last quarter of the tenth century (Ch. VII). Some of their -ruins, a less number of inscriptions, and many fragmentary relics and -residua are found, so that we can form a good idea of their manner -of life. Such as it was, it endured more than four hundred years. To -contemporary and slightly later geography Greenland appeared most often -as a far-flung promontory of Europe, jutting down on the western side -of the great water; but sometimes it was thought of as an oceanic -island, with greater or less shifting of location, and seems to be -responsible for divers mythical Green Islands of various maps and -languages. - -Less than a quarter of a century after their first landing the Norse -Greenlanders became aware of a more temperate coast line to the -southwest, the better part of which they called Vinland, or Wineland, -but all of which we now name America. Perhaps Leif Ericsson brought the -first report of it as the result of an accidental landfall close to -the year 1000 A. D. Not long afterward, Thorfinn Karlsefni with three -ships and 160 people attempted to colonize a part of the region. The -venture failed, owing chiefly to the hostility of the Indians at the -most favorable point. The visitors, however, made the acquaintance of -the typical American Atlantic shore line of beach and sand dune which -stretches from Cape Cod to the tip of Florida with one or two slight -interruptions and one or two fragmentary minor northward extensions. -The Norsemen or some predecessor had observed and named the three great -zones of territory which must always have existed. Among investigators -there has been general concurrence as to their discovery of Labrador -and Newfoundland, to which most would add Cape Breton Island and more -or less of the coast beyond. It has appeared to me that they made -their chief abode in the New World on the shore of Passamaquoddy Bay -behind Grand Manan Island and Grand Manan Channel, with the racing -ocean streams of the mouth of the Bay of Fundy; and that they found -this site inclement in winter and tried to remove to a land-locked -bay of southern New England but were baffled and withdrew. My reasons -have been pretty fully set forth in “Early Norse Visits to North -America.”[7] For the present it is enough to say that the discovered -regions seem sometimes to have been thought of as a continuous coast -line, sometimes as separate islands more or less at sea. But they did -not get upon the maps in any shape until several centuries later. - - -MOORISH VOYAGES - -The Moors who conquered Spain took up the task of Atlantic exploration -from that coast after a time. Its islands appear in divers of the -Arabic maps. In particular we know through Edrisi,[8] the most -celebrated name of Arabic geography, of the extraordinary voyage of the -Moorish Magrurin of Lisbon, who set out at some undefined time before -the middle of the twelfth century to cross the Sea of Darkness and -Mystery. They touched upon the Isle of Sheep and other islands which -were or were to become notable in sea mythology. Perhaps these islands -were real, but they are not capable of certain identification now. -These Moorish adventurers seem to have reached the Sargasso Sea and to -have changed their course in order to avoid its impediments, attaining -finally what may have been one of the Canary Islands, where they -suffered a short imprisonment and whence, after release, they followed -the coast of Africa homeward. Edrisi about 1154 wrought a world map in -silver (long lost) for King Robert of Sicily and also wrote a famous -geography illustrated by a world map and separate sectional or climatic -maps. He devotes some space to Atlantic islands and their legends, -shows a few of them, and believes in twenty-seven thousand; but the -very few copies of his work which remain were made at different periods -and in different nations, and their maps disagree surprisingly; so that -it is not practicable to restore with certainty what he originally -depicted. He seems to have had at least some acquaintance with the -authentic island groups from the Cape Verde Islands to the Azores and -Britain. The fantastic legends he appends to some of them do not seem -to have greatly affected the prevailing European lore of that kind. - - -ITALIAN EXPLORATION - -The Italians of the thirteenth century undertook similar explorations -and temporarily occupied at least one of the Canary Islands, Lanzarote, -which still bears, corrupted, the name of its Genoese invader, -Lancelota Maloessel, of about 1470. On early fourteenth-century maps -and some later ones the cross of Genoa is conspicuously marked on -this island in commemoration of the exploit. It was probably at this -period that Italian names were applied to most of the Azores and -to other islands of the eastern groups. A few of these names still -persist, for example, Porto Santo and Corvo; but others, after the -rediscovery, gave way to Portuguese equivalents or substitutes. Thus -Legname was translated into Madeira, and Li Conigi (Rabbit Island) -became more prettily Flores (Island of Flowers). About 1285 the Genoese -also sent out an expedition[9] “to seek the east by way of the west” -under the brothers Vivaldi, who promptly vanished with all their men. -Long afterward another expedition picked up on the African coast one -who claimed to be a survivor; and it is probable that the Genoese -expedition attempted to sail around Africa but came upon disaster -before it was far on its way. The thirteenth- and fourteenth-century -Italians undoubtedly added many islands to the maps or secured their -places there; but we have no evidence that they passed westward beyond -the middle of the Atlantic. - - -BRETONS AND BASQUES - -The Bretons shared in the Irish monk voyages, their Saint Malo -appearing in tradition sometimes as a companion of Saint Brendan, -sometimes as an imitator or competitor. Also their fishermen, with -the Basques, from an early time had pushed out into remote regions of -the sea. The Pizigani map of 1367[10] (Fig. 2) represents a Breton -voyage of adventure and disaster near one of _les îles fantastiques_, -appearing for the first time thereon. Their presence on the American -shore in the years shortly following Cabot’s discovery is commemorated -by Cape Breton Island. - - -THE ZENO STORY - -It has been alleged that two Venetian brothers, Antonio and Nicolò -Zeno, in the service of an earl of the northern islands, took part with -him about 1400 A. D. in certain explorations westward, he being incited -thereto by the report of a fisherman, who claimed to have spent many -years as a castaway and captive in regions southwest of Greenland. The -Zeno narrative, dealt with later (Ch. IX), was accompanied by a map -(Fig. 19), which exercised a great influence during a long period on -all maps that succeeded it, adding several islands never before heard -of. Both map and narrative are recognized as spurious or at best so -corrupted by misunderstandings and transformed by rough treatment and a -post-Columbian attempt at reconstruction as to be wholly unreliable. It -is, indeed, possible that a fisherman of the Faroes made an involuntary -sojourn in Newfoundland and elsewhere in America from about 1375 or -1380 onward and that his story induced the ruler of certain northern -islands to sail westward and investigate. But both features are very -dubious, and at any rate nothing was accomplished except the confusion -of geography. - - -PORTUGUESE DISCOVERY - -This brings us down to the rise of Portuguese nautical endeavor, which -seems to have begun earlier than has generally been supposed but became -most conspicuous under the direction of Prince Henry the Navigator. Its -achievements included the rediscovery of Madeira and the Azores, which -in many quarters had been forgotten, the exploration of the African -coast, the accidental discovery or rediscovery of South American Brazil -by Cabral, and the voyage of Vasco da Gama to India around the Cape -of Good Hope. Perhaps we might insert in the list the discovery of -Antillia. At any rate, it got on the map with a Portuguese name in -the first half of the fifteenth century, and several other islands -accompanied it. They all certainly seem to be American and West Indian. - - -COLUMBUS, VESPUCIUS, AND CABOT - -Incidentally the Portuguese activity stimulated the enthusiasm of -Columbus, guided his plans, and contributed to the eminent success of -his great undertaking. In Antillia it provided a first goal, which he -believed to be nearer than it really was. He fully meant to attain it -and probably really did so, but without recognizing Antillia in Cuba -or Hispaniola, for he thought he had missed it on the way and left it -far behind. Vignaud insists that Columbus did not aim at Asia until -after he actually reached the West Indies but sought to attain Antillia -only.[11] However this may be, there is no doubt that he found in the -island a notable prompting to his supreme adventure. - -The discoveries of Columbus, Vespucius, and Cabot, with their immediate -followers, heralded the opening of an effective knowledge of the -western world and the ocean world to the centers of civilization. -Thereafter the delineation of new islands did not cease but for a long -time rather multiplied; yet they had little significance or importance, -being chiefly the products of fancy, optical illusion, or error in -reckoning. One of the latest worth considering is the island of Buss -(Ch. XII), reported where there is no land by a separated vessel of -Frobisher’s expedition near the end of the sixteenth century. Afterward -it was known as the Sunken Land of Bus, or Buss, to the grave concern -of mariners. - -We are reasonably secure against such imposition now, though perhaps -it is not yet impossible. The old mythical or apocryphal islands, too, -are gone from standard maps and most others, though you may yet find in -cartographic work of little authority one or two of the more tenacious -specimens making a final stand. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -ATLANTIS - - -About 2,300 years ago Plato wrote of a great and populous island -empire in the outer (Atlantic) ocean, which had warred against Athens -more than 9,000 years before his time and been suddenly engulfed by -a natural cataclysm. According to his statement of the case this -prodigious phenomenon, with all the splendor of national achievement -that shortly preceded it, had been quite forgotten by the Athenians; -but the tradition was recorded in the sacred books of the priests -of Sais at the head of the Nile delta and was related by these -Egyptians to Solon of Athens when he visited them apparently somewhere -near 550 B. C. Solon embodied it, or began to embody it, in a poem -(all trace of which is lost) and also related it to Dropides, his -friend. It is probably to be understood that he further communicated -it to this friend in some written form, for we find Critias in -a dialogue with Socrates represented by Plato as declaring: “My -great-grandfather, Dropides, had the original writing, which is still -in my possession.”[12] If so, it has vanished. - - -ELEMENTS OF FACT AND FANCY IN PLATO’S TALE OF ATLANTIS - -It is evident that the Atlantis tale must be treated either as mainly -historical, with presumably some distortions and exaggerations, or as -fiction necessarily based in some measure (like all else of its kind) -on living or antiquated facts. Certainly no one will go the length of -accepting it as wholly true as it stands. But, even eliminating all -reference to the god Poseidon and his plentiful demigod progeny, we -are left with divers essential features which credulity can hardly -swallow. Atlantis is too obviously an earlier and equally colossal -Persia, western instead of eastern, overrunning the Mediterranean until -checked by the intrepid stand of the great Athenian republic. The -supreme authentic glory of Athens was the overthrow of Xerxes and his -generals. Had this been otherwise we must believe that we should not -have heard of the baffled invasion by Atlantis. Again, we are asked -to accept Athens, contrary to all other information, as a dominant -military state more than 9,500 years before Christ, when presumably -its people, if existent, were exceedingly primitive and unformidable. -Moreover, the sudden submergence of so vast a region as the imagined -Atlantis would be an event without parallel in human annals, besides -being pretty certain to leave marks on the rest of the world which -could be recognized even now. - -The hypothesis of fiction seems reasonably well established. We must -remember that Plato did not habitually confine himself to bare facts. -His favorite method of exposition was by reporting alleged dialogues -between Socrates and various persons--dialogues which no one could -have remembered accurately in their entirety. It is recognized that in -arrangement, characters, and utterance he has contrived to convey his -own theories and conceptions as well as those of his revered teacher -and leader, so that it is often impossible to say whether we should -credit certain views or statements mainly to Plato or to Socrates. -Possessed by his meditations, he would even present as an instructive -example and incitement a fancied picture of an elaborate system of -social and political organization, chiefly the product of his own -brain. He did this in the “Republic” and apparently had planned a -larger partly parallel work of the kind in the triology of which the -“Timaeus” and the fragmentary “Critias” are the first part and the -unfinished second. A writer (Lewis Campbell) in the Encyclopaedia -Britannica, article “Plato,” states the case very clearly. - - What should have followed this [the _Timaeus_], but is only - commenced in the fragment of the _Critias_, would have been - the story, not of a fall, but of the triumph of reason in - humanity.... Not only the _Timaeus_, but the unfinished - whole of which it forms the introduction, is professedly an - imaginative creation. For the legend of prehistoric Athens and - of Atlantis, whereof Critias was to relate what belonged to - internal policy and Hermocrates the conduct of the war, would - have been no other than a prose poem, a “mythological lie,” - composed in the spirit of the _Republic_, and in the form of a - fictitious narrative.[13] - -Jowett takes substantially the same view in his introduction to the -“Critias,” indicating surprise at the innocent, literal, matter-of-fact -way in which the former existence and destruction of great Atlantis -have generally been accepted as sober declarations of fact and -accounted for in divers fashions accordingly. Nor is this estimate of -the Atlantis tale as primarily a romance of enlightenment and uplifting -a merely modern theory. Plutarch, in a passage quoted by Schuller, -lays more stress on Plato’s tendency to adorn the subject, treating -Atlantis as a delightful spot in some fair field unoccupied, than on -ennobling imagination, and avers the described magnificence to be “such -as no other story, fable, or poem ever had.”[14] But this, whether -wholly adequate or no, surely emphasizes the recognition of romance. -Plutarch adds a word of regret that Plato began the “delightful” story -late in life and died before the work was completed. The precise motive -of the fiction is only of minor importance to our present inquiry. It -seems hardly possible that the development of the composition in the -remaining two parts of the trilogy could have given it a more authentic -historical cast. As the matter stands Atlantis is rather succinctly -reported in the “Timaeus,” more fully and with mythological and -architectural adornments in the later “Critias” till it breaks off in -the middle of a sentence; but the two accounts are consistent. It seems -a clear case of evolution suddenly arrested but allowing us fairly to -infer the character of the whole from the parts that remain. - -If there were any corroboration of the tale, it would count on the -historical side; but it seems to be agreed that Greek literature and -art before Plato do not supply this in any unequivocal and reliable -form. Certain hints or contributory items will be dealt with below, but -they do not affect the character of the story as a whole nor tend to -establish the reality of its main features. - -We do not need to ascribe to Plato all the fancy and invention in -the story. The romancing may have been done in part by the priests -of Sais or by Solon or by Dropides or by Critias; or possibly all -these may have contributed successive strata of fancy, crowned by -Plato. Practically we have to treat the tale as beginning with him. -Its circumstantiality and air of realism have sometimes been taken as -credentials of accuracy; but they are not beyond the ordinary skill of -a man of letters, and Plato was much more than equal to the task. - - -SIGNIFICANT PASSAGES FROM THE TALE - -The Atlantis narrative has been so often translated and copied, at -least as to its more significant parts, that one hesitates to quote -again; but there are certain items to which attention should be drawn, -and brief extracts are the best means of effecting this. The following -passages are from the Smithsonian translation of Termier’s remarkable -paper on Atlantis reproduced by that institution. It differs verbally -from the translation by Dr. Jowett but not in the broader features. Of -the two quotations the first is from the “Critias.” It is briefer than -the other, though forming part of a more elaborate and extended account -of the island. Taking his appointed part in the dialogue, Critias says: - - According to the Egyptian tradition a common war arose 9,000 - years ago between the nations on this side of the Pillars of - Hercules and the nations coming from beyond. On one side it was - Athens; on the other the Kings of Atlantis. We have already - said that this island was larger than Asia and Africa, but - that it became submerged following an earthquake and that its - place is no longer met with except as a sand bar which stops - navigators and renders the sea impassable.[15] - -Termier quotes also from the “Timaeus” dialogue (Critias is repeating -the statement of the Egyptian priests): - - The records inform us of the destruction by Athens of a - singularly powerful army, an army which came from the Atlantic - Ocean and which had the effrontery to invade Europe and Asia; - for this sea was then navigable, and beyond the strait which - you call the Pillars of Hercules there was an island larger - than Libya and even Asia. From this island one could easily - pass to other islands, and from them to the entire continent - which surrounds the interior sea.... In the Island Atlantis - reigned kings of amazing power. They had under their dominion - the entire island, as well as several other islands and some - parts of the continent. Besides, on the hither side of the - strait, they were still reigning over Libya as far as Egypt and - over Europe as far as the Tyrrhenian. All this power was once - upon a time united in order by a single blow to subjugate our - country, your own, and all the peoples living on the hither - side of the strait. It was then that the strength and courage - of Athens blazed forth. By the valor of her soldiers and their - superiority in the military art, Athens was supreme among the - Hellenes; but, the latter having been forced to abandon her, - alone she braved the frightful danger, stopped the invasion, - piled victory upon victory, preserved from slavery nations - still free, and restored to complete independence all those - who, like ourselves, live on this side of the Pillars of - Hercules. Later, with great earthquakes and inundations, in - a single day and one fatal night, all who had been warriors - against you were swallowed up. The Island of Atlantis - disappeared beneath the sea. Since that time the sea in these - quarters has become unnavigable; vessels can not pass there - because of the sands which extend over the site of the buried - isle.[16] - -We have said that all fiction has some root in reality. Even a myth is -commonly an attempted explanation of some mysterious natural phenomenon -or distorted narrative of obscure, nearly forgotten happenings. -Intentional fiction, try as it may, cannot keep quite clear of facts. -We turn, then, to those salient features of the above excerpts which -may in a measure stand for real past events or puzzling conditions -supposed to continue. Beside the prehistoric grandeur and triumph -of Athens, already dealt with, these are to be noted: the Atlantean -invasion of the Mediterranean; the vastness of the outer island which -sent forth these armies; its submergence; and the alleged continued -obstruction to navigation in that quarter. - - -ATLANTEAN INVASION OF THE MEDITERRANEAN - -There seem to have been some rumors afloat of very early hostilities -between dwellers on the shores of the Mediterranean and those beyond -the Pillars of Hercules. That geographical name bears witness to the -supposed exertion of Greek dominant power at the very gateway of the -Atlantic, and the legend connecting this demigod with Cadiz carries -his activities a little farther out on the veritable ocean front. The -rationalizing Diodorus, writing in the first century before Christ -but dealing freely with traditions from a very much earlier time, -presents Hercules as a great military commander, who, having set up his -memorial pillars, proceeded to overrun and conquer Iberia (the present -Spain and Portugal), passing thence to Liguria and thence to Italy -after the manner of Hannibal, much nearer to Diodorus and even better -known.[17] It is evident that the earlier part of this campaign must -include warfare beyond the Pillars on at least the Lusitanian Atlantic -front. Furthermore, we are introduced to the western Amazons, who had -their center of power on the Island Hesperia between Mount Atlas and -the ocean and invaded both the inland mountaineers and their seaboard -neighbors, the Gorgons--also feminine, if no great beauties.[18] The -poor Gorgons were subjugated but long afterward developed power again -under Queen Medusa, only to be disastrously overcome by the great Greek -general, Perseus. Both the Gorgons and the western Amazons seem to -have had their abodes on the shores of the Atlantic Ocean south of the -Strait of Gibraltar, along the front of what we now call Morocco and -the region south of it. We cannot say how much of these tales belongs -to Diodorus; but he certainly did not invent the whole of them and is -not likely to have contrived their most distinctive features. The myth -of Perseus, like that of Theseus and the Minotaur, meant something -dimly and distantly historic. We think we partly understand the latter -after the excavations in Crete. Similarly, the flights and feats of -Perseus, as given in mythology, may be another way of saying that he -made swift voyages far afield and descended on his enemies with deadly -execution. - -These tales as we have them from Diodorus do not represent the -Atlantic coast dwellers as invading the Mediterranean; but some such -incursions would naturally follow, by way of retaliation, the strenuous -proceedings attributed to eastern-Mediterranean commanders, if, indeed, -they did not precede and provoke them. We need not picture a host of -Atlantides pouring through between the Pillars; but piratical descents -of outer seafaring people were probable enough and might be on a rather -large scale--subject, of course, to exaggeration by rumor. Nor would -any of the threatened people be likely to distinguish closely between -forces from a mainland coast and those from some outlying island. The -enemy might well embody both elements. - - -LOCATION AND SIZE OF ATLANTIS - -The location of Atlantis, according to Plato, is fairly clear. It was -in the ocean, “then navigable,” beyond the Pillars of Hercules; also -beyond certain other islands, which served it as stepping-stones to -the continental mass surrounding the Mediterranean. This effectually -disposes of all pretensions in behalf of Crete or any other island or -region of the inner sea. Atlantis must also have lain pretty far out -in the ocean, to allow space for the intervening islands, which may -well have been, at least in part, the Canary Islands or other surviving -members of the eastern Atlantic archipelagoes; still it could not have -been too distant to prohibit the transfer of large forces when means -of transportation were slow and scant. This rules out America, apart -from the fact that America (like Crete) still exists, whereas Atlantis -foundered, and the further fact that America is continental, while -Atlantis is described as merely a large island. Besides, what evidence -is there that America could send forth armies or navies for the -invasion of Europe? Neither the Incas nor the Aztecs nor the Mayas were -capable of such aggressions, and we know of nothing greater in this -part of the world before the very modern development of the white man’s -power. - -As to the size of Atlantis, it is not quite clear whether we are to -compare it with Mediterranean Africa and Asia Minor individually or -collectively. Probably Plato merely meant to indicate a great area -without any exact conception of its extent. If we think of an island -as large as France and Spain we shall probably not miss the mark very -widely. The site of the mid-Atlantic Sargasso Sea would be about the -location indicated. - - -IMPROBABILITY OF THE EXISTENCE OF SUCH AN ISLAND - -Now, was there any such great island and populous magnificent kingdom -in mid-Atlantic or anywhere in the Atlantic Ocean about 11,400 years -ago? If not absolutely impossible, it seems at least very unlikely. -Through the mouth of Critias Plato tells how the people of Atlantis -employed themselves in constructing their temples and palaces, harbors -and docks, a great palace which they continued to ornament through many -generations, canals and bridges, walls and towns, numerous statues of -gold, fountains both cold and hot, baths, and a great multitude of -houses.[19] - -Such advance in civilization, such elaboration of organization, such -splendor and power would certainly have overflowed abundantly on the -islands intervening between Atlantis and the continental shore. It -is not written that these all shared the same fate; and in point of -fact the Azores, Madeira and her consorts, the Canary Islands, and the -Cape Verde group are still in evidence. Some of them must have been -within fairly easy reach of Atlantis if Atlantis existed. There is no -indication that they have been newly created or have come up from below -since that time. Even allowing for great exaggeration and assuming -only a large and efficient population in a vast insular territory -without the ascribed superfluity of magnificence, such a people would -surely have left some kind of lasting memorial or relic beyond their -own borders. Nothing of the kind has ever been found either in these -islands of the eastern Atlantic archipelagoes or elsewhere in that part -of the earth. - -The advocates of a real Atlantis try to pile up proofs of a great land -mass existing at some time in the Atlantic Ocean, a logical proceeding -so far as it goes but one that falls short of its mark, for the land -may have ascended and descended again ages before the reputed Atlantis -period. It is of no avail to demonstrate its presence in the Miocene, -Pliocene, or Pleistocene epoch, or, indeed, at any time prior to the -development of a well organized civilization among men, or, as Plato -apparently reasons, between 11,000 and 12,000 years ago. Also what is -wanted is evidence of the great island Atlantis, not of the former -seaward extension of some existing continent nor of any land bridge -spanning the ocean. It is true that such conditions might serve as -distant preliminaries for the production of Atlantis Island by the -breaking down and submergence of the intervening land; but this only -multiplies the cataclysms to be demonstrated and can have no real -relevance in the absence of proof of the island itself. The geologic -and geographic phenomena of pre-human ages are beside the question. -The tale to be investigated is of a flourishing insular growth of -artificial human society on a large scale, not so very many thousands -of years ago, evidently removed from all tradition of engulfment and -hence dreading it not at all but sending forth its conquering armies -until the final defeat and annihilating cataclysm. - - -TERMIER’S THEORY OF AN ANCIENT ATLANTIC CONTINENTAL MASS - -Nevertheless, inquiries as to an ancient Atlantic continental mass -have an interest. We may cite a few of the recent outgivings. Termier -tells us of an east-and-west arrangement of elevated lands across the -Atlantic in earlier ages, as opposed to the present north-and-south -system of islands and raised folds. By the former there was - - a very ancient continental bond between northern Europe and - North America and ... another continental bond, also very - ancient, between the massive Africa and South America.... Thus - the region of the Atlantic, until an era of ruin which began - we know not when, but the end of which was the Tertiary, was - occupied by a continental mass, bounded on the south by a - chain of mountains, and which was all submerged long before - the collapse of those volcanic lands of which the Azores seem - to be the last vestiges. In place of the South Atlantic Ocean - there was, likewise, for many thousands of centuries a great - continent now very deeply engulfed beneath the sea.[20] - -Later he refers to - - collapses ... at the close of the Miocene, in the folded - Mediterranean zone and in the two continental areas, continuing - up to the final annihilation of the two continents ... then, - in the bottom of the immense maritime domain resulting from - these subsidences, the appearance of a new design whose general - direction is north and south.... The extreme mobility of the - Atlantic region ... the certainty of the occurrence of immense - depressions when islands and even continents have disappeared; - the certainty that some of these depressions date as from - yesterday, are of Quaternary age, and that consequently they - might have been seen by man; the certainty that some of them - have been sudden, or at least very rapid. See how much there is - to encourage those who still hold out for Plato’s narrative. - Geologically speaking, the Platonian history of Atlantis is - highly probable.[21] - - -FLORAL AND FAUNAL EVIDENCE OF CONNECTION WITH EUROPE AND AFRICA - -Professor Schuchert, reviewing the paper of Termier above quoted, -agrees in part and partly disagrees. He says: - - The Azores are true volcanic and oceanic islands, and it is - almost certain that they never had land connections with the - continents on either side of the Atlantic Ocean. If there - is any truth in Plato’s thrilling account, we must look - for Atlantis off the western coast of Africa, and here we - find that five of the Cape Verde Islands and three of the - Canaries have rocks that are unmistakably like those common - to the continents. Taking into consideration also the living - plants and animals of these islands, many of which are of - European-Mediterranean affinities of late Tertiary time, we see - that the evidence appears to indicate clearly that the Cape - Verde and Canary Islands are fragments of a greater Africa.... - What evidence there may be to show that this fracturing and - breaking down of western Africa took place as suddenly as - related by Plato or that it occurred about 10,000 years ago is - as yet unknown to geologists.[22] - -Termier puts in evidence as biological corroboration the researches of -Louis Germain, especially in the mollusca, which have convinced him of -the continental origin of this fauna in the four archipelagoes, the -Azores, Madeira, the Canaries, and Cape Verde. He also notes a few -species still living in the Azores and the Canaries, though extinct in -Europe, but found as fossils in Pliocene rocks of Portugal. He deduces -from this a connection between the islands and the Iberian Peninsula -down to some period during the Pliocene.[23] - -Dr. Scharff has devoted some space and assiduous effort to similar -considerations. He reviews the insular flora and fauna, pointing out -that some of the forms common to the islands, or some of them, and a -now distant continent could hardly have reached there over sea. He -comes to the following conclusion: “I believe they [the islands] were -still connected, in early Pleistocene times, with the continents of -Europe and Africa, at a time when man had already made his appearance -in western Europe, and was able to reach the islands by land.”[24] - -He also points out that the Azores Islands were first known and named -for their hawks, which feed largely on small mammalia, that presumably -would have come thither overland, and also points out that some of -the islands were named in Italian on old maps Rabbit Island, Goat -Island, etc., before the Portuguese rediscovery in the fifteenth -century.[25] Those names (on several fifteenth-century maps St. Mary’s -is Louo, Lovo, or Luovo--“Wolf Island,” cf. Portuguese _lobo_) are -certainly interesting, but they may have been given for some supposed -resemblance of outline or other fancy. There is this in favor of Dr. -Scharff’s supposition: the name Corvo in its original form Corvis -Marinis (Island of the Sea Crows) appears to have been prompted by -the abundance of birds of a particular species--possibly cormorants, -possibly black skimmers--and not by any typical bird form of the island -itself. Also Pico, now named for its peak, was called the Isle of -the Doves, and wild doves or pigeons are said to abound still on its -mountain side. But, if we assume by analogy that Li Conigi (Rabbit -Island) and Capraria (Goat Island) were so named by reason of the -pre-Portuguese wild rabbits and goats, these may be the donations of -earlier visitants or settlers--Italian, Carthaginians, or what not. We -cannot well believe that wolves were voluntarily brought by man to Lovo -(Lobo), now St. Mary’s; but here there may have been some mistake, as -of dogs run wild or some play of imitative fancy, as before indicated. -In any case these archaic island names are a long way from being -convincing evidence of former land connection with any continent, still -less of the former existence of Atlantis. - -More recently Navarro, in an argument mainly geological, has also -called attention to the continental character of some species of -the fauna and flora of the eastern Atlantic islands, with the same -implications as his predecessors.[26] But there seems to be little real -addition to the evidence of this nature; and no one has made it more -apposite to the existence of Atlantis Island 12,000 or so years ago. - - -EVIDENCE OF SUBMERGENCE - -The great final catastrophe of Atlantis would surely write its record -on the rocks both of the sea bed and the continental land masses. As to -the ocean bottom it would be the natural repository for vitreous and -other rocky products of volcanic and seismic action occurring above it. -Termier relates what he considers very significant indications at a -point 500 miles north of the Azores at a depth of 1,700 fathoms, where -the grappling irons of a cable-mending ship dragged for several days -over a mountainous surface of peaks and pinnacles, bringing up “little -mineral splinters” evidently “detached from a bare rock, an actual -outcropping sharp-edged and angular.” These fragments were all of a -non-crystalline vitreous lava called tachylyte, which “could solidify -into this condition only under atmospheric pressure.” He infers that -the territory in question was covered with lava flows while it was -still above water and subsequently descended to its present depth; -also from the general condition of the rock surface that the caving -in followed very closely on the emission of the lavas and that this -collapse was sudden. He thinks, therefore, “that the entire region -north of the Azores and perhaps the very region of the Azores, of -which they may be only the visible ruins, was very recently submerged, -probably during the epoch which the geologists call the present.” He -believes also that like results would follow a “detailed dredging to -the south and the southwest of these islands.”[27] - -It will be observed that the whole of this very tempting edifice is -built on the declared impossibility of tachylyte forming on the sea -bottom under heavy water pressure. But Professor Schuchert insists -that: “It is not pressure so much as it is a quick loss of temperature -that brings about the vitreous structure in lava. In other words, -vitreous lava apparently can be formed as well in the ocean depths as -on the lands. What the cable layers got was probably the superficial -glassy crust of probable subterranean lava flows.”[28] If that be so, -there is, of course, no need to infer a descent of territory into the -depths in that region of the mid-Atlantic. This tachylyte matter seems -enveloped in uncertainty. - -On the other hand, it is well known that volcanic outbursts and -earthquakes have been rather frequent and alarming even in modern times -among the islands of the eastern Atlantic archipelagoes, especially -the Canaries and the lowest and middle groups of the Azores. In -some instances the nearest mainland also has suffered, as notably on -“Lisbon-earthquake day,” and the various occasions of disturbances -cited by Navarro. Also, there is the memorable instance of a small -island that was thrust upward from the depths before the eyes of a -British naval ship’s crew and remained in sight for several days. -Changes of a distinctly non-volcanic character have also occurred, as -when an appreciable slice of cliff wall broke away from Flores and -sank, raising a great wave which did damage, with loss of life on -Corvo, some nine miles away. Moreover, Corvo was once considerably -larger than it is now in comparison with this neighbor, Flores (or Li -Conigi), if we may trust to the general testimony of fourteenth-century -and fifteenth-century maps. But all these shiftings and transformations -for a long time past have been local and usually rather narrowly -restricted. It does not follow that no depressions or elevations of -greater extent have suddenly occurred in times before men regularly -made permanent records; yet it must be owned that the belief in any -very large sunken Atlantis derives no direct support from what we -actually know of volcanic and seismic action in that region in historic -centuries. - - -RELATION OF THE SUBMARINE BANKS OF THE NORTH ATLANTIC TO THE PROBLEM - -There remain to be considered a small array of undersurface insular -items which seem germane to our inquiry. Sir John Murray tells us that: - - Another remarkable feature of the North Atlantic is the series - of submerged cones or oceanic shoals made known off the - northwest coast of Africa between the Canary Islands and the - Spanish peninsula, of which we may mention: the “Coral Patch” - in lat. 34° 57′ N., long. 11° 57′ W., covered by 302 fathoms; - the “Dacia Bank” in lat. 31° 9′ N., long. 13° 34′ W., covered - by 47 fathoms; the “Seine Bank” in lat. 33° 47′ N., long. 14° - 1′ W., covered by 81 fathoms; the “Concepcion Bank” in lat. - 30° N. and long. 13° W., covered by 88 fathoms; the “Josephine - Bank” in lat. 37° N., long. 14° W., covered by 82 fathoms; the - “Gettysburg Bank” in lat. 36° N., long. 12 W., covered by 34 - fathoms.[29] - -All of these subaqueous mountain-top lands or hidden elevated plateaus -are conspicuously nearer the ocean surface than the real depths of the -sea--so much nearer that they inevitably raise the suspicion of having -been above that surface within the knowledge and memory of man. It is -notorious that coasts rise and fall all over the world in what may be -called the normal non-spasmodic action of the strata, and sometimes the -movement in one direction--upward or downward--seems to have persisted -through many centuries. If we assume that Gettysburg Bank has been -continuously descending at the not extravagant rate of two feet in a -century, then it was a considerable island above water about the period -dealt with by the priests of Sais. Apparently the rising of Labrador -and Newfoundland since the last recession and dispersion of the great -ice sheet has been even more. Here the elements of exact comparison -in time and conditions are lacking; nevertheless, the reported uplift -of more than 500 feet in one quarter and nearly 700 in another is -impressive as showing what the old earth may do in steady endeavor. It -must be borne in mind, too, that a sudden acceleration of the descent -of Gettysburg Bank and its consorts may well have occurred at any -stage in so feverishly seismic an area. All considered, it seems far -from impossible that some of these banks may have been visible and -even habitable at some time when men had attained a moderate degree of -civilization. But they would not be of any vast extent. - - -FACTS AND LEGENDS AS TO SUBMERGENCES IN HISTORIC TIMES - -Westropp has made an interesting and important disclosure of the -legends of submerged lands with villages, churches, etc., all around -the coasts of Ireland. In some instances they are believed to be -magically visible again above the surface in certain conditions; in -others the spires and walls of a fine city may at times, it is thought, -be still seen through clear water. Nearly, if not quite, every one of -them coincides with a shoal or bank of no great depth, the upjutting -teeth of rocks, or a barren fragmentary islet--vestiges perhaps of -something more conspicuous, extended, and alluring. Westropp says: -“When we examine the sea bed, we see that it is not impossible (save -Brasil and the land between Teelin and the Stags of Broadhaven) -that islands may have existed within traditional memory at all the -alleged sites.”[30] In some cases considerable inroads of the ocean -are perfectly well known to have occurred within relatively recent -historic centuries. The same on a large scale is certainly true of -Holland--witness Haarlem Lake and the Zuyder Zee. Other countries, -perhaps most countries, might be called as witnesses. - -In these considerations of known facts and legends still repeated we -are dealing mostly with events of periods not excessively remote, but -the same laws must have been at work and the same phenomena occurring -in earlier millenniums. - -If there were men to observe, the legend would follow the subsidence; -and Phoenician or other voyagers would naturally bear it back to the -Eastern Mediterranean, to Plato or the sources from which Plato derived -it. - -In any such case the submergence would most likely be exaggerated -and made a great catastrophe, but there were special reasons why the -exaggeration should be enormous in this particular story. It is the -office of a myth or legend to explain. We see that in Plato’s time -the Atlantic Ocean was believed, in part at least, to be no longer -navigable, and with some modifications this idea persisted far down -into the Middle Ages, involving at least a conviction of abnormal -obstacles hardly to be overcome. The account of Critias is: “Since -that time the sea in those quarters has become unnavigable; vessels -cannot pass there because of the sands which extend over the site of -the buried isle.” This item differs from the other features of the -narration put into his mouth by Plato, in that it related to a present -and continuing condition and in a way challenged investigation--which -would have to be at a distant and ill-known region but was not really -impracticable. It must be evident that Plato would not have written -thus unless he relied on the established general repute of that part of -the ocean for difficulty of navigation. - - -REPORTS OF OBSTRUCTION TO NAVIGATION IN EARLY TIMES - -We get further light on this matter of obstruction from the Periplus of -Scylax of Caryanda, the greater part of which must have been written -before the time of Alexander the Great. Probably we may put down the -passage as approximately of Plato’s own period. He begins on the -European coast at the Strait of Gibraltar, makes the circuit of the -Mediterranean, and ends at Cerne, an island of the African Atlantic -coast, “which island, it is stated, is twelve days’ coasting beyond the -Pillars of Hercules, where the parts are no longer navigable because of -shoals, of mud, and of seaweed.”[31] “The seaweed has the width of a -palm and is sharp towards the points, so as to prick.”[32] - -Similarly, when Himilco, parting from Hanno, sailed northward on the -Atlantic about 500 B. C., he found weeds, shallows, calms, and dangers, -according to the poet Avienus, who professes to repeat his account long -afterward and is quoted by Nansen, with doubts inclining to acceptance. -It reads: - - No breeze drives the ship forward, so dead is the sluggish wind - of this idle sea. He [Himilco] also adds that there is much - seaweed among the waves, and that it often holds the ship back - like bushes. Nevertheless, he says that the sea has no great - depth, and that the surface of the earth is barely covered by a - little water. The monsters of the sea move continually hither - and thither, and the wild beasts swim among the sluggish and - slowly creeping ships.[33] - -Avienus also has the following: - - Farther to the west from these Pillars there is boundless sea. - Himilco relates that ... none has sailed ships over these - waters, because propelling winds are lacking ... likewise - because darkness screens the light of day with a sort of - clothing, and because a fog always conceals the sea.[34] - -[Illustration: FIG. 1--Map of the Sargasso Sea showing its relation to -the Azores, to illustrate its possible bearing on the medieval belief -in the existence of lands or islands beyond. Scale 1:72,000,000. (The -map is also intended to help in locating the various existing islands -of the North Atlantic.)] - -Aristotle, as cited by Nansen, tells us in his “Meteorologica” that the -sea beyond the Pillars of Hercules was muddy and shallow and little -stirred by the winds.[35] In early life Aristotle was a pupil of Plato, -and, though he afterward developed a widely different method and -outlook, it is likely that their information as to this matter was in -common, being supplied perhaps by Phoenician and other seamen. - -In the passage quoted from Scylax and the first excerpt from Avienus -the courses referred to are apparently too near the mainland shore -to approach that prodigious accumulation of eddy-borne weeds in dead -water which has long given to a great space of mid-Atlantic the name -of the Sargasso Sea. But they show that huge seaweeds were very -early associated with obstruction to navigation in seafaring minds -and popular fancy. Perhaps they may also have suggested shallows as -affording beds of nourishment for so enormous an output of vegetation. -It would not readily occur to the early seagoing observers that the -greatest of these entangling creations floated in masses quite free, -though we now know this to be the case. In any event, it is evident -that some imperfect knowledge of conditions far west of the Pillars -of Hercules had made its way to Greece. Somewhere in that ocean -of obscurity and mystery there was a vast dead and stagnant sea, -presumably shallow, a sea to be shunned. Gigantic entrapping weeds and -wallowing sea monsters freely distributed were recognized, too, as -among the standing terrors of the Atlantic. - - -THE SARGASSO SEA AS THE ANCIENT ATLANTIS - -It would be idle and wearying to follow such utterances through the -rather numerous centuries that have elapsed since those early times. -When the Magrurin or deluded explorers of Lisbon, at some undefined -time between the early eighth century and the middle of the twelfth -attempted, according to Edrisi, to cross the great westward Sea of -Darkness they encountered an impassable tract of ocean and had to -change their course, apparently reaching one of the Canary Islands. -Later the map of the Pizigani brothers of 1367[36] (Fig. 2) contains -in words and a saintly figure of warning a solemn protest against -attempting to sail the unnavigable ocean tract beyond the Azores. As -will be seen by a modern map (Fig. 1), this area includes the vast -realm of the Sargasso--a waste of weed, shifting its borders with -the seasons but constant in its characteristics in some parts and -always to be found by little seeking--one of the permanent conspicuous -features of earth’s surface.[37] It is described by a writer in the -Encyclopaedia Britannica as nearly equal to Europe in area, a statement -hardly warranted unless by including all outlying tatters and fringes -of Gulf weed floating free.[38] - -It is one of the topics that tempt and have always tempted exaggeration -and misunderstandings. The effect on a bright mind of current nautical -yarns concerning it is shown by Janvier’s “In the Sargasso Sea,” a -narrative almost as extravagant as Plato’s tale of Atlantis, in its own -quite different way. One of the more moderate preliminary passages may -be cited: - - And to that same place, he added, the stream carried all that - was caught in its current--like the spar and plank floating - near us, so that the sea was covered with a thick tangle of the - weed in which were held fast fragments of wreckage and stuff - washed overboard and logs adrift from far southern shores, - until in its central part _the mass was so dense that no ship - could sail through it nor could a steamer traverse it because - of the fouling of her screws_.[39] - -He admits this theory of formation was inaccurate but later refers -to “the dense wreck-filled center of the Sargasso Sea” and makes his -castaway hero declare: - - What I looked at was the host of wrecked ships, the dross - of wave and tempest which through four centuries has been - gathering slowly and still more slowly wasting in the central - fastnesses of the Sargasso Sea.[40] - -Sir John Murray naturally gives a more moderate and scientific account, -explaining: - - The famous Gulf Weed characteristic of the Sargasso Sea in - the North Atlantic belongs to the brown algae. It is named - _Sargassum bacciferum_, and is easily recognized by its small - berry-like bladders.... It is supposed that the older patches - gradually lose their power of floating, and perish by sinking - in deep water.... The floating masses of Gulf Weed are believed - to be continually replenished by additional supplies torn - from the coasts by waves and carried by currents until they - accumulate in the great Atlantic whirl which surrounds the - Sargasso Sea. They become covered with white patches of polyzoa - and serpulae, and quite a large number of other animals (small - fishes, crabs, prawns, molluscs, etc.) live on these masses of - weed in the Sargasso Sea, all exhibiting remarkable adaptive - coloring, although none of them belong properly to the open - ocean.[41] - -Finally we have from the Hydrographic Office the official naval and -scientific statement of the case. In the little treatise already -referred to, Lieutenant Soley tells us that the southeast branch of the -Gulf Stream “runs in the direction of the Azores, where it is deflected -by the cold upwelling stream from the north and runs into the center of -the Atlantic Basin, where it is lost in the dead water of the Sargasso -Sea.”[42] As to just what this is the office answers: - - Through the dynamical forces arising from the earth’s rotation - which cause moving masses in the northern hemisphere to be - deflected toward the right-hand side of their path, the algae - that are borne by the Gulf Stream from the tropical seas find - their way toward the inner edge of the circulatory drift which - moves in a clockwise direction around the central part of the - North Atlantic Ocean. In this central part the flow of the - surface waters is not steady in any direction, and hence the - floating seaweed tends to accumulate there. This accumulation - is perhaps most observable in the triangular region marked - out by the Azores, the Canaries and the Cape Verde Islands, - but much seaweed is also found to the westward of the middle - part of this region in an elongated area extending to the 70th - meridian. - - The abundance of seaweed in the Sargasso Sea fluctuates much - with the variation of the agencies which account for its - presence, but this Office does not possess any authentic - records to show that it has ever materially impeded vessels.[43] - -Perhaps these statements are influenced by present or recent -conditions. It is obvious that giant ropelike seaweeds in masses would -more than materially impede the action of the galley oars, which -were the main reliance in time of calm of the ancient and medieval -navigators. Also it is hardly to be believed that small sailing vessels -could freely drive through them with an ordinary wind. If the weeds -were so unobstructive, why all these complaints and warnings out of -remote centuries? In the days of powerful steamships and when the -skippers of sailing vessels have learned what area of sea it is best -to avoid, there may well be a lack of formal reports of impediment; -but it certainly looks as though there were some basis for the long -established ill repute of the Sargasso Sea. - - -SUMMARY - -For the genesis of Atlantis we have then, first, the great idealist -philosopher Plato minded to compose an instructive pseudo-historical -romance of statesmanship and war and actually making a beginning of -the task; and, secondly, the fragmentary cues and suggestive data -which came to him out of tradition and mariners’ tales, perhaps in -part through Solon and intervening transmitters, in part more directly -to himself. Of this material we may name foremost the vague knowledge -of vast impeded regions in the Atlantic believed to be shallow and -requiring a physical explanation; then rumors of cataclysms and sunken -lands in the same ocean; then legends of ancient hostilities between -dwellers beyond the Pillars of Hercules and the peoples about the -Mediterranean; and finally the reflection of the Persian war on the -shadowy ancient past of Athens--Athens the defender and victor, Athens -the Queen of the Sea. - -Every solution of the Atlantis problem must be conjectural. The above -is offered simply as the best conjecture to which I can see my way. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -ST. BRENDAN’S EXPLORATIONS AND ISLANDS - - -THE LISMORE VERSION OF THE SAINT’S ADVENTURES - -The fifteenth-century Book of Lismore, compiled from much older -materials, tells us that St. Brenainn (evidently St. Brendan, the -navigator) - - desired to leave his land and his country, his parents and his - fatherland, and he urgently besought the Lord to give him a - land secret, hidden, secure, delightful, separated from men. - Now after he had slept on that night, he heard the voice of the - angel from heaven, who said to him, “Arise, O Brenainn,” saith - he, “for God hath given thee what thou soughtest, even the Land - of Promise” ... and he goes alone to Sliab Daidche and he saw - the mighty intolerable ocean on every side, and then he beheld - the beautiful noble island, with trains of angels (rising) from - it.[44] - -Thus far, in the rather redundant style of such literature, from the -Life of Brenainn in the Lives of the Saints of this old manuscript. -After a century and a half of disappearance this manuscript was -accidentally discovered in 1814, in a walled-up recess, by workmen -engaged on repairs. - -Mr. Westropp holds that this Lismore version is the “simplest and -probably the earliest;”[45] but its full-blown development of certain -marvels (such as the spending of every Easter for at least five years -on the back of a vast sea monster as a substitute for an island) may -well awaken a question as to the validity of this conjecture. - -However, the suggestion of the voyage by a dream seems likely enough, -and his mood was in keeping with the anchorite enthusiasm of his -time. Of course he promptly set forth to find his “promised land;” at -first, in a hide-covered craft, with failure in spite of long endeavor; -afterward, by advice of a holy woman, in a large wooden vessel, built -in Connaught and manned by sixty religious men, with final success. - - -ANOTHER VERSION - -Another version gives the credit of the first incitement to a purely -human visitor, a friendly abbot, St. Brendan’s aim being to reach an -island “just under Mount Atlas.” Here a holy predecessor, Mernoc by -name, long vanished from among men, was believed to have hidden himself -in “the first home of Adam and Eve.” To all readers this was a fairly -precise location for the earthly paradise. The great Atlas chain forms -a conspicuous feature of medieval maps, running down to sea (as it does -in reality) near Lanzarote and Fuerteventura, the innermost of the -Canaries, which seem like detached, nearly submerged, summits of the -range. - -This narrative is longer and more detailed than that of the Book of -Lismore and gives more plentiful indications of voyaging, especially -toward the end, in southern seas. In its picture of volcanic fires it -recalls occasional outbursts of Teneriffe and its neighbors. “They saw -a hill all on fire, and the fire stood on each side of the hill like -a wall, all burning.” A visit is also recorded to a neighboring land, -apparently continental, which the adventurers penetrated for forty -days’ travel to the banks of a magical river, whence they brought away -“fruit and jewels.” This may well be meant for Africa, obviously quite -near these Fortunate Islands. - - -ATTEMPTS TO EXPLAIN THE ORIGIN OF THE BRENDAN NARRATIVES - -It has been intimated that the narratives of “St. Brendan’s Navigation” -may have originated in misunderstood tales of his early sea wanderings -around the coasts of Ireland seeking for a monastery site. He was -successful in this at least, being best known (excepting as a -discoverer) for the great religious establishment at Clonfert, not the -first which he founded in the sixth century but the most widely known -and the greatest. - -Another explanation casts doubts upon his real existence and supposes -the story of the discoveries to have arisen by confusion of language -with the well-known pagan “Voyage of Bran,” perhaps the earliest of the -ancient Irish Imrama, or sea sagas. - -It has also been said that the origin of the Brendan narratives may be -found in “a ninth-century sermon elaborated up to its present form by -the eleventh century.”[46] A ninth-century manuscript is said to be in -the Vatican library. - - -A NORMAN FRENCH VERSION - -A Norman French translation was turned into Norman French verse by -some trouvère of the court for the benefit of King Henry Beauclerc and -his Queen Adelais early in the twelfth century and partly translated -metrically into English for _Blackwood’s Magazine_ in 1836. It avers -that the saint set sail for an - - Isle beyond the sea - Where wild winds ne’er held revelry, - But fulfilled are the balmy skies - With spicy gales from Paradise; - These gales that waft the scent of flowers - That fade not, and the sunny hours - Speed on, nor night, nor shadow know.[47] - -They sail westward fifteen days from Ireland; then in a month’s calm -drift to a rock, where they find a palace with food and where Satan -visits them but does no harm. They next voyage seven months, in a -direction not stated, and find an island with immense sheep; but, when -they are about to cook one, the island begins to sink and reveals -itself as a “beast.” They reach another island where the birds are -repentant fallen angels. From this they journey six months to an island -with a monastery founded by St. Alben. They sail thence till calm falls -on them and the sea becomes like a marsh; but they reach an island -where are fish made poisonous by feeding on metallic ores. A white bird -warns them. They keep Pentecost on a great sea monster, remaining seven -weeks. Then they journey to where the sea sleeps and cold runs through -their veins. A sea serpent pursues them, breathing fire. Answering -the saint’s prayer, another monster fights and kills the first one. -Similarly a dragon delivers them from a griffin. They see a great and -bright jeweled crystal temple (probably an iceberg). They land on -shores of smoke, flame, blast, and evil stench. A demon flourishes -before them, flies overhead, and plunges into the sea. They find an -island of flame and smoke, a mountain covered with clouds, and the -entrance to hell. Beyond this they find Judas tormented. Next they find -an island with a white-haired hermit, who directs them to the promised -island, where another and altogether wonderful holy man awaits them, of -whom more anon. - -In this version, as in others, there are passages--such as the mention -of extreme cold and the account of a great floating structure of -crystal--which imply a northward course for their voyage in some -one of its stages. So greatly was Humboldt impressed by this and by -the insistence on the Isle of Sheep, which he identified with the -Faroes, that he restricted in theory the saint’s navigation to high -latitudes.[48] - - -THE PROBABLE BASIS OF FACT - -But it is noticeable that every version gives St. Brendan the task -of finding a remote island, which was always warm and lovely, and -chronicles the attainment of this delight, though he finds other -delectable islands near it or by the way. The metrical description -before quoted is surely explicit enough, but the Book of Lismore -outdoes it in a very revel of adjectives. As though praises alone -failed to satisfy the celebrant, he introduces the figure of a holy -ungarmented usher--a living demonstration of the benignity of the -climate. He was “without any human raiment, but all his body was full -of bright white feathers like a dove or sea mew; and it was almost the -speech of an angel that he had.” “Vast is the light and fruitfulness of -the island,” he cried in welcome and launched forthwith on a prodigal -expenditure of superextolling words outpoured on their new delightful -home. It is all perfectly in keeping with the glow and luxuriance of -sun-warmed shores and the unique airiness of his spontaneous raiment. -Clearly “summer isles of Eden,” and nothing that has to do with -icebergs or wintry blasts, are called for in this case. - -About six centuries lie between St. Brendan’s experiences and the -earliest writing purporting to relate them and generally accepted as -to date. Doubtful manuscripts and miscellaneous allusions--also often -doubtful--may lessen the gap; but at best we have several centuries -bridged by tradition only, and that rather inferred than known. It -seems likely that he really visited and enjoyed some remote lovely -islands, not very often reached from the mainland, such as could in -any age have been discovered among the eastern Atlantic archipelagoes. -In doing so he might well meet with surprising adventures, readily -distorted and magnified; and the first tales of them would be basis -enough for the florid fancy of Celtic and medieval romancers, growing -in extravagance with passing generations. - - -THE CARTOGRAPHIC EVIDENCE - -That he found some island or islands was certainly believed, for his -name is on many maps in full confidence. But as to the particular -islands thereby identified we find that conjecture had a wide range, -varying in different periods and even with individual bias. - - -THE HEREFORD MAP OF CIRCA 1275 - -Probably its first appearance is on the Hereford map of 1275 or not -much later,[49] the inscription being “Fortunate Insulae sex sunt -Insulae Sct Brandani.” It is about on the site of the Canary group, and -the elliptical island Junonia is just below. The showing is uncertain -and conventional; also the number six misses the mark by one; still -there can be no doubt that the Canaries as a whole were intended. -Concerning them Edrisi[50] had observed, about 1154: “The Fortunate -Islands are two in number and are in the Sea of Darkness.” Perhaps he -had Lanzarote and Fuerteventura, the most accessible pair, especially -in mind. The surviving derivatives of the last eighth-century Beatus -map[51] also bear the inscription “Insulae Fortunate” where the Canary -Islands should be, but they assert nothing of “St. Brandan.” Doubtless, -dimly known, they had been reputed Isles of the Blest from prehistoric -times. If St. Brendan found them, he found them already the “Fortunate -Isles.” - -A tradition long survived--perhaps survives still--in the Canary -archipelago supporting this identification by the Hereford map. Thus -Father Espinosa,[52] who long dwelt in Teneriffe and wrote his book -there between 1580 and 1590, avers that St. Brendan and his companions -spent several years in that archipelago and quotes a still earlier -“calendar,” date not given, as authority for their mighty works done -there “in the time of the Emperor Justinian.” Even as late as the -eighteenth century an expedition sailed from among them for an island -believed to be outside of those already known and to be the one -discovered by St. Brendan. - -[Illustration: FIG. 2--Section, in two continuous parts, of the -Pizigani map of 1367 showing St. Brendan’s Islands, Mayda, Brazil, -Daculi, and other legendary islands. (After Jomard’s hand-copied -reproduction.)] - - -THE DULCERT MAP OF 1339 - -The second cartographical appearance of the saint’s name seems to be in -the portolan map[53] of Angelinus Dulcert, the Majorcan, dated 1339, -where three islands corresponding to those now known as the Madeiras -(Madeira, Porto Santo, and Las Dezertas) and on the same site are -labeled “Insulle Sa Brandani siue puelan.” Since “u” was currently -substituted for “v,” and “m” and “n” were interchangeable on these -old maps, the last two words should probably be read “sive puellam.” -However the ending of the inscription be interpreted, there can be no -doubt about St. Brendan and his title to the islands--according to -Dulcert. And that this island group must be identified with Madeira and -her consorts (though Madeira is named Capraria and Porto Santo is named -Primaria) hardly admits of any question. - -If the identification of them with the Fortunate Islands especially -favored by St. Brendan were no more than a conjecture of Dulcert or -some predecessor, it still had a certain plausibility from the facts -of nature and the favorable report of antiquity. Strabo may have -borne these islands in mind when he wrote: “the golden apples of the -Hesperides, the Islands of the Blessed they speak of, which we know -are still pointed out to us not far distant from the extremities -of Maurusia, and opposite to Gades.”[54] Apparently, too, Diodorus -Siculus, writing half a century or so before the Christian era about -what happened a thousand years earlier still, means Madeira by the -“great island of very mild and healthful climate” and “in great part -mountainous but much likewise champaign, which is the most sweet and -pleasant part of all the rest;”[55] whereto the Phoenicians were -storm-driven after founding Cadiz and which the Etrurians coveted but -the Carthaginians planned to hold for themselves. Even since those old -days there has been a general recognition of Madeira’s balminess and -slumberous, flowery, enticing beauty. - - -THE MAP OF THE PIZIGANI OF 1367 - -Divers maps of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries do not contain -the name of St. Brendan (it is perhaps never spelled Brendan in -cartography) and hence do not count either way. But the identification -of the notable map of 1367 of the brothers Pizigani[56] (Fig. 2) is the -same as Dulcert’s, the inscription being also given in the alternative. -Like many oceanic features of this strange production it is by no -means clear, but seems to read “Ysole dctur sommare sey ysole pone+le -brandany.” Perhaps it is to be understood as the “islands called of -slumber or the islands of St. Brandan.” There is at any rate no doubt -about the last word or its meaning. But, as if to place the matter -beyond all question, a monkish figure, generally accepted as that of -the saint himself, is depicted bending over them in an attitude of -benediction. - -This map evidently does not copy from Dulcert, for the forms, -proportions, and individual names of the islands all differ. It calls -the chief island Canaria, instead of Capraria or the later Madeira, and -appends a longer name, which seems like Capirizia, to what have long -been known as Las Dezertas, which appear greatly enlarged on it. Porto -Santo is left unnamed on the map, perhaps because it lies so close to -the general name of the group. - - -FIRST USE OF “PORTO SANTO” AS NAME OF ONE OF THE MADEIRAS - -A claim has been set up by the Portuguese that Porto Santo (Holy -Port) was first applied to this island by their rediscoverers of the -next century in honor of their safe arrival after peril, but this is -abundantly confuted by its presence on divers fourteenth-century -maps, notably the Atlante Mediceo[57] of 1351. Also the Book of the -Spanish Friar,[58] dating from about the middle of that century, -contains in his enumeration of islands the words “another Desierta, -another Lecname, another Puerto Santo.” It would seem to have been -a familiar appellation about 1350 or earlier, and the suggestion -naturally occurs that it may have originated in the tradition of the -visit and blessing of the Irish saint. At any rate, the Portuguese, -in the fifteenth-century rediscovery, can have had nothing to do with -conferring it. - - -ANIMAL AND BIRD NAMES OF ISLANDS - -Concerning such names as Canaria, Capraria, etc., which, by reason -of other associations, appear oddly out of place in this group, the -more general question is raised of the tendency to apply animal and -bird names to Eastern Atlantic islands. Goat, rabbit, dog, falcon, -dove, wolf, and crow were applied to various islands long before the -Portuguese visited the Madeiras and Azores, finding them untenanted; -these names long held their ground on the maps, and some of them are -in use even now. The reason for their adoption piques one’s curiosity. -If they could be taken as throwing any light on the fauna of these -islands in 1350, they might also instruct us as to the probability of -prior human occupancy or previous connection with the mainland. But, of -course, in any significant instances some fancied resemblance of aspect -may have suggested the name. - - -MADEIRA - -Madeira, meaning island of the woods or forest island, is a direct -Portuguese translation from the Italian “I. de Legname” of the Atlante -Mediceo and various later maps, and of the “Lecname” of the unnamed -Spanish friar who tells us he was born in 1305. It is sufficiently -explained by the former condition of the island, the northern part of -which is said to preserve still its abundant woodland. Perhaps the -modern name of Madeira (or Madera) first appears on the map of Giraldi -of 1426,[59] not very long after the rediscovery. But, with some -cartographers, the Italian form of the name lingered on much later. - -[Illustration: FIG. 3--Section of the Beccario map of 1426 showing St. -Brendan’s Islands. (From a photograph in the author’s possession.)] - - -THE BECCARIO MAP OF 1426 - -The alternative names, which had been given the Madeira group by -Dulcert and the Pizigani, commemorating both the general fact of -repose or blessedness and the delighted visit of St. Brendan, were -closely blended (in what became the accepted formula) by the 1426 -map of Battista Beccario, which unluckily had never been published -in reproduction. Before the war, however, the writer obtained a good -photograph of a part of it from Munich and herewith presents a section -recording the words “Insulle fortunate santi brandany” (Fig. 3).[60] -The first “a” of the final name may possibly be an “e,” having been -obscured by one of the compass lines; but I think not. Beccario repeats -the same inscription in his very important and now well-known map[61] -of 1435, substituting “sancti” for “santi” by way of correction. - -With no serious variations, this name, “The Fortunate Islands of St. -Brandan” (or Brendan), is applied to Madeira and her consorts by Pareto -(1455;[62] Fig. 21), Benincasa (1482;[63] Fig. 22), the anonymous -Weimar map formerly attributed to 1424 but probably of about 1480 or -1490,[64] and divers others. In several instances (the Beccario maps, -for example) the words are almost as near to the most southerly pair -of the Azores, next above them, as to the Madeiras below, and it is -possible that the condition of special beatitude was understood as -extending to the former also. - - -THE BIANCO MAP OF 1448 - -At any rate, the verdict of the fifteenth century for Madeira was by no -means unanimous. The 1448 map of Bianco,[65] which is very unlike his -earlier one of 1436 so far as concerns the Atlantic, was prepared after -all the Azores had been found again by the Portuguese except Flores -and Corvo. It shows the old familiar inaccurately north-and-south -string of the three groups of the Azores as they had come to him -conventionally and traditionally, for evidently he did not dare or -could not bring himself to discard them. But it also shows a slanting -array of islands farther out, arranged in two groups respectively of -two islands and five islands each and much more accurately presented -as to location and direction than the old Italian stand-bys. These are -quite clearly the Portuguese version, brought down to that date, of -the newly rediscovered Azorean archipelago. But Bianco was obviously -put to it to conjecture what islands these might be. He drew names -from miscellaneous sources: in particular the largest island of the -main group, corresponding to Terceira, bears the title “y^a fortunat -de sa. beati blandan.” Nevertheless, he shows and names Madeira, Porto -Santo, and Deserta in their usual places. Evidently he had given up, if -he ever held, all thought of annexing St. Brendan’s special blessing -to them. He seems very confident of the St. Brandan’s Island of his -slanting series, for it is drawn heavily in black and contrasts with -the rather ghastly aspect of some neighbors. It has nearly the form of -a Maltese cross, with long arms, but there is no reason to suppose that -this has any significance. - - -BEHAIM’S GLOBE OF 1492 - -About the same period a Catalan map[66] of unknown authorship, -without copying details, adopted the same expedient of duplicating -the Azores by adding the new slanting series. It is quite independent -in details, however, omitting mention of “St. Brandan” in particular, -though Ateallo (Antillia?) is given in the second group but not in -the corresponding place. This may possibly indicate some confusion of -Antillia with St. Brandan’s Island, such as is more evident in the -transfer of the traditional outline of the former to the latter, little -changed, by Behaim on his globe of 1492. - -As it stands, this globe undoubtedly gives an original and unique -representation of St. Brandan’s Island far west of the Cape Verde group -and emphasizes it by showing Antillia independently in a more northern -latitude and less western longitude and also of quite insignificant -size and form. But Ravenstein, who made a very thorough study of -the matter, tells us[67] that this globe has been twice retouched -or renovated and that the only way to ascertain exactly what was -originally delineated is to treat it as a palimpsest and remove the -accretions. In particular, he relates the story of an expert geographer -who found the draftsmen about to transpose St. Brandan’s Island and -Antillia; but they yielded to his protest. Of course, it is impossible -to be quite certain that these map figures are such and in such place -as Behaim intended or that they bear the names he gave. The presumption -favors the present showing, generally accepted as authentic. It gives -the saint only one island, but this a very large one, set in mid-ocean -between Africa and South America. - -Possibly this location may be suggested by an undefined coast line -shown by Bianco’s map of 1448, previously mentioned, and, like Behaim’s -island, set opposite the Cape Verde group. In Venetian Italian it bears -an obscure inscription, which calls it an “authentic island” and is -variously interpreted as saying that this coast is fifteen hundred -miles long or fifteen hundred miles distant. The map of Juan de la -Cosa (1500)[68] exhibits off the coast of Brazil, and with an outline -similar to Behaim’s, “the island which the Portuguese found.” His date -is too late to have influenced Behaim, too early to have been prompted -by Cabral’s accidental discovery of that very year. It is more likely -that he and Behaim both were acquainted with Bianco’s work or that all -three drew from the same report of discovery. - - -LATER MAPS - -From this time on there is never more than one island for St. Brendan, -but it indulges in wide wanderings. Especially as the attention of men -was attracted to the more northern and western waters, the map-makers -shifted the island thither. Thus the map of 1544, purporting to be the -work of Sebastian Cabot and probably prepared more or less under his -influence,[69] places the island San Brandan not far from the scene of -his father’s explorations and his own. It lies well out to sea in about -the latitude of the Straits of Belle Isle. The Ortelius map of 1570[70] -(Fig. 10) repeats the showing with no great amount of change. In short, -the final judgment of navigators and cartographers, before the island -quite vanished from the maps, made choice of the waste of the North -Atlantic as its most probable hiding place. Perhaps this westward -tendency in rather high latitudes may be partly responsible for the -hypotheses in recent times which have taken the explorer quite across -to interior North America on a missionary errand. There is certainly -nothing to prohibit any one from believing them, if he can and if it -pleases him. - - -CONCLUSION - -In general review it appears likely that St. Brendan in the sixth -century wandered widely over the seas in quest of some warm island, -concerning which wonderful accounts had been brought to him, and found -several such isles, the Madeira group receiving his special approval, -according to the prevailing opinion of the fourteenth and fifteenth -centuries. But this judgment of those centuries is the only item as to -which we can speak with any positiveness and confidence. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -THE ISLAND OF BRAZIL - - -So far as we know, the first appearance of the island of Brazil in -geography was on the map of Angellinus Dalorto,[71] of Genoa, made in -the year 1325. There it appears as a disc of land of considerable area, -set in the Atlantic Ocean in the latitude of southern Ireland (Fig. 4). -But the name itself is far older. In seeking its derivation, one is -free to choose either one of two independent lines. - - -PROBABLE GAELIC ORIGIN OF THE WORD “BRAZIL” - -The word takes many forms on maps and in manuscripts: as Brasil, -Bersil, Brazir, O’Brazil, O’Brassil, Breasail. As a personal name it -has been common in Ireland from ancient days. The “Brazil fierce” of -Campbell’s “O’Connor’s Child” may be recalled by the few who have not -wholly forgotten that beautiful old-fashioned poem. Going farther back, -we find Breasail mentioned as a pagan demigod in Hardiman’s “History -of Galway”[72] which quotes from one of the Four Masters, who collated -in the sixteenth century a mass of very ancient material indeed. Also -St. Brecan, who shared the Aran Islands with St. Enda about A.D. 480 -or 500, had Bresal for his original name when he flourished as the son -of the first Christian king of Thormond. The name, however spelled, -is said to have been built up from two Gaelic syllables “breas” and -“ail,” each highly commendatory in implication and carrying that note -of admiration alike to man or island. Quite in consonance therewith the -fifteenth-century map of Fra Mauro in 1459[73] not only delineated and -named this Atlantic Berzil but appended the inscription “Queste isole -de Hibernia son dite fortunate,” ranking it as one of the “Fortunate -Islands.” - -[Illustration: FIG. 4--Section of the Dalorto map of 1325 showing -Brazil, Daculi, and other legendary islands. (After Magnaghi’s -photographic facsimile.)] - - -ANOTHER SUGGESTED DERIVATION - -On the whole, this seems the more likely channel of derivation of the -name; or, if there were two such channels, then the more important -one. For there is another suggested derivation, of which much has -rightly been made and which we must by no means neglect. Red dyewood -bore the name “brazil” in the early Middle Ages, a word derived, -Humboldt believed,[74] by translation from the Arabic _bakkam_ of like -meaning, on record in the ninth century. He notes that Brazir, one -form of the name, as we have seen, recalls the French _braise_, the -Portuguese _braza_ and _braseiro_, the Spanish _brasero_, the Italian -_braciere_, all having to do with fire, which is normally more or less -red like the dye. He does not know any tongue of medieval Asia which -could supply _brasilli_ or the like for dyewood. He suggests also the -possibility of the word’s being a borrowed place name, like indigo or -jalap, commemorating the region of origin, but cannot identify any such -place. His treatment of the topic leaves a feeling of uncertainty, with -a preference for some sort of transformation from “bakkam” which would -yield “brazil” probably by a figure of speech. - -The earliest distinctly recognizable mention of brazil as a commodity -occurs in a commercial treaty of 1193 between the Duchy of Ferrara, -Italy, and a neighboring town or small state, which presents _grana -de Brasill_ in a long list including wax, furs, incense, indigo, and -other merchandise.[75] The same curious phrase, “grain of Brazil,” -recurs in a quite independent local _charta_ of the same country only -five years later. Muratori, who garnered such things into his famous -compilation of Italian antiquities, avowed his bewilderment over this -strange phrase, asking what dyewood could be so called; and Humboldt, -reconsidering the whole matter, was no more clear in mind. He calls -attention to the fact that cochineal very long afterward bore the same -name, but evidently without considering this any sort of solution, as, -indeed, it could not well be, since it bears distinct reference to the -South American Brazil, which was discovered and named centuries later. -But the facts remain that grain does not naturally mean dyewood of any -kind or in any form, that its recurrence in public documents proves it -a well-established characterization of a known article of trade in the -twelfth century, and that its presentation is such as to indicate a -granular packaged material. - -Perhaps an explanation may be found in Marco Polo’s experience and -experiments nearly a century later than these Italian documents. Of -Lambri, a district in Sumatra, he writes: - - They also have brazil in great quantities. This they sow, and - when it is grown to the size of a small shoot they take it up - and transplant it; then they let it grow for three years, after - which they tear it up by the root. You must know that Messer - Marco Polo aforesaid brought some seed of the brazil, such as - they sow, to Venice with him and had it sown there, but never a - thing came up. And I fancy it was because the climate was too - cold.[76] - -The seeds of that Sumatran shrub might well pass for grain in the sense -of a small granular object, as we say a grain of sand, for example. -But, since the plant was not and perhaps could not be reared in Italy, -it seems unlikely that the seed should be a valued item of commerce, -regularly listed, bargained for, and taxed. We do not hear of its being -put to use as a dye; and, indeed, the bark or wood of the plant seems -far more promising for that purpose. Like our distinguished forerunners -in considering this little mystery, we must set it aside as not yet -fully solved. - -“Grain of Brazil” is not repeated in any entry, so far as I know, -after the end of the twelfth century; but brazil as a commodity -figures rather frequently; for example, in the schedules of port -dues of Barcelona and other Catalan seaboard towns in the thirteenth -century, as compiled by Capmany.[77] Thus in 1221 we find “carrega de -Brasill,” in 1243 “caxia de bresil,” and somewhat later (1252) “cargua -de brazil,” the spelling varying as in the easy-going fourteenth- and -fifteenth-century maps, the word being plainly the same. But the word -and the thing were not confined to the Mediterranean, for a grant of -murage rates of 1312 to the city of Dublin, Ireland, uses the words -“de brasile venali.”[78] This is pretty far afield and shows that -the knowledge and use of brazil as taxable merchandise was nearly -Europe-wide. As a rule, it has been taken for granted that the word -meant either some special kind of red dyewood or dyewood in general. -Marco Polo’s account conforms rather to the former version, while -Humboldt seems to lean toward the latter; but there is singularly -little in the entries which tends to identify it as wood at all or in -any way relate it thereto. Such words as _carrega_, _caxia_, _cargua_, -show that it was put up in some kind of inclosure, and perhaps give the -impression of comminution or at least absence of bulkiness. Most likely -many kinds of red bark, red wood suitable for dyeing, and perhaps other -vegetable products available for that purpose were sometimes included -under the name brazil. People of that time were more concerned about -results and means to attain them than about exactness in classification -or definition. - -It may well be that both lines of derivation of the name meet in the -Brazil Island west of Ireland, that it was given a traditional Irish -name by Irish navigators and tale tellers and mapped accordingly by -Italians, who would naturally apply to it the meaning with which -they were familiar in commerce and eastern story, so that the Island -of Brazil, extolled on all hands, would come to mean along the -Mediterranean chiefly the island where peculiarly precious dyewoods -abounded. We know that Columbus was pleased to collect what his -followers called brazil in his third and fourth voyages along American -shores;[79] that Cabot felicitates himself on the prospect of finding -silk and brazilwood by persistence in his westward explorations;[80] -and that the great Brazil of South America received its final name as a -tribute to its prodigal production of such dyes. - - -FREE DISTRIBUTION OF THE NAME ON EARLY MAPS - -But there is a curious phenomenon to be noticed--the free distribution -of this name among sea islands, especially of the Azores archipelago, -from an early date. Thus the Pizigani map of 1367[81] applies it with -slight change of spelling not only to the original disc-form Brazil -west of Ireland and to a mysterious crescent-form island, which must -be Mayda, but to what is plainly meant for Terceira of the main middle -group of the Azores (Fig. 2). The Spanish Friar, naming Brazil in -his island list about 1350, appears also to mean Terceira, judging -by the order of the names.[82] His matter-of-fact tone indicates a -long-settled item. This carries us well back toward the first settled -date for the Irish Brazil in cartography. Further, the name still -adheres to Terceira, though long restricted to a single mountainous -headland. The explanation remains a matter of conjecture. Perhaps the -Azores islands that bore it borrowed from the older Brazil west of -Ireland. Perhaps also the word had gone about that islands were notable -for dyes--archil, for example--and the special dye name brazil has been -loosely affixed in consequence. - -On some of the maps certain alternative names are given, which do not -greatly further our investigation. Thus the very first one which shows -Brazil--Dalorto, 1325--adds Montonis as a second choice (Fig. 4). This -has been understood to mean the Isle of Rams, linking it with Edrisi’s -Isle of Sheep, a quite ancient fancy, sometimes referred to the Faroes, -but of very uncertain identification. But Freducci,[83] 1497, makes -it Montanis; Calapoda,[84] 1552, Montorius; and an anonymous compass -chart of 1384,[85] Monte Orius. In all these the idea of mountains, not -sheep, is dominant. The change from “a” to “o” is easy with a not very -vigilant transcriber, and it is most likely that Freducci preserves the -original form and meaning. - -The Pizigani map of 1367 is confused and enigmatic on this point, as in -all its inscriptions. It seems to read (Fig. 2) “Ysola de nocorus sur -de brazar,” but it may best be set aside as too uncertain. - -Equally unenlightening is the “de Brazil de Binar” of Bianco’s 1448 -map.[86] If the “n” be read “m,” the inscription may mean “Brazil of -the two seas;” but the allusion is mystifying. - -Fra Mauro’s inscription before quoted merely bears testimony to -Brazil’s benign and almost Elysian repute and its connection with the -Green Isle in fancy. - - -LOCATION AND SHAPE OF THE ISLAND - -The circular form of Brazil and its location westward of southern -Ireland are affirmed by many maps, including Dalorto, 1325 (Fig. 4); -Dulcert, 1339;[87] Laurenziano-Gaddiano, 1351;[88] Pizigani, 1367 -(Fig. 2); anonymous Weimar map, probably about 1481;[89] Giraldi, -1426;[90] Beccario, 1426[91] and 1435[92] (Fig. 20); Juan da Napoli, -perhaps 1430;[93] Bianco, 1436 and 1448;[94] Valsequa, 1439;[95] -Pareto, 1455[96] (Fig. 21); Roselli, 1468;[97] Benincasa, 1482[98] -(Fig. 22); Juan de la Cosa, 1500;[99] and numerous later maps. Probably -the persistent roundness is ascribable to a certain preference for -geometrical regularity, which sowed these early maps with circles, -crescents, trilobed clover leaves, and other more unusual but not less -artificial island forms. The direction must stand for the tradition of -some old voyage or voyages. - - -SIGNIFICANT SHAPE ON THE CATALAN MAP OF 1375 - -But the celebrated Catalan map of 1375[100] above mentioned introduced -a significant novelty, converting the disc into an annulus of land--of -course, still circular--surrounding a circular body of water dotted -with islets (Fig. 5). The preferred explanation thus far advanced -connects these islets with the Seven Cities of Portuguese and Spanish -legend.[101] But there seem to be nine islands, not seven, and it is -not clear what necessary relation exists between isles and cities nor -whence the idea is derived of the central lake or sea as a background. -Moreover, the Island of the Seven Cities was most often identified -with Antillia far to the south, and there seems no warrant for -identification with Brazil. All considered, this explanation seems -arbitrary, inadequate, and unconvincing. - -[Illustration: FIG. 5--Section of the Catalan map of 1375 showing -the islands of Mayda and Brazil. (After Nordenskiöld’s photographic -facsimile.)] - -The same ring form with inclosed water and islets is repeated by a -map of the next century copied by Kretschmer.[102] It varies only -by showing just seven islets, if we may rely for this detail on his -handmade copy. - - -POSSIBLE IDENTIFICATION WITH THE GULF OF ST. LAWRENCE REGION - -Now, in all the Atlantic Ocean and its shores there is one region, and -one only, which thus incloses a sheet of water having islands in its -expanse, and this region lies in the very direction indicated on the -old maps for Brazil. I allude to the projecting elbow of northeastern -North America, which most nearly approaches Europe and has Cape Race -for its apex. Its front is made up of Newfoundland and Cape Breton -Island. The remainder of the circuit is made up of what we now call -southern Labrador, a portion of eastern Quebec province, New Brunswick, -and Nova Scotia. This irregular ring of territory incloses the great -Gulf of St. Lawrence, which has within it the Magdalens, Brion’s -Island, and some smaller islets, not to include the relatively large -Anticosti and Prince Edward. It has two rather narrow channels of -communication with the ocean, which might readily fail to impress -greatly an observer whose chief mental picture would be the great -land-surrounded, island-dotted expanse of water. The surrounding land -would itself almost certainly be regarded as insular, for there was -a strong tendency to picture everything west of Europe in that way, -even long after the time when most of these maps were made. Even when -Cartier[103] in 1535 ascended the St. Lawrence River it was in the -hope of coming out again on the open sea--a hope that implies the -very conception of an insular mass inclosing the gulf, not differing -essentially from the showing of the Catalan map of 1375. The number of -the islands is immaterial. We may picture the Catalan map-maker dotting -them in from vague report as impartially as the far better known Lake -Corrib is besprinkled with islands in most of the old maps--far more -plentifully than the facts give warrant. - -But it would seem that other observers were more impressed by the -separation of Newfoundland, due to the Straits of Belle Isle and Cabot -and the waterway (of the gulf) connecting them behind the great island. -As a rule the maps presenting Brazil in this divided way adhere to -the accepted latitude, which does not differ appreciably from that -of the St. Lawrence Gulf region. The dividing passage, mainly from -north to south but slightly curved at the ends which join the ocean, -corresponds fairly well with the facts. The maps of Prunes, 1553[104] -(Fig. 12), and Olives, 1568,[105] may be cited as instances of this -divided form of Brazil. No explanation seems yet to have been offered -except Nansen’s,[106] that the dividing channel represents “the river -of death (Styx),” and Westropp’s,[107] that it may be owing to mistaken -copying of a name space or label on some older map. But the former -lacks any better basis than conjectured fancy and the latter is refuted -by the position of the channel on most maps and by the general aspect -of the delineation. As a matter of fact, the showing of most of the -maps differs in little more than proportions from that of Gastaldi -illustrating Ramusio in 1550,[108] when the Gulf of St. Lawrence was -fairly well known to many, but appears as a rather narrow channel -behind a broken-up Newfoundland, extending from the Strait of Belle -Isle to the Strait of Cabot. As in the much older map referred to, the -delineation of Gastaldi is perhaps to be explained by concentration of -attention on the waterway and the ignoring of the wider parts of the -expanse. Absolute demonstration of the causes of the divided Brazil -of some maps and the ring of land inclosing an island-dotted body of -water in others is, of course, impossible; but we can show that in the -designated direction there is a region presenting both of these unusual -features, so that one of the visitors might well be especially taken up -with one set of characteristics, another with the other set, and might -depict the region accordingly. This is the more probable because the -region was peculiarly exposed to accidental or intentional discovery -from the west of the British islands and is known, in fact, to have -been the first to be reached therefrom of all North America in times of -historic record. - -It must not be supposed that Brazil was always thought of as relatively -near Europe. Nicolay in 1560[109] (Fig. 6) and Zaltieri in 1566[110] -prepared maps which show a Brazil Island in distinctly American waters, -practically forming part of the archipelago into which Newfoundland -was supposed to be divided, or at least lying between it and the Grand -Banks. These presentations no doubt may have been suggested by American -discoveries and later theories, especially as no navigator had been -able to find Brazil at any point nearer Europe; but again they may -be at least partly due to surviving early traditions of the great -distance westward at which this island lay. The Brazil of Nicolay and -Zaltieri is, to be sure, a very small affair; but their maps were made -about two and a half centuries after the earliest one which shows this -island--ample time for many misconceptions to creep in. Their only -value is in their illustration of locality. - - -THE CATALAN MAP OF ABOUT 1480 - -More important in every way is a Catalan map (Fig. 7) preserved in -Milan and reproduced by Nordenskiöld in 1892,[111] but since copied -partly by Nansen, by Westropp, and by others. It belongs to the -fifteenth century--perhaps about 1480--and deserves clearly to rank as -the only map before Columbus, thus far reported, which shows a part of -North America other than Greenland. The latter had long before appeared -in the well-known map of Claudius Clavus, 1427[112] (Fig. 16), no doubt -on the faith of the early Norse narratives and subsequent commercial -intercourse, for the Norse Greenland colony is known to have existed -in 1410 and probably did not die out entirely until much later. The -Catalan map of about 1480 shows Greenland also as a great northwestern -land mass beyond Iceland, identifying it by name as Illa Verde (Green -Island). But just south, or west of south, of this Greenland at a -slight interval and southwest of Iceland is drawn and named a large -Brazil of the conventional circular disc form. Its position is that -of Labrador, or perhaps Newfoundland, as it would naturally have been -understood and reported by the Norse explorers. It can be nothing but -one or both of these regions of America with perhaps neighboring lands. - -[Illustration: FIG. 6--Section of the Nicolay map of 1560 showing, on -the American Side of the Atlantic, Brazil, Man, and Insula Verde, the -first two transferred from the European side. (After Nordenskiöld’s -photographic facsimile.)] - -It is true that this map shows also another Brazil of the divided kind -(in this instance with a channel crossing it from east to west) located -in mid-Atlantic about where Prunes and others show their bisected -Brazil. But this seems only an instance of conservation and deference -for authority, such as has often been manifested in cartography. Of -such deference for authority perhaps there is no more striking instance -than Bianco’s map of 1448, which places the rediscovered Azores where -they should be but also preserves them, on the faith of older maps, -where they should not be--making a double series. The lesser bisected -mid-Atlantic Brazil of the Catalan map may well be set aside as a -survival without significance. - -But the duplication by Bianco in 1448 raises a question of distance, -which must be considered, for his Azores retained from the maps -antedating the Portuguese rediscoveries are far nearer the coast of -Europe than the truth at all warrants; and, so far as we can judge, the -same cautious underestimating was applied to all oceanic islands as -reported. Corvo, for example, is actually nearly half-way across the -Atlantic, yet on all the maps for a long time is brought eastward to a -position much nearer Portugal. We must suppose that the region about -the Gulf of St. Lawrence, if visited, would be similarly treated, and -we cannot tell how far the minimization of distance might be carried -by some map-makers. - -[Illustration: FIG. 7--Section of the Catalan map of about 1480 showing -Brazil Island and Green Island (Illa Verde). (After Nordenskiöld’s -photographic facsimile.)] - - -THE SYLVANUS MAP OF 1511 - -The fact is, this matter does not rest in supposition only, for the -thing has undoubtedly happened. The map of Sylvanus,[113] 1511, brings -the Gulf of St. Lawrence and surroundings as an insular body almost as -near Ireland as are many of the presentations of Brazil Island on older -maps. He shows in front a single large island; a square gulf behind it; -a bent shore line forming the border on the north, west, and south; -and two gaps well representing the Straits of Belle Isle and Cabot. -The names given are Terra Laboratorum and Regalis Domus. Nobody doubts -that it illustrates the St. Lawrence Gulf region, though there has been -much speculation as to what unknown explorer has had his discoveries -commemorated here, thirteen years before the first voyage of Cartier. -Why should not a like episode of discovery and imperfect record have -happened at a still earlier date? - -It is not to be supposed that Brazil Island was generally conceived -of by intelligent persons as no farther at sea than it appears on -the map of Dalorto, 1325, and divers later ones. Peasantry and -fisher folk might, indeed, confuse it with the mythical Isle of the -Undying--accessible only to a few chosen ones but vanishing from -ordinary mortal gaze--and thus account for Brazil’s elusiveness, though -so near at hand; but the sturdy explorers of Bristol[114] who kept -sailing westward in search of the island, before and after Columbus, -sometimes at least being away on this quest for many months together, -must often have passed over the very site given by Dalorto and far -beyond. They were looking for solid earth and rock and must have -been convinced that the real Brazil was to be found in remoter seas. -Also, during a great part of the period in which Brazil appeared on -the maps off the Blaskets and Limerick and unduly close to Ireland, -Italian traders were habitually following the Irish western coast and -trafficking in that port and others and must often have been blown out, -or sailed out by choice, far enough for a landing on the island if it -had actually been where Dalorto and others pictured it. The total lack -of any such happening must have been convincing to all except devotees -of the occult and those given over blindly to seashore tradition. No -doubt the far westward showing of the fifteenth-century Catalan and -the much later Nicolay and Zaltieri maps accorded with the general -expectation of thoughtful and well-informed navigators. - - -OMISSION OF THE NAME IN NORSE AND IRISH RECORDS - -It may seem strange that the Norse sagas do not mention Brazil by that -name, though its relation to the Scandinavian colony of Greenland is -made so conspicuous on the Catalan fifteenth-century map above referred -to; also that there is no distinct Irish record of any voyage to Brazil -as such, though the western ports of Ireland were natural points of -departure and return for western voyages and though voyages to a far -western Great Ireland are reported by the Norse from Irish sources. -Perhaps there is no quite satisfactory answer to this. All narratives -of the kind are fragmentary and more or less mythical, and the name -Brazil may often have been used in the reports of Irish explorers, -as it certainly was later the especial goal of the English, without -having left any other trace than the name on the map and such hints as -we have mentioned. The Norse seem to have adhered to their own names -Markland and Vinland, only mentioning Great Ireland incidentally in -the same neighborhood and Brazil not at all unless the delineation of -the Catalan map be of their suggestion; but no really strong adverse -argument can be founded on these matters of nomenclature and omission -where all references and records are so meager. - -There can be no certainty; but from the evidence at hand it seems -likely that the part of America indicated, i. e. Newfoundland and -neighboring shores, was visited very early by Irish-speaking people, -who gave it the commendatory name Brazil. Naturally one inclines to -ascribe such an unremitting westward push to the powerful religious -impulsion which, according to Dicuil, carried Irishmen to Iceland in -the latter part of the eighth century and even bore them on, it is -reported, some two hundred miles beyond it. The date, however, may -have been much later. Yet it must have preceded Dalorto’s map of 1325, -whereon Brazil first appears by name. - -Of evidence on the ground there is nothing; but what have we now to -show even for the perfectly attested visits to the same region of -Cabot and Cortereal? Their case rests on maps, governmental entries, -and contemporary correspondence, luckily preserved. Earlier visits to -Brazil have no epistles, no entries, to show but must rely on the maps -and the general tradition in the British islands of such a western -region across at least a part of the great sea. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -THE ISLAND OF THE SEVEN CITIES - - -The mythical islands of the Atlantic (_les îles fantastiques_) on the -old maps have had divers origins, instructive to study. Perhaps only -one of them derives its name and being directly from a real human -episode of a twilight period in history. - -When the Moors descended on Spain in 711, routed King Roderick’s army -beside the Guadalete, and rapidly overran the Iberian Peninsula, it was -most natural, indeed nearly inevitable, that some Christian fugitives -should continue their flight from the seaboard to accessible islands -already known or rumored, or even desperately commit themselves in -blindness to the remoter mysteries of the ocean. Such an event would -afford a fabric for the embroidery of later fancy. A part of this has -been preserved by record; and it is curious to watch the development of -the story, which takes several forms, not differing widely, however, -one from another. - - -THE ISLAND OF BRAZIL - -When Pedro de Ayala, Spanish Ambassador to Great Britain, found -occasion in 1498 to report English exploring activities to Ferdinand -and Isabella, he wrote: - - The people of Bristol have, for the last seven years, sent out - every year two, three, or four light ships (caravels) in search - of the island of Brasil and the seven cities.[115] - -There is indeed one well-attested voyage of 1480 conducted by -well-known navigators, seeking this insular Brazil, and it was not the -earliest. - -The first appearance of that island thus far reported, as we have seen -in the preceding chapter, is on the map of Dalorto[116] (dated 1325; -Fig. 4) as a disc of land well at sea, westward from Hibernian Munster; -but the Catalan map of 1375[117] (Fig. 5) and at least one other[118] -turn the disc into a ring surrounding a body of water which is studded -with small islands--apparently nine in the Catalan map photographically -reproduced by Nordenskiöld, though Dr. Kretschmer draws seven on -the other. These miniature islands have sometimes been thought[119] -to represent the seven cities of the old legend; but islets are not -cities, and there seems no reason why each city should require an -islet. However, the coincidence of number, exact or approximate, is -suggestive. - - -ANTILLIA - -Antillia (variously spelled) was a home for the elusive cities more -favored than Brazil by cartography and tradition. In 1474 Toscanelli, a -cosmographer of Florence, being consulted by Christopher Columbus as to -the prospects of a westward voyage, sent him a copy of a letter which -he had written to a friend in the service of the King of Portugal. Its -authenticity has been questioned, but it is still believed in by the -majority of inquirers and may be accepted provisionally. In it occurs -this passage: - - From the island Antilia, which you call the seven cities, and - whereof you have some knowledge, to the most noble island of - Cipango [Japan], are ten spaces, which make 2,500 miles.[120] - -The name Antillia had appeared on the maps much earlier. As Atilae, -or Atulae, it is doubtfully found in an inscription on that of the -Pizigani (1367;[121] Fig. 2), identifying a “shore,” not drawn, on -which a colossal statue of warning had been erected. The location seems -to be somewhere in the region where Corvo of the Azores should appear. - -We meet the island name, for the first time unmistakably, on the map -of Beccario (Becharius) of 1435[122] (Fig. 20). It is applied to the -chief of a group of four large islands, comparable to nothing actually -in the western Atlantic except the Greater Antilles, or three of them -with Florida (Bimini). They are collectively designated “Insulle a Novo -Repte”--the “Newly Reported Islands.” Antillia itself is shown as an -elongated quadrilateral having its sides indented by seven two-lobed -bays of identical form, beside another and larger bay in the southern -end. Several subsequent maps repeat the delineation with little change, -and the map of Benincasa (1482;[123] Fig. 22) supplies local names for -the bays or the regions adjoining excepting only the lowest but one on -the eastern side, which bay is opposite the middle of the island name -Antillia. The other names as read by Dr. Kretschmer are Aira, Ansalli, -Ansodi, Con, Anhuib, Ansesseli, and Ansolli. It will be observed -that five of them borrow the first syllable of Antillia. Nobody has -explained these names, and they seem mere products of linguistic fancy. -But again the coincidence in number is impressive, although somewhat -offset by the fact that the next largest island in the group, Saluaga, -has a similar arrangement of five bays of like form and carries the -names, similarly applied, of Arahas, Duchal, Imada, Nom, and Consilla. -They can hardly be extra bishops’ towns. At least we are in the -dark about them. The anonymous map sometimes attributed to 1424 and -preserved at Weimar[124] shows in photographic copy traces of names, or -at least letters, on the part of Antillia which it represents. Its true -date is believed to be about that of Benincasa’s map above cited. But -the markings do not seem to be identical and are very meager. - - -THE LEGENDARY HOME OF PORTUGUESE REFUGEES - -However, there can be no doubt of Toscanelli’s meaning at an earlier -date in the passage quoted. The same is true of Behaim’s globe (1492), -though he discards the accepted form of Antillia. He appends a long -inscription, translated by Ravenstein as follows: - - In the year 734 of Christ, when the whole of Spain had been won - by the heathen (Moors) of Africa, the above island Antilia, - called Septe citade (Seven cities), was inhabited by an - archbishop from the Porto in Portugal, with six other bishops, - and other Christians, men and women, who had fled thither from - Spain, by ship, together with their cattle, belongings, and - goods. 1414 a ship from Spain got nighest it without being - endangered.[125] - -Again, in Ruysch’s map of 1508 there is “a large island in the middle -of the Atlantic Ocean between Lat. N. 37° and 40°. It is called Antilia -Insula, and a long legend asserts that it had been discovered long ago -by the Spaniards, whose last Gothic king, Roderik, had taken refuge -there from the invasion of the Barbarians.”[126] - -Ferdinand Columbus, living between 1488 and 1539, says that some -Portuguese cartographers had located - - Antilla ... not ... above 200 leagues due west from the - Canaries and Azores, which they conclude to be certainly the - island of the seven cities, peopled by the Portuguese at the - time that Spain was conquered by the Moors in the year 714. At - which time they say, seven bishops with their people embark’d - and sailed to this island, where each of them built a city; and - to the end none of their people might think of returning to - Spain, they burnt the ships, tackle and all things necessary - for sailing. Some Portuguese discoursing about this island, - there were those that affirmed several Portuguese had gone to - it, who could not find the way to it again.[127] - -He relates particularly how “in the time of Henry infant of Portugal -[perhaps about 1430], a Portuguese ship was drove by stress of weather -to this island Antilla.” The crew went to church with the islanders but -were afraid of being detained and hurried back to Portugal. The Prince -heard their story and ordered them to return to the island, but they -escaped from him and were not found again. It is said that of the sand -gathered on Antillia for the cook room a third part was pure gold. - -Galvano tells of a still later visit; or possibly it is only another -version of the same: - - In this yeere also, 1447, it happened that there came a - Portugall ship through the streight of Gibraltar; and being - taken with a great tempest, was forced to runne westwards - more then willingly the men would, and at last they fell upon - an Island which had seven cities, and the people spake the - Portugall toong, and they demanded if the Moors did yet trouble - Spaine, whence they had fled for the losse which they received - by the death of the king of Spaine, Don Roderigo. - - The boateswaine of the ship brought home a little of the sand, - and sold it unto a goldsmith of Lisbon, out of the which he had - a good quantitie of gold. - - Don Pedro understanding this, being then governour of the - realme, caused all the things thus brought home, and made - knowne, to be recorded in the house of justice. - - There be some that thinke, that those Islands whereunto - the Portugals were thus driven, were the Antiles, or Newe - Spaine.[128] - - -ANOTHER ACCOUNT - -The Portuguese historian Faria y Sousa has yet another version. -According to Stevens’ translation: - - After Roderick’s defeat the Moors spread themselves over all - the province, committing inhuman barbarities. * * * The chief - resistance was at Merida. The defendants, many of whom were - Portuguese, that being the Supreme Tribunal of Lusitania, were - commanded by Sacaru, a noble Goth. Many brave actions passed - at the siege, but at length there being no hopes of relief and - provisions failing, the town was surrendered upon articles. - The commander of the Lusitanians, traversing Portugal, came to - a seaport town, where, collecting a good number of ships, he - put to sea, but to which part of the world they were carried - does not appear. There is an ancient fable of an island called - Antilla in the western ocean, inhabited by Portuguese, but it - could never yet be found, and therefore we will leave it until - such time as it is discovered, but to this place our author - supposes these Portugals to have been driven.[129] - -It is plain that Captain Stevens paraphrases with comments rather than -translates. The original[130] avers that the fugitives made sail for -the Fortunate Islands (the Canaries), in order that they might preserve -some remnants of the Spanish race, but were carried elsewhere. It also -specifies that the legendary island which they are supposed to have -reached is inhabited by Portuguese and contains seven cities--_tiene -siete cividades_. - -This last account lacks positive mention of the emigrating bishops and -for the first time names a definite though rather remote goal as aimed -at by their effort. But the movement from Merida is well accounted for, -and a trusted military commander would seem a natural leader for such -an enterprise of wholesale escape. The bishops, implied by the seven -cities, might well gather to him at Oporto or be picked up on the way. -On the whole it seems the most easily believable version of the story; -though of course it does not necessarily follow that they really chose -any land so remote as Teneriffe and its neighbors--if they knew of -them--for a new abiding place. Of course the continuance of Portuguese -language and civilization and the persistence of seven isolated towns -through so many centuries must be ranked with the auriferous sands of -Antillia as late products of the dreaming Iberian brain. - - -MYTHICAL LOCATION OF THE SEVEN CITIES ON THE MAINLAND - -The citations thus far given identify the Island of the Seven Cities -with some legendary, but generally believed-in patch of land afar out -in the ocean--sometimes with the Island of Brazil, more often with -Antillia. But the earliest of them dates six or seven centuries after -the supposed fact, and it may well be that a distinction was made -at first, which became lost afterward by blending. In a still later -stage of development the name of the Seven Cities becomes separate -and strangely migratory, not avoiding even the mainland. We know, for -instance, what power the Seven Cities of Cibola had to draw Coronado -and his followers northward through the mountains and deserts of our -still arid Southwest until all that was real of them stood revealed -as the even then antiquated and rather uncleanly terraced villages of -sun-dried brick which are picturesquely familiar on railway folders and -in the pages of illustrated magazines. - -But this was not the only part of North America on which the romantic -myth alighted. The British Museum contains in MS. 2803 of the Egerton -collection an anonymous world map,[131] (Fig. 8), forming part of a -portolan atlas attributed by conjecture to 1508, which shows, somewhat -as in La Cosa’s map of 1500, the Atlantic coast distorted to a nearly -westward trend, with the Seven Cities (Septem Civitates), represented -by conventional indications of miters, scattered along a seaboard -tract from a point considerably west of “terra de los bacalos” and -the Bay of Fundy to a point nearly opposite the western end of Cuba. -The cartographer’s ideas of geography were exceedingly vague, but -apparently he conceived of Portuguese episcopal domination for the -coastal country between lower New England and Florida as we know them -now. Perhaps, however, he merely meant to set down his cities somewhere -on the eastern shore of temperate North America and has strewn them -along at convenience. - -[Illustration: FIG. 8--Section of the world map in the portolan atlas -of about 1508 known as Egerton MS. 2803 in the British Museum, placing -the Seven Cities in North America and the name “Antiglia” in South -America. (After Stevenson’s photographic facsimile.)] - -Incidentally, this map is also interesting as one of a few which -inscribe Antillia, with slight changes of orthography, on some part of -the mainland of South America. In this instance “Antiglia” occupies a -tract of the northwestern coastal country apparently corresponding to -contiguous portions of Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru. - - -LATER REAPPEARANCE AS AN ISLAND - -But the Island of the Seven Cities appeared as such on other maps and -by this name only. Perhaps its most salient showing is on Desceliers’ -fine map of 1546[132] (Fig. 9), that entertaining repository of isles -which are more than dubious and names which are fantastic. He presents -it off the American coast about a third as far as the Bermudas and -midway from Cape Breton to the Bay of Fundy. The size is considerable, -the outline being deeply embayed on several sides and hence very -irregular, almost as much so as Celebes. Two islets lie near two of its -projecting peninsulas. It bears a brief inscription giving the name -Sete Cidades and indicating that it belongs to Portugal. - -This choice of location would have been more venturesome a century -later. In 1546 there had been some exploring and much fishing in these -waters but no determined settlement near them, and they were hardly -yet familiar. However, the Ortelius map of 1570[133] (Fig. 10), and -the Mercator map of 1587[134] find it more prudent to move this island -farther south and farther out to sea, reducing its area, but retaining -its traditional name. Not long after this, except for a local name on -St. Michaels of the Azores, the Seven Cities disappear from geography. - -[Illustration: FIG. 9--Section of the Desceliers map of 1546 showing -the Island of Seven Cities and various other legendary islands. (After -Kretschmer’s hand-copied reproduction.) The names are mostly upside -down because on the original south is at the top.] - -[Illustration: FIG. 10--Section of Ortelius’ world map of 1570 showing, -of the legendary islands and regions discussed in the present work, the -Island of Seven Cities (“Sept cites”), St. Brendan’s Islands, Brazil, -Vlaenderen, Green Island (Y. Verdo), Estotiland, Drogio, Frisland, -Islands of Demons, La Emperadada, and Grocland. (After Nordenskiöld’s -photographic facsimile.)] - - -OCCURRENCE OF THE NAME IN THE AZORES - -The exception noted is well worth considering. Just as Terceira retains -her medieval name of Brazil to designate one headland, St. Michaels has -still its valley of the Seven Cities. Brown’s guidebook presents the -fact very casually: “St. Michaels. Ponta Delgada. Brown’s Hotel. About -ten people. Among the chief sights are the lava beds coming from Sete -Cidades.... At Sete Cidades, which is worth a visit, there is a great -crater with two lakes at the bottom, one of which appears to be green, -the other blue.”[135] - -This naïve incuriousness in the presence of something so significant -of course has not been shared by a different order of observers. -Buache[136] found here as he thought the genuine and only Seven -Cities of the legend. Humboldt[137] opposed this view with a reminder -of the Seven Cities of Cibola. But it is fair to remember that New -Mexico was quite impossible for the Portuguese of 711 or thereabout, -whereas St. Michaels Island offered an accessible and tempting place -of refuge. The name could not have been derived from settlement in -the former; but it might really be derived from settlement in the -latter. Granting that the fugitives might not be able to maintain -themselves there in safety for many years after the Arabs had begun -their tentative and always uneasy incursions into the western Sea -of Darkness, it still may be that the town or towns of this hidden -island valley might endure long enough and seem imposing enough and -be visited often enough by Christians from the mainland to supply the -nucleus of the most picturesque and adventurous of legends; and this -tale might follow any later migration into the unknown, or survive and -find new abiding places for the name and fancy long after the original -colony--archbishop and bishops and congregations, military commanders, -and mailed soldiery--had all been somehow destroyed or had melted apart -and drifted away. All that remains certain is the continued presence of -the name of the Seven Cities on that spot. - -Some ruins are said to have marked it formerly, but very little -is visible now, if we may trust the following description by an -intelligent visitor in the middle of the last century: - - Emerging from these sunken lanes, so peculiar to the island - of St. Michael’s, we come to the green hills which border the - village and the valley of the Seven Cities.... From these dull - evergreen mountains, stretching before us without apparent end, - we speedily had an unexpected change. Suddenly the mountain - track up which we were climbing ended on the edge of a vast - precipice, hitherto entirely concealed, and at a moment’s - transition disclosed a wide and deeply sunk valley with a - scattered village and a blue lake. The hills which hemmed - them in were bold and precipitous, tent-shaped, rounded and - serrated. Others swept in soft and gentle lines into a little - plain where the small village was nestled by the water side. - The lake was of the deepest blue and so calm that a sea bird - skimming over its surface seemed two, so perfect was its image - in the water. The clouds above were floating in this very deep - lake, and the inverted tops of the hills on every side were - perfectly reflected in its bosom. A few women on the shore - seemed rooted there, so steady were their reflections in the - water, and the cattle standing in the shallows stood like - cattle in a picture.... The sides slope gradually from this - part of the valley into the level ground where the village - stands. It is a small collection of cottages, without a church - or a wineshop or a store of any kind, and at the time I entered - it was enveloped in clouds of wood smoke which rose from the - fires used in the process of bleaching cloth. This and clothes - washing are the chief occupations of the villagers.... - - A portion of the lake is separated from the larger one by a - narrow causeway. It is singular to notice the difference made - in the two pieces of water by this small embankment; for, while - the large lake is clear and crystalline, this is thick, green, - and muddy, and as gloomy as the Dead Sea, with no clouds or - birds or bright sky reflected in it.[138] - -Perhaps a little excavating archeology might not be amiss in the -neighborhood of the causeway and the green dead lakelet. But at least -it is satisfactory to have a good external account of the only site -in the world, so far as I know, which still bears the legendary name. -As elsewhere used, this name has certainly wandered widely and been -affixed to many places. Whether any of these represent real refuges -of the original emigrants or their descendants or others like them -no one can quite certainly say; but there is no evidence for it, and -the probabilities are against it. Certainly no Spanish nor Portuguese -community, of Moorish or of any pre-Columbian times, established itself -in western lands for any great period to make good the aspiration of -the fugitives of Merida. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -THE PROBLEM OF MAYDA - - -Of all the legendary islands and island names on the medieval maps, -Mayda has been the most enduring. The shape of the island has generally -approximated a crescent; its site most often has been far west of lower -Brittany and more or less nearly southwest of Ireland; the spelling -of the name sometimes has varied to Maida, Mayd, Mayde, Asmaida, or -Asmayda. The island had other names also earlier and later and between -times, but the identity is fairly clear. As a geographical item it -is very persistent indeed. Humboldt about 1836 remarked that, out of -eleven such islands which he might mention, only two, Mayda and Brazil -Rock, maintain themselves on modern charts.[139] In a note he instances -the world map of John Purdy of 1834. However, this was not the end; for -a relief map published in Chicago and bearing a notice of copyright of -1906 exhibits Mayda. Possibly this is intended to have an educational -and historic bearing; but it seems to be shown in simple credulity, a -crowning instance of cartographic conservation. - - -POSSIBLE ARABIC ORIGIN OF NAME - -If Mayda may, therefore, be said to belong in a sense to the twentieth -century, it is none the less very old, and the name has sometimes been -ascribed to an Arabic origin. Not very long after their conquest of -Spain the Moors certainly sailed the eastern Atlantic quite freely -and may well have extended their voyages into its middle waters and -indefinitely beyond. They named some islands of the Azores, as would -appear from Edrisi’s treatise and other productions; but these names -did not adhere unless in free translation. The name Mayda was not -one of those that have come down to us in their writings or on their -maps, and its origin remains unexplained. It is unlike all the other -names in the sea. Perhaps the Arabic impression is strengthened by the -form Asmaidas, under which it appears (this is nearly or quite its -first appearance) on the map of the New World in the 1513 edition of -Ptolemy (Fig. 11).[140] But any possible significance vanishes from -the prefixed syllable when we find the same map turning Gomera into -Agomera, Madeira into Amadera, and Brazil into Obrassil. Evidently -this map-maker had a fancy for superfluous vowels as a beginning of his -island names. He may have been led into it by the common practice of -prefixing “I” or the alternative “Y” (meaning Insula, Isola, Ilha, or -Innis) instead of writing out the word for island in one language or -another. - -[Illustration: FIG. 11--Section of the map of the New World in the 1513 -edition of Ptolemy showing the islands of Mayda (asmaidas) and Brazil -(obrassil). (After Kretschmer’s hand-copied reproduction.)] - -However, there is a recorded Arabic association of this particular -island under another name. It had been generally called Mam or Man, -and occasionally other names, for more than a century before it was -called Mayda. Perhaps the oldest name of all is Brazir, by which it -appears on the map of 1367 of the Pizigani brothers (Fig. 2),[141] a -form evidently modified from Brazil and shared with the round island -of that name then already more than forty years old on the charts. -The Brazil which we specially have to do with bears roughly and -approximately the crescent form, which later became usually more neat -and conventionalized under the name Man or Mayda. It appears south (or -rather a little west of south) of the circular Brazil, which is, as -usual, west of southern Ireland and a little south of west of Limerick. -The crescent island is also almost exactly in the latitude of southern -Brittany, taking a point a little below the Isle de Sein, which still -bears that name. In this position there may be indications of relation -with both Brittany and Ireland. The former relation is pictorially -attested by three Breton ships. One of them is shown returning to the -mouth of the Loire. A second has barely escaped from the neighborhood -of the fateful island. A third is being drawn down stern foremost by -a very aggressive decapod, which drags overboard one of the crew; -perhaps she has already shattered herself on the rocks, offering the -opportunity of such capture in her disabled state. A dragon flies by -with another seaman, apparently snatched from the submerging deck. -Blurred and confused inscriptions in strange transitional Latin seem -to warn us of the special dangers of navigation in this quarter; the -staving of holes in ships, the tawny monsters, known to the Arabs, -which rise from the depths, the dragons that come flying to devour. The -words “Arabe” and “Arabour” are readily decipherable; so is “dragones.” -Perhaps there is no statement that Arabs have been to that island, -for their peculiar experience may belong to some other quarter of the -globe; but the verbal association is surely significant. The name -Bentusla (Bentufla?) applied to this crescent island by Bianco in his -map of 1448[142] has sometimes been thought to have an Arabic origin; -but one would not feel safe in citing this as absolute corroboration. -The Breton character of the ships, however, may be gathered (as well as -from their direction and behavior) from the barred ensigns which they -carry, recalling the barred standard set up at Nantes of Brittany, in -Dulcert’s map of 1339,[143] just as the _fleur-de-lis_ is planted by -him at Paris. - - -MAYDA AND THE ISLE OF MAN - -We have, then, in this fourteenth-century island a direct recorded -association with the Arabs, followed long after by what have been -thought to be Arabic names. We have also a pictorial and cartographical -connection with Brittany and also an indication of relations with -Ireland. This last is fortified by its next and, except Mayda, its most -lasting name. - -The great Catalan map of 1375[144] (Fig. 5) calls it Mam, which should -doubtless be read as Man, for it was common to treat “m” and “n” as -interchangeable, no less than “u” and “v” or “i” and “y.” Thus Pareto’s -map of 1455[145] (Fig. 21) turns the Latin “hanc” into “hamc” and -“Aragon” into “Aragom.” On some of the early maps, e. g. that of -Juan da Napoli (fifteenth century),[146] the proper spelling “Man” is -retained, just as it is retained and has been ever since early Celtic -days, in the name of the home of “the little Manx nation” in the Irish -Sea. That the same name should be carried farther afield and applied -to a remote island of the Atlantic Ocean is quite in accordance with -the natural course of things and the general experience of mankind. -No doubt the name Man might be derived from other sources, but the -chances are in this instance that the Irish people whose navigators -found Brazil Island (or imagined it, if you please) did the same favor -for the crescent-shaped “Man,” quite overriding for a hundred years any -preceding or competing titles. - -Almost immediately there was some competition, for the Pinelli map -of 1384[147] calls it Jonzele (possibly to be read I Onzele, a word -which has an Italian look but is of no certain derivation), reducing -the delineation of the island to a mere shred, bringing Brazil close -to it, and giving the pair a more northern and more inshore location. -Another map of about the same period follows this lead, but there -the divergence ended. Soleri of 1385[148] reverted to the former -representation; and about the opening of the fifteenth century the -regular showing of the pair was established--Brazil and Man, circle -and crescent, by those names and in approximately the locations and -relative position first stated. - -It is true that the crescent island is sometimes represented without -any name, as though it were well enough known to make a name -unnecessary. But during the fifteenth century, when it is called -anything, with a bare exception or two, it is called Man. Its shape and -general location are substantially those of the Catalan map of 1375 on -the maps of Juan da Napoli; Giraldi, 1426;[149] Beccario, 1426[150] -and 1435[151] (Fig. 20); Bianco, 1436 and 1448;[152] Benincasa, -1467[153] and 1482[154] (Fig. 22); Roselli, 1468;[155] the Weimar map, -(probably) about 1481;[156] Freducci, 1497;[157] and others--arguing -surely a robust and confident tradition. - - -RESUMPTION OF NAME “MAYDA” - -On sixteenth-century maps this island is still generally presented, -though lacking on those of Ruysch, 1508;[158] Coppo, 1528[159] (Fig. -13); and Ribero, 1529;[160] but suddenly and almost completely the -name Mayda in its various forms takes the place of Man, a substitution -quite unaccounted for. There are hardly enough instances of survival of -the older name to be worth mentioning. Was there some resuscitation of -old records or charts, now lost again, which thus overcame the Celtic -claim and supplied an Arabic or at least a quite alien and unusual -designation? The little mystery is not likely ever to be cleared up. -The previously mentioned map from the Ptolemy edition of 1513 (Fig. -11), which perhaps first introduces it, also presents several other -innovations in departing from the crescent form and shifting the island -a degree or two southward; and these changes surely seem to hint at -some fresh information. That there was no supposed change of identity -is shown by the fact that succeeding cartographers down to and beyond -the middle of that century revert generally to the established crescent -form and to nearly the same place in the ocean previously occupied by -Man, while applying the new name Mayda. Thus an anonymous Portuguese -map of 1519 or 1520,[161] reproduced by Kretschmer, and the graduated -and numbered map of Prunes, 1553[162] (Fig. 12), concur in placing -Mayda or Mayd at about latitude 48° N., the latitude of Quimper, -Brittany, and almost exactly the same as that given by the Pizigani to -the crescent island on its first appearance on the maps as a clearly -recognizable entity. - - -TRANSFERENCE OF MAYDA TO AMERICAN WATERS - -The maps made after the world had become more or less familiarized -with the details of modern discoveries, in this case as in most others -of its kind, indicate little except the dying out of old traditions, -whatever they may have been, and haphazard or conventional substitution -of locations and forms or the influence of the new geographic facts -and theories. Thus Desceliers’ map of 1546[163] (Fig. 9), a museum of -strangely-named sea islands, makes the latitude of “Maidas” 47° and -the longitude that of St. Michaels, but not long afterward Nicolay -(1560;[164] Fig. 6) and Zaltieri (1566)[165] transferred the island to -Newfoundland waters. Nicolay calls it “I man orbolunda,” and places -it just south of the Strait of Belle Isle. It is accompanied by Green -Island and by Brazil, a little farther out on the Grand Banks where the -Virgin Rocks may still be found at low tide. Taken together these three -islands look like parts of a disintegrated Newfoundland. Zaltieri of -1566 gives Maida by that name more nearly the same outward location, -though it is still distinctly American. Nicolay’s name “orbolunda” -is one of the many puzzling things connected with this island. His -“Man” may be either a reversion to the fifteenth-century name, or, -more likely, a modification of, or error in copying from Gastaldi’s -map-illustration[166] of Ramusio about ten years previously, which -allots the same inclement site to an “isola de demoni” and depicts the -little capering devils in wait there for their prey. It is likely, -though, that Gastaldi had no thought of identifying it with Mayda. But -the neighborhood of the island of Brazil and Green Island seem nearly -conclusive evidence that Nicolay intended I Man for Mayda and had -ascribed to it, by reason of evil association, the supposed attributes -of Gastaldi’s island. However, Ramusio himself in 1566,[167] the same -year as Zaltieri, set his “Man” south of Brazil off the coast of -Ireland. The only really important contributions of these maps are -their testimony to the continued diabolical reports of Mayda, or Man, -and the apparent conviction of Nicolay and Zaltieri that the island was -after all American; a suggestion that could have had no meaning and no -support in the times when America was unrecognized. Evidently these -map-makers did not regard the inadequate western longitude of Mayda, or -Man, in the older maps as a formidable objection. Presumably they were -well aware how many of the insular oceanic distances as shown by these -forerunners needed stretching in the light of later discovery. But -their views with regard to an American Mayda seem to have ended with -them, so far as map representation is concerned. - -[Illustration: FIG. 12--Section of the Prunes map of 1553 showing -Mayda (in latitude 48°), Brazil, and Estotiland (“Esthlanda”). (After -Kretschmer’s hand-copied reproduction.)] - - -POSSIBLE IDENTITY OF VLAENDEREN ISLAND WITH MAYDA - -There is another curious and rather mystifying episodical divergence -in the cartography of that period, this time on the part of the great -geographers Ortelius and Mercator in their respective series of maps -during the latter part of the sixteenth century, for example Ortelius -of 1570[168] and Mercator of 1587.[169] Ortelius presents as Vlaenderen -an oceanic island which certainly seems intended for Mayda (Fig. 10), -while Mercator shows Vlaenderen as lying about half-way between Brazil -and the usual site of Maida. The word has a Dutch or Flemish look. Of -course there must be some explanation of it, but this is unknown to the -writer. The natural inference would be that some skipper of the Low -Countries thought he had happened upon it and reported accordingly. -This was what occurred in the case of Negra’s Rock, now held to be -wholly fictitious though shown in many maps; and also in the case of -the sunken land of Buss, now generally recognized as real and as a part -of Greenland but recorded and delineated in the wrong place by an error -of observation. It may be that Ortelius believed in a rediscovery of -Mayda and that for some reason it should have the name latest given. -But, in spite of the prestige of these great names, Vlaenderen did not -continue on the maps, while Mayda did, though in a rather capricious -way. - - -PERSISTENCE OF MAYDA ON MAPS DOWN TO THE MODERN PERIOD - -There would be little profit in listing the maps of the seventeenth, -eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries which persisted by inertia and -convention in the nearly stereotyped delineation of Mayda but, of -course, with slight variations in location and name. Thus Nicolaas -Vischer in a map of Europe of 1670 (?)[170] shows “L’as Maidas” in -the longitude of Madeira and the latitude of Brittany; a world map -in Robert’s “Atlas Universel” (1757)[171] gives “I. Maida” about the -longitude of Madeira and the latitude of Gascony; and on a chart of the -Atlantic Ocean published in New York in 1814[172] “Mayda” appears in -longitude 20° W. and latitude 46° N. But these representations have no -significance except as to human continuity. - -The evil reputation which was early established and seems to have hung -about the island in later stages, assimilating the icy clashings and -noises and terrors of the north as it had previously incorporated the -monstrous fears of a warmer part of the ocean, is surely a curious -phenomenon. I have fancied it may be responsible for the probably quite -imaginary Devil Rock, which appears in some relatively recent maps, -perhaps as a kind of substitute for Mayda, much in the fashion that -Brazil Rock took the place of Brazil Island when belief in the latter -became difficult. The present view of the U. S. Hydrographic Office, -as expressed on its charts, is that Negra’s Rock, Devil Rock, Green -Island, or Rock, and all that tribe are unreal “dangers,” probably -reported as the result of peculiar appearances of the water surface. -Whether the possibility has been wholly eliminated of a lance of rock -jutting up to the surface from great depths and not yet officially -recognized, I will not presume to say; but it seems highly improbable -that there is anything of the sort in the North Atlantic Ocean except -the lonely and nearly submerged peak of Rockall, some 400 miles west of -Britain, and the well-known oceanic groups and archipelagoes. - - -PROBABLE BASIS OF FACT UNDERLYING THIS LEGENDARY ISLAND - -What was this island, then, which held its place in the maps during -half a millennium and more, under two chief names and occasional -substitutes, designations apparently received from so many different -peoples? One cannot easily set it aside as a “peculiar appearance -of the surface” or as a mere figment of fancy. But there is nothing -westward or southwestward of the Azores except the Bermudas and -the capes and coast islands of America. The identification with -some outlying island of the Azores, as Corvo, for example, is an -old hypothesis; and the grotesquery of that rocky islet seems to -have deeply impressed the minds of early navigators, lending some -countenance to the idea. But the Laurenziano map of 1351[173] and the -Book of the Spanish Friar[174] show that all the islands of the Azores -group were known before the middle of the fourteenth century, and -Corvo in particular had been given the name which it still holds. Man, -afterward Mayda, appears on many maps of the fifteenth century, which -show also the Azores in full. Perhaps this is not conclusive, for there -are strange blunders and duplications on old maps; but it is at least -highly significant. If Man, or Mayda, were really Corvo or another -island of the Azores group, surely someone would have found it out in -the course of the fifteenth or sixteenth century, just as it came to -be perceived after a time that the Azores had been located too near -to Europe and just as Bianco’s duplication of the Azores in 1448 had -finally to be rejected. Mayda, if real, must have been something more -remote and difficult to determine than Corvo. - -Perhaps Nicolay and Zaltieri were right in thinking that Mayda was -America, or at least was on the side of the Atlantic toward America. -The latitude generally chosen by the maps would then call for Avalon -Peninsula, Newfoundland, often supposed to be insular in early days; -or perhaps for Cape Breton Island, the next salient land feature. But -that is an uncertain reliance, for the observations of pre-Columbian -navigators would surely be rather haphazard, and they might naturally -judge by similarity of climate. This would justify them in supposing -that a region really more southerly lay in the latitude of northern -France--for example Cape Cod, which juts out conspicuously and is -curved and almost insular. Or by going farther south, although nearer -Europe, they might thus indicate the Bermudas, the main island of which -is given a crescent form on several relatively late maps. But we must -not lay too much stress on this last item, for divers other map islands -were modeled on this plan. We may be justified, then, in saying that -Mayda was probably west of the middle of the Atlantic and that Bermuda, -Cape Cod, or Cape Breton is as likely a candidate for identification as -we can name. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -GREENLAND OR GREEN ISLAND - - -The first account of Greenland given to the world, indeed the first -mention of that region in literature, is by Adam of Bremen, an -ecclesiastical official and geographical author. - - -ADAM OF BREMEN’S ACCOUNT OF GREENLAND - -He interviewed in 1069 the enterprising king Sweyn of Denmark, and -acquired from him divers Scandinavian and other northern items which -Adam embodied about 1076 in his work “Descriptio Insularum Aquilonis,” -the Description of the Northern Islands. Nansen quotes, with other -matter, the following passages:[175] - - ... On the north this ocean flows past the Orchades, thence - endlessly around the circle of the earth, having on the left - Hybernia, the home of the Scots, which is now called Ireland, - and on the right the skerries of Nordmannia, and farther off - the islands of Iceland and Greenland.... - - Furthermore, there are many other islands in the great ocean, - of which Greenland is not the least; it lies farther out in - the ocean, opposite the mountains of Suedea, or the Riphean - range. To this island, it is said, one can sail from the shore - of Nortmannia [_sic_] in five or seven days, as likewise to - Iceland. The people there are blue (“cerulei”, bluish-green) - from the salt water; and from this the region takes its name. - They live in a similar fashion to the Icelanders, except that - they are more cruel and trouble seafarers by predatory attacks. - To them also, as is reported, Christianity has lately been - wafted. - -It was in fact about seventy-five years since Leif, son of Eric the -Red, according to the sagas, had effected that wafting from the -Christian court of Norway to the still pagan Norsemen of his father’s -far-western domain. For Adam clearly means these white people and not -the Eskimos, with whom they had not yet come in contact and of whom no -whisper had yet reached the European world unless it related to relics -of former occupancy discerned on first landing. It is surely matter for -astonishment to find the ruddy followers of hot-blooded Eric described -as bluish-green and so conspicuous in this complexion that it gave -their region its name. Perhaps there is no more curious instance to be -found of the inveterate human tendency to read into any unfamiliar name -some meaning that seems plausible. - -It is not clear where Adam supposed Greenland to be located; perhaps -he, too, was not clear about the matter. The earlier of his two -passages on the subject seems to call for something like the true -location in the far west; but the later mention of the mountains of -Sweden has been understood by the most learned commentators to indicate -a site directly north of Norway. King Sweyn perhaps had a fairly good -idea of the sailing courses for Iceland and Greenland, but his guest -may have assimilated the information rather confusedly. Adam seems -convinced that Greenland was a distinctly oceanic island, with no -suggestion of any near relation to any continent. In this respect he -differs from certain maps of the fifteenth century with which we shall -presently have to deal. We know now that the truth lies between these -views; that the highly glaciated mass which we name in its entirety -Greenland is, indeed, an island and probably the largest of islands but -an island with the aspect and attributes of a peninsula, being barely -severed from that polar archipelago which crowns our American mainland -and being not very remote at one point from the mainland itself. - - -ITS INSULAR CHARACTER - -Adam’s idea of oceanic insulation was accepted in many quarters, as -the maps disclose. Of course, they may not have derived it from him -in all instances, directly or indirectly, but at least they shared -it. Usually the name, slightly changed, becomes the equivalent “Green -Island” in one or another of several languages. Thus, to take a very -late instance, the map of Coppo, 1528[176] (Fig. 13), discloses near -the true site of Greenland a mass of land elongated from east to west, -but clearly all at sea with no greater land near it, and labeled Isola -Verde. There seems no room for doubt of the meaning or origin of this -name. That any land found there should be an island of the sea was -the natural assumption of geographers at that time. Maps of the early -sixteenth century generally show a scattering of islands south of North -America sometimes approaching an archipelago, sometimes more widely -distributed, and in either case being substitutes for what we now know -as North America and its appendages. - - -AS “ILLA VERDE” ON THE CATALAN MAP OF 1480 - -In another well-known map[177] (Fig. 7), an unnamed cartographer, -said to be Catalan, probably about 1480, delineates an elongated Illa -Verde (using the Portuguese name for island), locating it southwest of -Iceland, which bears the name Fixlanda, but is easily identifiable by -its outline and geographical features. His Illa Verde runs nearly north -and south, approximating more closely than Coppo’s island the true -trend of Greenland. It also by its greater bulk seems founded on more -adequate information. It is equally at sea and remote from other land, -except that off its concave southern end, with a narrow interval, lies -a large circular island named Brazil, our old mythical acquaintance of -medieval maps not often located so far westward but, as we have seen in -Chapter IV, apparently intended to represent the Gulf of St. Lawrence -region. These two islands strikingly resemble in general situation and -arrangement the Greenland and Estotiland (Labrador) in a map (Fig. 14) -illustrating Torfaeus’ early eighteenth century “Gronlandia,”[178] -except that the rounded outline of Estotiland is not completed, its -proportional area is greater than “Brazil,” the strait between the -two bodies of land is a little wider, and the lower end of Torfaeus’ -Greenland is not made concave like that of Illa Verde. But again there -can be no doubt that the Illa Verde of the Catalan (if he were a -Catalan) represents the Greenland of Adam of Bremen and the sagas. - -[Illustration: FIG. 13--Coppo’s world map of 1528 showing Green Island -(“isola verde”). (After Kretschmer’s hand-copied reproduction.)] - - -GREEN ISLAND ON SIXTEENTH-CENTURY MAPS - -To the same origin, in a remoter sense, we may ascribe the rather -large Insula Viridis of Schöner, 1520,[179] which is brought down to a -latitude between that of southern Ireland and that of northern Spain -and something east of mid-ocean. It must seem that the map-maker had -quite lost sight of any relation between this Latinized Green Island -and the true Greenland of the northwest. - -[Illustration: FIG. 14--Bishop Thorláksson’s map of Greenland 1606, -showing Estotiland as a part of America. Cf. with Fig. 18. (From -Torfaeus’ “Gronlandia antiqua,” Copenhagen, 1706, in the library of the -American Geographical Society.)] - -This is even more obviously true of Nicolay’s map of 1560[180] (Fig. -6), which carries Verde into the Newfoundland Banks, even nearer -than his Brazil to a broken-up Newfoundland; and of Zaltieri’s map -of 1566,[181] which plants Verde rather close to “C. Ras” (Cape -Race), with only a narrow strip of water between. These cartographers -undoubtedly indicated American habitats for their little island; but -they can have had no thought of confusing it with Greenland, which -they well knew and which Zaltieri distinctly shows as Grutlandia. -They would be far from admitting a common origin. Perhaps in most -of such northern cases a conception like Coppo’s of Greenland as -an oceanic island is at the root of the derivation; but successive -copyings, modifications, and shiftings may have altered the area, form, -and location, while the clue was gradually lost and only the name -remained--hardly as a reminder, for it is of too general descriptive -application. - - -VARIOUS “GREEN ISLANDS:” SHRINKAGE OF THE NAME - -There is, indeed, one instance of a Green Island with which Greenland -can have had nothing whatever to do. Peter Martyr d’Anghiera’s sketch -map of 1511[182] shows a small tropical Isla Verde near Trinidad; it is -apparently Tobago. Doubtless its luxuriance of vegetation prompted the -name. - -This may have happened in other instances of warm climates or even in -temperate zones where grass and foliage grow freely; so that we in -many cases cannot distinguish on the maps the Green Islands, real or -fanciful, which acquired their name as a remote legacy of Eric’s land -from those which were called “green” simply because they were green. -Both derivations may sometimes apply; but the islands of the far -northwest bearing that name, like Coppo’s island and the Catalan’s Illa -Verde, must naturally go into the former category. - -As we have seen, Green Islands were scattered rather widely; but the -name occurs most often in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in -the middle or eastern part of the ocean to indicate a small island, -having Mayda (Vlaenderen) for its rather distant consort. Desceliers -indeed, in 1546[183] (Fig. 9), shows it in the same longitude as -the tip of Labrador, but this is done by carrying Labrador too far -eastward. St. Brandan’s Island is a neighbor on his map. Ortelius, -in 1570[184] (Fig. 10) and Mercator, in 1587,[185] represent Y -Verde west of Vlaenderen in the region north of the Azores. In the -eighteenth century it still held its ground west of France in the -eastern Atlantic as Isla Verde, Isla Verte, Ile Verte, Ilha Verde, and -Green Island. By the early part of the nineteenth century it had, after -its kind, dwindled to Green Rock--Brazil Island similarly becoming -Brazil Rock--as dubious rocks became easier to believe in than dubious -islands. Perhaps the well-known actual instances of Rockall and the -Virgin Rocks may have prompted credence in other spears and knolls of -the earth crust here and there reaching the surface. - -The Hydrographic Office does not believe in any such Green Rock or -Green Island but supplies, in a letter to the writer, a mariner’s yarn -which is not without interest and may be evidence for the rock as far -as it goes. - -“Captain Tulloch, of New Hampshire, states that an acquaintance of -his, Captain Coombs, of the ship _Pallas_, of Bath, Maine, in keeping -a lookout for Green Island actually saw it on a remarkably fine day -when the sea was smooth. According to the story, he went out in his -boat and examined it and found it to be a large rock covered with green -moss. The rock did not seem much larger than a vessel floating bottom -upward, and it was smooth all around. The summit was higher than a -vessel’s bottom would appear out of the water, being about twenty feet -above the surface of the sea. Captain Coombs added that if the object -had not been so high he would have thought it to be a capsized vessel. -A sounding taken near this spot shows that a depth of 1,500 fathoms -exists there.” - -So Greenland, misunderstood and carried southward, dwindles to what may -be taken for a capsized vessel’s hull, the existence of which is denied -by those who best should know. Or, to take it the other way about, the -traditions of Green Island, dwindling, prompted the mariner’s fancy to -develop a Green Rock; and Green Island is in numerous instances derived -mainly, even if remotely, from Greenland, reinforced sometimes by -implications of attractiveness. - - -ORIGIN OF THE NAME “GREENLAND” AND ITS JUSTIFICATION - -There can be no doubt that the Down East sea captain, who was so quick -to perceive green vegetation on his fancied Green Island, came nearer -the true explanation of Greenland’s name than the good prebendary of -Bremen with his bluish-green Norsemen colored by the sea. It is pretty -well understood that about 985 or 986 Eric Rauda (Eric the Red, or -Ruddy), the first explorer and colonizer of this new region, applied -the name at least partly as an advertisement of fertility and promising -conditions for the encouragement of Icelandic colonists. This is the -way Ari Frode (the Wise), the best informed man of Iceland, puts it -in his surviving Libellus of the “Islendingabok” about a century -later:[186] - - This country which is called Greenland was discovered and - colonized from Iceland. Eric the Red was the name of the man, - an inhabitant of Breidafirth, who went thither from here and - settled at that place, which has since been called Ericsfirth. - He gave a name to the country and called it Greenland and - said that it must persuade men to go thither if it had a good - name. They found there both east and west in the country the - dwellings of men and fragments of boats and stone implements - such that it might be perceived from these that that manner - of people had been there who have inhabited Wineland and whom - Greenlanders call Skraelings. And this when he set about the - colonization of the country was fourteen or fifteen winters - before the introduction of Christianity here in Iceland, - according to what a certain man who himself accompanied Eric - the Red thither informed Thorkell Gellison. - -This last was an uncle of Ari, a man of liberal and inquiring mind and -one of Ari’s most valued sources of knowledge as to the affairs of -earlier generations. - -The passage has been often quoted, but that Eric was largely justified -in his nomenclature is less generally known. Greenland to the -intending colonists would naturally mean not the ice-enshrouded waste -of the almost continental interior nor yet the forbidding cliffs of -the eastern coast guarded by a nearly impassable floe-laden Arctic -current, but the really habitable thousand-mile fringe of uncovered -land along the southwestern shore, on the average fifty miles wide and -occasionally much wider. It was partly shut in by forbidding headlands -and perverse currents, but feasible of access when the true course was -disclosed. Some parts of this region were, and still are, green with -grass and bright with summer flowers. Nansen, who certainly ought to -know, declares that the Greenland sites chosen would have seemed more -attractive than Iceland to an Icelander. Rink, who was connected with -the Greenland government for a full generation, mentions certain places -with special approval and regards life in most parts of the inhabited -region quite contentedly.[187] Professor Hovgaard tells us:[188] - - -ICELANDIC SETTLEMENT - - It was on this strip of land that the Icelanders settled at the - end of the tenth century. Though barren on the outer shores and - islands and on the hills, it is covered at the inner part of - the fiords on the low level by a rich growth of grass together - with stunted birch trees and various bushes, particularly - willows. On the north side of the valleys crowberries - (_Empetrum nigrum_) may be found.... - - Eric settled in Ericsfiord, the present Tunugdliarfik, at - a place which he called Brattahlid, now Kagsiarsuk, in 985 - or 986. Two distinct colonies were founded, the Eastern - Settlement, extending from about Cape Farewell to a point well - beyond Cape Desolation, comprising the whole of Julianehaab - Bay and the coast past Ivigtut, and the Western Settlement, - beginning about one hundred and seventy miles farther north - at Lysufiord, [i.e. Agnafiord], the present Ameralikfiord, - comprising the district of Godthaab. - - The fiord next Ericsfiord in the Eastern Settlement was - Einarsfiord, now Igalikofiord. These fiords were separated - at their head by a low and narrow strip of land, the present - Igaliko Isthmus. It was here, at Gardar, that the Althing of - Greenland met, and here was also found the bishop’s seat, - established at the beginning of the twelfth century. There were - as many as sixteen churches in Greenland, for almost every - fiord had its own church on account of the long distances and - difficult traveling between the fiords. - -[Illustration: FIG. 15--Map of the early Norse Western and Eastern -Settlements of Greenland. Scale 1:6,400,000. (The inset below. -1:70,000,000, shows the relation of Norway, Iceland, and Greenland.)] - -The unfamiliar localities above named may be followed by the aid of the -accompanying map (Fig. 15) copied from Finnur - -Jónsson’s maps,[189] which embody the results of the research of the -best experts and scholars with the aid of relics on the ground and -surviving records. It is apparent that from the first to last the -heart of Greenland was about the low, fairly fertile, favorable tract -near the heads of the two fiords named for Eric and his friend, Einar, -and not far from Eric’s Greenland home. The Western Settlement was a -comparatively small offshoot, with four churches only, yet it contrived -to maintain existence for between three and four centuries, being at -last obliterated, as is supposed, by the Eskimos. The main settlement -was still more enduring, having a continuous record of nearly half -a millennium, a history not surpassed in duration by some far more -populous and powerful nations. - -[Illustration: FIG. 16--Section of the Clavus map of 1427 showing -Greenland continuous with Europe. (After Joseph Fischer’s hand-copied -reproduction.)] - -This seems marvelous, if it be true that the entire population never -exceeded 2,000 souls, as Nansen and Hovgaard have supposed. Rink, on -the other hand, estimated the maximum at 10,000.[190] Some intermediate -number would seem more likely than either extreme, if we may hazard -a conjecture where doctors disagree. The prosperity of the colony, -such as it was, seems to have been at its best in the eleventh and -twelfth centuries but was never conspicuous enough to get an outline of -Greenland into the maps until about the time of final extinction. - -[Illustration: FIG. 17--Section of the world map of Donnus Nicolaus -Germanus (after 1466) showing Greenland continuous with Europe. (After -Joseph Fischer’s photographic reproduction.)] - - -GREENLAND AS A PENINSULA - -We must remember, though, that during the earlier part of this period -there were not many maps extant which included the Atlantic, and -of these the greater number were more concerned with theological -conceptions and figures of wonder than with the sober facts of -geography, especially in remote places. About 1300 a remarkable series -of navigators’ portolan maps, revolutionizing this attitude, began to -add to the delineation of the Mediterranean, which they had already -developed with considerable minuteness, something definite of the -outer European coasts, islands, and waters. Step by step they advanced -into the unknown or little known, but perhaps none of them, before the -fifteenth century, can be confidently relied on as indicating Greenland. - -This remained for the Nancy map of Claudius Clavus (Schwartz), -1427[191] (Fig. 16). Greenland is, however, made distinctly continuous -with Europe, being connected thereto by a long land bridge, far north -of Iceland, in accordance with an hypothesis then prevailing. The -second half of the same century saw this conception of Claudius Clavus -greatly popularized. Divers maps[192] appeared, some showing Greenland -as a prodigiously elongated peninsula of Europe, having its tip in the -correct location (Fig. 17), while others ran up a perverse trapezoidal -Greenland from the north coast of Norway. - -Probably one or more of the former kind suggested in part the memorable -Zeno map of 1558[193] (Fig. 19), professing to be a reproduction of a -map prepared by the Zeni of a past generation and carelessly damaged -by the final editor in boyhood. If not a total forgery, it is at least -untrustworthy, as we shall see in Chapter IX, and the same is true of -an accompanying narrative of experiences in Greenland about 1400. - -Another map of somewhat later date, by Sigurdr Stefánsson, probably -1590[194] (Fig. 18), is a quite honest presentation of the traditional -views of Icelanders at that time and is distinctly more modern than -the Zeno map in the complete severance of Greenland from Europe and -its union with the great western land mass which included Helluland, -Markland, and Vinland, supposed to be divided by a fiord from “America -of the Spaniards.” Of course, that union with the Western continent -is not precisely accurate and the eastward trend which he gives his -great peninsula is still less so; but his map, often copied, remains a -peculiarly interesting production. - - -LIFE OF THE ICELANDIC COLONY - -To hark back to Adam of Bremen, the charges of special cruelty and -predatory attacks on seafarers in the middle of the eleventh century -awaken some surprise. The life of the people seems simple and innocent -enough, as disclosed by their relics and remnants, which have been -unearthed with great care. As seal bones predominate in their refuse -piles, this offshore supply must have been their greatest reliance -for animal food; but they had also sheep, goats, and a small breed of -cattle. They spun wool and wove it; they carved vessels of soapstone, -sometimes with decoration; they milked cows and made butter; they -exported sealskins, ropes of walrus hide, and walrus tusks; they paid -tithes to the Pope in such commodities; they boiled seal fat and made -seal tar; they gathered tree trunks as driftwood far up the coast -and probably brought back cargoes of timber from Markland; they built -substantial houses and churches, using huge stones in some cases. But -they had to import grain, iron, and many other articles from Europe; -and the infrequent visits of ships from Iceland, Norway, and elsewhere -must have made a break in the monotony of their lives which they could -ill afford to forego. One would expect them to be especially kind to -such visitors. - -[Illustration: FIG. 18--Sigurdr Stefánsson’s map of Greenland, 1590, -showing the severance of Greenland from Europe and its union with the -western land mass which includes Helluland, Markland, and Vinland. Cf. -with Fig. 14. (From Torfaeus’ “Gronlandia antiqua,” Copenhagen, 1706, -in the library of the American Geographical Society.)] - -On the other hand, the belligerent spirit which kept up the bloody -feuds of Iceland would not quickly have lapsed from these transplanted -Icelanders in their new home. Moreover, there were thralls among -them and the irritations growing out of thralldom. Also, while much -of their daily routine was quiet enough, they were subject to savage -weather and perils of navigation, of the fisheries, of hunting far up -the coast, where many of them maintained stations for that purpose at -Krogfiordsheath and other points. Even in getting to Greenland Eric was -able to carry through only about half of the ships that sailed with -him, and Gudrid and Thorbiorn, coming later, incurred ample experiences -of storm and danger. These wild elements of life would tend to enhance -a certain recklessness; and the law must have been impotent to maintain -order in remote fiords and headlands, even if it had sought to do so. - -In the Floamanna Saga, dealing with events not long after the very -first settlement, the thralls of Thorgils murder his young wife on the -eastern coast, where they had all been cast ashore together. In another -of the Greenland tales there is a bloody contention, freely involving -homicide, over the claims of the church upon the contents of two ships -which had come to grief. No doubt such instances might be multiplied; -but in the main we may believe that the lives of the Greenlanders -went orderly enough in common grooves of very primitive husbandry and -fishing. Adam may have judged by reports of visitors with a grievance, -narrated at second or third hand. - -If Greenland had a long history, it was that of a few people in a -remote region and could not present many salient features. The colony -possessed at least one monastery and the beginning of a literature, -including, it is said, the Lay of Atli, revealing a curious interest in -the career of the great Hun Attila, on the part of a distant colonist -hidden in Arctic mists and writing beside the glaciers. In art, as -distinguished from literature, they seem to have made few advances, -if any, beyond mere ornamental carving or designing on a plane hardly -surpassing that of the Eskimos. - - -EXPLORATIONS OF EARLY GREENLANDERS - -But in seamanship and exploration their achievements, considering -their numbers and resources, were really wonderful. All experts agree -that Eric’s first exploration was daring, skillful, persistent, and -exhaustive, according to the best modern standards, and that his -selection of settlement sites was exceedingly judicious; in fact, could -not have been improved upon. Then followed in less than twenty years -the discovery of the American mainland by Eric’s son Leif (or, as some -say, by one Biarni, followed by Leif) and a series of other voyages, -including Thorfinn Karlsefni’s prolonged effort to colonize, involving -the tracing of the American coast line from at least upper Labrador to -some point south of Newfoundland. The precise lower limit is matter of -dispute, but, according to the better opinion, may be found somewhere -on the front of southern New England. These were followed in 1121 -by the missionary journey, as it seems to have been, of Bishop Eric -Gnupsson, who then sailed out of Greenland for Vinland, we do not know -with what result. Subsequent communication with parts of the American -continent was probably not uncommon, as has been inferred from the -accidental arrival in 1347 of a ship which had sailed from Greenland to -Markland and been storm-driven from the latter westward. It pursued its -course to Norway. - -In the opposite (northern) direction we know of at least two -venturesome voyages up Baffin Bay, and, as the records have reached us -almost by accident, we may naturally conjecture many more. - -A British exploring expedition in 1824 acquired a small stone inscribed -with runic characters near some beacons on an island north of Upernivik -on the upper northwestern coast of Greenland. The original is lost, -but a duplicate of it is preserved in the Copenhagen National Museum. -Divers copies[195] have been published. The inscription is thought -to date from about 1300, translated by various runologists, with -differences in detail. As given by Professor Hovgaard, it reads: - - Erling Sigvatsson and Bjarne Thordarson and Endride Oddson - built this (or these) beacon(s) Saturday after “Gagnday” (April - 25th) and cleared (the place) (or made the inscription) 1135 - (?). - -The year is reported with some uncertainty; and it must be owned that -the body of the text offers several alternatives. Such a memorial would -more naturally be put up by the men who built the beacons or those of -about their time than by a later generation to commemorate the not -vitally important doings of those who were dead and gone. The year 1300 -seems a little late for venturing so far, as it was about the beginning -of a period of decadence and less than forty years before the Western -Settlement vanished altogether. The date 1135 would better accord with -the climax of Norse strenuousness and Greenland adventure. Perhaps the -runes were carved in the stone earlier than the runologists suppose. -But, whether the original visit took place in the twelfth century or -the fourteenth, and whether the stone denotes two Norse visits to this -place or only one, it is still conclusive that some Greenlanders had -explored well to the northward along the shore of Baffin Bay in the -time of the old colony. - -A more extensive exploration was undertaken in 1266 by the clergy, -apparently of the Bishop’s seat, since they traveled home to Gardar. -It appears that certain men had been farther north than usual but -reported no sign of previous occupancy by the Eskimos (who seem by -this time to have awakened some concern among the Norsemen) except -at the unusually broad reindeer-pasture land and hunting ground of -Krogfiordsheath, a little below Disko Bay. This made a good starting -point for the ship, which was thereupon sent “northward in order to -explore the regions north of the farthest point which they had hitherto -visited,” apparently with a special view of getting more light on the -whereabouts of the heathen and their line of approach. In these regards -the adventure was barren; but the narrative of one of the priests is -interesting so far as it goes:[196] - - ... they sailed out from Krogfiordsheath, until they lost - sight of the land. Then they had a south wind against them and - darkness, and they had to let the ship go before the wind; - but when the storm ceased and it cleared up again, they saw - many islands and all kinds of game, both seals and whales and - a great number of bears. They came right into the sea-bay and - lost sight of all the land, both the southern coast and the - glaciers; but south of them were also glaciers as far as they - could see. - -That was their farthest point. They then sailed southward, reaching -Krogfiordsheath again and eventually Gardar. On the way they had -noticed some abandoned Eskimo houses but no living Eskimos. - -There is some attempt to indicate latitude by the way shadows fell in a -boat. Also we are told, apparently meaning midsummer or a little later: -“at midnight the sun was as high as at home in the settlement when it -is in northwest.” But speculations as to their course and distance -have given varying results. Some think they may even have passed into -Smith Sound; others that they may have crossed the Middle Water to -the western shore of Baffin Bay, seeing south of them the glaciers of -northeastern Baffin Land; others still that they did not get very far -above Upernivik; but, whatever the exact limit, it seems to have been a -notable bit of Arctic exploration, prosecuted rather at random and with -scant resources. - - -THE ESKIMOS - -The Eskimos (Skraelings) are referred to in this account as if already -known to the settlers, though uncertain as to their home quarters and -mysterious in their coming and going. Probably there had been some -contact, not wholly friendly, between outranging members of the two -races. The Historia Norvegiae,[197] a manuscript of the same century -discovered in Scotland, says: - - Beyond the Greenlanders toward the north their hunters came - across a kind of small people called Skraelings. When they are - wounded alive their wound becomes white without issue of blood; - but the blood scarcely ceases to stream out of them when they - are dead. - -Whatever may be thought of this magical oddity of surgery, it at least -seems to imply authentically some experiments in piercing or slashing -the living. Whether such collision was a matter of the thirteenth -century only or had first occurred in the twelfth or still earlier -we cannot say. The Eskimo race was the ominous shadow of the Norse -colonist from the beginning, though long unrecognized as a menace. -Apparently there had been a temporary movement of these people down the -western coast about the tenth century, withdrawing before the first -white men appeared. After that for generations, perhaps centuries, -the weaker heathen wisely kept out of sight, either beyond the water -or at hunting grounds far up the Greenland coast. At last they moved -nearer, and there was occasional contact while still the Norsemen were -formidable. But by the fourteenth century Norse Greenland had begun to -dwindle in power and population, with diminishing aid and reinforcement -from Europe, and the danger drew nearer. Perhaps there was some special -impulsion of the uncivilized people which resulted in the obliteration -of the Western Norse Settlement, always relatively feeble. Some rumor -of its need having reached the Eastern Settlement, an expedition -of relief was dispatched about 1337, or perhaps a little later, -accompanied by Ivar Bardsen, then or afterward steward of the Bishop, -who tells the tale. Only a few stray cattle were found; presumably the -colonists had been killed or carried away. - -The ground thus lost could not be regained. On the contrary, we -may suppose the Eskimos to be getting stronger and drawing nearer. -In 1355 an expedition under Paul Knutson came out to reinforce the -Norsemen; but it returned home in or before 1364 and can have made -only a temporary lightening of the load. In 1379 there seems to have -been an Eskimo attack, costing the Norsemen 18 of their few men. But -peace may have reigned as a rule. At any rate, the ordinary functions -of life went on, for it is of record that a young Icelander, visiting -Greenland, was married by the Bishop at Gardar in 1409; and the last -visit of the Norwegian _knorr_, or supply ship, occurred by way of -Iceland in 1410. - -After that nothing is certainly known. There are two papal letters at -different periods of the century, based on very questionable hearsay -information and indicating confusion and general falling away. There -was even a futile effort to reopen communication in 1492. Probably by -that time the Norsemen and Norse women were all dead or married to the -Eskimos. That particular form of primitive heathendom seems to have -absorbed them. - -Greenland was to be rediscovered and repeopled in due season; but -for the time being it had become in European knowledge only a -half-forgotten figure on certain maps, sometimes given with fair -accuracy of outline but sometimes also as an oceanic Green Island of -only indirect relation to reality and passing its name on to little -islands and even fancied rocks far at sea, which owned nothing in -common with the far northern region except a part of its name. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -MARKLAND, OTHERWISE NEWFOUNDLAND - - -The name Markland, meaning Forest Land, must be, in one language -or another, among the oldest geographical designations known among -men. Nothing could be more natural to even the most primitive people -than to distinguish in this way any heavily overgrown region which -especially challenged attention, perhaps as a refuge or as a barrier. -Its appearance in any form of record was, of course, very much later. -As to Atlantic regions, the earliest instance other than Norse may be -the “Insula de Legname” of certain fourteenth- and fifteenth-century -portolan charts,[198] evidently given by some Genoese or other Italian -navigator to Madeira, the latter name being a translation of the -former, substituted by the Portuguese[199] after their rediscovery. -Thus we might say that this island was the original western Markland, -but for the fact that certain Greenland Norsemen had affixed the name -long before to a region much farther west. - - -FIRST NORSE ACCOUNT, IN HAUK’S BOOK - -The earliest manuscript of the first distinct account of the Norse -Markland is included in the compilation known as Hauk’s Book,[200] -from Hauk Erlendsson, for whom and partly by whom it was prepared, -necessarily before his death in 1334, but probably after he was -given a certain title in 1305. Perhaps 1330 may mark the time of its -completion. Along with divers other documents, it copies from some -unknown original the saga of Eric the Red, sometimes called the saga of -Thorfinn Karlsefni, an ancestor of the compiler, whose adventures as an -early explorer of northeastern North America constitute a conspicuous -feature of the narrative. Some parts of the saga of Eric the Red as -thus transcribed, especially toward its ending, cannot be much older -than the time of transcription, but verses embedded in other parts have -been identified as necessarily of the eleventh century; and the body of -the tale is, for the greater part, manifestly archaic. - - -ANOTHER ACCOUNT, IN THE ARNA-MAGNAEAN MANUSCRIPT - -Beside Hauk’s Book, there is a corroborative, independent, but almost -identical manuscript copy of the saga--No. 557 of the Arna-Magnaean -collection at Copenhagen. - -This saga[201] tells us: - - Thence they sailed away beyond the Bear Islands with northerly - winds. They were out two _daegr_ (days); then they discovered - land and rowed thither in boats and explored the country and - found there many flat stones (_hellur_) so large that two men - could well spurn soles upon them [lie at full length upon them, - sole to sole]. There were many Arctic foxes there. They gave a - name to the land and called it Helluland. - - Thence they sailed two _daegr_ and bore away from the south - toward the southeast and they found a wooded country and on it - many animals; an island lay off the land toward the southeast; - they killed a bear on this and called it Biarney (Bear - Island); but the country they called Markland (Forest Land). - - When two _daegr_ had elapsed they descried land, and they - sailed off this land. There was a cape (_ness_) to which they - came. They beat into the wind along this coast, having the land - on the starboard (right) side. This was a bleak coast with - long and sandy shores. They went ashore in boats and found - the keel of a ship, so they called it Kjalarness (Keelness) - there; they likewise gave a name to the strands and called - them Furdustrandir (Wonder Strands) because they were so long - to sail by. Then the country became indented with bays [or - “fiord-cut,” as Dr. Olson translates] and they steered their - ships into a bay.... The country round about was fair to look - upon.... There was tall grass there. - -A very severe winter, however, drove them far southward to a -warmer bay, or _hop_, where they dwelt for nearly a year among the -characteristic products of Wineland; but at last withdrew after an -onslaught of the Indians. - -Probably it was from this narrative that Arna-Magnaean Manuscript 194, -an ancient geographic miscellany, partly in Icelandic, partly in Latin, -derived the following statement, generally ascribed[202] to Abbot -Nicholas of Thingeyri who died in 1159. - - Southward from Greenland is Helluland, then comes Markland; - thence it is not far to Wineland the Good, which some men - believe extends from Africa, and if this be so there is an open - sea flowing between Wineland and Markland. It is said that - Thorfinn Karlsefni hewed a “house-neat-timber” and then went to - seek Wineland the Good, and came to where they believed this - land to be, but they did not succeed in exploring it or in - obtaining any of its products.[203] - -The foregoing view of the relative positions of these regions along -the coast is also illustrated in the well-known map[204] (Fig. 18) -of Sigurdr Stefánsson (1570, or 1590, according to Storm) which was -evidently based on surviving Icelandic traditions. - - -LATER DERIVATIVE RECORDS - -There is great verisimilitude in the Karlsefni narrative and these -later derivative records. Their geography agrees convincingly with the -facts of the actual coast line from north to south--namely, first a -desolate region, cold, bare, and stony, the appropriate home of Arctic -foxes; secondly, a game-haunted and very wild forest land, untempting -to settlement, unhopeful for agriculture, but a hunter’s paradise; -thirdly, the warmer country to the south, well suited to cultivation -and even producing spontaneously various kinds of edibles, notably -the large fox grapes from which wine might be made. Helluland, the -first, remains, as Labrador and perhaps Baffin Land, nearly unchanged -excepting some uplift of the shore line; Markland has suffered great -inroads of the lumberman’s axe, but still as Newfoundland contains much -heavy timber in its western part; Wineland, the third, has become the -chief seat of American civilization east of the Appalachian Mountains. -But in the time of the Norsemen and long afterward Newfoundland was a -veritable Markland, a land of woods, down to its eastern front.[205] -Its rediscoverers and earliest settlers found it so; and the maps of -Cantino[206] and Canerio,[207] both attributed to 1502 and certainly -not much later, exhibit the great island pictorially, under different -names, as a mass of woodland with tall trees standing everywhere, -apparently thus commemorating the most distinctive and conspicuous -natural feature of the land. - - -LABRADOR AS MARKLAND - -Some have urged that the southern part of Labrador may have been -Markland; but its trees of any considerable size are to be found only -by following up inlets far into the interior where the Arctic current -has less power to chill; there is nothing to indicate that conditions -were very different then in this regard; and to judge by the narrative -itself we must not conceive of the Norse visitors as pausing to explore -deeply without allurement, but rather as hastening down the shore in -quest of warmer regions and ampler pasturage for their stock which they -carried with them, also of a good warm site for settlement, such as -Leif had already reported. They were primarily colonists, not explorers -of the disinterested or glory-seeking type. It was most natural to sail -on; noting only what they could discern from the sea, or by a brief -boat-landing. This would hardly give them the idea of a forest land in -any part of hard-featured, ice-battered Labrador. - -It is probable that, like some later navigators, they would not -think of the Strait of Belle Isle as other than a fiord or inlet, -after the pattern of the great Hamilton Inlet farther north; and if -they guessed Markland to be an island it would be on quite different -grounds--chiefly the natural tendency (which persisted until long after -their time) to consider every western discovery insular; but they would -at least be alive to the distinction between treelessness and an ample -forest cover, and we see that in point of fact they did distinguish the -regions on just this score. - - -NOVA SCOTIA AS MARKLAND - -Certainly this might involve the inclusion of Nova Scotia in the -second of the three regions; and there have been many to champion this -peninsula as distinctively Markland. But other features of Nova Scotia -attracted the attention of Karlsefni’s party and gave parts of that -land an individuality distinguished from that of the forest country. -The great cape Kjalarness, which seems to have been the northern horn -of Cape Breton Island, and the exceedingly long strands, which may -now be represented in part by the low front of Richmond County, are -duly recorded, with no suggestion of their belonging to Markland, -the region farther north. Also on the Stefánsson map above referred -to (Fig. 18), the name Promontorium Vinlandiae is applied to a long -protuberance apparently meant for this part of Cape Breton Island, -containing the counties of Victoria and Inverness, and the much earlier -statement in Arna-Magnaean Manuscript 194 concerning the sea running in -between Markland and Wineland seems to mark all south of Cabot Strait -as belonging in some sense to the latter region. No doubt the name -Markland may sometimes have been used with vagueness of limitation; -but on the whole it seems most likely that Newfoundland was Markland -almost exclusively. It seems practically certain, at the least, that -the characteristics first noted in Newfoundland supplied the earlier -regional name. - -In many of the discussions of this exploring saga there has been too -great a tendency to localize the territorial names, as though Wineland -for example must denote a small area or short stretch of coast. -Professor Hovgaard has even suggested that there may have been two -Winelands--Leif’s Wineland being much farther south than Karlsefni’s, -the name in each case standing for some one site or place and the -territory immediately about it. This does not accord well with one of -the notes on the Stefánsson map, which gives Wineland an extension as -far as a fiord dividing it from “the America of the Spaniard.” That -may be read as meaning Chesapeake Bay and must at any rate be taken -to suggest great extension for this region, since the Promontorium -Vinlandiae, as already stated, obviously marks its upper end. Markland -need not be conceived as of equal size, for in truth it represents at -most only the wild and wooded interval between the hopelessly void and -barren north and the great habitable, comfortable, and fruitful region -stretching far below; but so much of parallelism holds as will forbid -us to anchor the name to any one locality on the Newfoundland shore. -Doubtless the long sea front of the great island as a whole is entitled -to the name. - - -INTERCOURSE BETWEEN GREENLAND AND MARKLAND - -No doubt it is surprising, in view of the deep impression which -Markland obviously made on the Norsemen from near-by treeless -Greenland and Iceland, to find so few subsequent references to the name -or indications of a knowledge of the region. There is a well-known and -often cited instance recorded in Icelandic annals--in one instance -nearly contemporary--of a small Greenland vessel storm-driven to -Iceland in 1347, after having visited Markland, the latter name being -presented in a matter-of-course way, much as though it were Ireland or -the Orkneys. This has sometimes been taken as evidence of a regular -timber traffic between Greenland and Markland during the preceding -three centuries and more. It shows at least that acquaintance with the -more southwestern country had been kept really alive thus long, and -that it was not a half-mythical figure on the frontier of knowledge, to -be doubtfully sought for, but territory that one might visit without -claiming the reward of new and daring exploration or causing any -extreme surprise. What Markland had to offer was so decidedly what -Greenland needed, and the repetition of Karlsefni’s voyage thus far was -at all times so feasible, that one must suppose the trips to and fro -were not wholly intermitted between 1003 and 1347. Only they have left -no clear and unquestionable trace. - -Perhaps the nearest approach thereto is a fifteenth-century Catalan -map[208] (Fig. 7) preserved in the Ambrosian library in Milan, which -as we have seen in Chapter IV, presents Greenland (Illa Verde) as a -great elongated rectangle of land in northern waters, having a concave -southern end. Below this, beyond a narrow interval of water, appears -a large round island, the direction certainly calling for Labrador -or Newfoundland, probably the latter. The minimizing of the distance -between these land masses may indicate some report of the ease with -which the crossing was effected. At any rate, unless we are prepared -to set aside the testimony of the map altogether as mere fancy work, -we must acknowledge that some one had a general impression of land -in mass south or southwest of Greenland and reasonably accessible -therefrom. - - -BRAZIL ISLAND IN THE PLACE OF MARKLAND - -The name Brazil given to this island on the map and its disk-like form -link it to the long series, already discussed, of “Brazil islands,” -approximately in the latitude of Newfoundland, on the medieval maps, -beginning with that of Dalorto of 1325[209] (Fig. 4). Usually, as in -this last instance, they have the circular form--sometimes, however, -being annular, with an island-studded lake or gulf inside, and -sometimes being divided into two parts by a curved channel. Usually, -too, the station of this Brazil is pretty near southern Ireland, off -the Blaskets, but sometimes it is carried out into mid-Atlantic, -and in the sixteenth-century maps of Nicolay[210] (1560; Fig. 6) -and Zaltieri[211] (1566) it is taken clear across to the Banks of -Newfoundland or a little nearer inshore. From various mutually -corroborative indications, I have been impressed with the belief that -it is probably a record of some early crossing of the Atlantic from -Ireland; but whatever the explanation, Brazil Island remains one of the -most interesting of map phenomena. Its name was somehow passed along -to Terceira of the Azores, where there is still a Mt. Brazil, and long -thereafter to the largest of South American countries. - -Its appearance near Greenland and as a substitute for Markland is -not easily accounted for. The matter is indeed complicated on this -fifteenth-century map by the appearance of a second Brazil (of the -channeled type) in the middle of the Atlantic. It may be that the -cartographer was familiar with this form and kind of presentation in -older maps and did not feel warranted in giving up _that_ “Brazil;” -but had received convincing information of lands southwest or south -of Greenland, with some suggestion of Brazil as a name traditionally -associated with such discoveries, and so drew and named it. Undoubtedly -the map is the work of a man well acquainted with the first disk form -of Brazil and the later channeled or divided form, beside having some -knowledge of later discoveries in Greenland and beyond. - -There is a parallel to the two Brazils of his map in the two series of -Azores on that of Bianco (1448).[212] The latter cartographer retained -the original Italian-discovered series, inaccurately aligned north -and south, but showed also farther afield the islands of Portuguese -rediscovery, properly slanted northwestward, omitting only Flores -and Corvo, which the rediscoverers had not yet found or at least had -not yet brought to his notice. Another map of about the same period -makes the same double showing--certainly a curious compromise between -conservatism and progressiveness. - - -THE ZENO NARRATIVE - -There is perhaps no other news of Markland before it became -Newfoundland, unless we may put some glimmer of faith in the -much-discussed Zeno narrative[213] (Ch. IX), which embodies the tale of -an Orkney islander wrecked on the shore of Estotiland (perhaps the name -was first written Escociland--Scotland) a little before the opening -of the fifteenth century. He professed to have found there a people -having some of the rudiments of civilization and carrying on trade with -Greenland, but ignorant of the mariner’s compass. The picture given -is not incredible and perhaps receives some support from the really -notable works known to have been executed by the Beothuks[214] of -Newfoundland in their later and feebler, though not quite their latest -days--such as extensive deer fences, to give their hunters the utmost -benefit from the annual migrations. Granted a certain infusion of Norse -blood, or even without it, there is perhaps nothing stated of the -Escocilanders which may not have been true. As to the name, it is no -more strange than Nova Scotia, which still occupies the coast just to -the south, and it may have been applied in the same spirit. - -Very early in the history of European colonization this Markland--which -by its outjutting position was accused of being a New-found-land, -again and again with varying designations during the ill-recorded -centuries--took under the latter name the position, which it still -holds, of the very earliest of the English colonies of the New World. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -ESTOTILAND AND THE OTHER ISLANDS OF ZENO - - -Some of the well-known mythical or dubious map islands of the North -Atlantic make their entry into cartography very early indeed, -apparently as the contribution or record of otherwise forgotten -voyages, though we cannot say with certainty precisely when or how; -others, long afterward, were the products of mirage, ocean-surface -phenomena, or mariners’ fancies working under the suggestion of saintly -or demoniacal legends amid the hazes and perils of little-known seas, -the precise time of their origin remaining uncertain. As a rule the -latter class were less persistent on the maps and are geographically -rather unimportant. - -In two cases, however, Estotiland and Drogio, we know the first -appearance of their names before the public, which is very probably -the first use of them among men. They derive a special interest from -being located in America and from an asserted journey by Europeans to -them more than a hundred years before the first voyage of Columbus. -The map which first shows them also displays divers other Atlantic -islands, either of unusual name or unusual location and area, not -conforming at all to the insular tracts of the North Atlantic basin as -we know them now. The fantastic exhibition as a whole had an immediate, -long-continuing, and considerable--almost revolutionary--effect on the -map-making of the world. - - -THE ZENO VOLUME - -In the year 1558 a volume was printed by Marcolino at Venice, -purporting to give an account of “The Discovery of the Islands of -Frislanda, Eslanda, Engroneland, Estotiland, and Icaria made by two -brothers of the Zeno family, Messire Nicolò the Chevalier and Messire -Antonio.”[215] Some of the islands named in the book are omitted from -this title; and the word “Discovery” must have been used with willful -inexactness, for Greenland (Engroneland) had been in Norse occupancy -for centuries, and Shetland (Eslanda, Estland, or Estiland) was as -positively, though not as familiarly, known as Great Britain. But the -indication of aim and scope was sufficient. - -The name of the author, or, as he calls himself, “the compiler,” was -not given; but he is generally recognized to have been the Nicolò Zeno -of a younger generation, a man of local prominence and a member of the -dominant Council of Ten of the Venetian republic. In 1561 he edited for -Ruscelli’s edition of Ptolemy, a subsequent edition of the map (Fig. -19) which is the volume’s most conspicuous feature. His account of the -Zeno book’s origin seems to have been accepted generally and promptly -among his own people, as also the general accuracy of its geography. -But, as Lucas remarks, “An adverse critic of a member of the Council of -Ten, in Venice, in the sixteenth century, would have been a remarkably -bold, not to say foolhardy, man.”[216] However, there are shelters and -places of seclusion from even the most arbitrary power; and it would -seem that the eminent younger Nicolò would hardly have the effrontery -to challenge the world in matters then easily susceptible of disproof -concerning his still more eminent ancestor and kinsman. Surely they -must have had some notable experiences in northern islands on the -reports of which he could rely in a general way, however erroneous or -fraudulent in some important features, though then first advancing the -transatlantic claim to discovery. - -Moreover, the dread of the Council could not overshadow distant -geographers like Mercator and Ortelius, whose maps of 1569 and -1570[217] (cf. Fig. 10) almost eagerly embody the most distinctive -Zeno additions, giving them the greatest currency and implying some -sense of the general probability of discoveries by members of that -family. Estotiland and Drogio are very distinctly shown, the former -apparently as Newfoundland united to Labrador, the latter as a smaller -and more southern island which may well be Cape Breton Island, pushed a -bit offshore, but still not very far from the mainland. - -[Illustration: FIG. 19--The map of the northern regions by the Zeno -brothers, 1558, showing Frisland, Estotiland, Icaria, and Drogio. -(After Lucas’ photographic facsimile.)] - -There has been much discussion as to whether the book should be -regarded as wholly a forgery or not, as to the location of these -regions, and as to the derivation and meaning of the names; but all -agree that Estotiland and Drogio were not known before 1558. - -Nicolò the compiler reports: “The sailing chart which I find, I still -have among our family antiquities and, though it is rotten with age, -I have succeeded with it tolerably well.” Just what this success -involved is an interesting question. It has been understood by his most -reasonable advocates to include conjectural restoration, such as the -deficiencies of rottenness seemed to call for, and somewhat more. - -Nicolò the younger avers, further, that his ancestor Antonio wrote -a book recording his northern observations and many facts about -Greenland, but that the compiler as a boy had thoughtlessly destroyed -the book with other papers and that the Zeno narrative as he gives it -is made up from fragmentary letters of the elder Nicolò to Antonio -and of the latter to their brother, Carlo, remaining in Venice; which -letters by good fortune happened to survive. - -Nobody except the younger Nicolò is asserted to have seen the map, -the letters, or any of the original documents; though his parents, it -would seem, must have been custodian of them before him, and he would -surely have been likely to display such precious evidences to some one -after awakening to their importance. But those were less critical and -exacting times than the present, and conceivably it may have been felt -that any corroboration would be superfluous. Yet the fact remains that -we are not informed of any means of testing the accuracy of restoration -or even of demonstrating that there was anything to restore. - - -FIRST USE OF THE NAMES “ESTOTILAND” AND “DROGIO” - -The two names “Estotiland” and “Drogio” are supplied by a story within -a story, an alleged yarn of a fisherman, reporting to his island -ruler, whom the elder Zeno served. Obviously, the chances of lapse -from truth are multiplied. Either the later Nicolò or his ancestor of -more than a century and a half before may have wholly invented or more -or less transformed it; or the first narrator may have created his -tale out of no real happenings or have so distorted it by mistake or -willful imposture as to render it wholly unreliable. In its general -outlines it is by no means impossible; but neither would it have been -very difficult to compose such a yarn out of nothing but fancy and -the American information at the command of the younger Nicolò. It -comes to us through the medium of an alleged letter of his ancestor -Antonio, written home to the latter’s brother Carlo near the end of the -fifteenth century. With some slight compression, the narrative runs as -follows: - - Six and twenty years ago four fishing boats put out to sea, - and, encountering a heavy storm, were driven over the sea in - utter helplessness for many days; when at length, the tempest - abating, they discovered an island called Estotiland, lying to - the westwards above one thousand miles from Frislanda. One of - the boats was wrecked, and six men that were in it were taken - by the inhabitants, and brought into a fair and populous city, - where the king of the place sent for many interpreters, but - there were none could be found that understood the language of - the fishermen, except one that spoke Latin, and who had also - been cast by chance upon the same island.... They ... remained - five years on the island, and learned the language. One of - them in particular visited different parts of the island, and - reports that it is a very rich country, abounding in all good - things. It is a little smaller than Iceland, but more fertile; - in the middle of it is a very high mountain, in which rise four - rivers which water the whole country. - - The inhabitants are a very intelligent people, and possess - all the arts like ourselves; and it is to be believed that - in time past they have had intercourse with our people, for - he said that he saw Latin books in the king’s library, which - they at this present time do not understand. They have their - own language and letters. They have all kinds of metals, but - especially they abound with gold. Their foreign intercourse - is with Greenland, whence they import furs, brimstone and - pitch.... They have woods of immense extent. They make their - buildings with walls, and there are many towns and villages. - They make small boats and sail them, but they have not the - loadstone, nor do they know the north by the compass. For this - reason these fishermen were held in great estimation, insomuch - that the king sent them with twelve boats to the southwards to - a country which they call Drogio; but in their voyage they had - such contrary weather that they were in fear for their lives. - - ... They were taken into the country and the greater number - of them were eaten by the savages.... But as that fisherman - and his remaining companions were able to show them the way of - taking fish with nets, their lives were saved.... As this man’s - fame spread ... there was a neighboring chief who was very - anxious to have him with him ... he made war on the chief with - whom the fisherman then was, and ... at length overcame him, - and so the fisherman was sent over to him with the rest of his - company. During the space of thirteen years that he dwelt in - those parts, he says that he was sent in this manner to more - than five-and-twenty chiefs ... wandering up and down ... he - became acquainted with almost all those parts. He says that - it is a very great country, and, as it were, a new world; the - people are very rude and uncultivated, for they all go naked - and suffer cruelly from the cold, nor have they the sense to - clothe themselves with the skins of the animals which they take - in hunting. They have no kind of metal. They live by hunting, - and carry lances of wood, sharpened at the point. They have - bows, the strings of which are made of beasts’ skins. They are - very fierce, and have deadly fights amongst each other, and - eat one another’s flesh.... The farther you go southwestwards, - however, the more refinement you meet with, because the climate - is more temperate, and accordingly there they have cities and - temples dedicated to their idols, in which they sacrifice men - and afterwards eat them. - - His fellow captives having decided to remain where they were, - he bade them farewell, and made his escape through the woods - in the direction of Drogio, ... where he spent three years. - [One day] some boats had arrived. He went down to the seaside, - and ... found they had come from Estotiland. [They took him - aboard as interpreter.] He afterwards traded in their company - to such good purpose that he became very rich, and, fitting out - a vessel of his own, returned to Frislanda.[218] - - -GEOGRAPHICAL IMPLICATION OF THE NARRATIVE - -In spite of plain geographical indications in the above recital, -Estotiland has been located by some random or oversubtle conjectures -in the strangest and most widely scattered places, including even -parts of the British Isles. But a region a thousand miles west of the -Faroes or any other Atlantic islands can be nothing but American, and -the restriction of its commerce to Greenland, apparently as a next -neighbor, points very clearly (as Estotiland) to that outjutting elbow -of North America, which culminates in Cape Race, south of Greenland -and thrust out toward Europe. The clear definition of it in the tale -as an island, largely explored by the narrator, approximating the size -of Iceland but more fertile, with mountainous interior, great forests -(such as gave the name Markland to Norse tradition), and rivers flowing -several ways, clearly indicates Newfoundland. The Zeno map accords with -this, and most of the later maps accept that identification--though -often with a great extension of territory. Thus a French map in the -United States National Museum,[219] having 1668 for an entry of -discovery and perhaps dating from about 1700, presents the whole -region southeast of Hudson Bay in an inscription as called Estotiland -by the Danes, Nouvelle Bretagne (New Britain) by the English, Canada -Septentrionale by the French, and Labrador by the Spanish; but here -again Labrador and Newfoundland may have been chiefly in mind. - - -CONJECTURES AS TO THE DERIVATION OF “ESTOTILAND” - -Evidently this map-maker attributed the name Estotiland to the Norsemen -of Greenland on the faith of the fisherman’s story, for no other -Scandinavians can be supposed to have fastened a name on the region in -question. But, barring the last syllable, which is a common affix, the -name has an Italian sound rather than Scandinavian. “East-out-land” has -been suggested as a derivation, but why in this instance should either -Norse or Italian borrow an English name? Another suggestion requires -the use of the first three syllables of the motto “esto fidelis usque -ad mortem” making up “Estofi,” with the appendant “land.” But there -seems no historic link of positive connection, and the letter “f” would -not readily change into “t.” Perhaps “Escotiland” or “Escociland” -(Scotland) is a more likely conjecture (first made by Beauvois[220]), -since “c” often resembles “t” in older forms of handwriting and might -readily be misunderstood. The name may have been applied in the same -spirit which has long affixed “Scotia” (Nova Scotia) to a lower part of -the same Atlantic coast. That the name was ever really thus applied by -the Norsemen seems very unlikely; but Nicolò Zeno may have used it to -help out his fisherman’s yarn as readily as he certainly adapted “King -Daedalus of Scotland” to help out his more mythical account of Icaria. -Or “Estotiland” may be a modification of Estilanda or Esthlanda, a -form sometimes taken by Shetland, for example on the map of Prunes, -1553[221] (Fig. 12). In casting about for a name, it would be an -economy of effort on the part of Zeno or the fisherman to utilize one -that was familiar. But I do not know that this derivation from Estiland -has ever before been suggested. - - -THE ESTOTILANDERS - -Ortelius, in crediting the discovery of the New World to the Norsemen, -seems to identify Estotiland with Vinland.[222] He was so far right -that the fisherman’s account of the people of Estotiland was evidently -composed by some one acquainted with the mistaken ideal of Vinland, or -Wineland, which pictured it a permanent Norse offshoot from Greenland, -perhaps slowly deteriorating but still possessed of a city and library, -letters and the ordinary useful arts of at least a primitive northern -white civilization, trading regularly with Greenland though archaic -enough to lack the mariner’s compass, and in most respects fairly on -a par with the Icelanders, Faroese, Shetlanders, or Orkneymen of the -fourteenth to the sixteenth century. We know that such Estotilanders -did not exist; that the ground was occupied by Beothuk Indians, -possibly slightly influenced by Greenlanders’ timber-gathering visits, -with Eskimos for neighbors on one side and Micmac Algonquins on the -other; and that none of these could be thought even so far advanced in -culture as some natives farther down the coast. But it is interesting -to get the point of view of the narrator or reporter. - - -DROGIO - -The tale is of a prolonged residence among these alleged relatively -advanced Estotiland people, followed by a much longer wandering -sojourn, mostly as a captive, in a great “new world” southwest of it -and a final escape. Drogio (also spelled “Drogeo” and “Droceo” on some -maps) was the region through which this continental territory was -entered. It is plainly an island, to judge by the maps; but, according -to the narrative, it should be close inshore, since no mention is made -of water being crossed by the neighboring chief, who made war on the -first captors and thus acquired the fishermen. This accords curiously -with the facts as to Cape Breton Island, which is barely cut off by -the Gut of Canso, being easily reached by any incursion from the -mainland. It also lies southward from Newfoundland (Estotiland), but -sailing vessels would ordinarily be required to get to it across the -broad Cabot Strait, where the conditions of storm and shipwreck might -well be supplied. It is, indeed, surprising, since the description of -inhabitants and conditions is so far from the truth, that the geography -of Estotiland and Drogio should be given so much more accurately than -in some carefully prepared and useful maps of the same period, for -example Nicolay’s of 1560[223] (Fig. 6) and Zaltieri’s of 1566,[224] -both of which represent Newfoundland as broken up into an archipelago; -and the same may be said of Gastaldi’s map illustrating Ramusio.[225] - -It has been generally surmised that the name Drogio represents some -native word, but there is a lack of evidence and a difficulty in -identification. Lucas thinks it may be a corruption of Boca del -Drago,[226] a strait between Trinidad and the mainland South America; -but this seems a far-fetched and unsupported conjecture: All the -other island names used by Zeno are of European origin, and Drogio by -its sound and orthography suggests Italy. Perhaps the best guess we -can make would point to the Italian words “deroga” or “dirogare” as -supplying in disparagement a form afterward contracted to Drogio; for -the latter island, lower in latitude and elevation, was also, according -to the narrative, inferior in the status of its population and might -well be spoken of derogatively. We have seen that a fairly high culture -is imputed to Estotiland; whereas the natives of Drogio were sunk -in mere cannibal savagery. Notwithstanding the plain implication of -the story as to the comparative nearness of the two regions and the -concurrent testimony of the Zeno map, Drogio has been located by some -theorizers at divers different points of our coast line from Canada to -Florida and even as far afield as Ireland--which is perhaps a shade -more extravagant than Lucas’s South American derivation of the name. - - -DISCREPANCIES IN THE NARRATIVE OF THE FISHERMAN - -There is this to be said for the last-mentioned speculation and some -others, that the statements concerning the mainland natives are plainly -prompted by Spanish accounts of certain naked and cannibalistic -denizens of the tropics, when not due to the experience of Cortés and -his companions among the teocallis and ceremonial sacrifices of the -Aztecs. That any one starting from Nova Scotia or thereabout could have -reached southern or at least central Mexico and returned alone must -have struck even Nicolò Zeno the younger as incredible, if he had any -conception of the distances and difficulties involved. But probably -he believed the area of temple building to extend farther northward -than it actually did and had little notion of the great waste of -intervening interior. Besides, it is not explicitly stated that the -fisherman saw these things; and to have gone far enough to encounter -a rumor of them, though a very improbable, would not be a quite -impossible, feat. - -As regards the characteristics of the ruder inhabitants who nearly -devoured him, fought for him, and two dozen times shifted ownership -of him from chief to chief, he must surely be understood to speak -from personal observation; but there is a conspicuous failure of -corroboration from internal evidence. We know a good deal about the -Indian tribes of northeastern America of a time not very much later, -and hardly a distinctive characteristic which he gives will fit what -we know. To say that the Algonquian tribes and their neighbors had not -sense to clothe themselves with the skins of the animals they killed is -itself arrant nonsense; to assert that they habitually ate each other -like Caribs is an imputation without foundation. The total absence -of metals among them is as untrue as the great abundance of gold in -Estotiland, for many of them had at least a little copper. They did not -live wholly by hunting--at least south of Nova Scotia--but were partly -agricultural, raising Indian corn and various vegetables. They did not -depend, in hunting, on wooden lances with sharpened points, though some -backward and feeble far-southern insular tribes are reported to have -done so. They were expert fishermen with weirs and nets and inducted -many of the white settlers into their secrets, so naturally would not -extravagantly need nor prize the counsel of a white specialist in the -same line, though he might have some things to teach them. Finally, -the really distinctive features of the Indian race in these latitudes, -such as bark canoes and the peculiarities of maize cultivation, are not -mentioned at all. - -In view of these discrepancies it is not easy to believe that the -fisherman ever visited America or at any rate ever journeyed far -inland. The nature of the errors rather points to Nicolò Zeno “the -compiler” as their author, since they embody observations made -elsewhere, which the fisherman would not be aware of and which had not -been made in his time, so far as now known. The landing by shipwreck -on Estotiland in the last quarter of the fourteenth century, though a -startling feature, cannot be called impossible or perhaps even wildly -improbable; and, once on this side of the Atlantic at that point, -some accident might take him across to Cape Breton Island, whence he -well might travel or be carried a little farther. This sequence of -events may be said to hang well together, and the geographic accuracy -as to Newfoundland and Cape Breton Island may be taken diffidently -as establishing a faint presumption that something like it really -occurred. But farther than this we cannot go, for all other indications -are adverse; and, even if we credit the incongruities to one of the -Zeni and suppose them to take the place of forgotten or disregarded -observations of the original adventurer, we are without these last, -and it is only substituting a vacuum for incorrectness. Perhaps the -only thing that remains to be said in favor of the story is that if it -were wholly the invention of Nicolò Zeno it would have been natural and -quite easy for him to make his ancestor the discoverer, instead of an -unnamed and insignificant fisherman. - - -THE ZENO NARRATIVE ITSELF - -For the story above considered enters the Zeno narrative only as the -incentive to a voyage of exploration which failed of its aim; and -it is nowhere alleged, unless in the title, that either of the Zeno -brothers discovered anything American. Each of them, it says, visited -Greenland, but that needed no discovery. Briefly summarized, the Zeno -story is that the elder Nicolò, being an adventurous wanderer like -many of his countrymen, was shipwrecked about 1380 on the island of -Frisland and taken into the service of Zichmni, lord of the Orkneys, -then prosecuting the conquest of the former region. Zeno took part in -the warfare of this chieftain, chiefly against the King of Norway his -feudal lord, also in his various navigations, including a visit to -Greenland, of which this elder Nicolò writes quite fully to his brother -Antonio in Venice, urging the latter to join him in Zichmni’s service. -Antonio did so, after many adventures and hardships and incidental -delay, and served with him four years, when Nicolò died, and Antonio -succeeded to his honors and emoluments for thirteen years longer. About -1400 the fisherman returned with his story of transatlantic experience, -and Earl Zichmni resolved to attempt to reach Estotiland in person. -Instead, he was storm-driven to Icaria, whatever that may be, and again -visited Greenland, exploring parts of its coast. Antonio Zeno went with -him and sailed home separately, under orders, slightly missing his -course and first reaching Porlanda (Pomona) of the Orkneys and Neome -(Fair Island) midway between the Orkneys and Shetland. He knew then -that he was “beyond Iceland” (i. e. to the eastward) and readily found -his way to Frisland. He was never allowed to return to Venice but wrote -his brother Carlo what he had seen and heard, including the fisherman’s -story. - - -R. H. MAJOR’S STUDY OF THE ZENO NARRATIVE - -Major endeavored to end the long-standing discussion as to the -authenticity of the map and the narrative of voyages by an elaborate -and ingenious study, on the hypothesis of an honestly intended -reproduction, the various additions, interpolations, and changes being -due partly to misunderstandings by the original Zeno brothers, partly -to injuries accidentally inflicted by the compiler and inaccurately -repaired, and partly to extraneous matter of illustration and ornament, -which the later Nicolò Zeno had not the self-control to withhold. This -method of exposition leads to some curious experiences of prodigious -exaggeration backed by a veritable genius for transforming words. -Thus when we read that Zichmni, ruling in Porlanda and conqueror -of Frisland, made successful war on his feudal superior, the King -of Norway, it means, according to Major, that Henry St. Clair (or -Sinclair), who was given the Earldom of the Orkneys in 1379, had a -skirmish with a forgotten claimant to a part of his territory. A -little later in the narrative a warm spring (108° maximum) on an -island of a fiord in the inhabited part of Greenland, beside which -some ruins are found, evolves a monastery and monk-ruled village of -dome-topped houses on the slope of a volcanic mountain far up the -impossible ice-bound eastern coast, with house-warming, cooking, and -hothouse gardening by subterranean heat and a continual commerce -maintained with northern Europe--though all this had never been heard -of before. It is true that Major was handicapped by a belief, formerly -prevalent, that the eastern coast of Greenland was the site of the -Eastern Settlement of the Norsemen, though in modern times that coast -is subjected to conditions which make life hardly practicable; whereas -it is now conclusively established that both of the Norse settlements -were on the relatively pleasant southwestern coast, one settlement -being more easterly and the other more westerly. But at the best -such interpretations run the gauntlet of the reader’s involuntary -skepticism. It is often easier to discard the statements altogether. - - -THE WORK OF F. W. LUCAS - -Lucas, writing some years afterward, with the benefit of recently -discovered maps and information, has chosen this destructive -alternative for nearly the whole Zeno narration: denying that Nicolò -Zeno had any map of a former generation to restore; styling his -own keenly critical and exhaustive production “an indictment,” and -branding the book under consideration as a forgery throughout--with, -necessarily, some true things in it. He has gone far toward making good -his case. Some things not fully accounted for suggest that there may -have been a basis of genuine material, a nucleus of truth; but it must -have been very slight. - -Major and his preservative school relied chiefly on three points of -coincidence: a fairly good description of that most unusual boat, the -kayak of the Eskimos; the hot water of the monastery already mentioned; -and the general geography of Greenland, which is shown more accurately -than on many maps of the sixteenth century and later. But Lucas points -out that the history of Olaus Magnus, or other northern sources, might -have supplied the kayak to Zeno the younger. This may seem rather -far-fetched in view of the wide interval between Italy and Scandinavia; -but intercourse was regular in 1558, and Zeno was a man of ample -information and intelligence, using material from many sources and -having his attention especially directed to the north. - - -A MONASTERY IN THE ARCTIC - -The Zeno account of the monastery of St. Thomas is very extended and -particular, going into details of daily life, artificial agriculture, -and traffic. It is the sublimation of cultivation in hothouse -conditions (of volcanic origin), located far up within the Arctic -Circle at a particularly repellent point, where no man has ever -lived or perhaps will live hereafter. Lucas tries to explain the -account--which is interesting in its own way with a certain wild and -preposterous plausibility--by reminiscences of a favored Scandinavian -fortress, the gardens of which were hardly ever frozen, enjoying “all -the advantages which any fortunate abode of mortals could demand and -obtain from the powers above.”[227] But this is manifestly vague, a -general picture of balminess and delightfulness, far removed from a -specific account of roasting food by subterranean heat, warming garden -beds to the forcing point by pipes naturally supplied, and carrying -on an extensive commerce from the polar regions by the aid of a tame -volcano. Certainly the warm spring of southwestern Greenland is not -much more to the point; but neither fortress gardens nor flowing water -should be needed to stimulate a lively fancy in creating rather obvious -marvels. Nicolò knew of volcanoes in Iceland (as well as Italy), may -well have surmised their activity in Greenland, and would be only one -of many who have amused themselves with speculations as to what might -be accomplished by tapping the great reservoir of heat and energy below -us. It is not necessary to find a precise earlier parallel, to be sure -that there is no corroboration for his tale of ancestral voyages in -such fancies. - - -THE ZENO MAP - -A glance at the Zeno map (Fig. 19) discloses a good approximation -to the general outline, trend, and taper of Greenland, with certain -features which imply information. For a long time it was thought that -no earlier source existed from which this could have been drawn by -Zeno the compiler. But of later years other fifteenth-century maps -showing Greenland have been discovered in various libraries, notably -four by Nordenskiöld,[228] out of which or out of others like them -Zeno could certainly have gleaned all that he needed for judicious -copying. In particular the maps of Donnus Nicolaus Germanus (1466 to -1474, or a little later; e. g. Fig. 17), elaborated from the map of -Claudius Clavus (1427; Fig. 16), seem to supply the chief features of -the Zeno exhibition.[229] Sharing an error common to Clavus and all -successors of his school, Zeno connected Greenland to Europe. He also -represented its eastern coast as habitable at the extreme upper end. It -is true that a visitor to the real surviving Greenland settlement about -Ericsfiord probably would not learn the facts about these matters, so -that his misinformation is no disproof of the visits of the older Zeni -to that country. On the other hand, it would be difficult to point -to any convincing evidence that either of them was ever there. Kohl -suggests[230] that the fisherman’s story may be a mere reflection of -the general American knowledge of Greenlanders, and this might call -for the presence of one of the Zeni in Greenland to hear the story. -But, if the Norse of Greenland knew anything about Newfoundland or -Labrador, they could hardly have credited and passed along these word -pictures of cities, libraries, and kings. The only thing like internal -corroboration is in the geography of Estotiland and Drogio. - -As Nicolò Zeno followed the disciples of Claudius Clavus in outlining -Greenland, so he took for his guide Mattheus Prunes’ map of 1553[231] -in dealing with the more eastern islands. Podanda or Porlanda (Pomona, -the main island of the Orkneys) and Neome (Fair Island) are in both -(Figs. 19 and 12). Prunes displaces these islands to a position west, -instead of south, of southern Shetland (Estiland or Esthlanda), and -Zeno simply carries them both still farther west, while moving them -southward; but his Neome is still in the latitude of the lower end of -Shetland. Long before the time of either of them, the Faroe Islands -had been shown as one territory--see the Ysferi (Faroe Islands) of -the eleventh-century map of the Cottonian MS. in the British Museum, -reproduced by Santarem.[232] The main islands are in fact barely -severed from each other by a thread of water. - - -FRISLAND - -It was, and is, so common to use “land” as a final syllable for island -names (witness Iceland, Shetland, and the rest) that “Ferisland” would -easily be derived from the form of the name last given and would be as -readily contracted into “Frisland.” We find the latter (Frislanda), -indeed, on the map of Cantino (1502)[233] and in the life of Columbus -ascribed to his son Ferdinand.[234] There seems no doubt of its very -early use for a northern island or islands; apparently primarily for -the Faroe group, often blended as one island. - -But there seems to have been some confusion in men’s minds between -Iceland and Frisland as northern fishing centers and neighbors of like -conditions. Thus the portolan atlas known as Egerton MS. 2803, contains -two maps[235] (one shown in Fig. 8) naming Iceland “Fislanda,” and -the notable Catalan map of about 1480[236] (Fig. 7), first copied by -Nordenskiöld, which shows Greenland as an elongated rectangular “Illa -Verde” and Brazil in the place later given to Estotiland, also depicts -a large insular “Fixlanda,” which is surely Iceland, if any faith may -be put in general outline and the arrangement of islets offshore. -Prunes (1553; Fig. 12) substantially reproduces it, with the same name -and apparently the same meaning. Zeno (Fig. 19) follows him closely in -area and aspect but draws also an elongated Iceland to the northward, -the latter island trending southwestward in imitation of Greenland and -seeming to derive its geography therefrom. This version of Iceland was -probably suggested by one of the Nicolaus Germanus maps above referred -to. - -Thus Zeno has two great islands, Frisland and Iceland, the former being -several times larger than Shetland and many times larger than Orkney. -His Frisland gets its name from the Faroes, its area and outline from -Iceland; it is located south of Iceland, where there never was anything -but waste water. No such large island, distinct from Iceland, ever -existed at the north. Certainly, as shown, it is a mythical island -indeed. - -Major stoutly argued that any derelictions of the map are to be -explained as the defects of age and rottenness, unskillfully cobbled -by a later hand. This sounds reasonable to one who has seen how the -changes of time deface these old memorials and how easily outlines -and much more may be misread. But in point of fact the map as we have -it answers to the narrative singularly well. Any blurs or lacunae -which needed restoration must have occurred in very fortunate places. -Iceland, Shetland, Greenland, Scotland, Estotiland, and Drogio are all -not very far from where they should be. The Orkneys and Fair Island, if -too far west in fact, are only far enough to suit the tale, for when -Antonio sails eastward he comes to them and knows he has passed east of -Iceland, a reflection more likely to occur if the interval were rather -small than if it were very great. - - -ICARIA - -Again, when Earl Zichmni and Antonio Zeno with their little flotilla, -fired by the fisherman’s American experiences, strike westward from -Frisland for Estotiland they, indeed, do not reach that goal but do -attain by accident the mysterious Icaria and find themselves where -Greenland can be and is reached without much difficulty. Now, on the -map (Fig. 19), Icaria, about the size of Shetland, is the most westerly -of all the islands not distinctly American. Draw a straight line from -Iceland to Estotiland and another from the center of Frisland to -Cape Hwarf near the lower end of Greenland, and Icaria lies at the -intersection. Granting the rest of the story, it is shown where they -might very well have stumbled upon it in trying to go farther west. - -Of course, it is not there; nothing ever was there except an ample -expanse of sea. Where Zeno got the idea of Icaria is not known--except -as an appended and unimportant myth from the Aegean; it certainly was -not supplied by the facts of the North Atlantic. Probably the initial -“I” stands for island as usual, and “Caria” is a not impossible -transformation of either “Kerry” (preferred by Major) or “Kilda”--the -latter more likely, for southern Ireland was continually visited by -Italian traders, whereas St. Kilda lay off the trade routes rather far -away in the mists and myths of the ocean and might be a fairer field -for exaggeration and shifting of place. But, with every allowance, it -is hard to see how this small ultra-Hebridean rock pile could become a -large island territory just short of America. Perhaps it is as well to -treat Icaria as merely the unprovoked creation of the romantic brain of -the younger Zeno. - - -INFLUENCE OF IMAGINARY CARTOGRAPHY - -It may be true that the elder Zeno brothers served for a time under -some northern island ruler, whose name the later Nicolò Zeno read -and copied as the impossible Zichmni; that they then visited various -countries and islands, possibly including the surviving but dwindling -Greenland settlement; that one of them heard in general outline the -adventures of a fisherman or minor mariner cast away at two points of -the American coast; and that a futile attempt was thereupon made by -their patron to explore the same regions. Every one of these admissions -lacks adequate confirmation and is very dubious; yet they are all -possible. But it is not possible that a map made about 1400 could bear -at almost all points the plain marks of copying with slight changes -from maps of the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; and, since the -narrative so well fits the map, the two as we have them must stand or -fall together. - -Either Nicolò Zeno of 1558 invented the whole matter, building up -his imposture by the aid of maps and information already existent -and accessible, or he actually had some sort of old sketch map and -fragments of letters and has recast them with more modern aids quite at -his convenience, leaving no certain trace of the original outlines or -statements. It comes to much the same thing in either case. - -Also in either case his unscrupulous and misleading achievements in -imaginary cartography remain as historic facts. For a century or more -he supplied the maps of the world with several new great islands; he -shifted others widely into new positions; he adorned other regions -with new names that were loath to depart; and he presented a story of -pre-Columbian discovery of America which was long accepted as true and -is not wholly discarded even yet. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -ANTILLIA AND THE ANTILLES - - -There are two names still in common use for American regions, which -long antedate Columbus and most likely commemorate achievements of -earlier explorers. They are Brazil and the Antilles. The former is -earlier on the maps and records; but the case for Antillia, as an -American pre-Columbian map item, is in some respects less complex and -more obvious. - - -ANTILLIA - -A good many decades before the New World became known as such, Antillia -was recognized as a legitimate geographical feature. A comparatively -late and generally familiar instance of such mention occurs in -Toscanelli’s letter of 1474 to Columbus,[237] recommending this -island as a convenient resting point on the sea route to Cathay. Its -authenticity has been questioned, notably by the venerable and learned -Henry Vignaud,[238] but at least some one wrote it and in it reflected -the viewpoint of the time. - -Nordenskiöld in his elaborate and invaluable “Periplus” declares: “As -the mention of this large island, the name of which was afterwards -given to the Antilles, in the portolanos of the fourteenth century, -is probably owing to some vessel being storm-driven across the -Atlantic (as, according to Behaim, happened to a Spanish vessel in -1414), those maps on which this island is marked must be reckoned -as Americana.”[239] The word “fourteenth” is probably an accidental -substitute for “fifteenth.” The reference to Behaim undoubtedly means -the often-quoted inscription on his globe of 1492, which avers that -“1414 a ship from Spain got nighest it without being endangered.”[240] -This seems to record an approach rather than an actual landing. But at -least it was evidently believed that Antillia had been nearly reached -in that year by a vessel sailing from the Iberian Peninsula. Little -distinction would then have been made between Spain and Portugal in -such a reference by a non-Iberian. - -Ruysch’s map of 1508 is a little more vague in its Antillia inscription -as to the time of this adventure.[241] He says it was discovered by -the Spaniards long ago; but perhaps this means a rediscovery, for he -also chronicles the refuge sought there by King Roderick in the eighth -century. - - -PETER MARTYR’S IDENTIFICATION OF ANTILLIA - -Both of these representations show Antillia far in the ocean -dissociated from any other land, but in the work of Peter Martyr -d’Anghiera, contemporary and historian of Columbus, writing before -1511, we have an explicit identification as part of a well-known -group or archipelago. He has been narrating the discovery of Cuba and -Hispaniola and proceeds: - - Turning, therefore, the stems of his ships toward the east, he - assumed that he had found Ophir, whither Solomon’s ships sailed - for gold, but, the descriptions of the cosmographers well - considered, it seemeth that both these and the other islands - adjoining are the islands of Antillia.[242] - -Perhaps he meant delineations, like those we have yet to consider, and -not descriptions in words; or writings concerning these islands may -then have been extant which have since vanished as completely as the -celebrated map of Toscanelli. - -Among “the other islands adjoining” we may be sure he included that -island of Beimini, or Bimini (no other than Florida), a part of which, -thus marked, occurs in his accompanying map and has the distinction -of owning the fabled fountain of youth and luring Ponce de Leon into -romantic but futile adventure. Perhaps only one other map gives it the -name Bimini; but its insular character is plain on divers maps (made -before men learned better), with varying areas and under different -names. - - -OTHER IDENTIFICATIONS - -Peter Martyr was not alone in his identification of the “islands of -Antillia.” Canerio’s map,[243] attributed to 1502, names the large West -India group “Antilhas del Rey de Castella,” though giving the name -Isabella to the chief island; and another map of about the same date -(anonymous)[244] gives them the collective title of Antilie, though -calling the Queen of the Antilles Cuba, as now. A later map,[245] -probably about 1518, varies the first form slightly to “Atilhas [i. e. -Antilhas] de Castela” and shows also “Tera Bimini.” This is the second -Bimini map above referred to. - -It is true that the name Antillia, often slightly modified, was not -restricted to this use but occasionally was applied in other quarters. -Beside Behaim’s globe and Ruysch’s map already mentioned, a Catalan map -of the fifteenth century (obviously earlier than the knowledge of the -Portuguese rediscovery of Flores and Corvo)[246] presents a duplicate -delineation of most of the Azores, giving the supposed additional -islands a quite correct slant northwestward and individual names -selected impartially from divers sources. One of these is Attiaela, -recalling the doubtful “Atilae” of the warning-figure inscription on -the map of the Pizigani of 1367[247] (Fig. 2), which may have suggested -it, being applied in the same or a neighboring region. The islands -remain mysterious, perhaps merely registering a free range of fancy at -divers periods. - - -AN ANTILLIA OF THE MAINLAND - -Again, at a much later time, when the exploration of the South American -coast line had proceeded far enough to demonstrate the existence of a -continent, some one speculated, it would seem, concerning an Antillia -of the mainland. One of the maps[248] in the portolan atlas in the -British Museum known as Egerton MS. 2803 bears the word “Antiglia” -running from north to south at a considerable distance west of -the mouth of the Amazon, apparently about where would now be the -southeastern part of Venezuela. Also, the world map[249] in the same -atlas (Fig. 8) bears “Antiglia” as a South American name, in this -instance moved farther westward to the region of eastern Ecuador and -neighboring territory. - -But these aberrant applications of the name Antillia in its various -forms were mostly late in time and probably all suggested by some novel -geographical disclosures. The standard identification, as disclosed -on the maps discussed below, at least from Beccario’s of 1435 to -Benincasa’s of 1482, was with a great group of western islands; as was -Peter Martyr’s, much later. - - -THE ORIGIN OF THE NAME - -Naturally the origin of the word has been found a fascinating problem. -Ever since Formaleoni,[250] near the close of the eighteenth century, -called attention to the delineation of Antillia in Bianco’s map of -1436, discussed below, as indicating some knowledge of America, there -have been those to urge the claims of the suppositional lost Atlantis -instead. The two island names certainly begin with “A” and utilize -“t,” “l,” and “i” about equally; but “Atlantis” comes so easily out of -“Atlas,” and the great mountain chain marches so conspicuously down to -the sea in all early maps, that the derivation of the former may be -called obvious; whereas you cannot readily or naturally turn “Atlas” -into “Antillia,” and there is no evidence that any one ever did so. -As to geographical items, both have been located in the great western -sea; but that is true of many other lands, real or fanciful. Something -has been made of the elongated quadrilateral form of Antillia; but -Humboldt points out[251] that in the description transmitted by Plato -this outline is ascribed to a particular district in Atlantis, not to -the great island as a whole, and that, even if it could be understood -in the latter sense, there seems no reason why a fragment surviving -the great cataclysm should repeat the configuration of Atlantis as a -whole. There seems a total lack of any direct evidence, or any weighty -inferential evidence, of the derivation of Antillia from Atlantis. - - -HUMBOLDT’S HYPOTHESIS - -Humboldt, in rejecting this hypothesis, advanced another, which is -picturesque and ingenious but hardly better supported.[252] His choice -is “Al-tin,” Arabic for “the dragon.” Undoubtedly Arabs navigated to -some extent some parts of the great Sea of Darkness, and these monsters -were among its generally credited terrors. The hardly decipherable -inscriptions in the neighborhood of an island on the map of the -Pizigani of 1367[253] (Fig. 2), as we have seen (Ch. VI), seem to cite -Arabic experience in proof of perils from _fulvos_ (krakens) rising -from the depths of the sea, coupling dragons with them in the same -legend and illustrating it by a picture of a kraken dragging one seaman -overboard from a ship in distress, while a dragon high overhead flies -away with another. It is even true that Arabic tradition established -a dragon on at least one island as a horrible oppression, long ago -happily ended, and that another island (perhaps more than one) was -known as the Island of the Dragon. But in all this there is nothing -to connect dragons with Antillia, and that most hideous medieval -fancy is out of all congruity with the fair and almost holy repute of -this island as the place of refuge of the last Christian ante-Moorish -monarch of Spain in the hour of his despair and as the new home of the -seven Portuguese bishops with their following. - -In passing, we may note that Antela, the version of the Laon globe -hereinafter referred to, is identical with the name of that Lake Antela -of northwestern Spain which is the source of the river Limia, fabled -to be no other than Lethe, so that Roman soldiers drew back from it, -fearing the waters of oblivion. But as yet no one has taken up the -cause of Spanish Antela as the origin of the island’s name. Probably it -is a mere matter of coincidence. - -Humboldt admits that Antillia may be readily resolved into two -Portuguese words, _ante_ and _illa_ (island). He even cites several -parallel cases, of which Anti-bacchus will serve as an example. But -he objects that such compound names have been used in comparison with -other islands, not with a continent. In the present instance, however, -the comparison would be with Portugal, not with all Europe, and the -other member of it would be a map island which, he says, is as long -as Portugal and seems curiously to borrow and copy Portugal’s general -form and is arranged opposite to that kingdom far beyond the Azores -across a great expanse of sea. It must be remembered that _illa_ is the -old form of _ilha_, found in many maps, that either would naturally be -pronounced “illia,” and that you cannot say “anteillia” or “antiillia” -at all rapidly without turning it almost exactly into Antillia. The -“island out before,” or the “opposite island,” would be the natural -interpretation. The latter seems preferable. Notwithstanding the great -importance which must always be attached to any opinion of Humboldt’s, -there really seems no need to let fancy range far afield when an -obvious explanation faces us in the word itself and on the maps. - - -THE WEIMAR MAP - -Nordenskiöld, practically applying his test of the presence of Antillia -and arranging his materials in chronological order, heads his list -of “The Oldest Maps of the New Hemisphere”[254] with the anonymous -map preserved in the Grand Ducal library in Weimar and credited to -1424.[255] But it seems that this map does not deserve that position, -for it is not entitled to the date; Humboldt, inspecting the original, -made out certain fragments of words and the Roman characters for -that year on a band running from south to north between the Azores -and Antillia; also, in more modern ink, the date 1424 on the margin. -Whatever the explanation, he was convinced of error by subsequent -correspondence with the Weimar librarian and admitted that it was -probably the work of Conde Freducci not earlier than 1481. Apart from -all considerations of workmanship and map outlines, the use of “insule” -instead of “insulle” and of “brandani” instead of “brandany” in the -inscription concerning the Madeiras marks the map as almost certainly -belonging to the last quarter, not the first quarter, of the fifteenth -century. - - -THE BECCARIO MAP OF 1426 - -The second map on Nordenskiöld’s New World list is “Becharius 1426,” -a Latinization of the surname of Battista Beccario and at least not -so weird a transformation as Humboldt’s “Beclario or Bedrazio.” -Apparently the year of this map has not been doubted, but there is a -lack of first-hand evidence that the original contains Antillia. No -reproduction of this map had been published prior to the writer’s paper -on St. Brendan’s Islands in the July, 1919, _Geographical Review_, -nor, so far as is known, has its extreme western part been copied in -any way. The section there reproduced, and herewith reprinted only -slightly curtailed (Fig. 3), is one of several sent me in response -to arrangements, made before the war, for a photograph of the map, -but by some mistake the very portion that would have been conclusive -was omitted, and all attempts to remedy the error have failed. But, -if there were any inscription concerning recently discovered islands -located as in his later map, some part of it at least would probably be -seen on what I have; and for this and other reasons I do not believe -that Antillia is delineated or named on the Beccario map of 1426. - - -THE BECCARIO MAP OF 1435 - -The addition to fifteenth-century geography of a great group of large -western islands roughly corresponding to a part of the West Indies and -Florida rests mainly on the testimony of the following maps now to -be discussed: Beccario 1435, Bianco 1436, Pareto 1455, Roselli 1468, -Benincasa 1482, and the anonymous Weimar map probably by Freducci and -dating somewhere after 1481. Of these the most complete as well as -the earliest is Beccario’s[256] (Fig. 20). He gives the islands the -collective title of “Insulle a novo rep’te” (newly reported islands), -which may refer to the discovery recorded by Behaim for 1414 or to -some more recent experience. The interval would not be much greater -than that between the first landing of Columbus and the narrative of -Peter Martyr beginning with equivalent words. It is likely, however, -that some lost map or maps preceded Beccario’s, for the artificially -regular outlines of his islands, though in accord with the fashion -of cartography in his time, seem rather out of keeping with a first -appearance. The type had somehow fixed itself with curious minuteness -and was repeated faithfully by his successors. In spite of these -impossibly symmetrical details and some discrepancies as to individual -direction of elongation and latitude, the fact remains that in the -Atlantic there is no such great group except the Antilles and that -the general correspondence is too surprising to be explained by mere -accident or conjecture. Surely some mariner had visited Cuba and some -of its neighbors before 1435. - -[Illustration: FIG. 20--Section of the Beccario map of 1435 showing -the four islands of the Antilles, St. Brendan’s Islands, Daculi, and -others. (After Uzielli’s photographic facsimile.)] - -This map of Beccario had been somewhat neglected, with misreading of -the names, before it was taken in hand by the Italian Geographical -Society and reproduced very carefully by photo-lithography. As regards -the island names in particular, this eliminated some misunderstanding -and confusion and made their meaning plain. Thus rendered, the map -affords a convenient standard for the others, which, indeed, differ -from it very little as to these “Islands of Antillia.” - - -THE FOUR ISLANDS OF THE ANTILLES ON THE BECCARIO MAP - -This group, or more properly series--for three of them are strung out -in a line--comprises the four islands Antillia, Reylla, Salvagio, and I -in Mar. All these names have meaning, easy to render. - - -ANTILLIA - -The largest and most southerly, Antillia, the “opposite island,” -which I take to be no other than Cuba, is shown as an elongated, very -much conventionalized parallelogram, extending from the latitude of -Morocco a little south of the Strait of Gibraltar to that of northern -Portugal. As Humboldt says, it is about a third as wide as it is long; -and in this respect it is singularly even throughout its length. In -its eastern front there are four bays, and three in its western. The -intervals on each side are pretty nearly equal, and each bay is of a -three-lobed form resembling an ill-divided clover leaf. In the lower -end there is a broader and larger bay nearly triangular. The artificial -exactness of these minute details is in keeping with the treatment on -divers maps of the really well-known islands of the eastern Atlantic -archipelagoes, except that the comparative smallness of a Teneriffe, a -Terceira, or even a Madeira, offered less opportunity. The slant of the -island is very slightly east of north, obviously quite different from -the actual longitudinal direction of the even more elongated Queen of -the Antilles. - - -REYLLA - -Behind the lower part of Antillia, much as Jamaica is behind the -eastern or lower part of Cuba, and about in similar proportions of -relative area, Beccario shows a smaller but, nevertheless, considerable -island, pentagonal in outline, mainly square in body, with a low -westward-pointing broad-based triangular extension. He gives it the -impressive name of Reylla, King Island, not ill suited to the royal -beauty of that mountainous gem of the seas. - - -SALVAGIO - -North of Antillia and nearly in line with it, but at a rather wide -interval, he shows Saluagio or Salvagio (“u” and “v” being equivalent), -which has the same name then long given to a wild and rocky cluster of -islets between Madeira and the Canaries, that still bears it in the -form Salvages. Wherever applied the name is bound to denote some form -of savageness; perhaps “Savage Island” is an adequate rendering, the -second word being understood. This Salvagio imitates the general form -of Antillia on a reduced scale, being, nevertheless, much larger than -any other island in the Atlantic south of the parallel of Ireland. -Like Antillia, its eastern and western faces are provided with highly -artificial bays, three in each. Its northern end is beveled upward -and westward. I think this large island probably represents Florida, -similarly situated to the northward of Cuba and divided from it by -Florida Strait. Its area must have been nakedly conjectural, as much -later maps show its line of supposed severance from the mainland to -have been drawn by guesswork. - - -I IN MAR - -The inclined northern end of Salvagio is divided by a narrow sea belt -from I in Mar, which has approximately a crescent form and a bulk not -very different from that commonly ascribed at that time to Madeira. -“I,” of course, stands for Insula or one of its derivatives, such as -Illa, a word or initial applied or omitted at will. “Island in the Sea” -is probably the true rendering, though formerly the initial and the two -words were sometimes blended, as Tanmar or Danmar, to the confusion of -geographers. A larger member of the Bahama group lying near the Florida -coast would seem to fill the requirements, being naturally recognized -as more at sea than Florida or Cuba. Great Abaco and Great Bahama -are nearly contiguous and, considered together, would give nearly -the required size and form; but it is not necessary to be individual -in identification. Possibly Insula in Mar as drawn was meant to be -symbolical and representative of the sea islands generally rather than -to set forth any particular one of them. - - -THE ROSELLI MAP OF 1468 - -The Roselli map of 1468,[257] the property of the Hispanic Society of -America, New York City, is nearly as complete as the Beccario map of -1435. It lacks only the western part of Reylla (a name here corrupted -into “roella”), by the reason of the limitations of the material. These -maps were generally drawn on parchment made of lambskin with the narrow -neck of the skin presented toward the west, perhaps as the quarter in -which unavoidable omissions were thought to do the least harm. Because -of the island’s position on the very edge of the skin, its outline, -although unmistakable, is faint and in a few decades of exposure of -the original might have vanished altogether. This raises the question -whether certain outlines, now missing but plainly called for, on other -maps of the same period, have not met with the same fate. Probably this -has happened. Antilia--spelled thus--is plain in name and outline; -so is the island next above it, spelled Saluaega. The “I” is omitted -from I in Mar, as was often done in like cases, and the words “in -Mar” are uncertain, but seem as above. The island figure is correctly -given by Beccario’s standard, and in general the representation of the -island series is almost exactly the same. Perhaps the most discernible -difference is a very slight northwestern trend given to Antillia, -instead of the equally slight northeastern inclination in Beccario’s -case. - - -THE BIANCO MAP OF 1436 - -The Bianco map of 1436[258] (Fig. 25) was the first of the Antillia -maps to attract attention in quite modern times but has suffered far -worse than Roselli’s in the matter of limitation. The border of the -material cuts off all but Antillia and the lower end of Salvagio, to -which Bianco has given the strange name of La Man (or Mao) Satanaxio, -generally translated “The Hand of Satan” but believed by Nordenskiöld -to be rather a corruption of a saint’s name, perhaps that of St. -Anastasio. It remains a mystery, though one hypothesis connects it with -a grisly Far Eastern tale of a demon hand. The initial “S” is all that -Satanaxio has in common with the names for this island on the other -maps that show it; and, as nearly all of these present very slight -changes from Salvagio, easily to be accounted for by carelessness or -errors in copying, the latter name is fairly to be regarded as the -legitimate one, while Satanaxio remains unique and grimly fanciful, -perhaps to be explained another day. The most that can be said for its -generally accepted meaning is that it corroborates Salvagio in so far -as it intensifies savagery to diabolism. One is tempted to speculate -as to whether any very cruel treatment from the natives had formed -part of the experience of the visitors along that shore; but there is -no known fact or assertion upon which to base such an idea. As to the -delineation of the islands, it is quite evident that Bianco showed the -same group as Beccario and Roselli so far as circumstances permitted; -and there is no reason to believe that the islands for which he had no -room would have differed from theirs in his showing, if admissible, any -more than his Antillia differs; that is to say, hardly at all. - -Humboldt was so impressed by this map of Bianco that he took the pains -of measuring upon it the distance of Antillia from Portugal, making -this about two hundred and forty leagues: an unreliable test, one would -say, for the distances over the western waste of waters probably were -not drawn to scale nor supposed to approach exactness. For that matter, -the interval between Portugal and the Azores, as shown on maps for -nearly a hundred years, was greatly underestimated, and the discrepancy -becomes more glaring as the islands lie farther westward, Flores and -Corvo being conspicuous examples. We should naturally expect to find -the West Indies reported much nearer than they really are by anyone -mapping a record of them. Perhaps the explanation lies in a disposition -of cartographers to expect and allow for a great deal of nautical -exaggeration in the mariners’ yarns that reached them. A careful man -might come at last to believe in the existence of an island but doubt -if it were really so very far away. - - -THE PARETO MAP OF 1455 - -Pareto, 1455, has a very interesting and elaborate map[259] (Fig. -21) showing Antillia, Reylla, and I in Mar (the latter without name) -in the orthodox size, shape, and position, but with a great gap -between Antillia and I in Mar where Salvagio should be. Very likely -it was there once. Perhaps this is another case of fading away. One -doubts whether the loss might not still be retrieved by more powerful -magnifying glasses and close study of the significant interval. Pareto -is unmistakably disclosing the same series of islands as the others. -It may be that from him Roselli borrowed the inaccurate “roella” for -Reylla, since Pareto is earlier in using a similar form (Roillo). - -[Illustration: FIG. 21--Section of the Pareto map of 1455 showing -the Antilles, St. Brendan’s Islands, Daculi, and others. (After -Kretschmer’s hand-copied reproduction.)] - - -THE BENINCASA MAP OF 1482 - -Benincasa’s map of 1482[260] (Fig. 22) presents Salvagio as Saluaga, -and I in Mar without name, but omits Reylla, both name and figure. -The islands shown are in their accepted form and arrangement, except -that Saluaga has but two bays on the western side, and his map adds -a novelty in a series of names applied to the several bays, or the -regions adjoining them, of the two larger islands. These names (Fig. -22) are twelve in number and seem like the fanciful work of some -Portuguese who was haunted by a few Arabic sounds in addition to those -of his native tongue. Several of them, like Antillia, begin with -“An,” perhaps another illustration of the law of the line of least -resistance. I cannot think that there is any significance in these bits -of antiquated ingenuity, though, as we have seen in Chapter V, some -have believed they found in them a relic of the Seven Cities legend. - - -THE WEIMAR MAP (AFTER 1481) - -The Weimar map,[261] though long carefully housed, has suffered -blurring and fading with some other damage in its earlier history. -It is evidently a late representative of the tradition and begins to -wander slightly from the accepted standard. It has been curtailed also -from the beginning, like Bianco’s map of 1436, by the limitations of -the border, which in this instance cuts off the lower part of Antillia, -though the name is nearly intact; but enough remains to indicate a -reduced relative size and a greater slant to the northeastward than on -Beccario’s map. There is, of course, no room for Reylla, and there is -none for I in Mar; but - -Salvagio is given plainly and fully, with the letter S quite -conspicuous. I cannot read more of the name on the photograph; but -the Weimar librarian reads San on the original, being uncertain as -to the rest. This map bears traces of local names arranged in places -like those of Benincasa but fragmentary and illegible. Perhaps these -names tend to show that the maps belong not only to the same period, -but to the same general school of development. The other differences -between this map and its predecessors are trivial. The general idea -of the island series is the same so far as it is disclosed, and it is -hardly to be doubted that all elements of the islands of Antillia would -have been presented in the main on this map as they are by Roselli and -Beccario, if there had been room to do so. - -[Illustration: FIG. 22--Section of the Benincasa map of 1482 showing -the Antilles, St. Brendan’s Islands, and others. (After Kretschmer’s -hand-copied reproduction.)] - - -THE LAON GLOBE OF 1493 - -The Laon globe,[262] 1493, though mainly older, certainly had room -enough, but it appears to have formed part of some mechanism and to -have had only a secondary or incidental, and in part rather careless, -application to geography. It shows two elongated islands, Antela and -Salirosa, undoubtedly meant for Antillia and Salvagio. Perhaps the -globe maker had at command only a somewhat defaced specimen of a map -like Bianco’s or that of Weimar, showing perforce only two islands, and -merely copied them, guessing at the dim names and outlines, without -thinking or caring whether anything more were implied or making -any farther search. This is apparently the last instance in which -the larger two islands of the old group or series, marked by their -traditional names or what are meant for such, appear together. - - -OTHER MAPS - -It may seem strange that certain other notable maps, for example -Giraldi 1426,[263] Valsequa 1439,[264] and Fra Mauro 1459,[265] show -nothing of Antillia and its neighbors. Perhaps the makers were not -interested in these far western parts of the ocean, or the narratives -on which Beccario and the rest based their maps had not reached them; -more likely they were skeptical and unwilling to commit themselves. - -It is also true that the Antillia of Beccario and others is made to -extend nearly north and south instead of east and west; that I in Mar -is placed north of its greater neighbor instead of east; and that -the whole chain of islands is moved into considerably more northern -latitudes than the group which we suppose them to represent. Thus the -eastern, or lower, end of Cuba is actually in the latitude of the -lower part of the Sahara, and a point above the upper end of Florida -would be in the latitude of the upper part of Morocco; whereas in the -maps discussed the average location of the chain from the lower end -of Antillia to the most northerly island, I in Mar, would run from -the latitude of northern Morocco to that of southern France. There -are slight individual differences in this matter of extension, but I -believe Antillia always begins below Gibraltar and ends above northern -Spain and a little below Bordeaux. But some dislocation, of course, is -to be looked for in mapping exploration in an unscientific period. The -changes of direction and extension are not greater than in the American -coast line of Juan de la Cosa’s very important map of 1500,[266] not to -mention even more extravagant instances of later date; and the shifting -of latitudes may partly be accounted for by ignorance of the southward -dip of the isothermal lines in crossing the Atlantic westward. Thus a -Portuguese sailor on reaching a far western island or shore having what -seemed to him the climate and conditions of Gascony would be likely to -suppose that it was really opposite Gascony, though in fact it might be -more nearly opposite the Canaries; and the same cause of error would -apply all down the line. Cuba is not really directly opposite Portugal -but may easily have been believed so. - - -IDENTITY OF ANTILLIA WITH THE ANTILLES - -A more difficult question is raised by the absence of Haiti and Porto -Rico from these maps, with all the more eastward Antilles. But it is -possible that they may not have been visited or even seen. We can -imagine an expedition that would touch Great Abaco, coast along -Florida and Cuba, and visit Jamaica, returning out of sight, or with -little notice, of the Haitian coast and barely passing an islet or two -of the Bahamas, which, if not sufficiently commemorated in a general -way by Insula in Mar, might well be disregarded. A report of such an -expedition, adding that Antillia was directly opposite Portugal and of -about equal size, would account fairly for the map which for half a -century was faithfully repeated even in details by many different hands -and evidently confidently believed in. - -Unless we accept this explanation, we must assume an uncanny, almost -an inspired, gift of conjecture in some one who, without basis, could -imagine and depict the only array of great islands in the Atlantic. -Certainly the outlines of Cuba, Jamaica, Florida, and one of the -Bahamas will very well bear comparison with Scandinavia or the Hebrides -and the Orkneys as given on maps of equal or even later date. Some -glaring errors are to be expected in such work, as notoriously occurred -in the sixteenth-century treatment of Newfoundland and Labrador. -Applying the same tests and canons and making the same allowances as -in these cases of distortion of undoubtedly actual lands, we may be -reasonably confident that the Antillia of 1435 was really, as now, the -Queen of the Antilles. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -CORVO, OUR NEAREST EUROPEAN NEIGHBOR - - -Far at sea from Portugal, straggling in a long northwestward line -toward America, lies the archipelago sometimes called the Islands of -the Sun or the Western Islands but now generally known as the Azores. -That line breaks into three divisions separated by wide gaps of sea: -the most easterly pair, St. Michael and St. Mary; the main cluster of -five islands, Pico being the loftiest and Terceira the most important; -and the northwesterly pair, Flores and Corvo. These last make a little -far-severed world of their own, sharing in none of the tremors and -upheavals which from time to time more or less transform parts of the -other two divisions. The remote origin of the pair was volcanic, and -Corvo is little more now than an old crater lifted about 300 feet above -the surface; but the fires have long been dead, and in historic times -the lower strata have never shifted suddenly to produce any great -earthquake. There have been changes, but they must be attributed for -the most part to gradual subsidence. - -These two islands, though almost as near to Newfoundland as to any -point in Portugal, cannot be classed as American; yet Corvo in -particular seems to have impressed the imagination of ancient and -medieval explorers with a sense of some special relation to regions -beyond, though possibly only to the entangling Sargasso Sea of weeds, -which would lie next in order southwestward (Fig. 1), and the menacing -mysteries of the remoter wastes of the Atlantic. It may have been felt -as the last stepping stone for the leap into the great unknown. - - -ORIGIN OF THE NAME - -Flores, the island of flowers, thus prettily renamed by the -Portuguese, is referred to as the rabbit island, Li Conigi, in the -fourteenth-century maps and records; but Corvo has always borne, in -substance, the same name, one of the oldest on the Atlantic. Probably -the very first instance of its use is in the Book of the Spanish -Friar,[267] written about 1350 (the author says he was born in 1305), -rather recently published in Spanish and since translated for the -Hakluyt Society publications by Sir Clements Markham. After relating -alleged visits to more accessible islands of the eastern Atlantic -archipelagoes, from Lanzarote and Tenerife of the Canaries to São Jorge -(St. George) of the Azores, he continues: “another, Conejos [doubtless -Li Conigi], another, Cuervo Marines [Corvo--the sea crow island], so -that altogether there are 25 islands.” - -This account may not actually be later than the Atlante Mediceo -map,[268] attributed to 1351--may even have been suggested by it, as -some things seem to indicate. The Friar’s voyages are perhaps merely -imaginary, their variety and total extent being hardly believable. -This very important map has been best reproduced in the collection -by Theobald Fischer; on it the same name (Corvi Marinis) seems to -be applied to both islands collectively, the plural form “insule” -being used to introduce it. Both names appear on the Catalan map of -1375.[269] It is more than probable that they date at least from the -earlier half of the fourteenth century. - -Possibly the name Corvo had been carried over by a somewhat free -translation from the older Moorish seamen and cartographers, who -dominated this part of the outer ocean from the eighth century to the -twelfth. Edrisi,[270] greatest of Arab geographers, writing for King -Roger of Sicily about the middle of the twelfth century, tells us, -among other items, of the eastern Atlantic: - - Near this isle is that of Râca, which is “the isle of the - birds” (Djazîrato ’t-Toyour). It is reported that a species - of birds resembling eagles is found there, red and armed with - fangs; they hunt marine animals upon which they feed and never - leave these parts. - -This statement recalls the cormorants, which are supposed to be meant -by the sea crows, “corvi marinis” of the later maps. They would -naturally flock about the submerged ledges and the wild shore of Corvo -and may be held to suggest either the crow or the eagle, though not -closely resembling either. Everywhere they are the scavengers of the -deep seas. Edrisi mentions a legendary expedition sent by the “King of -France” after these birds. It ended in disaster. The pictorial record -on the Pizigani map of 1367[271] (Fig. 2), of Breton ships in great -trouble with a dragon of the air and a kraken, or decapod, on the -extreme western border of navigation, may conceivably refer to this -experience. - - -ANCIENT MEMORIALS - -But Corvo has even more ancient traditions and associations, Diodorus -Siculus,[272] in the first century before the Christian era, wrote of a -great Atlantic island, probably Madeira, which the Etrurians coveted -during their period of sea power; but the Carthaginians, its first -discoverers, prohibited them, wishing to keep it for their own uses. If -the Etrurians were thus well informed concerning one island of these -eastern Atlantic archipelagoes, it is a fair conjecture that they had -visited the others. - -However this may be, it seems that the Carthaginians left memorials -on Corvo. At least this is the most reasonable explanation of -the extraordinary story repeated by Humboldt[273] in the “Examen -Critique,” apparently with full faith in its main feature at least, -notwithstanding the fascinating atmosphere of romance and wonder which -hangs about the details. In the month of November, 1749, it appears, a -violent storm shattered an edifice (presumably submerged) off the coast -of Corvo, and the surf washed out of a vault pertaining to the building -a broken vase still containing golden and copper coins. These were -taken to a convent or monastery (probably on some neighboring island). -Some of them were given away as curiosities, but nine were preserved -and sent to a Father Flores at Madrid, who gave them to M. Podolyn. -Some of them bore for design the full figure of a horse; others bore -horses’ heads. Reproductions of the designs were published in the -_Memoirs of the Gothenburg Royal Society_[274] and compared with those -on coins in the collection of the Prince Royal of Denmark. It seems to -be agreed that they were certainly Phoenician coins of North Africa, -partly Carthaginian. - -It has been suggested[275] that they may have been left by Norman -or Arab seafarers, who certainly journeyed among the Azores in the -Middle Ages. But, as Humboldt points out, that these should have -left a hoard of exclusively Phoenician coins, so much more ancient -than their own, without even a single specimen of any other mintage, -appears very unlikely. On the other hand, it is true that Phoenician -vessels sailing northward in the tin or amber traffic would hardly -be likely to be storm-driven so far northwestward as Corvo; St. -Michael would have been a more natural involuntary landfall. This -objection does not apply, however, if we suppose the deposit to be -the work not of accident, but of full intention and deliberation, as -the alleged edifice and vault would certainly tend to show. If these -coins were deposited by Phoenicians who erected permanent buildings, -the remoteness of the island would be only an added reason for -commemoration. The coins might have been immured in the vault for safe -keeping or might have been enclosed in the corner stone, in accordance -with the general custom of placing coins and records in the corner -stones of notable structures. - -Of course these details cannot be confidently accepted. As Humboldt -suggests, it is to be regretted that we are without information as to -the period or character of the edifice in question. But at least it -seems most probable that Phoenicians occupied or at any rate visited -this island and deposited coins of Carthage. - - -EQUESTRIAN STATUES - -Furthermore, Corvo is one of several Atlantic islands reputed to have -been marked by monuments generally of one type. Edrisi[276] knows -of them in Al-Khalidat, the Fortunate Isles--bronze westward-facing -statues on tall columnar pedestals. There are said to have been six -such in all, the nearest being at Cadiz. Tradition places an equestrian -statue also on the island of Terceira, as repeated in a much more -modern work.[277] The Pizigani map of 1367, it will be remembered, -shows (Fig. 2) near where Corvo should be the colossal figure of a -saint warning mariners backward, with a confused inscription declaring -westward navigation impracticable beyond this point by reason of -obstructions and announcing that the statue is erected on the shore -of Atilie. But perhaps the best and most apposite account is that of -Manuel de Faria y Sousa in the “Historia del Reyno de Portugal:” - - In the Azores, on the summit of a mountain which is called the - mountain of the Crow, they found the statue of a man mounted - on a horse without saddle, his head uncovered, the left hand - resting on the horse, the right extended toward the west. The - whole was mounted on a pedestal which was of the same kind of - stone as the statue. Underneath some unknown characters were - carved in the rock.[278] - -Apparently the reference is to the first ascent of Corvo after its -rediscovery between 1449 and 1460. The mention of “characters” recalls -those found in a cave of St. Michael, also by rediscoverers, during -the same period, as related by Thevet[279] long afterward, most likely -from tradition. A man of Moorish-Jewish descent, who was one of the -party, thought he recognized the inscription as Hebrew, but could not -or did not read it. Some have supposed the characters to be Phoenician. -There is naturally much uncertainty about these stories of very early -observations by untrained men, recorded at last, as the result of a -long chain of transmissions: but they tend more or less to corroborate -the other evidences of Phoenician presence. - -It may be possible that the persistent and widely distributed story -of westward-pointing equestrian statues marking important islands -may have grown out of the ancient mention of the pillars of Saturn, -afterward Hercules, and Strabo’s discussion[280] as to whether they -were natural or artificial in origin; but this puts a severe strain on -fancy. We know that the Carthaginians did set up commemorative columns; -and that the horse figured conspicuously in their coinage. Nothing in -the enterprising character of the Phoenician people is opposed to the -idea of incitement to exploration westward. It seems easier to believe -that they set up these statuary monuments on one island after another -than that the whole tradition has grown out of a misunderstanding. -Such statues might well vanish subsequently as completely as the great -silver “tabula” map of Edrisi and many other valuable things of olden -time. - -Corvo has no statue now; but it is reputed to hold a statue’s -representative. Captain Boid (1834) relates: - - Corvo is the smallest, and most northerly of the Azores, - being only six miles in length, and three in breadth, with a - population of nine hundred souls. It is rocky and mountainous; - and on being first descried, exhibits a sombre dark-blue - appearance, which circumstance gave rise to its present - name, whereby it was distinguished by the early Portuguese - navigators.... It is not known at what period this island was - first visited, though from a combination of circumstances, - it is supposed, about the year 1460. The inhabitants are - ignorant, superstitious, and bigoted, in the highest degree, - and relate innumerable ridiculous traditions respecting their - country. Amongst other absurdities they state, with the utmost - gravity, that to Corvo is owed the discovery of the western - world--which, they say, originated through the circumstance - of a large projecting promontory on the N. W. side of the - island, possessing somewhat of the form of a human being, - with an outstretched arm toward the west; and this, they have - been led to believe, was intended by Providence, to intimate - the existence of the new world. Columbus, they say, first - interpreted it thus; and was here inspired with the desire to - commence his great researches.[281] - -Captain Boid was wrong in his derivation of the name Corvo, as we have -seen; wrong also, in another way, in despising the “superstitions” as -“absurd” and refusing them record, for they might embody some valuable -suggestion. Humboldt thought, however, that the story of the pointing -horseman might have grown out of this natural rock formed in human -semblance. No doubt this is possible; but it would not account for -like stories of the other islands nor the general similitude of their -figures. Perhaps an equally valid explanation might be found in the -former presence of such artificial figures, leaving a certain repute -behind them and causing popular fancy to point out resemblances which -would not have been noticed otherwise. - -A more recent mention of this pointing rock occurs in “A Trip to the -Azores” by Borges de F. Henriques, a native of Flores. He says: - - Another natural curiosity which has been defaced by the weather - and the bad taste of visitors is a rock resembling a horseman - with the right arm extended to the westward as if pointing the - way to the new world. Some insular writers deny the existence - of this rock.[282] - - -NEED OF EXPLORATION - -There seems still a good deal of vagueness about the matter, and Corvo -might well be given a thorough overhauling for vestiges of ancient -times. This naturally should be extended to the submerged area close -to the shore, for the outlying reefs and ridges may mark the site of -lower lands where human work once went on and where its traces and -relics may remain. In expanse the island probably was not always what -we find it now, six miles in length by at most three in breadth (seven -square miles in all, as most accounts compute it) with fringes of rock -running off from the shore, “lifting themselves high above the water in -one place, blackening the surface in another, and again sinking to such -a depth that the waves only eddy and bubble over them.” Mr. Henriques -says elsewhere: “In many of the islands, but especially in Flores, -there are vestiges clearly indicating that formerly as well as lately -parts of the island have sunk or rather disappeared in the sea.” He -cites for instance a notable loss of land in the summer of 1847. - -There is reason to believe that Corvo has dwindled in this way much -more, proportionately, than Flores. One striking indication is found -in the comparison of the present map with those of the fourteenth and -fifteenth centuries. For convenience sketches of these are appended -(Fig. 23). The relative position of the islands is about the same in -all. The form of Corvo varies from the pear shape of the Laurenziano -map (1351),[283] and another shape[284] not much later slightly -resembling an indented segment of a circle, to the three-lobed or -clover-leaf form which was accepted as the final convention or standard -and first clearly appears in the great Catalan atlas[285] of 1375, -repeated by Beccario 1435[286], Benincasa 1482[287], and others; but -all agree in making Corvo the main island and Li Conigi (Flores) -a minor pendant. Corvo seems in every way to have commanded chief -attention, and in size the difference was conspicuous and decisive. -The difference certainly is great enough now, but conditions and -proportions are reversed. Corvo has but one-eighth the area of Flores -and less than one-tenth the population. In all ways it lacks advantages -and conveniences, taking rather the place of a poor dependent. - -[Illustration: FIG. 23--Representation of Corvo on fourteenth- and -fifteenth-century maps as compared with its present outline. (The -sources may be identified from the text.)] - -There is no good reason for discrediting so many of the old maps. Their -makers sometimes went wrong; but they tried to be accurate and would -hardly, through a century or two, persist in making the northern island -the greater one unless it was at first really so. Of course the most -natural solution of the difficulty is that Corvo’s border has sunk or -the sea has risen over it, completely drowning the territory which made -the lobes or curved outline of the island form in the medieval maps -and leaving only above water its rocky backbone, with the crater for a -nucleus. Apparently those lobes and their contents are just what might -be most profitably dredged for and dived after. - -Perhaps the island has not greatly changed since Mr. Henriques wrote -his little sketch of it in the sixth decade of the last century: - - The first part of the ride to it [the crater] is through steep - and narrow lanes walled in with stones. Over those walls you - can sometimes see the country right and left, which is divided - into small and well-cultivated compartments by low stone walls. - These small fields form narrow terraces, one above another, - looking from the sea like steps in the hills. An hour’s ride - brings you to an open mountain covered with heath where browse - flocks of sheep and hogs, and about an hour and a half more - to the crater on the summit, now a quiet green valley, with a - dark, still pond in the center.... - - The Corvoites, particularly the women, are a happy and - industrious people and have strong and healthy constitutions. - The men in trade evince a remarkable shrewdness, proverbial - among the other Azorians, but in private life their manners - are simple and unassuming.... They are like a large family of - little less than a thousand members, all living in the only - village on the island.[288] - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -THE SUNKEN LAND OF BUSS AND OTHER PHANTOM ISLANDS - - -Beside those legendary Atlantic islands that may cast some light on -visits of white men to America before Columbus or have been at some -time linked therewith by speculation or tradition--notably Antillia -and its consorts, Brazil, Man or Mayda, Green Island, Estotiland and -Drogio, the Island or Islands of St. Brendan, and the Island of the -Seven Cities--there are numerous others, quite a swarm indeed, excusing -Ptolemy’s and Edrisi’s extravagant estimate of 27,000. Sometimes, but -not always, they are of more recent origin and are explainable in -various ways. - -Several are linked to the idea of volcanic destruction or seismic -engulfment. Of course the colossal and classical instance of Atlantis -comes first into mind, it being the earliest as well as in every way -the most imposing. Most likely the well-known story, repeated, if not -originated, by Plato, developed naturally, as we have seen, from the -insistent need to account for the obstructive weedy wastes of the -Sargasso Sea beyond the Azores and recurrent facts of minor cataclysms -among them. - -The next oldest instance, perhaps, is supplied by Ruysch’s map of -1508,[289] an inscription on which avers that an island in the sea -about midway between Iceland and Greenland had been totally destroyed -by combustion in the year 1456. We do not know his authority for this -startling announcement. The spot is where one would naturally look -for Gunnbjörn’s skerries of the older Icelandic writings; and no one -can find them now, unless they were, after all, but projecting points -of the eastern Greenland coast. Also Iceland is at times tremendously -eruptive; and this islet, or these islets, would not be far away. The -assertion is not in itself incredible, but there seems no corroboration. - - -THE DISCOVERY OF BUSS - -The “Sunken Island of Buss” presents a suggestion of engulfment on -a more extensive scale. The whole episode is of rather recent date, -Buss being the latest born of mythical or illusory islands, unless we -except Negra’s Rock and other alleged and unproven apparitions of land -on a very small scale, which may not have wholly ceased even yet. Buss -is, at any rate, the one moderately large phantom map island the time -and occasion of whose origin are securely recorded. For, as narrated -by Best and published in Hakluyt’s compilation, on Frobisher’s third -voyage (1578), one of his vessels, a buss, or small strong fishing -craft, of Bridgewater, named _Emmanuel_, made the discovery. In his -words: - - The Buss of Bridgewater, as she came homeward, to the - southeastward of Frisland, discovered a great island in the - latitude of 57 degrees and a half, which was never yet found - before, and sailed three days along the coast, the land seeming - to be fruitful, full of woods, and a champaign country.[290] - -Best must have had his information at second or third hand, with -liberal play of fancy in the final touches on the part of his informant -or himself. His was the first account published, but not long afterward -appeared that of an eyewitness, “Thomas Wiars, a passenger in the -_Emmanuel_, otherwise called the Busse of Bridgewater,” repeated -in Miller Christy’s admirable little treatise on the subject.[291] -Wiars says they fell with Frisland (probably a part of Greenland) on -September 8 and on September 12 reached this new island, coasted it for -parts of two days, and considered it 25 leagues long. There was much -ice near it. He gives no suggestion of fertility, woods, or fields. - -[Illustration: FIG. 24--Map of Buss Island from John Seller’s -“English Pilot,” probably 1673. (After Miller Christy’s photographic -facsimile.)] - - -ITS DISAPPEARANCE FROM THE MAP - -The only other witnesses to the visual existence of the island, so -far as recorded, were James Hall (probably by honest mistake) in 1606 -and Thomas Shepherd (gravely distrusted) in 1671.[292] Nevertheless -an impressive insular figure grew up in the maps, bearing the name -“Buss” to commemorate the vessel that first found it. In some instances -it was made a very large island indeed. Shepherd’s map, reproduced -herewith (Fig. 24), was accompanied by a brief descriptive narrative -which may be attributed to a fancy for yarning, with no strong curb of -conscience on the fancy. Buss remained an accepted figure of geography -for considerably more than a century. - -Quite naturally, however, the efforts of reliable searchers failed -to find this island again, for it was not really there. A theory of -cataclysm seemed more acceptable than to discard outright what so -many maps, books, and traditions had attested. Van Keulen’s chart of -1745[293] led the way with the inscription “The submerged land of Buss -is nowadays nothing but surf a quarter of a mile long with rough sea. -Most likely it was originally the great island of Frisland.” So the -name “Sunken Land of Buss” passed into general use with geographic -sanction. After much disturbance of mariners’ and cartographers’ minds -not only the phantom island but its legacy, the supposed line of -breakers and dangers, vanished altogether from the records. There is -no “Buss” to be found on maps after about the middle of the nineteenth -century, though the preceding hundred years had been prolific in them. -Probably we must suppose a later date for the cessation of current -mention of the sunken land of that name, in recognition of what, -according to belief, once had been but existed (above water) no longer. - -Indeed, even after the opening of this twentieth century the same -hypothesis has revived,[294] with scientific support of a submarine -range in 53° N. and 35° W., really ocean-bottom mountains 8,000 feet -high between Ireland and Newfoundland, reported upon in 1903 by Captain -de Carteret of the cable ship _Minia_. They are not on the same spot -and would still require a great lift to reach the surface. Of course -their past sinking is not impossible, but there is no need to explain -Buss by cataclysm any more than Mayda or Brazil Island, Drogio or -Icaria. - - -ISLANDS OF DEMONS - -Somewhat allied by nature to these reported isles of destruction and -disappearance are the islands of imported diabolism, appearing on -maps now and then through the centuries. Bianco’s “The Hand of Satan” -(1436[295]; Fig. 25), if correctly translated (see Ch. X, p. 156), is -probably the first to present this quality. He locates the sinister -island well to the southward; but the most pictorial appearance is -Gastaldi’s (for Ramusio) “Island of Demons,”[296] with its eager and -capering imps at the bleak and savage northern end of Newfoundland. The -preferred site, however, would seem to be yet a little farther north. -Ruysch, in the map referred to above, which announces the burning up -of Gunnbjörn’s skerries, exhibits two Insulae Demonium near the middle -of the dreaded Ginnungagap passage between Labrador and Greenland. -There is no suggestion of volcanic action in their case, and it does -not appear that any real islands occupied the spot. The reason for the -delineation and the name is still to seek. - -The map of 1544, attributed to Sebastian Cabot,[297] makes a single -island of them, “marked Y. de Demones”, and brings it nearer -the eastern front of Labrador below Hamilton Inlet. Agnese[298] -in the same century enlarges it greatly but still keeps it just off -the Labrador coast. The Ortelius map of 1570[299] (Fig. 10) shows -the insular haunt of devils, plural again in form and name, but -retains approximately the site chosen by Cabot. Mercator’s world -map of 1569[300] keeps the islands plural beside the upper tip of -Newfoundland, approximating Gastaldi’s position. There seems to have -been a pronounced and general concurrence of belief in diabolical evil -in the northeastern coast of America, perhaps because it is there that -the Arctic current brings down its tremendous freight, and tempests are -at their wildest, and all barrenness and bleakness at their worst. - -[Illustration: FIG. 25--Section of the Bianco map of 1436 showing -the Island of the Hand of Satan and Antillia. (After Kretschmer’s -hand-copied reproduction.)] - - -SAINTLY ISLANDS - -Much farther south, on the lines followed by Columbus and his Latin -successors and in the tracks of vessels plying between the eastern -Atlantic archipelagoes and the West Indies, what may be considered -as a contrary impulse--that of exultant religious enthusiasm--came -into play in island naming. The Island of the Seven Cities (Ch. V) -will be recalled but needs no further consideration here. St. Anne, -La Catholique, St. X, and Incorporado (in the sense of Christ’s -Incarnation) are among the more conspicuous instances. The second-named -was always in low latitudes. It occurs in the latitude of the tip of -Florida, in mid-Atlantic in the Desceliers map of 1546[301] (Fig. 9); -also as “La Catolico” on Portuguese maps, with similar situation. -Desceliers shows Encorporade (Incorporado) about east of Cape Hatteras -and south of western Newfoundland; but he also has Encorporada Adonda -not far from Nova Scotia. Thomas Hood (1592)[302] makes a wild and -unenlightened transformation of Incorporado to “Emperadada” and puts -it about opposite the site of Savannah, but not so far east as the -considerable outjutting of the coast which must be meant for Cape -Hatteras and its neighborhood. However, this location is not very -different from that usually given it. Desceliers has two islands -marked St. X, one being in the longitude of St. Michaels and latitude -of Bermuda; the other in the longitude of eastern Newfoundland and -latitude of the Hudson. In about the same latitude as the latter, and -more than half way between it and the Azores, an island called St. -Anne is shown. There seems nothing real to prompt the derivation of -these religiously named islands. Perhaps they are merely the offspring -of optical delusion, fancy, and fervor. - - -DACULI AND BRA - -On the other side of the Atlantic the much earlier map island Daculi -must be reckoned as of kin to them, since its map legends deal with -beneficent wonder working or magical medical aid, and its name may be -identical with or have originated the saintly one which still denotes -an outlying Hebridean island. Though less renowned than the island of -Brazil and less significant, Daculi shares with it the record for first -appearance of mythical islands on portolan maps. - -Dalorto’s map of 1325[303] (Fig. 4) already indicated as the earliest -one of much interest in this special regard, presents many islands of -familiar or unfamiliar names near Ireland and Scotland. Nobody can -mistake the rightly located Man, Bofim, and Brascher (the Blaskets). -Insula Sau must be Skye, though with the outline of the Kintyre -peninsula. Sialand seems to be Shetland. Tille may be Orkney displaced. -Galuaga or Saluaga probably stands for the main body of the Long Island -(Harris, Lewis, etc.) of the outer Hebrides. Bra is no doubt Barra and -has generally been thus accepted, though out of line with Galuaga and -too far eastward. Brazil, as already reported, is naturally farther at -sea opposite Brascher. Finally our subject for present consideration, -Daculi, lies off the northwestern corner of Ireland, north of Brazil -Island and west of Bra, with which last it has in later maps a curious -legendary association. With Insula de Montonis, as Brazil is also -called on Dalorto’s map, it may be linked in another way by their -Italian names, for Daculi seems capable of that derivation, “culla” -being “cradle” in that language, plural “culli,” easily modified to -“culi” by careless speech or writing. The introductory preposition “da” -in one use has an especial relation to nativity; thus Zuan da Napoli -means John born at Naples, that is John of Naples in this sense. The -blending of preposition and noun in one word, “Daculi,” is no more than -sometimes happened on the maps to the article and noun “Li Conigi,” the -Rabbit Island, making it “Liconigi,” now long known as Flores. This -explanation would interpret Daculi as the “Island of the Cradles,” -or “Cradle Island.” Some other derivation may indeed possibly be as -defensible; but it should be borne in mind that Italian traders ranged -very early up and down the Irish coast, and that name would curiously -coincide with the tradition at least afterward current concerning the -island. - -To review a few later but still very early maps:--Dulcert, 1339,[304] -shows some irrelevant changes farther north and east; but his Hebridean -islands repeat very nearly the form given them by Dalorto (believed by -many to be the same man), and there is no significant change in Bra or -Daculi, though the first syllable of the latter becomes Di. - -The Atlante Mediceo, of 1351,[305] makes more changes than Dulcert -among these islands and leaves unnamed the one which by position seems -meant for Bra, or Barra. Daculi is largely expanded and named Insul -Dach indistinctly. - -The Pizigani map of 1367[306] (Fig. 2) modifies many names. Daculi -becomes Insuldacr in one word; but its place remains nearly as in -Dalorto’s map, though most of the other islands are drawn closer to -Ireland, so that Bra is nearly stranded thereon. A line of inscription -seems to relate to Bra--“Ich sont ysula qu--[possibly pronominal -abbreviation] abitabi honõ quõ morit may.” Perhaps some of these words -should be read differently, and “abitabi” needs some recasting. I will -not attempt to interpret but should infer that Bra had its troubles. -They do not seem to have extended to Daculi. - -Pareto’s fine map of 1455[307] (Fig. 21) applies the following more -extended and significant legend to Daculi: “Item est altera insulla -nomine Bra in qua femine que in insulla ipsa habitant non pariuntur -sed quando est eorum tempus pariendi feruntur foras insulla et ibi -pariuntur secundum tempus.” From this we may gather that the outer -island Daculi was believed to afford especial aid in childbearing to -women carried thither after being baffled on the inner island Bra, -and we see readily the appositeness of the name “cradle” applied to -the former. Beccario’s map of 1435[308] (Fig. 20), though without the -legend, had already adopted in “Insulla da Culli” almost exactly the -form of the name which we have divined, with apparently that meaning. - -St. Kilda seems to me the most plausible original for Daculi that has -been suggested. It is true that Barra is actually south of the parallel -of latitude of that most lonely western sentinel of the Hebrides, -and there is no obvious link of relation between them. Also the rock -islet of North Barra is about as far above it, equally unconnected and -not likely ever to have maintained much population. But so simple a -misunderstanding on the part of the old cartographers would be no more -than what happened to them all the time, and exact identity of latitude -is unimportant. There is, in fact, no land on the site given Daculi in -any of these old maps; and Bra, as noted, is absurdly out of place for -Barra. How the tradition grew up we do not know. Perhaps it was some -tale picked up by coasting Italian traders, partly misunderstood and -passed on by them to the map-makers at home. St. Kilda, lost in the -mists and mystery of the Atlantic, of holy name and miracle-working -associations, and out of touch with most tests of reality, seems a -likely place to be linked to some less abnormal island by a fanciful -contribution of saintly white magic, a rumor originating nobody knows -how. - - -GROCLAND, HELLULAND, ETC. - -On the western side of the Atlantic there are divers instances of -island names given of old--sometimes with considerable changes of -location, area, or outline, or of all three--to regions which we -know quite otherwise. Some of these have been dealt with extensively -already. Greenland has a lesser neighbor, Grocland, on its western -side in divers sixteenth-century maps; which I take to be a magnified -presentation of Disko or possibly a reflection of Baffin Land brought -near. It appears conspicuously in Mercator’s map of the Polar basin -(1569),[309] the Hakluyt map of 1587 illustrating Peter Martyr,[310] -and the map of Mathias Quadus (1608).[311] - -This is not the place to enlarge on the Helluland, Markland, and -Vinland of the Norsemen beginning with the eleventh century, as this -theme has been dealt with elsewhere.[312] But they were often thought -of as islands, as shown by the notice of Adam of Bremen. Perhaps -there was never any great clearness of conception as to extent or -form. But in a general way they may be identified respectively with -northern Labrador, Newfoundland, and the warmer parts of the Atlantic -coast. Great Iceland, or White Men’s Land, seems also to have been -understood as what we should now call America. Eugène Beauvois located -it conjecturally about the mouth of the St. Lawrence River.[313] -Dr. Gustav Storm, on the other hand, thought it was merely Iceland -misunderstood.[314] - - -STOKAFIXA - -Perhaps the latter explanation is the best yet given of the mysterious -island Scorafixa, or Stokafixa, in Andrea Bianco’s map of 1436.[315] -It has sometimes been understood as Newfoundland, which bore long -afterward the name Bacalaos, the equivalent in a different tongue of -the northern “stockfish,” our codfish. But it would naturally be freely -applied to any island in rather high latitudes which was conspicuous -for that fishery, and Stokafixa seems near of kin to Fixlanda, which -figures on divers maps as a combined suggestion of Iceland and the -imaginary Frisland but with geographical features mainly borrowed -from the former. The first-named identification may be tempting as -establishing another pre-Columbian discovery of America, but it quite -lacks corroboration; and Iceland was a great center of codfishery, -distributing its name and attributes rather liberally in legend and -on the maps. Humboldt incidentally mentions “l’île des Morues (île de -Stockfisch, _Stokafixa_)” on the seventh map of the atlas of Bianco, -1436. I do not clearly make out the name on T. Fischer’s facsimile -reproduction;[316] but from position and appearance the island seems -meant for Iceland. - - -OTHER MAP ISLANDS IN THE NORTHWESTERN ATLANTIC - -The Grand Banks and other banks of Newfoundland, with the Virgin Rocks -and perhaps other piles or pinnacles rising from that bed nearly to -the surface so as to be uncovered in some tides; Sable Island, a -rather long way offshore; Cape Breton Island and fragments of the main -shore--may be held responsible for some map islands such as Arredonda -and Dobreton, Jacquet I., Monte Christo, I. de Juan, and Juan de Sampo. - -There are still other islands mostly north of the latitude of Bermuda -and between it and the Azores or northeastern America, but far at sea, -of which one can make little, except as probably complimenting some -pilot, skipper, or other individual, or commemorating some incident -which has nevertheless been generally forgotten. Thus Negra’s Rock, -which has hardly ceased to appear on the maps, does not really exist -but may keep us in mind, by its rather sinister and mythical sound, -that a certain Captain Negra once thought he saw something solid in -the great liquid and reported accordingly. Of such origin, perhaps, -are I. de Garcia, Y Neufre, Y d’Hyanestienne, Lasciennes, and divers -others scattered over various maps and offering no promise of reward -for hunting down their pedigrees or history. All these distinctly -post-Columbian islands are quite too recent and casual to throw any -light on the earlier historically and geographically significant -“mythical islands” or on what these reveal. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -SUMMARY - - -It seems neither practicable nor desirable to recapitulate minutely -in this final chapter the rather numerous distinctive features of the -present work; but attention may properly be directed to some of its -salient conclusions. In stating them positively as below, here or -elsewhere, I do not mean to be offensively dogmatic but to present -concisely my own deductions from evidence which I have been at some -pains to gather. - -Atlantis was a creation of philosophic romance, incited and aided -by miscellaneous data out of history, tradition, and known physical -phenomena, especially by rumors of the weed-encumbered windless dead -waters of the Sargasso Sea. There never was any such gorgeous and -dominant Atlantic power as the Atlantis of Plato, able to overrun and -conquer more than half of the Mediterranean and contend with Athens in -a struggle of life and death. - -St. Brendan did not cross the Atlantic nor discover any island in its -remoter reaches, where some maps show islands bearing his name. He -seems, however, to have visited divers eastern Atlantic islands, now -well known; and it is quite likely that most of the portolan maps of -the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries are right in linking his -name especially to Madeira and her neighbors. - -Brazil Island is a conspicuously complex problem. Probably it -represents the region around the Gulf of St. Lawrence, brought on the -same parallel unduly near the Irish shore. Thus understood, it would -be, presumably, but not necessarily, the cartographic record of some -early Irish voyage far to the westward. It does not appear on any -extant map before 1325, but maps showing the Atlantic and its remoter -islands (apart from the hopeless distortions of Edrisi and certain -monks) can hardly be said to have existed earlier. - -Man, or Mayda, is frequently a more southern and western companion of -Brazil Island on the old maps and may stand for Bermuda or for some -jutting point, like Cape Cod, on the American coast. Some indications -connect it with the Bretons, some with the Arabs. It has borne divers -names. We cannot tell who first found and reported it. - -The Island of the Seven Cities derived its name from a very credible -Spanish and Portuguese tradition of escape from the Moors by sea early -in the eighth century. It may first have been localized as St. Michaels -of the Azores, where a valley still bears the name. Afterward it was -confused for a long time with Antillia and still later was distributed -rather widely over sea and land, the Seven Cities not always insisting -on being insular but appearing now just back of the American Atlantic -coast line, now in the far and arid Southwest. - -Of the Norse discoveries in America at the opening of the eleventh -century, Helluland represents the northern treeless waste of upper -Labrador and beyond; Markland represents the forested zone next below, -notably Newfoundland, with probably southern Labrador supplying only -timber and game; and Vinland, or Wineland, represents all that immense -region where the climate was milder and wine grapes grew. Straumey was -Grand Manan Island; Straumfiord, Passamaquoddy Bay with Grand Manan -Channel; Hop, Mount Hope Bay, R. I., or some bay of the eastern front -of southern New England; the Wonderstrands, some part of the prevalent -American coastal front of unending strand and dune. It is needless to -particularize further. - -Antillia is Cuba; Reylla, Jamaica; Salvagio, or Satanaxio, Florida; I -in Mar, one or more of the Bahamas. Early in the fifteenth century some -Iberian navigator, probably Portuguese, visited these islands and made -the report that resulted in the addition of these islands to divers -maps. They, in turn, were among the inciting causes of the undertaking -of Columbus. - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -[1] The Historical Library of Diodorus the Sicilian, in 15 Books, to -which are added the fragments of Diodorus, and those published by H. -Valesius, I. Rhodomannus, and F. Ursinus, transl. by G. Booth, Esq., 2 -vols., London, 1814; reference in Vol. 1, Bk. 3, Ch. 4, p. 195, and Bk. -4, Ch. 1, pp. 235 and 243. - -[2] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Facsimile-Atlas to the Early History of -Cartography, transl. by J. A. Ekelöf and C. R. Markham, Stockholm, -1889, p. 131. - -[3] I Kings, 10: 22. - -[4] Chau Ju-Kua: His Work on Chinese and Arab Trade in the Twelfth and -Thirteenth Centuries Entitled Chu-fan-chï, transl. and annotated by -Friedrich Hirth and W. W. Rockhill, St. Petersburg, 1911, p. 142. - -[5] W. H. Holmes: Handbook of Aboriginal American Antiquities, _Bur. of -Amer. Ethnology, Bull. 60, Part I_, Smithsonian Instn., Washington, D. -C., 1919, p. 27. - -[6] Historical Library, Vol. 1, Bk. 5, Ch. 2, p. 309. - -[7] _Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections_, Vol. 59, No. 19, -Washington, D. C., 1913. See also: Recent History and Present Status of -the Vinland Problem, _Geogr. Rev._, Vol. 11, 1921, pp. 265–282. - -[8] Edrisi’s “Geography,” in two versions, the first based on two, -the second on four manuscripts, viz.: (1) P. A. Jaubert (translator): -Géographie d’Edrisi, traduite de l’Arabe en Français, 2 vols. (Recueil -de Voyages et de Mémoires publié par la Société de Géographie, Vols. -5 and 6), Paris, 1836 and 1840; reference in Vol. 2, p. 27; (2) R. -Dozy and M. J. De Goeje (translators): Description de l’Afrique et de -l’Espagne par Edrisi: Texte arabe publié pour la première fois d’après -les man. de Paris et d’Oxford, Leiden, 1866. - -[9] M. d’Avezac: Notice des découvertes faites au Moyen Age dans -l’Océan Atlantique antérieurement aux grandes explorations portugaises -du quinzième siècle, Paris, 1845, p. 23. - -[10] [E. F.] Jomard: Les monuments de la géographie, ou recueil -d’anciennes cartes européennes et orientales ..., Paris, [1842–62], Pl. -X, 1. - -[11] Henry Vignaud: The Columbian Tradition on the Discovery of America -and of the Part Played Therein by the Astronomer Toscanelli, Oxford, -1920. - -[12] Benjamin Jowett: The Dialogues of Plato, Translated into English -with Analyses and Introductions, 3rd edit., 5 vols., London and New -York, 1892; reference in Vol. 3, p. 534. - -[13] Encyclopaedia Britannica, 11th edit., Vol. 21, p. 823. - -[14] Atlantis, the “Lost” Continent: A Review of Termier’s Evidence, -_Geogr. Rev._, Vol. 3, 1917, pp. 61–66; reference on p. 62. - -[15] Pierre Termier: Atlantis (transl. from _Bull. l’Inst. Océanogr. -No. 256_, Monaco), _Ann. Rept. Smithsonian Instn. for 1915_, -Washington, D. C., pp. 219–234; reference on p. 222. - -[16] _Ibid._, pp. 220–221. - -[17] The Historical Library of Diodorus the Sicilian in 15 Books, to -which are added the fragments of Diodorus, and those published by H. -Valesius, I. Rhodomannus, and F. Ursinus, transl. by G. Booth, Esq., 2 -vols., London, 1814; reference in Vol. 1, Bk. 4, Ch. 1, p. 234. - -[18] _Ibid._, Vol. 1, Bk. 3, Ch. 4, p. 195. - -[19] Jowett, _op. cit._, Vol. 3, pp. 536–539. - -[20] Termier, pp. 228–229. - -[21] _Ibid._, pp. 230, 231. - -[22] _Geogr. Rev._, Vol. 3, 1917, p. 65. - -[23] Termier, pp. 231 and 232. - -[24] R. F. Scharff: Some Remarks on the Atlantis Problem, _Proc. Royal -Irish Acad._, Vol. 24. Section B, 1903, pp. 268–302; reference on p. -297. - -[25] _Idem_: European Animals: Their Geological History and -Geographical Distribution, London and New York, 1907, pp. 102 and 104. - -[26] L. F. Navarro: Nuevas consideraciones sobre el problema de la -Atlantis, Madrid, 1917, pp. 6 and 15 (extract from _Rev. Real Acad. de -Ciencias Exactas, Fisicas y Naturales de Madrid_, Vol. 15, 1917, pp. -537–552). - -[27] Termier, pp. 226 and 227. - -[28] _Geogr. Rev._, Vol. 3, 1917, p. 66. - -[29] Sir John Murray: The Ocean: A General Account of the Science of -the Sea (Home University Library of Modern Knowledge, No. 76), New -York, 1913, p. 33. - -[30] T. J. Westropp: Brasil and the Legendary Islands of the North -Atlantic: Their History and Fable, _Proc. Royal Irish Acad._, Vol. 30, -Section C, 1912–13, pp. 223–260; reference on p. 249. - -[31] E. L. Stevenson: Portolan Charts, _Publs. Hispanic Soc. of Amer. -No. 82_, New York, 1911, pp. 5–6. - -[32] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Periplus: An Essay on the Early History of -Charts and Sailing-Directions, transl. by F. A. Bather, Stockholm, -1897, p. 8. - -[33] Fridtjof Nansen: In Northern Mists: Arctic Exploration in Early -Times, transl. by A. G. Chater, 2 vols., New York, 1911; reference in -Vol. 1, p. 38. - -[34] _Ibid._, pp. 40–41. - -[35] Nansen, In Northern Mists, p. 41. - -[36] [E. F.] Jomard: Les monuments de la géographie, ou recueil -d’anciennes cartes européennes et orientales ..., Paris, [1842–62], Pl. -X, 1. - -[37] J. C. Soley: Circulation of the North Atlantic in February and in -August [sheet of text with charts on the reverse]. Supplement to the -Pilot Chart of the North Atlantic Ocean for 1912, Hydrographic Office, -Washington, D. C. - -Otto Krümmel: Die nordatlantische Sargassosee, _Petermanns Mitt._, Vol. -37, 1891, pp. 129–141, with map. - -Gerhard Schott: Géographie des Atlantischen Ozeans, Hamburg, 1912, pp. -162–164 and 268–269, Pls. 16 and 26. - -[38] Krümmel (paper cited in footnote 26) suggests applying the name -Sargasso Sea to the area limited by the curve of 5 per cent probability -of occurrence on his map (our Fig. 1). This area amounts to 4,500,000 -square kilometers, or somewhat less than half the area of Europe. -Schott (see footnote 26), p. 140, gives 8,635,000 square kilometers as -the area of his natural region Sargasso Sea, which is based not only -on the occurrence of gulfweed but also on the prevailing absence of -currents and on the relatively high temperature of the water in all -depths.--EDIT. NOTE. - -[39] T. A. Janvier: In the Sargasso Sea, New York, 1896, p. 26. - -[40] _Ibid._, p. 27. - -[41] Murray, pp. 140–141. - -[42] Soley, column 2, lines 3–5. - -[43] Reprint of Hydrographic Information: Questions and Answers, No. 2, -June 2, 1910, Hydrographic Office, Washington, D. C., p. 17. - -[44] Anecdota Exoniensia: Lives of the Saints, from the Book of -Lismore, edited, with a translation, notes, and indices, by Whitley -Stokes, Oxford, 1890, p. 252. - -[45] T. J. Westropp: Brasil and the Legendary Islands of the North -Atlantic: Their History and Fable, _Proc. Royal Irish Acad._, Vol. 30, -Section C, 1912–13, pp. 223–260; reference on p. 230. - -[46] Westropp, Brasil, p. 229. - -[47] The Anglo-Norman Trouvères of the 12th and 13th Centuries, -_Blackwood’s Edinburgh Mag._, Vol. 39, 1836, pp. 806–820; reference on -p. 808. - -[48] Alexander von Humboldt: Examen critique de l’histoire de la -géographie du nouveau continent et des progrès de l’astronomie nautique -aux quinzième et seizième siècles, 5 vols., Paris, 1836–39; reference -in Vol. 2, p. 166. - -[49] R. D. Benedict: The Hereford Map and the Legend of St. Brandan, -_Bull. Amer. Geogr. Soc._, Vol. 24, 1892, pp. 321–365; reference on p. -344. - -[50] Edrisi’s “Geography,” in two versions, the first based on two, -the second on four manuscripts, viz.: (1) P. A. Jaubert (translator): -Géographie d’Edrisi, traduite de l’Arabe en Français, 2 vols. (Recueil -de Voyages et de Mémoires publié par la Société de Géographie, Vols. -5 and 6), Paris, 1836 and 1840; reference in Vol. 2, p. 27; (2) R. -Dozy and M. J. De Goeje (translators): Description de l’Afrique et de -l’Espagne par Edrisi: Texte arabe publié pour la première fois d’après -les man. de Paris et d’Oxford, Leiden, 1866. - -[51] Konrad Miller: Die Weltkarte des Beatus (776 n. Chr.), with -facsimile of one derivative, Heft 1 of his “Mappaemundi: Die ältesten -Weltkarten,” Stuttgart, 1895. The 9 other derivatives on Pls. 2–9 of -Heft 2 (Atlas von 16 Lichtdrucktafeln, Stuttgart, 1895). - -[52] The Guanches of Tenerife: The Holy Image of Our Lady of Candelaria -and the Spanish Conquest and Settlement, by the Friar Alonso de -Espinosa of the Order of Preachers, translated and edited, with notes -and an introduction, by Sir Clements Markham, _Hakluyt Soc. Publs._, -2nd Ser., Vol. 21, London, 1907, p. 29. - -[53] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Periplus: An Essay on the Early History of -Charts and Sailing-Directions, Stockholm, 1897, Pl. 8. - -[54] The Geography of Strabo, literally translated with notes: the -first six books by H. C. Hamilton, the remainder by W. Falconer, 3 -vols., H. C. Bohn, London, 1854–57; reference in Vol. 1, p. 226. - -[55] The Historical Library of Diodorus the Sicilian, in 15 Books, to -which are added the fragments of Diodorus, and those published by H. -Valesius, I. Rhodomannus, and F. Ursinus; transl. by G. Booth, Esq., 2 -vols., London, 1814; reference in Vol. 1, Bk. 5, Ch. 2, pp. 308–309. - -[56] [E. F.] Jomard: Les monuments de la géographie, ou recueil -d’anciennes cartes européennes et orientales ..., Paris, [1842–62], Pl. -X, 1. - -[57] Theobald Fischer: Sammlung mittelalterlicher Welt- und Seekarten -italienischen Ursprungs, 1 vol. of text and 17 portfolios containing -photographs of maps, Venice, 1877–86; reference in Portfolio 5 -(Facsimile del Portolano Laurenziano-Gaddiano dell’ anno 1351), Pl. 4. - -[58] Book of the Knowledge of All the Kingdoms, Lands, and Lordships -That Are in the World, and the Arms and Devices of Each Land and -Lordship, or of the Kings and Lords Who Possess Them, written by a -Spanish Franciscan in the middle of the 14th century, published for -the first time with notes by Marcos Jiménez de la Espada in 1877, -translated and edited by Sir Clements Markham, _Hakluyt Soc. Publs._, -2nd Ser., Vol. 29, London, 1912; reference on p. 29. - -[59] Theobald Fischer, Portfolio 8 (Facsimile del Portolano di Giacomo -Giraldi di Venezia dell’anno 1426), Pl. 4. - -[60] First published by the author in the _Geogr. Rev._, Vol. 8, 1919, -Pl. 1, facing p. 40. - -[61] Gustavo Uzielli: Mappamondi, carte nautiche e portolani del -medioevo e dei secoli delle grandi scoperte marittime construiti da -italiani o trovati nelle biblioteche d’Italia, Part II (pp. 280–390) -of “Studi Bibliografici e Biografici sulla Storia della Geografia -in Italia,” published on the occasion of the Second International -Geographical Congress, Paris, 1875, by the Società Geografica Italiana, -Rome, 1875; reference on Pl. 8 (the second edition, Rome, 1882, does -not contain the plates). - -[62] Konrad Kretschmer: Die Entdeckung Amerika’s in ihrer Bedeutung für -die Geschichte des Weltbildes, 2 vols. (text and atlas), Berlin, 1892; -reference in atlas, Pl. 5. - -[63] _Ibid._, atlas, Pl. 4. - -[64] W. H. Babcock: Indications of Visits of White Men to America -before Columbus, _Proc. 19th Internatl. Congr. of Americanists held at -Washington, Dec. 27–31, 1915_, [Smithsonian Institution], Washington, -D. C., 1917, pp. 469–478; map on p. 476. - -[65] Theobald Fischer, Portfolio 11, Pls. 3 and 4. - -[66] _Ibid._, Portfolio 13, Pl. 5. - -[67] E. G. Ravenstein: Martin Behaim, His Life and His Globe, London, -1908, p. 59. - -[68] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 7. - -[69] S. E. Dawson: The Voyages of the Cabots in 1497 and 1498; With an -Attempt to Determine Their Landfall and to Identify Their Island of St. -John, _Trans. Royal Soc. of Canada_, Vol. 12, Section II, 1894; map -on p. 86. The map is also reproduced by Jomard, in the work cited in -footnote 13. - -[70] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Facsimile-Atlas to the Early History of -Cartography, transl. by J. A. Ekelöf and C. R. Markham, Stockholm, -1889, Pl. 46. - -[71] Alberto Magnaghi: La carta nautica costruita nel 1325 da Angelino -Dalorto, with facsimile, Florence, 1898 (published on the occasion -of the Third Italian Geographical Congress). Cf. also: _idem_: Il -mappamondo del genovese Angellinus de Dalorto (1325): Contributo alla -storia della cartografia mediovale, _Atti del Terzo Congr. Geogr. -Italiano, tenuto in Firenzi dal 12 al 17 Aprile, 1898_, Florence, -1899, Vol. 2, pp. 506–543; and _idem_: Angellinus de Dalorco (_sic_), -cartografo italiano della prima metà del secolo XIV, _Riv. Geogr. -Italiana_, Vol. 4, 1897, pp. 282–294 and 361–369. - -[72] James Hardiman: The History of the Town and County of Galway from -the Earliest Period to the Present Time, Dublin, 1820, p. 2. - -[73] [M. F.] Santarem: Atlas composé de mappemondes, de portulans, et -de cartes hydrographiques et historiques depuis le VI^e jusqu’au XVII^e -siècle ... devant servir de preuves à l’histoire de la cosmographie et -de la cartographie pendant le Moyen Age ..., Paris, 1842–53, Pls. 43–48 -(Quaritch’s notation); reference on Pl. 46. - -[74] Alexander von Humboldt: Examen critique de l’histoire de la -géographie du nouveau continent, 5 vols., Paris, 1836–39.; reference -in Vol. 2, pp. 216–223. See also Fridtjof Nansen: In Northern Mists: -Arctic Exploration in Early Times, transl. by A. G. Chater, 2 vols, New -York. 1911; reference in Vol. 2, p. 229. - -[75] L. A. Muratori: Antiquitates Italicae Medii Aevi, 6 vols., Milan, -1738–42; reference in Vol. 2, pp. 891 and 894. - -[76] Sir Henry Yule: The Book of Ser Marco Polo the Venetian Concerning -the Kingdoms and Marvels of the East, 3rd edit., revised ... by Henri -Cordier, 2 vols., London, 1903; reference in Vol. 2, p. 299. See also -pp. 306, 313, and 315 (note 4). - -[77] Antonio de Capmany: Memorias historicas sobre la marina, comercio, -y artes de la antigua ciudad de Barcelona, 4 vols., Madrid, 1779–92; -reference in Vol. 2, pp. 4, 17, and 20. - -[78] T. J. Westropp: Early Italian Maps of Ireland from 1300 to 1600. -With Notes on Foreign Settlers and Trade, _Proc. Royal Irish Acad._, -Vol. 30, Section C, 1912–13, pp. 361–428; reference on p. 393. - -[79] Humboldt, Examen critique, Vol. 2, p. 223. - -[80] See Soncino’s second letter to the Duke of Milan, published in -many works on John Cabot; e. g. in “The Northmen, Columbus, and Cabot, -985–1503,” edited by J. E. Olsen and E. G. Bourne (Series: Original -Narratives of Early American History), New York, 1906; reference on p. -426. - -[81] [E. F.] Jomard: Les monuments de la géographie, ou recueil -d’anciennes cartes européennes et orientales ..., Paris, [1842–62], Pl. -X, 1. - -[82] Book of the Knowledge of All the Kingdoms, Lands, and Lordships -That Are in the World, and the Arms and Devices of Each Land and -Lordship, or of the Kings and Lords Who Possess Them, written by a -Spanish Franciscan in the middle of the 14th century, published for -the first time with notes by Marcos Jiménez de la Espada in 1877, -translated and edited by Sir Clements Markham, _Hakluyt Soc. Publs._, -2nd Ser., Vol. 29, London, 1912, p. 29. - -[83] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Periplus: An Essay on the Early History of -Charts and Sailing-Directions, transl. by F. A. Bather, Stockholm, -1897, Pl. 22. - -[84] _Ibid._, Pl. 26. - -[85] _Ibid._, Pl. 15. - -[86] Theobald Fischer: Sammlung mittelalterlicher Welt- und Seekarten -italienischen Ursprungs, 1 vol. of text and 17 portfolios containing -photographs of maps, Venice, 1877–86; reference in Portfolio 11 -(Facsimile della Carta nautica de Andrea Bianco dell’ anno 1448), Pl. 3. - -[87] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Periplus, Pl. 8. - -[88] Theobald Fischer, Portfolio 5 (Facsimile del Portolano -Laurenziano-Gaddiano dell’ anno 1351), Pl. 5. - -[89] W. H. Babcock: Indications of Visits of White Men to America -before Columbus, _Proc. 19th Internatl. Congr. of Americanists, Held at -Washington, Dec. 27–31, 1915_ [Smithsonian Institution], Washington, D. -C., 1917, pp. 469–478; map on p. 476. - -[90] Theobald Fischer, Portfolio 8 (Facsimile del Portolano di Giacomo -Giraldi di Venezia dell’ anno 1426), Pl. 5. - -[91] The section of which the author has a photograph (first published -in the _Geogr. Rev._, Vol. 8, 1919, opposite p. 40, and here -reproduced, Fig. 3, somewhat curtailed) does not extend far enough to -show the island of Brazil. - -[92] Gustavo Uzielli: Mappamondi, carte nautiche e portolani del -medioevo e dei secoli delle grandi scoperte marittime construiti da -italiani o trovati nelle biblioteche d’Italia, Part II (pp. 280–390) -of “Studi Bibliografici e Biografici sulla Storia della Geografia -in Italia,” published on the occasion of the Second International -Geographical Congress, Paris, 1875, by the Società Geografica Italiana, -Rome, 1875; reference on Pl. 8 (the second edition, Rome, 1882, does -not contain the plates). - -[93] In the Kohl collection of maps relating to America, No. 17, in the -Library of Congress, Washington, D. C. - -[94] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Periplus, Pl. 20; Theobald Fischer, Portfolio -II, Pl. 3. - -[95] Original in Majorca. A good copy is owned by T. Solberg, Register -of Copyrights, Washington, D. C. - -[96] Konrad Kretschmer: Die Entdeckung Amerika’s in ihrer Bedeutung für -die Geschichte des Weltbildes, 2 vols. (text and atlas), Berlin, 1892; -reference in atlas, Pl. 5. - -[97] E. L. Stevenson: Facsimiles of Portolan Charts Belonging to the -Hispanic Society of America, _Publs. Hispanic Soc. of Amer. No. 104_, -New York, 1916, Pl. 2. - -[98] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 4, map 1. - -[99] _Ibid._, Pl. 7. - -[100] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Periplus. Pl. 11. - -[101] _Ibid._, p. 164. - -[102] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 4, map 8. - -[103] Justin Winsor: Cartier to Frontenac, Geographical Discovery in -the Interior of North America in Its Historical Relations, 1534–1700. -With Full Cartographical Illustrations from Contemporary Sources, -Boston and New York, 1894; reference on p. 28. - -[104] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 4, map 5. - -[105] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Periplus, Pl. 29. - -[106] Nansen, In Northern Mists, Vol. 2, p. 228. - -[107] T. J. Westropp: Brasil and the Legendary Islands of the North -Atlantic: Their History and Fable, _Proc. Royal Irish Acad._, Vol. 30, -Section C, 1912–13, pp. 223–260. - -[108] Winsor, Cartier to Frontenac. p. 60. - -[109] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Periplus, Pl. 27. - -[110] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 19, map 3. - -[111] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Bidrag till Nordens äldsta Kartografi. -Stockholm, 1892, Pl. 5. Also (reduced) in Nansen’s “In Northern Mists,” -Vol. 2, p. 280, and in T. J. Westropp’s “Brasil.” Pl. 20, facing p. 260. - -[112] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Periplus. p. 90; also discussed by Joseph -Fischer: The Discoveries of the Norsemen in America, With Special -Relation to Their Early Cartographical Representation, transl. by B. H. -Soulsby, and London, 1903. - -[113] Winsor, Cartier to Frontenac, p. II. - -[114] See Ayala’s letter to Ferdinand and Isabella, copied in many -Cabot narratives; e. g. in the work cited above in footnote 10, p. 430, -and at the beginning of the next chapter. - -[115] G. E. Weare: Cabot’s Discovery of North America, London, 1897, p. -59. - -[116] Alberto Magnaghi: La carta nautica costruita nel 1325 da Angelino -Dalorto, with facsimile, Florence, 1898 (published on the occasion -of the Third Italian Geographical Congress). Cf. also: _idem_: Il -mappamondo del genovese Angellinus de Dalorto (1325): Contributo alla -storia della cartografia mediovale, _Atti del Terzo Congr. Geogr. -Italiano, tenuto in Firenze dal 12 al 17 Aprile, 1898_, Florence, -1899, Vol. 2, pp. 506–543; and _idem_: Angellinus de Dalorco (_sic_), -cartografo italiano della prima metà del secolo XIV, _Riv. Geogr. -Italiana_, Vol. 4, 1897, pp. 282–294 and 361–369. - -[117] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Periplus: An Essay on the Early History of -Charts and Sailing-Directions, transl. by F. A. Bather, Stockholm, -1897, Pl. 2. - -[118] Konrad Kretschmer: Die Entdeckung Amerika’s in ihrer Bedeutung -für die Geschichte des Weltbildes, 2 vols. (text and atlas), Berlin, -1892; reference in atlas, Pl. 4, map 8. - -[119] E. g. by Nordenskiöld, _op. cit._, p. 164. - -[120] Ferdinand Columbus: The History of the Life and Actions of Adm. -Christopher Columbus, and of His Discovery of the West-Indies, Call’d -the New World, Now in Possession of His Catholic Majesty. Written by -His Own Son, transl. from the Italian and contained in “A Collection of -Voyages and Travels, Some Now First Printed from Original Manuscripts, -Others Now First Published in English,” by Awnsham Churchill and John -Churchill (6 vols., London, 1732), Vol. 2, pp. 501–628; reference on p. -512. - -[121] [E. F.] Jomard: Les monuments de la géographie, ou recueil -d’anciennes cartes européennes et orientales ... Paris, [1842–62], Pl. -X, 1. - -[122] Gustavo Uzielli: Mappamondi, carte nautiche e portolani del -medioevo e dei secoli delle grandi scoperte marittime construiti da -italiani o trovati nelle biblioteche d’Italia, Part II (pp. 280–390) -of “Studi Bibliografici e Biografici sulla Storia della Geografia -in Italia,” published on the occasion of the Second International -Geographical Congress, Paris, 1875, by the Società Geografica Italiana, -Rome, 1875; reference on Pl. 8 (the second edition, Rome, 1882, does -not contain the plates). - -[123] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 4, map 1. - -[124] W. H. Babcock: Indications of Visits of White Men to America -before Columbus, _Proc. 19th Internatl. Congr. of Americanists, Held at -Washington, Dec. 27–31, 1915,_ [Smithsonian Institution], Washington, -D. C., 1917, pp. 469–478; map on p. 476. - -[125] E. G. Ravenstein: Martin Behaim: His Life and His Globe, London, -1908, p. 77. - -[126] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Facsimile-Atlas to the Early History of -Cartography, transl. by J. A. Ekelöf and C. R. Markham, Stockholm, -1889, p. 65 and Pl. 32. - -[127] Ferdinand Columbus, p. 514. - -[128] Antonio Galvano: The Discoveries of the World from Their First -Original unto the Year of Our Lord 1555, _Hakluyt Soc. Publs._, 1st -Series, Vol. 30, London, 1862, p. 72. - -[129] Manuel de Faria y Sousa: The History of Portugal, transl. by -Capt. John Stevens, London, 1698; reference in Bk. 2, Ch. 6, p. 112. - -[130] Manuel de Faria y Sousa: Epitome de las Historias Portuguesas, 2 -vols., Madrid, 1628; reference in Part II, Ch. 7, p. 257. - -[131] E. L. Stevenson: Atlas of Portolan Charts: Facsimile of -Manuscript in British Museum, _Publs. Hispanic Soc. of Amer. No. 81_, -New York, 1911, folio 1b. - -[132] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 17. - -[133] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Facsimile-Atlas, Pl. 46. - -[134] _Ibid._, Pl. 47. - -[135] A. S. Brown: Guide to Madeira and the Canary Islands (with notes -on the Azores), 5th edit., London, 1898, p. 148. - -[136] N. Buache: Recherches sur l’ile Antillia et sur l’époque de -découverte d’Amérique, _Mémoires de l’Institut des Sciences, Lettres, -et Arts_, Vol. 6, 1806, pp. 1–29, following p. 84 of Section entitled -“Histoire” and appended list. See p. 13. - -[137] Alexander von Humboldt: Examen critique de l’histoire de la -géographie du nouveau continent et des progrès de l’astronomie nautique -aux quinzième et seizième siècles, 5 vols., Paris, 1836–39; reference -in Vol. 2, p. 281. - -[138] Joseph Bullar and Henry Bullar: A Winter in the Azores and a -Summer in the Baths of the Furnas, 2 vols., London, 1841; reference in -Vol. 2, pp. 242–247. - -[139] Alexander von Humboldt: Examen critique de l’histoire de la -géographie du nouveau continent et des progrès de l’astronomie nautique -aux quinzième et seizième siècles, 5 vols., Paris, 1836–39; reference -in Vol. 2, p. 163. - -[140] Konrad Kretschmer: Die Entdeckung Amerika’s in ihrer Bedeutung -für die Geschichte des Weltbildes, 2 vols (text and atlas), Berlin, -1892; reference in atlas, Pl. 12, map 1. - -[141] [E. F.] Jomard: Les monuments de la géographie, ou recueil -d’anciennes cartes européennes et orientales.... Paris, [1842–62], Pl. -X, 1. - -[142] Theobald Fischer: Sammlung mittelalterlicher Welt- und Seekarten -italienischen Ursprungs, 1 vol. of text and 17 portfolios containing -photographs of maps, Venice, 1877–86; reference in Portfolio 11 -(Facsimile della carta nautica di Andrea Bianco dell’ anno 1448), Pl. -3. See also Kretschmer, text, p. 184. - -[143] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Periplus: An Essay on the Early History of -Charts and Sailing-Directions, transl. by F. A. Bather, Stockholm, -1897, Pl. 8. - -[144] _Ibid._, Pl. 11. - -[145] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 5. - -[146] Listed as No. 17 in Justin Winsor: The Kohl Collection (now -in the Library of Congress) of Maps Relating to America, Library of -Congress, Washington, D. C., 1904, p. 27. - -[147] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Periplus, Pl. 15. - -[148] _Ibid._, Pl. 18. - -[149] Theobald Fischer, Portfolio 8 (Facsimile del Portolano di Giacomo -Giraldi di Venezia dell’ anno 1426). - -[150] The section of which the author has a photograph (first -published in the _Geogr. Rev._, Vol. 8, 1919, opposite p. 40, and here -reproduced, Fig. 3, somewhat curtailed) does not extend far enough to -show the island. - -[151] Gustavo Uzielli: Mappamondi, carte nautiche e portolani del -medioevo e dei secoli delle grandi scoperte marittime construiti da -italiani o trovati nelle biblioteche d’Italia, Part II (pp. 280–390) -of “Studi Bibliografici e Biografici sulla Storia della Geografia -in Italia,” published on the occasion of the Second International -Geographical Congress, Paris, 1875, by the Società Geografica Italiana, -Rome, 1875; reference on Pl. 8 (the second edition, Rome, 1882, does -not contain the plates). - -[152] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Periplus, Pl. 20.; Theobald Fischer, -Portfolio 11, Pl. 3. - -[153] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Periplus, Pl. 33. - -[154] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 4, map 1. - -[155] E. L. Stevenson: Facsimiles of Portolan Charts Belonging to the -Hispanic Society of America, _Publs. Hispanic Soc. of Amer. No. 104_, -New York, 1916, Pl. 2. - -[156] W. H. Babcock: Indications of Visits of White Men to America -before Columbus, _Proc. 19th Internatl. Congr. of Americanists, Held at -Washington, Dec. 27–31, 1915_, [Smithsonian Institution,] Washington, -D. C., 1917, pp. 469–478; map on p. 476. - -[157] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Periplus, Pl. 22. - -[158] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 9, map 3; also in A. E. Nordenskiöld: -Facsimile-Atlas to the Early History of Cartography, transl. by J. A. -Ekelöf and C. R. Markham, Stockholm, 1889, Pl. 32. - -[159] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 14, map 5. - -[160] _Ibid._, Pl. 15. - -[161] _Ibid._, Pl. 12, map 2. - -[162] _Ibid._, Pl. 4, map 5. - -[163] _Ibid._, Pl. 17; also A. E. Nordenskiöld, Periplus, Pl. 51. - -[164] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Periplus, Pl. 27. - -[165] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 19, map 3. - -[166] Justin Winsor: Cartier to Frontenac: Geographical Discovery in -the Interior of North America in Its Historical Relations, 1534–1700, -with Full Cartographical Illustrations from Contemporary Sources, -Boston and New York, 1894, p. 60. - -[167] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Periplus, Fig. 76, p. 163. - -[168] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Facsimile-Atlas, Pl. 46. - -[169] _Ibid._, Pl. 47. - -[170] Copy in map collection of American Geographical Society. - -[171] Atlas universel, par M. Robert, Géographe ordinaire du Roy, et -par M. Robert de Vaugondy, son fils, ... Paris, 1757, Pl. 13. - -[172] [E. M.] Blunt’s New Chart of the Atlantic or Western Ocean, New -York, 1814. - -[173] Theobald Fischer, Portfolio 5 (Facsimile del Portolano -Laurenziano-Gaddiano dell’ anno 1351), Pl. 4. - -[174] Book of the Knowledge of All the Kingdoms, Lands, and Lordships -That Are in the World, and the Arms and Devices of Each Land and -Lordship, or of the Kings and Lords Who Possess Them, written by a -Spanish Franciscan in the middle of the 14th century, published for -the first time with notes by Marcos Jiménez de la Espada in 1877, -translated and edited by Sir Clements Markham, _Hakluyt Soc. Publs._, -2nd Ser., Vol. 29, London, 1912, p. 29. - -[175] Fridtjof Nansen: In Northern Mists: Arctic Exploration in Early -Times, transl. by A. G. Chater, 2 vols., New York, 1911; reference in -Vol. 1, pp. 192 and 194. - -[176] Konrad Kretschmer: Die Entdeckung Amerika’s in ihrer Bedeutung -für die Geschichte des Weltbildes, 2 vols. (text and atlas), Berlin, -1892; reference in atlas, Pl. 14, map 5. - -[177] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Bidrag till nordens äldsta kartografi, -Stockholm, 1892, Pl. 5. Also (reduced) in Nansen (Vol. 2, p. 285), -and in T. J. Westropp: Brasil and the Legendary Islands of the North -Atlantic: Their History and Fable, _Proc. Royal Irish Acad._, Vol. 30, -Section C, 1912–13, pp. 223–260; see Pl. 20, opp. p. 260. - -[178] Thormodus Torfaeus: Gronlandia Antiqua seu veteris Gronlandiae -descriptio, Copenhagen, 1706; Tabula I, facing p. 20. - -[179] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 13. - -[180] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Periplus: An Essay on the Early History of -Charts and Sailing-Directions, transl. by F. A. Bather, Stockholm, -1897, Pl. 27. - -[181] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 19, map 3. - -[182] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Facsimile-Atlas to the Early History of -Cartography, transl. by J. A. Ekelöf and C. R. Markham, Stockholm, -1889, p. 67. - -[183] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 17. - -[184] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Facsimile-Atlas, Pl. 46. - -[185] _Ibid._, Pl. 47. - -[186] Quoted by Nansen in his “In Northern Mists,” Vol. 1, p. 260. - -[187] Henry Rink: Danish Greenland, Its People and Its Products, -London, 1877, pp. 306–312 and _passim_. - -[188] William Hovgaard: The Voyages of the Norsemen to America -(Scandinavian Monographs, Vol. 1), American-Scandinavian Foundation, -New York, 1914, pp. 25 and 26. - -[189] Finnur Jónsson: Grönlands gamle Topografi efter Kilderne: -Österbygden og Vesterbygden, _Meddelelser on Grönland_, Vol. 20 (text, -pp. 267–329), Pls. 2 and 3, 1899. - -[190] _Op. cit._, p. 27. - -[191] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Facsimile-Atlas, p. 49. Also copied by Joseph -Fischer: The Discoveries of the Norsemen in America, With Special -Relation to Their Early Cartographical Representation, transl. by B. H. -Soulsby, London, 1903, p. 70. - -[192] Joseph Fischer, Pls. 1–8. See also the map of Henricus Martillus -Germanus (1489) in E. G. Ravenstein: Martin Behaim, His Life and His -Globe, London, 1908, p. 67. The name Greenland does not appear on the -latter map, but the peninsula is there. - -[193] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 4, map 4; better facsimile reproductions -in the works by Major and Lucas cited in footnotes 1 and 2, Ch. IX. - -[194] Thormodus Torfaeus: Gronlandia Antiqua, seu veteris Gronlandiae -descriptio. Copenhagen, 1706, Tabula II, after p. 20. Also reproduced -by Gustav Storm: Studies on the Vineland Voyages, _Mémoires Soc. Royale -des Antiquaires du Nord_ (Copenhagen), N. S., 1884–89, pp. 307–370 (map -on p. 333); by Fridtjof Nansen: In Northern Mists, Vol. 2, p. 7; and -by W. H. Babcock: Early Norse Visits to North America, _Smithsonian -Misc. Colls._, Vol. 59, No. 19, Washington, D. C., 1913, map facing p. -62; by Hovgaard, _op. cit._, opp. p. 118. These are two versions, the -one appearing in Torfaeus (1706), reproduced herewith (Fig. 18) and -by Nansen, the other a copy of about 1670 belonging to Bishop Thordr -Thorláksson, now preserved in the Royal Library of Copenhagen (Old -Collection, No. 2881, 4to), of Stefánsson’s original map, which was -lost. The earlier version is reproduced by Storm, Babcock, and Hovgaard. - -[195] Hovgaard. p. 39. - -[196] Often quoted, e. g. by Hovgaard, p. 37. - -[197] Pp. 69–124 in Gustav Storm: Monumenta historica Norvegiae, -Christiania, 1880; reference on p. 76. In English, e. g. in Hovgaard, -p. 167. - -[198] Portolano Laurenziano-Gaddiano, 1351; see Pl. 5 of facsimile in -Portfolio 5 of Theobald Fischer: Sammlung mittelalterlicher Welt- und -Seekarten italienischen Ursprungs, 1 vol. of text and 17 portfolios -containing photographs of maps, Venice, 1877–1886. - -Catalan atlas, 1375, Pls. 11–14 in A. E. Nordenskiöld: Periplus: An -Essay on the Early History of Charts and Sailing-Directions, transl. by -F. A. Bather, Stockholm, 1897. - -Pareto map, 1455, Pl. 5 in atlas accompanying Konrad Kretschmer: -Die Entdeckung Amerika’s in ihrer Bedeutung für die Geschichte des -Weltbildes, 2 vols. (text and atlas), Berlin, 1892 (our Fig. 21). - -[199] M. A. P. d’Avezac: Notice des découvertes faites au Moyen-Age -dans l’Océan Atlantique antérieurement aux grandes explorations -portugaises du quinzième siècle, Paris, 1845, pp. 8–9. See “I de -Madera” on Benincasa map, 1482, in Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 4 (our Fig. -22). - -[200] Fully set forth in A. M. Reeves: The Finding of Wineland the -Good, London, 1890; summarized in W. H. Babcock: Early Norse Visits to -North America, _Smithsonian Misc. Colls._, Vol. 59, No. 19, Washington, -D. C., 1913, pp. 64 _et seq._ - -[201] Reeves, pp. 42 _et seq._ This work gives facsimiles of the pages -in Hauk’s Book dealing with the saga of Eric the Red, as well as the -printed text in Icelandic, also a translation and notes distinguishing -slight divergencies of Arna Magnæan MS. 557. I have followed the latter -as slightly preferable and equally authentic and archaic in substance. -William Hovgaard (The Voyages of the Norsemen to America, New York, -1914, p. 103) translates a little differently from Reeves in details -but gives much the same purport. - -[202] For example by Joseph Fischer: The Discoveries of the Norsemen -in America, With Special Relation to Their Early Cartographical -Representation, transl. by B. H. Soulsby, London, 1903, pp. 7–8. - -[203] Thus quoted in Reeves, p. 15. See also Hovgaard, p. 79, where the -obscure phrase in quotation marks above is rendered “Karlsefni cut wood -for a house ornament.” - -[204] Thormodus Torfaeus: Gronlandia Antiqua, seu veteris Gronlandiae -descriptio, Copenhagen, 1706, Tabula II, after p. 20. See also footnote -20, Chapter VII. - -[205] Fridtjof Nansen: In Northern Mists: Arctic Exploration in Early -Times, transl. by A. G. Chater, New York, 1911, 2 vols.: reference -in Vol. 1, p. 323. Cf. R. Whitbourne: A Discourse and Discovery of -Newfoundland, London, 1622. - -[206] E. L. Stevenson: Maps Illustrating Early Discovery and -Exploration in America, 1502–1530, Reproduced by Photography from the -Original Manuscripts, text and 12 portfolios, New Brunswick, N. J., -1906; reference in Portfolio 1. - -[207] E. L. Stevenson: Marine World Chart of Nicolo de Canerio -Januensis, 1502 (circa), 2 vols. (text, 1908, and facsimile in -portfolio, 1907), Amer. Geogr. Soc. and Hispanic Soc. of Amer., New -York, 1907–08. - -[208] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Bidrag till nordens äldsta kartografi, -Stockholm, 1892, Pl. 5. Also (reduced) in Nansen: In Northern Mists, -Vol. 2, p. 280, and in T. J. Westropp: Brasil and the Legendary Islands -of the North Atlantic: Their History and Fable (_Proc. Royal Irish -Acad._, Vol. 30, Section C, 1912–13, pp. 223–260), Pl. 20, facing p. -260. - -[209] Alberto Maghaghi: La carta nautica costruita nel 1325 da Angelino -Dalorto, with facsimile, Florence, 1898 (published on the occasion -of the Third Italian Geographical Congress). Cf. also: _idem_: Il -mappamondo del genovese Angellinus de Dalorto (1325): Contributo alla -storia della cartografia mediovale, _Atti del Terzo Congr. Geogr. -Italiano, tenuto in Firenze dal 12 al 17 Aprile, 1898_, Florence, -1899, Vol. 2, pp. 506–543; and _idem_: Angellinus de Dalorco (_sic_), -cartografo italiano della prima metà del secolo XIV, _Riv. Geogr. -Italiana_, Vol. 4, 1897, pp. 282–294 and 361–369. - -[210] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Periplus, Pl. 27. - -[211] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 19, map 3. - -[212] Theobald Fischer, Portfolio 11, Pl. 3. - -[213] R. H. Major, transl. and edit.: The Voyages of the Venetian -Brothers, Nicolò and Antonio Zeno, to the Northern Seas, in the XIVth -Century, etc., _Hakluyt Soc. Publs._, 1st Ser., Vol. 50, London, 1873; -and F. W. Lucas: The Annals of the Voyages of the Brothers Nicolò and -Antonio Zeno in the North Atlantic, etc., London, 1898--representing -opposite sides of the discussion. - -[214] George Cartwright: Journal of Transactions and Events During a -Residence of Nearly Sixteen Years on the Coast of Labrador, 3 vols., -Newark (Engl.), 1792. Republished as “Captain Cartwright and His -Labrador Journal,” with an introduction by W. T. Grenfell, Boston. -1911; reference on pp. 16–25. - -[215] R. H. Major, transl. and edit.: The Voyages of the Venetian -Brothers, Nicolò and Antonio Zeno, to the Northern Seas, in the XIVth -Century, etc., _Hakluyt Soc. Publs._, 1st Ser., Vol. 50, London, 1873. - -[216] F. W. Lucas: The Annals of the Voyages of the Brothers Nicolò and -Antonio Zeno in the North Atlantic, etc., London, 1898, p. 152. - -[217] _Ibid._, Pls. 13 (Mercator’s large-scale world map, 1569) and 14 -(Ortelius’ large-scale world map, 1570). Ortelius’ small-scale world -map, 1570, of a section of which our Fig. 10 is a reproduction, is -facsimiled in A. E. Nordenskiöld: Facsimile-Atlas to the Early History -of Cartography, transl. by J. A. Ekelöf and C. R. Markham, Stockholm, -1889, Pl. 46. - -[218] Major, pp. 19–24. - -[219] Recently on exhibition, but not accessible at present. - -[220] Eugène Beauvois: La découverte du nouveau monde par les -irlandais, Nancy. 1877, p. 90. - -[221] Konrad Kretschmer: Die Entdeckung Amerika’s in ihrer Bedeutung -für die Geschichte des Weltbildes, 2 vols. (text and atlas), Berlin, -1892; reference in atlas, Pl. 4, map 5. - -[222] A. M. Reeves: The finding of Wineland the Good. London, 1890, pp. -94–95. - -[223] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Periplus: An Essay on the Early History of -Charts and Sailing-Directions, transl. by F. A. Bather, Stockholm, -1897, Pl. 27. - -[224] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 19, map 3. - -[225] Justin Winsor: Cartier to Frontenac: Geographical Discovery in -the Interior of North America in Its Historical Relations, 1534–1700, -with Full Cartographical Illustrations from Contemporary Sources, -Boston, 1894, pp. 60–61. - -[226] Lucas, p. 124. - -[227] Lucas, p. 74. - -[228] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Periplus, text maps 34 and 35, on pp. 85 and -87, and Pl. 32; _idem_: Facsimile-Atlas, Pl. 30. The first three maps -are also reproduced in _idem_: Bidrag till Nordens äldsta Kartografi, -Stockholm, 1892, Pls. 3, 1, 2. - -[229] Joseph Fischer: The Discoveries of the Norsemen in America with -Special Relation to Their Early Cartographical Representation, transl. -by B. H. Soulsby, London, 1903, pp. 71 and 72 and Pls. 1–6. - -[230] J. G. Kohl: A History of the Discovery of the East Coast of North -America, Particularly the Coast of Maine, from the Northmen in 990 to -the Charter of Gilbert in 1578 (Documentary History of the State of -Maine, Vol. 1). _Colls. Maine Hist. Soc._, 2d Ser., Portland, 1869, p. -105. - -[231] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 4, map 5. - -[232] [M. F.] Santarem: Atlas composé de mappemondes, de portulans, et -de cartes hydrographiques et historiques depuis le VI^e jusqu’au XVII^e -siècle ... devant servir de preuves à l’histoire de la cosmographie -et de la cartographie pendant le Moyen Age ..., Paris. 1842–53, Pl. 9 -(Quaritch’s notation). - -[233] E. L. Stevenson: Maps Illustrating Early Discovery and -Exploration in America, 1502–1530, Reproduced by Photography from the -Original Manuscripts, text and 12 portfolios, New Brunswick. N. J., -1906; reference in Portfolio 1. - -[234] Ferdinand Columbus: The History of the Life and Actions of Adm. -Christopher Columbus, and of His Discovery of the West-Indies, Call’d -the New World, Now in Possession of His Catholic Majesty. Written by -His Own Son, transl. from the Italian and contained in “A Collection of -Voyages and Travels, Some Now First Printed from Original Manuscripts, -Others Now First Published in English,” by Awnsham Churchill and John -Churchill (6 vols., London, 1732), Vol. 2, pp. 501–628; reference on p. -507. - -[235] E. L. Stevenson: Atlas of Portolan Charts: Facsimile of -Manuscript in British Museum, _Publs. Hispanic Soc. of Amer. No. 81_, -New York, 1911, folios 1b and 8b. - -[236] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Bidrag till Nordens äldsta Kartografi, -Stockholm, 1892, Pl. 5. - -[237] E. g. in [Henry Harrisse]: Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima: -Additions, Paris, 1872, pp. xvi-xviii; and Ferdinand Columbus: The -History of the Life and Actions of Adm. Christopher Columbus, and -of His Discovery of the West-Indies, Call’d the New World, Now in -Possession of His Catholic Majesty. Written by His Own Son, transl. -from the Italian and contained in “A Collection of Voyages and Travels, -Some Now First Printed from Original Manuscripts, Others Now First -Published in English,” by Awnsham Churchill and John Churchill (6 -vols., London, 1732), Vol. 2, pp. 501–628; reference on p. 512. - -[238] Henry Vignaud: The Columbian Tradition on the Discovery of -America and of the Part Played Therein by the Astronomer Toscanelli, -Oxford, 1920, pp. 9–10; and _idem_: Le vrai Christophe Colomb et la -légende, Paris, 1921, Ch. IX. - -[239] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Periplus: An Essay on the Early History of -Charts and Sailing-Directions, transl. by F. A. Bather, Stockholm, -1897, p. 177. - -[240] E. G. Ravenstein: Martin Behaim: His Life and His Globe, London, -1908, p. 77. - -[241] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Facsimile-Atlas to the Early History of -Cartography, transl. by J. A. Ekelöf and C. R. Markham, Stockholm, -1889, p. 65 and Pl. 32. - -[242] Pietro Martyr d’Anghiera: The Decades of the New World or West -India, transl. by Rycharde Eden, London, 1597, First Decade, p. 6. For -a modern edition of this work see “De Orbe Novo: The Eight Decades of -Peter Martyr D’Anghera,” transl. by F. A. MacNutt, 2 vols., New York, -1912. - -[243] E. L. Stevenson: Marine World Chart of Nicolo de Canerio -Januensis, 1502 (circa), 2 vols. (text, 1908, and facsimile in -portfolio, 1907), Amer. Geogr. Soc. and Hispanic Soc. of Amer., New -York, 1907–08. - -[244] Konrad Kretschmer: Die Entdeckung Amerika’s in ihrer Bedeutung -für die Geschichte des Weltbildes, 2 vols. (text and atlas), Berlin, -1892; see atlas, Pl. 8, map 2. - -[245] Friedrich Kunstmann: Ueber einige der ältesten Karten Amerikas, -pp. 125–151 in his “Die Entdeckung Amerikas, nach den ältesten -Quellen geschichtlich dargestellt,” with an atlas: Atlas zur -Entdeckungsgeschichte Amerikas, aus Handschriften der K. Hof- und -Staats-Bibliothek, der K. Universitaet und des Hauptconservatoriums der -K. B. Armee herausgegeben von Friedrich Kunstmann, Karl von Spruner, -Georg M. Thomas, Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences, Munich, 1859; -reference on Pl. 4 of atlas. - -[246] Theobald Fischer: Sammlung mittelalterlicher Welt- und Seekarten -italienischen Ursprungs, 1 vol. of text and 17 portfolios containing -photographs of maps, Venice, 1877–86; reference in Portfolio 13 -(Facsimile del planisfero del mondo conosciuto, in lingua catalana, del -xv secolo), Pl. 5. - -[247] [E. F.] Jomard: Les monuments de la géographie, ou recueil -d’anciennes cartes européennes et orientales ... Paris, [1842–62], Pl. -X, 1. In Santarem’s atlas (cf. Ch. IX, footnote 18), Pl. 31, the name -is interpreted as “Atullis.” - -[248] E. L. Stevenson: Atlas of Portolan Charts: Facsimile of -Manuscript in British Museum, _Publs. Hispanic Soc. of Amer. No. 81_, -New York, 1911, folio 9a. - -[249] _Ibid._, folio 1b. - -[250] Vicenzio Formaleoni: Description de deux cartes anciennes tirées -de la Bibliothèque de St. Marc à Venise, pp. 91–168 of the same -author’s “Essai sur la marine ancienne des Vénitiens,” transl. by the -Chevalier d’Henin, Venice, 1788; reference on p. 122 and Pl. III. - -[251] Alexander von Humboldt: Examen critique de l’histoire de la -géographie du nouveau continent, et des progrès de l’astronomie -nautique aux quinzième et seizième siècles, 5 vols., Paris, 1836–39; -reference in Vol. 2, p. 193. The other mentions of Humboldt in this -chapter refer to the same volume, pp. 178–211, except allusions to his -correspondence with the Weimar librarian. - -[252] _Ibid._, p. 211. - -[253] [E. F.] Jomard: Les monuments de la géographie, ou recueil -d’anciennes cartes européennes et orientales..., Paris, [1842–62], Pl. -X, 1. - -[254] Periplus, p. 177. - -[255] W. H. Babcock: Indications of Visits of White Men to America -before Columbus, _Proc. 19th Internatl. Congr. of Americanists, Held at -Washington, Dec. 27–31, 1915_, [Smithsonian Institution,] Washington, -D. C., 1917. map on p. 476. - -[256] Gustavo Uzielli: Mappamondi, carte nautiche e portolani del -medioevo e dei secoli delle grandi scoperte marittime construiti da -italiani o trovati nelle biblioteche d’Italia, Part II (pp. 280–390) -of “Studi Bibliografici e Biografici sulla Storia della Geografia -in Italia,” published on the occasion of the Second International -Geographical Congress, Paris, 1875, by the Società Geografica Italiana, -Rome, 1875; reference on Pl. 8 (the second edition, Rome, 1882, does -not contain the plates). - -[257] E. L. Stevenson: Facsimiles of Portolan Charts Belonging to the -Hispanic Society of America, _Publs. Hispanic Soc. of Amer. No. 104_, -New York, 1916, Pl. 2. - -[258] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Periplus, Pl. 20. Cf. also Kretschmer, atlas, -Pl. 4. map 2. - -[259] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 5. - -[260] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 4. - -[261] See footnotes 18 and 19. - -[262] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Facsimile-Atlas, p. 73, map in text. - -[263] Theobald Fischer, Portfolio 8 (Facsimile del Portolano di Giacomo -Giraldi di Venezia dell’ anno 1426). - -[264] Original in Majorca. A good copy is owned by T. Solberg, Register -of Copyrights, Washington, D. C. - -[265] Theobald Fischer, Portfolio 15 (Facsimile del Mappamondo di Fra -Mauro dell’ anno 1457 [1459]). - -[266] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 7. - -[267] Book of the Knowledge of All the Kingdoms, Lands, and Lordships -That Are in the World, and the Arms and Devices of Each Land and -Lordship, or of the Kings and Lords Who Possess Them, written by a -Spanish Franciscan in the middle of the 14th century, published for -the first time with notes by Marcos Jiménez de la Espada in 1877, -translated and edited by Sir Clements Markham, _Hakluyt Soc. Publs._, -2nd Ser., Vol. 29, London, 1912; reference on p. 29. - -[268] Theobald Fischer: Sammlung mittelalterlicher Welt- und Seekarten -italienischen Ursprungs, 1 vol. of text and 17 portfolios containing -photographs of maps, Venice, 1877–86; reference in Portfolio 5 -(Facsimile del Portolano Laurenziano-Gaddiano dell’ anno 1351), Pl. 4. - -[269] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Periplus: An Essay on the Early History of -Charts and Sailing-Directions, transl. by F. A. Bather, Stockholm, -1897, Pl. 11. Our reproduction (Fig. 5) does not extend far enough -south to show the islands. - -[270] Edrisi’s “Geography,” in two versions, the first based on two, -the second on four manuscripts, viz.: (1) P. A. Jaubert (translator): -Géographie d’Edrisi, traduite de l’Arabe en Français, 2 vols. (Recueil -de Voyages et de Mémoires publié par la Société de Géographie, Vols. -5 and 6), Paris, 1836 and 1840; reference in Vol. 1, p. 201; (2) R. -Dozy et M. J. De Goeje (translators): Description de l’Afrique et de -L’Espagne par Edrisi: Texte arabe publié pour la première fois d’après -les man. de Paris et d’Oxford, Leiden, 1866, pp. 63–64. - -[271] [E. F.] Jomard: Les monuments de la géographie, ou recueil -d’anciennes cartes européennes et orientales ..., Paris, [1842–62], -Pl. X, 1. Also W. H. Babcock: Early Norse Visits to North America, -_Smithsonian Misc. Colls._, Vol. 59, No. 19, Washington, D. C., 1913, -Pls. 1 and 2. - -[272] The Historical Library of Diodorus the Sicilian, in 15 Books: to -which are added the fragments of Diodorus, and those published by H. -Valesius, I. Rhodomannus, and F. Ursinus, transl. by G. Booth, Esq., 2 -vols., London, 1814; reference in Vol. 1, Bk. 5, Ch. 2, pp. 308–309. - -[273] Alexander von Humboldt: Examen critique de l’histoire de la -géographie du nouveau continent et des progrès de l’astronomie nautique -aux quinzième et seizième siècles, 5 vols., Paris, 1836–39; reference -in Vol. 2, pp. 237–240. - -[274] _Det Götheborgska Wetenskaps och Witterhets Samhällets -Handlingar_, Vol. 1, 1778, pp. 106–108, and Pl. 6. See also Moedas -phenicias e cyrenaicas encontradas em 1749 na ilha do Corvo, _Archivo -dos Açores_, Vol. 3, pp. 11–113. - -[275] Conrad Malte-Brun: Précis de géographie universelle, 8 vols., -Paris, 1810–29; reference in Vol. 1 of that edition, constituting -“L’Histoire de la Géographie,” 1810, p. 596. - -[276] Edrisi, (Dozy and De Goeje), p. 1. - -[277] S. Morewood: Philosophic and Statistical History of Inventions -and Customs, ... Inebriating Liquors, Dublin, 1838, p. 322. - -[278] Humboldt, Examen critique, Vol. 2, p. 227. - -[279] André Thevet: La cosmographie universelle, 2 vols., Paris, 1575; -reference in Vol. 2, p. 1022. - -[280] The Geography of Strabo, transl. by H. C. Hamilton and W. -Falconer (Bohn’s Classical Library), 3 vols., London, 1854; reference -in Vol. 1, pp. 255–257. - -[281] Captain Boid: A Description of the Azores, or Western Islands, -London, 1834, pp. 316–317. - -[282] Borges de F. Henriques: A Trip to the Azores or Western Islands, -Boston, 1867, pp. 35–36. - -[283] Theobald Fischer, Portfolio 5, Pl. 4. - -[284] _Idem_, Portfolio 7, Pl. 4. - -[285] A. E. Nordenskiöld, Periplus, Pl. 11 (not shown on Fig. 5). - -[286] Gustavo Uzielli: Mappamondi, carte nautiche e portolani del -medioevo e dei secoli delle grandi scoperte marittime construiti da -italiani o trovati nelle biblioteche d’Italia, Part II (pp. 280–390) -of “Studi Bibliografici e Biografici sulla Storia della Geografia -in Italia,” published on the occasion of the Second International -Geographical Congress, Paris, 1875, by the Società Geografica Italiana, -Rome, 1875; reference on Pl. 8 (the second edition, Rome, 1882, does -not contain the plates). Also Babcock, Early Norse Visits to North -America, Pl. 4. See our Fig. 20. - -[287] Konrad Kretschmer: Die Entdeckung Amerika’s in ihrer Bedeutung -für die Geschichte des Weltbildes, 2 vols. (text and atlas), Berlin, -1892; reference in atlas, Pl. 4. See our Fig. 22. - -[288] Borges de F. Henriques, pp. 35–36. - -[289] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Facsimile-Atlas to the Early History of -Cartography, transl. by J. A. Ekelöf and C. R. Markham, Stockholm, -1889, Pl. 32. - -[290] E. J. Payne, edit.: Voyages of the Elizabethan Seamen to America: -Select Narratives from the Principal Navigations of Hakluyt, Ser. 1, -Hawkins, Frobisher, Drake, 2d edit., Oxford, 1893, p. 183. Cf. also E. -W. Dahlgren’s note in _Proc. and Trans. Nova Scotian Inst. of Sci._, -Vol. 11, 1902–06, p. 551. - -[291] Miller Christy: On “Busse Island,” in C. C. A. Gosch: Danish -Arctic Expeditions 1605 to 1620, Bk. I: Expeditions to Greenland, -_Hakluyt Soc. Publs._, 1st Series, Vol. 96, London, 1897, Appendix B, -pp. 164–202; reference on p. 167. - -[292] Miller Christy, pp. 171 and 173. - -[293] Nieuwe wassende zee caart van de Noord-Oceaen, med een gedeelte -van de Atlantische, etc., Amsterdam, 1745 (as cited by Miller Christy, -_op. cit._, p. 178, footnote 1). - -[294] H. S. Poole: The Sunken Land of Bus, _Proc. and Trans. Nova -Scotian Inst. of Sci._, Vol. 11, 1902–06, pp. 193–198. See also: Sir -John Murray and R. E. Peake: On Recent Contributions to the Knowledge -of the Floor of the Atlantic Ocean, Royal Geogr. Soc., London, 1904; -references on pp. 8 and 10 and inset “Soundings Taken by S. S. Minia, -1903” of the accompanying chart. - -[295] A. E. Nordenskiöld: Periplus: An Essay on the Early History of -Charts and Sailing Directions, transl. in F. A. Bather, Stockholm, -1897, Pl. 20. - -[296] Justin Winsor: Cartier to Frontenac: Geographical Discovery in -the Interior of North America In its Historical Relations, 1534–1700, -with Full Cartographical Illustrations from Contemporary Sources, -Boston and New York, 1894, pp. 60–61. - -[297] Konrad Kretschmer: Die Entdeckung Amerika’s in ihrer Bedeutung -für die Geschichte des Weltbildes, 2 vols. (text and atlas), Berlin, -1892; reference in atlas, Pl. 16. - -[298] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 23. - -[299] Nordenskiöld, Facsimile-Atlas, Pl. 46. - -[300] Drei Karten von Gerhard Mercator: Europa--Britische -Inseln--Weltkarte: Facsimile-Lichtdruck nach den Originalen der -Stadtbibliothek zu Breslau, Geogr. Soc., Berlin, 1891; reference on -Weltkarte, Pls. 3 and 9. See also: [E. F.] Jomard: Les monuments de la -géographie, ou recueil d’anciennes cartes européennes et orientales -..., Paris, [1842–62], Pl. XXI, 2. - -[301] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 17. - -[302] Friedrich Kunstmann: Die Entdeckung Amerikas, nach den -ältesten Quellen geschichtlich dargestellt, with an atlas: Atlas zur -Entdeckungsgeschichte Amerikas, aus Handschriften der K. Hof- und -Staats-Bibliothek, der K. Universitaet und des Hauptconservatoriums der -K. B. Armee herausgegeben von Friedrich Kunstmann, Karl von Spruner, -Georg M. Thomas, Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences, Munich, 1859; -reference in atlas, Pl. 13. - -[303] Alberto Magnaghi: La carta nautica costruita nel 1325 da Angelino -Dalorto, with facsimile, Florence, 1898 (published on the occasion -of the Third Italian Geographical Congress). Cf. also: _idem_: Il -mappamondo del genovese Angellinus de Dalorto (1325): Contributo all -storia della cartografia mediovale, _Atti del Terzo Congr. Geogr. -Italiano, tenuto in Firenzi dal 12 al 17 Aprile, 1898_, Florence, -1899, Vol. 2, pp. 506–543; and _idem_: Angellinus de Dalorco (_sic_), -cartografo italiano della prima metà del secolo XIV, _Riv. Geogr. -Italiana_, Vol. 4, 1897, pp. 282–294 and 361–369. - -[304] Nordenskiöld, Periplus, Pl. 8. - -[305] Theobald Fischer: Sammlung mittelalterlicher Welt- und Seekarten -italienischen Ursprungs, 1 vol. of text and 17 portfolios containing -photographs of maps, Venice, 1877–86; reference in Portfolio 5 -(Facsimile del Portolano Laurenziano-Gaddiano dell’ anno 1351), Pl. 4. - -[306] [E. F.] Jomard: Les monuments de la géographie, ou recueil -d’anciennes cartes européennes et orientales.... Paris, [1842–62], Pl. -X, 1. - -[307] Kretschmer, atlas, Pl. 5. - -[308] Gustavo Uzielli: Mappamondi, carte nautiche e portolani del -medioevo e dei secoli delle grandi scoperte marittime construiti da -italiani o trovati nelle biblioteche d’Italia, Part II (pp. 280–390) -of “Studi Bibliografici e Biografici sulla Storia della Geografia -in Italia,” published on the occasion of the Second International -Geographical Congress, Paris, 1875, by the Società Geografica Italiana, -Rome, 1875; reference on Pl. 8 (the second edition, Rome, 1882, does -not contain the plates). - -[309] Drei Karten von Gerhard Mercator, Berlin, 1891; reference on -Weltkarte, Pl. 13. - -[310] Nordenskiöld, Facsimile-Atlas, map 82 on p. 131. - -[311] _Ibid._, Pl. 49. - -[312] Early Norse Visits to North America, _Smithsonian Misc. Colls._, -Vol. 59, No. 19, Washington, D. C., 1913; Recent History and Present -Status of the Vinland Problem, _Geogr. Rev._, Vol. 11, 1921, pp. -265–282; and Chapters VII and VIII, above. - -[313] Eugène Beauvois: La découverte du nouveau monde par les -irlandais, Nancy, 1875. - -[314] Gustav Storm: Studies on the Vineland Voyages, _Mémoires Soc. -Royale des Antiquaires du Nord_ (Copenhagen), N. S., 1884–89, pp. -307–370. - -[315] Alexander von Humboldt: Examen critique de l’histoire de la -géographie du nouveau continent et des progrès de l’astronomie nautique -aux quinzième et seizième siècles, 5 vols., Paris, 1836–39; reference -in Vol. 2, p. 107. - -[316] Theobald Fischer: Sammlung mittelalterlicher Welt- und -Seekarten italienischen Ursprungs, 1 vol. of text and 17 portfolios -containing photographs of maps, Venice, 1877–86; reference in Portfolio -9 (Facsimile dell’ Atlante di Andrea Bianco dell’ anno 1436), Pl. 7. - - - - -INDEX - - - Adam of Bremen, 106; - on Greenland, 94 - - Anghiera. _See_ Martyr, Peter - - Animal and bird names, 44 - - Antela, 149 - - Antiglia, map opp. 74, 75, 147 - - Antilles, 144; - identity with Antillia, 162 - - Antillia, 188; - as an early map item, 144; - Atlantis and, 148; - on Beccario map of 1426, 151; - on Beccario map of 1435, 70, 151; - on Benincasa map of 1482, 70, 159; - on Bianco map of 1436, 156; - Humboldt’s hypothesis of origin of name, 148; - identity with the Antilles, 162; - on Laon globe of 1493, 161; - of the mainland, 147; - Martyr’s (Peter) identification, 145; - origin of the name, 148; - other identifications, 146; - on Pareto map of 1455, 157; - on Roselli map of 1468, 155; - on Ruysch map of 1508, 145; - Seven Cities (island) and, 69, 188; - spelling of the word, 146; - unmentioned on certain notable maps, 161; - on Weimar map, 150, 159 - - Arctic monastery, 136–137, 138 - - Ari Frode, 101 - - Arna-Magnaean MS. No. 194, 116, 119 - - Arna-Magnaean MS. No. 557, on Markland, 115 - - Athens and Atlantis, 1, 33 - - Atlantic continental mass, theory of Termier, 19 - - Atlantic submarine banks, 24 - - Atlantis, Antillia and, 148; - improbability of existence, 18; - invasion of the Mediterranean, 16; - location and size, 17; - Plato’s account, 3, 11, 32, 187; - Sargasso Sea as, 29; - submergence, question of, 22; - Termier on, 14 - - Avezac, M. A. P. d’, 8, 114 - - Avienus, 27 - - Ayala, Pedro de, 65, 68 - - Azores, description, 164; - floral and faunal indications of mainland connection, 21; - Mayda and, 92; - names of islands, 21; - occurrence of name “Seven Cities” in, 78; - two series on Bianco map of 1448, 122 - - - Babcock, W. H., “Early Norse Visits,” 6, 115, 172, 184; - “Indications of Visits,” 46, 57, 71, 86, 150 - - Baffin Land, 111, 184 - - Bahamas, 155, 163, 188 - - Barra, 181, 183 - - Basques, 8 - - Beauvois, Eugène, 131, 184 - - Beccario map of 1426, Antillia on, 151; - reproduction of a photographed section (ill.), opp. 45; - St. Brendan’s Islands on, 45 - - Beccario map of 1435, Antilles, four islands, on, 153; - Antillia on, 70, 151, 153; - Daculi on, 183; - reproduction of section (ill.), 152 - - Behaim globe of 1492, St. Brendan’s Islands on, 47 - - Benedict, R. D., 38 - - Benincasa map of 1482, Antillia on, 70, 159; - reproduction of section (ill.), 160 - - Beothuks, 123, 131 - - Bermuda and Mayda, 93, 188 - - Bianco map of 1436, Antillia on, 156; - reproduction of section (ill.), 179; - Stokafixa on, 185 - - Bianco map of 1448, St. Brendan’s Islands on, 46; - two series of Azores, 122 - - Bimini (Beimini), 146 - - Bird names, 44 - - Birds, isle of, 166 - - Blaskets, 181 - - Blunt, E. M., 91 - - Boid, Captain, 170 - - Book of the Spanish Friar, 44, 55, 92, 165; - on the Azores, 165 - - Bourne, E. G., 55 - - Bra, 181 - - Brazil (island), on Catalan map of 1375, 58; - on Catalan map of about 1480, 61; - on Dalorto map of 1325, 50, 56, 121; - early maps, occurrence, 55; - location and shape, 57; - in place of Markland, 121; - Mayda and, 83; - on Nicolay map of 1560, 61, 121; - Norse and Irish omission of name, 66; - St. Lawrence, Gulf of, and, 59, 187; - Seven Cities (island) and, 68; - on Sylvanus map of 1511, 65; - two on the same map, 121–122 - - Brazil (word), derivation, 50, 52; - spellings, 50; - various applications, 121 - - Brendan (Brandan; Brenainn), St., adventures, Lismore version, 34; - explanations of Brendan narratives, 35; - exploration, 34, 48, 187; - probable basis of fact in narratives, 38 - - Brendan’s (St.) Islands, 34; - on Beccario map of 1426, 45; - on Behaim globe of 1492, 47; - on Bianco map of 1448, 46; - on Dulcert map of 1339, 42; - Hereford map testimony, 38; - on later maps, 48; - on the Pizigani map of 1367, 43 - - Bretons, exploration, 8, 84 - - Brown, A. S., 78 - - Buache, N., 78 - - Bullar, Joseph and Henry, 79 - - Buss Island, 174, disappearance from map, 177; - discovery, 175; - map (ill.), 176 - - - Cabot, John, 10, 55 - - Canary Islands, mainland connection, question of, 21; - tradition concerning St. Brendan, 39 - - Canerio map, 146 - - Cape Breton, 118–119, 127, 132, 135, 185; - Mayda and, 92, 93 - - Cape Cod, Mayda and, 92, 188 - - Capmany, Antonio de, 54 - - Carthaginians, Corvo and, 167; - statues and coins, 169 - - Cartier, Jacques, 59 - - Cartwright, George, 123 - - Catalan map of 1375, Brazil (island) on, 58; - Mayda on, 84; - reproduction (ill.), 58 - - Catalan map of about 1480, Brazil (island) on, 61; - Fixlanda (Iceland) on, 141; - Greenland on, 62, 96, 120; - reproduction of section (ill.), 64 - - Catholique, La, 180 - - Cerne, 27 - - Chau Ju-Kua, 2 - - Chesapeake Bay, 119 - - Christy, Miller, 175, 176, 177 - - Churchill Collection, 140 - - Clavus map of 1427, Greenland on, 105, 139; - reproduction of section (ill.), 104 - - Coins found in Corvo, 167 - - Columbus, Christopher, 10 - - Columbus, Ferdinand, “Life of Christopher Columbus,” 69, 71, 140, 144 - - Conigi, Li, 8, 165, 172, 182 - - Coombs, Captain, 100 - - Coppo map of 1528, Greenland on, 96; - reproduction (ill.), 97 - - Corvo, 22; - ancient memorials, 166; - comparative representations on maps (ill.), 172; - equestrian statues, 168; - Mayda and, 92; - origin of name, 164; - Pizigani map of 1367 and, 168 - - Cuba, 153, 162, 163, 188 - - - Daculi, 181; - on Pareto map of 1455, 183 - - Dalorto map of 1325, Brazil (island) on, 50, 56, 121; - mythical islands on, 181; - reproduction (ill.), 51 - - Dawson, S. E., 48 - - Demons, 37, 89; - islands of, 178 - - Desceliers map of 1546, Greenland on, 99; - Mayda on, 87; - reproduction of section (ill.), 76; - saintly islands on, 180; - Seven Cities (island) on, 75 - - Devil Rock, 91 - - Diodorus Siculus, 1, 4, 16, 42, 166 - - Disko, 184 - - Dragons, 37, 83, 149 - - Drogio, first mention, 124, 127; - meaning, 133; - region designated, 132; - spelling, 132; - on Zeno map of 1558, 126 - - Dulcert map of 1339, St. Brendan’s Islands on, 42 - - - Edrisi, “Geography,” 7, 39, 166, 168; - on the isle of birds, 166 - - Egerton MS. 2803. _See_ World map in portolan atlas of about 1508 - - _Emmanuel_ (ship), 175 - - Emperadada, Encorporada, Encorporade (Incorporado), 180 - - Equestrian statues, 168 - - Eric the Red, 101, 108, 109, 115 - - Eskimos, 110, 111 - - Espinosa, Alonso de, 39 - - Esthlanda, 131 - - Estotiland, 122; derivation, conjectures, 130; - first mention, 124, 127; - on Prunes map of 1553, 131; - region designated, 130; - on Zeno map of 1558, 126 - - Estotilanders, 131 - - - Faria y Sousa, Manuel de, 73; - on Corvo, 169 - - Fischer, Joseph, 61, 105, 116, 139 - - Fischer, Theobald, 44, 45, 46, 47, 56, 57, 84, 86, 92, 114, 122, 147, - 161, 165, 172, 182, 185 - - Fixlanda, 96, 185; - on Catalan map of 1480, 141 - - Flores, 8, 171, 172, 182 - - Florida, 146, 155, 163, 188 - - Formaleoni, Vicenzio, 148 - - Fortunate Islands, 38, 39. - _See also_ Brendan’s (St.) Islands - - Freducci, Conde, 150 - - Frisland, 136, 175, 185; - Buss Island and, 177; - confusion with Iceland, 141; - occurrence of name, 140; - on Zeno map of 1558, 141 - - - Galvano, Antonio, 72 - - Germain, Louis, 21 - - Germanus, Donnus Nicolaus, world map (after 1466), Greenland on, 105, - 139; - reproduction of section (ill.), opp. 105 - - Ginnungagap, 178 - - Gnupsson, Eric, 109 - - Gosch, C. C. A., 175 - - Grand Banks, 185 - - Grand Manan, 188 - - Great Abaco, 155, 162–163 - - Great Iceland, 184 - - Greeks, early exploration, 4 - - Green Island, 95; - on sixteenth-century maps, 97; - various islands; - shrinkage of the name, 99 - - Greenland, Adam of Bremen’s account, 94; - on Catalan map of about 1480, 62, 96, 120; - on Clavus map of 1427, 105, 139; - on Coppo map of 1528, 96; - on Desceliers map of 1546, 99; - on Germanus (D. N.) map, 105, 139; - insular character, 95; - intercourse with Markland, 119; - life of Icelandic colony, 106; - on Nicolay map of 1560, 98; - Norse settlements, 137; - Norse settlements (with map), 103; - origin of name, 101; - on Ortelius map of 1570, 99; - as a peninsula, 105; - on Sigurdr Stefánsson map, 106; - Thorláksson map of 1606 (ill.), 98; - on Zeno map of 1558, 105, 139 - - Greenlanders, early explorations, 109 - - Grocland, 184 - - Gunnbjörn’s skerries, 174 - - - Haiti, 162 - - Hall, James, 177 - - Hand of Satan, 156, 178 - - Hardiman, James, 50 - - Harrisse, Henry, 144 - - Hauk’s Book on Markland, 114 - - Hebrides, 181, 182, 183 - - Helluland, 115, 116, 188 - - Henriques, Borges de F., 171, 173 - - Hereford map of 1275, St. Brendan’s Islands on, 38 - - Himilco, 27 - - Holmes, W. H., 3 - - Hood, Thomas, 180 - - Hovgaard, William, on Icelandic settlement of Greenland, 102, 109, - 110, 115, 116; - suggestion of two Winelands, 119 - - Humboldt, Alexander von, on Antillia, 148; - on Bianco map of 1436, 157; - on Corvo, 167; - “Examen critique,” 37, 52, 55, 78, 81, 148, 167, 169, 185 - - Hydrographic Office, 30, 31, 32 - - - I in Mar, 155, 188 - - Icaria, 136; - on Zeno map of 1558, 142 - - Iceland, confusion on maps, 141; - Great Iceland, 184; - Greenland discovery and relations, 101; - on Zeno map of 1558, 141 - - Illa Verde, 96. - _See also_ Greenland - - Imagination in cartography, 143 - - Incorporado, 180 - - Ireland, submerged lands about, 25 - - Irish sea-roving, 5 - - Island of the Seven Cities. _See_ Seven Cities (island) - - Islands, cataclysms, 174; - mythical and scattered, 174 - - Italians, exploration, 8 - - - Jamaica, 163, 188 - - Janvier, T. A., 30 - - Jomard, E. F., 8, 30, 43, 55, 70, 83, 147, 149, 166, 179, 182 - - Jónsson, Finnur, 102–103 - - Jowett, Benjamin, 11, 18 - - - Karlsefni, Thorfinn, 109, 115, 116; - geography of narrative and later records, 117 - - Kilda, St., 142, 183 - - Kjalarness, 116, 118 - - Kohl, J. G., 139 - - Kohl collection, 57, 85 - - Krakens, 149 - - Kretschmer, Konrad, 45, 48, 57, 58, 60, 61, 69, 70, 75, 82, 84, 86, - 87, 96, 97, 98, 99, 105, 114, 117, 121, 131, 132, 140, 146, - 157, 159, 162, 172, 178, 179, 180, 183 - - Krümmel, Otto, 30 - - Kunstmann, Friedrich, 146, 180 - - - Labrador as Markland, 117 - - La Catholique, 180 - - La Man Satanaxio, 156, 178 - - Laon globe of 1493, Antillia on, 161 - - Legname, 8, 114 - - Leif Ericsson, 109 - - Li Conigi, 8, 165, 172, 182 - - Lismore, Book of, 34 - - Lucas, F. W., 122, 125; - on Drogio, 133; - on the Zeno narrative, 137, 138 - - - Madeira Islands, as the Fortunate Islands of St. Brendan, 42; - name, 44, 114 - - Magnaghi, Alberto, 50, 69, 121, 181 - - Major, R. H., 122, 124, 129; - study of the Zeno narrative, 136 - - Malte-Brun, Conrad, 167 - - Man or Mam, 83. _See also_ Mayda - - Maps (ills.), Beccario of 1426, opp. 45; - Beccario of 1435, 152; - Benincasa of 1482, 160; - Bianco of 1436, 179; - Buss Island of 1673, 176; - Catalan of 1375, 58; - Catalan of about 1480, 64; - Clavus of 1427, 104; - Coppo of 1528, 97; - Corvo representations, 172; - Dalorto of 1325, 51; - Desceliers of 1546, 76; - Egerton MS. 2803, opp. 74; - Germanus (D. N.), after 1466, opp. 105; - Greenland, Norse settlements, 103; - Nicolay of 1560, 62; - Ortelius of 1570, 77; - Pareto of 1455, 158; - Pizigani of 1367, 40–41; - Ptolemy of 1513, 82; - Prunes of 1553, 88; - Sargasso Sea, 28; - Stefánsson of 1590, 107; - Thorláksson of 1606, 98; - Zeno of 1558, 126 - - Marco Polo, 53 - - Markland, Brazil (island) in place of, 121; - Hauk’s Book account, 114; - intercourse with Greenland, 119; - Labrador as, 117; - name, 114; - Newfoundland as, 114, 188; - Nova Scotia as, 118; - on Sigurdr Stefánsson map, 116; - Zeno narrative and, 122 - - Martyr, Peter, d’Anghiera, “Decades,” 145; - identification of Antillia, 145 - - Mayda, Azores and, 92; - basis of fact about, 91, 188; - Brazil (island) and, 83; - on Catalan map of 1375, 84; - “Man” and, 84; - modern maps, persistence on, 90; - name, spelling and origin, 81; - on Ortelius map of 1570, 90; - on Pizigani map of 1367, 83; - on Prunes map of 1553, 87; - problem of, 81; - on Ptolemy map of 1513, 82; - transference, on maps, to American waters, 87; - Vlaenderen and, 89 - - Mediterranean Sea, Atlantean invasion, 16 - - Mercator, Gerhard, world map of 1569, 125, 179, 184 - - Miller, Konrad, 39 - - _Minia_ (ship), 178 - - Monastery in the Arctic, 136–137, 138 - - Montonis, 56, 181 - - Moorish voyages, 7 - - Morewood, S., 168 - - Mount Hope Bay, 188 - - Muratori, L. A., 53 - - Murray, Sir John, 24; - on the Sargasso Sea, 31 - - Murray, Sir John, and R. E. Peake, 177–178 - - - Nansen, Fridtjof, 27, 29, 60, 61, 94, 101, 117 - - Navarro, L. F., 22 - - Navigation, early obstruction, 27 - - Negra’s Rock, 90, 91, 175, 186 - - Neome (Fair Island), 136, 140 - - Newfoundland, 185; as Markland, 114, 117; - on Nicolay map of 1560, 132 - - Nicolay map of 1560, Brazil (island) on, 61, 121; - Greenland on, 98; - Mayda on, 87; - Newfoundland on, 132; - reproduction of section (ill.), 62 - - Nordenskiöld, A. E., on Antillia, 144; - “Bidrag,” 61, 96, 120, 139, 141; - “Facsimile-Atlas,” 1, 48, 71, 75, 90, 99, 105, 125, 145, 161, 174, - 179, 184; - “Periplus,” 27, 42, 56, 57, 58, 60, 61,69, 84, 85, 86, 87, 89, 98, - 114, 121, 132, 139, 145, 150, 156, 165, 172, 178, 182; - on the Weimar map, 150 - - Norsemen, early exploration, 5; - early settlements in Greenland, 103 (with map), 137; - Eskimos and, 111 - - Nova Scotia as Markland, 118 - - - Olsen, J. E., 55 - - Ortelius map of 1570, demon islands on, 179; - Greenland on, 99; - Mayda on, 90; - reproduction of section (ill.), 77; - Seven Cities (island) on, 75; - Zeno additions on, 125 - - - Pareto map of 1455, Antillia on, 157; - Daculi on, 183; - reproduction of section (ill.), 158 - - Payne, E. J., 175 - - Perseus, 16, 17 - - Peter Martyr. _See_ Martyr, Peter - - Phoenicians, Corvo and, 167; - early explorations, 1, 3 - - Pizigani map of 1367, Corvo and, 168; - Daculi and Bra on, 182; - Mayda on, 83; - reproduction (ill.), 40–41; - St. Brendan’s Islands on, 43 - - Plato on Atlantis, 3, 11, 32, 187 - - Podolyn, Johan, 167 - - Poole, H. S., 177 - - Porlanda (Pomona), 136, 140 - - Porto Rico, 162 - - Porto Santo, 43 - - Portuguese discovery, 9; - refugees and Seven Cities island, 71 - - Promontorium Vinlandiae, 118, 119 - - Prunes map of 1553, Estotiland on, 131; - Mayda on, 87; - reproduction of section (ill.), 88; - Zeno islands on, 140 - - Ptolemy map of 1513, Mayda on, 82; - reproduction of section (ill.), 82 - - - Ravenstein, E. G., 47, 71, 105, 145 - - Reeves, A. M., 115, 116, 131 - - Reylla, 188; - on Beccario map of 1435, 154; - on Roselli map of 1468, 155 - - Rink, Henry, on Greenland, 102, 104 - - Robert, M., 90 - - Rockall, 91, 100 - - Rocks, sunken, 91, 100 - - Romans, early exploration, 5 - - Roselli map of 1468, Antillia on, 155 - - Runic inscription in Greenland, 109–110 - - Ruysch map of 1508, Antillia inscription, 145; - island destroyed by combustion, 174 - - - St. Anne, 180, 181 - - St. Brendan. _See_ Brendan - - St. Kilda, 142, 183 - - St. Lawrence, Gulf of, possible identification of Brazil (island) - with, 59 - - St. Michael, (Azores), 78, 168, 169, 188 - - St. X, 180 - - Saintly islands, 180 - - Salvagio, 188; - on Beccario map of 1435, 154 - - Santarem, M. F., 52, 140 - - Sargasso Sea, 3, 18, 187; - as Atlantis, 29; - map (ill.), 28 - - Satanaxio, 156, 178, 188 - - Scandinavians. _See_ Norsemen - - Scharff, R. F., 21 - - Schott, Gerhard, 30 - - Schuchert, Charles, 23 - - Schuller, Rudolph, 13 - - Scorafixa, 185 - - Scylax of Caryanda, 27 - - Seller, John, 176 - - Seven Cities (island), 68, 188; - Antillia and, 69; - Brazil (island) and, 68; - on Desceliers map of 1546, 75; - home of Portuguese refugees, 71; - later reappearance as an island, 75; - mainland location, 74; - name in the Azores, 78; - on Ortelius map of 1570, 75 - - Shepherd, Thomas, 177 - - Shetland, 131, 181 - - Ships, early, 2 - - Skraelings, 111 - - Solberg, T., 57, 161 - - Soley, J. C., 30, 31 - - Spanish Friar. _See_ Book of the Spanish Friar - - Stefánsson (Sigurdr) map of 1590 (?), Greenland on, 106; - Helluland, Markland, and Vinland on, 116; - reproduction (ill.), 107 - - Stevens, John, 73 - - Stevenson, E. L., “Atlas of Portolan Charts,” 74, 141, 147; - “Facsimiles of Portolan Charts,” 57, 86, 155; - “Maps Illustrating Early Discovery,” 117, 140; - “Marine World Chart of Nicolo de Canerio Jannensis,” 146; - “Portolan Charts,” 27 - - Stokafixa, 185 - - Stokes, Whitley, 34 - - Storm, Gustav, 111, 184 - - Strabo, 42, 169 - - Straumey, 188 - - Straumfiord, 188 - - Submarine banks, 24 - - Sylvanus map of 1511, Brazil (island) on, 65 - - - Tachylyte, 23 - - Termier, Pierre, on Atlantis, 14; - theory of ancient Atlantic continent, 19, 21, 23 - - Thevet, André, 169 - - Thorláksson map of 1606, reproduction (ill.), 98 - - Tobago, 99 - - Torfaeus’ “Gronlandia,” 96–97, 98, 106, 107, 116 - - Toscanelli, Paolo, 69, 144 - - Trouvères, 36 - - Tulloch, Captain, 100 - - - Uzielli, Gustavo, 45, 57, 70, 86, 151, 172, 183 - - - Valsequa map of 1439, 57 - - Van Keulen’s chart of 1795, 177 - - Vespucius, 10 - - Vignaud, Henry, “Columbian Tradition,” 10; - on the Toscanelli letter, 144 - - Vinland, 188; - Hovgaard’s suggestion, 119 - - Vlaenderen and Mayda, 89 - - - Weare, G. E., 68 - - Weimar map (after 1481), Antillia on, 150, 159 - - Westropp, T. J., “Brasil,” 26, 34, 36, 60, 61, 96; - “Early Italian maps,” 54; - on submerged lands near Iceland, 25 - - Wiars, Thomas, 175 - - Wineland the Good, 116. _See also_ Vinland - - Winsor, Justin, 59, 60, 65, 85, 89, 132, 178 - - Wonderstrands, 116, 188 - - World map in portolan atlas of about 1508, Antiglia on, 147; - Iceland on, 141; - reproduction of section (ill.), opp. 74; - Seven Cities (island) on, 74 - - - Yule, Sir Henry, 53 - - - Zaltieri map of 1566, 61, 87, 98, 132 - - Zeno, Antonio and Nicolò, 9, 124 - - Zeno, Nicolò, the younger, 124, 134, 135, 143 - - Zeno map of 1558, Finland and Iceland on, 141; - Greenland on, 105, 139; - Icaria on, 142; - reproduction (ill.), 126 - - Zeno narrative, account of the book, 124; - brief summary, 135; - discrepancies of the fisherman’s story, 133; - geographical implication, 129; - Lucas’ study, 137; - Major’s study, 136; - Markland and, 122; - narrative quoted, 128 - - - - - * * * * * * - - - - -Transcriber’s note: - -Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a -predominant preference was found in the original book; otherwise they -were not changed. - -Simple typographical errors were corrected; unpaired quotation -marks were remedied when the change was obvious, and otherwise left -unpaired. - -Footnotes originally were at the bottoms of pages. 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