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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..5f5eda3 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #64768 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/64768) diff --git a/old/64768-0.txt b/old/64768-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 904be73..0000000 --- a/old/64768-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,17021 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Primitive Time-reckoning, by Martin Persson -Nilsson - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Primitive Time-reckoning - A study in the origins and first development of the art of - counting time among the primitive and early culture peoples - -Author: Martin Persson Nilsson - -Release Date: March 09, 2021 [eBook #64768] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Turgut Dincer, John Campbell and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was - produced from images generously made available by The Internet - Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PRIMITIVE TIME-RECKONING *** - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. - - Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have - been placed at the end of the book. - - A decimal fraction of a second, printed in very small font in the - original book, is denoted by =equalsigns=, for example 9.=34= secs. - - A superscript is denoted by ^x or ^{xx}, for example N^2 or IV^{me}. - In the Footnotes a reference to a second or third edition of a book - is denoted by ² or ³, for example: Schrader, II³. - - This book has many Greek words, which should display correctly on - most devices. Some other less common characters are also used. These - will display on this device as - ð eth character - Þ thorn character - ǫ o with ogonek - ȱ o with dot and macron - å a with ring above - ă a with breve - ā ī ō a, i, o with macron - ǎ č ř š ž a, c, r, s, z with caron - - Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book. - - - - - SKRIFTER UTGIVNA AV - - HUMANISTISKA VETENSKAPSSAMFUNDET I LUND - - ACTA SOCIETATIS HUMANIORUM LITTERARUM LUNDENSIS - - - I. - - _MARTIN P. NILSSON_ - PRIMITIVE TIME-RECKONING - - - - - PRIMITIVE TIME-RECKONING - - A STUDY IN THE ORIGINS AND FIRST DEVELOPMENT - OF THE ART OF COUNTING TIME AMONG - THE PRIMITIVE AND EARLY - CULTURE PEOPLES - - BY - - MARTIN P. NILSSON - - PROFESSOR OF CLASSICAL ARCHÆOLOGY AND ANCIENT HISTORY - IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LUND - SECRETARY TO THE SOCIETY LETTERS OF LUND - MEMBER OF THE R. DANISH ACADEMY - - [Illustration] - - - LUND, C. W. K. GLEERUP - LONDON, HUMPHREY MILFORD PARIS, EDOUARD CHAMPION - OXFORD, UNIVERSITY PRESS LEIPZIG, O. HARRASSOWITZ - 1920 - - - - - LUND 1920 - BERLINGSKA BOKTRYCKERIET - - - - - PREFACE. - - -Although in the present study I devote only a few pages to the Greek -time-reckoning, and am engaged for the most part in very different -fields, yet the work has arisen from a desire to prepare the way for -a clearer view of the initial stages of the Greek time-reckoning. -In the course of my investigations into Greek festivals I had from -the beginning been brought up against chronological problems, and -as I widened the circle so as to include the survivals of the -ancient festivals in the Middle Ages, more particularly in connexion -with the origin of the Christmas festival, I was again met by -difficulties of chronology, this time in regard to the earlier -Germanic time-reckoning. In the year 1911 I published in _Archiv für -Religionswissenschaft_ an article on the presumptive origin of the -Greek calendar circulated from Delphi. These preliminary studies -led to my taking over myself, in the projected Lexicon of the Greek -and Roman Religions, the article on the calendar in its sacral -connexions. This article was worked out in the spring of 1914. In it -the emphasis was laid not on the historical chronological systems, -which have little to do with religion, but on the question of -origins, in which religion plays a decisive part. In order to arrive -at an opinion it was not enough to work over once more the extremely -scanty material for the origin of the Greek time-reckoning; I had -to form an idea from my hitherto somewhat occasional ethnological -reading as to how a time-reckoning arose under primitive conditions, -and what was its nature. This idea obviously required broadening -and correcting by systematic research. The war, which suspended the -continuation of the Lexicon at its very beginning, gave me leisure -to undertake this more extensive research. Certainly it has also -imposed some limitations on the work, since I could not make use of -the rich libraries of England and the Continent but had to be content -with what was offered by those of Sweden and Copenhagen. But I am -not disposed to regret this limitation too deeply. The material here -reproduced will probably strike many readers as being copious and -monotonous enough, and the numerous books of travels and ethnological -works which I have ransacked, often to no profit, seem to hold out -little prospect that anything new and surprising will come to light. -In this conviction Webster’s work has strengthened me. - -In two or three instances I have derived material of great value -from personal communications. For very interesting details of the -time-reckoning of the Kiwai Papuans I am indebted to Dr. G. Landtman -of Helsingfors, and Prof. G. Kazarow of Sofia has sent me valuable -information as to the Bulgarian names of months. Dr. C. W. von Sydow -of Lund has communicated to me details of the popular time-reckoning -in Sweden. - -An exhaustive examination of all the material obtainable would -doubtless lead to a more exact conception of the details of primitive -time-reckoning. Above all, large districts with similar peculiarities -in time-reckoning could be more accurately defined. The Arctic -regions form a district of this nature. South America again differs -characteristically from North America; Africa, the East Indian -Archipelago, and the South Sea Islands all have their peculiarities. -The borrowings which have undoubtedly taken place on a very large -scale would be at least in part pointed out. This working up of the -material is however the task of the ethnological specialist; my -object is simply and solely to attain the above-mentioned goal of a -general foundation. - -The observation of chronological matters varies greatly in the -ethnographical literature; I have gone through many books without -result, and in other cases my gains have often been small. It is only -in quite recent times that attention has been paid with any great -profit to this side of primitive life. Among the English authors -Frazer has drawn up a list of ethnological questions (printed in the -_Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 18_, 1889, pp. 431 -ff., and also separately), paying due attention to time-reckoning, -which has had a lasting and happy result, as can be seen especially -in many papers in the _JRAI_ of succeeding years. - -Of the works of my predecessors only one has had any more elaborate -aims--the ninth chapter of Ginzel’s handbook, which deals with the -time-reckoning of the primitive peoples, divided up according to the -different parts of the world. The significance of the time-reckoning -of the primitive peoples for the history of chronology seems to -have been only gradually grasped by the author in the course of -his work, since it is not until after he has touched occasionally -upon the question of primitive time-reckoning in the course of -his account of the chronological systems of the Oriental peoples -that he inserts the chapter in question between the latter and the -chapters on the chronology of antiquity. Ginzel has in many respects -a sound view of the nature of primitive time-reckoning, and makes -many pertinent remarks, but on the whole his treatment, as is not -seldom the case, is lacking in exactness and depth. I have gratefully -made use of the material collected by him, going back, wherever -possible, to the original sources. Of other previous works must be -mentioned the essays of Andree and Frazer on the Pleiades,--the -latter especially distinguished by its author’s usual extensive -acquaintance with the sources and by its abundance of material--and -the dissertation of Kötz upon the astronomical knowledge of the -primitive peoples of Australia and the South Seas, an industrious -work which however only touches superficially upon the problems here -dealt with, and in regard to the lunisolar reckoning adopts the view -of Waitz-Gerland:--“We can here discover nothing accurate, since -these peoples have conceived of nothing accurately” (p. 22). I think -however that we may fairly say that this is to estimate too meanly -the possibility of our knowledge. Hubert’s paper, _Étude sommaire de -la représentation du temps dans la religion et la magie_, is composed -throughout in the spirit of the neo-scholastic school of Durkheim. -The present work, on the other hand, is based upon facts and their -interpretation. - -The book was ready in the spring of 1917, but could not be published -on account of the war. Later I have only inserted a few improvements -and additions. As I was putting the finishing touches to my work, -there came into my hands, after a delay due to the circumstances of -the time, the _Rest Days_ of H. Webster, whose _Primitive Secret -Societies_ has gained him fame and honour. This work deals in detail -with a subject akin to mine, but not from the calendarial and -chronological standpoint here adopted. Only upon the origin of the -lunisolar calendar does the author make a few general remarks (pp. -173 ff.), which however do not advance the subject very far. In the -chapters entitled _Market Days_, _Lunar Superstitions and Festivals_, -_Lunar Calendars and the Week_ he has brought together abundant -material which also concerns some of the phenomena treated by me; -part of this information will not be found here, since it is compiled -from sources inaccessible to me. For the same reason, because I -could not collate it for myself, I have not thought it advisable to -introduce this material into my book, especially since it adds no new -principle of knowledge and does not affect the conclusions I have -drawn. Moreover anyone who wishes to go farther into these matters -must in any case approach Webster’s careful work. - -For the popular month-names of the European peoples I have made -use of the well-known extensive collections of Grimm, Weinhold, -Miklosisch, etc. In this chapter my object has not been to make -contributions to our knowledge of the popular months, but only to -bring out, by means of numerous examples, the parallel between the -popular names of the Julian months and the names of the lunar months -among the primitive peoples. More isolated and disputed names are -therefore omitted, and the names are given chiefly in translation. I -have made only one exception, namely in the case of the Swedish lunar -months, which really hardly belong to my subject since they are a -popular development from the ecclesiastical calendar of the Middle -Ages. I hope however to be excused for this, in the first place on -patriotic grounds, and secondly because little attention has hitherto -been paid to the matter. In another place I have dealt fully with the -Swedish names of months, which are in the majority of cases not of -popular origin. - -I have made out a list of authorities so that in the foot-notes -reference may be made simply to the name of the author; where an -author is represented by two or more works, the work in question is -denoted by an abbreviation. This list is to be regarded not as an -exhaustive bibliography, but merely as an aid to the quotations. -Where so many quotations have been made it has been thought advisable -not to use inverted commas, except in a few special cases. The fact -that the quotations are nevertheless given as far as possible in -the author’s own words must be held to excuse a certain apparent -inconsistency in the use of tenses. - -Since I was obliged to include in my work the preliminary stages -of the time-reckoning of the culture peoples, I had to deal with -languages with which I was altogether unfamiliar, or only imperfectly -acquainted. I have therefore often availed myself of the expert -advice which has been readily given me by friends and colleagues. -For help in the complicated questions belonging to the domains of -the Semitic languages and Anglo-Saxon respectively I am especially -indebted to my colleagues Professors A. Moberg and E. Ekwall. For -occasional advice and information I have to thank Docent Joh. -Pedersen of Copenhagen (for the Semitic languages), Prof. Emil Olson -of Lund, and Prof. H. Lindroth of Gothenburg (for the Scandinavian), -and Docent S. Agrell of Lund (for the Slavonic). - -The English translation is the work of Mr. F. J. Fielden, English -Lector in the University of Lund, who has also read the proof-sheets. -I am greatly obliged to him for his conscientious performance of a -lengthy and by no means easy task. - - Lund, _May_ 1920. _Martin P. Nilsson._ - - - - - CONTENTS. - - PAGE - - PREFACE V - - INTRODUCTION 1 - - Foundation of the inquiry--Units of time-reckoning--Risings - and settings of the stars--Phases of climate, of plant and - animal life--Modes of time-reckoning. - - CHAPTER I.--THE DAY 11 - - The day of 24 hours not primitive--Counting of days or - nights--_Pars pro toto_ reckoning--Indications of the sun’s - position--Indications by means of marks etc.--Names for the - parts of the day--Names derived from occupations--Lists of - names--Homeric expressions--Greek and Latin expressions-- - Parts of the night--Night measured by the stars--Measures - of time. - - CHAPTER II.--THE SEASONS 45 - - Seasonal points--Small seasons--Winter and summer--Dry and - rainy seasons--Wind-seasons--Four or five seasons-- - Sub-division of seasons--Greater seasons--Cycles of seasons - --Agricultural cycles of seasons--Artificially regulated - cycles of seasons--Indo-European seasons--Seasons of the - Germanic peoples--The division of the Germanic year--The - Scandinavian division of the year--The old Scandinavian - week-year--Smaller wind-seasons. - - CHAPTER III.--THE YEAR 86 - - Half-years--Shorter years--The empirical year--_Pars pro toto_ - reckoning--The period of the vegetation and the year-- - Ignorance of age--Relative age--Designation of years after - events--Series of years designated after events--Designation - of years in Babylonia and Egypt. - - CHAPTER IV.--THE STARS 109 - - Inaccuracy of time-reckoning--The stars in Homer--Observation - of the stars by the Greeks and Romans--Star-lore: N. America - --S. America--Africa--India--Australia--Oceania--Indication - of time from the stars--Observation of the stars: Bushmen - --Australia--N. America--S. America--Africa--East Indian - Archipelago--Torres Straits--Melanesia--Polynesia--The stars - as causes and omens of the weather. - - CHAPTER V.--THE MONTH 147 - - The moon--Counting of months and their days--Indications of - the position of the moon--Salutations to the new moon-- - Celebration of the full moon--Other phases--The greater - phases of the moon--Further phases--Days named after the - phases of the moon--Groups of days named after the phases - of the moon--Days counted from the greater phases--Decades-- - African systems--The quarters of the moon. - - CHAPTER VI.--THE MONTHS 173 - - Series of months: N. Asia--Siberia--Eskimos--N. America--S. - America--Africa--East Indian Archipelago--Torres Straits-- - Oceania. - - CHAPTER VII.--CONCLUSIONS 217 - - Imperfect counting of the moons--Connexion between moons and - seasons--Multiplicity and absence of names of months--Pairs - of months. - - CHAPTER VIII.--OLD SEMITIC MONTHS 226 - - 1. _Babylonia._ Sumerian months--Akkadian months--Babylonian - etc. months--2. _The Israelites._ Canaanitish months-- - Israelitish months--New moon and months--3. _The - pre-Mohammedan Arabs._ Arabian months. - - CHAPTER IX.--CALENDAR REGULATION. 1. THE INTERCALATION 240 - - Incomplete series of months--Uncertainty as to the month-- - Difficulties in reckoning months--Empirical intercalation-- - The Jews--Correction of the months by the stars--Correction - of the Batak year--The pre-Mohammedan intercalation--The - Babylonian months and the stars.--The Babylonian intercalation - empirical--Correction of the year by the solstices and - the stars. - - CHAPTER X.--CALENDAR REGULATION. 2. BEGINNING OF THE YEAR 267 - - Uncertainty as to the beginning of the year--New Year - feasts--Beginning of the year--The Israelitish New Year-- - The Pleiades year--. _Appendix_: The Egyptian year. - - CHAPTER XI.--POPULAR MONTHS OF THE EUROPEAN PEOPLES 282 - - Month-names: Albanian--Basque--Lithuanian--Lettish-- - Slavonic--German--Anglo-Saxon months--The Anglo-Saxon - lunisolar year--Scandinavian month-names--Old Scandinavian - lunar months--Later Swedish moon-months--Finnish - moon-months--Lapp months. - - CHAPTER XII.--SOLSTICES AND EQUINOXES. AIDS TO THE - DETERMINATION OF TIME 311 - - Observation of the solstices and equinoxes--Observation of - the equinoxes by the Scandinavians--Seed-time determined by - the observation of the sun--Devices for counting days, etc. - - CHAPTER XIII.--ARTIFICIAL PERIODS OF TIME. FEASTS 324 - - The market-week in Africa--Greater periods in Africa--The - market-week in Asia--America--Rome--_Shabattu_ and sabbath-- - Origin of the sabbath--The sabbath a market-day--Festivals - and seasons--Cycles of festivals--Regulation of the festivals - by the moon--Full moon the time of festivals--Festivals - determined by the course of the sun--Months named after - festivals. - - CHAPTER XIV.--THE CALENDAR-MAKERS 347 - - Calendrical observations by certain gifted persons--The - priests as calendar-makers--Sacral and profane - calendar-regulation. - - CHAPTER XV.--CONCLUSION 355 - - 1. _Summary of results._ The concrete nature of - time-indications--Discontinuous and ‘aoristic’ - time-indications--The _pars pro toto_ counting of the - periods--The continuous time-reckoning--Empirical - intercalation of months--2. _The Greek time-reckoning._ - Early Greek time-reckoning--The Oktaeteris and the - months--Sacral character of the Greek calendar--Influence - of Apollo and Delphi--Babylonian origin of the Greek - calendar-regulation. - - ADDENDUM TO P. 78 NOTE 2 370 - - LIST OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED 371 - - INDEX 382 - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - - -The ancient civilised peoples appear in history with a -fully-developed system of time-reckoning--the Egyptians with the -shifting year of 365 days, which comes as nearly as possible to the -actual length of the year, counting only whole days and neglecting -the additional fraction; the Babylonians and the Greeks with the -lunisolar, varying between twelve and thirteen months and arranged -by the Greeks from the earliest known period of history in the -cycle of the _Oktaeteris_. It has always been clear that these -systems of time-reckoning represent the final stage of a lengthy -previous development, but as to the nature of this development -the most daring hypotheses have been advanced. Thus, for example, -eminent philologists and chronologists have believed the assertion -of Censorinus, Ch. 18, and have supposed that the _Oktaeteris_ was -preceded by a _Tetraeteris_, even by a _Dieteris_. It may indeed at -once be asserted that such a hypothesis lacks intrinsic probability. -To account for the early development hard facts are needed, and -unfortunately these, especially in the case of the Greeks, are -extremely few. Where they are required they must be sought elsewhere. - -Setting aside all ingenious but uncertain speculations, our only -practicable way of proceeding is by means of a comparison with -other peoples among whom methods of time-reckoning are still in -the primitive stage. This is the ethnological method which is so -well-known from the science of comparative religion, but the claims -of which have been so vigorously contested upon grounds of no small -plausibility. Fortunately this dispute need not be settled in order -to prove the validity of the comparative method for an investigation -into the origin and development of methods of reckoning time. The -gist of the dispute may be expressed as follows:--The ethnological -school of students of comparative religion assumes that the -intellect of the natural man can only master a certain quite limited -number of universal conceptions; from these spring more and more -abundantly differentiated and complicated ideas, but the foundation -is everywhere the same. Hence our authority for comparing the -conceptions of the various peoples of the globe with one another in -order to lay bare this foundation. The opponents of the school deny -the existence of these fundamental conceptions, and maintain that the -points of departure, the primitive ideas of the various peoples, may -be as different as the peoples themselves, and that therefore we are -not authorised in drawing general conclusions from the comparison or -from the fundamental conceptions themselves. - -In the matter of the indication and reckoning of time, however, we -have not to do with a number of conceptions which may be supposed -to be as numerous and as various as we please. At the basis lies -an accurately determined and limited and indeed small number of -phenomena, which are the same for all peoples all over the globe, and -can be combined only in a certain quite small number of ways. These -phenomena may be divided into two main groups: (1) the phenomena of -the heavens--sun, moon, and stars--and (2) the phases of Nature--the -variations of the climate and of plant and animal life, which on -their side determine the affairs of men; these, however, depend -finally upon one of the heavenly bodies, viz. the sun. The claim that -the comparative ethnological method can be justified only when we are -dealing with a narrowly circumscribed number of factors is therefore -here complied with, owing to the very nature of the subjects treated. -The comparative method does not shew how things have happened in a -special case in regard to one particular people: it only indicates -what _may_ have happened. But much is already gained if we can -eliminate the impossibilities, since from the complete result of the -development, no less than in other ways, we may obtain a certain -basis for our deductions. - -For the investigation of primitive methods of time-reckoning no -special astronomical or other technical knowledge is needed: in fact, -such knowledge has rather played a fatal part by causing attention -to be paid exclusively to the system of time-reckoning and leading -to constant attempts to discover older and more primitive systems. -_A priori_, indeed, we might venture to state that a system is -always based upon previous data: unsystematic indications of time -precede the system of time-reckoning. These modest beginnings have -been obscured from view by the prejudice in favour of the systematic -technical and astronomical chronology. The only absolutely necessary -thing is a clear idea of the apparent motions of the heavenly bodies, -i. e. the sun, the moon, and the most important of the fixed stars, -and of the phases of the climate and the life of animals and plants, -which give the units of the time-reckoning. - -For a statement of the course and phases of the heavenly bodies and -the units of the time-reckoning given by these I refer to the article -mentioned in the preface, the pertinent sections of which are here -quoted:-- - -“_The units of the time-reckoning_ are given by the motions of the -heavenly bodies (expressed according to the Ptolemaic system), and -the more intimately these enter into the life of man, the more -important do they become. For this reason only those units which -depend upon the sun have asserted themselves in our calendar, those -depending upon the moon having been dropped, except for the movable -paschal term, which has been kept on religious grounds. The units -are the year, the month, and the day. Other units more convenient -for time-reckoning play no part in the arrangement of the calendar -since they are without importance for practical life. _The day_ (= -24 hours, νυχθήμερον) is determined from the apparent motion of the -heavenly bodies about the earth, which is caused by the rotation of -the earth on its axis; but since the sun also, on account of the -annual revolution of the earth about it, runs through the zodiac -in an opposite direction to its daily movement and completes the -circle of the ecliptic in a year, a day will be a little longer than -a complete rotation of the earth. Or to put it otherwise:--The time -between two successive upper culminations of a star, i. e. between -the moments at which the star passes through the meridian-line of -one and the same place (= attains the zenith), represents an axial -rotation: that is a _stellar day_. The time between two successive -culminations of the sun is, on account of the annual motion of the -sun (really that of the earth), 3 min. 56.=5= secs. longer than -a stellar day: that is a _solar day_. The number of stellar days -in a year is greater by one day than the number of solar days. The -stellar day does not follow the variations of light and darkness -and therefore does not enter into the calendar. The difference -between the actual solar day, which is of slightly varying length, -and the mean solar day abstracted from it for the purposes of our -clock-regulated time-reckoning has no significance for antiquity. -The second unit determined by the sun is the _year_, the period of a -revolution of the earth about the sun. In relation to the apparent -motion of the sun it may be defined as the time which the sun takes -to come back again to the same fixed star. This is a _stellar_ or -_sidereal year_, the length of which amounts to 365 days 6 hrs. 9 -min. 9.=34= secs. The _tropic year_ is the time which the sun -takes to come back to the crossing point of the equator, viz. the -vernal equinox. This is the natural year. Its length varies a little; -it is about 20 minutes shorter than the stellar year. The _lunar_ -or _moon-month_ is determined from the visible phases of the moon. -This term will be used only when it is necessary to make an express -distinction between the lunar and our Roman month; the latter is a -conventional subdivision of the year which has nothing to do with -the moon, and has the name ‘month’ only because it historically -arose from the lunar month and in its duration comes fairly near -the latter. But when in relation to antiquity--apart from Rome -and Egypt--we speak of months, lunar months are as a rule to be -understood. The moon revolves around the earth twelve times a year -and a little more: consequently it moves backwards in the zodiac -much more rapidly than the sun. The interval between two successive -moments at which the moon culminates at the same spot at the same -time as one and the same star is a _sidereal month_ (cp. the sidereal -year); its length is 27 days 7 hrs. 43 min. 11.=42= secs., but -it does not follow the phases of the moon and is therefore of no -consequence for the calendar. The phases of the moon are dependent -upon the position of the moon in relation to the sun and the earth. -When the three bodies are in a straight line (or rather in a plane -perpendicular to the plane of the ecliptic) in such a way that the -earth is in the middle, the side of the moon turned towards the -earth is completely illuminated and we have full moon: when the moon -is in the middle, the side turned towards the earth is completely -overshadowed, and that is new moon. In between lie the separate -phases of the waxing and waning moon. The _synodic month_ is the -interval between two new moons and comprises on an average 29 days 12 -hrs. 44 min. 2.=98= secs. This is the true lunar month: other -varieties of month are of no importance for us. - -"_The risings and settings of the stars._ It has already been -remarked that the sun in the course of a year runs through the -zodiac backwards, so that one particular star culminates 3 min. 56 -secs. earlier every day. Hence it is evident that if we indicate -the exact interval of time between the culmination of the sun and -that of one particular star, or name the star with which the sun -precisely culminates, we can determine the day of the solar year. -This is the principle of one method of computing time which was very -common among ancient and primitive peoples, but has entirely dropped -out of use in modern times owing to our paper calendar. The stars -are so to speak the stationary ciphers on the clock-face and the -sun is the hand. In practice we naturally have to do not with the -invisible culmination of the stars but with the position of the sun -and certain neighbouring stars on the edge of the horizon, whereby -the matter becomes more complicated on the astronomical side. For -this observation the so-called circumpolar stars are singled out, -that is to say the stars situated so near the pole that they do not -set (e. g. the Great Bear). If the star rises or sets simultaneously -with the rising of the sun, this is called the _true cosmic rising_ -or _setting_. If the star rises or sets simultaneously with the -setting of the sun, this is termed the _true acronychal rising_ or -_setting_. These risings and settings of the star are not visible, -since the sun hides them by its light: the rising and setting are -perceptible only when the star stands at some distance from the sun, -i. e. only the so-called apparent rising and setting are practically -observable. We have already seen that the sun every day drops nearly -4 minutes behind a certain star. Assuming that sun and star rise -simultaneously on one day (true cosmic rising), then after a few days -have passed--the period varying somewhat according to the latitude -of the place of observation, the time of the year, the size and -place of the star--there will come a day on which the star rises so -early that it is visible in the morning twilight, immediately before -the sun appears. This is the _heliacal_ or _morning rising_. From -this day the star will rise earlier and earlier, and will therefore -remain visible for a longer and longer period. In the course of half -a year, commonly a little sooner or later, the time of rising will -have been pushed so far back that it will take place in the evening -twilight; when it is pushed still farther back the rays of the -setting sun eclipse the star and its rising is no longer visible. -The last visible rising of the star in the evening twilight is the -_apparent acronychal_ or _evening rising_. After a few more days the -star goes so far back that it rises at the very moment in which the -sun sets--the true acronychal rising. The rising, which is advanced -constantly further into the light of day, is no longer visible, -but on the other hand we now see the setting of the star. If it is -assumed that the star is situated on the western horizon, i. e. sets, -when the sun is on the eastern horizon, i. e. rises--and incidentally -it is to be noted that this position, when the star is not situated -in the ecliptic, may be divided by an interval of a larger or smaller -number of days from the opposite position, viz. star on the eastern, -sun on the western horizon--this is the true cosmic setting. The star -moves forward, i. e. its setting takes place earlier in the morning, -and after a few days it will be noticed in the morning twilight -immediately before it sets, and this is the first visible setting in -the morning twilight, the _apparent cosmic_ or _morning setting_. -From this day the setting moves further and further forward into -the night and approaches the evening twilight. At length it will be -so near sunset that the star no longer sets in the night but in -the evening twilight. The last visible setting of the star in the -evening twilight is the _heliacal_ or _evening setting_. After a few -days the star has approached still nearer to the sun: both set at -the same moment, the true cosmic setting. If the star stands in the -ecliptic, the true cosmic setting coincides in date with the true -cosmic rising, otherwise these are divided by a greater or smaller -number of days (see above). As the star moves on, a heliacal rising -follows again, and so on. Between the day of the heliacal setting and -that of the heliacal rising the star is invisible, since it stands so -near the sun that it is eclipsed by the sun’s rays. It has already -been remarked that we can determine the day of the year by indicating -the true rising and setting of a star at a certain spot. As far -as the apparent rising and setting are concerned this indication -can only be approximate, since the visibility of a star depends on -several variable factors--the size of the star (because a smaller -star, in order to be visible, must move farther from the sun than a -brighter one), the transparency of the atmosphere, the keenness of -vision of the observer, the geographical latitude of the place of -observation (since the farther north or south the sun is, the more -slowly, because more obliquely, will it sink below the horizon). In -this latter respect, for instance, there is a perceptible difference -between Rome and Egypt. Only an approximate indication of time, -therefore, can be derived from the rising and setting of the stars”. - -The phases of the climate and of plant and animal life cannot -be particularly described, since they naturally vary so much in -different countries. It can only be remarked that though they depend -upon the course of the sun, yet in certain cases, owing to the -special climatic conditions of the individual years, they may be -to some extent advanced or retarded, and further that the climatic -phenomena of many parts of the earth, especially in the Tropics -but also in the Mediterranean countries, recur with a far greater -regularity than in our northern climes, which are subject to such -uncertain weather. Instances are the trade-winds and monsoons, the -dry and the rainy seasons. - -Upon the above-mentioned units the system of time-reckoning will be -based. The days are joined into months and the months into years; -only more rarely are the seasons interposed as regular units of time. -The system is like a chain the links of which run into one another -without gaps: each link is equivalent, or as nearly as possible -equivalent, to every other link of the same class, and therefore need -only be given a name and counted, not necessarily conceived in the -concrete, although this is not excluded. This is the only genuine -system, a system of _continuous time-reckoning_, which excludes -all gaps in the chain and all links of indeterminate length. The -relation between the larger and the smaller units may be treated in -various ways, chiefly on account of the fact that the smaller units -do not divide exactly into the larger. Sometimes the smaller units -may be fitted into the larger as subdivisions of the latter, so that -they constitute the links of the chain formed by the larger unit. -The inequality referred to shews then that the units vary to some -extent in number or size (year of 365 or 366 days, of 12 or 13 lunar -months, lunar month of 29 or 30 days). In that case the beginnings -of the larger unit and of the first of the smaller units coincide. -Thus in our year New Year’s Day and the first day of the first month -coincide, but the length of the months varies somewhat. This is an -inheritance from the lunisolar year, in which also New Year’s Day -and the first day of the first month coincided and the length of -the month varied between 29 and 30 days, but in addition the year -varied between 12 and 13 months. This mode of reckoning, in which the -smaller units are contained in the larger as subdivisions of them, -will be termed the _fixed_ method. - -But where the smaller units do not exactly divide into the larger, -both may also be counted independently of one another without being -equalised. A case in point is our week, which is reckoned without -reference to the year, so that every year begins with a different day -of the week. This method of reckoning we shall term the _shifting_ -method. It is less systematic than the fixed method, and we shall -therefore expect to find it play a greater part in earlier times than -at the present day. - -The system of time-reckoning, the continuous counting of the -time-units, represents the final point of the development. It is -our object to investigate the preceding stages, both systematic -and unsystematic. Certain important ideas which frequently recur -must however first be clearly set down. The _time-reckoning_ in the -proper sense of the term is preceded by _time-indications_ which -are related to concrete phenomena of the heavens and of Nature. -Since these indications depend upon the concrete phenomenon, their -duration fluctuates with the latter, or rather the duration does -not stand out by itself but the phenomenon as such is exclusively -regarded: the time-indication is not durative, like the link in any -system of time-reckoning, but indefinite, or, to borrow a grammatical -term, aoristic. And setting aside these finer distinctions we also -find that the phenomena to which the time-indications are related -are of fluctuating and very unequal duration. Since the duration -is indeterminate and fluctuating, and the time-indications are -not limited one by the other but overlap and leave gaps, they -cannot be numerically grouped together. Here we ought really to -speak not of a time-_reckoning_ in the proper sense, but only of -time-_indications_. But since the word ‘time-reckoning’ has become -naturalised, this method may be described as the _discontinuous_ -system of time-reckoning, because the time-indications do not stand -in direct relation to other time-indications but are related only to -a concrete phenomenon, and through that to other time-indications, -so that they are of indeterminate length and cannot be numerically -grouped together. - -If the number of dawns, suns, autumns, or snows that has passed since -a certain event took place, or will elapse before a certain event is -to take place, be indicated, the time that has passed or is to pass -will be defined, because the dawn or the sun recurs once in the day, -and an autumn or a snow, i. e. winter, once in the year. This is the -oldest mode of counting time. It is not the units as a whole that are -counted, since the unit as such had not yet been conceived, but a -concrete phenomenon recurring only once within this unit. It is the -_pars pro toto_ method so extensively used in chronology, and by this -name we shall call it[1]. - -Since it must now be regarded as the natural course of development -that the systematic has gradually arisen out of the unsystematic, and -that the indication of concrete phenomena following one another in -the regular succession of Nature has preceded the abstract numerical -indication of time offered by our calendars, the origin of the -time-reckoning must be sought not in any one system, however simple, -but in the discontinuous or _pars pro toto_ time-indications which -are related to concrete phenomena. - -Our task is now to make clear the nature of these discontinuous and -_pars pro toto_ time-indications, since from them proceeds, as order -is ever evolved out of chaos, the continuous time-reckoning, the -calendar. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE DAY. - - -For primitive man the day is the simplest and most obvious unit of -time. The variations of day and night, light and darkness, sleeping -and waking penetrate at least as deeply into life as the changes -following upon the course of the year, such as heat and cold, -drought and rainy seasons, periods of famine and plenty. But for -the primitive intellect the year is a very long period, and it is -only with difficulty and at a later stage that it can be conceived -and surveyed as a whole. Day and night, on the other hand, are -short units which immediately become obvious. Their fusion into a -single unit, the day of 24 hours, did not take place till later, for -this unit as we employ it is abstract and numerical: the primitive -intellect proceeds upon immediate perceptions and regards day and -night separately. - -Evidence for this fact is furnished by most languages, which are as a -rule without any proper term for day and night together, the circle -of 24 hours. In writing English one sadly misses the Swedish _dygn_, -which has exactly the required significance. The German _Volltag_ is -an artificial and not very happy compound. The Greeks also formed a -learned and rare (though good) compound, νυχθήμερον. The usual method -is to make use of a term according to the _pars pro toto_ principle. -This principle, which we meet here at the outset and shall come -across more and more frequently in the course of the following pages, -is of great importance for the development of time-reckoning since it -shews how the original time-indication is discontinuously related to -a concrete phenomenon, and only slowly and at a later period develops -into a continuous numerical unit of time. - -To describe the period of 24 hours, regarded as a single unit for -purposes of calculation, most modern and also the ancient tongues -employ the term that denotes its light part, i. e. ‘day’ etc. -Primitive peoples have no term to express this idea and must describe -the period by means of expressions equivalent to ‘day and night’, -e. g. ‘sun-darkness’ (Malay Archipelago)[2], ‘light and darkness’ -(Yukaghir in N. E. Asia)[3]. The day is sometimes described by the -concrete phenomenon which it brings, namely the sun. The Bontoc -Igorot of north Luzon have the same word for sun as for day, _a-qu_, -and the time is reckoned in suns[4]. The Comanche Indians reckon the -days in ‘suns’[5], and in an Indian hieroglyph from the northern -shores of Lake Superior the duration of a three days’ journey -described is expressed by three circles, i. e. three suns[6]. The -western tribe of the Torres Straits reckons time in ‘suns’, i. e. -days[7]. We may compare the well-known primitive idea that the sun -originates afresh for every new day. The same thing is found in the -language of signs. La Billardière in the year 1800 relates of the -very low Tasmanians, now long since extinct, that they had some idea -of regulating time by the apparent motion of the sun. In order to -inform him that they would make a journey in two days, they indicated -with their hands the diurnal motion of the sun and expressed the -number two by as many of their fingers. This, he asserts, is the only -reference that can be found to any knowledge of the movements of the -heavenly bodies[8]. So also according to Homfray the natives of the -Andamans describe a day by making a circle with the right arm, i. e. -a revolution of the sun. We may compare the indication of the time -of day by pointing with the hand to the position of the sun, with -which we shall shortly have to deal. It is not improbable that the -designation of the day by means of an indication of the course of the -sun arose in the first place from the indication of the position of -that planet. The same method of expression is found in the classical -languages as a poetic or hierarchical archaism[9], and also in -medieval Latin. But ἥλιος, _sol_, is also used to denote the yearly -revolution of the sun, i. e. a year, and the year is denoted by φάος, -_lux_. Still more striking and more significant for the discontinuous -method of reckoning is the Homeric use of ἠώς, ‘dawn’, instead of -day, e. g. “this is the twelfth dawn since I came to Ilion”,[10] -“this is the twelfth dawn he lies so”,[11] and elsewhere. Aratus -follows the Homeric use[12]. The nature of this _pars pro toto_ -reckoning will be further explained in the chapter dealing with the -year. - -The counting of the days from the dawns is unique, and the counting -from the day-time is comparatively rare: the Indo-European peoples -of olden times, and indeed most of the peoples of the globe, count -the days from the nights. For this it will be sufficient to quote -Schrader’s statement:--“Moreover it can hardly be necessary to -give evidence for this well-known custom of antiquity. In Sanskrit -a period of 10 days is called _daçarâtrá_ (:_râtrî_ = ‘night’); -_nîçanîçam_, ‘night by night’ = ‘daily’. ‘Let us celebrate the old -nights (days) and the autumns (years)’, says a hymn. In the Avesta -the counting from nights (_xsap_, _xsapan_, _xsapar_) is carried out -to a still greater extent. As for the Germanic peoples, among whom -Tacitus had already observed this custom,[13] we constantly find -in ancient German legal documents such phrases as _sieben nehte_, -_vierzehn nacht_, _zu vierzehn nachten_. In English _fortnight_, -_sennight_ are in use to-day. That the custom existed among the Celts -is proved by Caesar, _De Bell. Gall._ VI, 18, _spatia omnis temporis -non numero dierum, sed noctium finiunt_ (‘they define all spaces of -time not by the number of days but by the number of nights’). The -Arabians have the same practice. They say ‘in three nights’, ‘seventy -nights long’, and date e. g. ‘on the first night of Ramadan’, ‘when -two nights of Ramadan have gone’, or ‘are left’[14].” - -For primitive and barbaric peoples the evidence is equally abundant. -The Polynesians in general counted time in nights. Night is _po_, -to-morrow is _a-po-po_, i. e. the night’s night, yesterday is -_po-i-nehe-nei_, the night that is past[15]. The New Zealanders, in -former times, had no names for days, but only for nights[16], and -so with the inhabitants of the Sandwich Islands--and the same is -certainly true of the Polynesians as a whole, since they describe -the ‘days’, or rather the nights, by the phases of the moon. The -Society Islanders reckon in nights; to the question ‘How many days?’ -corresponds in their tongue ‘How many nights?’[17] So also do the -inhabitants of the Marquesas[18]. In the Malay Peninsula periods -exceeding a fraction of a day are reckoned in nights[19]. Among the -Wagogos of German East Africa the phases of the moon and the number -of nights serve as more exact determinations of time. The third night -after the appearance of the moon, for example, is the day following -the third night after the moon’s appearance[20]. Sometimes they -say ‘day and night’ when they wish to describe the full day of 24 -hours. Occasionally they say that they have worked so many days, -with reference to the day-time only[21]. Except in the case of this -tribe I have found no notes on the African peoples; little attention -seems to have been paid to the point in their case. But the material -for America abounds. The Greenlanders reckon in nights[22], though -certainly we are not told how those who live north of the Polar -Circle reckon in summer. So do the Indians of Pennsylvania[23], -the Pawnees, who often made use of notches cut in a stick or a -similar device for the computation of nights or even of months and -years[24], and the Biloxi of Louisiana[25]. Usually however the night -is denoted not by this word but by ‘sleep’, ‘sleeping-time’. Of the -Kiowas it is expressly stated[26] that they reckon the length of a -journey in ‘darks’, _kon_, i. e. nights, and not in ‘sleeps’. If -the question of the distance of any place arises the answer is ‘so -many darks’. It may even be doubted whether ‘sleep’ is not sometimes -translated ‘night’ by the reporters. The Dakotas say that they will -return in so many nights or sleeps[27]. Among the Omahas the night -or sleeping time marked the division of days, so that a journey -might be spoken of as having taken so many sleeps[28]. The Hupas of -Arizona[29], the tribes of the North-East[30], and the Kaigans of -the North-West[31] also reckon in sleeps. This mode of reckoning -is therefore the common one, that of the Comanches in suns is an -exception. Finally the natives of Central Australia also count time -in ‘sleeps’[32]. - -To reckon in nights is therefore the rule among the primitive -Indo-European peoples, the Polynesians, and the inhabitants of North -America. For Asia, which however is not so important for primitive -time-reckoning on account of the old and far-reaching influence -of civilisation in that continent, for Africa, and for S. America -evidence is wanting or is forthcoming only in isolated instances. -The reason probably is that in these continents also time is -really reckoned in nights, and our informants have not noticed the -agreement. This however is an _argumentum ex silentio_. Be that as it -may, the fact remains that at least half the globe reckons the days -in nights. - -The current explanation of this striking fact is given by Schrader -thus:--“Since the chronometer of primitive times is the moon and not -the sun, the reason for counting in nights instead of days becomes -almost self-evident”[33]. This statement is _a priori_ not perfectly -correct, inasmuch as there is and can have been no people that has -not observed the daily course of the sun as well as the monthly -phases of the moon: as chronometer neither of the two bodies is -older than the other. The difference lies in the development of the -time-reckoning. In point of fact an inner connection seems to exist -between the counting of the days in nights and the designation of -the days, or rather the nights, of the month according to the phases -of the moon, to which we recur further on. Even such low races as -the tribes of Central Australia already have names for the phases of -the moon, from which they reckon time[34], but unfortunately we are -not told how many. The Polynesians have very elaborately developed -these, so that every day has its separate name. The Wagogos also use -the phases of the moon as indications of time. The Arabs speak of ten -phases of the moon, combining three days under each name. The Indians -know the phases of the moon, but seem to have named and made use of -them only roughly: the only tribe that possesses a list of the names -of the days of the moon-month is the Kaigans[35], and unfortunately -this list is incomplete. Moreover there are no indications that the -primitive Indo-European peoples distinguished the phases of the moon -otherwise than roughly. The finer distinction and nomenclature of the -moon-phases, so that in the end each day comes to have its separate -name, is clearly a very far advanced special development: the use of -the word ‘night’ to express the period of 24 hours is much older. A -causal connection, such as Schrader and others have maintained, must -lie in the fact that the period of 24 hours is named after the phases -of the moon and consequently the day itself is reckoned in nights. -But this is only a comparatively isolated and advanced development, -against which must be set the fact that the Indians and so primitive -a people as the Australians use not the word ‘night’ but ‘sleep’, -which has nothing to do with the moon. - -The explanation must therefore be sought elsewhere, and is one -which also applies to the use of the word ‘winter’ for year etc. -Primitive man knows only concrete indications of time, and in -reckoning prefers to use a concrete and clearly visible point of -reference. The complete day of 24 hours is unknown to him and so he -_must_ reckon according to the principle of _pars pro toto_, and as -a matter of fact it is possible to reckon just as well from a part -of the whole as from the whole itself, provided that the part chosen -is one that only recurs once every day. The day itself, with its -various occupations, offers no such point of reference unless the -reckoning is based upon the daily appearance of the sun, which is -also actually done in certain cases. However in the daily course of -the sun, as we have already seen, two features, its duration and the -changing position of the sun, stand out prominently: but it is easier -to reckon from points than from lengths, which divert the attention -from the number. Now the sleeping-time is necessarily bound up with -each day, yet it has no separate parts, or acquires them only later -among certain peoples. The time between going to sleep in the evening -and waking in the morning appears as an undivided unit, a point. -It offers for reckoning a convenient basis in which no mistake or -hesitation is possible such as can occur in the various occupations -that fall within the period computed. The method of reckoning -in nights is merely an outcome of the necessity for a concrete -unmistakable time-indication: it is a typical example of the _pars -pro toto_ principle and time-reckoning, which, on the psychological -grounds just mentioned are especially favoured in the counting. - -For the indication of a point of time within the day the reference -to the course of the sun is the means that lies nearest to hand, -and the indication can indeed be given quite concretely by means -of a gesture in the direction of the heavens. This language of -signs is especially common in Africa. The Cross River natives of -Southern Nigeria indicate the time by pointing to the position in -the heavens which the sun occupies at that time of the day[36]. When -someone asked a Swahili what time it was, he answered, “Look at the -sun”, although this tribe knew other ways of indicating time[37]. -The Wagogo in order to shew the time of day indicate with the hand -the position of the sun in the heavens[38]. In Loango the people -indicate the time satisfactorily enough from the motion of the sun, -in divisions of two hours, by dividing the vault of the sky with -outstretched arm, often using both arms as indicators[39]. Moreover -most peoples have descriptive expressions for parts of the day, as -for instance the inhabitants of the Lower Congo[40], the Masai of -East Africa, who estimate the time of day from the position of the -sun[41], and the Hottentots, who express with certainty and clearness -both points and duration of time by referring to the position of the -sun[42]. In Dahomey the natives tell the hours by means of the sun; -they say that the sun is here or there, in order to give the time -of day[43]. The Caffres are able to give the exact time of day by -pointing with outstretched arm to the spot at which the sun appears -at the time they wish to indicate. So, for example, when the Caffre -wishes to shew that he will come at two o’clock in the afternoon of -the next day, he will say, “I will be here to-morrow, when the sun -is there”,--pointing to the position occupied by the sun at 2 p. -m.[44]. The Waporogo of German East Africa estimate the divisions -of the day from the position of the sun, which they indicate with -outstretched arm. When the arm is vertically raised, that means 12 -o’clock noon, and the other hours of the day they are able to give -with a sure instinct by means of a greater or lesser inclination -of the arm towards the body, corresponding to the position of the -sun[45]. In other parts of the world we find the same thing. Thus in -the New Hebrides the hours of the day are indicated by pointing with -the finger to the altitude of the sun[46]. If a native of Australia -is asked at what time anything took place or is going to take place, -his answer will take the form of pointing to the position which the -sun occupied or will occupy in the sky at that particular time[47]. -The Bontoc Igorot of Luzon point to the heavens in order to indicate -the position the sun occupied when a particular event occurred[48]. -The Kanyans of Sarawak, if asked at what time anyone will arrive, -point to the sun and say, “When the sun stands there”[49]. In the -Dutch East Indies the time of day is given from the position of the -sun[50]. The inhabitants of Java divide the day into ten natural but -vague and unequal subdivisions, and for astrological purposes the -day of 24 hours is divided into five parts. They also determine the -time of day by the length of the shadow and by the working-time, but -the most common method is by pointing to the situations of the sun -in the heavens, when such and such an event took place[51]. In order -to indicate the time the natives of Sumatra also point to the height -in the sky at which the sun stood when the event of which they are -speaking occurred[52]. The natives of the western tribe of the Torres -Straits, though they have learned to tell the time from the clock, -also know how to give it very accurately by observing the height of -the sun[53]. The Tahitians determine the six parts of their day from -the sun’s altitude[54]. Among the Omaha Indians the sun indicates -the time of day. A motion towards the zenith meant noon, midway -between the zenith and the west, afternoon, and midway towards the -east, forenoon[55]. The Karaya of Central Brazil divide up the day -according to the position of the sun. Indications of time are given -by pointing with the hand to the place occupied by the sun at the -time in question[56]. - -This method of indicating the time of day is quite satisfactory, -especially in the tropics and for primitive needs, and only more -rarely does it give place to other methods, the chief of which is -the observation of the length of shadows. The Javanese know this -latter method but do not often use it. In their old writings we find -a traveller described as setting out on his journey or arriving at -the end of it when his shadow was so many feet long[57]. The Masai -usually estimate the time of day from the position of the sun, but -more rarely from the length of the shadows[58]. When the shadow -measures nine feet, the Swahili say, “It is 9 o’clock (_sic!_)”[59]. -To indicate the time of day or to represent a distance the Cross -River natives use the length of shadows. They have however in most -of their houses a curious species of sun-dial, a plant about 50 cm. -high, with violet-white flowers. The flowers gradually begin to open -at sunrise, by noon they are wide open, and they gradually close -again between noon and sunset. One of these plants is placed in every -garden and enclosed within little stones[60]. To the south of Lake -Nyassa the time of day is reckoned either from the position of the -sun or from the length of the shadow thrown by a stick, _nthawe_[61]. -The Society Islanders among their numerous expressions for the time -of day include two which have reference to shadows, ‘the shadow -as long as the object’, ‘the shadow longer than a man’[62]. The -Benua-Jahun, a primitive tribe of the Malay Peninsula, indicate the -progress of the day by the inclination of a stick. Early morning is -represented by pointing a stick to the eastern horizon. Placed erect -it indicates noon, inclined at an angle of about 45° to the west it -corresponds nearly with three o’clock, and so on[63]. This practice -is doubtless connected with the common use of a stick in the Indian -Archipelago for observations of time, and is by no means primitive. -The ancient Athenians seem to have indicated time by measuring off -with the foot the length of the shadow cast by their bodies upon the -level ground before them as they stood. At all events the length of -shadows served to indicate time, cp. Aristophanes, _Ekkles._, 652, -“when the staff is ten feet, to go perfumed to dinner”[64]. The -gnomon which, according to Herodotus II, 109, the Greeks borrowed -from the Babylonians was an upright stick the shadow of which was -measured: it was also an important instrument for astronomical -observations[65]. Here however we are already at a highly developed -stage and know nothing about the origins. - -The indication of time from the position of the sun is really only -satisfactory in the tropics, where the sun always stands very high -and the length of its daily course is not exposed to too great -variation. Where the sun is much lower in winter than in summer, -and the length of the day varies greatly at different times of the -year, the method ceases to be practicable. If descriptive expressions -of one kind or another are not resorted to, other means must be -found. Above all it is important to determine the fixed point which -divides the day into two parts, i. e. noon. In the living-room of the -houses of the Scanian peasants, which were always built ‘according -to the sun’, i. e. facing east and west, there was in the southern -window-sill, beside the middle shaft of the frame, a line which was -called the ‘noon-line’. When the shadow of the shaft fell parallel -with this line it was noon. This device is not exactly primitive, -since windows in the room, more particularly in the wall, belong -to a quite advanced stage of civilisation. But on the other hand -such customs as the determination of noon and other moments of -the day from the position of the sun above certain points on the -horizon--elevations and hills--are old. In Iceland the divisions of -the day were, and still are, determined from the visible course of -the heavenly bodies. The people imagined that the sun in the course -of a day and a night ran through the eight equal regions of the -heavens (_ættir_, sing. _ætt_). The time of day was determined from -the position of the sun above the horizon by the selection in every -house of certain outstanding points within the range of vision to -serve as ‘day-marks’ (_dagsmǫrk_, sing. -_mark_)--where these were -lacking, small piles of stones were erected for the purpose--so that -when the sun stood above one of these marks a certain time of day -was given. The most important times thus determined were _rismál_ or -_miðr morgin_ (6 a. m.), _dagmál_ (9 a. m.), _hádegi_ (12 o’clock -noon), _míðmundi_ (1.30 p. m.), _nón_ (undoubtedly originally -called _undorn_ and also _eykt_, 3 p. m.), _miðr aptann_ (6 p. m.), -and _nattmál_ (9 p. m.). These indications in hours are however -only approximate, since the time varies according to the position -of the place in question[66]. The word _eykt_ really designates -any of these approximately three-hour divisions; but since the -length of the day varies enormously so far north, the business of -everyday life leads to an attempt at systematising, e. g. _rismál_ -= ‘the time of rising’. The spot which the sun has reached at one -of these divisions is therefore called _dagmálastað_, _nónstað_, -_eyktarstað_ etc. This mode of determining time must be old since -it is also found in Scandinavia, where it has given names to many -mountain-peaks. In Baedeker I have only noticed:--_Middagsfjället_ -in Jämtland, _Middagshorn_ in Norangdal, _Middagshaugen_ in -Aardal, Sogn, _Middagsnib_ in Oldendal in the Nordfjord district, -_Middagsberg_ on the Nærøfjord in Sogn, _Nonsnib_ above Loen Water -in Nordfjord, _Solbjørgenut_ in the Nærøfjord, Sogn. From Fritzner’s -Old Norwegian Lexicon (s. v. _eyktarstað_) I take:--_Durmaalstind_, -_Rismaalsfjeld_, _Nonsfjeld_, _Natmaalstinden_, _Middagsfjeld_ in -Tromsö ‘amt’ and in Finnmarken, _Eyktargnipa_ and _Undornfjeld_ -in Mule Syssel in Iceland; the peak of the latter lies in the -_nonstað_. Such names are common in Norway. In Sweden there are -further:--_Middagsberget_ in Dalecarlia = Gesundaberget, just south -of Mora; the name is found again in Härjedalen, in addition to -_Nonsberget_, _Nonsknätten_ and _Middagshognan_. Lidén[67] instances -similar names in S. Sweden and in England, and also those formed -with _mosse_, ‘swamp’, _vik_, ‘bay’, and _åker_, ‘field’. It is easy -to understand why _middag_, ‘noon’, everywhere predominates as a -nomenclator. The Lapps also indicate time by the position of the sun -in relation to the surrounding natural objects[68]. - -The gestures may be accompanied by descriptive expressions, as among -the negroes, or replaced by them, which seems to be the rule among -other peoples. The latter practice offers the further advantage of -being available in the night-time, when it is necessary to mention -a point of time after dark. The Kayans denote the time of day by -pointing to the position of the sun, but for morning and evening -they also use the expressions ‘when the sun has risen’ or ‘set’[69]. -Expressions for the most important divisions, sunrise and sunset (= -morning and evening) and noon, are found among all peoples. Even the -tribes of Central and Northern Australia have words e. g. for evening -and for morning before sunrise[70]. The richness of the terminology -however varies exceedingly. The Indians divide the day into three -or four rough divisions only. The Seminole of Florida divided up -the day by terms descriptive of the positions of the sun in the sky -from dawn to sunset[71]: unfortunately we are not told what these -words were or how many of them existed. Among the Hopi of Arizona -there is every evidence that the time of day was early indicated by -the altitude of the sun[72]. The Omahas know no smaller divisions -of the day than morning, noon, and afternoon, to which certainly -must be added the transitional periods of sunrise and sunset[73]. -The Occaneechi of Virginia measure the day by sunrise, noon, and -sunset[74]. The Algonquins of the same province mention the three -times of the rise, power, and lowering of the sun[75]. Many tribes -however had four divisions[76], e. g. the Natchez of Louisiana, who -divided the day into four equal parts: half the morning, until noon, -half the afternoon, until evening[77]. But there is also a richer -terminology, e. g. the Kiowa words for dawn (‘first-light’), sunrise -(lit. ‘the-sun-has-come-up’), morning (lit. ‘full-day’), noon, -earlier afternoon until about 3 o’clock, late afternoon, evening -(lit. ‘first-darkness’)[78]; and in particular among the Statlumh -of British Columbia: dawn (‘it-just-comes-day’), early morning -(‘just-now-morning’), morning light (‘just-see-things’), full light -(‘just-now-day’), sunrise (‘outside-sun’), early morning (midway -between sunrise and noon), noon (up till about 2 p. m.), middle of -the afternoon, about 4 p. m., ‘three-fourths-of-the-day-have-gone’, -‘sun-sitting-down’, ‘the-sun-gone’,’evening-creeping-up-the-mountain’ -(this refers to the line of shadow on the eastern mountains), -‘reached-the-top’, i. e. the line of the shadows, twilight, -‘getting-dark’, night, darkness, pitch dark[79]. - -Of the Indians of S. America little is reported. -‘The-sun-is-perpendicular’ was the expression for noon on the -Orinoco[80]. The Indians of Chile had words for morning twilight, -dawn, morning, noon, afternoon, evening, evening twilight, night, and -midnight[81]. - -The terminology for the parts of the day is especially rich -in Africa, a fact which is connected with the refinement of -the observation of the sun’s position resulting from the -custom of indicating this by a gesture in the direction of the -heavens. Such simple indications as those of the Babwende for -noon, ‘the-sun-over-the-crown-of-the-head’, and for midnight, -‘the-silence-of-the-land’[82], are rare. A number of elaborate -time-indications are as a rule employed. The Wadschagga say at six -o’clock in the morning ‘the sun rises’, at twelve o’clock ‘the -sun rests on his cushion’ (like a tired porter), from twelve to -one ‘the sun goes straight on’, about two it ‘bows’, about six it -‘falls down’, or ‘spreads its arms out’, like a man in the act of -falling[83]. The terms used by the Bangala are:--about 2 a. m., -the lying fowl; 3, the lying bird; 4, the first fowl; 4-5, the sun -is near; 5, not translated; 5.=30=-6, the dawn; 6, the sun is -come; 6.=15=-7, _ntete_; 12 noon, 2-3, 3-4, not translated; 6, -the fowls go in, or the sun enters, or the sun darkens; 6.=30=, -twilight finishes; 11-12, one set of the ribs or one side of a -person, meaning that a person turns from lying on one side over on -to the other; 12 midnight, second division or second half[84]. In -Bornu the expressions for the time of day are formed by the aid of -the word _dinia_ = ‘world’, ‘universe’, ‘sky’. From about 4 to 5 ‘the -world cuts the aurora’; at 6 ‘the world is light’; at 12 ‘the sun -is in the centre of the world’. Afterwards follow ‘it is evening’, -twilight, night, midnight. Since the people are Mohammedans they -also have expressions for the hours of prayer[85]. The expressions -used by the Shilluk of the White Nile are translated[86]:--“The -first morning, twilight becomes visible, morning dawn, morning, -the earth is morning (it is morning)--the difference here is not -evident--noon, the sun is in the zenith, the sun begins to sink -(afternoon), it is afternoon, the sun is setting, the sun has set, it -is night, at night, midnight.” The Yoruba divide the day into early -morning, morning or forenoon, noon (when the day is ‘perpendicular’), -shadow-lengthening or afternoon, evening or twilight[87]. The -Masai distinguish the following parts of the day:--at 4 a. m. -it is ‘not-yet-early’; at 5 it is ‘early’; somewhat later come -dawn, twilight (about 5.=30=, ‘the-sun-is-still-far-off’), -and sunrise (‘the-sun-shews-himself-a-little’ or ‘rises’). -From 8 to 10 it is ‘still-early’, towards 11 they say -‘the-sun-is-not-yet-perpendicular-overhead’, at 12 -‘the-sun-is-perpendicular-overhead’. The afternoon is usually -expressed by ‘the-shadow-is-turned-round’. This phrase is often -used for the period from 3 to 5 p. m. In particular, 12-2 = -‘the-sun-is-broken’, 2-4 = ‘afternoon-now’, 4-6 is evening, 5 = -‘the-sun-goes-down’, sunset glow = ‘the-twilight-follows-the-sun’. -With the coming of darkness begins the _tapa_, which lasts until 8 -o’clock, when the people usually go to rest[88]. Another authority -gives the following list:--Evening, when the cattle return to the -kraal just before sunset; night-fall, or the hour for gossip, before -the people go to bed about 8 o’clock; then night, midnight, and the -time when the buffaloes go to drink (about 4 a. m.), this latter is -the hour before the sun rises; then ‘the blood-red period’ or ‘the -time when the sun decorates the sky’, this is the hour when the -first rays of the sun redden the heavens; after that morning, when -the sun has risen. There are also hours called ‘the-sun-stands-(or -is-)opposite-to-one’ (midday), and ‘the-shadows-lower-themselves’ -(1-2 p. m.)[89]. The Nandi, north-east of the Victoria Nyanza, divide -the day into six parts with separate names: 5-6 a. m., 6-9 a. m., -9 a. m.-2 p. m., 2-6 p. m., 6-7 p. m., night. They have moreover a -highly developed terminology for the hours of the day, to which we -shall return later. The Baganda distinguish the following times of -day:--night, midnight, cock-crow, early dawn, morning, ‘little sun’ -(early morning from 6 to 9), full or broad daylight (9-2), midday, -afternoon, evening[90]. The lower classes sometimes reckon from the -meal-times, breakfast at 7 a. m., dinner at noon, and supper at 6 -p. m. Women engaged in rough work in the gardens spoke of the time -at which such and such an event took place as that of the first or -second pipe, the first marking an interval of rest at 8 a. m., the -second being smoked when work ceased at 10 a. m.[91]. The expressions -for the times of day among the Thonga of South Africa have been -translated and explained as follows:--“The dawn is called _nipandju_; -then come _tlhabela sana_, the time when the rays of the sun (_sana_) -are piercing; _hisaka sana_, when they are burning; _nhlekani_, the -middle of the sky, or _shitahataka_, the maximum point of heat; -then _ndjenga_ or _lihungu_, the afternoon; the time when the sun -goes down (_renga_); _ku pela_ or _ku hlwa_, when it reaches the -horizon; and _inpimabayeni_, the twilight, literally ‘the time when -you do not easily recognise strangers coming to your village because -it grows dark’”[92]. It is remarkable here that many indications -are given from the increasing heat and not from the position of -the sun. The Hottentots distinguish morning and evening twilight, -morning brightness, i. e. the time of clear day shortly before -sunrise (the native name is given because about dawn it is usually -most perceptibly cold), and evening brightness, ‘the red twilight’. -‘Little children’s twilight’ was in some places the name given to -the time of the first noticeable diminution of light after sunset, -in accordance with the belief that at this hour most children were -born. Afternoon and morning were only approximate. A distinction -was made between evening and late evening, which extended till long -after sunset[93]. The author just quoted remarks that in this case -one is struck by the fact that while the limits of day and night -are elaborately marked out, of the hours of day itself only noon is -brought into prominence. The same is the case with most peoples who -possess a more highly developed terminology of this nature, and the -circumstance is perfectly natural, since the concrete differences -in the phenomena of light and of the heavens become so great and so -easily visible during the transition from day to night and night -to day. As soon as the sun has risen a little in the heavens these -differences consist chiefly in the position of the sun and in the -increasing heat. Here the language of signs is really more expressive. - -The aboriginals of the Andaman Islands have terms for the following -times of day:--dawn, the time between this and sunrise, sunrise, -the time between sunrise and 7 a. m., morning (three different -expressions), noon, the time from noon to 3 p. m., from 3 to 5, -from 5 to sunset, sunset, twilight, from night-fall to midnight, -midnight[94]. In Busang (the common commercial language of the -Bakau) as spoken by the Mendalam Kayan of Borneo the different times -of day are named:--_dow_ (day) _bekang_ (open, split) = 6 a. m.; -_dow njirang_ (to shine) _mahing_ (powerful) = about 9 a. m.; _dow -negrang_ (upright) _marong_ (real) = about 12 noon; _dow njaja_ -(great) = about 4 p. m.; _dow lebi_ (little) = about 6 p. m.[95] -The terms used by the Islamite Malayans of Sumatra are mingled -with Arabic loan-words, which I indicate by (Ar.):--6 a. m. (Ar.) -dawn, 9 ‘half of the rising’, 11 ‘close to noon’, 12 ‘middle of -the day’, 12-1 p. m. (Ar.), 1-3 ‘mid-descent’, 3 ‘the time of the -long sinking’, 4 (Ar.) afternoon, 5.=30= ‘time of twilight’, 6 -(Ar.) sunset, 8 (Ar.) evening[96]. The Javanese speak of morning, -forenoon, noon, afternoon, fall of the day, sunset, evening[97]. The -Achenese of Sumatra, who have a fully developed calendar influenced -by Arabic, keep the old names for the times of day but with Arabic -words and the Moslem hours of prayer intermingled. About 6 a. m. = -with the breaking forth of the sun; 7-7.=30= = the sun a pole -high, referring to the poles used in propelling craft; 9 = rice -time, i. e. meal time; 10 = the loosening of the ploughing-gear; -11 = the approaching of the zenith; 12 = the zenith; 12.=30= -= the falling from the zenith; 1.=30=-2 = the middle of the -period devoted to obligatory noon-day prayers; 3 = the last part -of this; 3.=30= = the beginning, 4.=30=-5 = the middle, -and 5.=30= = the last part of the time of afternoon prayers; -6 = sunset; 7.=30= = evening, especially referring to the -time of commencement of the evening prayer; then come midnight and -the last third of night, 3 a. m. = the single crowing of the cock, -4-4.=30= = the continuous crowing of the cocks, nearly 5 = the -streaks of dawn[98]. For the Malays of the Peninsula the following -list is given:--just before dawn = before the flies are astir; -after sunrise = the heat begins; about 8 a. m. = when the dew dries -up; about 9 = when the sun is half-way above. Then follow:--when -the plough rests; noon = just noon, right in the middle, when -the shadows are round; afternoon = when the day turns back; about -1.=30= p. m. = after (Friday) prayer; about 3 = when the -buffaloes go to water; about 10 = when the children have gone to -sleep[99]. - -The natives of the Solomon Islands have a rich terminology. In -Buin the following degrees of brightness in the daylight are -distinguished:--4 a. m., ‘it gradually begins to get light’; 5, -‘the brightness is coming on’; 6, ‘the sun shews himself’; 7, ‘it -is getting sun’, ‘the sun is there’; 10, ‘the sun is over the -side-rafters of the roof’ (i. e. not yet quite overhead); 12 noon, -‘the sun has come overhead’; 2 p. m., ‘with westerly inclination’, -‘turning’; 3.30, ‘it has come to the tying of the knot’ (on the -Gazelle Peninsula they say of this time ‘the sun has sat down to -glow’); 5, ‘darkness is drawing near’; 6, ‘it has begun to get -dark’; 7, ‘it has grown dark’[100]. Moreover there are words and -expressions which mean ‘middle of the heavens’, ‘the sun is over the -ridge’, ‘the sun stands below 70° from the horizon’, ‘the sun is -on the entrance-beam’[101]. A feature of special note here is that -the houses (which must all be built facing the same direction) and -their parts serve as aids in indicating time. The inhabitants of New -Britain (Bismarck Archipelago) divided up the day according to the -position of the sun, and had words for sunrise, noon, afternoon, the -time of the declining sun, nearly sunset, sunset, and presumably some -others[102]. - -The Polynesians mingle the time-indications based on the position -of the sun with others which are derived from the life of men and -nature. We are told that the Hawaiian day was divided into three -general parts, 1, breaking the shadows, 2, the plain, full day, -3, the decline of the day. But this must be completed by what -follows:--The lapse of night, however, was noted by five stations: -1, about sunset; 2, between sunset and midnight; 3, midnight; 4, -between midnight and sunrise; 5, sunrise[103]. A native Hawaiian -writes:--“When the stars fade away and disappear, it is _ao_, -daylight; when the sun rises, day has come, _la_; when the sun -becomes warm, morning is past; when the sun is directly overhead -it is _awahea_, noon; when the sun inclines to the west in the -afternoon, the expression is _wa ani ka la_. After that come evening, -_ahi-ahi_ (_ahi_, fire), and then sunset, _napoo ka la_, and then -comes _po_, the night, and the stars shine out”. Other expressions -are translated:--‘there comes a glimmer of colour on the mountains’, -‘the curtains of night are parted’, ‘the mountains light up’, ‘day -breaks’, ‘the east blooms with yellow’, ‘it is broad daylight’[104]. - -These are, poetically regarded, very fine examples of the rich -terminology for the time of transition between night and day. -In Tahiti the day has six divisions which are fairly accurately -determined by the height of the sun. Names are given for midnight, -midnight to daybreak, daybreak, sunrise, the time when the sun begins -to be hot, when it reaches the meridian, evening before sunset, the -time after sunset[105]. The names for the times of day among the -Society Islanders were particularly well developed. For the day -there were two expressions according to its extension either from -morning to evening twilight or from the rising to the setting of -the sun. No division into regular periods was known, nor any means -of establishing these; nevertheless the islanders distinguished a -varying number of points of time, according to recurring physical -changes, at unequal distances from each other. Thus:--the time of -cock-crow, the first breaking of clouds, twilight, the stirring -of the flies, the time at which a man’s face can be recognised, -daylight, the dipping forward of the sun’s edge, sunrise, the sun -above the horizon, the rays broadening over the land, the rays -falling on the crown of the head, the same a little oblique, the -shadow as long as the object, the same longer than the man, the -sun near the horizon, sunset, the time at which the houses are -lit up, twilight, night, midnight[106]. For the Marquesas are -given:--daybreak, twilight, dawn, (‘the day or the red sky, the -fleeing night’), broad day--bright day from full morning to about ten -o’clock--, noon (‘belly of the sun’), afternoon (‘back part of the -sun’), evening (‘fire-fire’, the same expression as in Hawaii, i. -e. the time to light the fires on the mountains or the kitchen fire -for supper)[107]. The Samoans divided the day into first dawn, dawn, -cock-crowing, day-break, the time when the bird _iao_ was heard (_i_ -= call, _ao_ = day-break), morning, the time to feed the tame pigeons -(about 9 a. m.), the sun upright (= noon), half-way down (about 3 p. -m.), sunset. After that the night was divided into:--the crying of -the cricket (about 20 minutes after sunset), fire-lighting (about -half-an-hour later), the extinguishing of the lights (about 9 p. m.), -midnight, and _tulna o pa ma ao_, ‘the standing together of night and -day’[108]. - -Indications of this nature are convenient only in countries in which -the sun is neither too often nor too long hidden by clouds. When the -sun is hidden the inhabitants have to manage as best they can. A -very interesting statement in this connection is made by a Swahili -native. In rainy days his tribe observed the crowing of the cock. At -the first cock-crow they knew that it was 5 or 6 a. m.; when the cock -failed to crow all sense of a division of time was lost to them[109]. - -The phenomena of Nature afford little basis for the naming of -the times of day, since there is hardly one of them which recurs -regularly every day at a definite time, with the exception of -cock-crow, which is in great favour as an indication of the time -before sunrise. Other exceptional cases are such names as that -mentioned for the Society Islands, ‘the stirring of the flies’; one -given for the Mahakam Kayan of Borneo, _tiling_ (a cricket which -is only to be heard at sunset) _duan_ (to sing)[110]; a couple of -expressions of the Wadschagga, ‘the cry of the partridge’ in the -evening, ‘the turning of the smoke down the mountain’[111]; and one -of the Nandi, ‘the elephants have gone to water’[112]. But a people -which devotes itself to cattle-rearing or to agriculture may borrow -from its regular daily occupations expressions for the times of -day. Thus the Mahakam Kayan, besides the above-mentioned name for -late afternoon and the term for noon (_beluwa dow_, ‘half-day’), -have an expression for about 4 p. m.--_dow uli_, i. e. ‘the time of -the home-coming from work in the fields’. The Javanese are strongly -influenced by civilisation and have, especially for astrological -purposes, a fully developed chronological system; not seldom, -however, the times of day are given in relation to the rural labour. -So they say ‘when the buffalo is sent to the pastures’, ‘when the -buffalo is brought back from the pastures’ or ‘is housed’ etc.; but -for the time of the occurrence of any event the position of the sun -is usually indicated[113]. The Achenese and the Malays of Sumatra -have an expression exactly corresponding to the Greek βουλυτός[114]. -The Wadschagga have expressions for the position of the sun, but -also others[115], among which may be mentioned ‘the first going of -the oxen to the pastures in the morning’. This kind of terminology -seems to have been developed into a system among the Banyankole, -a cattle-raising tribe of the Uganda Protectorate. The day is -divided up in the following way:--6 a. m., milking-time; 9 a. m., -_katamyabosi_, not translated; 12 noon, rest for the cattle; 1 p. m., -the time to draw water; 2 p. m., the time for the cattle to drink; 3 -p. m., the cattle leave the watering-place to graze; 4 p. m., the sun -shews signs of setting; 5 p. m., the cattle return home; 6 p. m., the -cattle enter the kraal; 7 p. m., milking-time[116]. This terminology -is of especial interest since it remains in various Indo-European -languages as a relic of antiquity, and affords a hitherto little -observed piece of evidence for the life of antiquity which agrees -well with others. Compare Sanskrit _sagavás_, the time when the cows -are herded together; βουλυτός, the time when the oxen were unyoked -in the Homeric phrase ἦμος δ’ ἠέλιος μετενίσσετο βουλυτόνδε[117]; -and Irish _im-buarach_, morning, ‘at the yoking of the oxen’. With -rest or meal-times are associated Old High German _untorn_, ‘noon’, -the time of the mid-day rest, Sanskrit _abhipitvam_, ‘evening’, and -Lithuanian _piëtus_, ‘noon’, which goes back to Sanskrit _pitus_, -‘meal-time’[118]. - -Time-indications of various kinds are, as we have seen, used -alongside of one another; when they are fully employed a very highly -organised terminology for the times of day may be arrived at. The -names for the times of day among the Nandi seem almost artificial:--2 -a. m., the elephants have gone to the waters; 3, the waters roar; -4, the land (sky) has become light; 5, the houses are opened; -5.=30=, the oxen have gone to the grazing-ground; 6, the sheep -have been unfastened; 6.=30=, the sun has grown; 7, it has -become warm; 7.=30=, the goats have gone to the grazing-ground; -9, the goats have returned from the grazing-ground; 9.=30=, -the goats sleep in the kraal; 10, the goats have arisen, the oxen -have returned; 10.=30=, the oxen sleep; 11, untie the cattle, -i. e. let the calves get their food, the goats feed; 11.=30=, -the oxen have arisen; 12 noon, the sun has stood upright, the goats -sleep in the wood; 12.=30=, the goats have drunk water; 1 p. -m., the sun turns, i. e. goes towards the west, the cattle have -drunk water; 1.=30=, the drones hum; 2, the sun continues to go -towards the west, the oxen feed; 3, the goats have been collected; 4, -the oxen drink water for the second time, the goats have returned; -4.=30=, the goats sleep; 5, the eleusine grain has been cleaned -for us, take the goats home, shut up the calves; 5.=30=, the -goats have entered the kraal; 6, the sun is finished, the cattle have -returned; 6.=15=, milk (sc. the cows); 6.=45=, neither man -nor tree is recognisable, cattle-fold doors have been closed; 7, the -heavens are fastened; 8, the porridge is finished; 9, those who have -drunk milk are asleep; 10, the houses have been closed; 11, those who -sleep early wake up; 12, the middle of the night[119]. - -As a last example I give the most detailed list of all, from the -neighbourhood of Antananarivo, the capital of Madagascar. The -times given are naturally to be taken on the average. 12 midnight, -centre of night or halving of night; 2 a. m., frog-croaking; 3, -cock-crowing; 4, morning also night; 5, crow-croaking; 5.=15=, -bright horizon, glimmer of day, reddish east; 5.=30=, the -colours of cattle can be seen, dusk, diligent people awake, early -morning; 6, sunrise, day-break, broad daylight; 6.=15=, dew -falls, the cattle go out; 6.30, the leaves are dry (i. e. the dew -disappears); 6.=45=, the hoar-frost disappears, the day chills -the mouth (this applies only to the two or three winter months); 8, -advance of the day; 9, (the sun is) over (at a right angle with) the -purlin; 12 noon, over the ridge of the roof.--In the forenoon the -position of the sun nearly square with the eastern purlin of the roof -marked about 9 o’clock; and as noon approached, its vertical position -about the ridge-pole, or at least its reaching the meridian, clearly -indicated 12 o’clock. In regard to the terms for the afternoon we -must bear in mind that the houses in former times were always built -with their length running north and south and with the single door -and window facing the west; the sunlight coming in after midday at -the open door by its gradual progress along the floor gave a fairly -accurate measure of time. The house therefore served, as among the -Dyaks, as a kind of sun-dial.--12.=30= p. m., day taking hold -of the threshold; 1, peeping in of the day (into the room), day less -one step; 1.=30=--2, slipping of the day, decline of the day, -afternoon; 2, (the sun) at the rice-pounding place (i. e. the sunbeam -falls on the rice mortar), at the house-post (there were in the house -three posts supporting the ridge: in the southern one there were -notches, _jinja andry_, from which the advance of the sunlight and of -the day was observed); 3, at the place of tying the calf (as the rays -reached the one of the posts to which the calf was tied at night); 4, -at the sheep- or poultry-pen; 4.=30=, the cow newly calved comes -home; 5, the sun touching (i. e. when the declining sunshine reached -the eastern wall of the house); 5.=30=, the cattle come home; -5.=45= sunset flush; 6, sunset (lit. ‘sun dead’); 6.=15=, -the fowls come in; 6.=30=, dusk, twilight; 6.=45=, the edge -of the rice-cooking pan is obscure; 7, people begin to cook rice; 8, -people eat rice; 8.=30=, finished eating; 9, people go to sleep; -9.=30=, everyone in bed; 10 gun-fire; 12, midnight[120]. - -Finally I collect the Homeric expressions for the parts of the day. -They are far from being so elaborately organised as the examples -quoted above, and many are incidental periphrases; the terminology is -still at its beginnings. Its character is quite primitive also in the -juxtaposition of terms of different kinds. The day is divided into -the familiar three parts. ‘It will be a dawn, or an afternoon, or a -noon when I am to be killed’, says Achilles[121]. The meaning of ἠώς, -‘dawn’, is also extended so that the word can denote forenoon or at -least morning. Cp. the following phrases:--‘I slept the whole night -and to the dawn and to the noon’,[122] ‘as long as it was dawn and -the holy day increased’[123]; of this the phrase already quoted, ‘as -the sun turned over to the unyoking of the oxen’, is the counterpart. -In this sense appears also the derivative ἠοίη. When Menelaus wishes -to surprise the Old Man of the Sea he goes to the seashore ‘as the -dawn appeared’[124]: the Old Man is said to come ‘as the sun ascends -the middle of the heavens’[125]. Thus ‘we waited the whole dawn’ -until ‘the Old Man came up from the sea at noon’[126]. The afternoon, -in which the suitors amuse themselves with dance and song, is also -called eventide[127]; when evening, ἕσπερος, comes, they go home to -sleep[128]. Besides these larger divisions smaller ones were also -indicated, e. g. the morning twilight, ‘when it was not yet dawn -but still the twilight of the ending night’[129]. Before dawn there -appears the morning star, ἑωσφόρος, Il. XXIII, 226, Od. XIII, 93. -ἠώς, ‘dawn’ in the proper sense of the word, is often used as a -time-indication, sometimes in the well-known periphrastic expressions -of Il. XI, 1, XIX, 1, Od. V, 1. XXIII, 347, XXII, 197, sometimes -alone, e. g. ‘at dawn’, ‘at the appearance of dawn’[130]. Sunrise -is always indicated by verbal and often periphrastic expressions, -simply by ἀνιέναι, ‘rise’[131], further ‘the sun, leaving the fair -sea, rose into the all-brazen heaven to shine for the immortal ones’ -etc.[132], and ‘neither as he ascends to the starry heaven nor as -he again turns back to the earth from the heavens’[133], similarly -Od. XII, 380 ff., Il. XI, 735 ‘as long as the shining sun rose above -the earth’[134], and Il. VII, 421 ff. ‘the sun thereafter once -more struck the fields, ascending in the heavens from the deep and -soft-flowing ocean’[135]. The expression can therefore also include -the time immediately following after sunrise, but is not applied to -the whole period of the sun’s ascension, i. e. the forenoon. The -culmination of the sun is mentioned in Od. IV, 400 (cp. above) and -in Il. VIII, 68. The decline of the day is thus described, ‘the day -was for the greater part gone’[136]; for the sinking of the sun see -Od. XI, 18, XII, 381 (cp. above), and the already quoted expression -‘the sun turned over to the unyoking of the oxen’. Sunset (Il. -XVII, 454, XVIII, 241, Od. II, 388) is described by the common word -δύνειν, ‘set’, or by ‘goes under the earth’[137], or ‘the bright -light of the sun sank down in the ocean, drawing after himself the -dark night’[138]. The evening star has the same name as evening, -ἕσπερος[139]. The Homeric Greeks therefore do not seem to have -observed the position of the sun in any but the most general fashion. -We may add certain indications taken from the business of daily life. -The word βουλυτός (cp. above p. 31) appears in the twice-recurring -verse ‘as the sun turned over to the unyoking of the oxen’[140]. -It is not the sun but the ploughman that unyokes the oxen: the -word has therefore become established as a chronological _terminus -technicus_ which is significant on account of its antiquity. About -the expression ἐν νυκτὸς ἀμολγῷ there has been much dispute. It -occurs:--Il. XI, 173 and XV, 324, where lions surprise a herd, XXII, -28, in the simile of the morning rising of Sirius, 317, of the -shining forth of the evening star, Od. IV, 841 ‘so clear appeared -the dream to her’[141]: it is a well-known fact that we dream for -the most part shortly before waking. The sense ‘beginning or end -of night’ is therefore fully confirmed. As for the etymology I do -not hesitate to pronounce in favour of that lying nearest to hand, -viz. ἀμέλγειν, ‘to milk’, and therefore ‘milking-time’. Compare the -terms of the Banyankole for early morning at 6 o’clock and evening -at 7--‘milking-time’--and those of the Nandi: 6 p. m. ‘the sun is -over, the cattle have come back’; 6.=15=, ‘milk’ (sc. the -cows). That only these two expressions have settled into _termini -technici_ admits of a not unimportant conclusion in regard to -antiquity. The meal-hour as an indication of time occurs Il. XI, -86, ‘when a wood-cutter prepares his meal after having fatigued his -arms by felling large trees’[142], and Od. XII, 439, ‘when a man -rises from the market-place to go home to the meal after having -judged many quarrels’[143],--in the latter instance in connexion -with the market. This time-indication was destined to have a great -future as the social life of the Greeks developed. Phrases such as -the following are of common occurrence:--‘when the market-place is -full’[144], ‘before the market-place has filled itself’[145], ‘the -breaking up of the assembly of the market-place’[146], etc. The night -was divided into the familiar three parts (although the expression -μέση νύξ, ‘middle of the night’, first occurs in the smaller Iliad) -and was judged according to the position of the stars:--‘Let us go, -for the night draws close to an end and the dawn is near. The stars -are far gone. The greater part of night is gone, the two parts, only -the third part remains’[147]; ‘when it was the third part of the -night and the stars had passed’[148]. The morning star serves as a -time-indicator at the nocturnal home-coming of Odysseus[149]. - -The Latin expressions I merely copy from Censorinus, Ch. 24, and -insert in brackets the additions made by Macrob., _Sat._ I, 3, 16 -ff. _Tempus quod huic_--i. e. _nox media--proximum est vocatur de -media nocte (media noctis inclinatio), sequitur gallicinium, cum -galli canere incipiunt, dein conticinium, cum conticuerunt; tunc -ante lucem, et sic diluculum, cum sole nondum orto iam lucet. -Secundum diluculum vocatur mane cum lux videtur sole orto, post -hoc ad meridiem, tunc meridies, quod est medii diei nomen, inde -de meridie (inde--i. e. a meridie--tempus occiduum), hinc suprema -... post supremam sequitur vespera ante ortum scilicet_--this must -be before the appearance of the star--_eius stellae, quam Plautus -vesperuginem ... appellat_. There are also _ortus_ and _occasus -solis_, _crepusculum_. This terminology is poor and applies almost -exclusively to the daylight. In ancient Rome the edifices of the -Forum are said to have served as sun-dials. A servant of the consul -proclaimed noon “when the sun peeped between the Rostra and the -Graecostasis; when the sun sank from the Maenian column to the prison -he proclaimed evening, but only on clear days”[150]. With the advance -of civilisation the Greek terms for the twelve hours of the day, each -of which varied in length according to the time of the year, became -customary, a fact which is connected with the spread of sun- and -water-clocks[151]. Hence arises in the Middle Ages the terminology -derived from the daily mass (_hora canonica_)[152]. In daily life -there was often a recurrence to primitive methods. I borrow a few -examples of a quite primitive character from the early medieval tract -_Peregrinatio Aetheriae_:--‘the hour when people can recognise each -other’[153], ‘when the crow of cocks begins’[154], ‘from the first -cock-crow’[155], etc., but also _hora tertia_, _quinta_, _sexta_ -(noon). - -An obviously isolated method is the determination of the times of day -from the daily twice-recurring ebb and flow of the tides; the method -is also very unsuitable, since the period of a complete tide is 12 -hours 25 minutes, so that the two periods together exceed the day by -nearly an hour. In fact the Eskimos of Greenland are the only people -who reckon by the tides. They divide up the day according to ebb and -flow, although they must always reckon differently on account of the -variations of the moon[156]. Dalsager[157] also points this out and -remarks that their reckoning cannot last for two consecutive days, so -that they have to make a fresh division every day. The rudiments of -this method are however seen among some of the tribes of Polynesia. -Immediately after the above-quoted divisions of the day among the -Society Islanders are mentioned “the longer periods before noon and -midnight during which the sea rises, and the others following these, -in which it falls”[158], and “night or the light quite gone, when the -sea begins to flow towards the land, about 11 at night”[159]. The -Hawaiians called the rising of the tide by such names as the rising, -big, full, and surrounding sea; when the water neither rose nor fell -it was called the standing sea; the ebbing sea they spoke of as the -parted, retiring, and defeated sea[160]. - -The night is the time of complete darkness and rest, and therefore -the frequently mentioned expression, ‘sleeping-time’, corresponds to -night. Seldom is the whole time during which the sun remains below -the horizon to be understood by it. On the Society Islands there -were two expressions for day according to its extension from morning -to evening twilight or from sunrise to sunset[161]. The Hawaiian -judge, Fornander, follows this mode of speech when he distinguishes -five periods of night, (1) about sunset, (2) between sunset and -midnight, (3) midnight, (4) between midnight and sunrise, and (5) -sunrise[162]. For the times between sunset and night-fall and between -night and sunrise there is a rich terminology which has already been -illustrated. During the night itself time-indications are for obvious -reasons scanty. Often the only point distinguished is midnight, e. -g. by the Kiowa[163], the Masai[164], the Shilluk[165]; ‘the silence -of the land’ among the Babwende[166], ‘the back of night’ among -the Hottentots[167], ‘the time of sleep’ among the Hawaiians[168]. -Hence arises of itself a threefold division in which the periods of -night before and after midnight are distinguished, as e. g. by the -Hawaiians[169]. The usual method is to start from the day, i. e. the -limit of the day, and then to proceed on both sides in the direction -of midnight, as in the late evening of the Hottentots, which extends -till long after sunset[170], and the ‘not yet early’ and the _tara_ -(beginning at dusk and extending till the time of rest) among the -Masai[171], etc. The Tahitians are credited with six divisions of the -day and as many of the night, this more accurate division of night -being of course determined by the stars[172]; the only expressions -reported however are those for midnight and the time from midnight -to daybreak[173]. On the Marquesas Islands the first night-watch -was ‘the hour of ghosts’; the advanced night was termed ‘black -night’, and midnight ‘great sleep’; the last watch of night was ‘the -coming of day’[174]. The Wadschagga have three night watches:--the -awakening in the evening, that in the middle (midnight), and that in -the morning twilight[175]. The Javanese have night, midnight, and -waning of night[176]. Where the cock is kept, its crow serves as a -sign that the night is drawing to an end, as for instance among the -Swahili[177], and in the Dutch Indies[178]; the Yoruba distinguish -other cock-crowings, such as ‘the cock opening the way’, i. e. the -first cock-crowing, ‘the time of the cock-crowing immediately before -sunset’[179]. Quite exceptional however is the device ascribed to the -inhabitants of the New Hebrides. In order to denote the hours of the -night they make a gesture in the direction of the spot where the sun -would be at the corresponding hour of day[180]. - -There is only one means of accurately indicating the times of night, -and that is by the observation of the stars. Many peoples judge from -the position of the morning-star the time that has yet to elapse -before sunrise: but this cannot always be done, and in any case the -method is only of use in the early morning. But the fixed stars -are always there. The difficulty however arises that every day the -stars gain about four minutes on the sun; the stars must therefore -be accurately known, and the observer must either be acquainted with -their positions at definite times of the year or else be constantly -choosing a new star as his chronometer. Not many peoples have got -so far as that. Although the science of astronomy was very well -developed among the Polynesians, we are told of the Tahitians that to -distinguish the hours of night by means of the stars was a science -with which very few of them were acquainted[181]. On the Society -Islands the advance of night was determined from the stars[182]; and -so in Hawaii, with as great accuracy as the hours of the day from -the sun[183]. “When the Milky Way passes the meridian and inclines -to the west, people (in Hawaii) say ‘the fish has turned’”[184]. -Among the Indians of South America the knowledge of the stars is very -wide-spread. E. Nordenskjöld, who visited the border districts where -Brazil, Bolivia, and the Argentine meet, says repeatedly that the -stellar heavens are the Indian’s clock and compass. When sitting in -their huts they can, without looking out, indicate the positions of -the more important constellations in the sky. If one is out with an -Indian at night he will point to Orion or some other constellation -and shew how far it will have moved on before the end of the journey -is reached[185]. The Eskimos of Greenland, when it is dark, indicate -the time from _nelarsik_ (Vega)[186], or from the Pleiades[187]. -Among them the observation of the stars is uncommonly well developed. -The Lapps, who have to tend their reindeer during the long winter -nights, determine the course of time by certain stars. _Sarvon_ is -the largest star in the heavens: when in winter it stands in the -middle of the sky it marks midnight; it is called the night-clock -of the Lapps. The Great Dog, the Old Man, and the Old Woman are -three stars that pursue _sarva_. They rise when the people go to -sleep, and set a little before daybreak. They ascend the heavens -obliquely in front of _sarva_, in the morning they dip downwards. -Another authority states that _sarva_ is the Great Bear; the first -couple of stars in it are the Old Man and the Old Woman, the second -the Dog and the Elk. The reindeer herdsman decides from it how far -night is advanced, and when he may expect to be relieved. _Lovosj_ -or _suttjenes_ is the name given to the Pleiades. The constellation -indicates midnight, when the weather is good. A fable tells how this -constellation saved a servant who had been driven out by his master -into the great cold of a winter night. The young men wish the maidens -to tend the reindeer by night and say:--“Go and kiss the _suttjenes_ -young men”, but the maidens answer:--“Go yourselves and kiss the -_suttjenes_ maidens”[188]. Of the old Icelanders Kålund writes:--“At -night the moon and certain stars, especially the Pleiades, afford -them the same aid” (i. e. as the signs of day)[189]. The Homeric -Greeks--at least in a general fashion--also judged of the advance of -night by the position of the stars[190]. This more accurate method -is therefore peculiar to a few primitive peoples specially gifted in -astronomy. - -From the investigation of the modes of naming and reckoning the day -and its parts it follows for primitive time-reckoning in general -that the time-indications refer to concrete phenomena, and therefore -either they indicate a point of time or, if they are related to -periods, these periods are of different and fluctuating length. They -are accordingly of no use in calculating, they cannot simply be added -together even when a number of such periods together make up the -period of a complete day, i. e. they are fundamentally discontinuous. -When several days are to be counted the _pars pro toto_ method is -used: instead of the whole day a part is counted. Within the day -two phenomena chiefly recur with such unfailing constancy as to be -of use in counting: they are the daily reviving sun and the night or -sleeping-time. The word for sun is often the same as that for day. -Within the day fall a number of occupations which chiefly turn the -attention to its length and varying phenomena, and this is the case -also with the sun itself, for the varying position of the sun in the -heavens affords the most usual mode of indicating the time of day. -For the counting a point of time is best suited, or, which comes to -the same thing, a unit without subdivisions, a blank period. This -is the reason why the counting by ‘sleeps’ or nights predominates. -On the same grounds the quite isolated _pars pro toto_ counting -of the days from the dawns in Homer may be explained. To indicate -the duration of time primitive peoples make use of other means, -derived from their daily business, which have nothing to do with -time-reckoning; in Madagascar ‘rice-cooking’ often means half an -hour, ‘the frying of a locust’ a moment[191]. The Cross River natives -say:--‘The man died in less than the time in which maize is not yet -completely roasted’, i. e. less than about 15 minutes; ‘the time in -which one can cook a handful of vegetables’, i. e. an hour[192]. The -Malays, the Javanese, and the Achenese use the following expressions -for a period of time:--a blink of the eyes (literally), the time -required for chewing a quid of _sirih_ (about 5 minutes), the time -required for cooking a _kay_ of rice (about half an hour), for -cooking a _gantang_ of rice (about an hour and a half), half a day, a -‘sun-dark’, i. e. a complete day and night[193]. The natives of New -Britain (Bismarck Archipelago) measure the time between sunset and -the moon-rise by the smouldering of a torch or the time occupied in -cooking yams, taro, or wild taro. Short divisions of time were also -expressed by comparative terms, e. g. the throwing of a stick for a -short distance, ‘a woman’s crossing’, or the distance a woman would -paddle[194]. Very often duration of time is indicated by reference -to the time needed to traverse a well-known piece of road between -two places. Examples are superfluous. But all these indications of -periods of time are found among more developed peoples: the primitive -peoples pay little or no attention to them. - -Both in the case of the day and in that of the other time-units this -clinging to a natural basis long proved a hindrance to a rational -system of time-reckoning, which could only be achieved by breaking -away from natural phenomena. For there are no fixed natural limits -of day, but if morning and evening, or still more clearly sunrise -and sunset, are chosen as the limits, these must change every day -and the days will vary in length. Here the midnight period proved of -assistance, since it facilitated the establishing of a fixed point -of divergence. This was done in Rome, and the practice had its root -in daily life, where in order to indicate the time of occurrence of -events which took place in the night-time the calculation was pushed -forwards on both sides towards midnight, until this became the limit -of divergence. It is however an artificial epoch that must be found -by calculation[195]. - -In the second place the hour of antiquity is a twelfth part of -the whole time of daylight, and this duodecimal division was also -transferred to the night, which had commonly been divided into four -watches according to the practice borrowed from military life. This -hour therefore varied in length according to the time of the year. -The inconvenience of a varying division of this nature must have -made itself felt in daily life, although in the south it was not so -insupportable as it must have been in the north. It rendered the -construction of the clock difficult, and above all was impracticable -for scientific astronomy. Hence alongside of it appeared even in -antiquity the hour of constant length or the double hour, viz. a -twelfth or a twenty-fourth part respectively of the complete day. The -double hour, notwithstanding Bilfinger’s assertion to the contrary, -arose in Babylon (_kasbu_), and is connected with the duodecimal -division of the zodiac[196]. This hour of constant length was not -generally adopted until very late: the varying hour remained almost -up to the end of the Middle Ages. Our modern hour has only been in -general use since about the 14th century, when it was first spread by -the construction of the striking-clock[197]. Its convenience for the -business of practical life and the construction of the clock together -secured the victory of the hour as 1/24th of the day, originally a -numerical and astronomical division. A condition for its use was the -fusion of day and night into one unit, since as long as these were -kept separate the constant hour could not thrive. Both the complete -day and its regular divisions however only won their way after a very -long time, because men were unwilling to depart from the natural -basis in time-reckoning. The substitution of the artificial for the -natural time-reckoning has also, as far as the day is concerned, -created a rational system of reckoning which has borrowed from the -natural system only one feature, viz. the average length of the -complete day. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -THE SEASONS. - - -The year is for us a numerical quantity of 365 or 366 days. But we -speak of the year in two senses, first as the calendar year beginning -on New Year’s Day, and secondly as the current year, a period of the -same number of days beginning at one chosen day, as for instance in -giving a person’s age. The word ‘year’ may however also represent the -highest chronological unit even independently of the seasons, as in -the case of the Egyptian shifting year of exactly 365 days, and the -Islamite lunar year of 354. These however are exceptional cases. At -the basis lies the natural year conditioned by the course of the sun -and by the natural phases dependent thereon, which penetrate closely -into the life of man. This connexion has necessitated the agreement -of the numerical year with the sun, whence arises a situation very -inconvenient for reckoning, namely that years of a varying number of -days have to be accepted, since the natural year does not contain a -whole number of days. - -The year as a numerical quantity is only the tardily attained summit -of development, and the connexion with the natural year has always -been so strongly felt that, except in certain cases such as the -Egyptian and Islamite years, the chronological year has had to adjust -itself accordingly. Here also we see the point of departure, the -natural phenomena which are in the end dependent upon the course -of the sun, such as the variation between heat and cold, verdure -and snow, rainy season and drought, the blooming and withering of -vegetation, between the different trade-winds or monsoons, between -abundance and scarcity of food. With these and similar concrete -phenomena the time-reckoning is from its origin bound up, and is -at first discontinuous, i. e. it fixes the attention solely on the -phenomena in question, and not on the year as a whole. The fusion -of the various seasons into the circle of the year is arrived at -only by degrees: the year is at first counted by the _pars pro toto_ -method. The process is therefore similar to that already found in the -discussion of the day. - -It must be granted as a premise to our investigation that when we -speak of ‘seasons’ not only the larger divisions of the year are -to be understood by the word--those which alone of all the natural -epochs of the year are current among us to-day--but also smaller -divisions which might perhaps be called seasonal points; for instance -the times of cherry-blossoming and hop-picking are also seasons. -Such short--often very short--seasons are not distinguished in -any important feature from the longer: the difference only arises -from the longer or shorter duration of the phenomena in question. -The Hidatsa Indians describe any period thus marked by a natural -occurrence, be it long or short, the hot season or the season of -strawberries, by the same word, _kadu_, ‘season’, ‘time’ (of the -occurrence), and the longer seasons include shorter[198]. - -We begin with these shorter seasons since they are more foreign to -us: to primitive man however they are of extreme importance, since in -the absence of a regular calendar they afford the only means he knows -of determining the shortest periods of the natural year, in so far as -they are connected with this. A time-determination of this nature is -important not so much for giving the date of any occurrence as for -establishing beforehand the time of certain occupations, e. g. sowing -or a festival. - -The classical instance is afforded by the peasants’ maxims of -Hesiod. The cry of the migrating cranes shews the time of ploughing -and sowing[199]. If one sows too late, the crop may still thrive -if Zeus sends rain upon it on the third day after the cuckoo has -called for the first time in the leaves of the oak (486). Before -the appearance of the swallow, the messenger of spring, the vines -should be pruned (568). But when the snail climbs up the plants -there should be no more digging in the vineyards (571). When the -thistle blossoms and the shrill note of the cicada is to be heard, -summer has come, the goats are at their fattest, and the wine is at -its best (582). The sea can be navigated when the fig-tree shews at -the end of its branches leaves which are as big as the foot-prints -of the crow (679). Especially well-known and beloved as a sign that -the hard winter was over was the swallow: evidence is afforded by -the famous procession of the Rhodian swallow-youths[200], and by a -vase-decoration clearly expressing the delight felt at the appearance -of the herald of Spring[201]. The observation of the birds of passage -was very useful for this kind of time-determination: Homer already -knows it, ‘when the cranes flee the winter’, he says[202], so also -Theognis: “I hear, son of Polypais, the voice of the shrill-crying -crane, even her who to mortals comes as harbinger of the season for -ploughing”[203]. Aristophanes makes his birds boast of it:-- - - “All lessons of primary daily concern - You have learnt from the Birds, and continue to learn. - Your best benefactors, and early instructors, - We give you the warning of seasons returning. - When the Cranes are arranged, and muster afloat - In the middle air, with a creaking note, - Steering away to the Libyan sands, - Then careful farmers sow their lands; - The crazy vessel is hauled ashore, - The sail, the ropes, the rudder, and oar - Are all unshipped, and housed in store. - The shepherd is warned, by the Kite reappearing, - To muster his flock, and be ready for shearing. - You quit your old cloak at the Swallow’s behest, - In assurance of summer, and purchase a vest”[204]. - -Similar time-determinations from natural phenomena are still not -entirely neglected by the modern peasant. In Bohuslän (W. Sweden) the -sowing-time was at hand when the swallow had come, it was the right -sowing-time when the juniper flowered. In northern Scania (S. Sweden) -the barley was to be sown when the hawthorn was in bloom. Older -people could not give their birthdays but only knew that they were -born e. g. at the rye- or potato-harvest, when the cattle were first -driven out to pasture (in the spring), etc. My father knew quite -well that his birthday was the fifth of September, but when anyone -asked him when he was born he would generally answer: ‘When they pick -hops’. The Eskimos said that such and such a person was born when -eggs were collected or seals caught[205]. From modern Palestine a -bond is quoted in which a sum of money was to be paid when next the -_fakûs_ (a kind of cucumber) was ripe[206]. - -We return to the primitive peoples and give first a few examples -in which a natural phenomenon serves as the sign of the beginning -of one of the longer divisions of the year or of some occupation, -generally agriculture. Of the Bushmen we are told that they paid -particular attention to the time at which the first thunder-storm -broke. They hailed it with great joy since they counted it a sure -sign that summer had commenced. In the midst of their excessive -rejoicing they tore in pieces their garments of skins, threw them -into the air, and danced for several nights in succession. The Garieb -Bushmen made great outcries accompanied with dancing and playing -upon their drums[207]. The Banyankole of Uganda used the euphorbia -trees to guide them as to the nearness of the rainy season: when -these trees began to shoot out new growth they knew that the rains -were near[208]. The Indians of the Orinoco took great pains to -determine the approach of the rainy season, as Gilij relates in a -chapter entitled: _De segni, che precedon l’inverno_[209]. The signs -were:--The scream of the Araguato monkeys at midnight or at the -approach of day; the sudden bursting into blossom of certain trees; -the swelling of the brooks, which almost dry up in summer but swell -a few days before the rainy season; the yams which in summer have -lost their leaves suddenly grow green again when the rainy season -is at hand; finally the heliacal setting of the Pleiades. The tribe -of the Bigambul in S. E. Australia reckon the seasons from the -blossoming of certain trees. _Yerra_, for example, is the name of a -tree that blossoms in September: this time of the year is therefore -called _yerrabinda_. The apple-tree blossoms at Christmas time, -which is called _nigabinda_. The iron-bark tree blossoms about the -end of January, and this time is called _wobinda_. The height of -summer however is named by them ‘the time when the ground burns the -feet’: at this time no trees blossom[210]. The natives of New Britain -(Bismarck Archipelago) determine the planting-season from the buds -of certain trees and from the position of certain stars[211]. In Alu -(Solomon Islands) one division of the year is determined from the -bloom on the almond, another from the Pleiades[212]. The time for the -sun-dance of the Kiowa Indians is determined by the whitening of the -down on the cotton-plant[213]. One of the annual festivals of the -Society Islands is regulated by the blossoming of the reed[214]. - -Instances are numerous in which phenomena like those mentioned -by Hesiod serve as signs for agricultural labour. The Indians of -Pennsylvania say that when the leaf of the white oak, which comes out -in spring, is as large as a mouse’s ear it is time to plant maize: -they note that the whippoorwill has come by then, and is constantly -fluttering round them calling out his Indian name _wekolis_ in order -to remind them of planting-time, just as if he were saying ‘_hacki -heck_’, ‘go and plant maize’[215]. Among the Thonga the period in -July when the warm weather begins is called _shimunu_, ‘the little -heat’: the mahogany and sala trees become covered with leaves, -certain flowers blossom. Winter has passed away, soon the summer -will come. When the Thonga woman notes these signs she picks up her -hoe and sets off for the hills or the marshes to make the fields -ready. In January comes _nwebo_, the time for the first ears of maize -to ripen[216]. Among the Ba-Ronga January is _nuebo_, the time of -the first ripe ears: great pains are taken to keep away the birds -from the _sorgho_ fields, and therefore one period is known as ‘the -time when the birds are driven away’[217]. When a certain mushroom -named _kulat bantilong_ appears in large quantities the Dyaks of S. -E. Borneo regard it as a sign that the time for rice-planting has -come[218]; among the Malgassi the blossoming of the shrub _Vernonia -appendiculata_ in November is regarded in the same way[219]. In -New Zealand plants and birds which appear at regular seasons give -signs of the approach of the time to begin agricultural labours. Two -kinds of migratory cuckoo, _Cuculus piperatus_ and _nitens_, which -appear at Christmas-time on the coasts, mark the period of the first -potato-harvest. The flowering of the beautiful _Clematis albida_ -reminds the people to dig over the soil for the planting of potatoes, -which is done in October[220]. According to the communication of a -native, the Basutos reckon time by the changing of the seasons, the -birth-times of animals, the annual variation and growth of plants, -but also by the stars and the moon[221]. The most curious method is -one common among the Hidatsa Indians, who reckon from the development -of the buffalo calf _in utero_[222]. Such signs may also serve to -mark off the longer seasons: the Tunguses begin summer with the time -when the grayling spawns, and winter with the time when the first -good squirrel is caught[223]. - -The examples hitherto given are only single instances intended -to make clear the manner and signification of this method of -indicating time. Similar starting-points for reckoning are afforded -the whole year through, and as their times are fixed in regard to -each other, they may form a sort of calendar. The statements made -for the extremely primitive Andamanese give a very characteristic -circle of occupations throughout the year, though here we have to -do not with names of seasons but with the phenomena and business -of the year, which our authority gives according to the European -calendar. January: much honey; two kinds of wild fruit ripen and are -gathered. February: two other kinds of wild fruit, also a tuber; -the inhabitants of the coastal districts catch the dujong and also -a few turtles; the older folk make out of bark turtle-nets, cables, -and lines for harpoons. March: still another two kinds of wild fruit -ripen, wild honey is abundant. April: many visits of neighbouring -tribes; fruit is scanty, there is only one kind ripe, the honey is -finished, the bread-fruit has not yet ripened. From May to August -the ripe bread-fruit forms the principal food. In June many cases of -death occur since the men in their boar-hunting expeditions in the -forest sleep without shelter. In August certain white caterpillars -which live in the decaying tree-trunks are a favourite dish. From -August to October boats are built. In November the people are -particularly merry. The turtle-catch is productive, the weather is -pleasantly cool, there is little rain, and shelter is not necessary. -Different tribes visit one another and feast and dance together[224]. - -How upon such a foundation a number of seasons may be built up is -shewn by a comparison with an instructive account referring to -the Eskimos of the Ungava district of Labrador. The seasons have -distinctive names and are again sub-divided into a great number of -shorter seasons. There are more of these during the warmer weather -than in winter. The reason is obviously that the summer offers so -many changes, and the winter so few. The chief events are the return -of the sun, always a sign of joy to the people, the lengthening -of the day, the warm weather in March when the sun has attained -sufficient height, the melting of the snow, the breaking up of the -ice, the open water, the time of birth of various seals, the advent -of exotic birds, the nesting of gulls, eider, and other native birds, -the arrival of white whales and the whaling season, salmon fishing, -the ripening of salmon-berries and other species of edibles, the time -of reindeer crossing the river, the trapping of fur-bearing animals, -and hunting on land and water for food. Each of these periods has its -special name applied to it, although several may overlap each other. -The appearance of mosquitoes, sandflies, and horseflies is marked by -dates anticipated with considerable apprehension of annoyance[225]. -The Eskimos of Greenland reckon from the winter solstice five moons -until the time when the nights become so bright that it is impossible -to reckon any longer from the moon. Then they reckon by the -increasing size of the young of the eider-duck and by the ripening of -berries, or along the sea-coast by the departure of the tern and the -fatness of the seals; when the reindeer shed the velvet from their -horns they know that it is time to move into the winter houses[226]. - -These smaller seasons have seldom developed into an annual cycle -otherwise than among some agricultural peoples[227], unless they -have been fitted into the larger seasons. This is the case with -the western tribes of the Torres Straits, who also determine the -seasons from the stars. In the counting of the seasons they commonly -begin with _surlal_ (mid-October to the end of November). This name -is given to the turtles when copulating: while in this state they -float on the sea and are readily caught. The constellation known as -the Shark arises. Everything is dried up, the yams are ripe. The -sounding of the first thunder is the sign for planting yams. _Raz_ -(December to February) is described as ‘the time of death’, i. e. -the season when the leaves die down. The first part of this season -is called in Mabuiag _duau-urma_, ‘the falling of the cashew nuts’. -There is an interval of fine weather and the wind is shifty: this -coincides with Christmas-time. This is the time when the yams which -have been planted begin to sprout. In Muralug this period is called -_malgui_, which is the exact equivalent of our word ‘spring’. -The next division is called _dob_, ‘the last of growing things’, -or _kusikuki_, ‘medusae of the north-west’, the latter name being -due to the large numbers of jelly-fish that float on the sea. The -runners of the yams now grow. The time immediately after this is -called _purimugo_, in Muralug _apagap_ or _keme_. The longer season -following _raz_ is _kuki_, (March to May), the time when strong winds -blow intermittently from the north-west, accompanied by deluges -of rain, and the time of the damp heat. The appearance of the -constellation _dogai kukilaig_ (Altair, together with β, γ _aquilae_) -heralded the beginning of this season. It has the sub-divisions -_kuki_, _kupa kuki_, and _gugad arai_. The dry season, _aibaud_, -forms the remaining part of the year. The south-west wind, _waur_, -blows steadily: for this reason the first part of this period is -known as _waur_ and perhaps merits a distinctive name as much as -_raz_. It is marked by the appearance of the constellation _magi -Dogai_ (Vega with β, γ _lyrae_). Food is abundant and festivals are -celebrated. The divisions of _aibaud_ are _sasiwaur_ (‘child’, i. e. -lesser south-east), _piepe_, _tati waur_ (‘father’, i. e. greater -south-east), and _birubiru_, a bird which at this time migrates from -New Guinea to Australia[228]. - -The Kiwai Papuans who dwell on the opposite coast of New Guinea -have the same star myths as the inhabitants of the Torres Straits -Islands: for them, however, no smaller but only two greater seasons -are mentioned[229]; on the other hand they have months[230]. The -smaller seasons have clashed with the reckoning by moons, and have -surrendered their names to describe the latter. They have therefore -in great measure become merged in the counting of the months, which -will be dealt with later. The greater seasons on the other hand, on -account of their length, could not be merged in the reckoning by -months, and these have therefore everywhere remained. The number of -the longer seasons varies considerably, and is of course connected -not only with the climatic conditions but also with the fundamental -phenomena which for one reason or another attract attention; a -larger season may also be divided into two or three smaller ones. - -It may be taken for granted that all peoples outside the tropics, -even where it has not been thought necessary expressly to mention -the fact, know the two larger divisions of the year, the warmer -and colder seasons. Where the plants die in winter and the trees -lose their leaves, or where the snow covers the ground, this -great difference becomes especially pronounced and determines the -whole mode of life: but even in the sub-tropical regions it is -obvious enough. To it corresponds in many parts of the tropics and -sub-tropical zones the natural division into a dry and a rainy -season. For the division into the summer period of vegetation and -winter with its snow and ice it is superfluous to give examples: -the above-quoted description of the year of the Labrador Eskimos -is a typical instance. Swanton and Boas state that certain Indian -tribes of N. W. America divide the year into two equal parts of six -months each, summer extending from April to September, and winter -from October to March[231]. The Comanches reckon by the cold and the -warm seasons[232]. I give a few instances from districts in which -a winter of this nature does not exist. Among the Hopi of Arizona -the year has two divisions--there seems to be no equivalent to our -four seasons--which may be termed the periods of the named and the -nameless months: the former is the cold period, the latter is the -warm. They may also be called the greater and the lesser periods, -since the former begins in August and ends in March[233]. The Zuñi -of western New Mexico also divide the year into two periods of six -months each[234]. The Chocktaw of Louisiana have the same number of -seasons[235]. The natives of Central Australia have names for summer -and winter[236]. - -In the tropics there is often only one rainy and one dry season, -with two divisions of the year corresponding to these. On the -Orinoco there are summer and winter, i. e. the dry and the rainy -seasons. In Maipuri the dry season is called _camoti_, ‘the glowing -splendour of the sun’, and the rainy season _canepó_. Among the -Tamanacho winter is called _canepó_, ‘rain’, ‘rainy season’, summer -is _vannu_, ‘crickets’, since these insects chirp incessantly to -the end of the season[237]. The Tupi have expressions for dry and -rainy seasons but not for the year as a whole. The Bakairi reckon -by the semesters of the dry and the rainy seasons[238]. The Karaya -of Central Brazil reckon the year from one fall of the river to -another. They thereby distinguish two seasons, the dry season when -they live on the sand-banks, and the rainy season when they live on -the upper banks of the river[239]. The Wagogo of E. Africa divide the -year into two halves: _kibahu_, the dry season, about May-October, -and _kifugu_, the rainy season, November to April[240]. So also -the Nandi: _iwotet_, rainy season, March-August, and _kement_, dry -season, September-February[241]; further the tribes of Loango[242], -the Bantu tribes of the Congo State[243], and the Cross River negroes -of the Cameroons[244]. The Tshi-speaking peoples divide the year into -two periods: the smaller _hohbor_, from May to August, and the larger -from September to April[245]. Among the Akamba the year consists -of two rainy seasons separated by two dry periods: _ambua anzwa_, -_ambua ua_[246]. Where this natural division prevails, however, the -half-year is often put in the place of the year[247]. - -The Javanese have a dry and a rainy period which include six of their -seasons[248], and so have the Islamite Malays of Sumatra[249]. The -Polynesians divide the year throughout into two greater periods. -Their seasons were in general two, the rainy season or winter, and -the dry season or summer, but varied according to the situation of -the particular group of islands north or south of the equator. On -the Society Islands they embraced the months of May-November and -November-May respectively. On the Sandwich Islands the rainy season, -_hooilo_, lasted from about Nov. 20 to May 20, the dry season, _kau_, -from May 20 to Nov. 20[250]. We shall find later that both seasons -were named and regulated according to the visibility or invisibility -of the Pleiades. Other writers also give information for Hawaii. -When the sun moved towards the north, the days were long, the trees -bore fruit, and the heat was prevalent: it was summer; but when -the sun moved towards the south, the nights became longer and the -trees were without fruit: it was winter[251]. _Kau_ was the season -when the sun was directly overhead, when daylight was prolonged, -the trade-wind prevailed, days and nights alike were warm, and the -vegetation put forth new leaves. _Hooilo_ was the season when the -sun declined towards the south, the nights grew longer, days and -nights were cool, and the herbage (lit. vines) died away: each had -six months. On Kauai Island the seasons were called _mahoe-mua_ -and _mahoe-hope_[252]. In Tahiti the bread-fruit can be gathered -for seven months, for the other five there is none: for about two -months before and after the southern solstice it is very scarce, but -from March to August exceedingly plentiful. This season is called -_pa-uru_ (_uru_ = ‘bread-fruit’)[253]. The recurring scarcity of -bread-fruit shewed the changes in the course of the year, but the -Pleiades afforded a surer limit[254]. In Samoa one authority gives -the wet season, ending in April, and the dry season, which comes to -an end with the palolo fishing in October[255]; another _vaipalolo_, -the palolo or wet season from October to March, and _toe lau_, when -the regular trade-winds blow, embracing the other months[256]; a -third the season of fine weather--in which however much rain falls in -some localities--and the stormy season, when it rains heavily[257]. -The importance of agriculture is so great that the seasons in -following it may sometimes depart from the changes of the climate. -The Bontoc Igorot have two seasons which however do not mark the wet -and dry periods, as might be expected in a country where these two -periods occur: _cha-kon_ is the season of rice or ‘palay’ growth and -harvesting, _ka-sip_ the remaining portion of the year[258]. In -the New Hebrides the year is divided into two parts, the periods of -yam-planting and harvesting[259]. - -In certain localities the atmospheric conditions are such that two -divisions of the year may be distinguished according to the winds, -as for instance in the Marshall Islands, where there are the months -of calm and the months of squalls[260]. More commonly two seasons -are given by the variation of the monsoons, as on the island of -Bali, east of Java: in each case there were six homonymous months. -The Kiwai Papuans have _uro_, the comparatively dry season of the -south-east monsoon (April-December), and the time of the prevailing -north-west wind, _hurama_, a period of alternating calms, storms of -wind and rain, and thunder[261]. A native judge from the island of -Vuatam in the Bismarck Archipelago remarked that the north-west trade -blew throughout the time when the sun was southerly, that is from -November to February, but during the time in which the sun moved in a -northerly direction, May to August, the south-east monsoon prevailed. -On Valam it is said that the south-east monsoon blows as long as the -sun sets WNW, i. e. from May to August: from the month of November -to February, when it sets WSW, the north-west trade blows[262]. In -Rotuma or Granville Island near the equator periods of six months are -reckoned. The west wind, which blows from October to April, serves -to distinguish these two periods, although it does not affect the -vegetation[263]. The people of the Nicobar Islands reckon by the -south-west monsoon (November to April)[264]. The Benua-Jahun of the -Malay Peninsula distinguish the half-year of the north monsoon and -that of the south monsoon[265]. - -It would seem that the whole year might easily arise through the -fusion of these two larger periods: that this is not the case will be -shewn in the following chapter. - -These half-years are as a rule well defined, but the natural -conditions upon which they depend are subject to fluctuation, and -in particular there are transitional periods the position of which -cannot be certainly decided. Moreover smaller characteristic periods -arise within the larger, and hence more seasons appear. Elsewhere the -natural conditions are such that they directly lead to more than two -seasons, e. g. where there are two different rainy seasons in the -year. From these circumstances it becomes plain that a fluctuation -between a larger or smaller number of seasons is possible, and -indeed it often actually occurs. The seasons that adhere to natural -phenomena are never clearly defined like a division of the calendar: -the limits are uncertain, different seasons may be merged into one -another or in part overlap one another, as has been shewn in the case -of the Eskimos of Labrador. - -Among the Eskimos of the Behring Strait the year is often divided -into four seasons corresponding to the usual occupations, but these -divisions are indefinite and irregular in comparison with the -reckoning by months[266]. Of the Indians in general it is said that -as a rule four seasons are recognised and have specific names applied -to them (apart from the tribes that have two). In many cases however -the latter may split up both summer and winter into two subdivisions: -this is stated e. g. for the Chocktaw of Louisiana[267]. The -Siciatl of British Columbia however have three: spring, summer, and -winter[268]. The Thompson Indians of the same province group their -months into five seasons, winter beginning with the first snow that -stays on the ground, and lasting until its disappearance from the -valleys, generally the 2d, 3d, and 4th months, spring beginning with -the disappearance of the snow, and embracing the period of frequent -Chinook winds, 5th and 6th months, summer 7th, 8th, and 9th months, -early autumn (Indian summer) 10th and 11th months, and late fall -which takes up the rest of the year[269]. The neighbouring tribe of -the Shuswap recognise five seasons exactly corresponding to those of -the Thompson Indians[270]. - -The natural phenomena from which the seasons are determined and -named vary according to the geographical latitude, the nature of -the country, and the mode of life, i. e. according as the tribe -lives by hunting or by agriculture. Certain writers state that the -Indians of Virginia divided the year into five seasons: the budding -of spring, the earing of corn or ‘roasting-ear time’, summer or ‘the -highest sun’, corn-gathering or ‘fall of the leaf’, and winter[271]. -The Maida of northern California say that the seasons--the rainy -season, the leafy season, the dry season, and the season of -falling leaves--were instituted by Kodoyampeh, the Creator[272]. -The Kiowa distinguished only four seasons: _saigya_ or _säta_, -considered to begin at the first snowfall; _asegya_, spring (the -etymology of the word is unknown, a more recent name is _son-pata_, -‘grass-springing’), which begins when grass and buds sprout and the -mares foal; _paigya_, summer (_pai_, ‘sun’), which begins when the -grass has ceased to sprout and lasts until fires become necessary in -the _tipis_ at night; _paongya_, autumn (the thickening of the coat -or fur, _pa_, of the buffalo and other animals), sometimes called -‘the time when the leaves are red’, begins when the leaves change -colour[273]. It is to be noted that these seasons must be of very -different length. In the same way the Dakota reckon five months each -for winter and summer and only one month each for spring and autumn, -but it is expressly mentioned that this reckoning is not strictly -followed[274]. The Pawnee divided the year into a warm and a cold -period, and also into the four seasons, each of which however was -normalised to three months[275]. The account of the Comanches is -somewhat indefinite: they have no computation of time beyond the -seasons, which are reckoned by the rising height of the grass, the -fall of the leaves, and the cold and the hot season. They very seldom -reckon in new moons[276]. They have the four seasons therefore. The -Indians of Chile have words for our four seasons[277]. - -The above-mentioned names of the five seasons are those of the -Algonquins of Virginia[278]; the Occaneechi of the same district -call them:--the budding or blossoming, the ripening, midsummer, -harvest or fall, winter[279]. Certain agricultural tribes of the -east divided autumn into early autumn, when the leaves change -colour, and late autumn, when they fall, but denoted the two periods -by entirely different names[280]. Agriculture is responsible for -the adding of a fifth season to the four arising from the warm and -the cold periods and the times of transition between these[281]. -But other transitional periods between the longer seasons also -arise independently[282]. The Lapps have names for the four -ordinary seasons, but their language also contains compounds like -‘spring-winter’, i. e. late winter,--a compound also known in Swedish -(_vår-vinter_)--and ‘autumn-summer’, i. e. late summer[283]. The -Lapps of Västerbotten divide the year into _sjeunjestie_, the dark -period, and _tjuoikestie_, the bright period. They also have four -seasons:--_dalvie_, winter, from the freezing of the lakes till the -melting of snow; _geira_, spring, time of snow-melting and spring -floods; _gese_, summer, from the time when the earth becomes visible -to the fading of the grass; _tjatj_, autumn, from this time until the -lakes begin to freeze again. The Lapps speak also of _talve-qvoutel_, -mid-winter, _kese-qvoutel_, midsummer, and _tjaktje-kese_, late -summer[284]. - -The Yukaghir of N. E. Sibiria use more often the names of periods or -the seasons of the year than the names of the months. They have six -seasons. The limits of these seasons can hardly have corresponded in -former times to fixed dates. Being at present baptized, they reckon -the seasons of the year according to the Greek-Orthodox holidays; -and thus we have the following seasons:--1, _puge_, summer, from St. -Akulina to Mary’s Day, 13th June to 8th September; 2, _nade_, autumn, -from the 8th of September to St. Michael’s Day, 8th of November; 3, -_cieje_, winter, from the 8th of November to Purification, 2d of -February; 4, _pore_, first spring, from Purification to St. George’s -Day, 23d of April; 5, _cille_, the second spring, from the 23d of -April to the beginning of snow-melting, usually to St. Nicholas’ -Day, 9th of March; the name denotes the icy surface forming during -the night on the snow, after having melted during the day, and is -also given to a month; 6, _conjile_, the third spring, from the -snow-melting period to St. Akulina’s Day[285]. - -Africa offers good examples of the fluctuation and further -sub-division of the seasons. The Wagogo of East Africa divide the -year into the dry season, about May to October, and the rainy season, -November to April. In the latter they further distinguish the little -rainy season, _songola_, November and December, and the greater -one, _itika_, about February and March[286]. In the neighbourhood -of Mombasa the great rains begin in April and last approximately -for a month, _mwaka_ or _masika_: _mchoo_ is a week in August, and -_vuli_ a fortnight in November, with showers. Beyond the seasons the -natives have little idea of the lapse of time[287]. The Wa-Sania of -British East Africa have three periods of four months each, _gunu_, -_adolaia_, and _huggaia_, but no explanation whatever of these names -is given[288]. The Masai divide the rainy season into three periods, -and also have four seasons of three months each:--(1) _ol dumeril_, -the time of the lesser rains, preceding that of the great rains. The -latter fall in (2) _en gokwa_, named after the Pleiades, which at -that time _rise_ low on the _western_ horizon (_sic!_). Then follows -(3) _ol airodjerod_, the season of the gentle after-rains, and then -(4) _ol ameii_, the time of hunger and drought[289]. Hollis begins -the list with the months of the showers, and calls the season of the -great rains _l’apaitin le-’l-lengon_, ‘the months of plenty’, stating -that the latter season, in which the setting of the Pleiades takes -place in the evening, is called from these _loo-’n-gokwa_[290]. Among -the Ewe tribes the year has three periods:--_adame_, March to June; -_keleme_, July to October; _pepi_, November to February. In the first -two much rain falls, so that work in the fields is greatly hindered. -Inland the year begins in March with the yam-sowing, and ends in -February. The three principal seasons include four months each. -Inland _keleme_ also includes another period, _masa_, September and -October, the second maize-sowing. Hence the name ‘masa-corn’. _Pepi_ -is the harmattan time, in which fall yam-harvesting, grass-drying, -and hunting[291]. The Yoruba divide the year into the dry season, the -season of the harmattan wind, and the rainy season, the last-named -being further divided into the time of the first rains and that of -the last rains or ‘little rainy season’[292]. In Loango a dry and -a rainy season of about 6 months each are distinguished. In many -districts there is also a third season, _tschimuna_, the time of the -ripening of favourite fruits etc., and the hot seasons are then often -simply called _bimuna_[293]. - -Where two rainy seasons separated by dry seasons occur, a fuller -division of the year presents itself. The Babwende have five -seasons:--_ntombo_, from the first rains at the end of September or -beginning of October to the ceasing of the great rains at the end of -January; _kianza_, the lesser dry season, to the beginning of the -great rains in February; _ndolo_, the latter part of the rainy season -up to _sivu_, the dry season, which begins in June; and _mbangala_, -in August and September, when the grass withers and is burnt up[294]. -The Wadschagga count:--the great rainy season, 4 months; the time -of dew, 2 months; the season of heat, about 2 months; the so-called -lesser rainy season, 1-2 months; the great heat, about 3 months[295]. -The seasons of the Banyankole are determined by the rains. The longer -period is termed _kyanda_ and usually has six months: the lesser, -_akanda_, has four, and there are two months called _itumba_. During -the six months very little rain falls, then come a few days of rain -followed by four months of dry weather, and after that two other -months of rain[296]. A very striking example of the crossing and -overlapping of the seasons is afforded by the Bakongo. They have -_sivu_, the cold season, at the beginning of the dry season which -commences about May 15; _mbangala_, the dry season with little or -no dew, July to the middle of October, including also _mpiaza_, the -grass-burning season, second half of July, August, and September; -_masanza_, early light rains, latter part of October, November, and -December; _nkianza_, short dry season, most of January and the early -part of February; _kundi_, _nsafu_, fruit season, end of February to -May, including _kintombo_, heavy rains, March, April, and _nkiela_, -the time when the rains cease, from the beginning to the middle of -May[297]. - -In the inland districts of Madagascar, in the neighbourhood of -Antananarivo, there are properly only two seasons, a hot rainy -period from the beginning of November to the end of April, and -a cold dry period during the other months. However four seasons -are distinguished:--_lohataona_, ‘head of the year’, September -and October, when the rice is planted and a few showers fall; -_fahavaratra_, ‘the thunder-time’, from the early part of November -to the end of February or into March; _fararano_, ‘the last rains’, -from the beginning of March to the end of April; and _ririnina_, -‘time of bareness’, when the grass becomes dry, June to August. -Rice is planted twice, first before the end of October and again in -November or December; the first crop is ripe in January or early -in February, the second about April; the two crops however are not -clearly distinguished and together last about four months[298]. One -name for winter is _maintang_, ‘the earth is dry’[299]. - -The Hottentots seem to keep in view the vegetation rather than the -climate. Their seasons are four in number. First, early spring. When -with increasing warmth, independently of the rain-fall, trees and -bushes break into leaf, and in good years winter or early spring -rains have revived the grass, spring or blossoming-time has come; it -begins in August and ends in October. The following season, which -in the upland Damara dialect is called ‘the sun-time’, embraces the -first half of the hot period in which, when the year is good, the -so-called lesser rains fall. If these are wanting, or, as is usually -the case, are scanty, the land is for the most part desolate, without -grass or herbage. This time of drought is described by the same -word as the drought itself: it prevails from October to December -inclusive. The season upon the productiveness of which the welfare of -the Hottentots in the main depends may be called the pasture-season: -it includes the period of the greater rains and the time immediately -after this, when the fodder has not yet lost its freshness. It -fills, loosely speaking, the period January-April, and constitutes -summer and early autumn. Winter, or the cold season, May to August, -embraces two-thirds of autumn and the first half of winter[300]. The -Herero also have four seasons:--spring (from September onwards), -summer, autumn or the rainy season, and winter[301]. - -In Burmah there are three seasons, though certainly they are -regulated by the months: the cold season, the hot season, and the -rainy season[302]. The Polynesians usually have two long seasons, but -three are not unheard of. A native of the island of Molokai, in the -Sandwich group, states that there the year was divided into three -seasons:--_maka-lii_, _kau_, and _hoo-ilo_. _Maka-lii_ was so called -because the sun was then less visible, being obscured by clouds, and -the days were shortened. _Kau_ was so termed because tapa could then -safely be spread out to dry. _Hoo-ilo_ meant ‘changeable’[303]. The -two main seasons are called _kau_ and _hoo-ilo_. It is to be observed -however that in a notice from Hawaii they are called _hoo-ilo_ and -_maka-lii_[304]. This shews that the number is not fixed. On the -Society Islands besides the two seasons regulated by the Pleiades -there were also three seasons: (1) _tetau_, autumn or season of -plenty, the harvest of bread-fruit, commencing with December and -continuing until _faahu_, which corresponded to January and a part -of February, the time of the most frequent rains, comprising three -months; (2) _te tau miti rahi_, the season of high sea, November to -January; (3) _te tau poai_, the longest season, winter, the season -of drought and scarcity of food, which usually extended from July to -October[305]. It will however be seen that these seasons do not fill -up the year, and that the second partly covers the first. Their names -are taken from different phenomena of Nature. The New Zealanders -distinguish four seasons:--spring, _te aro aro_, _mahaua_, _te toru_, -‘the time of growth’, both _toru_ and _aro aro_ signify ‘the shooting -or springing forth of plants’, _mahaua_ is the season of warmth; -summer, _raumati_, _waru_, _rehua_,--_raumati_ means ‘dead leaves’, -and the summer is so called because all the trees with one exception -are evergreen and shed their leaves in summer; autumn, _ngahura -matiti_; winter, _hotoke_, _puanga_, the season when the earth is -damp and gives forth her worms, which were formerly highly prized as -food[306]. The seasons are regulated by the stars, _puanga_ is the -great winter star, _rehu_ the great summer star. - -The names of the greater seasons are therefore taken for the most -part from the varying phases of the climate, but very often refer -also to the phenomena of natural life accompanying these. The -climatic phases, on account of their fluctuating duration and their -limited number, afford no means of distinguishing and naming a -greater number of smaller seasons: the phases of plant and animal -life may be used as an equivalent and are much better adapted to this -purpose, especially when to them are added the regular occupations of -agriculture. In the above examples terms referring to natural life -have already been found mingled with those borrowed from the climate. -Where the seasons are numerous this is always the case: direct -references to the climate may even be entirely lacking. These facts -shew moreover that between the largest and smallest seasons there -exists no difference in the main: they pass into one another without -interruption through a series of intermediate stages. Such smaller -seasons may be run together into the circle of the year; but this -seldom occurs, since the ordinary reckoning according to lunar months -has absorbed the smaller seasons, which, on account of their varying -and indeterminate length, are inconvenient for reckoning, whereas the -regular and definite length of the months makes them easy to reckon. -It is however sometimes the case. - -The Indians in general have lunar months named from natural -occurrences, but not so the Luiseño of Southern California. According -to P. S. Sparkman in his unpublished Dictionary of their language -the Luiseño year was divided into 8 periods, each of which was -again divided into two parts, distinguished as ‘large’ and ‘small’ -or ‘lean’. These divisions did not represent periods of time but -merely indicated when certain fruits and seeds ripened, grass began -to grow, and trees came into leaf in the valley or on the mountain. -The native names are given but are unfortunately not translated. Du -Bois, to whom we are indebted for this information, names the parts -‘months’ (in inverted commas), and adds that the names are all taken -from the physical features of different seasons. _Tausunmal_, about -August, means that everything is brown and sear. _Tovukmal_ refers to -the little streams of water washing the fallen leaves. _Tasmoimal_ -means that the rain has come and grass is sprouting. In _nemoimal_ -the deer grow fat. The ‘months’ are marked by the rising of certain -stars. The seasons have here developed into a regular calendrical -cycle[307]. - -In reality this cycle is in no way distinguished from the succession -of seasons given above: it has only been improved and regulated. This -happens more particularly under the influence of agriculture; one can -speak of an agricultural year the seasons of which are determined -and named in accordance with agriculture. Of the Fanti of the Gold -Coast it is said that they divide the year, according to the changes -of the climate, into nine parts with distinct names, beginning with -the harmattan wind in January and ending with the small tornadoes -in December[308]. The periods however are related to agriculture, -as appears from a detailed description for the countries around the -Niger. The end of the rainy season and the beginning of the dry -(about November) forms a kind of season by itself, and is called -_odun_ (year). The farmers go on weeding their farms to give the -crops of their second harvest a chance. The dry season is divided -into two sections of two months each. During the day it is very -hot. The cold wind blowing from the east is called _harmattan_ by -Europeans, _oye_ by the natives. The second crops of corn, beans, -and guinea-corn are now gathered. The land is cleared for the next -season’s crops, and the bush already felled is burnt. This is also -the fishing season. The dry season (_erun_) continues for the next -two months, but during the latter part of the second month the -rumbling of thunder is heard and small rains fall. The preparation of -the ground is continued and yam-planting begins. The rainy season -may be divided into two parts separated by a little dry season: the -first section consists of five lunar months of rain, the latter of -two lunar months, one nearly dry month intervening. The first two -months of this section of the rains are called _asheroh ojo_: it -is the tornado season. At the beginning of this season ground-nuts -and the first crop of corn are planted. In the next two months the -rain-fall reaches its maximum. Towards the end of the second month -it becomes possible to eat new corn. The main crop however is left -standing in the fields until it becomes quite dry, which happens when -the next season, the little dry season, sets in. This sub-division of -the rainy season is called _ago_, probably because the corn has grown -tall during the last month. The season called _awori_ consists of one -month of rain and the little dry season. The first crop of yams, the -corn, the ground-nuts, and the gourds are gathered in. Before long -the rains have ceased, the seed for the second crop of corn is sown. -The two following months are called the _arokuro_ season, and like -the first two months of the rains they are tornado months. Bushes -are felled in order to prepare the land for next year’s sowing, and -weeding is continued[309]. The months mentioned are lunar months. -An interesting feature is that the names of the seasons do not -altogether coincide with the natural divisions of the climate, as the -following comparison clearly shews:--_odun_, end of rains, beginning -of dry season; _erun_, dry season I, II, 4 months; _asheroh ojo_, -season of rains (tornadoes), 2 months; _ago_, rainy season, maximum, -2 months; _awori_, 1 month rain and little dry season; _arokuro_, -season of rains (tornadoes), 2 months. The deviations are brought -about, as the description shews, by the business of agriculture. - -The Shilluk know the months but also divide the year into the -following nine seasons:--_yey jeria_, about September, harvest of red -dura; _anwoch_, about October, end of the harvest, people are waiting -for white dura to ripen; _agwero_, about November-December, harvest -of white dura begins; _wudo_, December to January, harvest of white -dura continues; _leu_, January-February, the hot season, _dodin_, -about March, in these two there is no work in the fields; _dokot_, -about April, ‘mouth of rain’, beginning of the rains; _shwer_, about -May-July, time for planting red dura; _doria_, about July-September, -beginning of harvest[310]. A similar but more indefinite mode -of reckoning seems to exist among the Bakairi of S. America, of -whom it is said that they reckon by dry and rainy seasons, and -also distinguish ‘months’ not by the moon but quite vaguely by -the rain and the heat and the phases of the maize-culture[311]. -Their months are given as follows:--‘hardest rain’, about January; -‘less rain’, February; ‘rain ceases’, March; ‘it (the weather) -becomes good’, April; ‘wood-cutting’, May and June; July, nameless; -‘end-of-the-day-time’, August; ‘the rain is coming’, September and -October; ‘the maize ripens’, November; December, nameless[312]. - -The agricultural year is most clearly defined among the -rice-cultivating peoples of the Indian Archipelago, by whom the -seasons are determined according to the state of the rice. It is -said, for example, in speaking of an event, that it happened at the -blossoming or harvesting of the rice[313]. Among the Bahau, a Dyak -tribe of Borneo, the year is divided into eight periods according -to the various kinds of labour carried on in the rice-field:--the -clearing of the brushwood (to prepare the fields for cultivation), -the felling of the trees, the burning of the wood felled, the -sowing or celebration of the seed-time festival, the weeding, the -harvest, the conclusion of the harvest, the celebration of the new -rice-year[314]. The Bontoc Igorot, as has been mentioned, divide the -year into two parts, the period of rice-culture and the other period. -There are however other periods which vary in different villages as -regards name, number, and duration, but are everywhere called after -the characteristic occupations that follow one another in the course -of the year. Eight of these together make up the calendar, and seven -of them have to do with the rice-cultivation. Each period receives -its name from the occupation which characterises its beginning, and -keeps this name until the beginning of the next period, even when -the occupation that characterised it had ceased some time before. To -_cha-kon_ belong:--(1) _i-na-na_, the first period in the year, the -time, as it is said, of no more work in the rice sementeras, when -practically all the fields are prepared and transplanted; in 1903 -it began on Feb. 11 and it lasts about 3 months, continuing until -the time of the first rice-harvest in May, in 1903 till May 2; (2) -_la-tub_, the time of the first harvests, lasts about four weeks and -ends about June 1; (3) _cho-ok_, the time when most of the rice is -harvested, fills about 4 weeks, in 1903 till July 2; (4) _li-pas_, -the season of ‘no more palay-harvest’, lasts for about 10 or 15 days. -To the half-year _ka-sip_, belong:--(5) _ba-li-ling_, which takes -its name from the general planting of camotes and is the only one -of the calendar periods not named from the rice industry: it lasts -about 6 weeks, or nearly to the end of August; (6) _sa-gan-ma_, the -time when the sementeras which are to be used as seed-beds for the -rice are put into condition, the earth being turned three several -times, lasts about 2 months: on Nov. 15, 1902 the seed was just -peeping from the kernels; the seed is sown immediately after the -third turning of the earth, which thus ended early in November; (7) -_pa-chog_, the period of seed-sowing, begins about Nov. 10; although -the seed-sowing does not last many days, the period continues for 5 -or 6 weeks; (8) _sa-ma_, the last period, in which the sementeras are -prepared for receiving the young plants, and in which these seedlings -are transplanted from the seed-beds, lasts nearly 7 weeks, from about -Dec. 20 to Feb. 10. The Igorot often say e. g. that an event occurred -in _la-tub_ or will take place in _ba-li-ling_; they therefore keep -these periods in mind just as a European thinks of some particular -month in which an event has happened[315]. The greatly varying length -of the periods is once more to be noted, and also the fact that a -vacant season is made into a period (see e. g. under (7)), it being -necessary to fill in the gaps so that the circle shall be continuous. - -How such seasons and the year formed out of them may be developed -under the influence of the improved calendar into periods of -definite numbers of days is shewn by the Javanese peasant calendar -which is still used in Bali and Java. The year is an embolimic -year of 360 days and is divided into 12 periods of unequal length. -These are:--_koso_, 41 days; _karo_, 23; _katigo_, 24; _kapat_, 24 -(25)[316]; _kalimo_, 26 (27); _kanam_, 41 (43); _kapitu_, 41 (43); -_kawolu_, 26 (in leapyear 27); _kasongo_, 25; _kasapuluh_, 25 (24); -_dasto_, 23; _sodo_, 41. The first ten of these names are the ordinal -numerals of the Javanese vernacular, the last two, according to -Wilken, are corruptions of Sanskrit words. In Bali the year begins -with the eleventh season (April), in Java with the winter solstice. -The different divisions correspond to the following occupations -and natural events:--1, the falling of the leaves, burning of dry -grass, and cutting of trees for the cultivation of mountain rice; 2, -beginning of vegetation; 3, blossoming of wild plants, planting of -yams and other secondary crops; 4, rutting season, high winds, the -rivers swell; 5, preparations for rice-planting; 6, ploughing and -rice-sowing; 7, rice is planted, the canals are repaired; 8, rice -grows and flowers; 9, the seeds form in the rice-plants; 10, rice -turning yellow; 11, the rice-crop is ripe, harvest begins; 12, cold -weather begins, the harvest is finished and the rice housed. This is -almost literally translated from the language of the natives[317]. -Wilken gives to certain periods a different number of days (see note -1); according to him the year has 365 days, but every fourth year is -a leapyear with 366 days. The calendar was regulated in 1855 by Pakoe -Boewånå III, naturally according to the Gregorian calendar: hence -the variation from Crawfurd’s statements. This is the only instance -of an attempt to bring a natural calendar into agreement with the -demands of a modern one; it is however unpractical and inconvenient -on account of the varying length of the divisions. It is still used -in eastern Java and in the Tengge mountains[318]. - -In China, besides the lunisolar type of year, there is a division -of the year into 24 parts, the names of which correspond to the -climatic phenomena but are also borrowed from the phenomena of -natural life. They are:--rain-water, 15 days; moving of snakes, 15 -days; spring equinox, 15 days; pure brightness, 15 days; sowing-rain -and dawn of summer, together 31 days; little fruitfulness (Ginzel) or -little rainy season (d’Enjoy), corn in the beard, together 31 days; -summer solstice, 16 days; beginning of heat, 16 days; great heat, -signs of autumn, together 31 days; end of heat, white dew, together -31 days; cold dew, 15 days; autumn equinox, 15 days; hoar-frost, -15 days; signs of winter, 15 days, beginning of snow, great snows, -together 29 days; winter solstice, 15 days; little cold, 15 days; -great cold, 15 days; dawn of spring, 15 days[319]. Of this division -Ginzel says that among the Chinese the seasons are expressed by -a division of the ecliptic: they are therefore astronomical, the -Chinese have no special names for the physical seasons. In former -times they took the length of the astronomical year to be 365¼ -days, and assumed an equal period for the course of the sun in the -ecliptic; but they afterwards learnt to calculate the beginning of -the divisions directly. It would be surprising however not to find -underlying the present divisions old seasons which the astronomical -knowledge has drawn within its scope, and which have thus been -systematically developed and regulated. To decide the matter would -require special knowledge which the present writer does not possess. -It is to be noted moreover that the periods are connected in pairs, -the odd numbers (according to Ginzel’s scheme) are called _tsie_, the -even _k’i_, the joint name being _tsie-k’i_. - -As far as the Indo-European period is concerned it seems now to -be agreed that there were then three seasons: for only the roots -occurring in the words _hiems_, _ver_, and _summer_ recur in a -greater number of the Indo-European languages. The much criticised -statement of Tacitus about the Germans is therefore corroborated: -“They know and name winter and spring and summer, but are ignorant -of the name and the goods of harvest”[320]. Spring however is not -equivalent to the other two seasons, for Indo-European antiquity -certainly also divided the year into two parts, the cold and the -warm seasons. The question whether the primitive Indo-European tribe -had two or three seasons is therefore pointless, and that this is so -will be readily understood by anyone who has become familiar with -the overlapping and the instability of the seasons of the primitive -peoples. The same phenomenon repeats itself in the addition of a -fourth season. The Greeks complete the circle of the year with the -three seasons winter, spring, and summer (χειμών, ἔαρ, θέρος), but in -Homer the fruit-harvest, ὀπώρη, already appears with the pretensions -of an independent season. Alkman has these four[321]. The principle -of nomenclature is however different: the first three names are -derived from climatic phenomena, ὀπώρα from the fruit-harvest. Now -since four climatic periods are naturally to be distinguished--cold, -warmth, and two transitional periods--the logical consequence is that -the fourth season should also be referred to the climate, and indeed -to the still unnamed period of transition between summer and winter. -This period however does not coincide with ὀπώρα, but follows it. -The latter term is therefore corrected to φθιν- or μετόπωρον; the -ὀπώρα naturally persists as the fruit harvest, and Theophrastus[322] -counts it in addition to the other four and thus gets five seasons. -The same thing seems to have happened in the case of the Latin -_autumnus_, although the process cannot be demonstrated. If the -small seasons are included the circle may be still further extended. -Thus the pseudo-Hippocratean treatise Περὶ ἑβδομάδων[323] gives -seven seasons:--1, seed-time, σπορητός, from the early rising of the -Pleiades to the winter solstice; 2, winter, until the late rising -of Arcturus; 3, tree-planting, φυταλιά, up to the spring equinox; -4, spring; 5, summer, from the early rising of the Pleiades up to -that of Sirius; 6, fruit-harvest, ὀπώρα, until the early rising of -Arcturus; 7, autumn. This arrangement is certainly affected by the -septenary system which pervades the treatise, but is founded on a -popular basis: the smaller seasons, which otherwise pass into the -greater, are given an independent position by the side of these. -The system has not prevailed, it is true, but it affords a typical -example of the instability of the seasons. - -Exactly the same process recurs in the Indian seasons. The natural -division of the North Indian year is into three periods--a warm, a -rainy, and a cold season. Three corresponding seasons are the most -usual in the Vedic period, and these are still the popular divisions -in the Punjab. Later two transitional periods are interpolated, -one of an autumnal character between the rainy season and the cold -season, and a warm period between the cold season and the hot. -These five seasons often occur in the Brahmanas. The well-known six -seasons--_vasanta_, spring; _grishma_, hot season; _varsha_, rainy -season; _śarad_, autumn; _hemanta_, winter; _śiśira_, cool season: -the cold season is divided into two periods--are the result of a -systematic comparison with the months, the latter being distributed -in pairs among the seasons. By this arrangement the rainy season is -the loser, since it embraces at least three months. There is also -a second sexpartite division of the year, not indeed mentioned in -the Vedic literature but better corresponding to the course of the -seasons, in which the rainy season is divided into two periods[324]. - -The splitting up of the seasons persists to this day among the -Germanic peoples; but a systematising of these small seasons is only -found when they are referred to the Julian months. This point will be -dealt with below, in chapter XI. The phenomenon is known to me from -my own native district. The word _höst_, ‘autumn’, still persists -there in the old literal sense of harvest, mowing, and indeed -_höhösten_ is particularly the hay-harvest. Hence the designation of -the autumn season as _höst_ is felt to be insufficiently accurate -and the term is replaced by _efterhöst_, literally ‘after-harvest’, -late autumn. Between summer and _efterhöst_ appears the _skyr_ -(dialect for _skörd_), the harvest, as a fifth season; sometimes -there is added a sixth season, _sivinter_, late winter. Little -attention has been paid to this phenomenon, though it is common -enough. The periods of the rural occupations in particular give -rise to such terms. Any period of this nature is described by the -old Swedish word _and_ (_ann_), now obsolete except in dialects. -For the other districts I add from the Dialect Dictionary of -Rietz:--_hobal_, the period on the one hand between the tillage in -spring and the hay-harvest, and on the other between the hay- and -the corn-harvest, the former period being the greater, the latter -the small _hobal_. Elsewhere the word has the form _hovel_, summer -being divided into _hoveln_, _mellan-anna_ and _ann_ (which is here -used pregnantly to mean harvest). Compounds with _and_ are _vår-_, -_säs-_, _gödsel-_, _hö-_, _slått-_, _skår-_, _skyr-_ and _sädes-and_ -(periods of spring, sowing, manuring, hay, hay-harvest, harvest, -corn). The North Frisians of Amrum and Föhr for instance mark events -by the periods _um julham_ (‘at Christmas’), _um wosham_ (‘in early -spring’), _pluchleth_ (ploughing-time), _meedarleth_ (hay-harvest), -_kaarskörd_ (corn-reaping). In Norway there are current as general -time-indications:--fishing-time (_fiskja_), springtime (_voarvinna_ -or _voaronn_), ploughing-time (_plogen_ or _plogvinna_), midsummer -(_haavoll_ or _haaball_), ‘between time’, i. e. between ploughing and -hay-making, (_mellonn_), early summer (_leggsumar_), haymaking-time -(_høyvinna_, _høyonn_, or _slaatt_), harvest-time (_haustvinna_ or -_skurd_), ‘shortest-days-time’ (_skamtid_)[325]. In Iceland, where -the sheep-farming is the principal industry, we find:--Lamb-weaning -time or Pen-tide, _stekk-tid_, in May; Parting-tide, _fra-faerar_, -when the sheep are driven to the hills; Market-tide, _kaup-tid_, -when all purchases for the year are made; Home-field hay-time -and Out-field hay-time (July and August); Folding-tide, _rettir_ -(September), when the sheep are driven off the hill pastures into -folds to be separated into flocks and marked. Again from wild -birds and eider-ducks one calls the spring Egg-tide. The fisherman -uses such seasons as _ver-tid_, Fishing-tide; of these there is -a spring, an autumn, and a winter fishing-month. Flitting-days, -_fardagar_, come in the spring, and _skil-dagar_ in summer, when -servants leave.[326] In the old German laws and elsewhere similar -time-indications are common, e. g. at plough-time, at the second -plough-time, at autumn-sowing, at harvest, at hay-making time, at -hemp-gathering, after harvest and hay-making, at the bean-harvest, at -plough-time, at the grape-harvest, at sowing-time, at harvest-time, -fall of the leaves, sprouting of the leaves, oat-cutting or -harvest[327]. In Anglo-Saxon a similar expression occurs in a law of -King Vihtraed in the year 696, _sexton dæge rugernes_ (rye-harvest). -These periods are in themselves indefinite, they fail to achieve a -definite length or quite fixed position in the year. Where they do -so, this is due to the comparison with the Julian months, of which -more later. - -However over the number of the seasons among the Germans or, what has -often been regarded as the same thing,--and this is an evidence of -the false methods by which the problem has been attacked--over the -German division of the year, a long and vigorous dispute has been -carried on. That the year was divided into two parts, summer and -winter, is well known. I refer to the Scandinavian half-years[328], -to the testimony of Bede[329] that the Anglo-Saxons reckoned six -months for winter and six for summer, and to the German expressions -for a year: ‘in bareness and in leaf’, ‘bare and leaf-clad’, -‘in straw and in grass’[330]. No less a scholar than J. Grimm -has cast doubt on the statement of Tacitus that the Germans had -only three seasons, but later he withdrew his doubts in view of -the consideration that the Germans at the time of Tacitus were -acquainted with grain-culture but not with fruit-culture, and that -the word autumn, harvest, referred to the fruit and vine-harvests -and therefore naturally did not appear among the Germans of that -time[331]. In view of the linguistic phenomenon mentioned above, p. -71, it seems now to be agreed that the account of Tacitus is in -the main correct. Weinhold has given the treatment of the question -its direction. According to him the tripartite division to which -reference has been made crowded out the older division into two -parts, the points of division, he maintains, doubtless coinciding -in the first instance with the three _Lauddinge_ or _ungebotene -Gerichte_ (regular courts), which are found as early as the time -of Charlemagne. The beginnings of the four seasons--determined -from saints’ days--in February, May, August, and November are of -foreign origin: on the other hand the quadripartite division of -the year, arising from the fact that mid-winter and midsummer were -added to the beginning of winter and summer as interpolations in the -time-reckoning, is German. This Weinhold tries to prove from the -popular festivals associated with these dates. The attempt however is -a complete failure. No season begins with any of the solstices, on -the contrary these fall right in the middle of a season. His thesis -rests on an erroneous conception of the festivals, viz. that they are -in general calendar-festivals. Under primitive conditions a festival -(the harvest-home in particular) may certainly conclude a division of -time and may thus also indicate the beginning of a new season, but -as a rule the festivals, though regulated by the calendar, are not -so ordered that they coincide with the beginning of a season. We are -therefore not authorised in drawing conclusions as to the beginning -of a division of the year from the existence of an old festival. -Support has been lent to the idea of Weinhold by the fact that in -later times the beginnings of the seasons were indicated by festivals -and saints’ days. The fact of the matter is that the common medieval -calendar was composed of a series of festivals and saints’ days from -among which suitable and well-known days were chosen in the dating -of the beginnings of the seasons also. For the general understanding -it was necessary throughout to bring in popular saints’ days[332]. -Tille attacks Weinhold very sharply but remains throughout under the -influence of the method indicated by the latter: his work, however, -has its good points, inasmuch as it refers to economic conditions, -agriculture, the payments of rent, etc. The bipartite division, he -asserts, is primitive Indo-European, the tripartite is of foreign -(Egyptian) origin: both existed for a long time side by side. This -fact is explained by an old sexpartite division of the year, since -the six seasons could be run together either in twos or in threes. -The beginnings of the half-years are given by natural phenomena, -those of the three annual divisions are placed by Tille at March -13, July 10, and Nov. 11, old style: in the north on account of the -climatic conditions they are pushed back a month. Hammarstedt[333] -remarks very pertinently that the beginning of winter in November, -in the north in October, belongs to the reckoning in half-years, and -that hence arises the absurdity that Tille has to give Feb. 10 as the -date for the beginning of spring in the north. But to assign Dec. 13 -with Hammarstedt as the beginning of one of the three seasons agrees -just as little with the natural seasons of the year. - -The principal error lies in the systematising, the seasons being -regarded as periods of a definite number of days. This is not the -case even to-day, and still less was it so, as we have seen, among -primitive peoples. Still more clearly does the same error of method -appear in Tille’s assumption of a sexpartite division of the year, -or of sixty-day periods, as they are expressly termed. He refers -to the six old Indian seasons, which are a comparatively late and -artificial product called forth by the adoption of the names of the -seasons in the reckoning by months[334], and to the pairs of months -of the Syrian and Arabian calendar. He regards as 60-day divisions -not only the smaller seasons mentioned above, p. 75, the duration of -which was originally no less indefinite than it is to-day, but also -the Germanic pairs of months, which owe their origin to an adaptation -of the Roman months (for this see below, ch. XI). The 60-day periods -are so far from being primitive that they first took their origin -under the influence of the reckoning in months. - -In Iceland there still exists a curious calendar, the ‘week-year’. -The year is divided into two halves, _misseri_; the people reckon in -so many _misseri_, not years; it consists of _whole_ weeks, in the -ordinary year 52 (= 364 days), in leapyear 53 (= 371 days). Until -midsummer (or mid-winter) they reckon forwards, so many weeks of -summer or winter have elapsed, after that backwards, so many weeks -of summer (winter) remain[335]. Bilfinger in a penetrating study -has tried to shew that this curious calendar is an outcome of the -ecclesiastical calendarial science of the Middle Ages. He does not -however prove his case: rather, the calendar, as tradition shews, -reaches far back into heathen times[336]. - -The reckoning in weeks was once common to all Scandinavia. The -Lapps have special names for every week of the year, borrowed from -festivals and saints’ days falling within the weeks; they have -therefore taken from the Scandinavians the reckoning in weeks and -adapted it to the uses of a primitive time-reckoning. From the -same source they have also derived the special significance of the -summer night (April 14, Tiburtius) and of the winter night (Oct. 14, -Calixtus), from which also two weeks are named. The system is better -preserved in certain parts of South Sweden[337]. The people count -in _räppar_, quarter-years--in Öland they are called _trettingar_, -thirteenths, i. e. 13 weeks--beginning with the _räppadagar_: these -are Lady Day, Midsummer Day, Michaelmas Day, and Christmas Day, old -style. Just as in Iceland, they reckon backwards, not however in the -same quarters as there, but in the quarters before Midsummer and -Christmas: in the other two quarters they count forwards. In northern -Scania I have met with a relic of the same type of reckoning, the -‘number of weeks’ (_ugetalet_), which begins on April 6 (Lady Day, -old style), and is reckoned backwards as far as the thirteenth week. -The duration of both rural occupations and natural phenomena is -determined in so many weeks. As the starting-point of this reckoning -in weeks the four great festivals which come nearest to the four -points of the solstices and equinoxes are chosen. There can be no -doubt that these have made their appearance under the influence of -the Christian calendar instead of the four Old Scandinavian points -of division of the year. The people call Calixtus’ day (Oct. 14) -the first day of winter, and Tiburtius’ day (April 14) the first -day of summer; many rune-staves have this division of the year, and -almost all describe the former by a tree without leaves, the latter -by a tree in leaf. They fall in the same weeks as the initial days -of winter and summer in Iceland, which vary there on account of the -peculiar arrangement of the calendar. In Scandinavia, however, they -have been transformed into fixed days under the influence of the -Julian calendar. - -It is a natural conclusion that the reckoning in weeks had its origin -in the use of the rune-staff. Since the week-day letters on these -are repeated the whole year through, the weeks offered an easy means -of reckoning. This conclusion is certainly correct, but still we -may venture to ask why the week-day letters were admitted into the -national calendar by the North especially, and why the reckoning in -weeks should be adopted in popular use only there. The reason can -only be that the counting in weeks was already in use before the -rune-staff was introduced. This mode of counting, which in Iceland -had been developed into a curious form of year, was in Scandinavia -adapted to the Julian calendar and remained bound up with this. The -leap-week was therefore unnecessary. The old basis is however still -preserved in the points of departure, the summer and winter nights. -It is the same system as the Icelandic, built up on the week and the -year, but differently modified: the idea of any borrowing cannot be -entertained. The basis of this calendar, therefore, was once common -to all Scandinavia, and the calendar must go back to heathen times. - -Under the influence of the popular lay astrology the week was early -spread among the Germanic peoples: on it and on an approximate -knowledge of the length of the year, such as could easily be -acquired in the lively intercourse with Christian lands during the -Viking period, the system of the Icelandic calendar is built up. An -indigenous element however appears, the half-year reckoning, and -indeed the great probability is that the limitation of the half-year -to a fixed number of days was first achieved as a result of this -systematising of the calendar. Winter and summer, like all natural -seasons, had at first no fixed limits. The quarters arose in the -course of the reckoning, the people counting forwards in the first -half of the half-year and backwards in the other half. The middle -points of the half-year, mid-winter and midsummer, fell where both -reckonings met. This agrees with the popular objection to high -numbers. The Germanic tribes of the south, in accordance with their -milder climate, commonly reckoned five months for winter. In the -north the dead season is longer, about six months, and this fact has -contributed to the half-year reckoning which, as has already been -remarked, is widely characteristic of northern peoples. That the -limits between both seasons were unstable and could be moved forward -according to circumstances is in my opinion shewn by the names of the -initial days of the half-year--_sumarmál_ (plural) and _vetrnaetr_, -‘the winter nights’. Where a definitely determined day is in question -the plural is out of place: it is used to describe a period, for -instance _jol_ (plur.) denotes Christmas-time[338]. - -With the two opening days of the calendar and the one division in -the middle are often combined the three great sacrificial feasts, -the autumn festival at the winter nights, the Yule festival at -mid-winter, and the spring festival at the summer nights. It is -true that the first of these festivals, which was celebrated at the -beginning of a period of rest after the completion of the harvest -and agricultural labour, denoted, as such festivals often do, the -conclusion of the old year and the beginning of the new. That it was -fixed for a definite day cannot be demonstrated any more than that -the festival of victory in spring, celebrated before the Vikings -went forth on their voyages, fell exactly on the summer night. On -the contrary the time probably varied according to circumstances: -the expression of Snorre lacks calendarial accuracy and remains -indefinite:--“They should sacrifice against the winter to get a -good year, and at mid-winter sacrifice for germination; the third -sacrifice in summer, and this was a sacrifice of victory”[339]. In -historical times the Yule festival is regulated by the Christian -calendar; Snorre says that in heathen times it was celebrated -at the _hökku_ night, but of this we have no certain knowledge. -Things happened as in the Middle Ages and later: after a calendar -has arisen the festivals are regulated by this, but they are not -calendar-festivals, and in reconstructing the scheme of the calendar -from the festivals very great caution must be exercised. - -Our conclusion is that the Germanic seasons, like the seasons in -general, were not in themselves definitely limited divisions of time, -and that alongside of the greater seasons smaller ones arose without -there being any numerical determination of the relationship between -the two. Seasons only become divisions consisting of a definite -number of days when in the regulation of the calendar they are taken -over as calendar divisions, as winter and summer were in Scandinavia. -Where a calendar has arisen directly out of the seasons, the -divisions, like the seasons, are of varying length[340]. This also -shews that the Germanic seasons first attained a definite number of -days through the calendar-regulation introduced from abroad. Further, -when a calendar existed, the beginning of the seasons could be given -with reference to this: the day varied according to circumstances, -but the choice was limited in this manner, viz. that only a popular -festival or saint’s day was appropriate as a distinguishing day. -Here also, therefore, the calendar was the starting-point for the -regulation of the seasons. A division of the year in the more -accurate sense also first arose through the regulation of the -calendar, since, owing to the method of calculation, the middle -days of the half-year divisions became distinguishing days in -the calendar. When the calendar came, the old festivals were also -regulated by it. - -By way of supplement two or three curious exceptional cases may be -noted. A completely isolated instance is offered by the Bangala of -the Upper Congo, who count in lunar months, and, since there is no -dry season, reckon for longer periods by the rise of the rivers[341]. -In the monsoon districts however it is frequently a peculiarity to -distinguish the seasons by the winds. Of Sumatra it is reported:--The -principal seasons are named after the quarters of the heavens from -which the wind blows. At the time when we were in Taluk, April to -mid-June, the south monsoon was blowing; the east, the west, and -the north monsoons also come under consideration for the seasons. -Moreover the people also distinguish a dry and a rainy period. The -seasons 4. _tahun djin_, 5. _tahun wou_, 6. _tahun sai_ were regarded -as falling within the rainy period, while the dry season set in -with 1. _t. ali_, and continued with 2. _t. dal awal_, and 3. _t. -dal akhir_. In the two seasons 7. _t. ha_ and 8. _t. ‘am_ dry and -wet weather alternate[342]. In New Britain (Bismarck Archipelago), -between the two greater seasons of the south-east and the north-west -monsoons, each consisting of 5 months, there were two smaller -intermediate seasons of one month each, the period of variable winds -and the period of calm[343]. In Songa (Vellalavella), one of the -Solomon Islands, various seasons are distinguished according to the -direction of the wind:--the time of the west wind, _nanano_; the -time of the almond-ripening, _tovarauru_ (the time of the north -wind); _rari_, the time of the south wind--during this period calm -prevails at night but there is wind in the day-time; _sassa nanamo_, -time of the east wind; _mbule_, time of calm, lasting about a -month. After _mbule_ follow _tovaruru_, lasting about 2 months, and -_sassa nanamo_, one month. In Lambutjo the matter is still further -complicated. The following winds are distinguished:--south wind, -west wind, good wind at the time of almond-ripening, lasting about -one month. Further the east wind, strong or quite weak with squalls, -not good. Three months afterwards comes the west wind, lasting about -2-3 months. After the east wind a south-west wind, very strong, at -that time one cannot sail on the sea: it often comes 5 months after -the east wind. After the south-west wind a SE wind, lasting only 1-2 -weeks. Then strong E wind, lasting 1-2 months, during which time -navigation in canoes is impossible. Then again a time of ‘clear -water’, i. e. calm, lasting two months. After this, S wind, NW wind, -and NE wind. Each of these lasts only a short time, altogether they -occupy 3-4 months. Then begins a lighter E wind, lasting 3-4 weeks. -Then about one month of light W wind, then again stronger E wind for -1-2 months. Afterwards S wind for 1½-2 months, lighter SE wind for -1-2 weeks, and then again stronger E wind for 2-3 months. At the time -of the west wind there is much rain, at the time of the east wind -much sunshine[344]. It is very interesting to see how accurately -primitive peoples observe Nature, but these are not indications -of time. On the Gazelle Peninsula it has been observed that when -the SE monsoon blows the sun comes up in the east, and when the NW -monsoon blows it rises in the south: the wind comes from the opposite -direction to that in which the sun rises[345]. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE YEAR. - - -Following the practice of my authorities I have often in the -foregoing pages made use of the expression that the year is ‘divided’ -into so many parts. From a genetic stand-point this expression is -incorrect, because the time-indications, which relate to a concrete -phenomenon of Nature, are older than the year, and, since they are -connected only with the single phenomenon, are discontinuous or even -indefinite. Only through their union does the complete year arise. -Every natural year however offers on the whole the same phenomena -following one another in definite succession, and thus the circle -of the year has its prototype in Nature herself. Nevertheless -the uniting of the different seasons into a complete year only -takes place gradually by means of a selection, systematising, -and regulation of the seasons. It must be carried out according -to a principle--we shall see that this is as a rule the lunar -reckoning--but the occupations of agriculture also serve as a handle. -The present chapter will shew how the uniting of the seasons into -the year is only a late and incomplete development, how originally -the year does not exist as a numerical quantity, the _pars pro -toto_ counting being resorted to, and finally how the years are not -reckoned as members of an era but are distinguished and fixed by -concrete events. - -The difficulty of struggling through to the conception of the year -is exemplified by certain peoples who know two seasons but reckon -in half-years without joining them together. Naturally this happens -in the rare case in which there is very little difference--or none -at all--between the two halves of the year. Thus of the Akikuyu of -British East Africa it is reported:--The equatorial year has no -winter or summer. Its passage is marked by two wet seasons, which -occur in what are our spring and autumn. The planting is done in -all cases at the first commencement of the rains, and harvesting as -soon as the crop has ripened after the cessation of the rain. There -are therefore two seed-times and two harvests in twelve months, and -when the native speaks of a year he means six months[346]. This is -very natural, since by ‘year’ a vegetation-period is often to be -understood: the half-year reckoning however also appears where a -difference between the two seasons does exist. In Rotuma or Granville -Island the inhabitants reckon in periods of six months or moons. The -west monsoon, which blows from October to April, doubtless serves -to distinguish these seasons: otherwise the difference between the -seasons is hardly perceptible, the island lying near the equator. The -half-years each contain six months, to which the same names are given -in both halves[347]. The people of the Nicobars reckon in monsoon -half-years, _shom-en-yuh_, the SW monsoon, _sho-hong_, blowing from -May to October, and the NE monsoon, _ful_, from November to April, -so that two of these form one of our years[348]. The half-years are -also said to contain seven months each[349]: in reality they must -vary between 6 and 7 months, as the year varies between 12 and 13. In -New Britain (Bismarck Archipelago) there are monsoon years of five -months: the two intervening periods of the variable winds and of the -calms, each lasting one month, are not counted[350]. It is said that -the Benua-Jahun of the Malay Peninsula have no other division of the -year than the natural one of the north and south monsoons, each of -which they call a ‘wind-year’, _satahun angni_; however a word for -year, _sa taun_, is also ascribed to them[351]. In Bali the year is -divided into two seasons or monsoons, each of which includes six -months; since the months of both halves have the same names it is -evident that originally only half-years existed[352]. The greatest -unit of time among the Orang Kubu of Sumatra is the six-month -_mussim_ (season), which is of Malay origin[353]. The Samoans have a -name for a period of twelve months, but they formerly reckoned years -of six months (_tau-sanga_); each of these corresponded to one of the -two six-month periods, the palolo or rainy season and the monsoon -season[354]. The Moanu of the Admiralty Island name the division of -the year according to the position of the sun. When it stands north -of the equator, the season in question is named _morai in paiin_ (sun -of war), since wars are chiefly fought in this season. When it stands -over the equator, the season is called _morai in houas_ (sun of -friendship), the season of friendship and mutual visits. When the sun -turns towards the south, the cooler season begins[355]. Of the Kiwai -Papuans of the islands in the delta of the Fly River in New Guinea, -Torres Straits, Landtman writes to me that he cannot say if the -people are clear whether they reckon in years or in half-years[356]. -The former supposition is really only supported by the fact that they -are aware that the same natural conditions recur after the lapse of -the two half-years. There is no word for year. On the whole it may -be said that they count only the months, and hardly conceive of so -great a unit as the year, nor even (at least not everywhere) of the -half-year, although there may be a hint of this in special cases. - -Not seldom the dry and the rainy seasons are counted without being -combined into a year. This is expressly stated of the Tupi of Brazil -and certainly applies also to the Bakairi[357]. In Loango there are -dry and rainy seasons, and in many districts a third season also, the -fruit-ripening. Commonly the people reckon by the two main seasons. A -centenarian is therefore fifty years old[358]. In Uganda there are in -the course of twelve months two rainy and two dry seasons, although -there is hardly a month in which no rain falls at all. The rainy -season from February to June is called _togo mukazi_, since the rain -then falls without much thunder: the second, from August to November, -is called _dumbi musaja_, because of the thunder and the frequent -deaths from lightning. The dry season about December is more intense -than that about June. However the year, _mwaka_, is composed of one -rainy season together with the following dry season, and consists of -six moons or months[359]. Their year, corresponding to a half-year, -consists of five moons, and a sixth in which it rains[360]. In north -Asia the common mode of reckoning is in half-years, which are not to -be regarded as such but form each one separately the highest unit -of time: our informants term them ‘winter year’ and ‘summer year’. -Among the Tunguses the former comprises 6½ months, the latter 5, but -the year is said to have 13 months; in Kamchatka each contains six -months, the winter year beginning in November, the summer year in -May; the Gilyaks on the other hand give five months to summer and -seven to winter. The Yeneseisk Ostiaks reckon and name only the seven -winter months, and not the summer months[361]. This mode of reckoning -seems to be a peculiarity of the far north: the Icelanders reckoned -in _misseri_, half-years, not in whole years, and the rune-staves -divide the year into a summer and a winter half, beginning on April -14 and October 14 respectively. But in Germany too, when it was -desired to denote the whole year, the combined phrase ‘winter and -summer’ was employed, or else equivalent concrete expressions such as -‘in bareness and in leaf’, ‘in straw and in grass’[362]. - -‘Years’ with less than twelve months are to us the strangest of -phenomena. The Yurak Samoyedes and probably the Tunguses of the Amur -reckon eleven months to the year, the Kamchadales only ten, of which -one is said to be as long as three[363]. The natives of southern -Formosa reckon about eleven months to the year[364]. The inhabitants -of Kingsmill Island, which lies under the equator, reckon periods -of ten months, which are numbered but, in contradistinction to the -other examples, are reckoned in cycles[365]. In the Marquesas 10 -months formed a year, _tau_ or _puni_, but the actual year, i. e. the -Pleiades year, was also known[366]. - -The Yoruba reckon in 16-day divisions. Fourteen of these form -their old year, of 224 days, i. e. in former times attention was -paid to the rainy season only. The first thunder was the signal -for the fishers and hunters to come back to their huts and begin -farming again.[367] The Toradja of the Dutch East Indies reckon in -moon-months: two to three months however compose a vacant period in -which they do not trouble about time-reckoning[368]. The Islamite -Malays of Sumatra distinguish _tahun basar_, the great year, or -_tahun musin_, the year of the seasons, both reckoned as 12 months, -from _tahun padi_, the rice-year, which among them counts only eleven -months[369]. The Dusun of British North Borneo have two methods -of reckoning their longest divisions of time. If the native be a -hill-man he will reckon by the _taun kendinga_ or the hill-_padi_ -season, six months from planting to harvest, if a plain-dweller by -the _taun tanau_ or wet _padi_ season, 8 to 9 months[370]. This -incomplete year is therefore a vegetation year in which the vacant -period of no work is simply passed over. In this manner may be -explained the much discussed ten-month year of the Romans[371], if -it really depends upon old tradition and is not a mere creation of -spurious learning. It is not a cyclical year like ours: a complete -explanation will be given below in the investigation of the manner in -which the years were counted. - -It is true indeed of most primitive peoples, as is said of the -Hottentots, that they are well acquainted with the conception (_sic!_ -I should have said rather: the concrete phenomenon) of the year, -_guri-b_, as a single period of the seasonal variation, but do not -reckon in years in this sense[372]. That is to say the year is by -them empirically given but not limited in the abstract: above all -it is not a calendarial and numerical quantity. Of the Waporogo it -is said:--Somewhat more difficult (than the times of day) is the -conception of the year. Only older, more intelligent people have a -clear idea of it, the sowing-time and the rainy seasons constituting -their points of reference. But they too can only reckon up a few -years (though they certainly do this by counting the seasons, cp. -below, p. 92), and for the great mass of the people the conception -of the year does not exist[373]. The Bontoc Igorot has no idea of -a cycle of time greater than a year, and in fact it is the rare -individual who thinks in terms of a year[374]. The length of the year -consequently varies. Among the Banyankole it begins with the first -heavy rains and lasts until the next heavy rains, so that a year may -be longer or shorter by a few days: it is a matter of no consequence -whether it is a week or even three weeks that are taken off or added -to the length[375]. - -With the agricultural year it is just the same. For the Dyaks of -Borneo the rice-harvest is a main division of the year (_njelo_); -in September after the conclusion of the harvest the year is at -an end; a definite beginning, a New Year’s Day, is unknown[376]. -The translation of a Ho text runs:--“When the inhabitants of the -interior begin to cultivate the yam-fields they begin a new year: -when the yams are dug up and the dry grass is burnt away, a year -has passed”[377]. Among the Thonga the notion of the year (_lembe_, -_dji-ma_) is extremely vague: the year begins at two different -periods, that of tilling and that of harvesting the first-fruits. -They do not make any difference between a lunar and a solar -year[378]. A very significant account comes from Dahomey. The word -for year does not denote any definite number of months: the sense is -rather ‘to plant maize and eat, to plant it again and harvest it’. At -the end of the harvest the year also is at an end[379]. - -Here therefore we have a natural year quite concretely and -empirically given. Chronologically it is of no use nor indeed is it -used: what method is resorted to will be shewn below. Attention must -first be called, however, to an important point. The purely natural -year is a circle which has no natural division, i. e. no beginning or -end, the seasons following upon each other immediately; not so the -agricultural year, which has both beginning and end. Here therefore -there is a natural point of division, a new year, which appeared in -some of the examples just given, and this is an extremely important -point for time-reckoning. The vacant period between harvest and -sowing presents some difficulty, and so both of these periods can be -used as the beginning, as is done among the Thonga: otherwise the -beginning of the year varies considerably, just because it can be -arbitrarily determined[380]. - -The contradiction between length or duration of time and -time-reckoning evidently here becomes apparent. The counting is -not performed by means of these fluctuating empirical years, but -the _pars pro toto_ method is employed, the years are counted by -a season. As soon as it is said that some event took place at a -definite time of the previous year, or will take place at some point -in the following year, a counting of the years is thereby implied, -although for an enumeration of this kind the conception of the year -is not necessary. When it is said that something happened at the -previous harvest, or will happen at the next dry season a counting of -the years is no less implied, although seasons are reckoned instead -of years, i. e. the _pars pro toto_ method is used. Thus it is, in -fact, with all primitive and many highly developed peoples, and that -not only when an event that took place at a definite time is spoken -of, but also where the number of years alone is in question: in -the latter case the reckoning is only performed from a favourite, -conventionally selected season. The statement made for the Hottentots -is significant for the kind of reckoning just mentioned. They -keep in mind the age of their cattle from the calving and lambing -periods[381]. Similarly we are told of the modern Arabians that the -female camel is covered for the first time when she is four _rabi_ -old (_rabi_ = the pasture-season in spring, when the camel foals), so -that she foals in the fifth rabi[382]. - -As a basis for the counting either a longer or a shorter season may -serve, or indeed any popular natural phenomenon of regular annual -occurrence. Thus of the Chinhwan of Formosa it is stated that they -have no calendar: they only know that a new year has come when -a certain flower blooms again[383]. The Paez of Columbia have a -word _enzte_, ‘fishing, summer, year’, since a great fishing is -only engaged in once a year, in January or February[384]. In the -language of the Tupi of S. Brazil the year is always called _akayú_, -cashew-tree, which blossoms once a year, and produces a much-prized -reniform stone-fruit which is also often used in the preparation of -wine: the word also means ‘season’. This tree bears fruit only once -a year, whence it comes that the Brazilians reckon their age by the -stones, laying aside one for each year, and keeping them in a small -basket reserved for this purpose[385]. The Algonquin of Virginia -reckoned in _cohonks_, winters; the name refers to the wild geese, -and shews that these have come back to them so many times[386]. -In medieval Swiss charters time is often reckoned in _louprisi_, -‘leaf-fall’; _dri_, _nün louprisi_ = when the leaves have fallen -three, nine times, etc.[387]. - -In a later section on the beginning of the year we shall find -that the appearance of a certain constellation, in particular the -Pleiades, gives the signal for the beginning of the agricultural -labour, whence is developed the importance of this date as the -opening of the year. The time between two like appearances of the -same constellation, e. g. between two heliacal risings, is a year. -In this manner the name of the constellation itself can come to -denote ‘year’. In many parts of S. America the same word means both -‘Pleiades’ and ‘year’[388]. The inhabitants of the Marquesas call the -year of 12 months, as distinguished from the 10-month fruit-year, -by the name of the Pleiades, _mata-iti_[389]. How easily this comes -to pass is shewn by a statement made for the Bangala of the Upper -Congo. The culmination of the constellation _kole_ gave the principal -planting-season. This was so familiar to the natives that the -informant used the word _kole_ as equivalent to the word ‘year’[390]. -This is in its very nature a _pars pro toto_ designation, since it -refers to an annually recurring phase of the stars. - -More often the years are reckoned by one of the greater seasons. -It is a well-known fact that in Old Norse generally, in Gothic, and -often in Old German and Anglo-Saxon time was reckoned in winters. We -find traces of the same practice in Greek (χίμαρος, ‘a one-year-old -goat’, from the same root as χειμών, winter) and in Latin (_bimus_, -_trimus_ = ‘of two, three years’, from _hiems_): poets often reckon -in _hiemes_[391]. It is almost the rule among all peoples who live -under a climate that has a winter with snow and ice. The Ostiaks -reckon in winters, and so do the Eskimos of Greenland[392] and of the -Behring Straits[393], and the N. American Indians in general, for -instance the Kiowa[394], the Pawnee[395], and the Omaha[396]. The -common method of reckoning is not by the season, ‘the cold time’, but -by the concrete phenomenon that distinguishes it, viz. the snow. So -with the tribes of the N. W. interior[397], the Hupa[398], and the -Dakota, who say that a man is so many ‘snows’ old, or that so many -‘snow-seasons’ have passed since an occurrence[399]. The Siciatl of -British Columbia reckon either by summers, ‘fine seasons’, or by -winters, ‘snows’[400]. For the Algonquin see p. 93. In the tropics to -reckon by the cold season is rare: the Guarini of Paraguay however -reckon in _roi_, i. e. ‘seasons of coolness’, ‘winters’[401], and the -Bakongo occasionally by _sivu_, the cold season, though more often by -_mou_, ‘season’[402]. The reason for the reckoning of the years in -winters is the same as that for the counting of the days in nights. -Winter is a time of rest, an undivided whole, which practically -becomes equivalent to a single point: it is therefore more convenient -for reckoning than summer, which is filled up with many different -occupations. In the south of N. America, in the states on the Gulf of -Mexico, where the snow is rare and the heat of summer is the dominant -feature, the term for year had some reference to this season or to -the heat of the sun[403], e. g. among the Seminole of Florida the -name for the year was the same as that used for summer[404]. Here the -summer is the time of rest, but in Slavonic also time is reckoned in -summers (_leto_ = ‘summer’, plural = ‘years’). We may compare here -the English expressions ‘a maiden of 18 summers’, etc. The reckoning -in springs is only exceptional. The Basuto word _selemo_ means -‘spring, ploughing-time, year’[405]. At the southern end of Lake -Nyassa time is reckoned by ‘rains’, i. e. rainy seasons[406]. - -Ever since the principal food of man has been the produce of -fruit-trees or the corn, the fruit- and corn-harvests and the whole -period of vegetation in general have been of decisive importance for -his well-being. We have already seen how this circumstance has left -its mark upon the indications of the seasons, and in the same way -the second most important method of counting years is to reckon by -harvests or vegetation-periods. The fellahs of Palestine still do -this. Their usual method is to reckon from one harvest to another, -or, as they put it, ‘from threshing-floor to threshing-floor’[407]. -In modern Arabia rents are hardly ever reckoned for a whole year, but -only until the next spring, _rabi_, when the young animals are sold, -or, as by the fellahs, until the next threshing-time, _bedar_, when -the farmer can realise upon his corn[408]. The Negrito of Zambales -determine the year by the planting or harvesting season, but their -minds rarely go back farther than the last season[409]. In Bavaria -in the Middle Ages the years used to be reckoned in autumns. The -ceremonial reckoning in the Sanskrit ritual texts is in autumns, -Sanskrit _çarad_, ‘autumn’[410]. The subjects of the Incas had a word -_huata_, ‘year’, which as a verb meant ‘_attacher_’: but the lower -classes reckoned in harvests[411]. This is also done in the district -around Mombasa[412]. The Arabs sometimes reckon the years as e. g. 40 -_charif_, _charif_ being the time of the date-harvest[413]. - -We have already spoken of the rice-year in the East Indian -Archipelago as a combination of the agricultural seasons; the period -of vegetation of the rice also serves, although seldom, for the -counting of the year. Among the Toradja the time needed for a plant -to come to its full development up to maturity is called _ta’oe_, and -_santa’oe_ accordingly means ‘a year ago’. _Sampae_ is the rice-year -of six months, but _santa’oe_ has practically the same meaning, -since the rice is the most important cultivated plant. In general, -however, the word is seldom used as a time-indication, but the years -are reckoned by well-known events (on this see below, pp. 99 ff.); -nevertheless expressions like the following are heard:--_santa’oe -owi_, ‘when last year’s rice-crops still stood on the field’, -_roeanta’oe owe_, ‘two harvests ago’[414]. In the South Sea Islands -the bread-fruit is the most important article of food: the people, -as we have seen, know a time of abundance of food and a time of -scarcity. We are told:--The Malay word for ‘year’ is _taun_ or -_tahun_. In all Polynesian dialects the primary sense of _tau_ is ‘a -season’, ‘a period of time’. In the Samoan group _tau_ or _tausanga_, -besides the primary sense of season, has the definite meaning of ‘a -period of six months’, and conventionally that of ‘a year’, as on the -island of Tonga. Here the word has the further sense of ‘the produce -of a year’, and derivatively ‘a year’. In the Society group it simply -means ‘season’. In the Hawaiian group, when not applied to the -summer season, the word keeps its original sense of ‘an indefinite -period of time’, ‘a life-time, an age’, and is never applied to the -year: its duration may be more or less than a year, according to -circumstances[415]. So far our authority. It seems however to be -questionable whether the original sense is not the concrete ‘produce -of the seasons’, rather than the abstract ‘period of time’. It is -significant that on the Society Islands the bread-fruit season is -called _te tau_, and the names of the other two seasons, _te tau miti -rahi_ and _te tau poai_, are formed by adding to this name[416]. - -Of great significance are the accurate reports for the Melanesians. -They have no conception of the year as a definite period of time. The -word _tau_ (a Polynesian loan-word), or _niulu_, which corresponds -most nearly to ‘year’, signifies a season, and so (now) the space of -time between recurring seasons. Thus the yam has its _tau_ of five -moons, from the planting--when the erythrina is in flower--until the -harvest, after the palolo has come and gone. The bread-fruit has its -_tau_ during the winter months: bananas and cocoa-nuts have no _tau_, -since they always bear fruit. The notion of the year as the time from -yam to yam, from palolo to palolo, has been readily received, but it -is very doubtful if such a conception is anywhere purely native[417]. -The Melanesians are only interested in the concrete phenomena of the -year, and not in time-reckoning as such, and therefore do not in -practice combine the period from yam-planting to harvest with that -from harvest to planting to form a year. When it is pointed out, -however, it is quite clear to them that this is a single period of -the variation of the seasons. The Polynesians have themselves noted -this fact, and accordingly the sense of the word _tau_ has been -extended from ‘season’ to ‘year’. - -Whether the conception of the year was known in the Indo-European -period is not certain: it is however significant that all the words -for ‘year’ of which the etymology is fairly certain either refer -to the produce of the year--as ὥρα and its cognates, and also the -word ‘year’ itself, Old Scand. _ár_--or else come from the _pars pro -toto_ counting of the year. Thus the Slavonic _leto_ means ‘summer’ -and ‘year’. Sanskrit _çarad_ means ‘autumn’: that the corresponding -Avestic _sared_ means ‘year’ is explained by the fact that the -years were reckoned in autumns. The Greek ἐνιαυτός is unexplained, -but in Homer, in the law of Gortyn, and in the inscription of the -Labyades it has also the little observed sense of ‘anniversary’[418], -which may be the original sense. Further evidence of the lack of an -acquaintance with the conception of the year is afforded by the fact -that the Germanic peoples render it by periphrases like ‘winter and -summer’, etc.[419]. - -The _pars pro toto_ counting of the year from shorter or longer -seasons does not however extend beyond the years immediately -following or preceding. It is stated of the tribes living at the -southern end of Lake Nyassa that the years are reckoned in ‘rains’ up -to three or four years: everything beyond that is _kale_, ‘some time -ago’[420]. In the district around Mombasa, in periods not exceeding -five years, the date is usually fixed by the number of harvests -which have been gathered[421]. In general the primitive peoples -reckon only where an immediate practical interest requires them to do -so. The Kiwai Papuans have no word for year, but only for the monsoon -periods: they cannot as a rule state how many years have elapsed -since a certain event, but only whether it took place recently or -long ago[422]. The inhabitants of the islands of the Torres Straits -never count years[423]. Individuals belonging to tribes at a low -stage of civilisation keep no account of their own age. Among the -Waporogo no one can say how old he is[424]. The Edo-speaking tribes -have a calendar, but an enquiry as to the age of a man or the -number of years since a given event will meet with no answer, or a -random one[425]. In Dahomey no negro has the slightest idea of his -age[426]. The Hottentots have no interest in their own age, but are -interested in that of their cattle, which they reckon by the calving -and lambing periods[427]. Few of the Chinhwan of Formosa know their -age[428]. The Negritos of Zambales have no idea of their age[429]. -No Marquesas Islander, no Oceanian in general, can give either his -own age or the time of any event[430]; even the Maoris do not know -their age, although they know that the man of forty years is older -than the man of thirty[431]. The statements here made obviously refer -to the absolute age of a man, not to the relative age; for either it -is immediately seen or else easily remembered from childhood who is -older and who younger. The Babwende, for instance, never know how old -they are, but do know quite well who is the oldest[432]. Since the -relative age is thus known, the age of the people and the time of -events can be determined by reference to the speaker’s own relative -age or to that of someone else. On the same page as that from which -the above quotation for the Marquesas Islands is taken, it is stated -that in order to determine the time of any event the people indicate -how tall a person was, or how long his beard was, at the time when -the event took place. The Indians of Pennsylvania temporarily -determined an event by referring to their own age at the time of its -occurrence[433]. - -From these indications of relative ages there arises of itself a -familiar chronological expedient usually found at the point where -history begins, viz. the reckoning by generations, which is common -e. g. among the Polynesians[434] and in the older Greek historians. -Among the Masai an elaborate system for classifying ages has -exceptionally developed. The circumcision takes place in four-year -periods with intervals of three and a half years. The circumcisions -are known alternately as ‘right-hand’ and ‘left-hand’. Those who -have been circumcised at the same time have a special name, such as -‘those who fight openly or by day’, ‘those who are not driven away’, -etc.; one ‘right-hand’ and one ‘left-hand’ period combine to form a -generation. The ‘those-who-fight-openly’ period is a ‘right-hand’ -period, and those who belong to it were circumcised in 1851-5; the -‘those-who-are-not-driven-away’ period is a ‘left-hand’, and its -members were circumcised in 1859-63. The two periods or ages together -form a generation composed of persons born from 1834-1850. Each age -has three divisions, first those known as ‘the big ostrich feathers’, -secondly those called ‘the helpers’, and thirdly those known as ‘our -fleet runners’[435]. It is evident that an excellent basis for the -determination of relative time is hereby given. With time-reckoning -_per se_ the system is not concerned. - -Common bases for reckoning are afforded by important and striking -events which have been impressed upon everyone and are present to all -men’s minds: through their relation to the age of some person they -serve as a guide to the chronology. The Aino, for example, do not -count the days, but always refer to events; if it is asked how old -anyone is, the answer will be that he was born after the catching -of the very big fish, or perhaps in the year when there was so much -snow[436]. Here once more we see how concrete time-indications always -precede the abstract numerical counting of time. And where numbers -are known they are not willingly used, but the year is referred -to as one distinguished by a certain noteworthy event, instead of -being regarded as a member of a series. From a year of this kind the -natives can only reckon for a few years at most in either direction. -Where there are many such noteworthy years the time-relationship is -so far recognised that the succession of the events is known, and -perhaps in certain cases also forms the basis of calculation. - -In the neighbourhood of Mombasa wars, famines, the arrival of white -men form epochs of this kind: it is impossible to detect the age -of any adult[437]. It is mentioned that the Toradja of the Dutch -East Indies sometimes reckon nearly approaching events or events -of recent occurrence by the rice-sowing: dates at a more distant -past are indicated by mentioning events of most note, such as -the death of a great man, an epidemic of small-pox, an important -military expedition, a conclusion of peace, the payment of a tax, -etc. The people do not reckon their own age, but count that of their -children, saying: “When he was born I had my rice-field there, the -next year there”, and so on[438]. It is amusing and at the same -time instructive to note that precisely the same mode of reckoning -was found in Scania at the beginning of the last century. It was a -very common thing, says a well-known authority on the folk-lore of -this district, for a peasant, when asked how old e. g. his little -girl was, to give some such answer as: “She must be four years old, -for she is the same age as my brown mare, and she was born when our -southern field was a grazing meadow”[439]. - -The Batak of Sumatra think that a small-pox epidemic returns at -intervals of from nine to twelve years, and make use of this belief -in reckoning time. On questioning a chief, says a traveller, how old -his house was, I was told: “It has existed only for two small-pox -epidemics”, by which he meant that it was somewhat more than 24 years -old[440]. In Borneo there have occurred two eclipses of the sun -during the last half-century. The first of these served as a fixed -date in relation to which other events were dated[441]. - -The Eskimos of Greenland knew up to about the twentieth year how -many winters a person had lived, but beyond that they could not -go. Sometimes however they used as epochs from which to calculate -_pellesingvoak_, ‘the little priest’, i. e. the arrival of Egede -in the country, or the arrival or departure of other well-known -Europeans, or the founding of Godthaab and other colonies; they would -say that this or that person was born at the coming or departure of -such and such a person, or when eggs were collected, seals caught, -etc.[442]. - -The Caffres rarely give the proper length of past or future periods -of time, and when they do so the period is never of more than a -few months’ duration. Otherwise it is their custom to determine -the date at which this or that event took place by reference to a -contemporaneous event of greater importance[443]. - -The Lapps of Västerbotten reckon their age by the reindeer, e. g. -when this or that _aldo_ (= female with calf) was born. Formerly they -never went farther back in counting than the previous year. When they -had to give the date of an important event they referred to the time -at which some specially fine female reindeer was born[444]. - -The Hottentots, as has been said, have no interest in their own age, -but keep in mind that of their cattle from the calving and lambing -periods. When they wish to date back somewhat farther, well-known -events such as the outbreak of cattle-plague, hostilities with -neighbouring tribes or with the whites, immigrations, etc. furnish -them with satisfactory general indications from which, coupling them -in particular cases with the birth of their children or the stature -of these at the time, they can arrive at a date[445]. - -Where the political development has advanced so far that a stable -monarchy exists, the succession of rulers offers an excellent means -of chronological orientation, and within every reign certain years -can be distinguished by special events. But this brings us to the -beginning of history, and I desist from following the subject -further. One example only:--The Baganda reckon by the reigns of the -kings and by certain wars in one particular reign. They say ‘It was -in the reign of such a king’, or ‘I was still in arms when such and -such a war was fought in so and so’s reign’[446]. - -Where no reigns furnish a system of chronological reckoning, the -concrete references may be systematised until each year is named -and distinguished by a definite event. This was the practice of -the Arabians before Mohammed. Mohammed is said to have been born -in the year of the elephant, or, according to other sources, some -years after the year in which the viceroy of Yemen marched against -Mecca with an army in which there were elephants[447]. Another year -is called the year of treason or outrage, because certain garments -which a Himjarite king had sent that year to Mecca were stolen, -whence arose a conflict at the feast of pilgrims, in which the young -Mohammed is said to have taken part[448]. - -The Wagogo count the years by important events, e. g. ‘the year -when the cattle died’, or ‘two years after the building of Boma -(Kilimatinde Station)’[449]. The Masai do not count the years, but -rather denote them by referring to the most important events that -took place in them, e. g. a murrain, a drought, the death of the -chief, an expedition particularly rich in booty, etc.[450]. A fully -developed calendar of this nature is possessed by the Herero, and -has been published from the year 1820[451]. I give a few years as -examples:--1820, _ojo_ (= year of the) _tjekeue_: from the name -of the Matabele chief who in 1820 came to Okahandja with a white -peace-ox and made peace with Katjamuaha. 1842, _ojohange_, ‘year of -peace’, the Nama and Herero made peace. 1843, _ojomaue_, ‘year of the -stones’: the Herero as the slaves of Jonker Africander had to build -for him a stone wall; or _ojovihende_, ‘year of the stakes’: the -Herero had to build a palisade around Jonker’s dockyard. 1844, 1845, -_ojomukugu_ or _ojombondi_, ‘year of vomiting, of nausea’: the Nama -had poisoned Katjamuaha, and the latter vomited and purged. And so on -up to 1902 inclusive. There are lacking only the years 1854, 1855, -and, significantly, 1891, 1895, 1899, and 1900, towards the end: the -reckoning fails under growing European influence. Several years have -two descriptions, e. g. 1844 and 1845 (see above); these and 1887-8 -are run together, the latter as the ‘year of the red murrain among -the cows’. - -The same mode of reckoning appears, strongly developed and fixed -by the aid of picture-writing, among the Indians of N. America. -Heckewelder says of the Indians of Pennsylvania:--“They reckon -larger intervals of time by some noteworthy event, e. g. a very -severe winter, a very deep snow-fall, an unusual inundation, a -general war, the building of a new town by the whites, etc. Thus I -have heard more than fifty years ago:--‘When their brother Miqaon -talked to their fathers they were so old or so tall, they could -catch butterflies or hit a bird with an arrow’. Of others I have -heard that they were born in the hard winter (1739-40), or could -then do this or that, or already had grey hair. When they could not -refer directly to any such distinguishing epochs they would say: -‘So many winters after that’”[452]. This method of reckoning seems -to have existed among the Pawnee at an initial stage. Sometimes -they referred to a year that had been marked by some important -event, e. g. a failure of crops, unusual sickness, a disastrous -hunt: this was referred to as a year by itself, but after only a -few years’ remove this mark became indistinct and faded away[453]. -Among the Dakota and the Kiowa detailed descriptions were given in -picture-writings, which are well-known and have been published, for -the Dakota by Mallery and for the Kiowa by Mooney. They are painted -on buffalo hide, later also on paper, and represent in painting -the history of the tribe. They were executed by a specially gifted -Indian and were handed down from father to son. When worn out and -obliterated by use they were renewed. In winter they were often -produced before the fire, and the events recounted. Everyone knew -them, however, so that anybody could shew when he was born or when -his father died, and some also knew the meaning of the pictures. -Four copies belonging to the Dakota are known, which go back to -1800, 1786, 1775, and the mythical period, respectively. Every year -is denoted by a picture, without distinction between winter and -summer. Some of the terms used are:--1794-5, the ‘Long-Hair-killed’ -winter; 1817-8, the ‘Chozé-built-a-house-of-dead-logs’ winter; -1818-9, the ‘small-pox-used-them-up-again’ winter; 1821-2, ‘the -star (meteor)-passed-by-with-a-loud-noise’ winter; 1825-6, the -‘many-Yanktonais-drowned’ winter (through an inundation); 1833-4, -the ‘storm-of-stars’ winter (so called from the abundance of -shooting-stars), etc. Four Kiowa calendars are known, one of which -is arranged in months, of which it gives 37; two of the others refer -to the years 1833-93, one to the years 1864-93. In the first each -month is indicated by the crescent of the moon, and above is the -picture characteristic of the month. The Kiowa annual calendars are -clearer than the Dakota in that they indicate winter by a thick -black stroke signifying that the vegetation has died, and summer by -the medicine lodge with its figures, which form the central feature -of the religious ceremonies of the summer. Above and by the side of -these signs are the pictures, giving the principal events of the -seasons, so that the reckoning of the year becomes the history of the -tribe. The Indians however were also acquainted with simpler modes of -reckoning. Among the Nahyssan of S. Carolina time was measured and a -rude chronology arranged by means of strings of leather with knots of -various colours, like the Peruvian _quipos_[454]. The Dakota use a -circle as the symbol of time, a smaller one for a year and a larger -one for a longer period: the circles are arranged in rows, thus: ȱȱȱ -or o-o-o[455]. The Pima of Arizona make use of a tally. The year-mark -is a deep notch across the stick. The records of early years are -memorised, and there are a few minor notches to aid in recalling -them. The year-notches are alike, yet when a narrator was asked to go -back and repeat the story for a certain year he never made a mistake. -Taking the stick in his hand, he would rake his thumb-nail across the -year-notch and begin:--‘This notch means etc.’[456]. - -The development is clear. Often an important event has been -impressed upon the memory and now serves as a landmark from which -the few years that it is possible to count are reckoned. Such events -multiply, and when their succession is known, a longer period can be -mastered. Finally the process is systematised, so that every year -has its event (necessarily even if it be an unimportant one), and -is named from that: hence the reckoning of the years becomes also -the history of the people. This kind of time-reckoning is really -used by every one of us. Whoever looks back over his past life sees -chiefly the more important events, not the dates of the years, and -to these he joins the more peripheral events and so finds his way in -the labyrinth of memory. But we mark the events by the dates, and -thereby obtain an estimation of the course of time, which is the last -acquisition of the human mind in this domain. The mode of reckoning -in question penetrates deeply among the culture peoples. - -The same method of distinguishing the years from one another was -employed in ancient Babylonia, in the days of the Sumerian kingdom -of Ur in the second half of the third millenium B. C., and also -later under the first dynasty in Babylon, and was only replaced by -the reckoning according to the years of the king’s reign under the -dominion of the Kassites[457]. For our historical knowledge of the -events these so-called ‘year-formulae’ are of extreme importance. -They vary in each case according to the towns, and shew that these in -some respects maintained an independent position. The adoption of the -year-formulae of the main locality implies the complete subjugation -of the town[458]. No trace of an era or any reckoning by the years -of the reign is to be found. Only the king’s accession to the throne -is utilised for distinguishing the years, the first complete year of -his reign (not the year of accession, therefore,) being described as -the year of King X. As marks of the other years the most important -national events in the domain of the religious cult and of politics -are almost universally employed. Only exceptionally is the year named -after some violent natural catastrophe. Rather, it is a striking -fact that in none of the 66 year-formulae hitherto discovered is -there any mention of an eclipse of the sun, or a comet or meteor. -If no important event has occurred, the year is described as the -one following such and such a year, e. g. the year 49 of king Dungi -is called ‘the year in which the temple of X. was built’; year 50 -= ‘the year following that in which the temple of X. was built’; -year 51 = ‘the year following that in which the temple of X. was -built, the year after this’. We see the clumsy method used in order -to avoid counting, instead of simply saying ‘the second year after -etc.’: so firmly is the concrete description adhered to. These -year-formulae were however used for the dating of documents, and not -simply, as among the primitive peoples with whom we have hitherto -been concerned, for the retaining of past events in the memory. Hence -arises the difficulty that often an event of such importance that -the year can be named after it does not occur until well on into the -year, that is, the event from which the year is named does not take -place until a greater or smaller part of the year has already passed -by. Until the event takes place indications of the kind already -mentioned, having reference to the preceding year, are employed, e. -g. the year 17 of Dungi = ‘the year after that in which the ship -of Belit (was launched)’; when a noteworthy event happens it gives -its name to the year: thus the same year is ‘the year in which the -god Nannar was brought from Kar-zi-da into his temple’. Hence arise -twofold descriptions, and they are indeed necessary in this kind -of designation when events of the current year are to be dated by -the year. An example containing a political event is the year 36 -of Dungi = ‘the year after that in which Simuru was destroyed’, or -‘the year in which Simuru was destroyed for the second time’. It -is characteristic to count the destructions of a town but not the -years[459]. During the reign of Rimsin of Larsa, a contemporary of -Hammurabi, the years begin to be run together into an era: there are -many datings from the capture of Isin, up to thirty years after that -event,[460] and so under the second king of the first Babylonian -dynasty five years were reckoned after the taking of Kazallu[461]. -So also under the first dynasty of Babylon the years were described -by occurrences, by events in the religious and political life, -especially religious acts and buildings of the kings, by wars, -and lastly by natural catastrophes, especially inundations of the -country[462]. Dates given by events of a previous year are also -found. At that period however the year-formula seems to have been -given at the New Year’s Day and therefore to have been determined -beforehand: when important historical events occurred, the year was -given a new name from these[463]. - -In the older period of Egyptian history each year of the king’s reign -is described by an official name borrowed from the festivals--e. -g. those of the king’s accession, of the worship of Horus, of the -sowing, of the birth of Anubis--from buildings, wars, and the -censuses for purposes of taxation. Gradually the simple counting of -the years of the reign appears alongside of these names, and from -the end of the old empire completely supplants the former method -even in official dates. The years however are not calendar years, -but begin with the day of the king’s accession: they therefore -offer the disadvantage of running from different dates according -to this. At certain periods however the reigns, as in Babylon, -were counted only from the first New Year’s Day. Of an era there -is only a single example[464]. The Egyptians also began with the -concrete descriptions, but passed over, at least within the separate -reigns, to the counting of years which is so much more suitable -for a survey of the course of time. The Assyrian designation of -the year after eponyms, _limmu_, the Greek after archons, ephors, -and other eponymous officials, the Roman after consuls etc. are no -different. For a people with a fully developed political life and -annually changing supreme officials the latter naturally offer a -means of distinguishing the years; the life was too regular and too -well-established for events of such a decisive nature that they -could impress themselves upon the memory of everyone and become -available for time-reckoning to be able to happen to the whole people -in smaller intervals of time. Here however the system shews a weak -point. It is very difficult to keep an arbitrary series of many -names in its right order without confusing the names, and only very -few persons can do it. The system therefore did not provide that -survey over the whole course of time which the awakening historical -sense rendered more and more necessary. So men were led to the only -practical method, that of simply counting the years and marking them -by figures, by which means everyone without more ado became quite -clear as to the dates of earlier or later events, whether these -were expressed in olympiads, in _ab urbe condita_ etc., or in the -countless local eras of antiquity. It was long before it was seen -that the starting-point is a matter of indifference, and that the -only essential is that all should use the same starting-point. In -this respect the old reckoning in epochs long continued to influence -the minds of men. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE STARS. - - -The time-indications from the phases of the climate and of Nature are -only approximate: they themselves, like the concrete phenomena to -which they refer, are subject to fluctuation. Even in the tropics, -where the regularity of the climatic changes is greater than in our -latitudes, the beginning of the rains, the dry season, or monsoons -may be to some extent advanced or retarded. In the temperate zones -the fluctuations are very perceptible. In the year in which I write -this (1916) the corn harvest has been delayed by nearly a month, not -only on account of bad weather in harvest-time but also owing to the -unusually low temperature of the past summer. Even the townsfolk -notice that the days are shorter and the weather is colder than -is usual at the time of harvest. Further, incidents of plant and -animal life--e. g. the blossoming of certain trees and plants, the -arrival of the migratory birds--vary somewhat in different years. -In general primitive man takes no notice of these variations: the -Banyankole, for instance, are indifferent as to whether the year is -one or even three weeks longer or shorter, i. e. whether the rainy -season opens so much earlier or later[465]. The days are not counted -exactly, but the people are content with the concrete phenomenon. -More accurate points of reference are however especially desirable -for an agricultural people, since, although the right time for sowing -can be discerned from the phenomena and general conditions of the -climate, yet a more exact determination of time may be extremely -useful. The possibility of such a determination exists--and that at a -far more primitive stage than that of the agricultural peoples--in -the observation of the stars, and especially in the observation of -the so-called ‘apparent’ or, more properly, visible risings and -settings of the fixed stars, the importance of which has already been -explained (pp. 5 ff.) The observation of the morning rising and the -evening setting is extraordinarily wide-spread, but other positions -of the stars, e. g. at a certain distance from the horizon, are also -sometimes observed[466]. The Kiwai Papuans also compute the time -of invisibility of a star. When a certain star has sunk below the -western horizon they wait for some nights during which the star is -‘inside’; then it has ‘made a leap’, and shews itself in the east in -the morning before sunrise[467]. - -Any reader of the classics will be familiar with the risings and -settings of the stars: Virgil, for example, mentions them often. -With him however they are pre-eminently a traditional ornament of -poetic style: the richest sources are the peasants’ rules of Hesiod, -in which the stars are mentioned as time-indications along with -phenomena of plant and animal life, and appear just as frequently as -the latter, often in combination with them. But Homer not only knows -several stars but is also acquainted with the rising and setting. A -much quoted passage in the Iliad runs:-- - - “Him first king Priam saw with his old eyes, - As o’er the plain he lightened, dazzling bright, - Like to the star that doth in autumn rise, - Whose radiant beams, pre-eminent to sight, - Shine with their fellow stars at noon of night: - Orion’s Dog we mortals call its name: - Sign is it of much ill, thought clear its light, - And mighty fever brings to man’s poor frame: - So, as he ran, the brass upon his breast did flame”[468]. - -The lines refer to the morning rising of Sirius at the beginning -of the fruit-harvest, which about 800 B. C. took place on the 28th -of July (Julian). A modern reader, thinking only of the splendour -of the star as it shines in the sky at night, entirely fails to -understand the darker and more fateful side of the simile. Only -when it is realised that the time of the morning rising of Sirius -is the time of the greatest heat and sickness, a period believed -to be induced by the rising of this star at the beginning of the -fruit-harvest, is the right idea obtained. Like Sirius appearing in -the sky in the morning twilight of later summer, Achilles stands out -upon the battle-field, eclipsing all others and bringing destruction -to the Trojans[469]. A difficulty has been found in the passage in -that Sirius at his rising is only just visible and therefore does -not shine in his brightest splendour. But Sirius is for the poet the -typical brightest fixed star, just as he speaks of the heavens as -‘starry’ even when the sun is ascending in them[470]. On every day -of the _opōre_ Sirius rises higher and shines more brightly--one -must not think only of the actual first rising, the first day of -the star’s appearance. Hence the star becomes the symbol of the -_opōre_, ὀπωρινὸς ἀστήρ[471]. Since it is a star of evil omen it is -also called ‘the disastrous-shining star’[472]. A star-setting is -implied in the words ‘the late-setting Arcturus’[473]. The ‘late’ -refers to the fact that the circle which Arcturus describes in the -heavens is great, since he stands so far north. Here belongs also the -observation that the Great Bear alone of the (greater) stars does not -dip down into the ocean[474]. The stars further serve as a guide to -navigation[475]:-- - - “And treacherous sleep ne’er fell on the eyes that were watchful - still, - For he kept the Pleiads in front, and the Herdman, who slowly - doth gain - His rest, and the Bear,--they are wont to call it moreover - the Wain: - Ever turning at bay, doth it glare on Orion’s falchion-gleam, - And alone it hath no share in the baths of the Ocean-stream:-- - For Calypso, the Goddess divine, had bidden him still to keep - Over his left that sign as he fared on the face of the deep”. - -The Pleiades, the Hyades, and Orion are also mentioned, but not -in any special connexion with the indication of time[476]. The -morning-star helps to determine time on a night journey[477]. - -Hesiod says that at the time when the thistle blooms and the cricket -chirps Sirius burns heads and knees[478], and that when the late -autumn rains come men feel relieved, since the star Sirius is not -passing over their heads for so long a time but uses the night -more[479]. Commentators of classical times have indeed here taken -Sirius to mean the sun. But wrongly; for Sirius, whose rising -introduces the time of greatest heat, is for the Greeks the cause of -the heat, just as the Pleiades are for the Australians, and as all -stars are held to be the causes of those climatic changes which are -connected with any of their risings or settings[480]; when Sirius -rises earlier, i. e. remains in the heavens for some hours during -the night-time, the heat declines. The other passages are:--vv. 564 -ff., evening rising of Arcturus (60 days after the winter solstice, -Feb. 24, Julian), followed by the coming of the swallow, messenger -of spring, before this time the vines should be pruned; vv. 597 ff., -the winnowing of the harvested corn at the morning rising of Orion -(July 9); vv. 609 ff., when Orion and Sirius are in the middle of the -heavens and the dawn sees Arcturus (morning rising Sept. 18), it is -the time of the vine-harvest; vv. 615 ff., at the (morning) setting -of the Pleiades (Nov. 3), of the Hyades, and of Orion (Nov. 15) it is -time to think about sowing; vv. 619 ff., when the Pleiades, fleeing -from Orion, fall into the sea, storms rage, and the ship should be -drawn up on land. Alcaeus says:--“Drink wine, for the star (viz. -Sirius) revolves”[481]. - -The time-indications from the stars are therefore much older in -Greece than the lunisolar calendar, and always existed alongside -of the latter--which was of a religious and civil character--as -the calendar of peasants and seamen, who must hold to the natural -year and its seasons. The watchman who speaks the prologue of the -_Agamemnon_ of Aeschylus says:-- - - “ ... On elbow bent, watching, as ’twere a dog, - I mark the stars in nightly conclave meet. - And those bright constellations, without peer, - Lords paramount in heaven, that winter bring - And summer in their train for mortal men, - Right well I know them as they come and go”[482]. - -The discovery of star-observation and of its use in time-reckoning -and navigation is ascribed to the heroes Prometheus and Palamedes. -The latter is regarded by the tragic poets as the founder of all the -elements of intellectual culture, and so also of the science of the -stars[483]. And Prometheus, who glories in having brought to men -every advance in civilisation, includes therein the knowledge of the -risings and settings of the stars:-- - - “Of winter’s coming no sure sign had they, - Nor of the advent of the flowery spring, - Of fruitful summer none: so fared through each, - And took no thought, till that the hidden lore - Of rising stars and setting I unveiled”[484]. - -Later, the phases of the stars have become so familiar to everyone -that Sophocles can say, ‘a time of six months from spring to -Arcturus’, i. e. the morning rising of Arcturus on Sept. 18[485]. - -Whether the Romans made use of time-indications from the stars before -they borrowed them from the Greeks is uncertain; in any case they -had their own names for some constellations:--_vesperugo_, _iubar_ -= _lucifer_, the evening star, _septentriones_ or _iugulae_, the -Great Bear, _vergiliae_, the Pleiades. _Suculae_, the Hyades, and -_canicula_, the Dog-star, are translations of the corresponding Greek -names[486]. - -At a later period the risings and settings of the stars, together -with the climatic phenomena accompanying them or believed to -accompany them, were brought into a calendar, which was then arranged -according to the signs of the zodiac, or later according to the -months of the Julian or Egyptian solar year. The Greek lunisolar -year was unsuitable for the purpose, since it varied in reference to -the sun and the stars. How both were adjusted to practical needs is -shewn by the remains of two stone calendars found at Milet. On the -stone are inscribed the risings and settings of the stars, arranged -according to the signs of the zodiac: by the side of these are holes -into which little tablets containing the days of the lunisolar -calendar could be fitted, these tablets being arranged according to -the relation of every lunisolar year to the solar one[487]. - -The Arabians also carefully observed the stars, and many of their -proverbs couple the risings of the stars with natural events[488]. -Since these constellations are the so-called lunar stations their use -here is not primitive, but must have been added on to a primitive -usage. The Pleiades were observed throughout their course, and about -most of the positions which they take up mnemonic verses were made. -Mohammed swears by the setting Pleiades in the 53rd chapter of the -Koran. - -We return once more to the primitive peoples. It may be well first to -show by a few examples how far they were acquainted with the stars -and saw in them images of terrestrial things. The Chukchee give names -to the most important constellations. Among divinities are reckoned -‘the Motionless Star’ or ‘the Nail-star’ or ‘the Pole-stuck Star’, -the Pole-star, ‘the Front Head and the Rear Head’, Arcturus and Vega, -and _pchittin_, a part of Aquilo. Orion is an archer with a crooked -back, who has shot a copper arrow, Aldebaran, against a ‘group of -women’, the Pleiades. His wife is Leo, ‘the Standing Woman’. Capella -is a reindeer-buck which is tied behind the sledge of a man driving -with two reindeer; a fox approaches from the side. Six of the stars -of the Great Bear are men throwing with slings, the seventh is a fox -gnawing at a pair of antlers. The Twins are two elks running from -two hunters who are driving two reindeer-teams. Corona is the paw -of the Polar Bear. Delphinus is a seal, Cassiopeia represents five -reindeer-bucks standing in the middle of a river[489]. - -The Eskimos of Greenland have a good knowledge of the stars. The -Great Bear is a reindeer, or the little stool on which they fasten -their ropes and harpoons, Aldebaran is the eye of the bull, the twins -are the breast-bone of the heavens, the belt of Orion is composed -of three ‘scattered ones’--Greenlanders who were taken up into the -sky and could not find their way back--Sirius has a man’s name, the -Pleiades are to be regarded as baying hounds with a bear among them, -Cygnus as three kayaks which have been out seal-hunting. Venus is -the follower or man-at-arms of the sun. When one planet crosses the -path of another it is a wife and a concubine who have one another by -the hair, or else it is a visit of two stars[490]. By the Ammasalik -names are given to Vega (‘the Foot of the Lamp’), which, like the -moon, is the brother of the sun, to the Great Bear, the Pleiades -(‘the Barkers’), the belt of Orion, and Aldebaran; Jupiter is the -mother of the sun[491]. Among the Konyag of the island of Kodiak, off -the south coast of Alaska, two months are named after the risings -of the Pleiades and Orion respectively[492]. Of the Thlinkit it is -said that few constellations or stars appear to have been named -by them: those to which names are given are ‘the Great Dipper’, -which by night used to serve as a guide, the Pleiades (_sculpin_), -‘Three-men-in-a-line’ (probably the belt of Orion), Venus as the -morning star (‘Morning-round-thing’), and Jupiter (?) as the evening -star (‘Marten-month’ or ‘Marten-moon’). If the morning star comes up -above a mountain south-east of Sitka, it means bad weather, if well -over in the east, good weather[493]. Otherwise the North American -Indians have paid less attention to the stars: but it is exaggerated -to say[494] that the sum-total of their astronomical knowledge was -the ability to point to the Pole-star from which they took their way -when they travelled at night, which however they did unwillingly. -The tribes of Pennsylvania had names for a few stars, and observed -their motions: the Pole-star shewed them by night the direction they -must take in the morning[495]. The Omaha called the Pole-star ‘the -Not-moving-star’, the Pleiades were called by an old name, ‘the -Deer’s Head’; this name, which had a religious significance, was -not commonly used, the popular name being ‘Little-duck’s-foot’. The -Great Bear was ‘the Litter’, Venus ‘Big-Star’[496]. For the Klamath -are mentioned only the three stars in the belt of Orion[497], for -the Biloxi and Ofo ‘Stars-all-heads’ (?) (three large stars near -the Pleiades), ‘Stars-in-circle’ (the Pleiades), and ‘Big Star’, -the morning star[498]. The Luiseño of southern California name the -most important stars. The associated stars form much larger groups -than those common among us. The stars were chiefs among the first -people. Those most frequently mentioned are Antares and Altair. -Arcturus is the right hand of Antares, it rises before the latter -and announces his coming, the other stars around Antares are his -suite. Other chiefs are Spica, Fomalhaut, and the Pole-star. Orion -and the Pleiades are always mentioned together; the latter were -seven sisters, pursued by Aldebaran. The Diegueño constellations are -altogether different from the Luiseño, and are based upon totally -different ideas: it has not been possible however to obtain an -accurate account of them[499]. Of the natives of Guadeloupe it was -reported at their discovery:--In other places they merely reckon -the day by the sun and the night by the moon; these women however -reckoned by other stars, and said that when the Great Bear rose or a -certain star stood in the north it was time to do this or that[500]. - -The Indians of South America have observed the stars in much greater -detail. The descriptions of von den Steinen are well known, in -particular for the Bakairi of Central Brazil. Orion is a large frame -on which manioc is dried, the larger stars are the tops of posts, -Sirius is the end of a great cross-beam supporting the frame from -the side. The Pleiades are a heap of grains of meal that have -fallen out at the side: a larger mass, ‘the father of the heap’, -is Aldebaran. Capella is a little capsule such as the Bakairi wear -in their ears, two other stars of Auriga are the ear-rings of the -Kayabi, the feathers of which are stuck backwards. One star, probably -Procyon, is an ear-piercer, or more properly the hole bored in the -ear. Castor and Pollux are the holes of a great flute. Canopus has -no name. The Southern Cross is a bird-snare on a twig, and the two -large stars of the Centaur represent two canes belonging to it. In -the snare a _mutum cavallo_ (_crax_) was taken, and this could be -seen in a dark patch of the Milky Way close beside. A Sokko heron -with a little basket full of fish corresponds approximately to the -stars of Pisces and Argo. The Scorpion is a drag-net for children, -the Milky Way is a huge drum-stick, and the holes in it (the dark -spots) are observed and explained by stories. The Paressi have a -name for the Southern Cross, above which they see an ostrich whose -figure is to be recognised in a dark spot of the Milky Way: other -animals are also found in the sky. To the Bororo the Southern Cross -represents the toes of a great ostrich, the Centaur a leg belonging -to them, Orion is a Jabuti turtle and in the parts verging on to -Sirius a cayman, the Pleiades are the bunches of blossom on the -angico tree. The name of Venus was not translatable[501]. The Karaya -of Central Brazil knew many constellations, and drew some of them -in our informant’s sketch-book. The Southern Cross, for example, is -a ray (the fish), the two stars of the Centaur above it represent -an ostrich, upon which a jaguar, Scorpio, is leaping[502]. Of the -natives of Brazil in general it is stated that there is hardly a -single important constellation which does not explain to them some -event, or represent some idea in connexion with things that happen -upon the earth, though they certainly have no heroes to set in them. -Myths of Orion, of the Pleiades, and of Canopus were related[503]. E. -Nordenskiöld has repeatedly visited the border districts between the -Argentine, Bolivia, and Brazil. Of the Chané and Chiriguano Indians -he says that they do not give names to many constellations, but -they know them very well. The part of the Milky Way lying nearest -to the Southern Cross is called the Ostrich Way, the Southern Cross -together with a few neighbouring stars is the head of the ostrich, -and the two largest stars of the Centaur are its collar. Orion with -his sword is called ‘Birds-meet-each-other’, another constellation -is ‘the Roe-buck’s Horn’, still another ‘the Tapir’; the Pleiades -are the most important constellation, they are called _yehu_, but -the natives do not know the meaning of the name. Venus is called -_coemilla_, ‘morning’. The Guarayu call Orion ‘the Black Vulture’; at -his side lies a heap of snake’s bones (the sword). The Southern Cross -with the stars around it is an ostrich, the two large stars of the -Centaur are a roe-buck, the Great Bear is a road, a cluster of stars -in the south is ‘the Eel’s Nest’. The Pleiades are called _piangi_, -a word of unknown meaning; when, on their return after their period -of invisibility, they are surrounded by a circle, it is a good omen: -if the circle is missing, all men will die. Venus is called ‘the -Big Star’[504]. The Karai tribes called α, β Centauri the ostrich’s -feet, the body is the neighbouring ‘coal-pit’ (the dark spot of the -Milky Way), the Southern Cross is a fresh-water ray, the Pleiades -are a flock of parakeets, Orion is the burning roça, the tail of -the Scorpion is called _unze_. The Ipurina of Rio Purus call Orion -a beetle, the Pleiades a serpent, the Hyades a turtle, the Cross -forest-folk[505]. In a Chilean word-list there are words for star, -constellation, the Pleiades, Orion, planet, Venus[506]. - -In Africa the comparatively more civilised negro Tribes seem to have -paid less attention to the stars than the more primitive tribes of -the south. The Ho tribe considers the stars to be the children of the -moon: it recognises and names the most important constellations, the -morning star (‘the Clucking Hen’), and the stool-bearer of the moon, -a star always situated in the vicinity of that planet. The Milky -Way is composed of stars forming a cord[507]. Of the Ibo-speaking -tribes we are told that they seem to be singularly incurious about -heavenly bodies and occurrences; however names were got for the -following constellations:--The Pleiades (‘Hen and Chickens’), the -belt of Orion (‘Three and Three’), for the Great Bear two names not -translated were given, Venus (‘the Wise-Man-who-can-talk’)[508]. In -French Guinea η _ursae_ is an ass, and the little star above it is a -thief pursued by the six other stars, members of the tribe to which -the stolen animal belongs. For other peoples the Great Bear is the -star of the camel, Cassiopeia is that of the ass, the Pleiades have -the name ‘murmur’, i. e. a confused thing. Jupiter (?), the companion -and guardian of the moon, is held in particular veneration. The -marabout in the morning awaits the rising of Venus, and announces by -cries, or sometimes by blows on a gong, the hour of prayer. Everyone -has his good and bad stars, which the magician takes carefully into -account[509]. The intrusion of astrology is not striking, since the -people are Mohammedans, while the names of the constellations must -be of native origin. The Bakongo call the three stars in Orion’s -belt ‘the Dog’, ‘the Palm-rat’, and ‘the Chief Hunter’; Venus is -the wife of the moon. The people think that the rain comes from the -Pleiades, who are regarded as the ‘Caretakers-who-guard-the-rain’, -and if, at the beginning of the rainy season, this constellation is -clearly seen, they expect a good rainy season, i. e. rain for their -farms without superabundance[510]. The Bangala call the Pleiades a -group of young women; five stars in Lepus, _kole_, are a man with -head, hands, and feet; the belt of Orion represents three rowers; -five stars in Orion are bundles of thunder and lightning; the evening -star also has a name. From the appearance of the Milky Way they draw -conclusions as to the lack or abundance of rain; when it is bright -and clear there will be much rain[511]. Ten star-names of the Shilluk -are given, but only two are translated: the Pleiades are ‘the Hen’, -and ‘Three Stars’ is Uranus (_sic!_). Venus and a fore-runner of -Venus are known[512]. The Wagogo know the Milky Way, the Pleiades, -and the belt of Orion; the western star of the last-named is to them -a boar, the middle star is the dog, and the eastern the hunter[513]. -Of the Thonga it is further stated that the stars play a remarkably -small part in their ideas. Venus is the best known, the Pleiades is -the only constellation with a name; they have no notion whatever -of constellations, their mind seems not to have tried to group the -stars, or to have seen figures of animals or objects in the sky[514]. -In Loango the following constellations are distinguished:--the false -Southern Cross (‘the Turtle’), the Scorpion (‘the Serpent’), the -Pleiades (‘Ants’), Orion (‘the Fish’), his belt (‘the Line of the -Hunter’, who leads a dog), Sirius (‘the Rain-star’). The natives are -aware that certain stars move; Jupiter is called ‘the Great Star’, -Venus as the evening star is the wife of the moon, as a morning star -she is the liar, spy of the moon, or false moon, illusory moon[515]. - -Far greater knowledge is possessed by the Hottentots, who know the -planets accurately. Venus is ‘the Fore-runner of the sun’, or the -star at whose rising men run away (i. e. from illicit intercourse), -Mercury ‘the Dawn-star’, or the star that comes when the udders of -the cows (which are milked morning and evening) are filled again: -as an evening star he is not observed. Venus as an evening star is -recognised to be the same celestial body as the morning star, and -is called ‘the Evening Fugitive’, since it does not remain long in -the sky. Jupiter is known, but is sometimes identified with Venus; -when however he is seen in ‘the middle of the sky’ he is called -‘the Middle Star’. The six stars of the belt and sword of Orion are -grouped together as ‘the Zebras’: δ, ε, ζ are three fugitive zebras -against the middle one of which the hunter ι shoots his arrow θ -and _c_. The Pleiades, on account of their thick cluster of stars, -are called by a name derived from a verb meaning ‘assemble’, or -are otherwise known as ‘the Rime-star’. The Milky Way is called -‘(glowing) Embers’, the Magellanic Clouds ‘Embers’ in the dual. Of -single fixed stars our author heard only Sirius called by a name, -‘the Side-star’[516]. The Bushmen divide the stars into night-stars -and dawn-stars: of the latter they relate very fine and complicated -myths, such as that of the connexion between ‘the Dawn’s Heart’ -(Jupiter) and a neighbouring star, his daughter (Regulus or α -_leonis_). Achernar is ‘the Star-digging-stick’s-stone’, or ‘the -Digging-stick’s-stone of Canopus’; the Pointers to the Southern Cross -are three male lions; α, β, γ _crucis_ are lionesses; Aldebaran is -a male hartebeest, α Orion is a female hartebeest, Procyon a male -eland, Castor and Pollux his wives, the Magellanic Clouds a steinbok, -Orion’s sword three male tortoises hung upon a stick, his belt three -female tortoises so hung[517]. - -The Toda of S. India know the Pleiades, Orion’s sword (‘the -Porcupine-star’), the Great Bear, and Sirius, and relate about them -myths which are probably borrowed from the neighbouring Badaga[518]. -The pagans of the Malay Peninsula know the evening and the morning -stars, and the stars of the astrological seasons (_sic!_), or the -Pleiades[519]. In the Indian Archipelago the observation of the -Pleiades as a sign of the arrival of the season for sowing is very -common. Of the Kayan of Borneo it is stated that though they do not -observe the stars or their movements for practical purposes, they -are familiar with the principal constellations, and have fanciful -names for them and relate mythical stories about the personages they -are supposed to represent. The Klementan call Pegasus ‘the padi -store-house’, the Pleiades are ‘a well’, the constellation to which -Aldebaran belongs is ‘a pig’s jaw’, Orion is a man whose left arm is -missing[520]. - -The natives of Australia have a rich stellar mythology[521]. The -evening star has its name and its myths. The Pleiades are women who -in the Alcheringa period lived at Intitakula: this is believed by -all the tribes whom our authority studied. Orion they regard as an -emu, and the stars in general as camp-fires of natives who live in -heaven. As a general rule, however, the natives appear to pay very -little attention to the stars in detail, probably because these -enter very little into anything which is connected with their daily -life, more especially with their food-supply. By the northern Arunta -and the Kaitish the Magellanic Clouds are supposed to be full of -evil magic, which sometimes comes down to earth and chokes men and -women in their sleep[522]. According to another author acquainted -with the Arunta the Pleiades are seven maidens who had danced at -the circumcision ceremony and then ascended into heaven. Two stars -in the neighbourhood of the Magellanic Clouds are called ‘the two -Gland-poison Men’: the Clouds are the smoke of their fires; the dark -patch in the Milky Way is an article of adornment (_ngapatjinbi_), -the Southern Cross ‘an eagle’s foot’. The morning star is also -known[523]. The tribes of S. E. Australia give names to many stars -and group some of them together in constellations, among which are -the sons of Bunjil. The Wiiambo thought that the stars were once -great men. The Southern Cross is an emu, Mars an eagle, another star -is a crow. The Pleiades, according to the Wotjo-baluh, are some -women, _corona australis_ is ‘the Laughing Jackass’, a small star in -Argo is ‘the Shell Parakeet’[524]. - -A very high stage of development in stellar science and mythology -is reached among the Euahlayi tribe of the north-west district of -New South Wales; anyone interested in the catasterisms of ancient -mythology should read the full account given for this tribe. Venus -is called ‘the Laughing Star’--the reason for her laughter is a -coarse jest--, the Milky Way is an overflow of water. The stars -are fires which the spirits of the dead have lit in their journey -across the sky, and the dusky haze--i. e. presumably the dark patches -without stars, which interest primitive peoples as much as the stars -themselves--is the smoke of the fires. A waving dark shadow which -you will see along the Milky Way is a crocodile. Two dark spots -in Scorpio are devils who try to catch the spirits of the dead; -sometimes they come down to earth and make whirlwinds. The Pleiades -are seven sisters, ice-maidens; two have been dulled because a man -caught them and tried to melt the ice off them: they succeeded in -escaping to heaven, but do not shine so brightly as their sisters. -The sword and belt of Orion are boys who on earth loved and followed -the Pleiades, but after death were turned into stars. In order to -remind people of them the Pleiades drop down some ice in the winter, -and it is they who make the winter thunderstorms. Castor and Pollux -are two hunters of long ago. Canopus is ‘the Mad Star’: he went -mad on losing his loves. The Magellanic Clouds are ‘the Native -Companions’, mother and daughter, pursued by Wurrawilberoo. ‘The -Featherless Emu’ is a devil of water-holes, who goes every night to -his sky-camp, ‘the Coal-pit’, i. e. the dark spot beside the Southern -Cross. Corvus is a kangaroo, the Southern Crown an eagle-hawk, the -Cross the first spirit-tree, a huge _yaraon_ which was the medium -for the translation to the sky of the first man who died on earth. -The white cockatoos which used to roost in the branches of this tree -followed it and became the Pointers[525]. - -Ridley has obtained from the former chief of the Gingi tribe a long -series of star-names. Especially noteworthy for the observation -of the risings is the following. The Northern Crown is called -_mullion wollai_, ‘the Eagle’s Nest’, when it stands exactly -north on the meridian. Altair rises, and is called _mullion-ga_, -‘Eagle-in-action’, the eagle springs up to guard his nest. Later Vega -rises, and is also called _mullion-ga_. The ‘holes’ are also well -known. The dark spot at the foot of the Cross (the _zuu_ tree) is -called an emu, the bird sits under the tree[526]. Elsewhere the star -at the head of the Cross is an opossum fleeing from a pursuer--the -‘hole’ between the fore-feet of Centaurus and the Cross[527]. - -As to the stellar science of the Melanesians we are very variously -informed. The tribes of the Torres Straits have a richly developed -mythology and observation of the stars[528]. They distinguish the -planets from the fixed stars, at least they notice that Venus does -not twinkle[529]. The Banks Islanders never travel by night, and -consequently do not use the stars in navigation; in consequence of -this, says our authority, no definite information about the names -of stars or constellations could be obtained. A native gave a few -names, but could not point out the stars which they were said to -denote[530]. The Moanu of the Admiralty Islands understand the moon -and the stars, but the Matankor know neither stars nor moon[531]. -A statement such as this must be received with great reserve, -especially when it comes from a native of another tribe. In any case -it would constitute an exception, since extremely primitive tribes -know the stars quite well, the natives of New Britain and of the -Solomon Islands even very well. The Pleiades and _corona borealis_ -play an important part (cp. below, p. 141). The former are called in -Lambutjo _kiasa_, on the Gazelle Peninsula ‘the People-at-the-feast’, -and on Bambatana and Alu the year is reckoned according to them: the -Crown is called in Lambutjo ‘the Fisher’, in Buin ‘Taro-leaf-greens’, -on the Gazelle Peninsula ‘the Thornback’. Further star-names -are:--for the Hyades in Buin ‘Earth-rat’, in Lambutjo _kapet_, a -large net for deep water, on the Gazelle Peninsula _kakapepe_, a kind -of small fish, the star in the middle of the constellation is called -‘Hog-fish’. Cygnus is called in Buin ‘Hog-bearer’, in Lambutjo ‘the -Three Men’. ‘The Dog’ or ‘Shark’ is a large star ‘that pursues the -Fishes’. Many myths are told of the stars[532]. Another authority -remarks that the natives of the Solomon Islands are more concerned -about the stars than the eastern Polynesians, perhaps because of -their longer sea-voyages. The possibility of influence from the -astronomically learned Polynesians must also probably be entertained. -The people of Santa Cruz and the Reef Islands excel all others in -their practical astronomy. The natives of Banks Island and the -northern New Hebrides content themselves with distinguishing only the -Pleiades, by which the approach of the yam-harvest is marked, and -with calling the planets _masoi_ from their roundness, as distinct -from _vitu_, ‘star’. In Florida the early morning star is called -‘the Quartz-pebble-for-setting-off-to-sea’: when it rises later, -however, it is ‘the Shining-stone-of-light’. The Pleiades are ‘the -Company of Maidens’, Orion’s belt is ‘the War-canoe’, the evening -star ‘Listen-for-the-oven’ because the daily meal is taken as evening -draws on. All stars are called dead men’s eyes. At Saa the Southern -Cross is a net with four men letting it down to catch palolo, and -the Pointers are two men cooking what has been caught--because the -palolo appears when one of the Pointers rises above the horizon. -The Pleiades are called ‘the Tangle’, the Southern Triangle is -‘Three-men-in-a-canoe’, Mars is ‘the Red Pig’[533]. - -The Polynesians are very learned in astronomy, and their bold -and wide sea voyages have helped to make them so, since in these -the stars are their principal guide. The Tahitian, Tupaya, who -accompanied Cook on his first voyage, could always point out to him -the direction in which Tahiti lay[534]. When the Society Islanders -put to sea in the evening, as was most commonly the case in their -voyages, one constellation, preferably the Pleiades, was chosen -as a point to steer by[535]. A detailed report is given for the -Marshall Islands:--In the journey from atoll to atoll the course of -the boat is commonly directed from a certain passage, island, or -promontory to a passage or promontory of the atoll to be reached. -Above this spot stands the star that gives the direction. It is the -sailor’s business to know for how many hours a star can serve him -as compass, so that immediately after the apparent turning of the -star from east to west he may choose another. Of great interest -also is the idea of the connexion between the atmospheric and other -phenomena and the stars. Certain periods of bad weather recur every -year with tolerable regularity, so that the sailors attribute them -to the immediate influence of the stars. When, for instance, at 4 -o’clock in the morning--at which time the signs of the weather are -observed--the stars stand just above the eastern horizon, they stop -up the east, so to speak, and prevent the free passage of the wind. -But if the pernicious star in question is at the given time 20° or -30° above the horizon, there is enough space between star and horizon -for the wind to be released. This strong wind will last until another -influential star arises under the first. This lower star acts like -a wind-chute placed against an open hut. The strength of the wind -is therefore reduced. This explains why every storm is followed by -a wind favourable for sailing. For example when Spica is 20° above -the horizon a violent storm is developed, but this only lasts until -Arcturus some time later becomes visible on the eastern horizon. -The most important of the stars that bring bad weather are Spica, -Arcturus, Antares, the claw of the Scorpion, Altair, Delphinus, β, -μ, λ and γ, ξ, π _Pegasi_. With the rising of Cassiopeia the time of -calms begins. Jedada (γ, ζ, π _aquilae_) ‘disembowels the heavens’. -Altair is regarded as a bad fellow. When he rises in the east before -dawn it is commonly a time when food supplies have run low, so -that quarrels arise: only when he rises higher and the hot season -(June-August) brings plenty of food, do reconciliation and goodwill -return. Of ‘King Jäbro’, the Pleiades, long myths are related: -when they emerge from the horizon joy prevails, but tears are shed -when they vanish again into the west[536]. The knowledge of the -stars was often a carefully guarded secret, but through prevailing -European influence it has now fallen entirely into decay. In Samoa -it is now an exception for a native to know the name of this or that -constellation, since an islander engaged in the fishing trade can -only indicate and name this or that star if it marks the beginning of -some important native occupation[537]. - -The Polynesian material for star-names is exceedingly abundant, and -can here only be represented in outline, so as to give some idea how -far astronomy may advance at this stage of civilisation[538]. The -Marquesas Islanders know and name a great number of constellations -and separate stars, e. g. ‘the Little Eyes’ (the Pleiades), ‘the -Rudder’ (Orion’s belt)[539]. Constellations mentioned as being -known to the Society Islanders are:--the Pleiades, Orion’s belt, -Sirius (‘Big Star’), the Magellanic Clouds (the upper and lower -‘Haze’), the Milky Way (‘the Long-blue-cloud-eating-shark’), -Venus, called sometimes ‘Day-star’ or ‘Herald-of-the-morning’, -and sometimes ‘Taurna-who-rises-at-dusk’, Mars (‘the Red Star’), -Jupiter, and Saturn[540]. The people of Nauru, west of the Gilbert -Islands, observe the stars, chiefly the Pleiades, Orion, Sirius, -and the morning and evening stars[541]. For the Marshall Islands -see above, p. 125. For Tahiti names are given for Venus, Jupiter, -Saturn, the Pleiades (‘Star-of-the-nest’), Sirius (‘Big Star’), -and the belt of Orion, and it is further stated that many other -stars are known by separate names[542]. The Hawaiians had names for -many constellations, and they also knew the five planets[543]. An -apparently distinguished native astronomer, named Hoapili, stated -that he had heard from others (Europeans?) that there was one more -travelling-star, but he had never observed it, and was acquainted -only with the five[544]. The Maoris had names for all the principal -stars and for a great number of constellations. The most important -of the latter is ‘the Canoe of Tamarereti’, which consists of the -following parts:--the three stars of Orion’s belt form the stern, -_matariki_ (the Pleiades) is the prow, _te toke o te waka_ is the -mast, the Southern Cross is the anchor, and the two Pointers are the -cables. Further, Orion’s belt is called ‘the Elbow of Maui’; the -Scorpion is ‘the House-of-Te-Whiu-and-his-slaves’; _Waka mauruiho_ -and _Waka mauruake_ are the husbands of _Hurike_ and _Angake_, and -their daughters are _Tioreore_ and _Tikatakata_, the two Magellanic -Clouds, whose husbands are _Taikeha_ and _Ninikuru_. By the position -of the Magellanic Clouds the natives think they can tell from what -quarter the wind will blow. One constellation is called ‘the Garment -of Maru’, which he let fall as he ascended into heaven. Unfortunately -the names corresponding to our star-map are not given, and I have -omitted many which are not translated[545]. Some stars are mentioned -below in the account of the Maori calendar of months[546]. - -The Micronesians know the stars well; long lists of star-names come -from the Carolines. 18 names are given for Ponape, among them names -for the Pleiades, the Southern Cross, and the Magellanic Clouds; -from Lamotrek come 24, e. g. ‘the Leather-jacket-fish’ (the Southern -Cross), ‘the Broom’ (Ursa Minor), ‘the Virile Member’ (Aldebaran), -‘the Body-of-the-animal’ (Sirius), ‘the Centre-of-the-house’ -(Arietes), ‘the Two Eyes’ (Scorpio), ‘the Fowling-net’ (Corona), -‘the Tail-of-the-fish’ (Cassiopeia), etc.; from Mortlock 23, e. -g. (Ursa Minor) _fusa-makit_, ‘the Seven Mice’, or it may mean -‘the Star-that-changes-its-position’ (_sic!_), Leo, ‘the Rat’, -the Southern Cross (perhaps), ‘the Shark’, Delphinus and Cygnus, -‘the Bowl-in-the-midst-of-Sota’, Sirius, ‘the Animal’, Orion and -Aldebaran, ‘The Branch-of-the-tree’, not identified, ‘the Fish-net’; -from Yap 25, unidentified[547]. The Fijians on the other hand knew -little about the stars. They had no names even for the most important -constellations. The evening and morning stars were known, under the -names of ‘Marking-day’ and ‘Marking-night’, but the natives did not -distinguish between the planets and the fixed stars. Their ignorance -is ascribed to the fact that they never undertake voyages beyond -the limits of their groups, and are bad navigators in the technical -sense, although good sailors[548]. - -Stellar science and mythology are therefore wide-spread among the -primitive and extremely primitive peoples, and attain a considerable -development among certain barbaric peoples. Although this must -be conceded, some people are apt to think that the determination -of time from the stars belongs to a much more advanced stage: -it is frequently regarded as a learned and very late mode of -time-reckoning. Modern man is almost entirely without knowledge of -the stars; for him they are the ornaments of the night-sky, which at -most call forth a vague emotion or are the objects of a science which -is considered to be very difficult and highly specialised, and is -left to the experts. It is true that the accurate determination of -the risings and settings of the stars does demand scientific work, -but not so the observation of the visible risings and settings. -Primitive man rises and goes to bed with the sun. When he gets up at -dawn and steps out of his hut, he directs his gaze to the brightening -east, and notices the stars that are shining just there and are soon -to vanish before the light of the sun. In the same way he observes -at evening before he goes to rest what stars appear in the west at -dusk and soon afterwards set there. Experience teaches him that these -stars vary throughout the year and that this variation keeps pace -with the phases of Nature, or, more concretely expressed, he learns -that the risings and settings of certain stars coincide with certain -natural phenomena. Here, therefore, there lies ready to hand a means -of determining the time of the year, and one which is indeed much -more accurate than a method depending on a reference to the phases -of Nature. However it would seem as if this mode of indicating time -would require a greater knowledge of the stars, such as only few -peoples possess,--as if it would constantly be necessary to observe -a fresh star for each of the smaller divisions of time. This is not -the case, since, as appears from statements already made, for the -purpose of determining the seasons a star may be observed when it is -stationed at other positions in the sky than on the horizon, e. g., -very conveniently, at its upper culmination, but other positions, -expressed by us in so many degrees above the horizon, may also serve. -Just as the advance of the day is discerned from the position of -the sun, so the advance of the year is recognised by the position -of certain stars at sunrise and sunset. Stars and sun alike are -the indicators of the dial of the heavens. A determination of this -kind, however, is not so accurate as that from the heliacal risings -and settings. Hence the latter pass almost exclusively or at least -pre-eminently under consideration wherever, as in Greece, a calendar -of the natural year is based upon the stars: sometimes however the -upper culmination (μεσουράνημα) is also given. Finally the stars can -also be observed at other times of night than just before sunrise -or after sunset[549]: the Marshall Islanders, for instance, were -accustomed to observe the signs of the weather at 4 a. m. With the -lack of a means of accurately telling the time such an observation is -very uncertain and unpractical, and is therefore seldom found. - -In order to determine the time of certain important natural phenomena -it is therefore sufficient to know and observe a few stars or -constellations with accuracy and certainty. The Pleiades are the most -important[550]. It has been asked why this particular constellation, -consisting as it does of comparatively small and unimportant stars, -should have played so great a part, and the answer given is chiefly -that its appearance coincides (though this is true of other stars -also) with important phases of the vegetation. This is correct, but -something else must be added. To create constellations in which -terrestrial objects, animals, and men are arbitrarily seen requires -no inconsiderable degree of imaginative power. The Pleiades however -form themselves into a group without any aid from the imagination, -and can without difficulty be recognised as such. It is because they -are easy to recognise immediately that the observation of these stars -plays so important a part. A similar case is that of the Magellanic -Clouds, which, where they are visible, belong to the best known -phenomena of the heavens, and we may also compare the dark starless -patches which so largely occupy the attention of primitive peoples, -although neither of these two phenomena is used in determining time, -since neither can be observed at the favourable moment, viz. the -twilight. - -An account of the Bushmen shews how extremely primitive peoples may -also observe the risings of the stars, may connect them with the -seasons, and--which is indeed somewhat rare--may even worship them. -The Bushmen perceive Canopus; they say to a child:--“Give me yonder -piece of wood that I may put (the end of) it (in the fire), that I -may point it burning towards grandmother, for grandmother carries -Bushman rice; grandmother shall make a little warmth for us; for she -coldly comes out; the sun shall warm grandmother’s eye for us”. About -the same time as Canopus, Sirius appears, and a similar ceremony -takes place. Sirius comes out: the people call to one another:--“Ye -must burn (a stick) for us (toward) Sirius.” They say to one another: -“Who was it that saw Sirius?” One man says to the other: “One -brother saw Sirius.” The other man says to him: “I saw Sirius.” The -other man says to him: “I wish thee to burn a stick for us towards -Sirius, that the sun may shining come out for us, that Sirius may -not coldly come out.” The other man says to his son: “Bring me the -piece of wood yonder, that I may put it in the fire, that I may burn -it towards grandmother, that grandmother may ascend the sky, like -the other one”, i. e. Canopus. The child brings him the piece of -wood, he holds it in the fire. He points it burning towards Sirius, -he says that Sirius shall twinkle like Canopus. He sings; he points -to them with fire that they may twinkle like each other. He throws -fire at them[551]. Canopus and Sirius appear in winter, hence the -cold is connected with them. The ceremony just described is obviously -a warming-incantation. It is said also that it will make the stars -rise higher, for the higher they stand above the eastern horizon -at sunrise and the more brightly they twinkle, the more nearly -winter draws towards an end. The Hottentots connect the Pleiades -with winter. These stars become visible in the middle of June, that -is in the first half of the cold season, and are therefore called -‘Rime-stars’, since at the time of their becoming visible the nights -may be already so cold that there is hoar-frost in the early morning. -The appearance of the Pleiades also gives to the Bushmen of the Auob -district the signal for departure to the _tsama_ field[552]. - -The Euahlayi tribe also connect the Pleiades with the cold: they call -the stars ‘the Ice-maidens’, imagine them to be covered with ice, -and say that in winter they let ice drop on the earth and also cause -the winter thunderstorms[553]. Another tribe danced in order to win -the favour of the Pleiades; the constellation is worshipped by one -body as the giver of rain, but should the rain be deferred, instead -of blessings curses are apt to be bestowed on it[554]. The Arunta -say that the Pleiades are seven maidens who ascended into heaven, -but after many wanderings came back to Okaralyi, where they again -gathered _ugokuta_ fruit and danced in the women’s dance. During -this period the Pleiades are not to be seen in the sky, i. e. it is -the time between the evening setting and the morning rising. Here -therefore the constellation is connected with a phase of Nature, and -the whole is mythologically explained. According to another Arunta -myth the Pleiades are maidens who had danced at a circumcision -ceremony. After they had taken part in all the ceremonies in which -to-day the assistance of women is still requisite at this festival, -they went back to their native district, whence they ascended to -heaven and are now to be seen as the Pleiades. Not without reason -did the circumcision most frequently take place at the season when -the Pleiades rise at evening in the east and remain in the sky -all night long (this is the case in the summer months), so that -this prominent constellation was regarded as a spectator of the -festivities connected with the rite[555]. The Pleiades therefore -serve to determine the time of the feast, and this circumstance is -again invested with a myth. A tribe of Western Victoria connected -certain constellations with the seasons. The Pleiades are young -maidens playing to a corroboree-party of young men, represented by -the belt and sword of Orion. Aldebaran, ‘the Rose-crested Cockatoo’, -is an old man keeping time for the dancers. This group corresponds -with the months of November and December. As the year advances -Castor and Pollux appear: they are two hunters who pursue and kill -a kangaroo, Capella. The Mirage is the smoke of the fire at which -the kangaroo is cooked by the successful hunters. Those two groups -set forth the period of the summer. The breaking up of a prolonged -drought is thus explained:--Berenice’s Hair, which culminates in -March, is a tree with three big branches. When a shower of rain has -come, every drop is nevertheless sucked up by the dusty earth. A -small cavity formed at the junction of the three branches has however -retained a little water, and here it is imagined some birds drink. -The winter stars are Arcturus--who is held in great respect since -he has taught the natives to find the pupae of the wood-ants, which -are an important article of food in August and September--and Vega, -who has taught them to find the eggs of the _mallee_-hen, which are -also an important article of food in October. The natives also know -and tell stories of many other stars[556]. Another authority states -that they can tell from the position of Arcturus or Vega above the -horizon in August and October respectively when it is time to collect -these pupae and these eggs[557]. An old chief of the Spring Creek -tribe in Victoria taught the young people the names of the favourite -constellations as indications of the seasons. For example when -Canopus at dawn is only a very little way above the eastern horizon, -it is time to collect eggs; when the Pleiades are visible in the -east a little before sunrise, the time has come to visit friends and -neighbouring tribes[558]. - -The Chukchee form out of the stars Altair and Tarared in Aquila a -constellation named _pchittin_, which is believed to be a forefather -of the tribe who, after death, ascended into heaven. Since this -constellation begins to appear above the horizon at the time of the -winter solstice, it is said to usher in the light of the new year, -and most families belonging to the tribes living by the sea bring -their sacrifices at its first appearing[559]. - -Among the N. American Indians the determination of time from -constellations is rare. The Blackfeet Indians regulate their most -important feasts by the Pleiades, a feast is held about the first -and the last day of the occultation of these stars. It includes two -sacred vigils and the solemn blessing and planting of the seed, and -is the opening of the agricultural year[560]. According to another -legend of the same tribe, the Pleiades are seven children who -ascended into heaven because they had no yellow hides of the buffalo -calves. Therefore the Pleiades are invisible during the time when the -buffalo calves are yellow (the spring). But when these turn brown, in -autumn, the lost children can be seen in the sky every night[561]. -Among the Tusayan Indians of Arizona the culmination of the Pleiades -is often used to determine the proper time for beginning a sacred -nocturnal rite[562]. - -The S. American Indians have much greater knowledge of the stars, and -in consequence frequently connect stellar phenomena, especially those -of the Pleiades, with phases of Nature. In north-west Brazil the -Indians determine the time of planting from the position of certain -constellations, in particular the Pleiades. If these have disappeared -below the horizon, the regular heavy rains will begin. The Siusi -gave an accurate account of the progress of the constellations, -by which they calculate the seasons, and in explanation drew three -diagrams in the sand. No. 1 had 3 constellations:--‘a Second Crab’, -which obviously consists of the three bright stars west of Leo, ‘the -Crab’, composed of the principal stars of Leo, and ‘the Youths’, i. -e. the Pleiades. When these set, continuous rain falls, the river -begins to rise, beginning of the rainy season, planting of manioc. -No. 2 had 2 constellations:--‘the Fishing-basket’, in Orion, and -_kakudzuta_, the northern part of Eridanus, in which other tribes -see a dancing-implement. When these set, much rain falls, the water -in the river is at its highest. No. 3 was ‘the Great Serpent’, i. e. -Scorpio. When this sets there is little or no rain, the water is at -its lowest[563]. The natives of Brazil are acquainted with the course -of the constellations, with their height and the period and time of -their appearance in and disappearance from the sky, and according -to them they divide up their seasons. In the valley of the Amazon -it is said that during the first few days of the appearance of the -Pleiades, while they are still low, birds, and especially fowls, -roost on low branches or beams, and that the higher the constellation -rises the higher the birds roost also. These stars bring cold and -rain: when they disappear the snakes lose their poison. The canes -used for arrows must be cut before their appearance, or else the -arrows will be worm-eaten. The Pleiades disappear, and appear -again in June. Their appearance coincides with the renewal of the -vegetation and of animal life. Hence the legend says that everything -that has appeared before the constellation will be renewed, i. e. its -appearance marks the beginning of spring[564]. The Bakairi reckoned -by natural phases, but were also well acquainted with astronomical -signs, and spoke of certain constellations which reappeared at the -beginning of the dry season: they referred to stars in the vicinity -of Orion, ‘the Manioc-pole’[565]. The Tamanaco of the Orinoco -called the Pleiades ‘the Mat’. They recognised the approach of -winter from the signs of Nature[566], but also from the fact that -the Pleiades at sunset were not too far distant from the western -horizon: the evening setting falls at the beginning of May[567]. -The Lengua Indians of Paraguay connect the beginning of spring with -the rising of the Pleiades, and at this time celebrate feasts which -are generally of a markedly immoral nature[568]. The Guarani of -the same country recognised the time of sowing by the observation -of the Pleiades[569]. The Guarayu call the Pleiades _piangi_; when -they disappear the dry season begins, and when Orion is no longer -visible a period of cold dew begins. The Chacobo of north-eastern -Bolivia regulate the time of sowing by the position of the Pleiades -in relation to the spot where the sun rises[570]. The Chané and -Chiriguano do the same. When the Pleiades rise above the horizon very -early in the morning, the time for sowing has come: it is important -for this to be finished before the rainy season sets in[571]. Still -further tribes, for which I refer to Frazer, relate myths about the -Pleiades, worship them, and celebrate feasts at their appearance. So -did the inhabitants of ancient Peru, who called the Pleiades ‘the -Maize-heap’[572]. It might probably be thought that the observation -of the Pleiades has spread from this ancient civilised people among -the inhabitants of S. America, but it is of so primitive a character -that it rather appears to have been one of the rudiments of the -astronomical knowledge of the people of the Incas. - -In Africa also the observation of the stars, and above all of the -Pleiades, is wide-spread. In view of the dissemination of this -knowledge all over the world it is making a quite unnecessary -exception to state that it came into Africa from Egypt. Moreover -this assertion does not correspond with the facts, since among the -Egyptians Sirius, and not the Pleiades, occupied the chief place. The -observation of the appearance of Canopus and Sirius we have already -found highly developed among the Bushmen, that of the Pleiades among -the Hottentots. The Bechuana of Central S. Africa are directed by the -positions of certain stars in the heavens that the time has arrived -in the revolving year when particular roots can be dug up for use, -or when they may commence their labours of the field. This is their -_likhakologo_ (‘turnings’ or ‘revolvings’), at what we should call -the spring-time of the year. The Pleiades they call _selemela_, which -may be translated ‘cultivator’ or ‘the precursor of agriculture’ -(from _lemela_, ‘to cultivate _for_’, and _se_, a pronominal prefix, -distinguishing these stars as the actors). When the Pleiades assume -a certain position in the heavens it is the signal to commence -cultivating their fields and gardens[573]. The Caffres determine -the time of sowing by observing the Pleiades[574]; the Bantu -tribes of S. Africa regard their rising shortly after sunset as -indicating the planting-season[575]. The Amazulu call the Pleiades -_isilimela_, which has the same meaning as the Bechuana name, since -they begin to dig up the soil when the Pleiades appear. The people -say: ‘_isilimela_ dies and is not seen’, and at last, when winter is -coming to an end, it begins to appear, one of its stars first and -then three, until, continuing to increase, it becomes a cluster of -stars and is perfectly clearly seen when the sun is about to rise. -Then they say: ‘_isilimela_ is renewed’, ‘the year is renewed’, and -they begin to dig[576]. Among the Thonga the Pleiades are the only -constellation which bears a name--_shirimelo_; it rises in July and -August, when tilling is resumed[577]. At the southern corner of Lake -Nyassa the rising of the Pleiades early in the evening gives the sign -to begin the hoeing of the ground[578]. The Kikuyu of British East -Africa say that this constellation is the mark in the heavens to -shew the people when to plant their crops: they plant when it is in -a certain position early in the night. A dancing-song begins:--“When -the Pleiades meet the moon, the people assemble etc.”[579] The Masai -know whether it will rain or not according to the appearance or -non-appearance of the Pleiades, and the last month of the period -of the great rains, in which their evening setting falls, is named -after them. When they are no longer visible the people know that the -great rains are over, and they are not seen again until the following -season--the season of showers--has come to an end. The Masai call -the sword of Orion ‘the Old Men’, and his belt ‘the Widows’ who -follow them[580]. - -To the Isubu in Kamerun the constellations, which they combine -in certain groups, shew the course of the seasons; such -constellations are e. g. _tole a nyou_, the _tole_ of the -elephants, in contradistinction to _tole a moto_, the _tole_ of -men; another is ‘the Orphans’. These are summer signs, they are -all found in the eastern part of the sky[581]. In Sierra Leone -the proper time for planting is shewn by the position in which -the Pleiades are to be seen at sunset: the Bullom do not observe -or name any other stars[582]. The Bakongo associate these stars -with the rainy season: the rain comes from them, they are called -‘the Caretakers-who-guard-the-rain’[583]. When the constellation -_kole_[584] reaches the meridian, the Bangala plant more than at any -other time, because the rains, though not infrequent, are then fairly -certain[585]. In Loango Sirius is called ‘the Rain-star’, since as -long as he is visible the rains persist. Alongside of him Orion is -regarded as a sign of the rainy season[586]. In French Guinea the -people know that when the winter constellations appear above the -horizon, indicating that the end of the rains has come, it is the -time of harvest[587]. - -In the Indian Archipelago the observation of the Pleiades is the most -general and frequent means of determining the time for tillage. Hence -these stars are mythologically regarded as the originators of the -rice-culture. The Dyaks of Sarawak say that Si Jura on a sea-voyage -once found a fruit-tree with its roots in the sky and the branches -hanging downwards. He climbed up into it, and since his comrades -sailed away, he was obliged to climb on and on until he reached -the roots and found himself in a strange land--the country of the -Pleiades. There Si Kira received him kindly, and invited him to eat. -“Those little maggots?” replied Si Jura. Si Kira answered:--“They -are not maggots, but boiled rice”, and he explained to his guest -how the rice was cultivated and reaped, and then let him down by a -long rope near to his father’s house. Si Jura taught the Dyaks how to -cultivate rice, and the Pleiades themselves tell them when to farm; -according to the position of these stars in the heavens, morning and -evening, they cut down the forest, burn, plant, and reap[588]. In -another legend the Pleiades are six chickens which the hen follows, -invisible; formerly there were seven, and at that time men did not -know of rice, but lived on the products of the forest. One of the -chickens had come down to earth, where men gave it to eat: it would -not eat, however, but brought them a fruit with three husks, in which -there were contained three kinds of rice, that would ripen in four, -six, and eight months respectively. The hen was angry, and wished to -destroy both men and the chicken: the former were saved by Orion, but -only six chickens were left. During the time in which the Pleiades -are invisible, the hen is brooding, but the cuckoo calls as long as -they are visible[589]. The Sea-Dyaks determine the time of sowing by -observing the Pleiades. Some tribes determine the approach of the -time of rice-sowing from the observation of the stars. The Kayan of -Borneo know the most important constellations, although they do not -observe them and their motions with a practical end in view[590]. -However one of the joint authors just quoted says in another place -that although the Kayan more usually determine the time of sowing -by the observation of the sun, yet both they and many other races -in Borneo sow the rice when the Pleiades at daybreak appear just -above the horizon[591]. When the time to clear fresh land in the -forest draws near, a wise man is appointed to go out before dawn and -watch for the Pleiades. As soon as they are seen to rise while it is -still dark, the people know that the time has come to begin work, -but not until they are at the zenith before dawn is it considered -desirable to burn the fallen timber and sow rice. The Dyaks begin -the rice-planting when the Pleiades reach the same position at about -3 or 4 o’clock in the morning as the sun reaches at 8 o’clock. Old -and experienced men are on the watch to determine the spot exactly. -Then a feast begins[592]. The natives of Nias, an island to the south -of Sumatra, assemble to till their fields when the Pleiades appear, -and regard it as useless to do so before that time[593]. In Sumatra -also the time for sowing was determined in this way. The Batak of the -middle of the island regulate their various agricultural operations -by the position of Orion and the Pleiades. The Achenese of the north -know that the sowing-time has come when the Pleiades rise before -the sun, at the beginning of July[594]. In northern Celebes the -rice-fields are prepared for cultivation when the Pleiades are seen -at a certain height above the horizon[595]. The Kai of German New -Guinea say that the time for labour in the fields has come when the -Pleiades are visible above the horizon at night: the Bukaua of the -same country also follow the Pleiades[596]. When the natives of the -Torres Straits Islands see the Pleiades on the horizon after sunset, -they say that the new yam-time has come[597]. The western tribes of -these straits have names for many stars, which are largely grouped -into constellations. The seasonal appearances of certain stars or -constellations were noted, and their rising regulated particular -dances, and also, as our authority thinks, the planting of yams and -sweet potatoes[598]. - -Accurate information for these tribes is given by Rivers in the -Reports of the Expedition to the Torres Straits. The most important -constellations are ‘the Shark’ (= the Great Bear together with -Arcturus) and _corona borealis_. Still larger is _Tagai_. This -constellation represents a man, Tagai (= Centaurus, Lupus), standing -in the prow of a canoe (Scorpio); in the stern sits Kareg (Antares). -Tagai holds in his left hand (the Southern Cross) a fishing-spear, -in his right (Corvus) some _kupa_-fruit. Below the canoe is a -sucker-fish, consisting of a part of Scorpio. _Naurwer_ are ‘the -Brothers’--Vega the elder, and Altair the younger--who in their -outstretched arms are holding sticks (β, γ _lyrae_, β, γ _aquilae_). -In Mabuiag this constellation is called _Dogai_. Our Delphinus is -called ‘the Trumpet-shell’, _kek_ is probably Achernar. Others I -omit. The most important star was _kek_, whose rising indicated not -only the beginning of many ceremonies but also the planting-season. -The risings and settings of the stars were observed, and certain -rites and agricultural occupations regulated thereby. In Badu it -was said that when only the tail of the Shark is above the horizon, -the north-west wind begins to blow ‘a little bit’: when the tail -has gone down altogether, the people begin to plant yams, and when -the Shark comes up again, yams, sweet potatoes, and bananas are -ripe. The stars also help to determine the seasons. A native of -Mabuiag gave the following list of the stars relating to the season -called _aibaud_:--_kek_ comes up, he is the sign for everything to -be done: ‘start meeting’, i. e. at the feasts the holding of which -is dependent upon plentiful supplies of food; _gil_, _usal_ (the -Pleiades): at this time the ovaries of the turtles enlarge; _pagas_ -and _dede_ (Betelgeuze); _utimal_; _wapil_. Towards the end of the -season the Shark becomes visible, and then the pigeon migrates from -New Guinea to Australia, as does the _birubiru_-bird when _gitulai_ -(the Crab) appears. It is expressly noted that when the people speak -of the rising or setting of a constellation or star at a certain -season, they have in mind the time of the year when the star or -constellation in question first appears or disappears on the horizon -at daybreak. Of Tagai a catasterism is related which at the same time -has reference to the phenomena of the seasons at the appearance of -the stars in question. On a fishing expedition the crew stole the -water from him and Koang. They therefore killed them and said:--“Usal -(the Pleiades), you go to New Guinea side, when you come up there -will be plenty of rain. Utimal, you go to New Guinea side, you have -to bring rain. Kwoior, when you come up over Mangrove Island just -before the south-east monsoon sets in, there will be rain in the -morning. Then the wind will shift and it will rain in the afternoon, -and you, Kek, will come up in the south between Badu and Moa and it -will be cold weather. When you go round this way and when you come -up, then the yams and sweet potatoes will ripen. You all have work -to do”[599]. A similar story is told of the Kiwai Papuans, who have -for the most part the same star-names and call most of their months -after stars: the Shark is also implicated in this story. When the -fin sets, there is more wind and high-water; when the tail sets, -more high-water; when the head rises, the copulating-season of the -turtles commences. Another myth tells how Javagi got angry and threw -Karongo up into heaven, where he and his three-pronged spear became -the constellation Antares[600]. - -The Melanesians of Banks Island and the northern New Hebrides are -also acquainted with the Pleiades as a sign of the approach of -the yam-harvest[601]. The inhabitants of New Britain (Bismarck -Archipelago) are guided in ascertaining the time of planting by the -position of certain stars[602]. The Moanu of the Admiralty Islands -use the stars as a guide both on land and at sea, and recognise the -season of the monsoons by them. When the Pleiades (_tjasa_) appear at -night-fall on the horizon, this is the signal for the north-west wind -to begin. But when the Thornback (Scorpio) and the Shark (Altair) -emerge as twilight begins, this shews that the south-east wind is at -hand. When ‘the Fishers’ Canoe’ (Orion, three fishermen in a canoe) -disappears from the horizon at evening, the south-east wind sets in -strongly: so also when the constellation is visible at morning on -the horizon. When it comes up at evening, the rainy season and the -north-west wind are not far off. When ‘the Bird’ (_canis major_) is -in such a position that one wing points to the north but the other is -still invisible, the time has come in which the turtles lay eggs, and -many natives then go to the Los-Reys group in order to collect them. -The Crown is called ‘the Mosquito-star’, since the mosquitoes swarm -into the houses when this constellation sets. The two largest stars -of the Circle are called _pitui an papai_: when this constellation -becomes visible in the early morning, the time is favourable for -catching the fish _papai_[603]. The natives of the Bougainville -Straits are acquainted with certain stars, especially the Pleiades; -the rising of this constellation is a sign that the _kai_-nut is -ripe: a ceremony takes place at this season[604]. On Treasury Island -a grand festival is held towards the end of October, in order--so far -as could be ascertained--to celebrate the approaching appearance of -the Pleiades above the eastern horizon after sunset. In Ugi, where of -all the stars the Pleiades alone have a name, the times for planting -and taking up yams are determined by this constellation[605]. In -Lambutjo the year is reckoned according to the position of the -Pleiades. When they are in the east, it is said that ‘they are -waiting’, when at the zenith, ‘they stand in the middle’, when in -the west, they are ‘bowed down’. When they stand low, the turtles -come up on land: the people say that they ‘go to play’, i. e. it is -the pairing season. When the Pleiades are high overhead, the white -men celebrate Christmas. When they ‘come up anew’, the people go -to look for fish. At that time ‘the Fishes’ are in the water. ‘The -Fishes’ (_corona borealis_) dip down when the Pleiades come up. When -‘the Fishes’ are in the sky, there are no fish in the water. In both -Alu and Lambutjo one division of the year is reckoned by the return -of the Pleiades, another by the almond-ripening. On the Gazelle -Peninsula the time for good fishing is the time of the appearance -of the Pleiades: at this time the fishing-nets are spread out. It -is said that ‘the Thornback’ (Pisces) and ‘the People-at-the-feast’ -(the Pleiades) must not see each other; the former constellation -is called _galial_ (‘fishes’), which at this time are not to be -eaten[606]. On the island of Saa, one of the Solomon Islands, the -Southern Cross is the net with four men letting it down to catch -palolo, and the Pointers are two men cooking what is caught, since -the palolo first comes when one of the Pointers appears above the -horizon[607]. In the list of star-names given for the Carolines there -are also references to the seasons. In Ponape _le-poniong_ is seen -at the time of the variable winds. In Lamotrek Corvus is called ‘the -Viewer-of-the-taro-patches’, since he is visible during the taro -season; the name of Arcturus is formed from _ara_, ‘to conclude’, -and _moi_, ‘to come’, and the star is so called because his rising -indicates the end of the north-east winds, which bring visiting -parties to the island; the appearance of Capella means heavy gales -and bad weather[608]. - -Among the astronomically learned Polynesians time-estimations -according to stars play an important part: most of these however -belong to the chapters on the months and the year. In Samoa it is at -present an exception if an old fisherman can indicate and name this -or that star which at its entrance into this or that constellation -(_sic!_) announces the beginning of an abundant _bonino_-catch, -the immediate return of the South Sea herring, the _atuli_, to -its accustomed spawning-grounds, or some other similar event of -importance in the life of the natives[609]. - -When the stars indicate this or that event, the primitive mind, as -so often happens, is unable to distinguish between accompanying -phenomena and causal connexion; it follows that the stars are -regarded as authors of the events accompanying their appearance, -when these take place without the interference of men. So in ancient -Greece the expressions (a certain star) ‘indicates’ (σημαίνει) -or ‘makes’ (ποιεῖ) certain weather were not kept apart, and the -stars were regarded as causes of the atmospheric phenomena[610]. A -similar process of reasoning is not seldom found among primitive -peoples, and a few instances have already been given, such as -the warming-incantation of the Bushmen against Canopus and -Sirius, the name given to the Pleiades among the Bakongo (‘the -Caretakers-who-guard-the-rain’), and the belief that the rain comes -from them, the myth of the Euahlayi tribe that the Pleiades let ice -fall down on to the earth in winter and cause thunderstorms, in -other words send the rain, and the belief of the Marshall Islanders -that the various positions of certain stars cause storms or good -winds[611]. The same idea is very clearly seen in the account of -the Hottentots given by a missionary of the 17th century[612]. At -the return of the Pleiades the natives celebrate an anniversary: as -soon as the stars appear above the eastern horizon the mothers lift -their little ones in their arms, run up to some eminence, and shew to -them these friendly stars, and teach them to stretch out their hands -towards them. The people of the kraal assemble to dance and sing -according to the old custom of their ancestors. The chorus is always: -“O Tiqua, our father above our heads, give rain to us that the fruits -(bulbs etc.), _uientjes_, may ripen and that we may have plenty of -food: send us a good year!” - -The natives of Australia (perhaps of Victoria), according to an old -account, worship the heavenly bodies and think that natural causes -are governed by certain constellations. They have names for these, -and sing and dance to win the favour of the Pleiades, which are -worshipped by one group as the giver of rain; should the rain be -deferred, curses instead of blessings are bestowed on them[613]. -The Euahlayi tribe thinks that the Pleiades bring frost and winter -thunderstorms, and that the Milky Way by its change of position -brings rain[614]. An old native, chief of the Gingi tribe, when the -rain would not stop, turned to the souls of his dead friends in the -Milky Way with certain charms, until they made the rain cease. The -Milky Way is regarded as a stream with fertile banks[615]. - -These facts being so, there is nothing strange in an account which -unfortunately comes from a writer whose evidence in other respects -is open to grave doubt. We are told that Andy, a native of New -South Wales, found the statement that the sun is the source of heat -ridiculous, and said:--“If the sun makes the warm weather come in -summer-time, why does he not make the winter warm, for he is seen -every day?” The influence which produces heat, in the belief of -the natives, accompanies the Pleiades. When these are visible at a -certain altitude above the horizon, it is spring, _begagewog_; when -they rise to their highest altitude, it is summer, _winuga_; when -in autumn they sink down again towards the horizon, it is _domda_ -(‘autumn’); in winter they are barely visible or are lost to view -altogether; it is then winter (_magur_), and cold. The ordinary -stars have no kind of influence on the seasons, but simply the -Pleiades[616]. The account agrees very well with what is otherwise -known of the stellar science of the Australians, and is perfectly -credible. A precisely similar story comes from the other side of -the globe. At the beginning of the 18th century, when the Lapps -were still heathens, one of the questions which a missionary among -these people put to them about their gods was:--“Have you prayed -the Pleiades to warm the weather?” In accordance with this a Lapp -myth relates that a servant driven out on a very cold night by -a cruel master was saved by the Pleiades. One of the Lapp names -for these stars, which evidently points to this idea, is ‘the -Sheep-skins’[617]. The Greeks had the same belief in Sirius as the -cause of the summer heat.[618] - -From this belief in the stars as causes of the natural phenomena -it is but a short step to attempt to draw from the manner of their -appearance conclusions as to the kind of phenomenon caused by them. -To the Bakongo the Pleiades are the guardians of the rain, and when -they are clearly to be seen at the beginning of the rainy season -the people expect a good season, i. e. sufficient but not too much -rain[619]. The Nandi of British East Africa know by the appearance -or non-appearance of the Pleiades whether they may expect a good -or a bad harvest[620]. The Guarayu of S. America believe that when -the Pleiades at their reappearance are surrounded by a circle, it -is a good omen: but if this circle is wanting, all must die[621]. -In Macedonia the Pleiades are called ‘the Clucking or Brooding -Hen’ (ἡ κλωσσαριά); their setting announces the advent of winter, -and from the accompanying conditions omens are drawn as to the -quantity of the forthcoming crop and the fertility of the cattle. -If the constellation sets in a cloudy sky, this portends a rich -harvest[622]. Similar weather-rules and prognostications are found -in abundance in modern European folk-lore and in the so-called -peasants’ calendars. The origin in the popular astrological beliefs -of antiquity is usually taken for granted. It is true that astrology, -especially under Mohammedan influence, has penetrated very deeply -even among little civilised peoples such as the negroes of Central -Africa and the Malays of the Indian Archipelago; but I see no cogent -reason for finding in the above-mentioned world-wide examples of -a belief in the influence of the stars upon natural phenomena any -influence of that astrology which derives from ancient Babylon. -Rather do these myths and traditions seem to afford an analogy to -the initial stages of the Babylonian astrology, and to shew that the -whole vast system of astrology had its root in primitive thinking. -And the Babylonian prognostications from stars and sky remained, -until a very late period, quite primitive. These observations cannot -be followed up further: astrology and its origins lie outside the -limits of the present study. - -It has been shewn, then, that even among the most primitive peoples -of the globe the stars are known, observed, considered, and used for -the determination of time--the Pleiades, indeed, first and foremost, -but other constellations as well; of the not nearly so frequent -determination of the advance of night from the motions of the stars -we have already spoken in chapter I. There is however a difference -that should not be neglected between this method of determining time -and the time-indications from natural phases. So far as I have been -able to discover, the stars are never used in a narrative, i. e. -where the date of any familiar event is to be given, but only where -practical rules for the constantly recurring occupations and labours -are concerned, and also for the festivals. The method therefore does -not apply to the historical event in the wider sense, but only to the -reiterated event the recurrence of which is empirically known. The -consciousness of a fixed and constant order is therefore impressed -upon the mind of primitive man much more powerfully by the eternal -revolution of the constellations than by the variation of the -seasons. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE MONTH. - - -The course of the sun determines the variation between day and night, -and causes the natural phases of the year. From the position of the -sun the times of the day can be given with ease and certainty, but -not so the seasons of the year,--to the exceptions I shall recur -in chapter XII. From the fixed stars the hours of the night can be -determined, and still more frequently are the seasons regulated by -them. But this kind of time-determination necessarily refers to -points of time, and not to periods. Only for one or two days has the -star the position which serves for the determination of time. No -division of the year into parts can be carried out by this method, -the most that can be done is to regulate the already existing -divisions by it. - -As well as the sun and the fixed stars the moon appears in the -heavens. It does not entirely vanish before the sunlight like the -fixed stars, in the night-time its light eclipses that of the smaller -stars. Its shape, the strength of its light, and the time of its -appearance vary quite perceptibly from day to day. As long as the -human race has existed, man’s attention must have been drawn to the -moon. The course of the moon, thanks to the rapid revolution of the -planet round the earth, forms a shorter unit, which steps in between -day and year. The shorter interval of time defined by it, unlike the -too lengthy period of the year, is easily kept in mind and taken in -at a glance. This unit has further its peculiar characteristics. -In the first place it has nothing to do with the natural phases -conditioned by the course of the sun: it is in fact incommensurable -with the seasons. In the second place it immediately obtrudes -itself into notice as a unit. The time-reckoning according to the -moon is in its nature continuous. One moon follows another with a -short interruption, to which at first little attention is paid: for -compared with the 27-28 days in which the moon can be seen in the sky -the 1-2 days in which it is invisible are little noticed. The phases -of the moon represent a gradual waxing and waning, a continuous -development. The principle of continuous time-reckoning is therefore -suggested by the moon, in opposition to the time-indications from -natural phases and from the stars. - -The observation of the moon is often said to be the oldest form -of time-reckoning. This statement involves a certain danger, viz. -the overlooking of the fact that the time-indications from natural -phases and from the stars--as I hope has been shewn above--are just -as primitive and must be just as old. But if by time-reckoning the -continuous principle and measure of time are implied the statement -is in that sense true. The moon is indeed the first chronometer, and -this fact is due to the nature of its concrete appearance, which -draws attention to the duration, and not to the point, of time. -And this, as always, is the starting-point: practically everywhere -the month as a unit of enumeration or a measure is denoted by the -same word as the moon. The linguistic distinction between ‘moon’ -and ‘month’ only follows at a stage which primitive peoples still -living have not yet reached. All peoples know the moon and use it for -time-reckoning. Of the S. American Indians, who observe the stars so -well, it is stated that the month is everywhere the natural division -of time[623]. - -While the human mind therefore arrives only gradually at the -conception of the year, the month is already given by the natural -phenomenon. Consequently it is only to be expected that it should -be expressly stated that the revolution of the moon determines the -greatest measure of time[624], and that we should find peoples who -can count reckoning by months and not by years. Thus, for example, -it was often said in southern Nigeria: “I sold this canoe to him -eight moons ago”[625]. As in the counting of the years a well-known -event is used as a starting-point, so it is also with the months. -In the New Hebrides they said:--“Two moons have gone since this or -that event took place”[626]. But this principle has not prevailed -in the counting of the months, since it gives too many months in -the course of one human life, and since the months are drawn into -another connexion, to which the following chapter is devoted. Only -in one case is a reckoning of this nature common, viz. in pregnancy. -Examples are superfluous, but I give at least one:--The Samoan woman -looks at the moon and expects the beginning of menstruation at a -quite definite position of that planet, each woman naturally having -a different position of the moon in view. If menstruation does not -take place then, she perceives that she is pregnant, and expects her -confinement after ten moon-months[627]. - -No attention is paid at first to the number of days in the month: -many primitive peoples cannot even count so far as thirty. A -significant passage in a Ho text originating from a native -runs:--“The months are reckoned from the moon (the same word is used -for both), which stands in the sky. When the moon appears, remains -long in the heavens, and then again for a short time is invisible, -we say that a month has just gone. We know nothing about the number -of days constituting a month. When we see the moon and then it is -lost again a month has gone”[628]. A native Basuto says that little -regard is paid as to counting the number of days in any month, -since the bulky moon itself fills up the deficiency[629]. When men -begin to count the days great uncertainty at first prevails: in -Buin, for example, the statements vary between 15 and 31 days[630]; -the Caffre month is said to have 25 days. Apparently only the time -during which the moon is visible is at first counted. So it is said -of the Caffres that they count the month from the phases of the -moon during its visibility, and that the days of its invisibility -are not counted: the moon has gone to sleep[631]. For the Basuto -on the other hand only expressions for the two days of the moon’s -invisibility are mentioned: the first, ‘the moon has gone into -the dark’, the second, ‘the moon is greeted by the apes’, since -this animal can see the moon sooner than man[632]. The Ibo-speaking -peoples also reckon only 28 days to the month[633], and so do the -Dakota[634]. It is only natural that the days of the darkness should -soon be included, so that the following month follows directly upon -the preceding; many peoples say, like the Banyankole, that the -month lasts 29 days: for 28 days the moon is visible, and for one -day hidden[635]. As always, therefore, the concrete phenomenon is -the starting point. Here, however, not only the varying shape of -the moon, not only its phases, are taken into account, but also, as -in the case of the sun and the stars, its position in the sky. On -the analogy of the rising and setting of the stars the new moon can -be described as the evening setting, the full moon as the evening -rising or morning setting, and the disappearing of the moon as the -morning rising of that planet. A description of this nature, of -course without the above scientific terminology, does occur, but in -isolated instances. In the above-mentioned Ho text a further passage -runs:--“When the moon appears and comes nearer, we say ‘it stands -overhead’. After this it stands in the middle (of the sky). When the -moon does not rise until after night-fall we say that it ‘stands on -the edge (of the sky)’. When it does not rise until very long after -night-fall we say ‘it shines unto day-break’. When the moon is once -more on the wane, it will not be long before another appears.” Other -expressions are:--‘the moon falls upon the forest’, i. e. stands low -on the horizon, ‘it sleeps in the open air’, when it is in the sky -at day-break[636]. At the south of Lake Nyassa the day of the month -is denoted by indicating the position of the moon in the sky at -day-break[637]. Of the Seminole of Florida it is reported that the -months seem to be divided simply into days, and that the latter are, -at least in part, described by reference to the successive positions -of the moon in the sky at sunset. When our informant asked a native -how long he would remain at his present camp, he answered by pointing -to the new moon in the west, and sweeping his hand from west to east -to the spot where the moon would be when he should go home. He meant -to answer, “About ten days hence”[638]. - -To indicate the day by the position of the moon in the sky is however -exceptional, and it is just as exceptional for descriptions of the -day according to the position of the moon to be consistently carried -out. The Ewe tribes also have expressions which refer to the shapes -of the moon. These different shapes have in general attracted most -attention, and serve for time-reckoning. At first the phases of -the moon are distinguished only roughly, but greater and greater -refinement of observation is ever being attained, until every day of -the moon’s revolution is described by a name, and the names not only -refer to the phases of the moon but also indicate its position in the -sky. - -Among the different phases of the moon’s light two stand out with -especial prominence--the first appearance of the crescent of the new -moon in the evening twilight, and the full moon. Both events are -joyfully greeted and celebrated among many peoples, in particular the -appearance of the new moon, the full moon also, but not so often. -The explanation of this fact must partly lie in the circumstance -that the full moon does not suddenly appear like the new moon, but -fills its disc gradually, so that the days of full moon are more -numerous, instead of being one exactly determined day like the day -of the new moon. Hence there may be a counting of the months in new -moons instead of a continuous reckoning in moons, as when the natives -of the Solomon Islands count the months which must elapse before the -funeral feast by making a notch in a stick or a knot in a rope at the -appearance of the new moon[639]. - -The hailing of the new moon with joy is wide-spread[640]. The Dieri -of Australia relate that there was once no moon, so that the old men -held a council and a Mura-mura gave them the moon; in order that they -might know when to hold their ceremonies, he gave them a new moon at -certain intervals[641]. Heathen Eskimos in West Greenland celebrate -at every new moon a feast with a performance of the sorceror, an -extinguishing of lamps, and the barter of women[642]. The Patagonians -welcome the new moon by patting their heads and murmuring an -incantation[643]. Certain tribes of North America at the eagerly -expected appearance of the new moon uttered loud cries and stretched -out their hands towards it[644]. The Natchez of Louisiana at every -new moon celebrated a feast which took its name from the principal -fruits reaped in the preceding moon, or from the animals that were -usually hunted then[645]. In the villages of Port Moresby (British -New Guinea) the people at the first sight of the new moon give a -prolonged somewhat shrill cry which is taken up by all and repeated -in chorus: there is no mention of any time-reckoning[646]. On the -southern side of Dutch New Guinea we learn that the first sight of -the new moon was signalised by a short sharp bark rather than a -shout. Several times on the day following the first sight of the new -moon our authority noticed that a spear decorated with white feathers -was exposed in a conspicuous place in the village. The author states -that he is unable to say whether this custom had any connection with -the calendar[647]. In Buin at the appearance of the quarter (_sic!_) -of the new moon the people immediately utter the ‘war-cry’, ‘so that -the new moon may not break the cocoa-nuts’. When the new moon comes -up, the people of Buin trill with their under-lip, plucking at it -with the forefinger and at the same time sending out a high note -(‘_a_’). In Lambutjo the people howl and strike themselves on the -mouth with their hands, at the same time uttering ‘_a_’, so that a -kind of quacking is heard. On the Gazelle Peninsula the natives put -their forefingers in their mouths and trill a high ‘_u_’, the result -being a gurgling noise[648]. - -The same custom recurs in Africa. When the Bushmen catch sight of -the new moon they pray:--“Young Moon! Hail, Young Moon, hail, hail, -Young Moon! Young Moon, speak to me, hail, hail, Young Moon! Tell -me of something! Hail, hail! When the sun rises, Thou must speak to -me, that I may eat something. Thou must speak to me about a little -thing, that I may eat. Hail, hail, Young Moon!”[649]. The Bechuana -watch most eagerly for the first glimpse of the new moon, and when -they perceive the faint outline after the sun has set deep in the -west, they utter a loud shout of _kua!_ and vociferate prayers to -it, e. g. “Let our journey with the white man be prosperous!”[650]. -The Ba-Ronga always greet the apparition of the new moon with -cheers. The first person who sees it shouts _kengelekezee_ (_kenge_ -= ‘half-moon shaped’), and this exclamation is repeated from one -village to another. According to a Nkuma informant the day of the -new moon is _shimusi_, a day of rest. The appearance of the crescent -was carefully examined. If the horns were turned towards the earth, -this shewed that there was nothing to fear, the dangers of the month -had been poured out. If the opposite was the case, it shewed that -the moon was full of weapons and misfortunes[651]. As soon as the -new moon is seen, the Banyankole of Uganda come out of their huts -and clap their hands. Everyone lights a fire in front of his hut and -lets it burn for four days continuously. A number of royal drums are -brought out and beaten without cessation for four days[652]. The -Wadschagga climb a hill in order to see the crescent properly, and -pray at its appearance:--“One, two, three, four (the day of the new -moon is reckoned as the fourth day of the month), give me peace, give -me food, send me blessing, and drive want far away. O my moon, break -him (my enemy) neck and throat!” Since in the evening so many curses -are uttered, this day is also termed an evil day. Its peculiarities -decide the character of the whole month. For this reason no one -should go to rest on this evening hungry or only half-satisfied, or -else he will be hungry the whole month long. The master of the house -admonishes his wife:--“Day of the moon! Honour the moon, and go in -quest of food for the children, that they may not go to sleep hungry -every day.” On this day no legal business is done and no debts are -paid. But whoever can manage to get his debt paid on that day will -have luck and his possessions will increase[653]. This custom is of a -highly developed order and exactly resembles the well-known ancient -Roman and modern New Year superstition, in which moreover the new -moon also plays a prominent part; one can hardly avoid suspecting -foreign influence. At Nibo when the new moon comes out they salute it -with:--“_u-u_, don’t let disease catch me, or a bad moon!”; the Ibo -celebrate a children’s festival at the time of the new moon[654]. - -The full moon also gives rise to special feasts: half Africa dances -in the light of the nights of full moon. The Bushmen, for example, -never neglected the dance at the time of the new and full moon. -Dancing began with the new moon and was continued at the full -moon[655]. In Dahomey the festivals take place at full moon, the -days being fixed by the native government[656]. This is also the -case elsewhere. The people of Timor on the night of the full moon -dance from night-fall till sunrise: the dancing songs are principally -of an erotic character[657]. On the Nicobars at new and full moon -feasts were celebrated in which great quantities of an intoxicating -beverage prepared from the juice of the cocoa-palm were drunk[658]. -The Celtic Iberians of ancient Spain assembled outside their gates on -the nights of full moon and celebrated a feast and danced in honour -of an unknown god[659]. Who can help thinking here of the well-known -words of Tacitus about the Germans?--“Their meetings are, except -in case of chance emergencies, on fixed days, either at new moon -or full moon: such seasons they believe to be the most auspicious -for beginning business”[660]. A fact is here mentioned to which we -shall recur below, viz. that the feasts and religious festivals are -often celebrated during the time of full moon. This is due not only -to the full light of the moon but also to the world-wide idea that -everything which is to prosper belongs to the time of the waxing -moon, and above all to the days when it has reached its complete -phase[661]. - -New moon and full moon, therefore, by the religious significance -attached to them, prove themselves to have been the two phases which -were first observed. It is certainly no mere accident that in a -word-list of an Australian tribe, the Kakadu of North Territory, -only terms for new moon and full moon exist (_malpa nigeri_ and -_mirrawarra malpa_ respectively)[662]. Starting from these two -phases, the whole period of the moon can be divided into two halves, -formed by the waxing and the waning moon. The phases are the same -in both halves, but follow one another in the inverse order. Hence -they can be described by the same word, with an additional word for -the half of the month: but this is only vouched for in one instance, -viz. for the Mendalam Kayan of Borneo[663]. On the other hand this -division is extremely common, especially among more highly developed -peoples, in the counting of the days of the month, to which I return -below. Quite primitive peoples cannot count so far as 15, or do so -only with difficulty: instead of this they distinguish still further -phases of the moon. - -In the next place the crescent of the wasting moon is added, so -that three phases are given: waxing, culmination, and waning. -Thus the Andamanese call the new moon _ogur-lo-latika_, the full -moon _ogur-dah_, and the waning moon _ogur-boi-kal_[664]. Another -writer gives different names, no doubt for another tribe:--New -moon = ‘moon-baby-small’, first quarter = ‘moon-big’, full moon -= ‘moon-body’, last quarter = ‘moon-thin’[665]. The literal -translation shews however that this author wrongly makes these -phases equivalent to our quarters; the full moon and the third -quarter are not identical. In reality, besides the full moon, two -phases are distinguished during the time of the waxing moon, and -only one when the moon is on the wane. The Indians of Pennsylvania -distinguish by special names the new, the round (i. e. the full), and -the waning moon: the last-named they call the half-round moon[666]. -The Negritos of Zambales have periods corresponding to the phases -of the moon: the new moon they call _bay’-un bu’-an_, the full moon -_da-a’-na bu’-an_, the waning moon _may-a’-mo-a bu’-an_[667]. In -Wuwulu and Aua there were words for the full moon, the waxing and -the waning moon, and for the time of the moon’s invisibility[668]. -This last is not a phase in the proper sense: as soon as it was -recognised, however, it was natural that it should be introduced as -equivalent to the phases and should thus complete the circle of the -month. - -In regard to the further development of the phases it is to be noted -that this does not as a rule take place with any regularity, but the -phases are more specialised during the period of the waxing than in -that of the waning moon. The Karaya of Central Brazil were overjoyed -to note the first appearance of the crescent. Apparently five phases -of the moon are distinguished, for which our authority obtained the -following names from an Indian:--First crescent, _ahandu loita_; not -yet quite full moon, _ahandu laläli_; full moon, _djulum läaläli_; -last crescent, _ahandu aluläna_; new moon, _ikona_. Of these _ahandu -laläli_ denotes a phase between half and full moon: ‘there are two -moons’. Probably the bright and the dark moon are meant. This was -confirmed for other Indians, but without its being possible to obtain -any accurate account, says our authority. The theory however fits -badly, since the earth-light disappears in the second quarter, but is -very prominent in the first. The people however were themselves not -clear as to the succession of the phases, they gave different orders -and often corrected themselves[669]. - -The Hottentots call the just emerging, hardly yet perceptible -crescent by a name which means ‘unripe’ and is also used to denote a -premature fruit. The slender shining crescent, in which the moon as -it were ‘revives’, is called by a name with that significance. The -first two quarters have two names common to both of them, ‘the moon -which becomes great or old’, and ‘the moon which becomes wise’. In -the last quarter only the slender crescent is distinguished: it is -called ‘the dying moon’[670]. In exceptional cases no name for the -full moon is given, but we can hardly conclude that such a name -was wanting. An Australian tribe of the North Territory calls the -full moon _igul_, the half-moon _idadad_, and the crescent of the -new moon _wurdu_[671]. The terminology in Central Australia is far -richer:--_atninja quirka utnamma_ = new moon, _a. q. iwuminta_ = -half-moon, _a. urterurtera_ = three-quarter moon, _a. aluquirta_ = -full moon[672]. No terms whatever are given for the waning moon, but -that they were entirely lacking is doubtful, though it is also to be -doubted whether terms for the half and three-quarter moon cannot also -be applied to the waning moon. It should be noted that in Central -Australia, as the words shew, the new and the full moon are the -original phases. - -The observation and naming of the phases of the moon long remain -quite unsystematic. The names are mingled with terms arising -from other circumstances. Of the Thonga of S. E. Africa it is -reported:--When the first quarter appears, the moon is said to -_thwasa_, a Zulu word which corresponds to _tjhama_ in Thonga, and is -very much used in the terminology of possessions. Eight days later -it is said to _basa_, to be white or brilliant; full moon is said -to _sima_ or _lata batjongwana_, to put the little children to bed, -because when it rises it finds them already sleeping on their mats. -The wane is called _kushwela dambo_, the moon is then found by the -rising sun to be still in the sky, not having yet dipped below the -horizon. When at last it disappears, it is _munyama_, the obscurity, -the moon is said to _fa_, to have died[673]. The position of the -moon in the sky is also taken into consideration, but not to such -an extent as among the Ewe tribes[674]; the latter however are also -acquainted with another terminology. Full moon is called ‘the moon -fits’, i. e. nothing of it is wanting, new moon ‘the moon is dead’. -In the first quarter and at the half-moon they say: ‘the moon is half -round’ or ‘falls upon the wood’, i. e. stands low on the horizon; -shortly before full moon ‘the moon is about to become complete’, ‘is -on the increase’; after the full moon ‘the moon is about to wane’; -three days after full moon ‘the moon has cheated some people’, since -it leaves in the lurch those who wish to play in the evening; in -the last quarter ‘the moon is like the tail of the cock’ or ‘sleeps -in the open’, since it stands in the sky at day-break[675]. For -the pagan races of the Malay Peninsula words are given for the new -moon, the crescent of the moon, the half-moon, the end of the waning -moon, no moon[676]. The Bontoc Igorot of Luzon describe three phases -between full moon and the waning moon, and three between new moon and -full moon, eight altogether therefore, and have special names for -them, but rarely make use of them in time-reckoning[677]. The Nabaloi -have other words for the same phases, and also one for the moon -showing a rim of light[678]. The natives of New Britain (Bismarck -Archipelago) observed the phases of the moon (_kalang_), and had -separate terms for them, e. g. ‘moon not visible’, ‘first quarter -of the moon (_sic!_)’, ‘nearly full moon’ (in which they hunted for -the land-crabs), full moon, ‘beginning to wane’, ‘moon when seen -in the morning’, etc. They also measured time between sunset and -moon-rise by the ‘smouldering of a torch’, the time occupied in -cooking yams, taro, and wild taro[679]. In Buin the crescent as it -becomes visible is first called _rubui_, ‘the pupil (of the eye) is -dead’, since the whole moon is often to be seen as a dark disc when -the crescent is first formed. Later they say _motoguba_, ‘a hook is -made’. Still later, _nobele_, ‘a piece’, ‘a bit’. When the moon’s -disc is full, _mairen_, ‘it is ripe’ or ‘old’, and _roukeu_, ‘it -is equal’, i. e. full. When the moon begins to wane, it is called -_ingom_, ‘puffed out’. The ‘puffing out’ becomes weaker, and now the -moon will die, _ekio buagi_. Throughout the period of the waning moon -the expression used is _buan-gubio-eiraubi_, ‘it is on the point of -passing away to die’. During the period of the waxing moon they say -_(ekio) duabegubi-eiraubi_, ‘(the moon) is about to pass away to the -sun(light)-making’. During the time of new moon they say _mamarabui_, -‘the great kobold is dead’, or _ekio buaguro_, ‘the moon is dead’. -When it appears again they say _ekio rukui_, ‘the moon again makes -pupils’, i. e. is in the sky. From the appearance of the moon until -the time of new moon they reckon 25 days. The number however is not -always the same, but is variously given as 30-31 days or sometimes -as only 15. It must be supposed that thick clouds often hinder the -observation. The natives count from the rising of the moon[680]. -Of the tribes of the Torres Straits we are told:--In Mabuiag the -following descriptions of the phases of the moon are used:--_dang -mulpal_, ‘tooth-moon’, since the crescent at its first appearance is -described as unmarried: a little later the moon is called _kisai_, -and termed young. The half-moon is _ipi laig_, ‘married person’; the -moon in the third quarter is described as _kazi laig_, ‘person with -child’, and is regarded as having one child, i. e. presumably as -being pregnant; the full moon is _badi_, which is said to mean ‘big -one married’. In Mer the crescent of the moon when first observed was -called _aketi meb_, the moon in the first quarter was _meb digemli_, -in the third _meb zizimi_, almost full _eip meb_, and full moon _giz -meb_[681]. - -Among the tribes of Central Brazil (the Bakairi), as also elsewhere, -the phases of the moon have found mythological expression. The moon -is represented as a shuttle-cock; the phases start from the full -moon. First a lizard comes and takes hold of it, on the second day an -armadillo, and then a Giant armadillo, whose thick body soon quite -covers the yellow feathers[682]. The phases are similarly explained -among the Paressi[683]. - -In regard to the more accurate determination of the days of the -moon-month up to the point when each day has its separate name, it -is possible to proceed in two ways, either to develop more and more -elaborately the concrete descriptions from the phases and positions -of the moon, until every day thus takes its name from the shape or -the position of the moon, or else simply to number the days. The -simple counting and numbering of all the days of the month from the -new moon up to 29 or 30 is the most abstract method, and it is only -found among the most highly developed peoples. Commonly a mixed -system obtains, such, for instance, as that of the Romans, so that -within the month, from the starting-points offered by the phases, the -days of a certain smaller division are counted, or a short phase is -distinguished by means of adjectives in the first, the second, and -even the third day of the phase. - -The following may serve as an example of a purely concrete system. -Among the Mendalam Kayan of Borneo the different days of the period -of the moon’s visibility have the following names in the Busang -language (the common commercial tongue of the Bukau):--_njina_ (see) -_dang_ (pretty well); _matau_ (eye) _dang_; _lekurdang_; _butit_ -(belly) _halab_ (tetrodon, a trunk-fish) _ok_ (little); _butit -halab aja_ (big); _keleong_ (body) _paja ok_; _keleong paja aja_; -_beleling_ (edge) _dija_; and _kamat_ (full moon). The days following -have the same names, but in the inverse order, and with the addition -of _uli_, i. e. to go home. The days of the moon’s invisibility -are not reckoned[684]. The days mentioned amount to only 2 × 8; -others must therefore be lacking, or do the names given apply to -moon-phases of more than one day’s duration? The author’s wording -seems to contradict this. The Batak of Sumatra describe the days by -the names of the planets (borrowed from the Sanskrit), repeated four -times. To distinguish one from another they make use of additions -some of which may probably be referred to original Batak terms[685]. -A complete system exists among the Toradja of the Dutch East Indies, -in connexion with a fully developed day-superstition such as so often -accompanies the moon-month. On certain days, here distinguished by -an asterisk, it is forbidden to work in the fields: other work is -however permitted. *1, _eo mboeja_, ‘day of the moon’, from the -evening on which the crescent of the moon was first seen. 2 to 9 have -no special names: they are called altogether _oeajoeeo_, ‘the eight -days’; the people count _ka’isanja oeajoe_, ‘the first of the eight’, -or _oejoeënja_, ‘the beginner’, then the second, the third, etc., and -so on up to _kapoesanja oeajoe_, ‘the end of the eight’. 10, _woeja -mbawoe kodi_, ‘the little pig moon’. *11, _woeja mbawoe bangke_, -‘the great pig moon’; there is a danger that the pigs may break -into the fields. *12, _taoe koi_, 13, _taoe bangke_, ‘the little’ -and ‘the great man moon’; 14, _kakoenia_, from _koeni_, ‘yellow’ -(among the To Pebato _sompe_, ‘lying’, i. e. on the horizon). *15, -_togin enggeri_, from _gengge_, ‘to run to and fro’ (of animals -seeking food), i. e. one is annoyed by those who run to and fro. -*16, _pombarani_, ‘the burner’, since the moon in the morning shines -on the house-door; or more rarely _pombontje_. 17 to 20, _wani_, -‘dark’. 21, _merontjo_, among the To Pebato _wani of kapoesa mbani_, -the last dark day. *22, _kawe_, ‘to wink’, 23-25, the second, third, -and last _kawe_. *26, _toe’a marate_, ‘the long tree-trunk’ (trunk -of a felled tree). 27, _toe’a rede_, ‘the short stump’, in the east -_ojonja saeo_, ‘with a day in between’, i. e. until the vanishing -of the moon. 28, _polioenja_, ‘passing’, i. e. the moon goes past -the sun. 29, _soea_, ‘going inside’, ‘inside’, because the moon is -then completely inside. Every second month has 30 days; the *30th is -called _soea ma’i_, the _soea_ ‘on this side’, the second _soea_. The -days are named from the position of the moon at sunrise, since only -the agricultural day is of any importance[686]. - -In Micro- and Polynesia this kind of terminology is best developed. -In Samoa the period of the new moon has few names; the new moon is -called _masina pupula_, the nights after this--when a little of -the moon is once more visible--_mu’a mu’a_. On the other hand the -days up to and after the full moon have separate names, and are of -importance on account of the palolo, which is then eagerly sought -after. Full moon, _masina ’atoa_, ‘full’; 1, night after full moon, -_masina le’ale’a_; 2, _masina fe’etelele_; 3, _masina atatai_, the -sea sparkles at the rising; 4, _fana’ele’ele_, according to Stair -‘paling tide’; 5, _sulutele_, the _mali’o_-crab is caught with -torches (_sulu_), according to Stair _poolesa_, night of the _lesa_; -6, _masina mauna_, according to Stair _popololoa_, ‘long nights’; -7, _masina mauna_; 8 (the first palolo-day), _usunoa_, ‘wandering -about aimlessly’, also called _salefu_, since foam (_lefu_) appears -as the first sign of the palolo; 9, _masina motusaga_ (second -palolo-day), _motu_ ‘fragile’, _saga_ ‘continuing’; 10, _tatelego_, -great palolo-day, which may also begin on the 9th, _ta_ = to fish; 11 -(new moon), _masina punifaga_, ‘only a little covered’; 12, _masina -tafaleu_, ‘little cut away’; 13, _masina tafaleu_. The crescent -shortly before new moon is called _masina fa’atoaoina_[687]. - -In Hawaii the system was very elaborately developed. The month had -thirty days; 17 of these had compound names (_inoa huhui_), and 13 -had simple names (_inoa pakahi_). These names were given to the -different nights to correspond with the phases of the moon. There -were three phases--_ano_--, marking the moon’s increase and decrease -of size, (1) the first appearance of the new moon in the west at -evening, (2) the time of full moon when it stood directly overhead -(lit. over the island) at midnight, (3) the period when the moon -was waning, when it shewed itself in the east late at night. It was -with reference to these three phases of the moon that names were -given to the nights that made up the month[688]. In former times -there is said to have been a division of the month into periods of -ten days, corresponding to the increase, the full, and the decline -of the moon[689]. The names of the nights were:--1, _hilo_, ‘to -twist’, because the part then seen was a mere thread; 2, _hoaka_, -‘crescent’; 3, _kukahi_; 4, _kulua_; 5, _kukolu_; 6, _kupua_; 7, -_olekukahi_; 8, _olekulua_; 9, _olekukolu_; 10, _olekupau_. When -the sharp points were lost in the moon’s first quarter, the name of -that night was 11, _huna_, ‘to conceal’; the next, on its becoming -gibbous, was 12, _mohalu_; 13, _hua_, ‘egg’; and when its roundness -was quite obvious, 14, _akua_, ‘God’. The nights in which the moon -was full or nearly so were:--15, _hoku_; 16, _marealaui_; 17, -_kolu_. The night in which the moon’s decrease became perceptible -was called 18, _laaukukahi_. As it continued to diminish the nights -were called:--19, _olaaukulua_; 20, _laaupau_; 21, _olekukahi_; 22, -_olekulua_; 23, _olepau_; 24, _kaloakukahi_; 25, _kaloakulua_; 26, -_kaloapau_; when the moon was very small, 27, _mauli_; the night in -which it disappeared, 28, _muku_. This is Dibble’s list (pp. 24 ff.). -Fornander (p. 126) counts in the same way up to 26, _kaloapau_, and -then continues, 27, _kaue_; 28, _lono_; 29, _mauli_; 30, _muku_. Malo -gives the same names as Dibble, with the following additions:--The -15th night had two names. If the moon set before daylight it was -called _hoku palemo_, ‘sinking star’, but if, when daylight came, -it was still above the horizon, it was called _hoku ili_, ‘stranded -star’. The second of the nights in which the moon did not set until -after sunrise (the 16th) was called _mahealaui_. When the moon’s -rising was delayed until after the darkness had set in, it was called -17, _kulua_, and the second of the nights in which the moon made its -appearance after dark was 18, _laau-ku-kahi_; the moon had now waned -so much as again to shew sharp horns. The night when the moon rose at -dawn of day was _kane_ (the 27th), and the following night, in which -the moon rose only as the day was breaking, _lono_ (the 28th). When -the moon delayed its rising until daylight had come, it was called -_mauli_ (the 29th), ‘fainting’, and when its rising was so late that -it could no longer be seen for the light of the sun, it was called -_muku_ (the 30th), ‘cut off’. Thus were accomplished the thirty days -and nights of the month. A bare list of the thirty names of the days -is given for the Marquesas[690]. Alongside of these a bipartite -division of the month is mentioned--the moon arriving, and the moon -about to be extinguished[691]. In New Zealand there are various lists -of the nights of the moon. The month is also sometimes divided into -halves according to the waxing and waning moon[692]. - -I give the Tahitian names in order to point out that here, as also -in Hawaii, some days in the middle of both halves of the month have -the same names, which are distinguished from the next following by -additions the sense of which is unfortunately not always given. -Thus:--1, _tirreo_; 2, _tirrohiddi_; 3, _o-hatta_; 4, _ammi-amma_; 5, -_ammi-amma-hoi_; 6, _orre-orre_; 7, _orre-orre-hoi_; 8, _tamatea_; 9, -_huna_; 10, _orabu_; 11, _maharru_; 12, _ohua_; 13, _mahiddu_; 14, -_ohoddu_; 15, _marai_; 16, _oturu_; 17, _ra-au_; 18, _ra-au-hoi_; 19, -_ra-au-haddi_; 20, _ororo-tai_; 21, _ororo-rotto_; 22, _ororo-haddi_; -23, _tarroa-tahai_; 24, _tarroa-rotto_; 25, _tarroa-haddi_; 26, -_tane_; 27, _oro-mua_; 28, _oro-muri_; 29, _omuddu_ (28 and 29 -together _matte-marama_, on the Society Islands they say during these -days that the moon is dead)[693]. In the islands just mentioned the -names of three successive days are often formed from _mua_, ‘fore’, -_roto_, ‘in the middle’, and _muri_, ‘hinder’[694], and in the -Carolines names of the days are similarly combined in groups. From -these lists it becomes plain how the names of the separate days have -been first worked out from the phases of the moon. When only 29 names -are given, the thirtieth day occurring only in every other month has -evidently been left out. This must be the case, because the month -always begins with the new moon. We further possess lists of the days -of the month for the Mortlock Islands, and some for the Carolines, -Ponape, Yap, Uleai, Lamotrek[695]; the lists for Lamotrek, Uleai, -and the Mortlock Islands differ only in the dialect. It is to be -noted that in some cases the month falls into smaller subdivisions, -as in Ponape, where it begins after the full moon and consists of -three periods:--1, _rot_, ‘darkness’, i. e. nights when there is -no moon, 13 days; 2, _mach_, new moon, 9 days, which are numbered -consecutively; 3, _pul_, the time of full moon, 5 days. Three days -are therefore lacking (the time of invisibility?). In Yap 1, _pul_, -new moon, 13 days; 2, _botrau_, full moon, 9 days; 3, _lumor_, -‘darkness’, 8 days. - -The very fully developed system of the Nandi is curious in that not -the phase but the time of the moon’s rising chiefly gives the name of -the day. 1, ‘the tanners have seen the moon’; 2, ‘the moon is white’ -or ‘new’; 3 and 4, ‘the moon has cast a light’; 5 and 6, ‘the moon -has become warm’; 7 and 8, ‘the moon has leisure’; 9 and 10, ‘the -herdsmen play in the moonlight’; 11 and 12, ‘the moon is high in the -evening’; 13, ‘the moon turns’; 14, ‘the moon has accompanied the -goats to the kraal’[696]; 16 (full moon), ‘the moon has passed along -(the heavens)’; 17, (morning) ‘the birds have driven away the moon’, -(evening) ‘the moon has disappeared for a short while’; 18, ‘the -moon has commenced to rise late’; 19 to 21, ‘the moon is late’; 22, -‘the moon has climbed up’ (i. e. stands high in the heavens in the -morning); 23 to 25, ‘the moon is late up above’; 26 and 27, ‘the moon -has turned’ (i. e. goes towards the west); 28, ‘the moon is nearing -death’; 29, ‘the people discuss the moon’ (discuss whether it is -dead), or ‘the sun has murdered the moon’; 30, ‘the moon is dead’, -or ‘the moon’s darkness’[697]. - -An example of the naming of smaller groups of days after the -phases of the moon is afforded by the old Arabian names for the -nights of the month[698]. The nights are grouped in threes, and -are called:--1-3, _ghurar_, ‘the bright ones’; 4-6, _nufal_, ‘the -overlapping nights’ (?); 7-9, _tusa’_, ‘the nine’; 10-12, _‘ushar_, -‘the ten’; 13-15, ‘the white nights’, lit. _‘ajjam al-lajālī l-bidi_, -‘the days of the white nights’, the time of full moon; 16-18, -_dura’_, ‘the white nights with black heads’, since the moon does -not rise until the night; 19-21, _zulam_, ‘the dark nights’; 22-24, -_hanadis_ or _duhm_, ‘the very dark nights’; 25-27, _da’ādī’_, -perhaps after _mihaq_; 28-30, _mihaq_, from _mhq_, ‘to extinguish’. -The time of the moon’s invisibility, _mihaq_, consists of the -following days:--1, _ad-da’dja_, ‘the black one’; 2, _as-sirār_, -from _srr_, ‘to be hidden’; 3, _al-falta_, ‘sudden event’, ‘attack’. -According to some this last name is used only on the night before, -according to others after, a holy month. This looks like an attempt -to regulate the insertion of the 30th day. - -Hitherto we have observed the division of the month into small and -the smallest phases of the moon, in which three or at most four -days have the same name, and are numbered in order that they may -be distinguished. Other peoples count the days beginning at the -principal moon-phases. The Central Eskimos can determine the days of -the month very accurately from the age of the moon[699], the terms -are unfortunately not given. So also for the Kaigan of N. W. America -names of the nights reckoned from the phases of the moon are quoted; -unfortunately only very confused and inaccurate information could -be obtained, and only 14 names are given:--1, new moon; 2, ‘second -sleep’, etc., up to 9, full moon or ‘great moon’, the third night -after which is ‘the first night after the full moon’[700]. For the -inhabitants of southern Formosa the bare and therefore almost useless -statement is made that they reckon according to the age of the -moon[701]. Of the Wagogo of what was formerly German East Africa we -are told that the phases of the moon and the numbers of the nights -serve as more accurate determinations of time. For instance, the -third night after the next appearance of the moon will be the day -following the third night after the moon’s appearance, and therefore -the fourth of a month, since the crescent is visible exactly on the -first day of a month[702]. Unfortunately we are not told what phases, -other than the new moon, serve as starting-points for the reckoning. -The same remark applies to an account for Sumatra. The Central -Sumatran Expedition has proved that names for days of the week and -for months are unknown among the Rawa and the Djambi Kubu of Djipati -Mando. The people count by the phases of the moon, and say e. g. the -1st, 2nd, 3rd day of the moon[703]. - -These accounts are unfortunately of little use, since they say too -little about the method of the counting. Even when a complete list -of the days or nights of the month does seem to be forthcoming (the -Wagogo, the Kubu), it generally happens that the counting proceeds -from several starting-points, so that the month is divided up into -smaller divisions. This is natural, since primitive peoples not only -possess small capacity for counting but also prefer to keep the -concrete phenomenon in view. It has already been pointed out that -the counting frequently begins at the two most prominent phases, -the new and the full moon; by this means the month is divided into -the two corresponding halves of the waxing and the waning moon, or -in respect of the appearance or non-appearance of the moon in the -evening and early night into the light and the dark halves. The -difference between these halves follows from direct observation of -nature, and they are therefore known even to peoples which do not -count the days, e. g. the inhabitants of Buin[704], the Germanic -tribes, and others. In Swedish the distinction between _ny_ and -_nedan_, i. e. the time of the waxing and of the waning moon, is -still known. The Masai, besides a full list of the days of the month, -have a second reckoning according to the light and the dark halves -of the month[705]. The Hindus and the civilised peoples of S. E. Asia -reckon in the same way: of these systems of time-reckoning the Hindu -has exercised a powerful influence. Avesta shews the same reckoning. -In the old Gallic calendar of Coligny each month is divided into -two sharply distinguished halves. The Romans indeed, in the form of -their calendar known to us, reckoned so many days before the Kalends -(the first day of the month), the Nones (the 5th or 7th), and the -Ides (the 13th or 15th), but before their calendar settled into -its curious and quite irrational historic form the _Kalendae_ must -have been the day of the new moon, which was publicly proclaimed, -and the _Idus_ the day of full moon. The _Nonae_ are secondary: the -word simply means the ninth (day), i. e. before the Ides, which -position the day occupies in the inclusive reckoning employed. The -Greek reckoning in decades is well-known, but in earlier times a -bipartite division of the month appears. Homer divides the month into -ἱστάμενος and φθίνων (‘rising’ and ‘fading’), Hesiod once mentions a -‘thirteenth day of the rising moon’[706]. - -We have seen above how to the phases of the new and the full moon -that of the waning moon is added as a third. When the gradual -development of the moon is regarded--as is done when numbers are -used--and not the particular shape of it appearing on a certain -day, we also get three periods, since between the waxing and the -waning occurs the full moon, and this, although not in the strictest -sense, lasts longer than a day, and unlike the waxing and the waning -moon remains in the sky the whole night long. The time of full moon -therefore appears as a third independent period between the waxing -and the waning. The impulse to a tripartite division hereby given -clashed with the decimal system of enumeration of most peoples; as -a rule the counting was suspended at the basal series of numbers. -In this manner we may account for the not uncommon phenomenon that -only ten months are numbered, the two others being called by special -names[707]. Thus arises the division of the month into three decades, -in which however the last decade may vary between 9 and 10 days. - -The division into decades is not so common as the halving of the -month. The Zuñi of Arizona divide the month into three decades, each -of which is called a ‘ten’[708]. The Ahanta of the western Gold Coast -divide the moon-month into three periods, two of ten days each, the -third--which lasts until the new moon appears--of about 9½ days (more -correctly, no doubt, varying between 9 and 10 days). The Sofalese of -East Africa must have done the same, since de Faria says that they -divided the month into 3 decades and that the first day of the first -decade was the feast of the new moon[709]. The Masai, who number -either the days of the whole month consecutively or the days of its -two halves, nevertheless give special prominence to the initial days -of the decades (alongside of other notable days), and call them -_negera_[710]. - -Among the Greeks the division into decades displaced the older -bisection. Of the names of the decades the first and third refer to -the concrete form of the moon: μὴν ἱστάμενος, older ἀεξόμενος[711], -literally ‘the appearing, waxing moon’, and μὴν φθίνων, ‘the waning -moon’. For originally μήν must here have had the sense of ‘moon’ -which the etymology suggests. The second decade was called μὴν μεσῶν, -‘the month at the middle’: the epithet shews that μήν here means -‘month’, and not ‘moon’. This name is therefore younger than the two -others, which must once have been used to describe the two halves of -the month, and do so still in Homer[712]. - -The custom of reckoning on the fingers or on a notched stick has -doubtless lent assistance to the counting of the days of the month. -The Wa-Sania make a notch in a stick for every day, and when the -month is ended they put this stick aside and begin a new one[713]. At -the southern corner of Lake Nyassa the days are counted by means of -pieces of wood threaded on a string[714]. A complete enumeration of -the days however only exists among highly developed peoples who have -discarded a more concrete time-reckoning in favour of an abstract -system, just as the civilised peoples of modern Europe abandoned -the Roman system of time-reckoning, which was still often used in -the Middle Ages (though indeed it had long since departed from its -concrete basis), in favour of a simple enumeration of the days of the -month. - -Finally a couple of curious East African reckonings of the days of -the month are to be mentioned, although they are not primitive but -have a lengthy development behind them. A common feature of both is -that the day of the new moon is already the fourth day, so that the -counting of the days begins with the moon’s invisibility, which can -hardly have been the original practice. The Wadschagga divide the -month into four parts the days of which are numbered, the first and -third parts consisting of ten days each, and the second and fourth -of five days each. Accordingly they begin to count the new moon at -‘the fourth day, which brings the moon’, the day on which the slender -delicate crescent of the moon first reappears after sunset: for the -rites of this day see above, p. 153. On the fourth day of the second -division (the eleventh after new moon) they say that ‘the moon turns -to the back of the house’: when twilight falls it is already seen -beyond the culmination-point. The fourth day of the third division -(the 16th after new moon) is called ‘the day that brings the moon -up from below’ (i. e. from the eastern horizon), where ‘it appears -like a pot’; the fourth day of the last division is called ‘the four, -which dismisses the moon’, and the first of the first division, when -the moon vanishes, ‘the one, which floats away the moon so that it -is no longer visible’: it ‘tramples into pieces the days of the -God’[715]. The natural phases of the moon therefore make themselves -felt in spite of the counting. With this, as is so often the case, -is connected a fully developed superstition concerning the days of -the month. The Masai in ordinary life reckon their moon-months as -consisting of 30 days, and number the days from 1 to 30 or 29. -Besides this there is a second way of counting which begins at -the 16th and reckons the days of darkness (_en aimen_). Further, -special prominence is given to certain days and groups of days, -e. g. to the 4th, the new-moon day, hence called also _ertaduage -duo olaba_, ‘the moon is to be seen’, to the 15th, _ol gadet_, i. -e. the rising moon ‘looks over’ to the sun which has not yet set, -and to the concluding day, the _eng ebor olaba_, ‘the brightness -of the moon’, but especially to the days of the dark half of the -month, _en aimen_. The 16th is called _ol onjori_, ‘the greenish -day’, the 17th, _ol onjugi_, ‘the red’, 18 to 20, _es sobiaïn_, 21 -to 23, _nigeïn_, 27 etc., _en aimen nerok_, ‘the black darkness’. -The people also emphasise the concluding days of the decades[716]. -The natural foundation afforded by the phases of the moon therefore -appears very clearly: the only noteworthy feature is that the days of -the moon’s invisibility are included in the division which is called -‘the brightness of the moon’. An outside influence must no doubt be -assumed. Among the Masai also the selection of lucky and unlucky days -is common. - -The starting-points in the counting of the days of the month also -afford evidence for the question as to which phases of the moon -are the oldest, and were already utilised for this purpose. Both -the methods of counting and the phases themselves are based upon a -bisection or trisection of the month: to this were then added other -phases, originally quite unsystematically. Among us the quarters -of the moon are common; but of their use among primitive peoples -I have found only a single instance. Of the Papuans of the Indian -Archipelago it is stated that they divide the month into four parts -according to the phases of the moon: _paik baleo_, the new moon, -_paik jouwar_, the first quarter, _paik plejif_, the waning of the -moon, and _paik imar_, the old moon[717]. It must not, of course, be -taken for granted that these phases are of equal length, as ours are. - -That the quadripartite division of the month should be practically -non-existent among primitive peoples is easily to be understood in -view of the considerations already mentioned. Unlike the halving it -is not based upon any very clearly distinguishable phases, nor is -there in the phases any such suggestion of a quadripartite division -as is offered for a tripartite. The shape of the moon on the 8th or -the 22nd day differs very little from that of the previous and the -following days, and does not constitute a turning-point like the -full moon. From the phases of the moon no quadripartite division can -arise: the brightest phase of all, the full moon, has an unnatural -position in such a division. It can only be understood as a halving -of the halves of the month, and this presupposes that the moon’s -variation in light is regarded as a unity and divided into parts. The -primitive peoples however start not with the abstract unity but with -the concrete phases, proceeding at first quite unsystematically, and -only subsequently combining them into a system. The quadripartite -division therefore is in its very nature a numerical system. That it -has penetrated so profoundly into our natures that even ethnological -scholars and travellers are not always able to get away from it, is -due to the connexion with the seven-day week, which is regarded as a -division of the month, and also to the fact that we so seldom take -any notice of the concrete phenomena of the heavens. - -The quadripartite division must therefore be described as not -original (the case is different when the time of the moon’s -invisibility is added as a fourth phase to the three already -mentioned). To the best of my knowledge it appears first in -Babylonia[718], and gains ground together with the _sabattu_, i. -e. the appointing of every seventh day of the month as tabooed: it -has become common among us on account of the seven-day week, which -was conceived as a division of the month. In reality the tripartite -division is also the natural one, since it arises from the concrete -phenomenon of the moon, and not from any division of the month -into parts consisting of a certain number of days. Here the full -moon takes its proper place, which it misses in the quadripartite -division. The limitation of the divisions to a definite number of -days is secondary throughout. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE MONTHS. - - -The (moon-)month has originally nothing to do with the year and the -seasons: this must be clearly and definitely recognised. The months -may be reckoned independently of the year; nothing hinders us from -counting up to twenty or a hundred months. But most peoples, before -they have developed a definite system of time-reckoning, can count -no farther than ten at most, and in the time-reckoning the counting -is of course always the latest and most abstract stage. Such an -enumeration of the months may commence at any point of the year and -be continued _ad libitum_; in relation to the year it is not fixed -but shifting. Both series, the years and the months, are enumerated -without reference to one another, as our days of the week in relation -to the year, the days of the week falling on different dates in -different years. - -The month however is a shorter period easy to survey, and such -divisions are necessary in order to split up the too long period of -the year. In itself the month has nothing to do with the year, nor -does it exactly fit into the year (12 × 29½, about 355 days). It is -impossible to combine the months with the year without doing violence -to the one or the other. The time-reckoning of the modern civilised -peoples has chosen this latter expedient. The month has become a -conventional sub-division of the year; it is quite independent of -the moon, and keeps as reminders of its origin only its name and a -length approximating to that of the moon’s revolution. This has come -about because the moon, unlike the sun and the seasons depending -thereon, has no immediate influence upon the events and occupations -of our lives. We have therefore come back from the reckoning in -moons to the purely solar year. It was quite otherwise with the -primitive peoples, whose time-reckoning was so concrete. For them -the moon afforded the only fixed measure of the duration of time: -its appearance impressed itself firmly upon the mind. These peoples -therefore, even at an advanced stage of development, have tried to -adjust the year by the moon, which could only be done by adopting -years of varying length, of 12 and 13 months respectively. How -this lunisolar reckoning has arisen, it will be the object of the -following chapters to investigate. I begin by setting forth the -somewhat copious material for series of months. - -For the peoples of North Asia I have hitherto been able to make -hardly any statements: the works are for the most part written in -Russian, and are for that reason inaccessible to me. For the names of -months, however, abundant material is accessible. - -The names given to the months by the Voguls, with variants -from the districts of Tawda, Konda, and middle and lower Loswa -(tributary of the Irtysh), are, beginning from Sept./Oct.:--1, -little autumn-hunting month, little autumn, autumn month; 2, great -autumn-hunting month, month of the naked trees, snow month; 3, -winter month; 4, month of light (lengthening of the days), winter -month; 5, ski month, the little winter month, wind month; 6, month -of the thawing snow-crust; 7, month of thaw, spawning month or -month of corn-sowing; 8, sap-in-firs month, ploughing month; 9, -sap-in-birches month; 10, middle-of-summer month; 11, month of the -young razor-bills, month of young water-fowl; 12, elk-running month. -According to Ahlqvist the midsummer month is distinguished as greater -or smaller. There must therefore, as is so often the case, be 13 -months. Three months, nos. 7, 9, and 11, seem to have no special -names in the Tawda district, but this is not very surprising[719]. - -Schiefner in particular has collected extremely full and detailed -lists of the names of the months among the various races of Siberia. -These lists I here reproduce. - -The Tchuvashes have the following thirteen months:--1, thank-offering -month, beginning in the middle of November; 2, very steep month; -3, month of little steepness; 4, spring month; 5, free month; 6, -sowing month; 7, summer month; 8, the maidens’ month; 9, hay month; -10, sickle month; 11, flax month; 12, threshing-floor month; 13, -grave-post month. The maidens’ month, which is said to owe its name -to the custom of celebrating marriages at that time, is also called -‘fallow-land month’; the ‘free’ month is so called because in it no -work is done in the fields; the ‘grave-post’ month takes its name -from the feast of the dead, which is then celebrated on the graves, -with gifts of every kind. - -The Ugric Ostiaks have 13 months:--1, spawning month, about April; -2, pine sap-wood month; 3, birch sap-wood month; 4, salmon-weir -month; 5, month of hay-harvest; 6, ducks-and-geese-go-away month; -7, naked tree month (falling of the leaves); 8, pedestrian month, -since men go home on foot while the ice still remains; 9, month in -which men go on horseback; 10, great, 11, little winter-ridge month; -12, wind month; 13, month of crows. Another list gives the following -months:--1, month in which the Obi dies (?), i. e. freezes; 2, month -in which tribute is imposed; 3, month of the little snow-crust, or -first spring month; 4, month of the great snow-crust; 5, month of -the unstable ice; 6, month when the syrok (a kind of salmon) comes; -7, middle-of-summer month; 8, cloudberry month; 9, month in which -the track (the road) of the Obi freezes, or first autumn month; 10, -month in which the Obi freezes; 11, month of the short days or of the -deceptive feet or of the dog’s feet; 12, month in which the tribute -is levied--only twelve months, therefore, but the list shews many -variants and does not seem to be in its right order, compare e. g. -months 1 and 10, referring to the same natural phenomenon, which in -the nature of things is impossible. - -The Yeneseisk Ostiaks:--1, summer month, about May; 2, not -translated; 3, month when the ducks moult; 4, month when the garrot -moults; 5, month in which the _njelma_ is caught with great nets; -6, month in which the willow loses its foliage; 7, winter month; 8, -month in which the earth freezes; 9, reindeer-rutting month; 10, -little month; 11, great month; 12, eagle month; 13, squirrel month, -in which the striped squirrel comes out of its nest. The Yeneseisk -Ostiaks of the Sym are said to count only seven winter months, not -the summer months. They are:--1, month in which the earth freezes; -2, reindeer-rutting month; 3, the little, 4, the great month; 5, -eagle month; 6, squirrel month; 7, spawning month, in which the pike -spawns. Another list gives:--1, fall-of-the-leaf month; 2, month in -which the earth begins to freeze; 3, dog month, in which the dogs -pair; 4, the little, 5, the great month; 6, eagle month; 7, squirrel -month; 8, spawning month; 9, month in which the Ostiaks set traps to -catch sturgeon; 10, summer month, when the grass becomes green; 11, -middle-of-summer month; 12, month in which the grass turns yellow, or -month of the white grass-tips; 13, autumn month. - -The Tatars of the Minusinsk district of the Yeneseisk government:--1, -the mild, easy month, or forest-month, since the people go hunting, -about September; 2, little cold; 3, great cold; 4, the mottled month, -bald patches of earth appear among the snow; 5, severe cold; 6, high, -when the sun moves high above the horizon; 7, when the birds fly out -in spring; 8, they (i. e. the days) increase; 9, the red month; 10, -(perhaps) little drought; 11, birch-bark month, when birch-bark is -collected; 12, grass month; 13, harvest month. There are also some -variants which are not translated. - -The Karagasses, who live next to the Minusinsk Tatars:--1, 1/5-4/6, -month of the low grass; 2, 4/6-2/7, birch-bark month, in which -birch-bark is collected, this being used for the summer houses; 3, -2/7-30/7, month in which the lily-bulb is red, i. e. blossoms; 4, -30/7-27/8, month in which the lily-bulb is dug up; 5, 27/8-24/9, -hammer month, when the cedar is tapped with the hammer in order to -shake down the ripe cones with the nuts; 6, 24/9-22/10, reindeer-buck -rutting month; 7, 22/10-19/11, sable month, when people begin to trap -sables; 8, 19/11-17/12, month of the long rest, such as is taken -during the short days; 9, 17/12-15/1, month of frost; 10, 15/1-12/2, -great frost-month; 11, 12/2-12/3, snow-shoe month, when over the -deep but rotting snow deer and elks are hunted in snow-shoes; 12, -12/3-9/4, month when the snow becomes sticky; 13, 3/4-7/5, month in -which people hunt with dogs; this is the time when, owing to the -night-frosts, a crust forms on the snow, which is not strong enough -to bear deer and elks. The dates given by the author can at most be -applied only to one definite year. - -The Buriats, from the new year:--1, month in which the brooks freeze; -2, when the winter stores are seen to; 3, roe moon; 4, deer moon; 5, -sheep moon; 6, when the ice breaks; 7, spring moon; 8, grass moon; -9, bulb moon; 10, milk moon; 11, milch moon; 12, when after-math -comes; 13, when it ripens; the first month is also called the white -month. The Nishne-Udinsk Buriats:--1, roe month, since in this month -horns grow on the roe; 2, deer month, when the deer is caught; 3, -ram month, when the sheep pair; 4, month of the red ridge of land, -when the snow melts and the mountains become red; 5, fish-spawning -month; 6, leek month; 7, the wild month, so called on account of the -fierce heat; 8, roe month, when the roes pair; 9, deer month, when -the deer pair; 10, squirrel month, since this animal is then caught; -11, the little sable month, sables are caught; 12, nest month, since -the animals, on account of the cold, creep into their dens and nests. -Only twelve months, therefore, as also among the Tunkinsk Buriats, -for whom are translated only:--1, the white month; 2, the red -mountain-ridge; 5, the wild month; 11, roe month; 12, deer month. - -The year of the Tunguses is divided into summer and winter. The names -of the months are:--Summer: 1, _ilaga_ (fly, gnat), in this the -leaves and the early blossoms come out; 2, _ilkun_, is the proper -flowering moon; 3, _irin_ (from _irim_, to ripen), the wild fruit -grows ripe; 4, _serula sanni_ (perhaps _sonnaja_, cervical vertebra), -in this month the red deer pair; 5, _hukterbi_, brings the red deer -new hair. Winter: 1, _okti_ (perhaps _okto_, road), when the first -snow falls: immediately after that the minever is good; 2, _mira_ -(shoulder-joint), has the shortest days; 3, _giraun_ (suggests -_giramda_, bone), has days of noticeably increasing length; 4, _okton -kira_ (time of the road), when the sables are covered; 5, _tura_ -(perhaps _turaki_, jackdaw), when the cormorants come; 6, _schonka_, -when the ice becomes porous; 7, the beginning of the _tukun_, in -which the rivers become clear: the last part of this period belongs -to the summer year. Our informant, Georgi, speaks of thirteen months, -but only gives the above twelve names. Schiefner conjectures that he -has counted _tukun_ twice, or else has run two months together. For -the Tunguses of the Sea of Okhotsk only twelve months are enumerated, -and of these are translated:--1, grass month; 3, fish-and-horse -month; 4, ripening month (?); 5, wrist; 6, elbow; 7, shoulder-joint; -8, atlas; nos. 5 to 11 are named from the joints of the human frame, -5-8 following out a suggestion of an ascending, 9-11 that of a -descending order; the name of the twelfth month perhaps means the -back. This is only one method of reckoning: a hint of it is already -found in the preceding list. For the Tunguses of the lower Amur -twelve months are reported, of which nos. 7-10 are simply numbered -and the other names are not explained. - -Another traveller could only discover eleven months among the -Tunguses of the Amur, possibly only because of the defective memory -of his informants. But a year of eleven months is said to exist among -the Samoyedes of Yurak. The months are:--1, month of leaf-fall, about -August; 2, reindeer-rutting month; 3, the dark month; 4, sand month, -when the winds drive the snow along like sand; 5, the calm month, no -storms; 6, the good month, the weather is favourable for trapping -animals; 7, eagle month; 8, geese month or month of calves; 9, month -of inundations; 10, spring month, literally _wuenui-jiry_, _wuenui_ -is said of fish when they come up-stream in great shoals; 11, the -great month, since the days (or the month) are very long. - -The Ostiak Samoyedes have 12 months:--1, leaf-fall month, about -August; 2, month with the long days, or month when the earth freezes; -3, month of the short days; 4, tax month, month when the tax (i. e. -the deer) is caught, or thumb month, since the women, on account of -the shortness of the days, can make only the thumb of a glove; 5, -mid-winter month; 6, month of crows, the crows come; 7, eagle month; -8, month in which the summer animals arrive; 9, month in which the -fish spawn; 10, month in which there is water in the little brooks; -11, month in which fish are dried; 12, _njelma_-month. Another list -of Samoyede months from the Bolshemelsk tundra runs, beginning at our -New Year:--1, middle month, or the cold breaks an axe, must doubtless -be ‘axe-handle month’, the axe-handle splits with the cold; 2, month -of return, when the sun has turned back to summer, or hornless month; -3, eagle month; 4, fish month, when people begin to fish in the -lakes; 5, month of calves, in which the reindeer-does calve; 6, geese -month, the geese begin to moult during the latter days of this month; -7, fledged month, the geese after moulting are again in a condition -to use their wings; 8, maliz month, when the skins obtained from the -reindeer are turned into malizes (an undergarment), or the reindeer -rub the velvet off their horns; 9, reindeer-rutting month, or -sea-fish month, from the catching of the _omulj_; 10, hunting month; -11, the first dark month, in which in the far north the sun does not -rise; 12, the great month of darkness. - -Further, the Yakuts have only twelve months:--1, spawning month; 2, -month of pines, the people collect pine-bark which is afterwards -dried and ground into meal; 3, grass month; 4, hay-fork month, or -the fourth month; 5-10 numbered; 11, the month in which the foals -are shut up in the day-time and are kept from the mares, so that the -latter can be milked; 12, month in which the ice floats away. - -So also the Itälmen of Kamchatka:--Summer year, beginning in May: -1, wood-cock month, from the arrival of the wood-cock; 2, cuckoo -month; 3, summer month; 4, moonlight month, since people begin to -fish in the moonlight; 5, leaves and plants begin to wither and fall -away; 6, titmouse month, the porus-titmouse appears. The winter year -begins with:--7, nettle month, the nettles are gathered and hung up -to dry; 8, ‘I am rather cold’; 9, ‘touch me not’: it is considered a -crime to drink in this month from springs and brooks with the mouth -or with hollow sticks: it must be done with great wooden spoons or -with shells; 10, ladder month, the ladder leading to the balagans -becomes very brittle owing to the cold; 11, vent-hole month, since -the snow around the vent-hole thaws and the earth again appears; -12, water-wagtail month, when these birds arrive. Two other lists -for Kamchatka contain only ten months. Near the Kamchatka River the -names are:--1, sin-purifying month; 2, axe-handles break owing to the -frost; 3, beginning of the heat (_sic!_); 4, the day becomes long; -5, month of the snow-crust; 6, redfish month; 7, whitefish month; 8, -_kaiko_-fish month; 9, the great whitefish month; 10, month of the -falling leaves, said to last as long as three of our months. Among -the northern Kamchadales the names are:--1, month of the freezing of -the rivers; 2, hunting month; 3, sin-purifying month; 4, axe-handles -burst; 5, time of the long day; 6, birth-time of the sea-beavers; -7, birth-time of the seals; 8, birth-time of the tame reindeer; 9, -birth-time of the wild reindeer; 10, beginning of the fishing. The -winter year begins in November, the summer year in May. - -For the Gilyaks two lists are given, each with twelve months. That -for the Amur estuary has two or three variants for some months. The -following are translated:--1, month in which a kind of salmon spawns -(?), or harpoon month (?); 2, month in which another species of -salmon is caught; 3, little month; 4, great month, or month in which -another kind of salmon is caught; 5, moulting-month; 6, half-year -month (?); 8, year month; 9, eagle month; 10, snow-shovel month. On -the island of Sachalin:--3, fish-and-squirrel month; 4, little month; -5, great month; 10, eagle month; 11, snow-shovel month. - -The Aino of the Kurile Islands:--1, long days; 2, the snow melts; 3, -coalmouse month; 4, sea-gull’s eggs month; 5, guillemot’s eggs month; -6, foddering month; 7, salmon-catching month; 8, month when the birds -grow fat, or bird-snaring month; 9, the grass withers, or month when -the grass is withered; 10, month of the short days; 11, winter month; -12, the-snow-fills-up. - -The Aleuts begin the year in March:--1, the foremost, or the time -when people gnaw belts; 2, the period when people gnaw belts for the -last time, or the time when one is out there (outside the house); 3, -month of flowers; 4, young-of-animals month; 5, month when the young -animals are fat; 6, the warm month; 7, month in which hair grows, -when the feathers and coats of animals grow thick; 8, hunting-month; -9, the month after hunting-month; 10, sea-lion month, when these -animals are caught; 11, the great month, which is longer than any of -the others; 12, cormorant month, when this bird is caught in nets. - -Unfortunately the attention paid to these names has not been extended -to the word which means ‘month’. It would be valuable to know if -the same word means ‘moon’: if so, it would be clearly proved that -a moon-month is in question. Except in the lists for the Minusinsk -Tatars and the Tunguses the names end with the same word, which is -translated ‘month’, and in one case (the Buriats) ‘moon’, but this is -doubtless a peculiarity due to the authority; however, isolated names -are interspersed which have not this concluding word, as appears -also from the above translations. The number of days indicated in -the list pp. 176 f. suits only to moon-months. Upon the whole we are -authorised in concluding that we have to do with genuine moon-months. -This is expressly stated by American travellers, to whom we owe -further information about the peoples of eastern Siberia. - -The year of the Koryak, north of Kamchatka, is divided into twelve -lunar months (called ‘moons’). The first month begins at the time -of the winter solstice and corresponds to our December. Some months -have different names in different places, but the names of the -months most commonly used are as follows:--1, cold-winds month or -snow-storms month; 2, (growing-of-)the-reindeer’s-spinal-sinew -month; 3, false-making-udder month or reindeer-udder month[720]; 4, -reindeer-does’-calving month; 5, water-month; 6, first summer-month; -7, second summer-month; 8, reddening (of leaves) month; 9, -pairing-season-of-the-reindeer-bucks month or empty (bare)-twigs -month; 10, autumn’s month; 11, rutting-season-of-mountain-sheep -month; 12, itself-head month or month-of-the-head-itself[721]. - -The Yukaghir names for their lunar months are given in -translation:--1 (July), the middle-of-the-summer month; 2, the small -mosquito month, because the mosquitoes appear; 3, the fish month, -because fishing is then taking place for the winter stock; 4, the -wild-reindeer buck month, the rutting-time of the wild reindeer; 5, -the autumn month; 6, before-the-ridge month; 7, ridge month, i. e. -the ridge of the spinal column--because in reckoning this month is -denoted by the atlas, the first cervical vertebra--, or the great -butterfly month; 8, the little butterfly month; here are meant the -larvae of two species of gadfly which in summer lay their eggs, one -in the skin of the reindeer, and the other in its nostril: during -the winter the eggs develop into larvae; 9, name not translated; 10, -the ancient men _cille_ month: _cille_ means the icy surface formed -during the night on the snow, after having melted during the day: -this commences in April; 11, leaf-month; 12, the mosquito month, -because the mosquito makes its appearance then[722]. - -The same system recurs in North America. The Eskimos of the Behring -Straits divide up the time according to the moon: by the ‘moons’ -all time is reckoned during the year, and dates are set in advance -for certain festivals and rites. Thirteen moons are reckoned to -the year, although our authority could not always obtain complete -series. The list is arranged according to our months:--1, ‘to turn -about’, named from a game with a top; 2, time when the first seals -are born; 3, time of creeping on game (refers to the seal-hunting -on the ice); 4, time of cutting off, from the appearance of sharp -lines of colour on the ptarmigan’s body; 5, time for going in -kayaks; 6, time for fawn-hunting; 7, the time when geese get new -wing-feathers (moulting); 8, time for brooding geese to moult; 9, -time for velvet-shedding (from horns of reindeer); 10, time for -setting seal-nets; 11, time for bringing in winter stores; 12, time -of the drum, the month when the winter festival begins. Very often -several different names may be used to designate the same moon, if -it should chance to be at a season when different occupations or -notable occurrences in nature are observed: our authority has used -the most common terms. For the lower Yukon delta, near Mission, the -following list is drawn up:--1, season for top-spinning and running -round the _kashim_; 2, time of offal-eating (scarcity of food), or -the cold moon; 3, time of opening the upper passage-ways into the -houses (this falls too early and is referred to an earlier, warmer -time); 4, birds come; 5, geese come; 6, time of eggs; 7, time of -salmon; 8, time for red salmon; 9, time for young geese to fly; 10, -time for shedding velvet from reindeer-horns; 11, mush-ice forms; 12, -time of musk-rats; 13, time of the feast. A third list was obtained -just south of the Yukon delta:--1, named from the game of the top; 2, -the time of much moon, i. e. long nights; 3, the time of taking hares -in nets; 4, the time of opening summer doors; 5, arrival of geese; -6, time of whitefish; 7, time of braining salmon; 8, geese moult; 9, -swans moult; 10, the flying away (migration of the birds); 11, time -of velvet-shedding; the names of the twelfth, and doubtless also of -the thirteenth, month were not obtained[723]. - -The Central Eskimos divide the year into 13 months, the names of -which vary very much according to the tribes and the latitude of -the place. One month, _siringilang_, ‘without sun’--the name covers -the whole period of the year in which the sun does not rise--is of -indeterminate length (_sic!_), and thereby serves to equalise the -length of the year. The name _qaumartenga_ denotes only the days -which are without sun but have twilight, the rest of this month is -called _sirinektenga_; other names of months are not given[724]. The -Eskimos of Greenland begin to count the moons at the winter solstice. -After the third moon they remove from the winter houses into their -summer tents. In the fourth they know that the little birds are again -to be seen and that the ravens lay eggs, in the fifth the _angmasset_ -and the seals are once more to be seen with their young, at the end -of this month the eider-ducks begin to brood and the reindeer-does -to calve. From this time on, only those who live on latitude 59° can -reckon by the moon any longer: the others count by the phenomena of -natural life[725]. - -The Konyag of the island of Kodiak off the southern coast of Alaska -count from August the following months:--1, the Pleiades begin to -rise; 2, Orion rises; 3, hoar-frost covers the grass; 4, snow appears -on the mountains; 5, the rivers and lakes freeze; 6, the sixth month; -7, dried fish is cut in pieces; 8, the ice breaks; 9, the ravens lay -eggs; 10, the birds (e. g. ducks etc.) which stay about the island in -winter lay eggs; 11, the seals pair; 12, the porpoises pair[726]. For -the Thlinkit two lists are given, the first, from Sitka, beginning -with August:--1, takes its name because all birds then come down from -the mountains; 2, ‘small moon’ or ‘moon-child’, so called because -fish and berries then begin to fail; 3, ‘big moon’, because the first -snow then appears, and bears begin to get fat; 4, month when people -have to shovel snow away from their doors; 5, month when every animal -on land and in the water begins to have hair in the mother’s womb; -6, ‘goose month’, because it is that in which the sun starts back -and people begin to look for geese; 7, ‘black-bear month’, the month -when black and brown bears begin to have cubs and throw them out -into the snow; 8, the month when ‘sea-flowers’ and all other things -under the sea begin to grow; 9, ‘real-flower month’, when flowers, -nettles, etc. begin to shew life; 10, ‘tenth month’, when people -know that everything is going to grow; 11, ‘eleventh month’, the -month of salmon; 12, ‘month when everything is born’; 13, ‘month when -everything born commences to fatten’. The second list, from Wrangel, -begins with January:--1, ‘goose month’, perhaps so called because -the geese were then all at the south; 2, ‘black-bear month’, the -month when the black bear turns over on the other side in his den; 3, -‘silver-salmon month’: the reason of the name is unknown, this is not -their proper month; 4, ‘month before everything hatches’; 5, ‘month -when everything hatches’; 6, meaning unknown; 7, ‘month when the -geese cannot fly’; 8, ‘month when all animals prepare their dens’; -9, ‘moon child’ or ‘young moon’; 10, ‘big moon’; 11, ‘moon when all -creatures go into their dens’; 12, ‘ground-hog-mother’s moon’; the -thirteenth month is missing[727]. The author’s report consists in -part of extremely doubtful explanations of the natives, and the -whole seems hardly to be in order: here, as everywhere, the memory of -the old names of the months has begun to fade away. The type to which -the list belongs, however, is well known. - -Among the Shuswap of British Columbia the months have two classes of -names. They are called ‘the first month’ etc., or have recognised -names derived from some characteristic. The names among the -Fraser River division, and their special characteristics, are as -follows:--1, or ‘going-in time’. People commence to enter their -winter houses. The deer rut. 2, or (name not translated). First real -cold. 3, or (d:o). Sun turns. 4, or ‘spring (winds) month’. Frequent -Chinook winds. The snow begins to disappear. 5, or ‘(little) summer -(month)’. Snow disappears completely from the lower grounds. A few -spring roots are dug, and many people leave their winter houses at -the end of the month. 6, or (name not translated). Snow disappears -from the higher ground. The grass grows fast. People dig roots. -7, or ‘midsummer (month)’. People fish trout at the lakes. 8, or -‘getting-ripe month’. Service-berries ripen. 9, or ‘autumn month’. -Salmon arrive. 10, or (name not translated). People fish salmon all -month. 11, or (d:o). People cache their fish and leave the rivers to -hunt. Balance of the year, ‘fall time’. People hunt and trap game in -the mountains[728]. - -The moons used by the Spences Bridge band of the Thompson Indians -in the same country, and their principal characteristics, are:--1, -the deer rut, and people hunt. 2, ‘going-in time’, so named because -most people went into their winter houses during this month. The -weather begins to get cold, and the people go into their winter -houses. 3, bucks shed their antlers, and does become lean. 4, -‘spring (winds) time’, so named because Chinook winds generally -blow in this month, melting all the snow. The weather improves, and -the spring plants begin to sprout. The people come out of their -winter houses. 5, ‘coming-forth time’, so named because the people -come forth from their winter houses in this month, although many -came out in the fourth month. The grass grows. 6, the people catch -trout with dip-nets, and begin to go to the lakes to trap fish. The -trees put forth leaves, and the waters increase. 7, the people dig -roots. 8, ‘they are a little ripe’. The deer drop their young, and -service-berries begin to ripen. 9, ‘middle time’, so named because -of the summer solstice. The sun returns, and all berries ripen. Some -of the people hunt. 10, ‘first of run’, first or ‘nose’ of ascending -fish. The sockeye or red salmon run. 11, the Next Moon, or ‘(poor) -fish’, ‘they reach the source’. The cohoes or silver salmon come, and -the salmon begin to get poor. They reach the sources of the rivers. -12, the Rest of the Year, or ‘fall time’. The people trap and hunt, -and the bucks begin to run[729]. - -The Lower Thompsons also called the months by numerals up to ten -or sometimes eleven, the remainder of the year being called the -autumn. Their names are as follows:--1, the rutting-time of deer. -2, ‘going-in’. People go into their winter houses. 3, ‘the last -going-in’. 4, ‘little coming-out’, ‘spring or warm wind’. Alternate -cold and warm winds. Some people camp out in lodges for a time. 5, -‘going-in-again’. Last cold. People go into winter houses again for -a short time. 6, ‘coming-out’. Winter houses left for good. People -catch fish in bag-nets. 7, people go on short hunts. 8, people pick -berries. 9, people commence to fish salmon. 10, people fish and cure -salmon. 11, or ‘to boil food a little’, so named because people -prepared fish-oil. Autumn. People hunt large game and go trapping. -The moons are grouped in five seasons[730]. The names of the Lillooet -Indians are similar, eleven moons and the rest of the year, the -fall[731]. - -From the Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island series have been obtained for -four different tribes, the first and second tribes having identical -names for the months 2-8 and 10. The author states that the knowledge -of the moons seems to be disappearing, and that it was difficult to -obtain quite satisfactory evidence: consequently he does not claim -that his arrangement is perfectly accurate. As a matter of fact some -confusion seems to have crept into the series. The names of the -months, corresponding to our March onwards, are as follows:-- - - I II III IV - - 1. Raspberry- | Tree- | Under (elder | No sap in - sprouting | sprouting| brother). | trees(?) - season, or | season. | | - olachen- | | | - fishing | | | - season. | | | - | | - 2. Raspberry season. | Next one under | Raspberry season. - | (elder brother).| - | | - 3. Huckleberry season. | Trying-oil moon. | Huckleberry season. - | | - 4. Sallalberry season. | Sockeye moon (?) | Sallalberry season. - | | - 5. Season of ? | Between good | South-east - | and bad weather.| wind moon. - | | - 6. Past (i. e. empty) | Raspberry season.| Sockeye moon. - boxes (?) | | - | | - 7. Wide-face. | Eldest brother. | Elder brother. - | | - 8. Round one underneath,| Right moon (?) | Under (elder - i. e. Moon after | | brother). - Wide-face. | | - | | - 9. Dog-salmon | Season of?| Sweeping houses, | Pile-driving - month. | | i. e. for winter| moon. - | | ceremonial. | - | | | - 10. Cleaned, i. e. of | Staying in | Fish-in-river - leaves. | dance house (?) | moon. - | | | - 11. Spawning | Season of | Spawning season. | (?) - season. | flood(?) | | - | | | - 12. First- | Near to | Elder brother. | Nothing on it (?) - olachen- | olachen- | | - run moon. | fishing | | - | season. | | - -Between the tenth and twelfth the author inserts the winter solstice, -and says that the solstice moons are called by a name which probably -means ‘split both ways’: he adds that the readjustment is made in -mid-winter[732]. - -Of the Siciatl of British Columbia it is said that they divide the -year into twelve parts corresponding approximately to our months: -in these divisions the moon seems to play a very subordinate part. -In fact they are to be described as seasons, since to their names -is prefixed the same word, _tem_, as to the three main seasons, e. -g. _tem tcim_, ‘cold time’, winter, _tem kaikq_, eagle-time, 1, -January, so called because, as it is asserted, the eagle hatches -its eggs at this time. Further:--2, time when the big fish lay -their eggs; 3, budding time; 4, time of the _lem_, an unidentified -bird of passage which remains about a month; 5, time of the diver, -which in this month builds its nest and lays eggs; 6, ‘salmon-berry’ -time; 7, ‘red-cap’ time, a kind of raspberry; 8, sallalberry time; -9, time when the fish stop running; 10, time when the leaves fade; -11, time when the fish leave the streams; 12, time when the raven -lays his eggs[733]. However these divisions are doubtless originally -moon-months, as is suggested by the number twelve. Probably the -native time-reckoning has fallen into decay and been forgotten -under European influence. This is everywhere the case, especially -in regard to the moon-month. The Stselis of the same district begin -the year in autumn at October, and name the months as follows:--1, -spring-salmon spawning season; 2, dog-salmon spawning season; 3, -dancing season; 4, season for putting paddles away--from which they -number from 5 to 10. The time between July and October was denoted -by a word which means the coming together or meeting of the two -ends of the year. The latter part of this division was also known -as the time of the dying salmon, since the creeks were at this time -full of dead and dying salmon[734]. This list of months is curious, -but its peculiarities--the ceasing of the counting at ten,--and -even the naming of the first four months--are to be found among the -Romans[735]. However it bears so little resemblance to all the other -lists known to us from this district that it becomes doubtful whether -it is original or a product of decay. - -The name Piskwaus or Piscous is given to a small tribe that lives on -the little river which falls into the Columbia about 40 miles below -Fort Okanagon. Their months, obtained from a chief, shew that their -habits are much the same as those of their neighbours, the Salish, -for the names of many of the months have reference to some of their -most important usages. One of the chiefs (viz. of the Piskwaus) -made only twelve names, while the other (of the Salish) reckoned -thirteen. Both had some difficulty in calling to mind all the names. -In several the Piskwau chief is one moon ahead of the other, which -may arise from a mistake or possibly from some slight difference of -seasons at the two places. The list begins at the time of the winter -solstice:--1, not translated; 2, ‘cold’; 3, a certain herb; 4, ‘snow -gone’; 5, a bitter root; 6, ‘going to root-ground’; 7, _camass_-root; -8, ‘hot’; 9, ‘gathering berries’; 10, ‘exhausted salmon’; 11, ‘dry’; -12 (missing in the Piskwau list) ‘house-building’; 13, ‘snow’[736]. - -The naming of the months from seasons (in the sense of chapter II) is -wide-spread over the whole of North America; only under the curious -civilisation of Arizona and neighbouring districts does the system -present special features. - -The Creek Indians began the year immediately after the celebration of -the _busk_ or ripening of the new corn, in August. The moons are:--1, -big ripening; 2, little, and 3, big chestnut; 4, falling leaf; 5, big -winter; 6, little winter, or big winter’s young brother; 7, windy; -8, little, and 9, big spring; 10, mulberry moon; 11, blackberry -moon; 12, little ripening moon[737]. An early French author relates -of certain tribes in Nouvelle France (western Canada) that they -divide the year into twelve moons which are named from animals but -correspond to our months. January and February are the first and the -second moons in which the bear brings forth its young, March is the -moon of the carp, April that of the crane, May that of the maize, -June the moon in which the bustard moults, July the month of the -rutting of bears, August the rutting-time of bulls, September the -rutting-time of deer, October that of elks, November the rutting-time -of the roebuck, December the moon in which the roe sheds its horns. -The tribes who live by the sea call September the moon in which -the trout spawn, October the moon of the whitefish, November that -of the herring; to the other moons they give the same names as the -inhabitants of the interior[738]. - -Another traveller at the end of the 18th century relates of the Sioux -and Chippewa that they divide the year into twelve moon-months to -which from time to time an extra month, known as the lost month, is -added. March is the first month of the year, and begins as a rule -at the new moon after the spring equinox: it is called the moon of -the worms, since the worms then leave their holes under the bark of -trees or the other places where they have been hiding during the -winter, April is the moon of the plants, May, the moon of flowers, -June, the warm moon, July, the moon of the roe-buck, August, the moon -of the sturgeon, which are then caught in great numbers, September -is the moon of the maize, since it is then reaped, October is the -moon of journeys, since the people leave the villages and depart to -the district in which they intend to hunt in the winter, November, -beaver’s moon, since this animal then goes back into its lodge after -having collected winter stores, December, hunting-moon, January, cold -moon, February, snow moon, because most snow falls in that month[739]. - -A fairly contemporary account of the tribes of Pennsylvania -runs:--The months have each a separate name, but not the same name -among all tribes, since the names refer chiefly to the climate of the -district, and the benefits and good things enjoyed in it. Thus the -Lenope, who lived by the Atlantic Ocean, called March the month of -shads, since the shad then came up from the sea into the rivers to -spawn; but since in the district to which they afterwards migrated -this fish is not found, they changed the name of the month and called -it the juice-dripping or the sugar-refining month, since at this -time the juice of the sugar-maple begins to flow. April is called -the spring month, May, the month of plants, June, ‘deer half-month’, -or the month in which the deer bring forth their young, or also the -month in which the hair of the deer is reddish, July, the summer -month, August, corn-ear month, since the ears of corn (cobs of maize) -can then be roasted and eaten, September, autumn month, October, -gathering or harvest month, December, hunting month, which is the -time when all deer have shed their horns, January, mouse and squirrel -month, since these animals then come out of their holes, February, -month of frogs, since on warm days the frogs begin to make themselves -heard. The translator adds in a note:--November, hunting month, -December, month in which the stags shed their horns[740]. Some tribes -give to January a name which signifies ‘the return of the sun to -them’, probably because the days once more become longer. The names -are therefore not the same for all tribes, and those of the Moonsey, -a tribe of the Delaware, do not even agree with one another[741]. - -The following is very instructive both for the influence of the -natural phenomena upon the terminology and for the fluctuating -character of the terminology itself:--The wild rice is an important -article of food for the tribes of the west by the Great Lakes; -three important branches of the Algonquin, and also smaller -tribes, name one or two months from this plant. The Ojibwa call -August or September the moon of the gathering of wild rice, or -the wild rice moon; the Ottawa, Menomini, and Potawatomi have the -wild-rice-gathering moon, which among the last-named corresponds to -the end of September and the beginning of October; the Dakota call -September ‘ripe rice moon’, October is the moon in which the wild -rice is gathered and laid up for the winter; according to Neill, -September is the moon when the rice is laid up to dry, October the -‘drying-rice moon’; according to Long, September is ‘the beginning’, -October ‘the end of wild rice’; according to Atwater September is -‘the moon when the wild rice is ripe’[742]. - -A list of the Dakota months gives:--January, the hard moon; February, -the raccoon moon; March, the sore-eye moon; April, the moon in which -the geese lay eggs, or when the streams are navigable,--among the -Teton, moon when the ducks come back; May, the planting moon; June, -the moon when the strawberries are red,--Teton, when the seed-pods -of the Indian turnip mature, or when the _wipazoha_ (berries) are -good; July, the moon when the choke-cherries are ripe, or when the -geese shed their feathers,--Teton, the deer-rutting moon; August, the -harvest moon,--Teton, the moon when the plums are red; September, the -moon when rice is laid up to dry,--Teton, moon in which the leaves -become brown; October, the drying-rice moon,--Teton, moon when the -wind shakes off the leaves, or corn-harvest moon; November, the -deer-rutting moon,--Teton, the winter moon; December, the moon when -the deer shed their horns,--Teton, the midwinter moon[743]. - -Some of the tribes of the Cheyenne name twelve moons in the year, -but many tribes have not more than six; and different bands of the -same tribe, if occupying widely separated sections of the country, -will have different names for the same moon. Knowing well the habits -of the animals, and having roamed over vast areas, they readily -recognise any special moon that may be mentioned, even though their -name for it may be different. One of the nomenclatures used by the -Teton-Sioux and the Cheyenne, beginning with the moon just before -winter, is as follows:--1, moon when the leaves fall off; 2, when -the buffalo cow’s foetus is getting large; 3, when the wolves run -together; 4, when the skin of the foetus of the buffalo commences to -colour; 5, when the hair gets thick on the buffalo foetus, called -also ‘men’s month’, or ‘hard month’; 6, the sore-eye moon, buffalo -cows drop their calves; 7, moon when the ducks come; 8, moon when -the grass commences to get green and some roots are fit to be eaten; -9, moon when the corn is planted; 10, when the buffalo bulls are -fat; 11, when the buffalo cows are in season; 12, when the plums get -red[744]. - -The Omaha name the moons as follows, from January on:--1, when the -snow drifts into the tents of the Honga; 2, the moon when geese come -home (back); 3, the little frog moon; 4, the moon in which nothing -happens; 5, the moon in which they plant; 6, the buffalo bulls hunt -the cows; 7, when the buffalo bellow; 8, when the elk bellow; 9, -when the deer paw the earth; 10, when the deer rut; 11, when the -deer shed their antlers; 12, when little black bears are born. -The Oto and Iowa tribes use the same names for the months, except -for January, which is called ‘the raccoon month’[745]. The Kiowa -have twelve months, but some writers give 14 or 15, the names of -which are repetitions of the others. As to the first eight all are -unanimous, for the ninth all informants but one are in agreement, -for the following there is disagreement. The list, which begins -in Sept.-Oct., comes from an Indian specially well versed in the -calendar. 1, the ‘ten-colds moon’: the first ten days are cold, -after the full moon winter and the new year begin; 2, ‘wait until -I come’ (_äganti_ without the word _p’a_, ‘moon’); 3, ‘geese-going -moon’, sometimes ‘sweathouse moon’; 4, ‘real-goose moon’; 5, -‘little-bud moon’, the first buds come out: the first half belongs -to winter, the second to spring; 6, ‘bud moon’, sometimes with -‘great’ prefixed; 7, ‘leaf moon’; 8, summer _äganti_: its full moon -forms the boundary between spring and summer; 9, ‘summer-geese-going -moon’, seems to be placed too late; 10, ‘summer-real-goose moon’; -11, ‘little-moon-of-deer-horns-dropping-off’, the deer begin to shed -their horns; 12, similarly named, or sometimes with the addition of -‘great’: with this full moon autumn begins[746]. The year of the -Pawnee varied between 12 and 13 months; the names are not given[747], -nor are those of the Klamath and Modok[748], or of the Occaneechi -of Virginia[749]. The Bannock call the earlier months:--1, running -season for game; 2, big moon; 3, black smoke (it is cold); 4, -bare-spots-along-the-trail (the snow vanishes in places); 5, little -grass, or the grass first comes up; for the months of the warm season -they have no names[750]. For the Mandan there is a list with twelve -months, which I have been unable to obtain: the ‘seven-cold-days’ -month, the pairing month, and the ‘sore eye’ month are quoted[751]. - -The Seminole of Florida count 12 months, only the following names are -translated:--1, little winter; 2, wind moon; 3, big wind moon; 4, -little, and 5, big mulberry moon; 12, big winter. 7 and 8, 9 and 10 -are also paired, the latter in each case being described as ‘big’; -6 and 11 have single names[752]. The Chocktaw of Louisiana have -forgotten their names, only a few could be enumerated:--December, -cold moon; February, moon of snow; March, moon of wind; April, -corn(-planting) moon; July, moon of fire. The women asserted that -the year was divided into twelve moons, but our authority thinks it -highly probable that thirteen is the correct number[753]. The Natchez -had 13 months, and celebrated at each new moon a feast which took -its name from the principal fruits gathered or the animals hunted in -the previous month. Their year began in March. 1, moon of the deer; -2, moon of the strawberries, which are then gathered; 3, moon of the -little corn: this was often awaited with impatience, their harvest -of the great corn never sufficing to nourish them from one harvest -to another; 4, moon of the water-melons; 5, moon of the peaches; 6, -moon of the mulberries; 7, moon of the maize, or great corn; 8, moon -of the turkeys, which at that time come out from the thick woods into -the open woods; 9, moon of the bison, which are then hunted; 10, moon -of the bears; 11, moon of the cold meal; 12, moon of the chestnuts, -although these have long since been collected; 13, moon of the nuts -(which is added to complete the year). The nuts are crushed and mixed -with flour to make bread[754]. - -The tribes of Arizona, among whom religion and ceremonial rites -have attained a pre-eminent place, occupy a special position; their -time-reckoning has developed into a ceremonial year. However the -natural foundation peeps through. Among the Hopi thirteen names -with the addition _mü’iyawu_, ‘moon’, are given, so that genuine -moon-months must be implied. The second part of _ücü_, October, is -said to be called _tü’hoe_; if this is recognised as a month, there -are 14 of them. Several of the priests say that there are 13 months, -others 12, still others 14. It is to be noted that the seasons and -the festivals are determined by observation of the sun in relation -to certain terrestrial marks; of these sun-points there are 13. The -names of the months are not translated: several recur, but not in -the same order, 1 = 8, 2 = 10, 5 to 7 = 11 to 13. But it is stated -also that the months are divided into ‘named’ and ‘nameless’[755]. -The Zuñi divide the year into two seasons, each consisting of six -months. The months are:--December, turning or looking back (of the -sun); January, limbs of trees broken by snow; February, no snow in -the road; March, little wind month; April, big wind month; May, no -name. The same names are said to recur in the second half-year![756] -This can only be an entirely conventional arrangement. But according -to other sources the six later months, though called ‘the nameless’, -have ritualistic names (Yellow, Blue, Red, White, Variegated, Black) -derived from the colours of the prayer-sticks offered up at every -full moon to the gods of the north, west, south, east, zenith, and -nadir, who are represented by these colours[757]. The Pima have 12 -months. Two different lists from two natives are given. (I):--1, -saguaro harvest moon; 2, rainy; 3, short planting; 4, dry grass; -5, winter begins; 6, yellow; 7, leaves falling; 8, cottonwood -flowers; 9, cottonwood leaves; 10, mesquite leaves; 11, mesquite -flower; 12, black seeds on saguaros. (II):--1, wheat harvest moon; -2, saguaro harvest; 3, rainy; 4, short planting; 5, dry grass; 6, -windy; 7, smell; 8, big winter; 9, gray; 10, green; 11, yellow; -12, strong[758]. The names of colours recur, but seem here to have -reference to the seasons. That the wheat culture has been newly -introduced does not by any means imply that the series of months is -of recent origin, but only points to the familiar instability of -their names. - -For South America I find in the literature accessible to me no -names of months recorded, except for the Inca people alone. Their -series of months, which is collected from various sources, runs -(beginning about January):--1, small growing moon; 2, great growing -moon; 3, flower-growing moon; 4, twin-ears moon; 5, harvest moon; 6, -breaking-soil moon; 7, irrigation moon; 8, sowing moon; 9, moon of -the Moon-feast; 10, moon of the Feast of the province of Uma; 11, -moon of the Feast of the province of Ayamarca; 12, moon of the Great -Feast of the Sun. The ceremonies in connexion with this last festival -were made to approximate to the moon’s phases, the various stages -commencing with the ninth day, full moon, and the 21st day[759]. -Nowadays the ability to bring the lunar year into agreement with the -solar is usually denied to this people, although older writers have -claimed this knowledge for them[760]. This is naturally correct, in -so far as a leapyear cycle is meant; but it seems to me unlikely that -the Inca people was unable to bring the moon-months into their proper -position in the year by an occasional intercalation of a thirteenth -month, when this became necessary. The not nearly so highly civilised -Indians of North America could do this, and the Incas observed -the solstices. The first eight names alone shew that. Perhaps the -other months, as among certain tribes of N. American Indians, were -originally nameless (it was no doubt the time when there was no work -in the fields); that the names are of late origin is shewn by the -reference to various provinces of the kingdom. The tribes of Bolivia -also have moon-months[761], and among the Orinoco Indians months are -mentioned[762]. The Karaya of Central Brazil know that the year has -13 full moons[763]. - -In Africa the lists of months are not so numerous as in the parts of -the world hitherto mentioned. There are however plenty of them, and -that not among the peoples most deeply influenced by civilisation: -among such peoples the Islamite months have gained admission. In -Morocco, southern Algeria, and even in the Sudan the Julian months -are also found. The examples of a reckoning in months which relates -to the seasons come from South and Central Africa, and therefore from -the districts which have been more free from foreign influence. - -The Hottentot series of months has fallen into decay. I reproduce -the list of Schulze, who mentions another in Kroenlein, _Wortschatz -der Khoi-Khoin_ (Berlin, 1899), which has only nine names. His -February corresponds to Schulze’s January; only in the position of -the name for July, which Schulze claims for October, do the two -lists differ considerably. The list, the positions of the months, -and other statements come from an old Hottentot woman. The author -however could not be quite sure that the ideas of the whites had not -already influenced the number of months and their succession. The -month begins when the crescent of the moon appears in the western -sky. 1 (corresponds to about January), moon which follows upon the -_salsola_-bush, which is an important pasture-bush and has its -principal flowering-season in spring; 2, not translated; 3, when it -begins to be cold; 4, by older Hottentots explained as the month -of increasing cold: when one sits so near the fire that the legs -blister; 5, the black month, time of drought, the black branches -of the stripped bushes give the landscape this character; 6, not -translated; 7, month of the Pleiades, which become visible in the -latter half of June, and are of importance for the natives journeying -in quest of _tsama_; 8, not translated; 9, the month when the leaves -are curled up by the cold; 10 and 11, not translated; 12, named from -the fact that when, after the first productive rains upon the old and -withered grass, the fresh young green shoots up, the meadows appear -to be dappled[764]. - -For the Basuto a native gives the following list:--1, _phato_ = -August, begins the year; 2, _loetse_, from _loetsa_, ‘to anoint -wounds with fat, syringe the ear’, since the winter is broken and a -little warmth comes; 3, _mphalane_, _mphalane ’a leshoma_, _leshoma_ -a kind of bulb which at that time begins to sprout, perhaps from -_liphalana_, to glitter, the sun glitters, does not warm, or because -of the girl-circumcision, which is announced by means of the blowing -of _liphalana_-flutes by the old women who perform the operation; 4, -_pulungoana_, diminutive of _pulumo_, gnu, which at this time brings -forth its young; 5, _tsitoe_, grasshopper, which is especially to -be heard at this time; 6, _pherekong_, perhaps ‘interjoin sticks’; -7, _tlhakola_ = _hlakola_, to wipe off, _tlhakola molula_, to wipe -off the _molula_: _molula_ is the stage at which the _mabele_ grain -is still completely enveloped in the husk: now the grains shoot -forth and the _molula_ disappear, _molula_ also means a kind of -grass which is used in basket-work; 8, _tlhakubele_, from _thlaku_, -grains: therefore:--the _mabele_ plant has grains; 9, _’mesa_, _’mesa -tseleng_, kindling fire by the roadside, as is done by those who -drive away the birds from the fields, either to warm themselves or to -roast ears of corn; 10, _motseanong_, i. e. ‘bird-laugher’, since the -grains are by now so firmly fixed in the ears that the birds cannot -get them; 11, _phupjoane_, from _phupu_, ‘beginning to swell’, with -reference to a kind of bulb; 12, _phuphu_, ‘bulging out’, i. e. bulbs -and the stems of some hardy plants[765]. - -Of the Caffres we are told:--They count in the year only twelve -months, and for these they have names: the result is frequent -confusion and difference of opinion as to which month it really is. -There is, for example, the month of the cuckoo, when this bird is -first heard, the month of the erythusia, when this plant blossoms, -the month of much dust, mid-winter. The names of the moons are more -or less descriptive of the season, e. g. _newaba_, green, describes -the first appearance of the vegetation; _furnfu_, September, cattle -licking green grass; _zibandhlela_, October, footpaths being covered -with grass; _hlolange_, January, time to look for first-fruits; -_hlangula_, May, time of falling leaves[766]. Unfortunately the -complete list is not given. - -By the Baronga the months or moons are now almost completely -forgotten, at least among the southern clans. The following -statements come from the northern clans, where the names have been -better preserved:--_nhlangula_, the month in which the flowers are -swept from the trees, probably October, in which various trees -blossom; _nwendjamhala_, the month in which the antelope _mhala_ -brings forth its young (November?); _mawuwana_, when the _tihuhlu_ -are plucked, because the people shout ‘_wuwana, wuwana_’ in their -joy at having plenty of almonds to suck (December); _hukuri_ is said -to be the month when the fruits of the _nkwakwa_ are ripe (December -also?); _ndjati_ or _ndjata_, i. e. ‘I am coming’. It is the time -of _nwebo_, when everyone in his fields is eating the new cobs of -mealies, and if you call, a person will answer:--“I come directly! -Have patience! I am busy”. This may be January or February. _Sunguti_ -is also one of the summer months; _sibamesoko_, the moon which closes -the paths, also called _dwebindlela_ or _sibandlela_ (February), -is the time when the grass grows so high that it hides the paths; -_nyenyana_, nywenywankulu are the months of the birds (_nyenyana_), -when one spends the time in chasing them from the fields (March and -April); _mudashini_, i. e. ‘What am I to eat?’ is so named because -in the harvest month there are so many different kinds of food that -you do not know which to choose (May or June); _khotubushika_, i. e. -‘when winter comes’, is probably June or July[767]. - -For the Herero the following list is given:--1 (January), month of -rain; 2, lambing month; 3, first pools of water; 4, last pools of -water; 5, lily month; 6, month of good luck; 7, rising of the water -in the river beds; 8, month of fog; 9, Pleiades month: the Pleiades -become visible and then _okuni_, spring, begins; 10, first month, and -therefore the first month in the Herero reckoning (_sic!_ probably of -the spring, cp. the following); 11, last moon namely the last month, -of spring; 12, dry, hard moon[768]. Another list has:--1 (January), -Vley water; 2, birth-time of springboks; 3, last Vley water; 4, last -rain-showers; 5, cold days; 6, dry period; 7, dry trees; lambing -season; 9, a lily begins to bud; 10, the milk-bushes become green; -11, the rain begins; 12, wet period[769]. - -In Loango the names of the months differ considerably according to -the situation of the district and the influence of this upon the -habits of life:--Month of expectation, month of the little rains, of -drought, of the curse, of the great rains, of the water, of men, of -women, of the harvest, of the vanishing water, of fish, of the rice, -of trade, of mist, of salt, of sleep, of the huts, of the burning (of -grass and brushwood), of mirth, of labour, of aid, between-month, -cold month, wood month, bud month, besom-and-dirt month (great -cleaning), and any other terms in popular use[770]. - -Some of the tribesmen of Upper Wellé give to the months names in -keeping with what is done in them. Thus one month is named as that in -which they sow _maroo_, the chief ingredient used in brewing native -beer; another as the season when _maroo_ must be cut. Following this -comes the ‘bad-water’ month, when the risk of fever is greatest; -then the elephant month, when they catch elephants by burning grass, -and the white-ant month, during which white ants are collected, and -considered a great delicacy; and a second _maroo_ month, when a -second crop is sown. The month next to this has no distinctive name, -and is succeeded by the second _maroo_-harvest month, the hungry or -water-month, when provisions are scarce; the second ant-gathering -month; a late sowing month, and finally another with no particular -title. Altogether 13, therefore[771]. For the Shilluk twelve months -are enumerated without translation: ‘moon’ and ‘month’ are expressed -by the same word[772]. The Akamba of British East Africa assert -that they reckon eleven months to the year, _anzwa_:--1, _mwa_, -planting month; 2, _wima_, time of the autumn rains; 3, _wiu_, -month of sprouting; 4, _mveu_, 5, _onkonono_, both untranslated; -6, _thandatu_, commence reaping; 7, _moanza_, not translated; 8, -_nyanya_, ‘friend’ (sic!); 9, _kenda_, ‘nine’; 10, _ekumi_, ‘ten’ -(in 1907 this month began on August 10); 11, _mubiu_, season of -grass-burning. They say that the month has 31 days and that they see -the new moon on the 32nd; they assert that they do not include the -first day on which the moon is seen[773]. The system has evidently -already fallen into decay, so that too great importance must not be -attached to its peculiarities. The Wa-Sania of British East Africa -divide their twelve months into three periods of four: the names -are not given[774]. The Wagogo months are:--1, _mosi_, ‘the first’, -about December; 2, _mhiri_, ‘general’ (i. e. rains everywhere); -3, _mhalungulu_, ‘cessation’ (sc. first rains over); 4, _munye_, -‘possessing’, i. e. enjoying first-fruits; 5, _mwezi we litika_, -month of plenty; 6, _mwezi we lisololela_, month of beginning -reaping; 7, _mwezi we nhwanga_, threshing-month; 8, _mwezi we taga -matoto_, month when the harvest is ended; 9, _mwezi we tutula_, month -of forest-clearing; 10, _mwezi we ndawa mbereje_, month of digging -up the stubbles; 11, _murisimuka_, budding; 12, _muchilanhungo_, -‘partial’ (sc. partial rains, not general)[775]. The Nandi begin -with the last month of drought, about February:--1, _kiptamo_, ‘hot -in the fields’; 2, _iwat-kut_, rain in showers; 3, _wake_, meaning -unknown; 4, _ngei_, the heart pushed on one side by hunger; 5, -_rob-tui_, black rain or black clouds; 6, _puret_, mist; 7, _epeso_, -meaning unknown; 8, _kipsunde_, offering to God in the corn-fields; -9, _kipsunde oieng_, second offering to God; 10, _mulkul_, strong -wind; 11, _mulkulik oieng_, second strong wind; 12, _ngotioto_, the -_Brunsvigia Kirkii_ or pin-cushion plant[776]. - -The Masai divide their twelve months into four seasons, (I), _ol -dumeril_, time of the scanty rain-fall:--1, _ol gissan_, in which the -sheep and goats bring forth their young; 2, _ol adallo_, the heat -of the sun; 3, _ol golua_ (_loo-’n-gushu_). (II), _en gokwa_, the -Pleiades (_l’apaïtin te-’l-lengon_, the months of superfluity):--4, -_le erat_ (_kuj-orok_), formed from _er rata_, ‘green valley’; -the hitherto scanty rain has been sufficient to cover with fresh -green the valleys and low-lying spots of the otherwise still yellow -withered steppes; 5, _os somisso_ (_oäni-oingok_), ‘the dark’, -‘gloomy’: the sky is overcast, there is much rain, the days are -dark and gloomy; 6, _ol nernerua_ (_loo-’n-gokwa_), formed from -_nerneri_, ‘fat’. (III), _ol airodjerod_, the lesser after-rains:--7, -_le logunja airodjerod_ (_kara-obo_), also called _oieni oinok_, -‘the tied-up bulls’: owing to the abundant fodder of the last months -the bulls have become wild, and would be continually fighting each -other in the meadows, for which reason they are separated; 8, _bolos -airodjerod_ (_kiperu_), or also (but more rarely) _ol dat_; 9, -_kudjorok_ (_l’iarat_), ‘cold’, cold weather distinguishes this -month. (IV), _ol aimeii_, time of hunger, of drought:--10, _kiber_ -(_pushuke_), uproar, quarrel. The pasture is thin, the milk scanty, -and people try to steal from other persons’ cows: at last the milk -is not sufficient to satisfy the necessary demands of hunger, and -most of the warriors go off into the forest with some of the oxen to -eat flesh. This lasts not only throughout this month but also during -the next. 11, _ol dongosh_, ‘stretched’, since in this month too the -milk is very scarce. The name seems to be derived from the word _en -gushush_, ‘lack of food’. Only at the beginning of the 12th month, -the _boshogge_ (_ol-oiborare_), do the people come back to the kraal. -I have followed Merker, p. 156. Hollis, pp. 333 ff., gives in some -cases other names, which unfortunately are not translated; they are -here given in brackets. Nos. 4 and 9 have exchanged names. It is -worthy of note that the month of the evening setting of the Pleiades -(_gokwa_) is named from this constellation. A further variation is -that according to Hollis the first month is _kara-obo_. The year -therefore begins with the season of the after-rains. - -The Wadschagga of Kilimanjaro have likewise twelve months; ten are -denoted by numerals; the counting begins at the fifth, and the -months are divided into seasons. Nos. 5-8 fall in the season of -the great rains, 9 and 10 in the dancing season. In the ninth the -people say: ‘It is bright’; the rainy season passes away, and for -this reason this month is regarded as the beginning of the year, -sacrifices are offered up at the gates of the country, the chief -‘raises the field-stick’, i. e. gives permission for the beginning -of the ploughing, after having previously ‘let the year open’ by -offering a special sacrifice to the spirits for good fruit and -harvest. The name of the following month, _iyana_, now means ‘a -hundred’, but formerly it probably had the sense of ‘ten’. This, the -10th, month is followed by the first; the 1st and the 2nd months -fall in the first warm season, the 3rd in the little rainy season. -The three months of the great heat are not denoted by numerals. They -are interpolated between the 3rd and the 5th months. The first of -these is called _nsaa_: a month known as the fourth is then said to -be missing, but our authority conjectures that _nsaa_ is perhaps -a mutilated form of an old word for four; the month that follows -_nsaa_ is called _muru_, which is left unexplained, and the next -is _nsangwe_ or _nsango_. Then the 5th month comes again. The name -_nsangwe_ is almost everywhere explained by the people as arising -from _nsana-ngwi_, ‘to collect wood for burning’. The supplies -of wood for the rainy season are collected. The position of this -month immediately before the rainy season misleads them into thus -explaining the similar sound. These last two months are clearly to be -recognised as interpolations in the original scheme of ten months. -But there still exists a name for a thirteenth month, which is of -course necessary for the correcting of the lunar year, and which, -as the old folks say, was formerly actually counted. But now they -say:--“It is a sham month, since it has no companions, no comrades, -and therefore it is superfluous. The year has only twelve months.” -It is called _nkinyambwo_. The people say:--“The _nkinyambwo_ is no -longer necessary, since the rainy season has now only three months, -not four as in olden times.” The practice of beginning an enumeration -of the months with the 5th month _kusanu_ arouses the suspicion that -this may be the actual beginning of the year. To this the other names -of this month also point: ‘on the boundary of the year’, or _maraya a -kisie_, which can now only be translated as ‘the ender of the rain’. -But as a matter of fact this month ushers in the rainy season. It -has therefore been pushed from its former position in the course of -the year after the rainy season to a position before the beginning -of the period of greatest rains, and the practice of beginning the -enumeration with _kusanu_ is now the sole reminder of a time when -_kusanu_ really did introduce the new year at the beginning of the -chief ploughing-season. But the first month _nsi_ must once have been -one of the starting-points of the counting[777]. That the two months -above-mentioned are interpolations does not seem to be correct: -for the _nkinyambwo_ shews that the Wadschagga, like so many other -peoples, have had thirteen months, one of which was omitted when -necessary. The process seems clear from the statements given. When -the thirteenth month (probably under Islamite influence) passed out -of use, in the now strictly lunar year the months got out of place -in reference to the seasons. If the fifth month _kusanu_ keeps the -place in reference to the seasons to which its other names point, -it falls in the ninth month of the author’s list, _kukendu_, which, -according to natural conditions, is the beginning of the year. That -only ten months are numbered and the others named affords independent -evidence, and is in keeping with the system of counting in tens. That -the two months in question are inserted between the third (or fourth) -and the first points to a conventionalising of the system such as -is anything but primitive. Here, as always, numbered months shew -themselves to be a late phenomenon. - -Curious names of months, of a kind which we have hardly met with -hitherto, are found in the comparatively highly civilised Hausa -states (Kano, Sokoto), where the Arabic and Julian names for the -months are also known. 1 (January), _wata-n-tshika-n-shekara_, or -_tshiki_, ‘month of the filling of the belly’, since much food -is eaten, especially at full moon, or _wata-n-wauwo_, month of -the _wauwo_-game (with torches); 2, _wata-n-gani_, month of the -_gani_-game; 3, _wata-n-takutika_, month of the _takutika_-game, or -_wata-n-takalufu_; 4, _ware-ware-n-farin_; 5, _ware-ware-n-biu_; -6, _ware-ware-n-aku_. _Ware-ware_ is the name of a small bird -which builds its nest in a hole in the ground; it is therefore -doubtful to which element it belongs. And so it is with these three -months, April, May, June, in which no games take place, so that -it was not known where to place them; for this reason they are -called the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd _ware-ware_. The word also denotes a -person who talks now one way, now another, a doubtful person. 7, -_wata-n-azumi-n-tsofafi_, month of the fast of the old people; 8, -_wata-n-sha rua-n-tsofafi_, month of the old people’s water-drinking; -9, _wata-n-azumi_, month of fasting; 10, _wata-n-karama-n-salla_, -month of the little _salla_ festival; 11, _wata-n-bawa-n-salloli_, -month of the slaves, in this month all (but especially the slaves) -have much work for the festival of the following month; 12, -_wata-n-baba-n-salla_, month of the great _salla_ festival, or -_wata-n-laiya_, month of the slaughtering of the lamb. The festivals, -especially the _salla_ festivals, do not always take place in the -months named after them: the time is determined by the priests -in accordance with the position of the moon (_wata_ = ‘moon,’ -‘month’)[778]. This is an artificial system which was probably -created with a leaning towards the Arabic months. In Edo too the -familiar names of months are borrowed from the ceremonies that take -place at different times[779]. - -Madagascar has a comparatively highly developed civilisation in -which various influences cross. The Merina have the Arabic months. -The history of the native calendar is said to be very complicated: -Grandidier in a detailed discussion seeks to prove that the -Malgassian year, which is commonly held to be a lunar year, is a -solar or lunisolar one, and on the strength of certain resemblances -in the names of the months derives the calendar from S. India. I give -the principal data. Grandidier says that one reason for believing -that the Malgassian calendar is a solar one is the fact that it is in -reality agricultural. In 1638 Cauche says that the Malgassi divide -their year into 4 seasons and 12 lunar months, with some intercalary -days. The year is for them the time which elapses between two phases -of the vegetation; for greater convenience they divide it into twelve -lunar months, without caring much about the number of days composing -these months, as is rightly said of the Antandroy by Vacher[780], -who gives the following list, which is almost identical with that -compiled by Grandidier himself in the south-east, at Iavibola, in -1866. The months have names and epithets: the latter are explained. -1, millet is cut; 2, winter begins; 3, the beans flower; 4, the -tamarinds of the north are ripe; 5, the leaves fall; 6, tamarinds -and beans are ripe; 7, the _Cythere_-tree flowers; 8, the bulls -seek the shade of the _sakoa_; 9, the guinea-fowls sleep; 10, the -rain rots the ropes (with which the calves are fastened); 11, the -gourds flower; 12, the grains of the _fano_ are ripe. Rowlands[781] -had already remarked that the Betsileo months depend more upon the -time of the sowing and reaping of the rice and upon the flowering -of certain plants than upon the phases of the moon, and that the -agreement with the months of the Merina (i. e. the Arabic months) is -only approximate. The same applies to the calendar of the Sakalava, -the Bara, the Tanala, and the Sihanaka, which is identical with -that of the Betsileo. What is here said about the calendars of the -peoples of the south and the centre of the island is also true of the -calendars of the northern and eastern peoples[782]. To me it seems as -though we have here a series of months of the ordinary type, in which -the months are named and at the same time fixed with reference to the -seasons, although I do not presume to decide upon the complicated -question of the Malgassian calendar. There remains one possibility, -viz. that the ‘months’ are seasons with no relation to the moon, but -this possibility does not seem to have been seriously considered by -those who can make use of the sources, which are only to be got at -with extreme difficulty. - -Among the primitive peoples of the East Asiatic peninsula the seasons -of the agricultural year are very much employed; in comparison with -them the moon-month plays no important part. Moreover Indian and -Islamite influences have penetrated deeply: the calendar in use -arises from these. The facts are well illustrated by a notice from -the Malay Peninsula. There are three ways of reckoning the months, -(1) the Arabian, 29 and 30 days alternately, (2) the Persian, 30 -days, and (3) that of Rum, 31 days; the first is the common method. -Some few, with greater accuracy, calculate their year at 354 days -8 hours, intercalating every 3 years 24 hours, or one day, to make -up the deficiency, and 33 days for the difference between the solar -and the lunar years. But the majority of the lower classes estimate -their year by the fruit seasons and by their crops of rice only. -Many, however, obstinately adhere to the lunar month and plant their -paddy at the annual return of the lunar month[783]. The Guru of -Sumatra know a division of the year into twelve months of 30 days -each; the months, with the exception of the last two, are denoted by -numbers[784]. They are therefore calendar months, not moon-months, -and are a foreign acquisition. Among the Kayan the month, or, as -they say, the moon, plays a greater part than the year: of the latter -hardly anyone knows properly how many moons it contains. Commonly -they reckon 1 to 2 moons for the sowing, five for the time which the -rice needs to ripen, 2 to 3 for the harvest, and three up to the -next sowing. The different months have no special names among the -Bahau[785]. The time-reckoning of Sumatra, Java, and Bali shews a -prevailing foreign (Indian or Islamite) influence. It is to be noted -that among many peoples the first ten months are numbered, while the -last two have names. In Bali these two names are Sanskrit words[786]. - -For Timor two lists of moon-months are given, the one from Bibiçuçu, -the other from Samoro. The names are in some cases the same, they are -not translated and perhaps cannot be explained, but they indicate -the occupations of the months. 1, _funu_, _leet ali_, about October, -_vater_, maize, is planted and mountain rice sown; 2, _fahi_, the -fields are weeded; 3, _naru_, ‘the great month’, the maize flowers, -heavy rain; 4, _fotan_, _tora_, the former word probably a corruption -of the Malay _potong_, the cutting or harvest month: the maize is -housed and a harvest sacrifice offered; 5, _madauk_, harvest of the -mountain-rice; 6, _wani_, honey and wax are collected; 7, _uhi_, -_uhi böot_, probably a corruption of _ubi_, sweet potato, these are -now dug up and collected; 8, _madai böot_, _uhi kiik_, fogs and -heavy rain; 9, _madai kiik_, _lakubutik_, little rain: during both -these months little work can be done; 10, _lakubutik böot_, _madai_, -still showers; 11, _lakubutik kiik_, _funu_, very hot, only in this -month is gold sought for; 12, _leet_, _leet manuluk_, hot: the grass -is burnt off and the ground prepared for maize-planting[787]. It -is interesting to note how the names have departed from a common -foundation: two names (_funu_, _madai_) denote different months. Note -also the pairs of months in both lists. - -The Kiwai Papuans, who are well acquainted with the stars, have -a very interesting list of months, compiled from names of stars -and, as it seems, of natural objects. Accurate information about -this list has very kindly been personally communicated to me by -Landtman[788]. The year is divided into two parts in accordance with -the monsoons[789]. The time of the S. E. monsoon (_uro_) embraces -the months:--1, _keke_ (Achernar, our April); 2, _utiamo_ (the -Pleiades); 3, _sengerai_ (Orion); 4, _koidjugubo_ (Capella, Sirius, -and Canopus together); 5, _wapi_; 6, _hopukoruho_; 7, _abu_; and -8, _tagai_ (Crux). In the transitional period comes 9, _karongo_ -(Antares). The time of the N. W. monsoon (_hurama_) includes:--10, -_naramu-dubu_ (Vega); 11, _nirira-dubu_ (Altair); 12, _goibaru_; -13, _korubutu_. Each month, in the language of the natives called -‘moon’, is connected with a definite constellation, as is shewn -above, and it is to be presumed that this constellation is properly -the one that is to sink down to the western horizon during the -month in question. Perfect accuracy does not however prevail in -this nomenclature, but several adaptations have been made. (This -is natural and necessary, on account of the dislocation of the -lunar months with regard to the solar year). Even in the matter -of the succession of the months different statements were made, -this no doubt being due to the fact that all the natives were not -equally masters of the calendar. The statements fluctuate as to -whether _karongo_ is the last month of the _uro_ or the first of the -_hurama_. (The fluctuation is natural, since this month falls in the -time of transition between the two). In any case this month, like -_keke_, the first of the _uro_, comes to have a special meaning. -It seems to be somewhat uncertain whether _koidjugubo_ exists as -the name of a special month or whether the word only denotes a -constellation related to the months _wapi_, _hopukoruho_, and _abu_. -The time of the _koidjugubo_ is that in which the S. E. monsoon blows -hardest. The corresponding middle month in _hurama_ is _goibaru_. -_Baidamu_ (‘the Shark’), the Great Bear, is also related to a certain -period during the S. E. monsoon, particularly to _hopukoruho_, in -which according to certain statements the head sets, and to _abu_, -in which the back fin and the tail set. The setting of each of the -various parts of the body of the Shark in the west is accompanied -by storms and rain, which arise in the period of the S. E. monsoon. -When the Shark is no longer to be seen at evening, and after both -its eyes have emerged in the east at morning, the period of the -_tagai-karongo_ begins, in which the sea-turtles are caught, and the -time of the N. W. monsoon is at hand. The turtles are caught more -particularly during the time of their copulation, and this begins in -_abu_, occasionally in _tagai_, reaches its height in _karongo_, and -finishes in _naramu-dubu_. The planting of tubers also takes place -in definite months. Unfortunately the meaning of the names that do -not refer to constellations is not in all cases clear. _Wapi_ in -one Torres Straits dialect is said to mean ‘fish’, and the name is -said to refer to the fact that this time is especially favourable -for fishing, since the fish are then particularly stupid and easy to -catch with the fish-spear. _Hopukoruho_ is the name of an earth-wasp: -colonies of these insects dig holes in the ground. (Do they appear -in particularly great numbers in this month?). _Hopu_ means ‘earth’, -and _koruho_ ‘to eat’. This month is held to be especially dangerous: -men are exposed to sickness and death and are bitten by serpents, the -canoes suffer shipwreck. It is also expressly stated that the name -of the month refers to death and burial. The sense of _abu_ is quite -uncertain. _Abu_ means ‘ford’ in a creek: the name may perhaps refer -to the beginning of the transition to the period of the following -monsoon. (Or does it refer to the fact that the fords at the end -of the dry season are particularly easy to pass?). The sense of -_goibaru_ is also quite uncertain, even, as it appears, among the -natives. (No statement as to the meaning of _karubuti_ is given). -_Karongo_, according to the meaning of the word, is said to refer -to the transition from _hurama_ to _uro_. _Koidjugubo_ means ‘great -constellation’. - -For the Melanesians well developed series of months are given: -the very instructive statement of Codrington will be found in -the next chapter.[790] For the Carolines two lists of names are -given, from Lamotrek and from Yap[791]; but they are of no use -to us, since they only give twelve names without any explanation. -But the list for the Mortlock Islands, a group included in the -Carolines, is of great interest, since every month is named after -a constellation and therefore is also regulated by it. The names -are:--1, _yis_, Leo; 2, _soropuel_, Corvus; 3, _aramoi_, Arcturus; -4, _tumur_, Scorpio; 5, _mei-sik_, ν, ξ, ο Herculis; 6, _meilap_, -Aquila; 7, _sota_, Equuleus; 8, _la_, Pegasus; 9, _ku_, Aries; -10, _mariher_, the Pleiades; 11, _un-allual_, _elluel_, Aldebaran -and Orion; 12, _mau_, Sirius[792]. The same system, with names -in some cases the same, is given for the southernmost group of -the Carolines, the St. David’s Islands[793]. The months of the -Fijians, beginning at February, are:--1, _sese-ni-ngasau lailai_; -2, _s.-n.-n.-levu_; 3, _vulai-mbotambota_; 4, _v.-kelikeli_; 5, -_v.-were-were_; 6, _kawakatangare_; 7, _kawawaka-lailai_; 8, -_k.-levu_; 9, _mbalolo-lailai_; 10, _m.-levu_; 11, _nunga-lailai_; -12, _n.-levu_[794]. The names are not explained, but from the -glossary[795] we learn that _vula_ means ‘moon’ and ‘month’, -_se-ni-ngasau_ ‘flower of the reed’, _mbota_ ‘to share out, -distribute’, _keli_ ‘to dig’, _were_ ‘to till the ground’, _kawa_ -‘offspring, posterity’, _waka_ ‘root’, _nunga_ is the name of a fish, -_mbalolo_ is the familiar palolo, which is a favourite delicacy all -over Polynesia, _levu_ = ‘big’, _lailai_ = ‘little’. In so far as -the meaning of the names is to be perceived, therefore, they relate -to the business of agriculture and fishing. Here also we meet the -already familiar phenomenon in which several months have the same -name, and are distinguished by the addition of ‘big’ and ‘little’. - -For the Polynesians many series of months are reported: some of these -have 13, others 12 months. The Maoris of New Zealand count 13, and -are distinguished from all others in only numbering, not naming, the -first ten. According to H. Williams the months are counted from the -beginning of the _kumara_-planting, and are only denoted by numbers; -in the tenth month the harvest takes place, and also the feast of the -dead, _ha-hunga_, which for this reason also serves as a designation -of the year, but after that no further months are counted, up to -the first[796]. This last statement must be regarded with suspicion, -since other sources give not indeed numbers but names for the last -three months and the points of reference. As an example of the -nomenclature I give _marama-to-ke-ngahuru_, ‘the tenth month’. The -eleventh has the same name with the addition of _hauhake kumare_, -to dig up, harvest _kumara_; the twelfth and thirteenth are called -respectively _ko-te-paengwawa_ and _ko-te-tahi-o-pipiri_, which -names are unfortunately not translated. _Pipiri_ recurs as the name -of a month in the Society Islands and Tahiti; there it is said that -the name refers to a certain thriftiness or stinginess, perhaps in -the supply of fruit[797]. But the numbering of the names of the New -Zealand months is certainly a later phenomenon, since the cognate -tribes everywhere have proper names, nor do the months on this -account lose their connexion with the phenomena of Nature. Although -they were not named from the latter, they were regulated by them. -Each moon is distinguished by the rising of stars, the flowering of -certain plants, the arrival of migratory birds, etc. I give a list -of these points of reference, beginning at June: unfortunately the -names of stars are not identified by our authority. 1, _puanga_, the -great winter star, rises early in the morning, and also denotes the -beginning of winter: _matariki_, _tapuapua_, _wakaahu te ra o tainu_ -are also in the ascendant; 2, _wakaau_, _waakaahu nuku_, _w. rangi_, -_w. papa_, _w. kerekere_, _kopu_, _tautoru_; 3, _taka-pou-poto_, -_mangere_, _kaiwaka_, spring begins, the _karaka_ and _hou_ flower; -4, _taka-pou-tawahi_, it begins to be warm, cultivation commences, -the _kowai_, _kotuku tuku_, and _rangiora_ trees flower, a rainy -month; 5, _kumara_ is planted, the _tawera_ is ripe, the cuckoo, -_koekoea_, arrives, the windy month, corresponding with our March, -hence the name _te rakihi_, the noisy or windy period; 6, _te -wakumu_, the _rewarewa_ flowers; 7, _nga tapuae_, the _rata_ flowers; -8, _uruao rangawhenua_, _rehu_ is the great summer star, the star -_rangewhenua_, an ancestor, is said to rule the days, and _uruao_ -the nights of this month, the _karaka_ flowers; 9, _rehua_, _ko -ruruau_, the dry and scarce month; 10, _rehua_, _matiti_ (indicates -the autumn), _ngahuru_, the harvest month for the _kumara_; 11, _te -kahui-rua-mahu_, the days grow cold, the cuckoo leaves; 12, _kai -waka_, _patu-tahi matariki_, the winter-star _koero_ is the chief -star of this month; 13, _tahi ngungu_, the grumbling month, little -food, bad weather, smoky houses, watery eyes, constant quarrels[798]. -There are some descriptions of the months which also seem to be -their names. Taylor’s statement that the twelfth month often passes -unnoticed deserves attention. - -Of Tonga it is noted that the names of the months are scarcely known -to any except those who work on the plantations: the order of their -succession is not quite clear. The months are often grouped in pairs, -_mooa_ meaning the first, _mooi_ the second. 1, _liha-mooa_, 2, -_l.-mooi_, _liha_ means ‘nit’, but is not connected by the author -with the name of the month; 3, _vy-mooa_, 4, _vy-mooi_, _vy_ = -‘watery’, ‘rainy’; 5, _hilinga gele-gele_: _hilinga_ is said to -be a corruption of _hilianga_, ‘end, termination’, _gele-gele_ = -‘dig’, because in this month they cease digging the ground for -planting yams; 6, _tanoo manga_, _tanoo_ = ‘to overwhelm, to bury’, -_manga_ = anything open, diverging, fork-shaped; 7, _oolooenga_; 8, -_hilinga mea_, ‘the end of things’, the month in which the principal -agricultural work of the season is finished; 9, _fucca afoo moooi_, -_moooi_ = ‘to live, recover’; 10, _fucca afoo mote_, _mote_ = ‘to -die, wither’; 11, _oolooagi mote_, _oolooagi_ = ‘the first’; 12, -_fooa fenike anga_; 13, _mahina tow_, _mahina_ = ‘moon’, _tow_ = -the end of anything[799]. On the Society Islands the people were -not unanimous as to the beginning of the year, nor as to the names -of the months, each island having a computation peculiar to itself. -The series of months adopted by King Pomare and the reigning family -was:--1, _avarehu_, the new moon that appears about the summer -(viz. our winter) solstice at Tahiti; 2, _faaahu_, the season of -plenty; 3, _pipiri_; 4, _taaoa_, the season of scarcity begins; -5, _aununu_; 6, _apaapa_; 7, _paroro mua_; 8, _paroro muri_; 9, -_muriaha_; 10, _hiaia_; 11, _tema_, the season of scarcity ends; 12, -_te-eri_, the young bread-fruit begins to flower; 13, _te-tai_, the -bread-fruit is nearly ripe. Another computation commenced the year -at the month _apaapa_, about the middle of May, and gave different -names to several of the months[800]. Another older list gives the -following series from Tahiti:--1, _o-porori-o-mua_, March, the first -hunger or scarcity; 2, _o-porori-o-muri_, ‘the last scarcity’, -which agrees to some extent with the facts, since the bread-fruit -is scarcest just when it is ripening, as at that time it is used -for _mahei_, sour dough; 3, _mureha_; 4, _uhi-eya_, has certainly a -reference to catching fish with a hook; 5, _hurri-ama_; 6, _tauwa_; -7, _hurri-erre-erre_; 8, _o-te-ari_, probably so called from the -young cocoa-nuts, which just then are very numerous; 9, _o-te-tai_, -contains an allusion to the sea; 10, _wa-rehu_; 11, _wä-ahau_, refers -to the cloth made from the mulberry bark; 12, _pipirri_, refers to a -certain thriftiness or stinginess, perhaps in the supply of fruit; -13, _e-u-nunu_[801]. For the Marquesas Islands (Futuhiwa) I know only -a bare enumeration of 13 names of months[802]. - -For Samoa there is more information. I give von Bülow’s list:--1 -(Oct.-Nov.), _palolo_ or _taumafa mua_, ‘there is for the first -time abundance for all’: bananas, bread-fruit, and taro are ripe, -the month provides much fish; 2, _toe taumafa_, ‘there is once more -abundance’, the harvest is still not ended; 3, _utuvamua_, ‘it is -uninterrupted’, new crops of other fruit have not yet appeared; 4, -_toe utuva_, ‘still uninterrupted’; 5, _faaafu_, ‘the leaves of the -yam plant get dry’, i. e. the root is ripe; 6, _lo_, ‘the staff for -the harvest of the bread-fruit’, sc. ‘is brought into play’; 7, -_aununu_, ‘the making of the arrowroot into starch’, the root is -now ripe; 8, _oloumanu_, ‘the cage of the birds’ (is prepared), in -which to tame the wild pigeons caught in nets, after some of their -wing-feathers have been removed; 9, _palolo-mua_, the first _palolo_ -fishing: the appearance of the palolo formerly took place in various -months, since there are still islands in which palolo is found in -the last quarter of every month; 10, _toe palolo_ or _palolomoli_, -‘repeated last palolo fishing’, from the fishing at the end of the -year in October or the end of September, according to the island; -11, _mulifa_, ‘the banana-pole’ (is hewn down), i. e. the bananas -are ripe; 12, _lotuaga_, ‘the _lo_ is laid to rest’, i. e. the -bread-fruit harvest is over[803]. All the lists agree in giving only -twelve months: the seasons are two in number. For the Bowditch Island -a list of twelve names is given without explanation; the names are in -a great measure the same as the Samoan. The author adds:--It seems as -though _vainoa_, month no. 9, is the leapmonth, but there was no name -for the eleventh month, corresponding to our March[804]. - -For the Sandwich Islands abundant material exists, more particularly -in the work of the native writer, Malo. I give the list commonly -found in other authors also[805], together with the explanations -which Malo has obtained from old Hawaiians well versed in the -calendar, in the first place those of O. K. Kapule of Kaluaha, -Molokai, and secondly, in the case of some months, those of Kaunamoa, -of whose dwelling-place we are told nothing more than that he was a -Hawaiian. 1, _ikuwa_ (January), so named from the frequent occurrence -of thunder-storms, _wa-wa_, ‘to reverberate, to stun the ear’: the -noisy month, clamor of ocean, thunder, storm; 2, _hina-ia-eleele_, -from the frequent over-casting and darkening (_eleele_) of the -heavens; 3, _welo_, because the rays of the sun then begin to shoot -forth (_welo_) more vigorously: the leaves are torn to shreds by the -_enuhe_, a kind of worm; 4, _makalii_ (the Pleiades); 5, _ka-elo_, so -named because the sweet potatoes burst out of the hill, or overflowed -the basket; 6, _kau-lua_, from the coupling together of two canoes -(_kau-lua_): the two stars called _kau-lua_ then rose in the east; -7, _nana_, from the fact that a canoe then floated (_nana_, _lana_) -quietly on the calm sea: the young birds then stir and rustle about -(_nana-na_) in their nests and coverts; 8, _ikiiki_, the hot month -(_ikiki_ or _ikiiki_, ‘hot and stuffy’): ‘hot and sticky’, from -being shut up indoors, by weather; 9, _kaa-ona_, because then the -sand-banks begin to shift in the ocean, _ona_ is said to be another -word for _one_, ‘sand’: (dry) sugar-canes, flower-stalks, etc., which -have been put away in the top of the house, have now become very -dry; 10, _hili-na-ehu_, from the mists that floated up from the sea; -11, _hili-na-ma_, because it was necessary to keep the canoes well -lashed (_hili_); 12, _welehu_, so named from the abundance of ashes -(_lehu_) that were to be found in the fire-places at this time. Malo -gives six other lists, two for Hawaii, one each for Molakai, Oahu, -Kauai, and Maui. The differences in the order of the months already -mentioned are sometimes great, and some new names occur. The former -circumstance is doubtless to be explained by the fact that under -European influence the native months early passed out of use and were -forgotten, and the right order has not been certainly retained in the -memory. Some of these explanations are obvious improvisations, in -some cases one of the two explanations manifestly shews itself to be -the correct one. This proves that the names of the months are so old -that the original meaning has been lost. The forgetting of the native -months is also responsible for the insufficiency of the information -for other islands. Malayan philology might perhaps be able to go -farther, if it took up the matter. But where the meaning is clear, -it everywhere has reference to the seasons, their occupations and -climatic conditions, and to the stars; the Polynesian names of months -are in no way different from those of all other primitive or barbaric -peoples. - -The conclusion to be drawn from our investigation of the names -and series of the months is therefore the following. In order -that the month may be distinguished from others it is named after -an occupation or natural phase which takes place while the month -lasts, being described commonly by means of the addition ‘moon of -the --’, but not seldom simply by the name of the natural phase or -the occupation respectively. Any natural phase or occupation can -originally give its name to a month, and hence arises an indefinite -number of such terms. When any period of the year is without -important natural phases and occupations, the months in this period -are not named. At first, therefore, the names of the months are of -an occasional, incidental character: the orientation of them follows -from the general acquaintance with the phases and occupations of the -natural year. As the result of a gradual selection in the daily usage -of the names a less unstable, and in the end quite fixed, series -of months is formed, which on account of the length of the natural -year must comprise 12 to 13 months. The result is a difficulty which -formerly was not felt, owing to the fluctuating character of the -names of months, for the natural phases and the moons are pushed -out of their mutual relationship, and this naturally leads to the -question how many months the year includes, i. e. to the necessity -of the intercalation. For the moon-month, which begins with the new -moon, is a natural unity, which cannot be broken up. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -CONCLUSIONS. - - -Whoever has had patience to read through the material collected in -the previous chapter will now no doubt be clear as to the process -by which the cycle of months arose. The necessity was felt of -distinguishing the months, of marking them. After the fashion of -primitive man this was done, not by means of an abstract enumeration, -but by some concrete reference. But the relation to a solitary -historical event, by which rather more highly civilised peoples -denote the years, can hardly, or only in isolated instances, be -applied to the month: for the life of primitive peoples is very -monotonous, and is not so rich in events which make an impression -upon the mind that one of these will occur in every month, and even -supposing that such events could be found, the months in a human -life are too numerous for it to be possible to keep a series of -this nature in mind. A second circumstance also proved decisive. -The moon, whose phases always recur with regularity, served better -than anything else to determine the date of any future event within -a shorter period. The primitive peoples, with their undeveloped -faculty of counting, could in this fashion numerically determine -only a couple of months before or after the time of the moon that -was then visible in the heavens. This is what we must understand -by the statement made for the western tribe of the Torres Straits, -viz. that they had no division of the year into months or days and -never numbered the years, in view of the following statement that -they commonly counted time in ‘suns’, i. e. days, and ‘moons’, i. -e. months[806]. That is, they numbered two or three months, but -had no series of months. The same initial stage is found also on -the Australian continent. The natives of Central Australia reckon -time by moon-phases, moons, and in the case of a longer period by -seasons[807]. The Kakadu of Northern Territory reckon in moons -and seasons, otherwise everything is more or less vague with the -exception of the present and the immediate past and future[808]. - -Primitive man does not get very far in this fashion. In accordance -with his custom and his whole habits of thought he must have some -concrete factor to enable him to conceive of the different moons. -This is found in the fact that the moon covers a part of the natural -year. Herein lies a connexion which constantly recurs. The moons were -therefore distinguished and named with reference to the phenomena of -the natural year, to the phases of nature and to the occupations, -labours, and conditions determined by them, and further to the -risings of the stars. Within the series of from twelve to thirteen -moons the month was determined by these means. Or, expressed somewhat -differently, seasons and moons were mutually connected. - -Originally this grouping together of the months was only incidental. -The original state of affairs is well illustrated by the detailed -description given by Codrington for the Melanesians:-- - -“It is impossible to fit the native succession of moons into a solar -year, months have their names from what is done and what happens when -the moon appears and while it lasts; the same moon has different -names. If all the names of moons in use in one language were set in -order the periods of time would overlap, and the native year would -be artificially made up of 20 or 30 months. The moons and seasons -of Mota in the Banks’ Islands may serve as an example. The garden -work of the year is the principal guide to the arrangement, the -succession of 1, clearing garden ground, _uma_, 2, cutting down the -trees, _tara_, 3, turning over and piling up the stuff, _rakasag_, -4, burning it, _sing_, 5, digging the holes for yams, _nur_, and -planting, _riv_. Then follows the care of the yam plants till the -harvest, after which preparation for the next crop begins again. -At the same time the regular winds and calms are observed, the -spring of grass, the conspicuous flowering of certain trees, the -bursting into leaf of the few deciduous trees. When a certain grass, -_magoto_, springs, the winter, as it must be called, is over; when -the erythrina, _rara_, is in flower, it is the cool season; _magoto_, -therefore, and _rara_ are names of seasons in native use, and answer -roughly to summer and winter. The strange and exciting appearance of -the palolo, _un_, sets a wide mark on the seasons. The April moon -coincides pretty well with the time of the _magoto qaro_, the fresh -grass; clearing, _uma_, of gardens goes on, the trade wind is steady. -This is followed by the _magoto rango_, the withered grass; both are -months of cutting down trees in the gardens, _vule taratara_, and -in the latter the stuff is burnt. In July the erythrina, _rara_, -begins to flower; this is _nago rara_, the face of winter; gardens -are fenced, it is a moon of planting yams, _vule vutvut_. Planting -continues into August, when the erythrina is in full flower, _tur -rara_, the _gaviga_, Malay apple, flowering at the same time; the -S. E. wind, _gauna_, blows, the yams begin to shoot and are stuck -with reeds. In the next month the erythrina puts out its leaves, it -is the end of it, _kere rara_; the yam vines run up the reeds and -are trained, _taur_, upon them; the reeds are broken and bent over, -_ruqa_, to let them run freely; the ground is kept clear of weeds; -the tendrils curl, and the tubers are well formed. Then come the -months of calm, when three moons are named from the _un_, palolo: -first the _un rig_, the little _un_, or the bitter, _un gogona_, -when at the full moon a few of the annelids appear. It is now the -_tau matua_, the season of maturity; yams can be taken up and eaten, -and if the weather is favourable, a second crop is planted. The _un -lava_, the great palolo, follows, when at the full moon for one night -the annelids appear on the reefs in swarms; the whole population -is on the beach, taking up the _un_ in every vessel and with every -contrivance. This is the moon of the yam harvest; the vines are cut, -_goro_, and the tubers very carefully taken up with digging-sticks to -be stored. A few _un_ appear at the next moon, the _werei_, which may -be translated ‘the rump of the _un_’. In this moon they begin again -to _uma_, clear the gardens; the wind blows again from the west, -the _ganoi_, over Vanua Lava. It is now November or December, the -_togalau_-wind blows from the north-west, it is exceedingly hot, fish -die in the shallow pools, the reeds shoot up into flower; it is the -moon of shooting up, _vule wotgoro_. The next month is the _vusiaru_, -the wind beats upon the _casuarina_-trees upon the cliffs, the next -again is called _tetemavuru_, the wind blows hard and drives off -flying fragments from the seeded reeds; these are hurricane months. -The last in order is the month that beats and rattles, _lamasag -noronoro_, the dry reeds; the wind blows strong and steady, work is -begun again, they _rakasag_, dry the rubbish of their clearings, and -make ready the fences for new gardens. By this time the heat is past, -the grass begins to spring again, and the winter months return”[809]. - -According to another report the natives of New Britain (Bismarck -Archipelago) are still at the initial stage of the development. They -numbered the months of the monsoons, five for each, and gave one -month each to the two intervening periods. They had no names for -each month, but only for the season. However they had terms for the -planting and for the digging-moon, i. e. the harvest[810]. - -Another example may serve to shew how near to one another lists -of months and seasons may under certain circumstances come. The -Chukchee divide the year into twelve lunar months or ‘moons’. The -year begins with the winter solstice, the time of which is marked -pretty accurately. The dark interval between two moons is called -‘moon interval’. The names are:--1, the old-buck month; 2, cold -udder (month); 3, genuine udder (month); 4, calving month; 5, water -(month); 6, making-leaves month; 7, warm month, or summer month; -8, rubbing-off velvet (antlers) month, or midsummer month; 9, -light-frost month; 10, autumn month, or wild-reindeer rutting month; -11, unexplained, perhaps ‘muscles of the back’, since it is believed -that the muscles in the back of the reindeer become stronger in -winter: also called ‘new-snow cover’; 12, shrinking (days) month. The -Koryak have different names in different localities, but most of -them call the third and the fourth months respectively the ‘false’ -and the ‘true reindeer-birth month’. In ordinary speech, however, the -names of months often give place to names of seasons, which are far -more numerous than among us. Those most commonly used are:--1, ‘in -the extending’, sc. of the days, corresponds approximately to the -first month of the year; 2, ‘in the lengthening’, corresponds to the -second month; 3, ‘during (the days) growing long’, lasts about six -weeks, until the reindeer begin to calve; 4, ‘in the calving-(time)’; -5, ‘in the new summer growing’; 6, ‘in the first summer’; 7, ‘in -the second summer’; 8, ‘in the middle summer’; 9, ‘with the fresh -air going out’; 10, ‘with the first light frost’; 11, ‘with the new -snow’; 12, ‘in the fall’; 13, ‘in the winter’[811]. Certainly these -are seasons, and one of them has six weeks, but our authority himself -explains a couple of them by a comparison with the moon-month. There -are just thirteen of them, which, if the number is more than an -accident, is an accurate series of months. In every case the addition -of the word ‘moon’ would make the names descriptive of a month. The -names in both the lists just given are of a similar nature. - -Few travellers and scholars have been so unfettered and unprejudiced -by our inherited ideas of the calendar as Codrington; accordingly -they have usually striven to establish a proper series of months, -or at least normal series. How much is lost to view owing to this -tendency can hardly be imagined, but there are sufficient indications -in the reports to point to the fluctuating, manifold, and unstable -nature of the primitive naming of the months. - -One of these indications is the great variability of the names. Many -peoples have remained at the stage at which a fixed connexion between -month and season does not exist: every season--taking the word in -its broadest sense--, every natural event and occupation may be -associated with a month. If these relationships are treated as names -of months, there will arise a great number of names of months, which -will vary according to circumstances and to the whim of the speaker. -Thus it is said[812] of the Eskimos of the Behring Straits that very -often different names are used to describe the same month, when this -month occurs at a time at which different occupations or natural -phenomena are in progress. That the situation is, or at least was, -the same among most peoples is shewn by the numerous variants which -are to be found even in the preceding lists, and would certainly be -much more numerous if the authorities, in their efforts to establish -a normal series, had not passed them over. In the same fashion is -to be explained the next surprising phenomenon, viz. that certain -peoples, in the matter of the number of months in the year, give a -far greater number than twelve or thirteen. This is not always to -be set down to the inability to count. That explanation serves when -prominent Igorot declare that the year has a hundred months[813], -but not when the Kiowa number 14 or 15[814]. The Hopi year too may -have 14 months, since the second part of October receives a special -name[815]. Perhaps the month is halved, just as when among the -Central Eskimos the days of a certain month, which has only twilight -and no sun, receive one name, and the rest of the month another[816]. -A traveller of the 18th century states that the Tahitians reckon -14 months, and adds that it is a mystery how they count them[817]. -But these traces are here seen to be relics of an earlier state of -affairs such as Codrington has clearly described:--“Months have their -names from what is done and what happens when the moon appears and -while it lasts; the same moon has different names. If all the names -of moons in use in one language were set in order, the periods of -time would overlap, and the native year would be artificially made up -of 20 or 30 months”. - -This fluctuating character of the nomenclature explains the -instability of the names of the months; when anything new happens -which is of importance for the life of the people, it serves to -describe a month. Thus the Lenope, after they migrated inland, where -no shads were found, renamed the shad-month the sugar-refining -month[818]; and the Pima, after they had learnt to cultivate wheat, -named a month from the wheat harvest[819]. The best evidence is the -multiplicity and diversity of the names of months, which is found -everywhere, even among the most closely related peoples and tribes, -or different groups of the same tribe, as is shewn by the above -series of months from beginning to end. Most significant and by no -means isolated is the case of the Cheyenne, different groups of whom -have separate names for the months. Since they are well acquainted -with the customs of the animals and roam over wide areas, they easily -recognise any name for a month, even if they themselves do not use -it. The reason for this is also that the seasons, which serve as -descriptions of the months, are common to all and at once become -intelligible[820]. They have not been fixed in a conventional series, -as is the case with the months as we conceive them; ours is the final -point of the development, which begins with a chaotic mass of names -of months. - -We see that at this stage the number of months is indifferent: the -question how many months the year has simply does not exist, and -consequently there is no need to make the series of moon-months fit -into the solar year. There are peoples who do not even extend the -reckoning by moons to the whole year. There is a time ‘in which -nothing happens’, which is quite without interest and in which no one -takes the trouble to observe or name the moons. Such a period is e. -g. the depth of winter in the far north, when people only vegetate, -as well as they can. Among the tribes of the Kamchatka river the -tenth and last month is said to be as long as three others[821]. -The Amansi, one of the Ibo-speaking tribes, reckon ten months and -an _evulevu_ (idiot, nothing, empty month)[822]. More often we find -series of months with less than twelve names. The inhabitants of the -Marquesas Islands had a ten-month year, although as well as this they -knew the complete year, which was reckoned and named according to -the Pleiades[823]. Even the Maoris are said to have counted no more -months after the tenth[824]. The Yurak Samoyedes and the Tunguses -of the Amur count only eleven months, the northern Kamchadales -ten[825]. The Yeneseisk Ostiaks name only the months of one half of -the year, the seven winter months[826], and so do many Indian tribes. -The Bannock have no names for the months of the warm season of the -year[827]. Many Cheyenne tribes have only six months with names[828]; -the present condition of the calendar of the Hopi and Zuñi points to -the fact that this was really the case with these tribes also[829]. -The Diegueño of S. California have only six months[830]. Even where -a full series of months has arisen, there are traces of this earlier -state of affairs. Thus the Omaha have one month ‘in which nothing -happens’[831]. Of the 13 months of the Upper Wellé those occupying -the 7th and 13th positions have no names[832]. Among the Voguls of -the Tawda three months seem to be unnamed[833]. - -A further very wide-spread phenomenon of the nomenclature of the -months--the pairs of months, in which two months of the same name -are distinguished as the big and the little, the former and the -latter, etc.--is due to the connecting of the month with somewhat -larger divisions of the natural year, covering a period of about two -months. Thus the Tchuvashes have a very steep month and a month of -little steepness, the Ugric Ostiaks a big and a little winter-ridge -month, the Minusinsk Tatars a little and a big cold, the Karagasses -a frost month and a big frost month, the Samoyedes a first and a -big dark month, the Voguls a little and a big autumn-hunting month, -perhaps also a little and a big mid-summer month, the Thlinkits a -month before, and a month when, everything hatches, the Indians in -De la Potherie a first and a second moon in which the bear brings -forth her young, the Kiowa a little bud-moon and a bud-moon, the -latter sometimes with ‘big’ added, the Creek Indians a little and -a big ripening moon, a little and a big chestnut moon, a big and -a little winter, the latter also called ‘little brother of big -winter’ (note the inverted order in this case), a little and a big -spring. The Seminole have four pairs of months, in three the first -is distinguished as the little, e. g. little and big mulberry moon, -but on the other hand the big winter precedes the little; the Zuñi -have a little and a big wind-month. Somewhat similar are the pairs -of months of the Pima, ‘leaves’ and ‘flowers’ of the cottonwood and -mesquite respectively. The Nandi of British East Africa have two -pairs, ‘sacrifice’ and ‘second sacrifice’, ‘strong wind’ and ‘second -strong wind’. Compare also the two Basuto months _phupjoane_, ‘to -begin to swell’, from _phuphu_, and _phuphu_, ‘to swell’. The two -series of months from Timor shew more pairs. In the Polynesian series -pairs of months are equally frequent. In Tonga there are two pairs, -including a first and a second rainy month, on the Society Islands -there is a first and a second palolo month, and so also in Samoa, -in Tahiti a first and a last hunger. How the pair so frequently -occurring among the Siberian peoples, little and big month, is to be -explained is uncertain (cp. among the Thlinkits ‘moon-child’ or young -month, and big month). It may be that something is to be understood, -or perhaps they are simply two months without names, which are -distinguished by the aid of the common epithets. - -Such pairs of months exist where greater seasons are involved in the -determining of the moons, and they are in fact convenient, since -their use obviates the unfortunate circumstance which has been a -source of great confusion to primitive peoples, viz. that a natural -phase from which it is the custom to name a month may fall on the -border-line between two moons. So long as the description of the -months remains quite fluctuating and occasional, this and similar -inconveniences do not make themselves felt, but a very natural -development leads to a conventionalising of the series of months. -In common speech a selection among the various names of months -unconsciously takes place, so that those prevail which relate to more -important occupations and natural phases. Thus arises a fixed, or -tolerably well fixed, series of months, such as appears in most of -the reports handed down to us. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -OLD SEMITIC MONTHS. - - -1. BABYLONIA. - -In the much disputed questions of the ancient Babylonian astronomy -and calendar the non-expert is in a situation of despair: for whoever -cannot himself make use of the sources is referred to the often -directly contradictory statements of the experts. I cannot however -shirk the task of investigating whether in Babylonian calendric -systems traces of the primitive time-reckoning are not also to be -found. Unfortunately I cannot limit myself to matters upon which a -certain unity of opinion prevails, but must also touch upon burning -questions, such as the intercalation. What is here offered is in -the nature of things only an attempt: but I may perhaps be allowed -to express the hope that competent specialists, not led astray by -chronological hypotheses, may afterwards observe how far the few but -obvious characteristics of the primitive time-reckoning recur also in -the Babylonian system. - -The multiplicity and variability of the names of the months are -found once more in ancient Sumer. In so comparatively late a period -as the kingdom of Ur (in the middle of the second half of the third -millenium B. C.) each minor state had its own list of months, -which I here reproduce, together with the suggested explanations, -chiefly from the latest work of Landsberger[834]. At this time there -was in use in Nippur a list of months the terms of which later -served as general ideograms for the months. The names are:--1, -_bar-zag-gar(-ra)_ month of habitation or inhabitants of the -sanctuary; 2, _gu(d)-si-sa_, the name is derived by the Babylonians -themselves from an agricultural occupation, the driving of the -irrigating-machine drawn by oxen: the moderns connect this name with -the _gu(d)-si-su_ festival celebrated in this month at Nippur; 3, -_šeg-ga_, shortened from _šeg-u-šub-ba-gar-ra_, ‘month in which the -brick is laid in the mould’; 4, _šu-kul-na_, probably ‘sowing-month’, -although the time does not fit: for displacements see below p. 261; -5, _ne-ne-gar(-ra)_, named from a festival; 6, _kin-^d Inanna_, named -from an Istar festival; 7, _du(l)-azag(-ga)_, from a festival; 8, -_apin-du-a_, ‘month of the opening of the irrigation-pipes’, which -fits very well with the time of year; 9, _kan-kan-na_, probably -‘ploughing-month’, which also agrees very well with the season; 10, -_ab(-ba)-e(-a)_, from a festival; 11, _aš-a(-an)_, ‘month of the -spelt’; 12, _še-kin-kud-(du)_, ‘month of the corn-harvest’. There are -therefore some names of the familiar kind, taken from agricultural -occupations, but more are borrowed from festivals. It is very natural -that the list of months should be regulated by ecclesiastical points -of view, since Nippur was a great and very ancient centre of the -religious cult. - -Most interesting are the months from Girsu (Lagash). From the -pre-Sargonic period about 25 names of months have hitherto been -found, of which only 8 or 9 persisted up to the second and third -periods. These 25 names of months are divided by Landsberger into -the following groups:--(1) occasional names of months, under which -he includes those which are consciously named after the object or -employment mentioned in the document itself, or even improvised from -the domestic occupation in question. Four names are given but are not -translated. (2) isolated and foreign names of months: ‘month in which -the shining (or white) star sinks down from the culmination-point’, -a type familiar to us; ‘month in which the third people came from -Uruk’, doubtless an accidental description. Further, two months -named from festivals at Lagash. (3) agricultural by-names: _itu -še-kin-kud-du_, see above; _itu gur-dub-ba-a_, ‘month in which -the granary is covered with grain’; further a name not explained, -perhaps identical with the foregoing. (4) terms belonging to the -religious cult. Of these no fewer than 17 exist, not counting those -already mentioned: they are nearly all named after festivals. Great -pains have been taken to arrange the months in their position in -the calendar, and the superfluous names have been set down merely -as doublets, since they have been judged by the lists of months -current among ourselves. When we compare the terms with those of -the primitive time-reckoning, it becomes clear that the naming of -the months is here in the same fluctuating state as e. g. among the -Melanesians. According to circumstances, an agricultural occupation, -the rising of a star, a festival, etc., is seized upon in order to -describe the month. Certainly the months can be chronologically -arranged, but to draw up a fixed series from these 25 names is -impossible, even if tendencies towards the formation of such a series -already exist. The development tends in this direction in order to -facilitate a general understanding, and in the second period, at the -time of the kingdom of Akkad in the 28th to 26th centuries, a list of -this nature occurs[835]:--1, _itu ezen gan-maš_, perhaps ‘month of -the reckoning’, i. e. of the profits of the agriculture, or ‘_mois -où la campagne resplendit_’; 2, _itu ezen har-ra-ne-sar-sar_, ‘month -in which the oxen work’; 3, _itu ezen dingir ne-šu_, of uncertain -meaning but connected with the cult; 4, _itu šu-kul_, see above; 5, -_itu ezen dim-ku_, month of the feast in which the _dim_ consecrated -to the deity was eaten; 6, _itu ezen ^{dingir} Dumu-zi_, month of -the Tammuz feast; 7, _itu ur_; 8, _itu ezen ^{dingir} Bau_, month of -the feast of the goddess Bau; 9, _itu mu-šu-gab_, meaning uncertain; -10, _itu mes-en-du-še-a-na_ (?); 11, _itu ezen amar-a(-a)-si_, -_amar_ = ‘young brood’, _a_ = ‘water’, _si_ = _malu_ = ‘to be full’, -and therefore probably ‘spawning month’; 12, _itu še-še-kin-a_, -another form for _še-kin-kud_; 13, _itu ezen še-illa_, ‘_mois où -le blé monte_’, according to Radau ‘grain grow(n)’, according to -de Genouillac, whom Kugler follows, ‘_mois où on lève le blé pour -les moutons_’: i. e. after the corn has been trodden out on the -threshing-floor by the oxen, the stalks are taken up for the cattle. -The list has therefore thirteen months. Further, two points are to -be noted. In the first place only eight months (nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, -11, 12, and 13), or perhaps nine--if _itu ur_ is to be regarded as -an abbreviation of _itu ga-udu-ur-(ra-)ka_--are taken over from the -preceding period. The multiplicity and instability of the names of -months were therefore at an earlier period still greater than the -known names indicate. In the second place the word _ezen_, ‘feast’, -is a secondary addition to the names of the 2nd, 3rd, 13th, and -probably the 4th months, that is to say, the ecclesiastical point -of view has penetrated into the nomenclature of the months to such -an extent that even months with names borrowed from agricultural -occupations are explained anew by festivals. The third period is the -time of Dungi and his successors. The list of months differs only in -that 7, _itu ur_, was re-named as _itu ezen ^{dingir} Dungi_, and -the tenth month of the above list is missing, so that we have 10, -_itu amar-a-asi_; 11, _itu še-kin-kud_; 12, _itu se-illa_; in the -intercalation 11 is doubled, _itu dir še-kin-kud_. The seventh month -takes its name from a festival celebrated in honour of the deified -king Dungi; it is therefore the oldest example of a naming of a -month from deified rulers which originates in the festivals bound up -with the cult; such names are familiar from the Graeco-Roman period -and examples still survive in the words ‘July’ and ‘August’. Still -another version of this list exists in the so-called syllabar of -months, in which six series of names of months are enumerated. This -list is not completely preserved. The most considerable deviation is -that only two months instead of three intervene between the months -_šu-kul-na_ and _ezen ^d Bau_: the order of succession is therefore -broken. Landsberger conjectures that we have to do either with a -later form of the calendar from Lagash, at the time of the kings -of Larsa and Isin--afterwards the Nippur list was used, this being -employed everywhere, at least ideographically--or else with a local -offshoot. In any case the list affords valuable evidence of the -instability of the months. - -In modern Drehem there is found a list of months in which each month -is allotted to an official of the cult, so that the result is a -monthly regulation of the cult. The list is assigned to the town of -Ur. 1, _maš-da-ku_, ‘month of the gazelle eating’, from a festival -ceremony; 2, _šeš-da-ku_, and 3, _u-bi-ku_, borrowed from religious -festivals; 4, _ki-sig ^d Nin-a-zu_, month of the mourning festival -of Ninazu; 5, _ezen ^d Nin-a-zu_, month of the (joyful) festival -of Ninazu; 6, _a-ki-ti_, named from a feast; 7, _ezen ^d Dungi_, -see above; 8, _šu-eš-ša_, unexplained, later ousted by _^{itu} -ezen ^d Su- ^d Sin_; 9, _ezen-mah_, ‘month of the high feast’; 10, -_ezen-an-na_, month of the Anu feast; 11, _ezen Me-ki-gal_, doubled -in intercalation; 12, _še-kin-kud_. There are also many variants. The -names, with the exception of that of the old harvest month, are all -taken from feasts: the ecclesiastical nomenclature has therefore been -carried out very fully. - -The list of months from Umma:--The months 1, 2, and 6 are borrowed -from the Nippur list. Of undoubted religious origin are:--9, _^d -Ne-gun_; 10, _ezen ^d Dungi_; 12, _^d Dumu-zi_. 11 has the variant -_^{itu d} Pap-u-e_. To none of the four local systems can _^{itu} -azag-šim_ be allotted. - -A fifth list is known only from the above-mentioned syllabar, and is -not certainly localised. The names of months refer to festivals and -religious ceremonies, and have not all been completely preserved. - -We have seen what a multiplicity prevails among the Sumerian names -of months. At the time of the dynasty of Hammurabi the signs of the -Nippur list are used as ideographic signs of the months. The phonetic -readings are known. The names are the common ones which were also -adopted by the Jews in exile. The explanations are, according to -Muss-Arnolt:--1, _nisanu_, from _nesu_ = ‘to stir, to move on, to -leap’; 2, _airu_, from _aru_, ‘bright’, or _ir_, ‘to send out, to -sprout’, and therefore the month of blossoming and sprouting; 3, -_sivanu_; 4, _duzu_, ‘son of life’; 5, _abu_, ‘hostile’ (on account -of the heat); 6, _ululu_; 7, _tašritu_, ‘origin, beginning’; 8, -_arah-samna_, ‘the eighth month’; 9, _kislivu_; 10, _dhabitu_, ‘the -gloomy month’; 11, _sabadhu_, ‘the destroyer’; 12, _addaru_, ‘the -dark (month)’. The names are therefore borrowed throughout from -natural phenomena. Numerous phonetic writings in legal documents -are alone sufficient to shew that, at least for Sippar, our common -pronunciations of the month-ideograms of this time were not the -only ones in use. Landsberger gives 12 other names, of which -only a few can be explained. _Sibutim_, _sibutu_ is the name for -the 7th day and its festival, as the name of a month therefore, -carrying over the idea to the year, it is the _sibutu_ of the year; -_ki-nu-ni_, ‘oven month’, because the oven must then be heated; _arah -ka-ti-ir-si-tim_, ‘hand of the underworld’, probably something like -‘month of epidemics’. One or two are named from gods. Therefore among -the Semites of Babylonia also a fixed series of months was formed -only gradually, by selection, and indeed under the influence of the -Sumerian calendar from which the ideograms were borrowed. - -The Elamite calendar is known partly from the so-called syllabar of -months, and partly from documents[836]: the latter offer 13 names of -which Hrozný tries to explain away the last by identifying it with -another. The names in the two sources sometimes vary considerably, -but are chiefly of Babylonian origin. Several, according to Hrozný’s -interpretations, refer to the seasons: _še-ir(-i)-eburi_, (month -of the) prospering of the harvest; _tam-ti-ru-um_, month of rain; -_tar-bi-tum_ (month of the) growth (of plants). _Pi-te-bâbi_ means -‘opening of the gate’, and probably refers to a religious ceremony. - -The ancient Assyrian list of months is partly preserved in the -syllabar of months, and also occurs in the inscriptions of the -early Assyrian kings and in the so-called Cappadocian tablets, -which come from an Assyrian colony of the third millenium at Kara -Eyjuk in Asia Minor. We find:--2, perhaps month of the moon-god; 3, -_ku-zal-li_, shepherd’s month; 4, _al-la-na-a-ti_, also shepherd’s -month; 6, _ša sa-ra-te_, perhaps the name of some employment; 12, -_qar-ra-a-tu_, name of an occupation (?). The other names are -missing or are uncertain. In regard to the interpretation of the -names from occupations a certain caution should be exercised, since -in accordance with all the examples hitherto given a name like -‘shepherd’s month’ ought to refer not to the occupation as such but -to the pasture season. All other explanations are quite problematical. - -In the above I have only been able to reproduce the material -collected by Assyriologists and the explanations given by them: but -from this it clearly appears that the development of the series of -months has proceeded in the same fashion here as elsewhere. At the -beginning we find an indefinite number of names of months borrowed -principally from natural phenomena. Among these a selection takes -place, the result of which, however, is different in each city. At -first it seems as though series of 13 months arose. But these series, -as the examples from Lagash shew, were not fixed throughout. New -names penetrate into them, even the position of the month can be -altered. Finally the series becomes quite fixed, and with this seems -to be connected the falling away of the thirteenth month: in the -series of months now fixed at twelve the leapmonth becomes a doubling -of the preceding month. While this development continues, the -calendar takes on more and more an ecclesiastical stamp, since months -named from festivals are constantly ousting those named from natural -phenomena, and finally attain to almost exclusive predominance. This -is easily to be understood in the case of ancient Sumer, since not -only were the priests alone--here as elsewhere--in possession of the -art of writing and the other higher branches of knowledge of the -people, but the temples also had the largest landed property, with -an extensive administration. Occupations and religious ceremonies, -festival seasons and time-reckoning for practical purposes were -more closely connected at that time than at any other. The Semitic -calendars all present the same characteristics as the ancient -Sumerian, a resemblance which is only slightly disguised by the fact -that the signs of the now fixed Sumerian series of months are used as -ideograms of the months. Everyone read the ideograms in accordance -with his custom, so that a variety in the names of months still -existed, as the phonetic writings testify. But the fixed writing -naturally contributed to bring about fixed readings, i. e. a fixed -series of months. - - -2. THE ISRAELITES. - -The Israelites, like all Semitic races, reckoned in lunar months. -I need not discuss the views which ascribe to them a solar year, -or would make the old Canaanitish months divisions of the solar -year. From early times the day of the new moon was celebrated with -general festivities and rest from labour, and the old feasts of the -agricultural year seem to have been postponed till the time of full -moon. Like the Homeric Greeks, the Jews at their immigration had no -names of months. Hence they took over the old Canaanitish names. The -latter appear in the oldest portions of the law, in the regulations -for the feast of the Passover, which is to be celebrated in _chodesh -ha-abib_, the month of ears of corn, and in the history of the -building of Solomon’s temple[837], where three others--_chodesh_ or -_yerash ziv_, _yerash bul_, _yerash ha-etanim_--are mentioned and -compared with the numerical months by which their position is fixed. -Of these _y. bul_ and _y. etanim_ recur among the eleven Phoenician -names of months known from inscriptions. The above-mentioned series -of months, which we possess only in fragments, was therefore at -least in part identical with the Phoenician: hence the term ‘old -Canaanitish’ is justified. The explanations are also clear, having -regard to the position of the months in the year. _Chodesh ha-abib_, -corresponding to the first month, about April, is the month of -the ripening ears. _Yerash ziv_, the second, about May, the month -of brightness (though certainly the etymology is not certain), is -referred to the splendour of the blossoming season, though this falls -earlier. But in May the dry season begins, and so one would think -rather of the splendour of the sun. _Yerash ha-etanim_, corresponding -to the seventh, about September, means month of the flowing, i. e. -of the perennial streams, which now at the end of the dry season are -the only ones that have water. _Yerash bul_, the eighth, cannot be -referred to the gathering of the fruit (_bul_), which has already -taken place, but probably means the rainy month, since the autumn -rains now begin[838]. The descriptions are therefore of the kind -already sufficiently familiar. - -But in the writings of the Old Testament the numbering of the -months, beginning at the Feast of the Passover, is the common method -of description, which is only replaced by the Babylonian names -of months after the Captivity. It seems to be fairly generally -recognised that the numbering is later, and according to what has -already been shewn about the numbering of months[839] this is always -a phenomenon of an advanced stage of civilisation. The inclination -of the people towards concrete descriptions of months must also -have prepared the way for the introduction of the Babylonian names. -As to the date of the introduction of the numbered months there is -considerable difference of opinion: at the time of Solomon[840], -about 600 B. C.[841], first demonstrable among the writers of the -Captivity[842]. For our purpose the chief point to note is that the -numbering is more recent than the naming of the months. This question -is again connected with that of the beginning of the year, which will -be dealt with below. For if the series of numbered months begins in -spring, yet there are also indications of an earlier beginning in -autumn[843]. - -New evidence both for the beginning of the year in autumn and for the -months is found in an inscriptional calendar from Gezer, dating from -about the year 600[844]. It runs:--Two months: bringing in of fruits; -two months: sowing; two months: late sowing; one month: pulling up -of flax; one month: barley harvest; one month: harvest of all other -kinds of corn; two months: vintage; one month: fruit-gathering. This -agrees with the course of the agricultural occupations, reckoning -from about September,--the bringing in of fruit is not the harvest -but the carrying home of the harvest from the fields--but is -naturally systematised so as to cover the months. Whoever drew up -this list knew neither fixed names nor a fixed enumeration of the -months: the question can only be whether this state of affairs must -have been general at the date 600 B. C. The purpose of the list does -not seem to me to have been clearly recognised. It is obvious that -such a list must have been drawn up for practical ends. It helps to -regulate the calendar. From the agricultural work just engaged in the -present month is recognised: and then, with the aid of this calendar, -it becomes possible to calculate how many months will elapse before -some other occupations begin. If this calendar came into general use, -names of months of the usual type would arise from it. - -It has been remarked above that the Israelites at their immigration -into Canaan had no names of months. Of course, like all other -primitive peoples, they occasionally reckoned a few months up to -or after this or that event, e. g. pregnancy. This counting was a -shifting one, i. e. it had no reference to the solar year. That -the practice of counting the months was known is proved by the -common word for month, _chodesh_, literally ‘newness’, ‘new moon’, -from _chadash_, ‘new’. The word for moon is _yareach_. Among the -Phoenicians _chodesh_ means only ‘new moon’: ‘month’ is _yerach_. -In the Old Testament this latter word also occurs several times: -in the account of the building of Solomon’s temple[845] (in three -cases characteristically combined with the old Canaanitish names), -in Exodus[846], in Deuteronomy and II Kings (in the expression -_yerach yamim_[847]), and lastly, poetically, in Moses’ departing -blessing[848] and a few times in Job and Zechariah. - -When it is remembered that the months are counted not only -continuously but also by the appearance of each new moon[849], it -becomes clear how the word _chodesh_ has come to mean ‘month’, and -this is also a sure evidence for the practice of counting the months, -though not from a definite point of departure. The latter process, i. -e. the numbering of the months, is much later. The earlier books of -the Old Testament provide interesting material for the significance -of the word[850]. _Chodesh_ means ‘new moon’, ‘feast of the new -moon’ in the old narrative of Jonathan and David[851]; in the -combination ‘new moons and sabbaths’[852]; and in the regulations of -the Priestly Code about the burnt offering of the new moon[853]. -From the new moon the days of the month can be counted, and this is -done in one case[854]. The number of months is determined by counting -the new moons: thus certain passages can be understood (though not -necessarily so), e. g. in the Yahwist, Gen. XXXVIII, 24, “it came -to pass about three new moons (months) after”, and in Amos IV, 7, -“when there were yet three new moons (months) to the harvest”. Here -‘new moon’ and ‘month’ are essentially identical: in this manner a -change of sense has come about. Another point is whether at the time -in question the word in this connexion had the sense of new moon or -of month: I should be inclined to regard the latter supposition as -correct. In the regulations for the Passover Feast also the sense -is not to be determined definitely[855]. If prominence is given to -the idea of duration of time, the sense ‘month’ clearly appears, -e. g. in the story of Jephthah’s daughter:[856] “Let me alone two -months, that I may depart and go down upon the mountains, and -bewail my virginity.” Thus the word in earlier and later times is -often used in the counting of the months[857]. The sense ‘month’ -can be rendered clear by the addition _yamim_[858], which is an -older idiom, for neither with _chodesh_ nor with _shana_, ‘year’, -is _yamim_ originally an empty addition. _Shana_ perhaps means -‘change’, ‘recurrence’, i. e. of the seasons. If the word is used in -a calendarial sense, _yamim_ is a practical explanation. The result -is that _chodesh_ stands for ‘month’, even where the idea of the new -moon is completely excluded, e. g., with numbers of days added, as -early as in the Yahwistic part of the old History of the Kings, II -Sam. XXIV, 8, ‘nine months and twenty days’, or in the history of -Solomon, I Kings V, 14: “And he sent them to Lebanon, ten thousand a -month by courses: a month they were in Lebanon, and two months at -home”. The older senses belong in general to the older writings; it -is however to be presumed that before the beginning of the literary -period the change of sense had already advanced rather far. - -In by far the greatest number of cases _chodesh_ stands in -combination with an ordinal numeral, not in Deuteronomy, but in -Jeremiah and the writers of the Exile, in the last Reviser of the -Pentateuch, in the Priestly Code. Hence it follows that these -numbered months are a late innovation, and they will be spoken of -again in connexion with the matter of the beginning of the year[859]. - - -3. THE PRE-MOHAMMEDAN ARABIANS. - -The series of months now used by the Arabs is the ancient Meccan -series, which, on account of the importance of Mecca as a centre of -trade, had acquired a more than local extension and was adopted by -Islam. Besides this series others are handed down, partly by Arabian -writers, and partly in the Sabean inscriptions: the latter I pass -over, since there is no translation of them, so that they are of no -use for my purpose[860]. The Meccan series is:--1, _safar I_, now -called _muharram_, ‘the holy’, a re-naming which, according to an -Arabic author, Buchari, first took place under Islam; 2, _safar II_; -3, _rabi I_; 4, _rabi II_; 5, _jumada I_; 6, _jumada II_; 7, _rajab_; -8, _sha’ban_; 9, _ramadan_; 10, _shawwal_; 11, _dhu-l-qa’da_; 12, -_dhu-l-hijja_. These names, in so far as they are explainable, refer -to seasons and festivals. This is best seen from the three pairs of -months which form the first half-year. I quote Wellhausen:[861]--“For -the season Çafar the Lisan 6, 134 gives abundant examples; it gives -a name to plants which grow at that time, animals which are born -then, and rains which fall in it. It falls in the autumn. Gumâda -often occurs in the old poetry and always refers to the worst -winter-cold, the dear time in which the poor must be fed by the -rich. Especially favoured is the description of the evil night in -Gumâda, when the dogs do not bark, the snakes, which are otherwise -out at night-time, remain in their holes, and the traveller eagerly -looks out for a friendly fire. The Rabî’ falls, according to the -calendar, between Çafar and Gumâda, and therefore in late autumn. -But commonly the Rabî’ is the season when, after the autumn and -winter rains, the steppe becomes green and the tribes disperse to -the pastures, where the camels bring forth their young and the rich -milking-season approaches.... The camels are pregnant ‘in the tenth -month’, and bring forth their young in February.” This statement -is supported by the etymology. _Safar_ comes from a root with the -meaning ‘to be empty’. Since two months appear between _safar_ and -the cold season, the two months of _safar_ include the end of the -dry and the beginning of the rainy season, before a more abundant -vegetation has sprung up, and are therefore the worst period of lack -of food. The root from which _jumada_ comes has the sense ‘to grow -stiff’, which suits the time of the sharp cold. _Rabi_ as a season -has a double sense, it is partly used to describe a period in autumn -which is often identified with _charif_, the date-harvest, and partly -to describe the pasture-season in spring. The explanation of this -fact is doubtless that the word refers to the sprouting vegetation, -the pasture-season, partly, indeed, to the vegetation which appears -simultaneously with the autumn rains, but partly to the richer -pasture which springs up with the increasing heat after the winter -rains. Out of these three seasons, according to a familiar precedent, -six months are made. They do not exactly cover the winter half of the -year, but fall somewhat earlier, since the last month, _jumada II_, -belongs to the cold period. As for the other months, the sense of -_ramadan_, ‘the hot’, is certain, and it alludes to the warm season, -in fact to its beginning, since _ramadan_ is the third month after -_jumada II_. The attempted explanations of _sha’ban_ and _shawwal_ -are all very uncertain. The other three names refer to festivals. -In _rajab_ a festival was celebrated in all holy places, in which -sacrifices of camels and sheep were offered up. The root means ‘to -fear, to reverence’; the month is therefore called the ‘holy’, -or the ‘deaf and dumb’, since the noise of weapons is stilled. -The names of the last two months refer to the great pilgrimage to -Mecca. _Dhu-l-qa’da_ is ‘the month of sitting’, and the explanation -given for the name--that the month was so called because in it no -expeditions or predatory excursions took place--is doubtless correct. -It is the first month of the holy peace which prevails during the -time of pilgrimage. The second month is named from the feast of -pilgrims itself, _dhu-l-hijja_. - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -CALENDAR REGULATION. 1. THE INTERCALATION. - - -The circumstance that the lunar months are among almost all peoples -named from the phases of Nature involves the necessity of an -agreement between the two really incommensurable periods given by -the sun and the moon. This problem is the central point of the older -scientific chronology. We shall now investigate more closely how -the problem has arisen, and what has been its development among the -primitive peoples. - -Where there is only a series of less than twelve months, the problem -of calendar regulation does not exist. The series is begun on the -appearance of the signs from which the first month is named, and is -continued from that point until the end. The vacant period serves, -unconsciously of course, to bring lunar reckoning and solar year into -agreement. Nevertheless the months can be fixed in a more accurate -fashion. The Eskimos of Greenland, for instance, mark the winter -solstice by the position of the sun, and then begin to count the -moons, and continue doing so until the moon can no longer be observed -in the bright summer nights[862]. The Lower Thompson Indians in -British Columbia counted up to ten or sometimes eleven months, the -remainder of the year being called the autumn or late fall. This -indefinite period of unnamed months enabled them to bring the lunar -and solar year into harmony. Also the Shuswap and the Lillooet in the -same country counted eleven months and then the ‘fall-time’, which -was the balance of the year[863]. - -Among most peoples, however, a series of months covering the -whole year has arisen, and this series has more often 13 than 12 -months. Here the difficulties first begin. If a new moon falls on -a certain day of the solar year, in the following year a new moon -will occur about 11 days before or 19 days after this day, and in -the year after that about 21 days before or 9 days after it. Since -the natural phases are bound up with the solar year, they get out -of place in relation to the moon. The situation is still further -complicated by the fact that the phases of Nature, and with them the -occupations, vary somewhat according to the peculiarities of the -climate in different years. Hence doubt arises, and the accustomed -order of succession of the months is broken. And this is not a mere -theoretical piece of reasoning: primitive peoples are not seldom in -perplexity as to which month they are to count. Of the Dakota it is -said that they often have heated debates as to which moon it is. The -raccoons do not come out of their winter holes at the same time every -winter, the conditions which cause inflammation of the eyes do not -appear at the same time every spring, the geese lay their eggs at a -slightly different period according to the character of the year. -Twelve moons do not bring them back to the same point in the season -as that from which their reckoning began; and therefore towards the -end of the winter there is dispute among the Dakota as to the correct -current date[864]. If the people has a thirteenth month, the matter -is no better. Of the Pawnee, who had an intercalary month, it is -stated that they sometimes became inextricably involved in reckoning, -and were obliged to have recourse to objects about them to rectify -their computations. Councils have been known to be disturbed, or -even broken up, in consequence of irreconcilable differences of -opinion as to the correctness of their calculation[865]. The same is -reported of the Caffres. Their months are named e. g. from the first -cry of the cuckoo, the flowering of the erythusia, the dust in the -dry season, midwinter, and since all these phenomena may appear at -somewhat different dates, even the Caffre astrologers do not know -what moon they are really in. The first appearance of the Pleiades -just before sunrise always rectifies the confusion[866]. Even -peoples who have a developed, astronomically regulated, lunisolar -calendar sometimes have recourse to the natural phases in order to -rectify it. In Bali not only were the stars observed but also the -flowering of certain plants, or even the date when the white ants -got their wings, in order to rectify the lunar calendar[867]. The -months of the Bataks of Sumatra are regulated by the constellation -Scorpio[868]: the magicians, who control the calendar, are not -certain as to the position of the months, but look for general points -of reference in the phenomena of Nature. Thus, for instance, the -dates of certain migratory birds are known: they come in the fourth -and go in the first month. In the third month a black flying-ant is -accustomed to appear in great numbers. The presence of the bird of -prey _lali piuan_ makes known the sixth and seventh months. The bird -_sosoit_ sings in the eleventh month, and the turtle-dove is silent -in the eighth. The west monsoon proclaims the third, storms are very -frequent in the eleventh and twelfth[869]. - -Many peoples slip over the difficulties, they do not properly -know of how many moons the year consists: such peoples are the -Dyaks[870], the Warumbi of Central Africa[871], the Ibo-speaking -peoples[872], the Algonquin[873]. But if a definite series of months -is established, without a vacant interval such as occurs in the case -of some peoples, the number of months naturally becomes 12 or 13. -Even in this case the people sometimes let matters go as they will, -as is reported of the Yukaghir. The people having been christianised, -says our authority, it is now difficult to say whether the ancient -Yukaghir made some adjustment by adding a month to accommodate their -lunar year to the solar one. It seems to me, from the answers which -I received from the Yukaghir to my inquiries, that this point did -not interest them. Generally a month is the time from one new moon -to another, but it did not matter to them whether twelve such months -made up a full cycle of the year or not. When it was necessary they -simply ignored some of the names of months, being far ahead[874]. -The Koryak have twelve lunar months, and the first one begins at -the time of the winter solstice and corresponds to our December. -Yet they are very little troubled by the fact that in the interval -between two winter solstices an extra new moon may occur[875]. The -very perplexity described above implies a great advance, viz. the -recognition of the difficulties, which is the first stage towards -mastering them. - -Therefore every now and again some month must be left out or a month -added. This necessity, at first not recognised, or not clearly so, is -the chief cause of the above-mentioned disagreement in the reckoning -of the months[876]. For when the counting is performed in accordance -with the series only, it soon happens (apart from the climatic -variations of the years already mentioned) that the months deviate -from the natural phases from which they are named. The arguments in -the dispute as to which month it really is are based on the condition -of the phases of nature: the result is a correction of the counting, -i. e. the months are pushed forwards or backwards according to -circumstances, i. e. the month which should have followed is left -out, or a month is added to the series. Thus an intercalation comes -about without it being suspected what is really done. In general the -whole process is not even so conscious as the desire for theoretical -exactness has led me to represent in using the example of the -Dakota. The series and the number of months were from the beginning -unstable, and the natural conditions have brought it about that this -characteristic has been preserved in at least one particular, viz. -that in certain cases a month could be passed over. Let us, for the -sake of clearness, take a fictitious example from Swedish conditions. -As a rule the rye-harvest falls at the beginning of August, the -oat-harvest at the end of August and beginning of September, the -potato-harvest at the end of September. These occupations might very -well be distributed among three months named after them. But a year -would sometimes come in which the oat-harvest took place about at -the interval between two moons, the rye-harvest at the beginning of -the first moon, and the potato-harvest at the end of the second moon. -There would therefore be no place for a month of the oat-harvest, it -must simply be omitted. That this is the case among the primitive -peoples is proved by the fact that many, in fact most, of them -have a series of thirteen months of which one must according to -circumstances be passed over in certain years. - -Experience teaches the peoples who have only a twelve-month series -that this is not sufficient: so we are told of the Mandan and -Minnetaree that they have generally recognised that the year has -more than twelve months[877]. When the intercalary month, as among -certain Indians, is named ‘the lost month’[878], this points to the -fact that it is an addition to a twelve-month series, just as in -Babylonia, where the same method of expression recurs[879]. The Masai -have twelve months[880]. The great rains cease with _loo-’n-gokwa_, -which is named from the evening setting of the Pleiades. Should -the rains still continue at the beginning of the following month, -the Masai say:--“We have forgotten, this is _loo-’n-gokwa_.” -Should the hot season not be over at the beginning of the month -following _ol-oiborare_, they say:--“We have forgotten, this is -_ol-oiborare_”[881]. It is clear that if through the dead reckoning -the months are advanced in relation to the seasons, one month will be -repeated, i. e. intercalated. The preceding month is forgotten. - -Thus the necessity for modifying the series of months is felt, and -in response to this an empirical intercalation arises. When this -intercalation is left to itself, conflicting opinions, as we have -already seen, arise as to it. An end is made to these disputes -and order is established when the decision is placed in the hands -of definite persons. This was done among the Jews, the regulation -of whose calendar affords a particularly plain example of this -empirical intercalation, which, out of religious conservatism, they -kept until well into the post-Christian period, in fact until the -necessities of the Dispersion compelled, from the second century, a -mitigation of the original rules, and finally at an uncertain period, -perhaps not until medieval times, led to a calculated regulation. -According to the Talmud the appearance of the crescent of the new -moon was determined by deposition before a court of justice of three -members. After that the beginning of the month was signalised in the -country in earlier times by fires, later by couriers. A suitable -intercalation was absolutely necessary for the celebration of the -feasts, since at the Feast of the Passover on the 14th of Nisan the -first-fruits of the corn were offered, and the two other great feasts -were also of an agrarian character. For this purpose the court of -justice visited the fields. If they saw that the crops were not yet -ripe at the Passover time, and that the fruits also were not so far -advanced as they were accustomed to be at this time of the year, -they intercalated a month in accordance with these two signs: if -only one of these signs was to be observed the decision was made to -depend on other minor circumstances[882]. By way of example I give an -official document of Rabbi Gamaliel II, issued to the inhabitants of -Judaea, Galilaea, and the Dispersion at the date 90-110 A. D.[883]. -“We make known to you that the lambs are small and the young of the -birds are tender and the time of the corn-harvest has not yet come, -so that it seems right to me and my brothers to add to this year -thirty days.” The intercalary month was the last month of the year, -_Adar_. On rare occasions _Nisan_, when it had begun, was altered -into _Adar II_. Here the intercalation took place in the interests -of the religious cult, but the cult on its side was dependent on the -natural phenomena. The intercalation is of the same empirical order -as that which we have met among the primitive peoples. It is only -that the development of the ecclesiastical laws has led to a judicial -procedure, and the task of determining the intercalation has been -handed over to a committee of the Sanhedrin. - -There exists a possibility of a somewhat different development -among peoples who originally had less than twelve months and also -counted a vacant interval: it is conceivable that the unnamed months -may be named, until at last twelve months have names and the vacant -interval remains only as an intercalary month. This seems to be the -case among the Central Eskimos; they have a ‘sunless’ month, which -covers the time when the sun does not appear and when there is also -hardly any twilight: it is said to be of indeterminate length. After -an interval of a few years this month is left out, if new moon and -winter solstice coincide[884]. When the intercalary month has thus -arisen, its position in the year is fixed. One other example of -this method may exist. The author who gives the list of the months -of the Kwakiutl of the Island of Vancouver, beginning with March, -inserts between the tenth and eleventh months the winter solstice, -and says that the solstice moons are called by a name which probably -means ‘split both ways’, and adds that the readjustment is made -in midwinter[885]. Unfortunately the author does not tell us how -the readjustment is made, whether the winter solstice moon or some -other moon is the intercalary month. If the former be the case, the -explanation is given by the above. - -There is rarely any rule for the position of the intercalary month. -Where the sources simply enumerate a thirteen-month series, it is to -be presumed that no fixed position for the intercalary month exists. -But such a month can be found, since naturally a month named from a -natural phase of less importance will be omitted, or an additional -month inserted, at a time when there is little work going on, and -when consequently little attention is paid to the time-reckoning. So -it is said of the Pawnee that the intercalary month was usually put -in after the summer months[886]. On the Society Islands the month -corresponding to our March or our July was commonly omitted[887]. - -The first regulation of the calendar is therefore roughly empirical, -and in fact is nothing but an occasional and arbitrary deviation, -necessitated by the natural phases, from the existing series of -months. The natural phases, however, as we saw in chapter IV, are -determined in more accurate fashion by the stars, and particularly -by their risings and settings. Consequently the months also can be -named from stars, and a considerable number of such names of months -was found in the lists of chapter VII. This phenomenon has hitherto -been only briefly touched upon; for the regulation of the calendar it -is of supreme importance, since the risings and settings of the stars -accurately determine the date, so that the fluctuation of the natural -phases is excluded. Where only one month is named after a star and -determined by it, the series of months is immovably fixed. - -Just as the Pleiades play the most important part in the -determination of time from the phases of Nature, so it is also in -the naming of the months. The Konyag have a month named from this -constellation, which is followed by one named after Orion[888]. Of -the Diegueño of S. California it is stated that they divided the -year into six months and observed the morning rising of five chief -stars. The names of months are given, but unfortunately there is -no information as to the sense[889]. The Hottentots and the Herero -both have a Pleiades month[890]. On the islands of the Pacific -Ocean the practice is carried so far that in some cases every month -is described by the rising of a constellation, as is done by the -Maoris[891], or even named from stars, as among the inhabitants of -Mortlock’s Island[892] and, for most of the months, by tribes of the -Torres Straits[893]. - -This, however, is an exception. Where only one month is named from -the rising of a star or brought into connexion with it--in this case -the stars in question are usually the Pleiades--the latter furnishes -the means of correcting the reckoning of the months, and the -intercalary month is consequently introduced, as need arises, before -the month in question. The Pleiades month therefore of itself becomes -the starting-point of the reckoning of the months, i. e. becomes the -beginning of the year. Immediately after the discovery of America -it was already reported of certain tribes on the Mexican coast that -they began the year at the setting of the Pleiades and divided it -into moon-months[894]. In Loango the months are counted from new -moons, but Sirius, the rainy star, offers a means of correcting the -reckoning sidereally. With the first new moon which sees Sirius -rising in the east their new cycle of twelve months begins, and -this must run as well as it can until the new year. When the cycle -of months and the year do not fit, which happens about every three -years, a thirteenth month must be inserted. This is the evil time, -when the wandering spirits are at their worst[895]. The Caffres -have twelve moon-months with the usual descriptive names: on this -account uncertainty often arises as to which month it really is. The -confusion is always rectified by the morning rising of the Pleiades, -and the reckoning goes on smoothly for a time, until the months once -more get out of place and it becomes necessary to refer again to the -stars in order to correct them[896]. In Bali the Pleiades and Orion -are observed for the purpose of correcting the calendar of moons by -intercalation: thus the month _kartika_ is doubled, or the month -_asada_ is prolonged until the Pleiades appear at sunset. Moreover -certain natural phenomena are observed[897]. In New Zealand, where -all months were described by stars, the year began with the new moon -following on the rising of the winter star _puanga_ (Rigel)[898]; -the thirteenth month often passed unobserved[899], i. e. served as -an intercalary month. Elsewhere we are told that the displacement of -the moon-months in relation to the year was rectified through the -observation of the rising of the Pleiades and of Orion, and that the -most accurate way of calculating the beginning of the year was to -observe the first new moon after the morning rising of Rigel[900]. -The Papuans limit the year by the constellation of the Serpent, -_manggouanija_; when it appears again in the north, it is a sign that -the new year is beginning[901]. The people of Nauru, west of the -Gilbert Islands, count by moon-months. The time that elapses until -the Great Bear returns to the same spot is reckoned as a year[902]. -The last two reports are so condensed that it is impossible to see -whether the stars serve for the rectifying of the calendar of moons -found among these peoples, or only for the fixing of the beginning of -the year, which, as will be shewn below, may be independent of the -reckoning of months. - -About the regulation of the Hawaiian calendar the authorities are not -unanimous. Dibble says (p. 108) that the month _welehu_ completed the -year, and the new year began with the following month, _makalii_. -The year varied between 12 and 13 months. Each month had 30 days; -however he adds that in practice the number of days varied between -30 and 29. This is the phenomenon familiar in other places, e. g. in -Greece, among the Bataks, etc., in which a round number of 30 days is -given to the moon-month, the real length of this being a little more -than 29½ days. Fornander (I, 119 ff.) states that this variation, -though not common, did occur, but asserts that the year of 360 days -was rectified by the intercalation of 5 days at the end of the month -_welehu_: these were _tabu_ days, dedicated to the festival of the -god Lono. Similarly an old woman of Maui stated that eight months had -30 days and four 31, and that these additional days were called _na -mahoe_, ‘the twins’[903]. This statement cannot be correct, since -the month was strictly lunar and must have been wholly disarranged -by these intercalary days, as is pointed out by the historian of the -Sandwich Islands, W. D. Alexander[904]. This writer also remarks that -it is a well-established fact that the ancient Hawaiians intercalated -a month about every third year, but that the rule governing the -intercalation is unknown. Certainly there was no such rule, but -the intercalation was empirically treated, and regulated by the -appearance of the Pleiades. Such contradictory statements as the -above are due to the influence of the European calendar, owing to -which the native calendar has early fallen into disuse. Fornander has -probably mistaken a feast for intercalary days. - -The treatment of the calendar among the Bataks of Sumatra is of -great interest. The calendar indeed originates in India: the days of -the months shew the familiar names of planets in corrupted Sanskrit -forms, four times repeated and distinguished by various additions. -Only the 28th and 29th or the 29th and 30th days, as the case may -be, have names of another kind, so as to equalise the number of the -days of the moon-month. The week is therefore not shifting but is -immovably fitted into the month. The months are regulated by Scorpio, -the largest star of which is Antares. The year begins with the new -moon at the morning setting of Orion and the contemporary morning -rising of Scorpio in May. The full moon fourteen days later then -stands in the constellation Scorpio. In the first half of the year -the full moon goes farther from Scorpio every month, and in the -second half gets nearer and nearer to it. In the Batak calendar, -which has 12, sometimes 13, × 30 squares, the sign of Scorpio is -registered at the proper day, and the month is decided by it. As -a means of control the soothsayer uses a buffalo rib with 12 × 30 -holes (four times repeated), and every day he draws a string through -one hole in order to keep account of the days. It is clear that the -calendar can give no certain help in the establishing of the month, -and that the means of control must be directly misleading, since -the moon-months vary between 29 and 30 days. For this reason the -soothsayer is often uncertain in his reckoning of the months, and -refers to the natural phases in order to correct it[905]. Hence in -his selection of days he looks not only to the current month, but -also to the preceding. Our authority says that the surplus month is -no intercalary month in the European sense, although it is likely -that to it originally fell the task of equalising the lunar and the -solar years. This is indeed the only correct explanation. When, -presumably in the twelfth month, a following month is involved in the -decision, the thirteenth is also included so that an intercalation -takes place. If the thirteenth month is not available, the first is -taken, we are told. But an intercalation is necessary all the same: -the observation of the natural phases and of the morning rising of -Orion serves for the correction. And this can happen just because -the people are uncertain in the reckoning, and act according to -circumstances. The Batak calendar is a product of decay, and is used -exclusively for divination, not as a genuine calendar[906]; but it -is of great interest to observe how the soothsayers, since they do -not possess the knowledge necessary for a proper management of the -calendar, fall back upon primitive methods. It is significant that -the indispensable thirteenth month has often been lost: the people do -not even understand the difference between the months and the year, -and yet they cannot avoid the necessity of the intercalation. - -There are two historically important cases of this empirically -regulated intercalation of months, which must be dealt with in -detail, since they are much debated. The dispute has arisen from a -failure to recognise the empirical intercalation and its workings. -The one case is that of the old Arabian calendar before Mohammed, the -other that of the Babylonian calendar. - -The old Arabian names of months depend in great measure, as has -been shewn already[907], upon the seasons. Originally therefore -the months must have been connected with the solar year, and must -have been approximately fixed in their position by the sufficiently -familiar empirical method. The same thing is shewn by the naming -of the last months from the pilgrimage to Mecca. In pre-Mohammedan -times the pilgrimages were at the same time business journeys; trade -and cult were, as so often, united, and commercial intercourse was -first made really possible when by religious sanction a time of peace -was established during which journeys to and fro could be taken in -safety. The first month of the peace of God is _dhu-l-qa’da_, and -_dhu-l-hijja_ is the month of the gathering in Mecca: the following -month, _safar I_, was also included in the time of peace, and was -therefore called _muharram_. During all three months there were -fairs: in the neighbourhood of Mecca there was a whole succession of -them, following upon each other in _dhu-l-qa’da_ and _dhu-l-hijja_; -in _safar_ there was a corn-market in Yemen[908]. The gay life of the -great fair of Mecca is described in detail in old Arabic sources; -it seems to have drawn the people almost more than the religious -ceremonies, and first gave Mecca its real importance. An annual -fair is however dependent upon the seasons, both on account of the -journeys and for the products bought and sold. Sprenger has already -remarked that the winter months are quite unsuitable for merchants’ -journeys to Syria, and that in the late summer it was not to be -expected that corn which had been cut at the beginning of March -should be taken in to the markets[909]. Because of the markets that -were held in them, the months must also have had a fixed position -in the solar year. This importance of Mecca explains why the Meccan -months became so wide-spread. The two names _dhu-l-qa’da_ and -_dhu-l-hijja_ are formed with _dhu_, differently from the others, and -were coined at Mecca. This leads to the conclusion that these names -were innovations occasioned by the business intercourse of that city. - -For the purpose of determining the time of the peace of God and of -the gathering in Mecca unity must prevail as to the position of the -months, and for this the above-mentioned occasional correction of -the position is quite inadequate. Mohammed prescribed the strictly -lunar year: by this means the time of every month was definitely -fixed, but in about 33 years the months would pass through the circle -of a whole solar year. The question is whether before Mohammed an -ordered intercalation, which he abolished, or the lunar year existed. -For although it lies in the nature of things that the market should -originally be connected with a definite time of the year, it cannot -of course be denied that later, when the fairs had already attained -this predominating position, the date could be fixed by reference to -the purely lunar year. It is certain that in the years just before -the prescription of the lunar year by Mohammed the months were -inverted in relation to the year, so that the spring months fell in -autumn and the autumn months came in the spring[910]. - -The passage in the Koran 9, 36 ff. is often adduced as evidence -that Mohammed abolished the intercalation:--“Truly the number of -the months with God is twelve months in the book of God, on the -day when He created the heavens and the earth. Of these four (i. e. -_rajab_, _dhu-l-qa’da_, _dhu-l-hijja_, _muharram_) are holy. This is -the right religion. Be not unjust therein towards yourselves, but -fight against the heathen without distinction, since they make no -distinction in fighting against you, and know that God is on the side -of the faithful. The _nasî_ is in truth an addition to unbelief (or, -in unbelief), in which the unbelievers go astray. They allow it one -year, and one year they explain it as unlawful, in order to equalise -(bring into agreement) the number of that (i. e. the months) which -God has commanded to keep holy. But they declare lawful what God has -forbidden.” It is claimed that the emphasis laid upon the fact that -there are twelve months is directed against the intercalation, but -this is no proof. The sense depends entirely upon what is implied by -_nasî_. Etymologically the word is derived from _nasaa_, ‘to push -aside, away’. - -On this point there has been from the earliest days of Arabic -literature a dispute which has been still further complicated -by modern hypotheses[911]. According to one view _nasî_ is the -intercalation of a month, which served to bring the months into -agreement with the solar year[912]. Some authors have even attempted -to establish an intercalary cycle, and it has been asserted that -the intercalation was borrowed from the Jews. This opinion may be -left out of account, since the cycles differ among themselves and -are therefore invented, while the intercalation was governed by -a hereditary _nasî_-controller from the tribe of Kinâna, who was -called the _qalammas_, i. e. ‘Sea of Wisdom’. If the intercalation -is controlled by a central authority, as e. g. in Babylonia, an -intercalary cycle is unnecessary: the central authority supplies -its place. According to the other view the _nasî_ consists in the -transferring of the holy character of one month to another, e. g. -the declaring of _muharram_ as free and the pronouncing of _safar_ -as holy instead of it. This view is based on the supposition that -the Arabs found a time of peace lasting for three successive months -burdensome, and in order to be able to make predatory excursions -in a holy month, and yet keep the number of holy months unchanged, -they made another month holy instead. The treatment e. g. of the -_karneios_ by the Argives and of the _daisios_ by Alexander the -Great[913] was very similar. Therefore, it is maintained, before -Mohammed the year was a purely lunar one, and Mohammed only forbade -the disarrangement of the holy period. These authorities also ascribe -the right of changing the holy month to the _qalammas_, who at the -end of the feast of pilgrims in _dhu-l-hijja_ rose and in an address -to the assembly arranged the re-distribution. A third view, according -to which the feast of pilgrims was held eleven days later every year, -until after a cycle of 33 years it came back again to the same month, -is certainly incorrect, since the feast was connected with the phases -of the moon. The theory is extracted from the comparison between the -lunar and the solar years[914]. - -Several sources give the words in which the _qalammas_ made known the -re-distribution: they are affected by later views but must contain -a kernel of truth, since they shew difficulties which are not even -noticed by the authorities. According to Kalby the expression runs -simply:--“The _safar_ of this year is declared holy”, or “free”; -according to Ibn Ishaq:--“O God, I declare one of the two months -called _safar_, namely the first, to be free, and I postpone the -other till next year.” What is meant by postponing _safar II_ until -the next year is unexplained and unexplainable. Since the year begins -with _safar I_, and the proclamation takes place in _dhu-l-hijja_, -_safar II_ already belongs to the next year. _Safar II_ is in itself -not holy, so that here there can be no question of a changing of the -holy character of the month. But if by the expression _safar safar -I_ is understood, matters become clear. _Safar I_ is doubled: _I -a_ is an intercalary month, and therefore not holy, and belongs as -a thirteenth month to the current year; _I b_ begins the new year -and is holy. “I remove _safar_ (viz. _I b_) to next year” is an -incorrect but intelligible way of saying that the new year begins -with this month. In the _Qâmûs_ the expressions runs:--“O God, I am -authorised to move the months or to leave them in their places and -confirm them, and none can blame me or put me to my defence. O God, -I declare the first _safar_ to be free, and the second holy. The -same do I determine in respect of the two _rajab_, namely _rajab_ -and _sha’ban_.” The first sentence, if authentic, doubtless refers -to an intercalation, since the words are ‘move the months’, and not -‘the holy character of the months’; but we can hardly insist so far -upon the expression. The last sentence is more conclusive. It shews, -namely, that not only was _safar I_ shifted to _safar II_, but at the -same time _rajab_ was moved to _sha’ban_. This is a system, not an -incidental expedient to render possible a military expedition in a -holy month. Later authorities add that the holy character of _safar_ -was moved to _rabi I_, and that the process went on from month to -month until every month in the year had at one time or another been -declared holy. How this is to be understood is shewn by the oldest -report which has been handed down to us. It comes from Modjahid, who -was born in the year 21 of the Hegira. “The heathen were accustomed -in every month of the lunar year to go on pilgrimages for only two -years.” It must be realised that in the course of a cycle of 33 -years a month of the lunar year will coincide two to three times, -according to the series, with one and the same month of the lunisolar -year, and that the months of the Mohammedan lunar year and of the -old Arabian lunisolar year, which must once have existed, have the -same names. Modjahid’s statement can only be understood thus: that -the heathen pilgrimage was re-arranged every third year in relation -to the Mohammedan lunar months--two years is a rough approximation -for ‘sometimes two, sometimes three years’--because it was to be kept -in place in regard to the solar year. But the pilgrimage took place -in a definite month, and therefore the months also belonged to a -lunisolar year. If the months of the lunisolar year are compared with -those of the lunar year confusion results, since both series have the -same names. Let us take, for example, a sentence of the distinguished -chronologist Albiruni, who represents the opinion that _nasî_ means -the intercalation of a month: “The first intercalation applied to -_muharram_, in consequence _safar_ was called _muharram_, _rabi I_ -was called _safar_, and so on; and in this way all the names of all -the months were changed. The second intercalation applied to _safar_; -in consequence the next following month (_rabi I_, the original -_rabi II_)[915] was called _safar_, and this went on till the -intercalation had passed through all twelve months and returned to -_muharram_.” When other writers, not so well trained in chronology, -say that the hallowing of the month was transferred from _muharram_ -to _safar_ and from _safar_ to _rabi I_, this means that, according -to the year, the _safar_ or _rabi I_ of the lunar year corresponds -to the _muharram_ of the lunisolar year. When in the speech of the -_qalammas_, _safar I_ and _rajab_ are simultaneously shifted to the -month following in each case, this involves the shifting of the whole -series of months. A genuine intercalation therefore takes place. The -term _nasî_, ‘to push aside’, resembles the world-wide description of -the intercalation of the month. _Safar I_ is ‘forgotten’, but upon -this it follows that not this month is holy, but the following one, -which is now also called _safar I_ but corresponds to _safar II_ of -the strictly lunar year. The sanctity or non-sanctity of the months -was for the people the all-important point, and the _qalammas_, who -was a religious authority, was obliged to refer to it. Hence he -declared the month as free and the following month as holy without -expressing himself, as we should have wished, in the technical -terms of chronology. The people understood him: if the month after -_dhu-l-hijja_ was free, it followed that not this month but the next -was holy, the month with which the new year began, _safar I_. The -intercalation therefore involves a transference of the sanctity of -the month following the feast of pilgrims to the next but one after -the feast. Hence has arisen the misunderstanding that the _nasî_ -consisted _only_ in a transference of the sanctity of the months. - -The tribe of Kinana, to which the _qalammas_ belonged, inhabited -the district around Mecca, and the famous tribe of the Koraish, its -most distinguished branch, was supreme in Mecca[916]. The calendar -regulation therefore took place in the interests of Mecca and its -trade, and it is quite ridiculous to say that the sanctity of a month -was transferred to another merely in order to render possible a -predatory excursion. Besides this would make matters no better, since -all the tribes concerned would have to have peace or war in the same -months. A shifting of this nature would only be really effectual if -it offered a means of surprising an unsuspecting neighbour in time of -peace. Probability therefore also points to the view that the _nasî_ -was a genuine intercalation carried out by a person appointed for the -purpose, so that the dates of the markets and the pilgrimage might -be fixed at the proper times of the year. For this no intercalary -cycle was employed, any more than elsewhere: the empirical -intercalation sufficed, and it was made known to the people at the -feast of pilgrims, whence the knowledge spread all over. However the -entrusting of such power over the calendar to one individual lends -itself only too easily to abuses with a view to ends which have -nothing to do with the calendar. The stock example is afforded by the -Roman pontifices at the end of the Republic. It is therefore nothing -to wonder at that the calendar should have been disorganised during -Mohammed’s stay in Mecca. Hence also the attempts at determining the -calendar from two or three certainly known dates are vain, for when -a system is lacking or is broken up it is impossible to compute a -calendar systematically from a couple of dates. Mohammed’s action is -thus to be explained:--The misuse of the intercalation had destroyed -the dependence of the pilgrimage upon the time of the year: Mohammed -wished to create order, and did so in radical fashion by forbidding -the intercalation, the misuse of which he saw, but the usefulness of -which he failed to recognise. - -It has been pointed out above that the Sumerian months completely -correspond in character to those of the primitive peoples[917]. -The establishing of the months in their definite places followed -originally from the reference to the seasons, not from the position -in the series of months. The seasons on their part were, as always, -brought into relation to the phases of the stars. There is indeed -little information as to this point, but what little there is is -sufficient to establish it. It is however much to be desired that -specialists should pay more attention to the matter and if possible -procure more information. The Pleiades are brought into connexion -with the annual inundations, which took place about the time of the -invisibility of these stars, i. e. between their evening setting -and morning rising[918]. The name of the constellation Virgo means -‘root of the sprouting wheat-stalk, or corn’, that of the star Spica -‘proclaimer of the sprouting wheat-stalk’. These names agree with -the evening rising of this constellation, which at the date 2,000 -B. C. took place about the 28th of February of our modern calendar, -and with the morning setting, which took place some 16 days later. -Circumstances exclude the ripening, which took place in the second -half of April.[919] Consequently the months were also determined by -the phases of the stars: among the names of months there is one which -points to this fact, ‘the month in which the white star (_bar-zag_) -sinks down from the culmination-point’[920]. The naming of the months -from the stars has not been carried through consistently, but each -month, just as e. g. among the Maoris, was fixed by one or more -risings of stars. There are several lists in which now one, now two, -or even three of the fixed stars are assigned to each of the twelve -months[921]. In the Creation epic, Tablet V, 4 ff., we read:--“For -twelve months he set down three constellations, according to the -times of the year fashioned he the groups of stars.” Among the -Maoris all the stars suitable to the time in question are used in -the fixing of the month: in Babylonia there was probably a gradual -limitation to the stars of the ecliptic, i. e. the 12 signs of the -zodiac, the number of which points to the fact that they owe their -origin to the endeavour to fix the twelve months astronomically[922]. -This is an important advance of Babylonian stellar science, that -the constellations of the ecliptic should be separated from the -others. Weidner, p. 21, inverts matters when he says, with reference -to a list in which, instead of the fainter constellations of the -zodiac, neighbouring bright stars are given (e. g. Sirius instead -of Cancer):--“The system of the _paranatellonta_ is also found -already, i. e. the system which allows neighbouring bright stars -or constellations to step in instead of less bright constellations -of the zodiac. But this is no longer primitive astronomy, it marks -rather, as Weissbach has already pointed out with reference to -Newcomb-Engelmann, the beginnings of a scientific astronomy.” On the -contrary, as the examples from the primitive peoples shew, in the -utilising of stars to fix a point of time or a month no notice is -originally taken of the position of the star within or without the -ecliptic, but the most easily recognisable stars and constellations -are naturally preferred, wherever they may be situated. A list of -fixed stars which determine months, including also stars situated -outside the ecliptic, is primitive; it is out of the question that a -constellation outside the ecliptic is referred to instead of a sign -of the zodiac in the proper sense--that in which the constellations -of the zodiac are to be regarded as the _prius_. After the signs -of the zodiac have been fixed, so that a systematic duodecimal -division of the year has been obtained, the stars situated outside -the ecliptic are compared with the signs of the zodiac in order to -indicate with accuracy to which month they belong, or in other words -the system of the _paranatellonta_ is found. - -It is indispensable to enter into the all-important question of the -intercalation, but here opinions are so directly opposed to one -another that Weidner establishes a very accurate 38-year intercalary -cycle as early as the time of the dynasty of Ur, while Kugler denies -the existence of any intercalary cycle before the year 528 B. C.; -Kugler again publishes a document in which an intercalary rule is -recognised as dating from a time after 504 B. C.[923], while Weidner -regards this as a copy of a much older original. An impartial opinion -can only be arrived at by working through the material, and this -is impossible for anyone who is not an Assyriologist: I am all the -more compelled, therefore, to limit myself to suggestions and to the -comparison with primitive conditions[924]. - -Where surplus months exist, there is no intercalation in the proper -sense, although the same name, e. g. the ‘harvest month’, will recur -sometimes after 12, sometimes after 13 months, since owing to the -fluctuating and unstable nature of the naming of the months the -latter are distributed according to circumstances[925]. This covers -the difficulty. Such seems to have been the state of affairs in the -pre-Sargonic period at Lagash. Certainly Kugler (II, 216) has tried -to demonstrate intercalary years: this is possible in the sense given -above, but actually very uncertain, since the starting-points for the -arrangement of the months are anything but certain[926]. Only the -arising of a fixed series of months makes a genuine intercalation -possible, since as a rule the general custom is to intercalate a -definite month (in Babylonia, at least later, there were two such -months, _adarru_ and _ululu_). The process is either an omission -of one month in the series of thirteen, or an intercalation of one -month in the series of twelve. The former appears in Lagash in the -time of Sargon, the latter in the time of Dungi. We have found that -the intercalation among the primitive peoples takes place as need -arises. If the series of months is fixed, but the intercalation -is neglected, the months must get out of place in relation to the -seasons: this can be demonstrated in a couple of cases. So if -the translation of the name of the fourth month in the list from -Lagash is correct--_šu-kul-na_, ‘sowing month’--the harvest month, -_še-kin-kud_, is the twelfth, and is therefore at a distance of eight -months instead of the five which the natural conditions shew[927]. -Further the list at the time of Dungi shews a disarrangement of the -months as compared with the Sargonic list, the tenth month having -dropped out and the following months being now pushed one place -forwards. This difference can be explained either by a neglect of the -intercalation, or by the fluctuating nature of the nomenclature: in -the latter case there is really no genuine intercalation. - -At the time of Dungi and his successors we have documentary evidence -for a number of years with intercalation.[928] At this date Kugler -stoutly denies and Weidner supports the existence of an intercalary -cycle. Weidner says:--“If we denote Dungi 39 (the 39th year of his -reign) by I, the following years are proved by documents to contain -intercalary months:--II, V, XI, XIV, XVI, XVIII, XX, XXIII, XXVI, -XXIX, XXXII, XXXV, XXXVIII. But between Dungi 43 and 49 there is at -least one more leap-year to be added, most probably Dungi 46, i. e. -VIII. For the period of 38 years we should then have 14 intercalary -months attested. This is therefore an intercalary system that works -quite well. A 19-year intercalary cycle however it cannot be, since -in that case, corresponding to the former part, the years XXI, XXIV, -etc. in the latter would have to be leap-years. _We have therefore -to assume a 38-year intercalary cycle, which in perfection far -surpasses that of 19 years._ It is the half of the well-known -76-year cycle of Callippus.” The conclusion is unwarrantable from -the premises. For the intercalation which takes place just as need -arises keeps the months firmly in their place in the solar year, -and attains the same result as an intercalary cycle. A period of 76 -Indian years will contain just as many months as a Callippean cycle. -The only conclusive factor therefore is the periodicity, and this -is not proved. Through an accident of tradition the leap-years are -known for a period of 38 years, and it is obvious that during these -38 years an empirical intercalation, regularly carried out, kept the -lunisolar year in order. The evidence that even under the Hammurabi -dynasty no intercalary cycle existed is given by Kugler[929]. - -But there is also direct evidence that the intercalation took place -empirically, i. e. as need arose. Ungnad has shewn this from a -comparison of the known leap-years. Best known of all is the letter -of Hammurabi to Siniddinam:--“Since the year has a deficiency, let -the previous month be entered as Elul II. And instead of bringing the -taxes on the 25th Tishritu to Babylon, let them be brought to Babylon -on the 25th Elul II”[930]. For the empirical correcting of the -position of months the stars are used among the primitive peoples, -and so also in Babylonia. A tablet in the British Museum[931] -gives the following injunction:--“The constellation _dilgan_ rises -heliacally in the month _nisan_. As often as this constellation -remains invisible, its month shall be forgotten”. The same injunction -is given in regard to other constellations from which months are -named. The expression that the month Nisan is to be ‘forgotten’ -reminds one of the description of the intercalary month as the ‘lost’ -or ‘forgotten’ month among certain tribes of N. American Indians, -and of the expression of the Masai. The forgotten month is not the -intercalary month in our sense, i. e. not the second of two months -that have arisen by doubling; it is the first. This month must be -passed over, not counted, forgotten, its name must be transferred -to the following month, so that the year may run properly. The -establishing of the months by means of phases of the stars is so -abundantly demonstrated for primitive peoples in the preceding pages -that no words need be wasted in describing the method of its carrying -out. It is a method that works perfectly well but is entirely -empirical, and where recourse is had to this method we know that the -regulation by a definite intercalary cycle does not exist. With a -more extended development of the method a still better result can be -obtained, and this is the direction that the Babylonians have taken. -The regulation runs:--“If on the first day of the month _nisannu_ the -constellation of the Pleiades and the moon are together, the year -shall be an ordinary one. If on the third day of the month _nisannu_ -the constellation of the Pleiades and the moon stand together, the -year shall be a full one (i. e. a leap-year)”[932]. The meaning and -effect of this rule are explained by Schiaparelli. But this too is an -empirical rule, aimed at an empirical, not a cyclical, intercalation. -Where an intercalary cycle exists, no such rule is needed. - -Since by the letter of Hammurabi it is indisputably established that -the intercalation took place not in years previously determined but -at the command of the king, those who in spite of this would maintain -the existence of an intercalary cycle hold to the assertion that -the 27-year intercalary period was not a strictly fixed but a free -cycle. In other words the intercalation rule only runs:--“Within a -period of 27 years 10 intercalary months are to be inserted, but -the choice of the leap-years is left open to the astronomer”[933]. -But this is nothing less than an abandonment of the intercalary -cycle. The purpose of such a cycle is to render it possible to -compute the calendar beforehand for any number of years to come, and -this purpose is frustrated by a regulation of this kind. It only -says that in _x_ years _y_ intercalary months occur: this is not a -rule for intercalation but an empirical observation, which readily -results from a proper treatment of the empirical intercalation. -Such observations must have been made by the Babylonians. In a -tablet published by Kugler it is said of Saturn and of the fixed -star _kak-si-di_, respectively, “ ... the period of the visibility -of Sirius amounts to 27 years. Turn back and consider day after -day,” according to Weidner, p. 73; according to Kugler I, 47 the -inscription runs, “Day by day ... shalt thou see (the same phenomena -as 59, or 27, years before).” Both Kugler and Weidner find here a -27-year intercalary cycle regulated by the star; the former places -it before 533 B. C., the latter at a considerably earlier period. -But in accordance with what has here been said about the empirical -regulation of the intercalation by phases of the stars it follows -that there is no intercalation at all, but only the empirical -verification of the fact that the new moon and Sirius come back after -27 years into the same mutual relationship: this will actually be the -result with an accurate treatment of the intercalation based on the -observation of this constellation. - -Under these circumstances it would have been an easy matter to -establish an intercalary cycle, but the demand for this is an affair -of practical life: astronomy is concerned only with the calculation. -The failure to observe this fact has led the discussion astray. The -calendar is of course the most conservative of all human things; -centuries after the establishment of very accurate calculations of -the course of the moon and the introduction of a good intercalary -cycle, the Jews adhered to the empirical observation of the new -moon, and we know how difficult it is in modern times to introduce -any improvement into the calendar. Because in Babylon there was a -central government which could arrange the intercalation in proper -fashion, the lunisolar year was kept in order, and in practical life -there was no necessity to be able to calculate months and days for -several years in advance. The empirical intercalation worked well, -and there was no need to replace it by an intercalary cycle. The -latter is indeed a simplification undertaken on practical grounds, an -intercalating rule being substituted for the immediate astronomical -observation: astronomy is concerned only with the calculation and -with the further refinement of the rule. In so far as I am able to -pronounce upon the material Kugler is right: no cyclically regulated -intercalation existed before the Persian period; but from this it is -in no way possible to arrive at any decision as to the position of -the Babylonian astronomy. The regulation of the months by the phases -of the stars was a suggestive problem for the astronomers, and it led -to the recognition of the periodicity of the phenomena. This is the -_prius_, not the desired establishment of an intercalary cycle. - -A second means of fixing the months in their position in the solar -year is afforded by the regulation by the solstices and equinoxes; -but since, as will be shown in the following chapter, the observation -of these is difficult and is seldom undertaken, a regulation of -this nature is correspondingly rare. It can be demonstrated for the -Eskimos[934], the Kwakiutl[935], and the Hopi, whose 13 ‘sun-points’ -doubtless correspond to the 13 months[936]. Of the Basuto it is -said that an attempt is made to determine the time of sowing from -the moon, but that the people commonly go wrong in their reckoning, -and after much dispute are obliged to fall back upon the climatic -conditions and the state of the vegetation as more certain marks for -the time of sowing. Intelligent chiefs, however, rectify the calendar -(i. e. the moon-months) by the summer solstice, which they call the -summer house of the sun[937]. - -The risings and settings of the stars, as has been shewn above, are -brought into relation with the seasons. There is a possibility of -bringing these sidereally determined seasons into a system. Thus -the year of the Luiseño Indians of S. California consists of 2 × 8 -divisions, which are determined by the morning rising of certain -stars[938]. This is however an isolated case, since the reckoning -by months has penetrated almost everywhere, and both seasons and -risings of stars are brought into connexion with this. The most -complete example is seen in the months of the Maoris[939]. Moreover -the creation of such a system was not possible among the primitive -peoples, since for the purpose of determining time they were only -accustomed to observe a few stars, principally the Pleiades. On the -other hand the observation of the stars plays a great part in another -matter not necessarily connected with the reckoning of the months, -viz. the beginning of the year, and to this we shall now turn our -attention. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -CALENDAR REGULATION. 2. BEGINNING OF THE YEAR. - - -The question of the beginning of the year presents some difficulties, -since it is for the most part quite uncertain what meaning is to be -attached to the phrase ‘beginning of the year’. For us the new year -is the great division in the calendar, and one which is emphasised by -a special festival day and by various rites. This is an inheritance -from ancient Rome; in particular the extremely wide-spread and -popular astrology has powerfully contributed to the importance of -New Year’s Day[940]. In ancient Greece the New Year’s Day was of -no great importance: its position varied greatly in each of the -small states; it was little more than the day on which the annually -changing officials entered upon their terms of office. In the case of -the primitive peoples the new year need not in itself be regarded as -a very important division of the calendar: it has however become so -among more highly developed peoples. For instance, the enumeration -of the seasons or the months must begin somewhere; for this reason -a beginning of the year must be supposed, but it is not therefore -certain that the new year acquires any special importance. Of the -inhabitants of the Torres Straits Islands Rivers says that when asked -about the seasons they more than once began their list with _surlal_, -and he is of the opinion that the beginning of this season is for -them practically the beginning of a new year[941]. Of the Kiwai -Papuans Landtman writes to me:--The year has no beginning, since -there is no term to describe this, and it cannot be said that one -season more than another marks an occasion of greater importance. -The people begin their list of months sometimes with _keke_, the -first month of the dry season, sometimes with _karongo_, which marks -the transitional period between the dry and the rainy seasons. - -It will be well to begin our investigation with the natural divisions -of the year. The changing seasons give several divisions one or other -of which, according to preference, can be chosen as the beginning of -the year. But this is not the case among the agricultural peoples. -Their year falls into two parts, the period of vegetation and the -time of rest intervening between the harvest and the resumption -of ploughing. There are therefore two natural main divisions, the -beginning of labour and the conclusion of the period of vegetation, -the harvest. Both occur as the beginning of the year, the former -however more rarely, as when among the Wadschagga ‘the raising of -the plough-stick’ is also the ‘opening of the year’[942]. More -frequently the harvest and the great festival associated with it form -the turning-point of the year. Probably however we should rather -speak of an end than of a beginning of the year, as is remarked by -one writer in regard to the Dyaks of south-east Borneo:--For them -the rice-harvest is a principal division of the year (_njelo_). In -September, at the completion of the harvest, the year is at an end. -A definite beginning, a New Year’s Day, is unknown among them[943]. -However when the year is reckoned continuously, beginning and end -practically coincide. - -In the literature of comparative religion festivals of this nature -are a much-discussed problem which cannot be gone into here, since -it transgresses the limits of this investigation. I shall give only -a few selected examples in order to make clear the relationship with -the beginning of the year. Among the Carolina Indians the feast of -the first-fruits or harvest was the most splendid of all: it appears -to have ended the old year and begun the new. It began in August -when the corn-harvest was completely over. As a preliminary all the -inhabitants provided themselves with new clothes, new pots, pans, and -other household utensils, and then collected all their old clothes -and other worn-out things, swept and cleaned their houses, places -of assemblage, and the whole town, and threw clothes and refuse, -together with all the remaining supplies of food (corn etc.), on to a -heap, to which they afterwards set fire. After this they took physic, -and fasted for three days, and a general amnesty was proclaimed. -On the fourth morning the chief priest kindled fire with pieces of -wood at the public meeting-place, by which means every house in -the town was then provided with fire. Then the women went to the -harvest-field, fetched new corn, prepared it, and brought it with -pomp to the meeting-place, where the whole populace was assembled -in new clothes. Eating went on, especially among the men, and at -night they danced. The festival lasted three days, and on the four -following days visits were paid to neighbouring towns[944]. The New -Year festival of the Konkau of California is a funeral rite which has -undergone transformation. The ‘Dance for the Dead’ took place at the -end of August; from evening until daybreak the people danced around -a fire, into which food, strings of shell-money, and other small -articles were thrown. Our authority does not know how the date was -fixed, but the festival marked the new year, and this opportunity was -taken to wipe out all old debts and settle accounts for the year that -was to come[945]. Among the Amazulu the feast of the first-fruits is -called the ‘New Year’. Medicine staffs are everywhere set up in order -to prevent ‘heaven’ from entering. At the end of the year new staffs -are set up instead of the old ones; then the people know that the old -heaven of the year has passed away with the year that is ended: the -new year has its own heaven[946]. In the neighbourhood of Mombasa the -new year is celebrated with fair regularity in September, after the -maize-harvest; for a whole week there is dancing day and night[947]. -Among the Thonga there are several feasts of the first-fruits, -_luma_. When the Caffre corn, _mabele_, is ripe, the wife of the -chief grinds the first grains reaped, and cooks them. The chief eats -a little and offers some to the spirits of his ancestors with the -words: “Here is the new year come”, and prays for fruitfulness. At -the ripening of the Caffre plum, from which a drink is extracted, -some of the drink is poured out on to the graves of dead chiefs -with the words:--“This is the new year. Let us not fight! Let us -eat in peace!” Among the Nkuma the ceremony of the first-fruits is -performed with a special kind of pumpkin, and is called ‘eating the -new year’[948]. On the Lower Niger, among the Owu-Waji, the year -is terminated by the feast of roasted yams, which also serves as a -public announcement that the labours of the field are to be resumed. -Homage is paid to Ifejioku, god of the harvest, in token of gratitude -for a good and fruitful year[949]. On the Society Islands a festival -was celebrated with a great banquet, and this was called ‘the -ripening or consummation of the year’[950]. The greatest feast of the -Dyaks is _dangei_, the celebration of the new rice-year after the -harvest; but if the harvest fails, the festival is suspended[951]. -Among the Yoruba _odun_ means year, an annual festival celebrated in -October and the time between two such festivals[952]. - -The new year is equivalent to the new harvest, the new supplies of -food which through the raising of the taboo are blessed and made -accessible. Where there are several fruits which ripen at different -times there may be several ‘new year festivals’, as among the Thonga, -but usually there is one principal sowing-time and consequently only -one festival. A festival of this nature forms the great division of -the year, and this fact is emphasised by the ceremonies which aim -at clearing away everything old and beginning again. In this way -the change of the year acquires great significance, but this is not -universally the case. - -More rarely some other natural phenomenon gives rise to the -celebration of the change of the year, e. g. the appearance of the -palolo, the favourite delicacy of Samoa: but since the palolo appears -at different times near different islands, the turn of the year -varies accordingly[953]. - -A festival of this nature is originally not a calendar festival, -and only on account of its special significance does it become of -importance for the calendar: it is not a universal phenomenon. In -different districts the position of the beginning of the year varies -greatly. Among the North American Indians many tribes began the year -at the spring equinox, others in the autumn, the Hopi with the ‘new -fire’ in November, the Takulli in January[954]. The Kiowa began the -year at the commencement of winter, which was signalised by the -first snow-fall, or according to other statements a month earlier, -with the first cold, the Pawnee with winter, the Teton-Sioux and the -Cheyenne immediately before the winter[955], the Klamath and Modok in -August, after the _wokash_-harvest[956], the Chocktaw of Louisiana -in December[957], the Natchez in March, when they celebrated a -great festival[958]. As a rule the Thompson Indians of British -Columbia count their moons beginning at the rutting-season of the -deer in November, but some begin with the end of the rutting-season -at the end of November: others, particularly Shamans, with the -rutting-season of the big-horn sheep. Many peoples of the Lytton band -begin when the ground-hogs go into their winter dens. Many of the -Lower Thompsons begin with the rutting-season of the mountain-goats. -Some moons are called by numbers only, but those following the tenth -moon are not numbered[959]. The Shuswap in the same country connected -the year with the same moon as the Thompson Indians, although most -of them entered their winter houses a month earlier[960]. Among the -Hudson Bay Eskimos the year begins when the sun has reached its -lowest position at the winter solstice[961]. The first month of the -Koryak of N. E. Asia begins at the time of the winter solstice, and -corresponds to our December[962]. It has already been mentioned -that the East Greenlanders also began to count their months at the -winter solstice, but later at the morning rising of Altair[963]. It -will be seen that the beginning of the year has no common position -marked out by Nature, although we may perhaps say that it usually -falls somewhere during the period of rest, while the peculiar natural -conditions under which the Eskimos live make it easy to understand -why their year should be begun with the eagerly awaited return of the -sun. Among many peoples little attention seems to have been paid to -the matter, since no special prominence is given to the beginning of -the year, although lists of months are given. But where these lists -exist, and it is desired to enumerate the months, a beginning must be -made somewhere, and a fixed initial month very easily arises. - -The dispute already touched upon[964] as to the beginning of the -Israelitish year is very characteristic of the matter in hand[965]. -It is easy to understand why no unity has been arrived at, since the -conception of the beginning of the year is fluctuating and capable of -many interpretations. When in the oldest codes of the law it is said -of the feast of in-gathering (namely of fruit, wine, and oil) that -it is to be celebrated at the end of the year or that it marks the -‘turning’ of the year[966], Dillman is right in describing this year -as an economic one. From the very beginning the feast is a feast of -the end of the year[967]. Only as the agricultural year is extended -into a complete year does it become a feast of the turn, and finally -of the beginning, of the year. - -The beginning of the agricultural year, however, still does not imply -a calendar year, though certainly it furnishes occasion for the -establishment of the beginning of the year when a calendar arises. -Even in the year 600, at least in Gezer, no fixed series of months -was known[968], the Canaanitish months not having been universally -adopted. The old custom of reckoning the months from an arbitrary -and accidental point of departure prevailed and long sufficed. The -beginning of the year in autumn was no calendrical division, but -only the conclusion of the agricultural year. When a calendar was -introduced, it became obvious that this beginning of the year would -also be available for the calendar. The calendar now consists of -moon-months, its beginning must therefore be a day of new moon. -Since the festival of harvest, according to ancient custom, fell at -the time of full moon, the festival itself could not serve as the -beginning of the year, but only the day of new moon of the month in -which it fell. This was the seventh month, and we do in fact find -indications that the first day of the seventh month was regarded as -New Year’s Day; it was promoted to a feast day and was made known by -the blowing of trumpets[969]. The year therefore could be reckoned -from this point, and this also was done. On the other hand the -numbered months mentioned above, p. 233, begin in spring with the -month in which the Passover is celebrated. The beginning of the year -in spring is therefore associated with the numbered months, and is -contemporaneous with these: it is nothing but the starting-point of -this enumeration of months. The rule for the beginning is given in -Exodus XII, 2:--“This month (i. e. the Passover month) shall be unto -you the beginning of months: it shall be the first month of the year -to you.” This reads like a prescription for a reform of the calendar, -when it is remembered that in all places the Feast of the Passover -was dated in relation to the month of ears (_chodesh ha-abib_). -That the numbered months did not arise till later we have already -seen (p. 234). The systematising tendency which arose at the end -of the kingdom of Judah, and became ever stronger during and after -the Exile, necessitated a calendar. If this tendency was unrelated -to practical life, it was all the more closely bound up with the -religious cult. Since people were now accustomed to numbering -the months, the novelty consisted in the fixing of a calendarial -beginning of the year. This was suggested by the customary succession -of the feasts--Passover and Feast of Unleavened Bread, Feast of -Weeks, Feast of Tabernacles--and was already foreshadowed in the -fixing of the date of the Feast of Weeks by counting the weeks from -the Feast of Unleavened Bread. This calendar can hardly have become -popular, since it must have been supplanted quite early by the -Babylonian names of months, and the popular beginning of the year in -autumn has prevailed right down to the present day. - -These two beginnings to the year existed side by side, at least for -some time after the Exile, which is not surprising in view of what -has already been said about the beginning of the year. The one is -the civil beginning of the year, advanced by the structure of the -calendar, the other the beginning of the series of months. - -The Jewish calendar therefore arose very late, at the end of the -kingdom of Judah; until that time the Jews were content with a -chronology which was as primitive as that of many primitive peoples. -In matters pertaining to the calendar they have always been very -conservative and backward. In later times, too, they did not succeed -in grasping the idea of the beginning of the year as a solitary -event. König quotes on p. 644 a very significant passage from the -Mishna tractate concerning the beginning of the year:--“On the first -day of Nisan is the beginning of the year for the kings and for the -festivals. On the first day of Elul is the beginning for the tithing -of cattle. On the first day of Tishri is the beginning for the years -(i. e. the civil calendar), and for the Sabbatic year and the Jubilee -years, for the plants and the vegetables. On the first day of the -month Shebat is the beginning for the tree-fruit.”--Four New Year’s -Days, therefore. - -Among the Jews, therefore, ecclesiastical conditions gave rise to a -calendarial beginning of the year, which successfully rivalled the -beginning given by the agricultural year. There is still another -important type of beginning, and this depends once more upon the -observation of the stars; cp. pp. 248 f. Where the beginning of the -agricultural labour is determined by the Pleiades, it evidently -follows that they also determine the beginning of the year. It -follows further that the year lasts not only to the end of the period -of vegetation, but also until the next appearance of the Pleiades, -and hence the sidereal year is obtained at once with the greatest -accuracy that is possible without scientific observation. This -Pleiades year is especially common in South America, where there are -no series of months, and in Oceania. - -The Lengua Indians of Paraguay connect the rising of the Pleiades -with the beginning of spring, and hold feasts during this time[970]. -The Guarani of the same country determine the time of sowing by -the observation of the Pleiades; it is said that they used to -worship this constellation, and they begin their new year at its -appearance in May[971]. In the Amazon valley the rising of the -Pleiades coincides with the revival of Nature, and hence the people -say that everything is renewed by these stars[972]. The Indians of -the Orinoco determined the new year by the evening rising of the -Pleiades[973]. But still further, the year is called by the name of -the Pleiades. Certain tribes of Venezuela reckoned the year by stars, -and in fact by the Pleiades. ‘Year’ is _tshirke_, ‘star’, a year = -a star. The word occurs in various forms among most of the Carib -tribes; among the neighbouring Caribs _tshirika_ is found many times -as a translation of ‘the Pleiades’. The connexion becomes clear in -the wide-spread Carib idiom of the Guaianas: in a Galibi dictionary -‘star’ and ‘year’ are given as _serica_, _siricco_, the Pleiades -as _sherick_, and we read in brackets: “The return of the Pleiades -above the horizon together with the sun forms the solar year of the -natives.” Among the island Caribs the Pleiades are called _chiric_; -these people reckon the years in ‘Pleiades’. Among the Arawak _wijua_ -means ‘Pleiades’, ‘star’ in general, and ‘year’, since they reckon -the year from the point at which they see the Pleiades rise after -cock-crow. The Cariay of the Rio Negro call the Pleiades _eoünana_ -and the year _aurema-anynoa_, which seems to be a development of the -former word. The Guarani call the Pleiades _eishu_, ‘bee-hive’, and -the year has the same name; in ordinary life however the year is -usually known as _roi_, ‘cold’[974]. - -The Caffres recognise the time of sowing by the position of the -stars, especially the Pleiades, and reckon the new year from the -morning rising of the latter[975]. Although the Amazulu call the -feast of the first-fruits the new year, they say at the appearance -of the Pleiades: “The Pleiades are renewed, the year is renewed”, and -they begin to dig[976]. In Bali the appearance of the Pleiades at -sunset marks the end of the year[977]. In Bambatana (Solomon Islands) -the year is reckoned by the Pleiades[978]. Among the Polynesians -the Pleiades year was extremely wide-spread. The inhabitants of -the Marquesas Islands had a ten-month year, but were acquainted -with a year of twelve months, which they called by the name of the -Pleiades, _maka-ihi_ or _mata-iti_, ‘the little eyes’[979]. On Hervey -Island the new year was given by the evening rising of the Pleiades -in the middle of December[980]. In the Society Islands there were -two seasons named after the Pleiades. The first, _matarii i nia_, -‘little eyes above’, began at the evening rising of these stars and -continued as long as they were visible in the sky in the evening; the -other _matarii i raro_, ‘little eyes under’, began after the evening -setting and extended over the time during which the stars were not to -be seen in the evening[981]. - -It follows that a fixed beginning of the year does not exist -universally, and therefore is not the general norm. The beginning -of the year in our sense is the starting-point of the series of the -days of the calendar; among the primitive peoples it is the beginning -of any year, whether the complete year or the phenomena of the time -of vegetation only. There are several such phenomena appearing side -by side, so that there can also be several beginnings to the year, -e. g. several feasts of first-fruits, as among the Thonga, the -rising of the Pleiades and the feast of the first-fruits among the -Amazulu. When one phenomenon of this kind, e. g. the corn-harvest, -prevails over the others and is perhaps brought into prominence by -the greatest festival of the year, it appears more like our New Year, -though the significance of the occasion does not depend, as among -ourselves, upon the position of the day in the calendar, but upon -the natural conditions. And when a phase of the stars, e. g. of the -Pleiades, coincides with the beginning of the agricultural year and -the renewal of Nature, the stellar (Pleiades) year is obtained by -comprising the time between one rising or setting and the next. By -this means we arrive at the pure but undivided solar year. On the -other hand the phases of the stars, like the other natural phases, -were needed to determine the months, and here the result was more -important. - -With regard to the intercalation, the equalising of the total number -of moon-months and the solar year, the problem first arose when there -had been developed a fixed series of months which it was desired to -repeat without interruption. Then arose the necessity of introducing -an occasional month into the series of twelve months, or omitting one -from the series of thirteen, so that the months named from natural -phases might remain in their proper places. This difficulty was first -of all blended with that arising from the fluctuation of the natural -phases due to the varying climatic conditions of different years. -The expedient was crudely empirical, the occasional leaping over or -addition of a month. Gradually it became the custom to introduce the -intercalary month at a definite point; it may also be associated with -a so-called ‘vacant period’. Where a month was named from a phase of -a certain star, the correction was given automatically by this phase, -since this month was fixed. The intercalary month obtained its place -before this month, which became the beginning of the year, since the -reckoning started with it. By this means was given a lunisolar year -which was however empirically regulated by occasional intercalation. - - -APPENDIX: THE EGYPTIAN YEAR. - -Upon the quite peculiar Egyptian time-reckoning I have only a few -remarks to make by way of addition to the clear and convincing -account of its origin given by Eduard Meyer; as to the disarrangement -of the names of months familiar to us, which are borrowed from -festivals, I must admit I am not quite clear, but this matters -little for our present purpose since these names are more than -two thousand years younger than the introduction of the year. -The Egyptian year consists of three seasons--time of inundation, -seed-time, and harvest--each of four months containing thirty days -each, together with five additional days, the epagomena, standing -outside the year and theoretically not included in it. The month -is therefore the round month and the year the round year, which -by multiplying the round number of the months in the year by the -round number of days in the month gives a total of 360 (12 × 30) -days. The use of round numbers in the arithmetical application of -the calendar is familiar in all quarters of the world and has been -known at all times; it is continued in the practice of our modern -banks in calculating interest _à l’usance_. The surprising thing -is that in Egypt no notice should have been taken of the moon, and -that the month should have been carried through as a mere numerical -unity. For at the stage of knowledge presupposed by the regulation -of the calendar the Egyptians must have known that the number of -days in the moon-month varies between 29 and 30. I am therefore -inclined to think that this form of year was first introduced as a -means of counting in administration and the making of returns, and -then by degrees established itself as the civil calendar because the -rural life was so closely dependent upon the administration and its -accounts. We may compare the fact that the lunisolar calendar of -Greece was introduced as an ecclesiastical calendar, and succeeded -in establishing itself as the civil calendar owing to the close -connexion between the religious and the political life; but the old -reckoning from the phases of the stars persisted alongside of it. In -the same way we must suppose that in Egypt alongside of the numerical -calendar the old method of reckoning by the concrete appearance of -the moon originally persisted, but since by this time it had lost its -practical importance it vanished without leaving any other traces -than the length of the arithmetical month (as a round number) and the -name ‘month’. - -On the other hand it must have been intended to give to the year -the length of the solar year: the five extra days were accordingly -introduced outside the series of months. Hence the same word _wepet -ronpet_ means both the first day of the civil shifting year and -also the day of the actual morning rising of Sirius; hence too the -three four-month divisions of the shifting year are called after the -seasons. The first of these, the time of inundation, began exactly -with the morning rising of Sirius when the Nile began perceptibly -to rise. Here the Egyptians went wrong because they did not realise -that the year does not consist of exactly 365 days, but contains an -additional fraction of a day. The consequence was that the Egyptian -year got out of place in relation to the solar year, but so slowly -that no inconvenience was caused in practical life: the linguistic -difficulty, that _wepet ronpet_ acquired two different meanings and -that e. g. the season called the time of inundation might fall in the -actual seed-time or harvest, the conservative minds of the Egyptians -enabled them to tolerate. A contributing factor was the practical -convenience of the calendar. The dislocation must however very soon -have been recognised, since the actual morning rising of Sirius, so -far as we know, was always celebrated, i. e. it was a movable feast -in relation to the calendar. The error is included in the well-known -formula of the Sothic period (1461 Egyptian = 1460 Julian years). - -The knowledge of the closest approximation that can be made to the -correct number of days in the year, reckoning only whole days, can -only be arrived at in one of two ways, either by the observations of -the solstices and equinoxes, which is the method adopted e. g. by the -Hopi, or by means of the rising of a star. The duration of the solar -year is not reached by way of the lunisolar year. Which of the two -methods the Egyptians adopted is not in doubt. No notice has come -before me which suggests that the Egyptians observed the position of -the sunrise or sunset on the horizon, while the stars on the other -hand were accurately observed by them. There are calendars which give -the position of the constellations in accordance with which the hours -of night were determined and proclaimed[982], and in particular the -morning rising of Sirius was at all times observed and celebrated. -This is primitive[983], but not so the counting of the days between -two risings. The latter process would be facilitated if the reckoning -was previously carried out in numerical months of 30 days (naturally -as a round number, not as an actual month); perhaps this was the -first stage. The calendar therefore, as Ed. Meyer has specially -pointed out, must have begun to run its course in a year in which the -rising of Sirius and New Year’s Day coincided, i. e. it began with a -Sothic period. - -The months within each season are numbered from I to IV. Among -primitive peoples it frequently happens that a season gives its name -to two months, which are distinguished as the first and second, but -a numbering such as that of the Egyptian calendar is unexampled -and shews once more a desire to get away from the moon-month. The -so-called ‘months’ are rather subdivisions of the seasons. - -The breach--and it can be considered no less--with the primitive -time-reckoning is part negative, part positive. Positively, the -length of the solar year in whole days has been astonishingly early -recognised, but the greatest advance is in the negative direction. -The calendar has been detached from the concrete phenomena of the -heavens: thereby it acquires a numerical character, and only so -is the genuine time-reckoning created. For in practice it is more -necessary to be able to reckon conveniently than to remain in -accurate agreement with the incommensurability of the motions of the -heavenly bodies. Hence the Egyptian calendar held good, although its -year was a shifting year and in spite of the fact that the ideal year -underlying it was a sidereal and not the actual solar year, and the -Greek astronomers reckoned by it on account of its convenience, just -as our astronomers still reckon by the Julian calendar. The Egyptian -year therefore lies at the bottom of our year, which has been altered -so as to remain in agreement with the seasons,--this being necessary -in view of the spread of the historic sense among the people--but has -also unfortunately been spoiled in the division into months, owing -to the influence of the Roman months. The Egyptian calendar is the -greatest intellectual fact in the history of time-reckoning; like -all the greatest achievements of this nature, e. g. the alphabet, -it was attained through a radical simplification, in which also -practical convenience played a great part. It should not be forgotten -that astronomy and the calendar are not identical. In matters of the -calendar practical utility is more welcome than refined astronomical -calculation. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -POPULAR MONTHS OF THE EUROPEAN PEOPLES. - - -In ancient times, and even at the present day in lands which lie -outside the path of the great leveller, civilisation, the months -taken over with the Roman calendar are not numbered divisions of -the year, the names of which are a matter of indifference, but -are concretely conceived and named as seasons. They are, in fact, -nothing but seasons, the number and duration of which are determined -by the conventional calendar. The striving after concreteness -which characterises not too highly civilised man leads to the -abolition of the obscure and unintelligible Roman names of months, -and the substitution of other names describing the season, or more -rarely taken from some great festival falling within the month. -Only the Hungarian months are entirely named after ecclesiastical -festivals[984]. It is also found that the Latin names are as far as -possible rendered intelligible by popular etymology. - -These statements are well illustrated by the names given to the -months by the Greek peasants of Macedonia. It is said of the -latter that they measure time not so much by the conventional -calendar as by the labours and the festivals characteristic of the -different seasons. Seed-time, harvest and vintage, the feast of -Saint George, the midsummer fires are some of the notable occasions -in the life of the peasant, and these have impressed themselves -upon the names of the months. The names are:--1, Γεννάρης, derived -from γεννοῦν, also called μεγάλος or τρανὸς μῆνας in opposition to -February, and Κλαδευτής on account of the pruning of the vines; -2, Φλεβά ρης, ‘Vein-sweller’, the veins (φλέβες) of the earth -are swollen with water (cf. the English folk-name for this month, -‘February fill-dyke’), or μικρὸς μῆνας, κουτσοφλέβαρος; 3, Μάρτης, -ὁ φουσκοδενδρίτης, ‘the tree-sweller’, Γδάρτης, ‘the flayer’, on -account of the bitterly cold wind; 4, Ἀπρίλης, Ἁγιογεωργίτης, from -the feast of Saint George on the 23rd; 5, Μάης; 6, Θεριστής, harvest -month; 7, Ἁλωνιστής, Ἁλωνάρης, threshing-floor month; 8, Αὔγουστος; -9, Τρυγητής, vintage month, Σταυριώτης, from the Feast of the -Exaltation of the Precious Cross, held on the 14th; 10, Ὀχτώβριος, -Ἁγιοδημητριάτης, from the feast of Saint Demetrios on the 26th; 11, -Σποριᾶς, sowing month, Ἀντρεάς, from the feast of Saint Andrew on -the 30th; 12, Νικολαίτης, from the feast of Saint Nicholas on the -6th[985]. - -The Albanian names of months are similar:--1, T(osk) Ϳεννάρι, G(heg) -Καλενδούρι, New Year month (_Kalendae_); 2, Σκουρτι, i. e. ‘short’; -3, T. Μαρσι, G. Φρουρι; 4, Πριλι; 5, Μαϳι; 6, Κορρίκου, harvest -month; 7, T. (Ἀ)λονάρι, ‘threshing-floor month’ (a Greek loan-word), -G. Κϳέρσουρι, probably ‘cherry month’; 8, Γόστι; 9, Βϳέστεα, autumn -month, literally ‘bare month’, also βϳέστ’ επάρε, first autumn; -10, σε Μίτρε, month of Saint Demetrius, also βϳεστ’ ε δύτε, second -autumn; 11, T. σε Μεχίλ, month of St. Michael, G. σε Μερί ε Στρούγες, -month of the Virgin of Struga, also βϳεστ’ ε τρέτε, third autumn; 12, -σε Νδερέ, month of St. Andrew[986]. - -The various Celtic series I omit[987], since they are very obscure -and no new material is at my disposal; I shall only remark that they -shew a mixture of distorted Latin and of native names, the latter -being taken, at least in part, from the phenomena of the vegetation. -The Basque names of months are:--1, New Year month or black month; -2, bull or wolf month; 3, tepid month; 4, weeding or fasting-bread -month; 5, leaf month; 6, seed-time (_sic!_), bean or barley month; -7, harvest or wheat month; 8, month of drought; 9, fern or ear -month; 10, gathering month; 11, sowing month or forest-clearing; 12, -binding up of vegetation (?). They refer therefore throughout to the -vegetation and to agriculture. For four months the Latin names are -also in use[988]. - -I have purposely placed in the foreground these mingled series -arising in modern times, since they shew how little the people can -reconcile themselves to the unintelligible Latin names, and how the -latter are crowded out by native names which by their relation to -seasons, occupations, and festivals offer points of reference easy -to remember. The months are nothing but seasons, the length and -situation of which are regulated by the Julian calendar. - -The Lithuanian and Lettish names of months refer exclusively to -natural phenomena and the occupations of agriculture. The Lithuanian -series is:--1, unexplained; 2, jackdaw month; 3, dove month; 4, birch -month, or birch water-flowing; 5, cuckoo month; 6, fallow or sowing -month; 7, linden month; 8, hot month or rye-cutting; 9, autumn month; -10, leaf-fall; 11, month of clods; 12, month of dryness (frost). -The Lettish names are:--1, winter month; 2, snow or fasting-month; -3, dove or snow-crust month; 4, birch-sap month; 5, leaf month; 6, -fallow or blossoming month; 7, hay or linden month; 8, rye month or -dog (-days); 9, heath-blossom month; 10, autumn month; 11, frost -month; 12, wolf month or Christmas[989]. - -Very similar but much more numerous and fluctuating are the names -of months among the Slavonic peoples, collected by Miklosich along -with the names of months of a number of other peoples. Yermoloff -in his great work on the popular Russian calendar gives only a -limited number of names, and these are rarely translated: with a -few exceptions these names will be found in Miklosich. The latter -writer has classified and discussed the names under their proper -headings as follows:--(1) names taken from the vegetable kingdom, -18 in number; (2) from the animal kingdom, 9; (3) from natural -phenomena in general, 17; (4) from periodically recurring actions, -10; (5) from customs and festivals, 25; in addition to which there -are a few unexplained and three Latin names. Since it is my purpose -to give an idea not only of the variety of the names but also of -the fluctuating relationship with the Julian months, I arrange -the material of Miklosich’s first four groups according to the -months, omitting isolated and uncertain names. If the statement as -to the corresponding Julian month in Miklosich is not clear, I add -a mark of interrogation. I am also indebted to Prof. G. Kazarow -of Sofia for detailed information as to the Bulgarian names of -months, and for extracts from the Bulgarian work of Kovatschev on -popular astronomy and meteorology; these sources are referred to -respectively as Kaz. and Kov. An asterisk prefixed to the name of -a month means that the same name is given to another month also; -if prefixed to the abbreviation denoting the country, the asterisk -shews that the name is given to two different months in that country. -The names refer to:--1, _January_, *‘month of clods’, Czech, since -the hard frost turns the earth into clods; ‘ice month’, Czech; -*‘increasing of the day-light’, Old Bulg., Slovak, Croat.; ‘cold -month’, Pol., Bulg.; *‘the Cutter’, Slovak, Bulg., Serb., which -Miklosich rightly refers to the felling of trees, Yermoloff and -others less well to the piercing cold; ‘the Great Cutter’, Bulg.; -*‘kindling of the wheel’, *Bulg. (Kaz.)[990]. 2, _February_, ‘the -Side-warmer’, Russ. (Yermoloff), _latera calefaciens_, i. e. the -time when the cattle leave their stalls in order to warm themselves -in the open (Miklosich); ‘the savage month’, Ruthen., Pol.; *‘the -dry month’, *Slovak; ‘the snowy month’[991]; ‘wedding month’, -Old Russ.[992]; *‘the Cutter’, Old Bulg., Croat.; ‘the Little -Cutter’, Bulgarian. 3, _March_, *‘birch month’, Slovak, Ruthen., -refers to the sap of the birch which now begins to flow; *‘grass -month’, *Slovak; ‘time of deceitful weather’, Bulg.? Serb.? Old -Bulg.; *‘the dry month’, Old Bulg., *Slovak, Croat.; ‘beginning -of summer’ (_lêtnik_, Kaz.). 4, _April_, *‘birch month’ (in three -different forms), *Old Bulg., Ruthen.; *‘blossoming month’, *Croat., -Ruthen., Pol.; ‘oak month’, Czech, because the oak comes into -leaf; *‘grass month’, *Slovak, *Croat., *Serb.; ‘the Liar’, or -‘the month that deceives the grass’, Bulg., (_lǎžko_, _lǎži-trev_, -Kaz.); ‘the Fleecer’, ‘the Fleece-seller’, Bulg. (Kov., cf. -Greek γδάρτης). 5, _May_, *‘blossoming month’, Slovak, *Croat., -Czech, Bulg. (Kov.); *‘rose-blossoming month’, High Sorb.; *‘grass -month’, Old Bulg., *Slovak, *Croat., Ruthen., Czech, Bulg.; ‘cornel -month’, Sloven.; ‘maize-hoeing’, Bulg. (Kov.); *‘cherry month’, -Bulg. (Kov.); *‘cochineal month’, Bulg. (_červenijat_, Kov.). 6, -_June_, ‘bean-blossoming month’, Slovak; *‘cherry month’, Serb., -*Bulg. (Kov., cf. the Albanian July); ‘month of ears’, Slovak; -*‘linden month’, Slovak, Serb., since the linden blossoms then; -*‘rose-blossoming month’, Low Sorb., Czech; ‘Mower’, Bulg. (Kov.); -‘hay-cutting’, Bulg. (Kaz.); *‘cochineal month’, Ruthen., Bulg., -Czech, because the cochineals used for red dye are then collected; -‘grasshopper month’, Old Bulg.; ‘milk month’, Slovak; ‘fallow month’, -Slovak, High Sorb. 7, _July_, *‘linden month’, Ruthen., Pol.; -*‘cochineal month’, Old Bulg., Pol., Czech[993]; ‘the hot (month)’, -Serb., Slovak, Bulg.; ‘hay month’, Ruthen., Bulg., Russ.; *‘cutting -month’, Czech, refers to the hay-cutting; *‘harvest month’, Low -Sorb.; ‘the Harvester’, Bulg. (Kaz.); *‘sickle month’, Old Bulg., -Slovak, Serb., Bulg. (Kov.). 8, _August_, ‘month of ripeness’, -Russ.; *‘sickle month’, Ruthen., Czech, Pol.; *‘cutting month’, in -Moravia and among the Slovaks; ‘barley month’, Low Sorb.; *‘harvest -month’, High Sorb., Bulg. (Kaz.); ‘threshing-floor month’, Bulg. -(Kov., cf. Greek-Albanian Ἁλωνάρης); ‘fruit month’, Bulg. (Kov.); -*‘gadfly month’, *Slovak, Ruthen.; ‘beginning of the lowing’ -(i. e. the rutting of the deer, _zarev_), Old Bulg.; ‘time when -people are carting’ (no doubt on account of the bringing in of the -harvest), Slovak, Serb.; ‘dryer up of the rivers’, Bulg. (Kov.). 9, -_September_, ‘sowing month’, Bulg. (Kov.); ‘month of gathering’, -Bulg. (Kov.); *‘heath-plant month’, Old Bulg., Pol., Ruthen., (Czech, -July or August); *‘time when the goats rut’, *Slovak; *‘gadfly -month’, *Slovak; ‘the gloomy month’, Old Russ.[994]; *‘month of -lowing’, ‘of rutting’, (_záži_) *Czech, (_rujan_, and kindred words) -Old Bulg., Serb., Bulg., Old Russ., Czech (earlier); ‘gathering -of the clusters’, Bulg.; ‘month of the (winter-)sowing’, Ruthen.; -‘old women’s summer’, Ruthen., Pol. (?); ‘autumn’, Russ., Slovak. -10, _October_, *‘leaf-fall’, Old Bulg., Serb., *Bulg. (Kaz.); ‘the -yellow (month)’, Ruthen.; *‘time when the goat ruts’, *Slovak; -*‘month of the lowing’ (_řijen_), Czech (present day); ‘time of -flax-preparing’ (the name comes from a term for the waste products -of the flax), Ruthen., Pol.; ‘vine month’, Slovak, Serb.; ‘gathering -of the maize’, Bulg. (Kov.); ‘month of dirt’, Russ.; ‘the autumnal -(month)’, Bulg. (Kaz.). 11, _November_, *‘leaf-fall’, Slovak, -Ruthen., Czech, Pol., *Bulg. (Kov.); *‘time when the goat ruts’, -*Slovak; *‘month of clods’, Old Bulg., Russ.; ‘threshing month’, Low -Sorb. 12, _December_, ‘wolf month’, Czech, High Sorb. (rutting-time -of the wolves); *‘month of clods’, Slovak, Croat., Ruthen. (?), Pol.; -*‘increasing of the day-light’ (?), Serb., Russ.(?), Czech; ‘month of -the snow-storm’, Ruthen.; ‘winter month’, Bulg. (Kov.); *‘kindling -of the wheel’, *Bulg. (Kov., see above). More rarely the festivals -give their names to the months. This is the case with Christmas, -Candlemas, All Saints’ Day, the festival of the birth of the Virgin, -and the feast of the Rosalia (= Whitsun), Slovak, Bulg. (Kaz.), and -with 14 saints’ days, e. g. _Martinzi_, November, Bulg. (Kov.). With -regard to Bulg. _gorêštnik_ (= July) Kazarow writes to me: “_gorêšt_ -= ‘hot’; in July the people celebrate a fire-festival of three days’ -duration, viz. the 15th, 16th, and 17th of July, _gorêštnici_”. Of -the Latin names of months only three have been borrowed:--_May_ -(common), Slovak, Croat., Ruthen., Russ., Czech, Pol., Sorb.; more -rarely _April_, Old Bulg., Sorb.; and _March_, Croat., Serb., -Ruthen., Pol., High Sorb. - -The great majority of the names refer to natural phenomena and -country occupations. The variety of the series need not be specially -pointed out, the numerous asterisks shew the fluctuation and -variation of the nomenclature between two or even three months. -Much is explained, as is indicated by the mention of the countries -in which the names originate, by the extremely various climatic -conditions prevailing in the countries occupied by the Slavs, and a -further explanation of the variety is to be sought in the well-known -phenomenon that when the seasons correspond only imperfectly with the -months, the equalisation is carried out sometimes with one month, -sometimes with another. It must be so, since among the same people -the same name describes various months. Pairs of months are however -rare: ‘the big’ and ‘the little’ _sêčko_ (January and February), -Bulg.; ‘the little grass-month’ (March) and the ‘big’ one (April -or May), Slovak; the little and big ‘cochineal’ months (June and -July), Czech, distinguished in the calendar of to-day as _červen_ -and _červenec_ (diminutive), so that the names have changed places; -and _žătvar_, ‘reaper’ (July) and _žătvarskijat_, ‘harvest-month’ -(August), Bulgarian (Kazarow). Here also must be placed _zarev_ and -cognates, Old Bulg., Russ., Czech, which is inchoative and means -‘beginning of the lowing (the rutting)’, and _rjujin_ and cognates, -Old Bulg., Slovak, Serb., Old Russian, Czech, ‘the lowing’, i. e. the -full rutting and therefore the second rutting-month. The character -of all these names is only too obvious. Hence the fact that the word -for month is very rarely added, though it appears in the translation. -These names have proved so vigorous that in Czech and Polish they -have ousted the Latin names (with the exception of May). - -In the same way I give a summary of the German names of months, from -the abundant compilations more particularly of Weinhold and Ebner. -Here too I make no claim to completeness,--some names have been -deliberately omitted--my purpose being only to give an idea of the -variety and instability of the names. To this end I choose the forms -which are most easily intelligible. - -1, _January_:--bare month (the bare, naked month), *hard month, -*winter month, ice month, *wolf month, threshing month, month of -calves, ‘Great Horn’, *_Volborn_, _Lasmaend_, _Laumonat_ (the -last three unexplained). 2, _February_:--last winter month, -wood month, fox month, ‘Little Horn’, _Hornung_, *_Volborn_, -_Rebmaend_, _Redmaend_, _Selle(maend)_, _Sporkel_, _Sprokkelmaend_. -3, _March_:--(first) ploughing month, drying month, *spring -month, sowing month, pruning month, vernal month, spring. 4, -_April_:--second ploughing month, *spring month, grass month, -shepherds’ month, cuckoo month, the rough month (_Rûmaend_). 5, -_May_:--ass month, month of joy, month of flowers, bean month. -6, _June_:--fallow month, *dog month, rose month, pasture month, -_Lusemaend_ (_Luse_ probably = modern German _Schildlaus_, -‘cochineal’), summer month, fallow. 7, _July_:--(first) *_Augst_, -hay month, *dog month; _Heuet_ (hay-harvest), *_Arne_ (harvest), -*cutting (i. e. of the hay). 8, _August_:--(second) *_Augst_, harvest -month, _Arnemaend_, cutting month, _Kochmaend_, month of fruit, -_Bîsmaend_ (when the cattle, tormented by the heat and the flies, -run about (_biset_) the fields as if mad), *_Arne_, *cutting. 9, -_September_:--second _Augst_, _Augstin_, cutting of oats, (*first) -*autumn month, *sowing month, spelt month, barley month, boar month, -*_Fulmaend_, _Laeset_, _Hanfluchet_, bean-harvest, first autumn, -over-autumn, autumn sowing. 10, _October_:--(*first or *second) -*autumn month, first winter month, *sowing month, *slaughtering -month, *_Folmaend_, _Aarzelmaend_ (since the year turns back), -(second) autumn, *_Laupreisi_ (leaf-fall). 11, _November_:--(*second -or third) *autumn month, *winter month, _Laubryszmaend_, leaf -month, month of rime, month of winds, month of dirt, *hard month, -*slaughtering month, _Smeermaend_, *full month, *wolf month, -acorn month, *_Laupreisi_. 12, _December_:--fourth autumn month, -(second) *winter month, *hard month, *slaughtering month, month of -bacon, *wolf month, hare month, second winter. There are also many -names borrowed from feasts and saints’ days, such as (New) Year -month and the synonymous _Kalemaend_ = Calends month (January), -_Fassnachtmaend_ or _Olle Wiwermaend_ (February), _Klibelmaend_ -(Conception of the Virgin, March), Holy Month or Christ Month. The -Latin names March, April, May, and August have also become very -popular; the last-named has for special reasons been included in the -above list[995]. - -The history of the German names of months has been elucidated by -Weinhold and for the Alemannic district by the work of Ebner, who -bases his researches upon extensive information collected among -the people. As early as the time of Charlemagne a German series of -months had been created in order to bring the Julian months more -closely home to the people, so that the list was based largely upon -a popular foundation. The names are:--_Wintarmânoth_, _Hornunc_, -_Lenzinm._, _Ostarm._, _Wunnim._, _Brâchm._, _Hewim._, _Aranm._, -_Witum._, _Windumem._, _Herbistm._, _Heilagm._ This series attained -great influence, but did not become universal; on the contrary it -was subjected to alteration under the pressure of the agricultural -terms. In spite of this early attempt at unity the German names for -the months shew once more the variety and fluctuation with which the -reader is now sufficiently familiar. A special interest attaches to -the fact that the sources make it possible to follow how the names -of months arise from the simple terms for the seasons. On this -point Weinhold says, p. 2:--“In our sources the general statement -_in der erne_ (‘in the harvest’) preponderates over the month-name -_ernemanot_ (‘harvest-month’); _im brâchet_ (‘in the fallow’), -_im höuwet_ (‘in the hay-harvest’) hold their own alongside of -_brâch-_ and _höu-monat_ (‘fallow-, hay-month’), _im wimmot_ (‘in -the vintage’) persists, since _windumemânot_ (‘vintage-month’) had -long since died out. From the phrases _in der sât_, _in dem snite_ -(‘in the sowing’, ‘in the cutting’) are painfully evolved a _sâtmân_ -and a _schnitmonat_ (‘sowing-, cutting-month’). We find autumn and -winter as names of months, and also the non-German _augst_, divided -into three; we can see the uncertainty with which _laubbrost_ and -_laubrîse_ (‘sprouting and falling of the leaves’) contract into -names of months.” Accordingly the above list shews that alongside -the names compounded with ‘month’ the simple terms from seasons -and occupations of the year are frequently found as names for the -months. March = _Lenz_ (spring), June = _Brachet_ (fallow), July -= _Heuet_ (hay-harvest), August = _Arne_ (harvest), September = -_Bonenarve_, _Hanfluchet_, _erst Herbst_, _Herbstsaat_, _Überherbst_, -_Laeset_ (_Lesezeit_) (bean-harvest, hemp-gathering, first autumn, -autumn-sowing, late autumn, harvest time), October = _ander Herbst_, -_Herbst_, _Laupreisi_ (second autumn, autumn, leaf-fall), December = -_ander Winter_. Of great significance is the state of affairs found -in the Alemannic sources of the 14th century[996]; side by side with -the compound forms the simple often appear, but always as definite -names of months. Towards the end of the century they then begin to -have a loose connexion with the conception ‘month’, e. g. _brachot -der manod_ (‘fallow the month’). This shews the method by which these -names have become names of months, and Ebner judges the process -quite correctly when he says that the definite names of months -were only secondarily evolved from the general time-indications. -He adds:--“This observation can often be made in the sources, viz. -that alongside of the month-name which exactly circumscribes a lunar -period (_sic!_, must be ‘a Julian month’) a simple conception of time -also appears. These simple terms, such as ‘autumn’ for September, -also appear as general time-indications, especially in the old laws. -They originally have this character, and they shew it even to-day. -Little by little they become stereotyped into fixed names of months, -and enter into association with the conception ‘month’. In this sense -as definite names of months the simple terms live for a long time in -the sources alongside of the full terms (those with ‘month’), but in -the end lose their force as definite names of months; to-day they -are in dialects general time-indications”[997]. There is therefore -an attempt to render popular the unfamiliar Julian divisions of the -year by giving them popularly intelligible names; Charlemagne by -his series of months had already tried to systematise the process. -The same phenomenon shews itself in the single fragment of a Gothic -calendar which has come down to us, where November is equated to -_fruma jiuleis_. - -The fact that the people regarded the months as seasons, and did -not clearly distinguish them from the latter as divisions of time -with a definite number of days, has sympathetically affected those -Latin names which became really popular. When we hear of a ‘first’ -and a ‘second’ May, the name is evidently loosely regarded as a -general term for the early summer. _Augst_ comes to mean simply -‘harvest’[998]; hence July is called ‘the first _Augst_’ and August -‘the second _Augst_’, or the latter is named _Augst_ and September -is called _Ander Augst_, _Augstin_, or _Haberaugst_ (oat-harvest). - -This explanation is opposed by the statement of Tille that in -primitive Germanic times there were sixty-day divisions[999] from -which the pairs of months have arisen, and that the fluctuation in -the names of months is due to the fact that these divisions of time -began in the middle of the Julian month[1000]. The fluctuation in -the names of months is shewn by the frequent asterisks in the above -list, and the pairs of months are:--big and little _Horn_[1001], -the first and second ploughing month, the first and second May, the -first and second _Augst_, or _Augst_ and _Augstin_ or _Haberaugst_, -and first and second autumn. Our researches ought to make a special -refutation of Tille’s thesis unnecessary. Obviously the seasons never -had a definite number of days before they became names of months; -both phenomena find their explanation in the indeterminate length and -position of the seasons upon which the scheme of the Julian months -was superimposed. Accordingly, where the name of the month was taken -from a longer season, the people counted three or four months with -the same name. Thus October and November are called respectively -third and last autumn month, December is fourth autumn month, -February third or last winter month. - -The German names of months were in great measure genuinely -popular,--their very multiplicity, which has its roots in the life of -the people, suffices to prove that--but they have had to give way to -the Latin names in spite of the attempts made in modern times in the -popular calendars, and especially under the influence of Romanticism, -to establish them throughout. In our own day they persist in popular -usage chiefly in Switzerland. - -The Anglo-Saxon months are preserved in a well-known passage of -Bede[1002]. I give each name with the explanation. 1, _giuli_; 2, -_solmonað_: _mensis placentarum, quas in eo diis suis offerebant_; 3, -_hreðmonað_: _a dea illorum Hreða_; 4, _eosturm._: _a dea illorum, -quae Eostre vocabatur_; 5, _þrimilci_: _quod tribus vicibus in eo -per diem pecora mulgebantur_; 6, _liða_; 7, _liða_: _blandus sive -navigabilis_; 8, _weodm._: _mensis zizaniorum_ (‘weeds’), _quod -ea tempestate maxime abundent_; 9, _halegm._: _mensis sacrorum_; -10, _wintirfyllið_: _composito novo nonune hiemeplenilunium_; 11, -_blotm._: _mensis immolationum_; 12, _giuli_: _a conversione solis in -auctum diei_. Of the explanations of Bede some are obvious, others -doubtful. For instance one would rather connect February with the -word _sol_ = ‘sun’, or perhaps with _sol_ = ‘dirt’ (on account of -the melting of the snow), since no word _sol_ = ‘cake’ is known. -The goddesses Hreða and Eostre, who formerly played a great part in -mythological discussions, are now with reason suspected as being -an explanation of Bede’s. _Hreðmonað_ is ‘the rough month’[1003], -_hreðness_ is ‘roughness’, especially of the weather; the name is -therefore equivalent to the second term for the same month, _hlyda_ -(see below). In the case of _eostur_ one might think of some lost -name of a season which, like _giuli_, was transferred to a Christian -festival. For _halegmonað_ and _wintirfyllið_ see below; _blotmonað_ -is the slaughtering month; the explanation of _giuli_ is fatally -wrong. - -A calendar in Bibl. Cottoniensis, assigned by Hickes to the year -1031, has the same names, but unfortunately, on account of damage -caused by the great fire, nos. 1, 7, 9, and 12 are missing[1004]. -The _Menologium Poeticum_[1005] does not translate all the names. -The series is:--Januarius, Februarius or _solmonað_, Martius or -_hlyda_, _Aprelis monað_, Maius, Junius or _ærra liða_, _Julius -monað_, Augustus or _weodmonað_, September or _haligmonað_, October -or _winterfylleð_, November or _blotmonað_, December or _ærra jula_. -There are missing therefore, probably not by accident, _eostermonað_ -and the second month of each of the pairs. Finally I give the list -compiled by Hickes:--1, _æftera geola_; 2, _solmonað_; 3, _hlyda_ -or _hlydmonað_ (‘the loud, blustering month’, on account of the -storms); 4, _easterm._; 5, _maiusm._; 6, _serem._, _midsumorm._, -_ærra liða_, _Juniusm._; 7, _meðm., ædm._ (hay-harvest month), -_æftera liða_, _Juliusm._; 8, _weodm._, _Augustusm._; 9, _haligm._, -_harvæstm._; 10, _se teoðam._, _haligm._; 11, _blotm._; 12, -_midvinterm._, _ærre geola_[1006]. Of these variants upon Bede’s list -_harvestm._, _hærfestm_. occurs frequently and indeed is attested -from the year 1000. In Robert of Gloucester (1297 A. D.) the word -means August[1007]. The two others are doubtful: they appear in the -first edition of Bosworth’s Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, which Weinhold -used, but are absent in the second, doubtless because the sources -are unknown. As far as I can see they come from Hickes, they are -missing in Hampson’s Glossary. The Oxford Dictionary says, s. v. -_meadmonth_: “an alleged O. E. name for July”. Of _seremonth_ it -gives a late example, where the word is equivalent to August[1008]. -It is possible that Hickes used sources which have perished in the -fire at the Bibliotheca Cottoniensis. The form _searmonað_, so far as -I know, appears only in Bosworth, and is perhaps a normalising of the -spelling. The name ‘dry month’ (mod. Eng. ‘sear’, ‘sere’) corresponds -as badly as possible to June, and is not much more suitable for -August. A satisfactory explanation would be given if, as Prof. Ekwall -proposes to me, we assume that _seremonað_ = _sceremonað_, _s_ being -often written for _sc_ from the 12th century onwards; the name -would then mean ‘sheep-shearing month’. Fluctuation in the names of -months is seen here also: _haligmonað_ means September or October, -_harvest-monað_ both August and September. So far the Anglo-Saxon -months present the usual characteristics in the nomenclature, and in -the fluctuation of the names. A point worthy of note is the agreement -in name with the Gothic _fruma jiuleis_ but difference in position: -this is explained by the fact that _jiuleis_, _giuli_, _jul_ is an -old word for a shorter season. - -Bede’s further statements as to the Anglo-Saxon year are very -important and have been much disputed. He represents it as a -lunisolar year with lunar months. It began on Dec. 25th; this night -the heathens called _modra nect, id est matrum noctem ob causam, ut -suspicamur, ceremoniarum quas in ea pervigiles agebant_ (“that is the -night of the mothers, because, as we suppose, of some ceremonies -which they performed in the night”). In an ordinary year each season -had three months, in leap-year the thirteenth month was intercalated -in the summer, it was a third _liða_ and a year of this kind was -called _annus thri-lidi_. Further, the year was divided into two -halves, winter and summer, of six months each, and winter began with -the month _wintirfyllið_. Here and here alone have we an account -of a heathen Germanic lunisolar year. _A priori_ such an account -contains nothing surprising. Tacitus, _Germ._ XI, had already stated -that the Germans observed the lunar month. The question is whether -they also named the months and arrived at a fixed series, whereby -the empirical intercalation of a month would arise of itself. In -the last centuries of heathen times they were certainly not at a -lower stage of civilisation than many other peoples in various -parts of the world among whom this form of year did arise, but the -trustworthiness of the report is far from being established by this -general consideration. - -Bilfinger has subjected the account to severe criticism, and on -internal evidence states it to be a construction of Bede’s[1009]. -The account, he says, fluctuates between the solar and the lunar -year; for instance Bede says in one place that the year begins on -December 25th, and in another that winter begins with the lunar month -_wintirfyllið_. But this is done in any description of a lunisolar -year that does not choose expressions with pedantic accuracy. Even -in modern scientific handbooks we read e. g. that the Attic year -began with the summer solstice, which is an abbreviated and incorrect -expression for ‘at the first new moon after the summer solstice’. The -learned chronologist, Bede, has, according to Bilfinger, elaborated -his system upon the following points of departure: the derivation of -the word ‘month’ from ‘moon’, the phrase _annus thri-lidi_, which -really means ‘a year so favourable that three sea-voyages can be -made in it’, and the beginning of the year on Dec. 25th, which is -assumed by Bilfinger to be the ecclesiastical beginning of the year -on Christmas Day, at that time used in England. The Anglo-Saxon -names of months, he concludes, are accordingly nothing more than -native terms for the Julian months, and therefore first became names -of months on the introduction of the Roman calendar. The criticism -is acute, but is not without its weak points. Bede knew quite well -that the Latin _mensis_ is connected with μήν and properly means -lunar month, and had a very good knowledge of matters chronological; -why then should he claim lunar months for the Anglo-Saxons if to his -knowledge only solar months existed among them? In regard to the -explanation of _thri-lidi_ we require to know from documents that two -sea-voyages were usually made in summer, and what was the goal of -these voyages that there should be only two of them. Such evidence is -not forthcoming. And further, as Prof. Ekwall informs me, Bilfinger’s -explanation is linguistically improbable. Such a formation would -presuppose a word *_līð_, ‘journey’, and no such word exists; -on the other hand _þriliði_, ‘with three _liða_’, is perfectly -regular[1010]. Further ‘the holy month’, _halegmonað_, cannot be -explained by Christian influence, since there is no great Christian -festival in September: the origin must be sought in the heathen cult, -but is obscure. It is not improbable that the festival of harvest -was intended. However this carries the name back to pre-Christian -times. _Wintirfyllið_ means, according to Bede, ‘(first) full moon of -the winter’. With this is connected Gothic _fulliþ_, translated by -‘full moon’[1011]. By this parallel the lunar character of this month -is also proved. In opposition to Bilfinger’s theory it therefore -appears that there are a couple of facts, arising out of the months -themselves, which point to the heathen origin and lunar character of -the months. - -The difficulties lie elsewhere. The beginning of the year is -according to Bede Dec. 25. But where a fixed series of twelve months -exists, with a fixed intercalary month, it lies in the nature of -things that the month which is doubled in the intercalation should -be the beginning of the year, since this month is regulated by a -fixed point or season of the year; the month in question is in this -case _liða_, in summer. Now the beginning of the year in the sense -mentioned above, p. 276, does not necessarily coincide with the -beginning of the series of months. The beginning of the year in this -case, however, is on Bede’s own testimony the beginning of winter, as -among the Scandinavians. We are therefore driven to the conclusion -that Bede erroneously substituted the ecclesiastical beginning of -the year at the Christmas festival, and that the cause of his error -was the fact that at this time the heathen Anglo-Saxons celebrated -a Feast of the Mothers, which corresponded to the Scandinavian Yule -festival celebrated at the same time of the year; whereas in reality -the Anglo-Saxons, like most peoples, had no sharply defined beginning -of the year. - -Although, therefore, Bede’s account presents great difficulties, -they are not diminished by the assumption that the scheme is a -construction of his own. In my opinion there is no denying the -trustworthiness of the account or the probability that the heathen -Anglo-Saxons had arrived at a fixed series of months with empirical -intercalation in the summer. But even if this was so, the case is -isolated, and does not advance our knowledge of the form of the year -among the other Germanic peoples. This only may be pointed out, that -the Icelanders inserted their intercalary week in the summer just -as the Anglo-Saxons, according to Bede, did with their intercalary -month. But since the form of the year is so entirely different -in each case, this agreement cannot be made to support further -conclusions, any more than the two cases of agreement with the Gothic -calendar. - -The Icelandic months, in conformity with the peculiar arrangement -of the year, do not coincide with the Julian, but begin either -shortly before or in the middle of these. The series is:--1, _þorri_; -2, _Goi_; 3, _Einmánaðr_, because one month is left before the -beginning of summer; 4, _Gaukmánaðr_ (cuckoo month) or _Sáðtið_ -(seed-time) or _Harpa_ (unexplained); 5, _Eggtið_ or _Stekktið_ or -_Skerpla_ (unexplained); 6, _Sólmánaðr_ (sun month) or _Selmánaðr_ -(cowherd’s hut month); 7, _Miðsummar_, or _Heyannir_ (hay-time); 8, -_Tvímánaðr_, since two months are left to the beginning of winter, -or _Kornskurðmánaðr_ (barley-cutting month); 9, _Haustmánaðr_; 10, -_Gormánaðr_ (slaughtering month, _gor_ is the refuse thrown away in -the slaughtering); 11, _Frermánaðr_ (frost-month) or _Ylir_ (cognate -with _Yul_); 12, _Jólmánaðr_ (Yule-month) or _Hrútmánaðr_ (ram -month, on account of the pairing of the sheep) or _Mörsugr_ (‘the -fat-sucker’)[1012]. Some of these names are also used to describe -seasons and have been explained above, p. 74. With the exception -of _þorri_, _Goi_, and _Einmánaðr_, however, these months are not -used in practical life, where the reckoning is performed in weeks. -In modern times the Icelandic months have other names but keep the -same position in the year:--1, _Miðsvetrarm_. (midwinter month); 2, -_Föstu(in)gangsm_. (beginning of fasting); 3, _Jafnðøgram_. (month -of the equinox); 4, _Sumarm_. (beginning of summer); 5, _Farðagam_. -(because it is the legal time for moving); 6, _Nottleysum_. (the -nightless month); 7, _Stuttnættism_. (month of the short nights) or -_Maðkam_. (as in Denmark, month of worms); 8, _Heyannam_. (month of -the hay-time); 9, _Addrattam_. (_m. necessitatum apportandarum_); 10, -_Slatrunarm_. (slaughtering month), older _Garðlagsm_. (_m. sæpium -struendarum_); 11, _Riðtíðarm_. (spawning month); 12, _Skamdegism_. -(month of the short days) or _Jólam_[1013]. - -In Norway, according to Finn Magnusson[1014], January is sometimes -called _Thorre_, February sometimes _Thorre_, now and again also -_Gjö_, March sometimes _Gjö_, here and there also _Krikla_, June -_Gro_ (sprouting month); I shall return below, p. 302, to the -explanation of the variation. Weinhold gives a complete list:--1, -_Torre_; 2, _Gjö_; 3, _Krikla_ or _Kvine_; 4 and 5, _Voarmoanar_; -6 and 7, _Sumarmoanar_; 8 and 9, _Haustmoanar_; 10 and 11, -_Vinterstid_; 12, _Jolemoane_ or _Skammtid_ (time of the short -days)[1015]. - -Of the Danish months the learned Olaus Worm in the 17th century gives -two series[1016]. The months of the first series are lunar months, -he says, and begin with the first new moon of the new year:--1, _Diur -Rey_ or _Renden_, on account of the pairing of the animals (_at løbe -i Rhed_); 2, _Thormaen_; 3, _Faremaen_, on account of the journeys; -4, _Maymaen_; 5, _Sommermaen_; 6, _Ormemaen_ (month of worms); 7, -_Hoemaen_ (hay month); 8, _Kornmaen_; 9, _Fiskemaen_; 10, _Sædemaen_ -(seed month); 11, _Pølsemaen_ (sausage month); 12, _Julemaen_. The -intercalary month is called _Sildemaen_, ‘the late month’. The Julian -months are called:--1, _Glugmanet_; 2, _Blidem._ (the mild month); -3, _Torm._; 4, _Farem._; 5, _Maym._; 6, _Skærsommer_; 7, _Ormem._; -8, _Høstm._; 9, _Fiskem._; 10, _Sædem._; 11, _Slagtem._; 12, -_Christm._ The northern Danes and the inhabitants of Skåne are said -to call the first four months: 1, _Glug_, 2, _Gøje_, 3, _Thor_, 4, -_Blidel_. _Blidel_ was until our own time in popular use in southern -Skåne, but it denoted February and in this position it appears in -Hickes[1017]. The same series is found in Finn Magnusson[1018], -but with certain variants:--1, _Ism_. (ice month); 2, _Dyrem._; 4, -_Faarem._ (sheep month); 6, _Sommerm._; 7, _Madkem._; 8, _Høm._; -10, _Ridem._ (riding month); 11, _Vinterm._; 12, _Julem._[1019]. -Feilberg in his well-known Dictionary of the popular speech of -Jylland gives some characteristic modern popular names. _Helmisse_ -(‘holy mass’) really means All Souls’ Day, and then an old worn-out -horse, whose last strength is exhausted in the autumn ploughing and -who dies in consequence; hence September or October obtains the name -_helmissemåned_. March is called _kattemåned_, from the pairing of -the cats, or _prangermåned_ (_pranger_ = ‘dealer’), because most -business is transacted then. These are evidently more in the nature -of by-names, but it is precisely names of this sort that oust the -Latin names, since they are intelligible. - -In the Swedish almanac, until it was modernised in the year 1901, -Swedish names stood beside the Latin. They ran:--_Torsmånad_, -_Göjem._, _Vårm._ (spring month), _Gräsm._ (grass month), -_Blomsterm._ (month of flowers), _Sommarm._, _Höm._ (hay month), -_Skördem._ (harvest month), _Höstm._ (autumn month), _Slaktm._ -(slaughtering month), _Vinterm._, _Julm._ It is true that these -names were never used. The series has arisen from an older one which -is first attested for the year 1538. In the latter three months -have Latin names, _Marsmånad_, _Aprilmånad_, _Majmånad_, October is -named _Winmånad_ (vine-month), December _Christmånad_. These names -shew that the series is of German origin; in Sweden vines are not -cultivated, and December 24th is never called Christmas Eve but Yule -Eve. The list agrees with one given by Weinhold, p. 8, which as early -as the 15th century was common to all Germany, and the agreement is -shewn also in this point that, as is often the case in German lists, -the months 3, 4, and 5 retain their Latin names. When it is further -remembered that _Augst_ means ‘harvest’, the variations will be seen -to consist only in the substitution of the old names _Tor_ and _Göje_ -for _Jenner_ and _Hornung_ and the renaming of ‘the fallow month’ -(_Brachmonat_) from midsummer, which is in Sweden a great popular -festival. The more suitable _Slakt-_ and _Julmånad_ were substituted -for _Win-_ and _Christmånad_ in 1608 by the almanac-maker Forsius: -the three Latin names were first exchanged for Swedish in 1734 by -the almanac-maker Hiorter[1020]. There is moreover one Swedish name -which is still very popular and which falls outside the usual series, -viz. _rötmånaden_ (‘the rotten month’), so named because it falls -in the most sultry time of the summer, when it is very difficult to -keep meat and other food from going bad. It is fixed at the time in -which the sun stands in Leo (July 22-Aug. 23; about July 13-Aug. 14, -old style). Formerly it was known as ‘the Dog-days’,--a translation -of _dies caniculares_--and the position varied considerably. The -period descends from the period of the Etesian in the ancient Greek -calendar, and it was not till the 17th century that it was generally -equated to the time during which the sun stands in Leo[1021]. - -The Swedish list of months is therefore largely of foreign or learned -origin. The only popular names are _Tor_ and _Göje_, which also -often occur without the addition of ‘month’. The Icelanders have -made Thorri and Goi into mythological figures[1022]. In Sweden the -people have personified these names. When it snows, Goja shakes her -robe. Thor (= March), with the long beard, entices the children -outside the wall, they say in the north of Skåne,--in the south the -same thing is said of _Bliel_ (_Blidel_ = February)--and then _Far -Fäjeskinn_ (= April) comes and drives them in again. The latter -month is conceived of as ‘Father Sweep-skin’: but it is possible -that in _far_ the month-name _Fare-maaned_ (= April) appears. In -Norway the names of the same three months--_Thorre_, _Gjö_, and -_Krikla_--were the only ones in common use, and so in Iceland, -_þorri_, _Goi_, and _Einmánaðr_. The beginning of these three months -was hailed with popular celebrations both in Iceland and elsewhere -in Scandinavia[1023]. And now attempts have been made to prove that -these Norwegian months are old lunar months. In Aasen’s Norwegian -Dictionary it is stated that the country people even to-day still -count and name the moons, so that e. g. the moon which is in the -heavens during the Yuletide-festival is termed the Yule moon if -it continues until the end of the festival, the day of Epiphany: -and if it does not last till the end of this period, then the next -following moon is the Yule moon, i. e. the Yule moon is in reality -the moon which is in the heavens on the day of Epiphany. The terms -and the calculation of the following moons are regulated accordingly. -Certainly the heathen Germans must have been acquainted with the -lunar month, and the existence of the lunisolar calendar among -the Anglo-Saxons is not to be denied, but in this case we must -unreservedly agree with Bilfinger[1024] that this lunar reckoning is -of Christian origin. Then in order to fix the date of the important -movable festivals the most convenient practical means was to begin -from the first new moon after the day of Epiphany, i. e. after the -Yule moon. The old rule says:--“Count the moon which is in the sky -on the day of Epiphany as long as it lasts, and then ten days onward -from the new moon, and you have the _terminus Septuagesimæ_.” Hence -is derived the Swedish peasant rule:--“The moon which is in the -sky at the day of Epiphany shall be the Christmas moon, whether it -be young or old.” After this follows the _disting_-moon[1025]. On -account of the ecclesiastically prescribed period of Lent and the -Easter festival it was absolutely necessary to be able to calculate -this time, and the calculation was most simply performed in the -fashion just described, although the phenomena of the heavens did -not exactly agree with the rule of computation. The third of these -moons was followed by the Easter festival. For this reason these -three months have stamped themselves upon the minds of the people -in all the Scandinavian countries. It is because they are lunar -months, and not because they began, like the Icelandic months, in -the middle of the Julian months, that the relationship of the first -three Norwegian names of months to the Julian varies in the manner -shewn above, p. 298. A further question, however, is the age of the -names _þorri_ (_Tor_) and _Göje_. Since in spite of many ingenious -attempts these words remain etymologically unexplained, and moreover -are not borrowed, the names must originate in an older period. What -they meant before they received their present application we do not -know, but there is nothing to shew that they are not old names of -months. There is a possibility, certainly somewhat remote, that their -use as names of months is pre-Christian, although the computation is -Christian. There would be nothing surprising in this, if it were the -case, since the Germans were acquainted with lunar months, and they -had attained a much higher stage of civilisation than many peoples -who were familiar with the lunisolar year as regulated by empirical -intercalation. - -A sure indication of an Old Swedish heathen reckoning in lunar months -has been acutely pointed out by Beckman[1026] in the rule, attested -from the time of the Reformation, for fixing the date of the fair at -Uppsala known as the _disting_, which is a direct continuation of -the great sacrificial festival at the heathen temple in Uppsala, the -_disablot_. The rule, as has already been indicated (p. 302), says -that the _disting_ shall be held at the full of the moon following -the Epiphany moon, and therefore exactly two months before the Easter -full moon. This rule certainly goes back to ancient times and cannot -arise from the Christian computation of Easter, since there would -be no reason for arranging with reference to Easter the date of a -fair so long before Easter and originating in heathen times[1027]. -Rather is the explanation given in the words of Tacitus, that the -Germans held their assemblies at new or full moon, which would also -apply to the great sacrificial festival and the popular assembly -of the Svear. This however presupposes that the insertion of the -intercalary month was fixed in some way, so that no error might -arise in regard to the moon of the _disting_. After Christianity was -introduced, and with it the computation of the three moons before -Easter, the computation of the _disting_-moon was also modified in -accordance with these. A statement of Snorre[1028] however causes -difficulty. Snorre says that the _disablot_ was celebrated in _Goe_, -but that after the introduction of Christianity the date of the fair -was altered to Candlemas (Feb. 2). The latter statement contradicts -the rule, and is ingeniously explained by Beckman. In the year 1219, -when Snorre was staying in Sweden, the full moon of the _disting_ -fell on the first of February, and Snorre has generalised the single -case. _Goe_, as has been seen above, is the name of the month, but -the Göje new moon has been shewn to be the second after Epiphany, and -therefore the moon following the _disting_-moon, which is identical -with the _Tor_ new moon. Herein lies an unexplained difficulty. It is -to be presumed, however, that the arrangement of the heathen lunar -months must have been different from that of the Christian Easter -moons, and that this must have been the cause of the difference in -the position of the moons. The heathen _disting_-moon, called _Goe_, -did not entirely correspond either to the Christian _þorre_ or to -_Goe_: Snorre has made _Goe_ equivalent to it, otherwise it has been -made equivalent to _þorre_. The necessity of computing the Christian -Easter has very often caused the new moons to fall after the period -(Yule, Tor, Goe) from which they are named. On the contrary the -_disting_-moon is the very moon in which the _disting_ is held. This -is certainly a survival of an older pre-Christian computation, which -was later fitted into the Christian computation of the new moons -before Easter, and was re-arranged accordingly. - -In the other Scandinavian countries also the enumeration of the moons -between Christmas and Easter was neglected after the Reformation -had made the observation of the fast superfluous, or rather it was -replaced by another: the New Year’s Day appears as the regulating -point instead of Epiphany. - -The Swedish almanacs of the 16th and 17th centuries give the new -moons in words, the practice ceasing in the second half of the -17th century. In accordance with the custom of the ecclesiastical -computation the new moon is (nearly always) named after the -following month, that in which the moon ceases: _Ny Göijemånat_, -the new moon of Göje, therefore falls in _Torsmånad_ (January), and -so on. Sometimes, doubtless inadvertently, the new moon is named -after the month in which it falls, i. e. _Ny Göijemånat_ falls in -February. Now certain years receive 13 new moons, and therefore -one intercalary moon, for which the computers give rules. But the -almanac-makers never follow these rules. In two or three of the -oldest almanacs[1029] the intercalary moon is certainly described -as such[1030], but its position in the year does not correspond to -the rule of the computers: in 1603 it is simply placed in the Julian -month in which two new moons fall. Otherwise the difficulty is got -over by leaving uncounted the intercalary moon or some of the new -moons. Another way out is chosen by Herlicius, 1630 and 1641, and -Thuronius of Åbo, 1660: _Torsmånadsny_, the new moon of January, is -contrary to the rule placed in January; in the further enumeration -the new moons run over into the month preceding that after which -they are named, and the thirteenth and last new moon is again called -_Torsmånadsny_, i. e. this is doubled and serves as an intercalary -moon. Here, therefore, the insertion of the intercalary moon depends -upon the position of the new moon in relation to the beginning of the -year, i. e. to the first of January. - -This method has become popular, and its popularity has been assisted -by the fact that the people, through the use of the rune-staves -recording the golden numbers, were accustomed to the calculation of -the new moon. Above all the first moon of the year (_nykung_ = ‘new -king’) played a very important part. The men took off their hats and -the women curtseyed when they saw it; from it were taken oracles for -the new year. The question is whether a popular name was also given -to the new moons. Apart from the almanacs, which use the names of -months introduced into them, I find in Swedish only one example: -_Torretungel_ (_tungel_, dialect for ‘new moon’)[1031]. The Danish -chronologist Worm gives both a lunar and a solar series of names of -months[1032]. The names are for the most part equivalent or similar -to those of the solar series, but in the first half of the year they -occupy an earlier position, which fact certainly has something to do -with the naming of the new moons according to the usual computation. -Worm expressly states that these lunar months were still in use and -began with the first new moon of the new year. - -An account of connected lunar months among the East Finns has been -translated and communicated to me by Professor Wiklund. The authority -makes a man of the people speak as follows[1033]:--“The moon which -is born while the winter day is still in his house (December 18-22), -or after that, is the first heart- (middle-)moon. In this way the -Christmas festival sometimes falls in the first heart-moon, and -then we hope for a good harvest. But when the first heart-moon is -born late, e. g. after Twelfth Day, there is no second heart-moon -in this year, but there follow the foam-moon (so called because -the snow looks like foam), the snow-crust moon, the melting moon, -the sprouting moon, etc.... When we reckon the moons of the year, -beginning with the first heart-moon, we sometimes get thirteen -months in the year, although there are only twelve book-months.” At -first sight it is very tempting to see in this account old Finnish -moon-months regulated by the winter solstice, as e. g. among the -Siberian peoples, which would be quite conceivable so far north. -However this is not so. The heart-moon is in the given instance -doubled, i. e. it is an intercalary moon. Now it is a familiar fact -that the intercalary month, i. e. the first of the two months with -the same name, gets in front of the regulating-point; it is therefore -‘forgotten’, and a second moon with the same name is inserted after -it. We must therefore ask:--Within what limits, under the given -conditions, will the moon fall which in ordinary years is the -heart-moon, in leap-year the second heart-moon? The following tables -give the answer: the limits begin at the two extremes of new moon -on the first and on the twenty-ninth of January; we must of course -reckon one day for the solstice, December 21, and not the whole -‘house’. - - Beginning Beginning - of the first of the second - heart-moon. heart-moon. - I. From Jan. 1. 12 moons to Dec. 22, 13 moons to Jan. 20. - 12 » » Jan. 9. - 12 » » Dec. 29, 13 » » Jan. 28. - 12 » » Jan. 17. - 12 » » Jan. 5. - 12 » » Dec. 26, 13 » » Jan. 24. - 12 » » Jan. 14. - 12 » » Jan. 3. - 12 » » Dec. 23, 13 » » Jan. 22, etc. - - II. From Jan. 29. 12 moons to Jan. 18. - 12 » » Jan. 7. - 12 » » Dec. 27, 13 moons to Jan. 25. - 12 » » Jan. 14. - 12 » » Jan. 3, etc. - -The regulating-point is therefore New Year’s Day: the heart-moon, -and in leap-year the second heart-moon, begin with the first new -moon after this. This rule however makes it impossible for the -first heart-moon ever to begin before the winter solstice. It will -be found that in regard to the position of the heart-month, and in -leap-years of the first heart-month, this regulation leads to such -a position of these months as is given in the account. The calendar -is therefore not a native lunar one, but the already mentioned -adaptation of the lunar reckoning in accordance with the new year -of the Julian calendar[1034]. The Finns, who from the earliest -times have owed their culture to the Scandinavians, have taken this -process from them also, but in Finland it has not been driven out by -the influences of later civilisation, just as in Norway, which long -remained comparatively untouched by these influences, the Catholic -lunar reckoning has been preserved. - -The above-quoted source unfortunately does not preserve all the names -of months. A similar but somewhat different complete list has been -drawn up by Lönnrot in Karelia:--1, heart-month; 2, heart-month; 3, -foam-month; 4, tree-felling month; 5, melting or sowing month; 6, -summer month; 7, hay month; 8, pus month (cf. the Swedish ‘rotten -month’, above, p. 300); 9, harvest month; 10, autumn month; 11, dung -or dirt month; 12, month of clods; 13, Christmas month[1035]. Here -too the heart-month appears doubled. - -The Lapps also have taken their reckoning from the Scandinavians: -of the reckoning in weeks we have spoken above. In Old Scandinavian -times they borrowed the word _mānō_, Lapp _manno_ (moon). The Lapp -word means both ‘moon’ and ‘month’; only among the southern Lapps -is there found a native word _aske_, ‘moon’, which one dictionary -also uses as a term for ‘month’. Therefore at the time when the -Lapps adopted the word _manno_ for ‘moon’ and ‘month’, the month of -the Scandinavians must have been a lunar month, and so also among -the Lapps. In some authors the form _mannod_ occurs, i. e. modern -Swedish _månad_, ‘month’. The Lapp names of months were not collected -until last century. They appear sometimes with, sometimes without, -the addition ‘month’. They are:--1, new month, new year (month), new -day (month), New Year’s Day month; 2, Göjem. (_knowa_, a loan-word -therefore), rarely *‘swan month’; 3, *‘swan month’, because the swan -comes in March, rarely _marasm._ (_mars_, loan-word), rarely *‘crow -month’; 4, *‘crow month’, on account of the coming of these birds, -rarely *‘snow-crust month’; 5, ‘(hard) *snow-crust month’, since -the surface of the snow, which melts in the day-time in the bright -sunshine, freezes at night into a hard crust, *‘month of calves’, -‘calf month’, when the reindeer bring forth their calves; 6, *‘month -of calves’, *‘fir month’, since the sap rises in the firs, ‘flesh -month’, ‘(mid)summer month’; 7, rarely *‘fir month’, *‘month when -the reindeer has shed its hair’; 8, called *the same, also *‘month -when the hair has grown thick again’; 9, has *the same name as 8, -or *‘rutting month’ (the rutting-time covers the end of September -and the beginning of October), or *‘month when the male reindeer -are powerless’ (after the rutting); 10, has *the same name as 9, -or else *‘rutting month’, or ‘autumn month’; 11, is also generally -called *‘month when the male reindeer are powerless’, rarely *‘Advent -month’; 12, *‘Advent month (_passatis(m.)_, _p._ means the first -Advent Sunday and the first week in Advent), ‘Yule month’[1036]. -Qvigstad[1037] calls the twelfth week-month of the Lapps _bâse-tæbme -manno_, ‘the month without a feast’, the thirteenth _basse m._ or -_juowla m._ - -The Lapps were also acquainted with the ‘rotten month’ (_mieska -manno_, Swedish _rötmånad_)[1038]. A Lapp woman mentioned by Wiklund -gave this month the position of the ninth in the series, and -explained it as the month in which the grass begins to fade and rot. -On the strength of this Wiklund assumes a thirteen-month year, but -the statement is inconclusive, the ‘rotten month’ having certainly -been placed erroneously as a separate month in the series. That this -is so is supported not only by Qvigstad but also by Högström in -his description of Lapland of the year 1746, in which he speaks of -thirteen week-months of the Lapps. According to this authority the -Lapps drew their rune-calendar on seven discs of reindeer-horn, but -only one side of the seventh was written on, so that there were 13 -sides of four weeks each, which they called a month, and so their -reckoning was 13 months, he says. Wiklund has accepted this four-week -month. It is quite possible that the Lapps called a period of four -weeks a month: we also often do the same when an approximation will -serve; but that the names of months mean periods of four weeks seems -very questionable. It would be a quite isolated case: everywhere else -the months are either the Julian or lunar months, with which last the -Lapps were acquainted, at least in ancient times. The statement that -on the basis of the reckoning by weeks a four-week month could have -arisen is certainly not absolutely to be denied,--if this is so, it -must be a secondary and late development--but the fluctuation of the -names of months is no evidence for this. It is only the fluctuation -found everywhere when names of seasons are transformed into names -of months. Only the names of the first two months are quite fixed, -and these are either essentially or literally loan-words: the Latin -name even appears in one instance for March. There is consequently -borrowing in the case of the three names which alone, as also among -the Scandinavians, have become really popular. If the Lapps really -had thirteen months, it might then be supposed that these, as in -Denmark and Finland, were lunar months which began at the first new -moon of the new year. But we find no trace of lunar months in Lapland -in historical times. We must therefore content ourselves with the -fact that the Lapp names of months shew the same fluctuation as -is shewn by all names taken from natural objects or phenomena and -applied to the months. - -This brief survey of the popular months of the European peoples is -instructive from the point of view of a comparison with the names -of months among primitive peoples. Although the Julian months have -a fixed position in the solar year, and do not fluctuate to and fro -like the lunar months, yet the names of the months are unstable and -fluctuating. This is due to the fact that in the desire for concrete -observations the names of the seasons and of their occupations -have been kept, and the seasons have neither fixed position nor -duration: these names of months derived from natural phenomena and -occupations have not therefore in themselves the precision which the -chronological system demands. Such precision will only be introduced -by an external factor, in the one case by the lunar months, in the -other by the Julian months to which the names of the seasons are -transferred. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -SOLSTICES AND EQUINOXES. AIDS TO THE DETERMINATION OF TIME. - - -We have seen in the foregoing pages how the phases of Nature, with -their somewhat variable dates, are everywhere employed in the -determination of time; how in the moon there lies ready to hand a -clear, stable (at least within very narrow limits), and constant unit -of time which could be turned to account in calculating; and how -out of the fusion of natural phases and moons there arose a roughly -empirical lunisolar year. For the more accurate fixing both of the -seasons and of the months the phases of the stars are employed; -these, being dependent on the sun, keep pace with the natural year, -but, unlike the phases of Nature, are not subject to climatic -variations but are astronomically fixed. - -It is however possible astronomically to fix the solar year by a -second method, viz. the observation of the annual course of the sun, -especially of the solstices: the observation of the equinoxes is a -much more difficult matter. The observation of the solstices can be -performed in a way similar to that mentioned above, p. 21, in which -noon is determined by the position of the sun, but is much more -difficult to carry out and requires far more accurate and delicate -methods. Two fixed points at least are necessary--a standing-ground -and in the simplest case a mark on the horizon; other methods are -still more complicated. An observation of the annual course of the -sun, therefore, unlike that of the stars,--which everywhere, no -matter where, can be performed immediately--demands a fixed place -and special aids to determination. It follows that the observation -of the solstices and equinoxes belongs to a much higher stage of -civilisation than does that of the stars. It can only arise among -a people with a fixed dwelling-place, since a race which leads a -nomadic life and changes dwellings and camps is without the necessary -fixed points of observation. After all it is only natural--and this -actually is the case--that the observation of the course of the sun -should be in use only among certain specially gifted peoples. - -It is used by the Eskimos, who have a very highly developed sense -of place, and know how to make good maps. Moreover where the sun in -winter stands very low on the horizon, and for a time altogether -disappears beneath it, the conditions are very favourable for the -observation of its return. Older authors say that by the rays of -the sun on the rocks the Eskimos can tell with tolerable accuracy -when it is the shortest day[1039]; more recently we have been told -of the Ammasalik that they can calculate beforehand the time of -the shortest day--and that accurately to the day--not only from -the solstitial point, but also from the position of Altair in the -morning twilight[1040]. They begin their spring when the sun rises -at the same spot as Altair[1041]. This is a quite isolated, but an -accurate, determination of the course of the sun from the fixed -stars. The Hudson Bay Eskimos of Labrador recognise the arrival of -the solstices by the bearing of the sun with reference to certain -fixed landmarks[1042]. The Central Eskimos must do the same, since -they are acquainted with the winter solstice and when this and new -moon coincide they omit their intercalary month[1043]. - -The tribes of Arizona observed the course of the sun, more -particularly to determine the dates of their religious ceremonies, -but also to decide the time of secular occupations. Among the Zuñi -the winter solstice begins when the rising sun strikes a certain -point at the south-west end of ‘Corn Mountain’, and a great feast is -then celebrated. Then the sun moves to the north, passes the moon at -_ayonawa yälläne_, and continues round to a point north-west of Zuñi, -which is called ‘Great Mountain’, where it sets consecutively for -four days at the same point. The last day is the summer solstice. -On this occasion also a great festival is celebrated[1044]. The Hopi -determine the time for their religious ceremonies, for planting, -and for sowing by observing the points on the horizon where the sun -rises or sets. The winter ceremonies are determined by the position -of the sunset, the summer by the position of the sunrise. The two -points of the solstices are called the ‘houses’ of the sun. There -are 13 landmarks, by means of which the seasons are determined from -the ecliptic. The number suggests that there is some connexion -with the months. It would in that case be a quite isolated example -of the regulation of the months by the observation of the sun’s -position[1045]. - -The Incas erected artificial marks. There were in Cuzco sixteen -towers, eight to the west and eight to the east, arranged in groups -of four. The two middle ones were smaller than the others, and the -distance between the towers was eight, ten, or twenty feet. The space -between the little towers through which the sun passed at sunrise -and sunset was the point of the solstices. In order to verify this -the Inca chose a favourable spot from which he observed carefully -whether the sun rose and set between the little towers to east and -west. For the observation of the equinoxes richly ornamented pillars -were set up in the open space before the temple of the sun. When the -time approached, the shadow of the pillars was carefully observed. -The open space was circular and a line was drawn through its centre -from east to west. Long experience had taught them where to look for -the equinoctial point, and by the distance of the shadow from this -point they judged of the approach of the equinox. When from sunrise -to sunset the shadow was to be seen on both sides of the pillar and -not at all to the south of it, they took that day as the day of the -equinox. This last account is for Quito, which lies just under the -equator. At the spring equinox the maize was reaped and a feast was -celebrated, at the autumn equinox the people celebrated one of their -four principal feasts[1046]. The months were calculated from the -winter solstice. - -Among the Amazulu, we are told, the path of the sun in winter is -different from its summer path: for it travels northward till it -reaches a certain place,--a mountain or a forest (where it rises -and sets)--and it does not pass beyond these two places; it comes -out of its winter house; when it comes out it goes southward to -its summer place. We say that when it quits its winter place it is -fetching the summer, until it reaches a certain mountain or tree; -and then it turns northward again, fetching the winter, in constant -succession. These are its houses; we say so, for it stays in its -winter house a few days: and when it quits that place we know that -it has ended the winter and is now fetching the summer; and indeed -it travels southward until, when the summer has grown, it enters -the summer house a few days, and then quits it again, in constant -succession[1047]. The Basuto also call the summer solstice the house -of the sun, and intelligent chiefs adjust the reckoning of the months -by it[1048]. - -For the Bismarck Archipelago the following details are given. On the -island of Vuatam there is celebrated some time after the solstice and -usually at the beginning of January--the exact date depends on the -weather--a festival the object of which is to regulate the course of -the sun and to secure good weather. In the whole of the north-eastern -part of the Gazelle Peninsula the fact of the solstice is known, -although no festival is celebrated. When the sun had its greatest -southern amplitude it rose over Birar on St. George’s Channel. A -native magistrate, To Kakao, explained how the sun would turn again -and would finally attain its greatest northern amplitude on the -horizon when it sank between the volcanic mountains ‘South Daughter’ -and ‘Mother’. In Valaur the view is completely cut off to the east, -and so the sun is observed at its setting, the turning-point in the -south being formed by two mountain peaks situated close together. -Another southern turning-point is furnished by still another -mountain. The spot denoting the turning-point in the Baining mountain -is chosen rather far off, and the observation is therefore not very -accurate. The solstices are brought into connexion with the variation -of the monsoons. To Kakao said that the north-east trade-wind blew -all the time the sun was in the south (November to February), but -during the time when it was situated in a northerly direction (May to -August) the south-east monsoon prevailed. In Valaur the south-east -monsoon blows as long as the sun sets WNW (May to August): but from -November to February, when the sun sets WSW, the north-west trade -blows[1049]. The Moanu of the Admiralty Islands name the divisions of -the year according to the position of the sun. If it stands north of -the equator the division in question is called _morai im paün_ (‘war -sun’), since it is during this time more particularly that wars are -carried on. When the sun stands above the equator this division is -named _morai in kauas_ (‘sun of friendship’): this is the time of -peace and of mutual visits. When the sun turns southward the colder -season, _morai unonou_, begins[1050]. - -One would suspect that this Melanesian science, like the knowledge -of the stars, is borrowed from the Polynesians: for the latter -understood the annual course of the sun. In Tahiti the place of the -sunrise was called _tataheita_, that of the sunset _topa-t-era_. -The annual movement of the sun from the south towards the north -was recognised, and so was the fact that all these points of the -daily approach to the zenith lay in a line. This meridian was -called _t’era-hwattea_, the northern point of it _tu-errau_, and -the opposite point above the horizon, or the south, _toa_[1051]. -According to other sources the December solstice was called -_rua-maoro_ or _rua-roa_, the June solstice _rua-poto_. The Hawaiians -called the northern limit of the sun in the ecliptic ‘the black, -shining road of Kane’, and the southern limit ‘the black, shining -road of Kanaloa’. The equator was named ‘the bright road of the -spider’ or ‘the road to the navel of Wakea’, equivalent to ‘the -centre of the world’[1052]. How the Polynesians came to recognise the -tropics and the equator is unfortunately unknown, but certainly they -did it like other peoples by observing the solstices and equinoxes at -certain landmarks. - -That the Greeks also recognised the solstices by means of the -observation of certain landmarks may be gathered from a passage in -Homer. In the Odyssey Eumaeus says of his native land: “A certain -island Syrie ... above Ortygia, where the sun turns”[1053]. Wherever -Syrie lay, even though in the realm of fable, the idea is that it -lies in the direction of the spot at which the sun at its turning -rises or sets. It therefore serves as a landmark, it is ‘the house of -the sun’. Hesiod is so familiar with the winter and summer solstices -that he reckons time from them in days[1054]. - -A much discussed question is whether the ancient Germans were -acquainted with the solstices and equinoxes, an assumption which must -be adopted by anyone who regards the Yule festival as a solstitial -festival. Their acquaintance with these points has been denied and -with this view I myself have concurred[1055]. After my researches -in primitive time-reckoning, however, I can no longer maintain this -opinion for the later heathen times of the north. For it has been -shewn that primitive peoples--and especially those living far north, -e. g. the Eskimos--observed the solstices well from certain points -on the horizon. Now it has already been seen that the northern -peoples observed the times of day in the same manner[1056], and this -observation was also extended to the annual course of the sun. It is -said, for example, that autumn lasts from the equinox until the sun -sets in _eyktarstað_, i. e. the position in which it stands in the -_eykt_[1057]; and that south of Iceland and Greenland the sun at the -time of the shortest days inhabits _eyktarstað_ and _dagmálastað_ -(that is to say at 9 a. m.)[1058]. The evidence, it is true, comes -down from Christian days: but the method of determining time is of -native origin and certainly goes back into heathen times. Hence -it should not be denied that, although nothing of the kind has -transpired, the solstices and equinoxes might have been approximately -determined in the same way, and it may be that the regulation of the -calendar profited by this. - -Any other day of the year can be fixed by observation in the same -way, though the observation of the solstices is probably the oldest. -As late as the beginning of the 19th century this method was adopted -in Norway as a check to the prime-staff. On certain farms there was -a definite stone, buried in the earth, to which the people repaired -for these observations. They noticed when the sun rose and shone out -above certain mountain peaks, or when its last rays touched this or -that summit. They also observed the length of the shadow on the face -of a cliff, or noted when it touched the brow of a mountain or a -certain stone. Thence they were able to give the important days of -the year, e. g. the festival of St. Paul or Candlemas. Our authority -says that the observation was very inaccurate, so that the Christmas -Day of the people might fall on January 2. But it was not so bad as -that, since they still followed the old style. The sun-mark for the -first summer day (April 14) agreed with the 23rd of April[1059]. - -Agricultural peoples in particular have developed various methods -of this kind. The rice-cultivating peoples of the East Indies use -various methods in order to determine the important time of sowing. -Of the observation of the stars we have already spoken[1060]. Among -the Kayan of Sarawak an old priest determines the official time -of sowing from the position of the sun by erecting at the side of -the house two oblong stones, one larger and one smaller, and then -observing the moment when the sun, in the lengthening of the line of -connexion between these two stones, sets behind the opposite hill. -The sowing-day is the only one determined by astronomical methods. -In other respects the time-reckoning is a more or less arbitrary one -and is dependent on the agriculture[1061]. Of the hollows in a block -of stone at Batu Sala, in the river-bed of the upper Mahakam, it is -said that they originated in the fact that the priestesses of the -neighbouring tribes used formerly to sit on the stone every year in -order to observe when the sun would set behind a certain peak of the -opposite mountain. This date then decided the time for the beginning -of the sowing[1062]. - -In the first example we have artificially erected marks instead -of the usual natural landmarks: compare also the towers at Cuzco. -The pillars of Quito were a kind of gnomon, an instrument of -immense importance for the scientific astronomy and accurate -time-determination of antiquity. In this case the observation was -much simplified on account of the situation just below the equator. -The method is used again in Borneo, where it is very important to -determine the right time for sowing the seed, and the approach of the -short dry season before it in which the timber from the clearings -must be dried and burnt. The Kenyah observe the position of the sun. -Their instrument is a straight cylindrical pole of hardwood, fixed -vertically in the ground and carefully adjusted with the aid of -plumb-lines; the possibility of its sinking deeper into the earth is -prevented. The pole is a little longer than the outstretched arms of -its maker and stands on a cleared space by the house, surrounded by a -strong fence. The observer has further a flat stick on which lengths -measured from his body are marked off by notches. The other side has -a larger number of notches, of which one marks the greatest length of -the midday shadow, the next one its length three days after it has -begun to shorten, and so on. The shadow is measured every midday. As -it grows shorter after reaching its maximal length the man observes -it with special care, and announces to the village that the time -for preparing the land is near at hand[1063]. In Bali and Java the -seasons are determined by the aid of a gnomon of rude construction, -having a dial divided into twelve parts[1064]. - -The Kayan use a somewhat different method. The weather-prophet lets -in a beam of light through a hole in the roof of his chamber in the -long-house, and measures the distance of the patch of light from -the point vertically below the hole. Thus they obtain a measurement -similar to that given by the shadow on a sun-dial[1065]. Still more -elaborate is the method used by some of the Klementan by which time -is determined from the position of a star. A tall bamboo vessel is -filled with water and then inclined until it points directly towards -a certain star. It is set upright again, and the level of the water -left in the vessel is measured. In order to determine the seed-time -the vessel is provided with an empirically given mark at a certain -height, and when the level of the water coincides with the mark after -the inclining of the vessel towards the star, it is the time for -sowing[1066]. The writers omit to say that the observation must take -place at a certain time of day, e. g. morning or evening twilight. -Then it becomes possible to determine the season by the height of the -star above the horizon. - -All this is neither primitive nor native. In Bali and Java the -Brahmin and Islamite priests observed the sun-dial, and from there -the practice came to Borneo. Where the idea of using a vessel of -water for measurement originated I am unable to determine, but it -is much too refined to be a primitive invention. The only genuinely -primitive method is the observation of the annual course of the -sun and the solstices by the aid of certain landmarks on the -horizon. This method is found in all parts of the world, but only -among certain peoples. It has never attained real importance for -the regulation of the calendar: the development of the calendar -to greater accuracy proceeds by the indirect way of the lunisolar -time-reckoning. - -By way of appendix a few notices of the aids used in calculating may -be collected. They are almost always quite simple--knots in a string, -the tally, or the joints of the body. - -The use of the tally in counting the years has already been dealt -with above[1067]; this use is certainly later, each stick attaining -so to speak an individual life. It is otherwise with the counting of -the days, where the question usually is to determine the number of -days which will elapse before an assembly or some other undertaking -previously agreed upon, so that all may arrive together. The same -reckoning may also occasionally serve a second purpose. - -The Peruvian _quipos_ mark the culminating-point of the method of -counting by knots in a cord. Something similar existed among the -Nahyssan of Carolina. Time was measured and a rude chronology was -arranged by means of knots of various colours. This system proved -so convenient in dealing with the Indians that it was adopted for -that purpose by a governor of South Carolina[1068]. When a chief of -the Miwok of California decides to hold a dance in his village, he -dispatches messengers to the neighbouring rancherias, each bearing a -string wherein is tied a number of knots. Every morning thereafter -the invited chief unties one of the knots, and when the last one -is reached, they joyfully set forth for the dance--men, women, and -children[1069]. Sticks serve the same purpose. Once when the Natchez -and the Chocktaw wished to attack the French in Louisiana, each tribe -received a bundle of sticks, one of which was to be withdrawn and -destroyed each day, so that they might strike their blows at the same -time[1070]. The Pawnee used the tally for counting nights, months, -and years, but had advanced so far as to employ picture-writing in -doing so. * means day or sun, × star or night, ☾ moon, month[1071]. -This is the forerunner of the Indian picture-calendar already -mentioned[1072]. - -According to Barrow the Caffres assist their memories by means of -a tally, although this authority did not himself find this custom -among them; but the Hottentot servants of the colonists, among whom -were several Caffres, used this method in counting the number of the -cattle earned[1073]. Among the Wagogo if it was desired to count the -days, e. g. in connexion with the sitting of a court of justice, -as many knots were tied in a string as there were nights to elapse -before this date. In Nigeria palm-nuts are used in counting[1074], -just as in southern Brazil the years are counted by means of acajou -nuts[1075], and as the tribes of Bolivia count with grains of -maize[1076]. The Baganda, in order to keep in mind the days of the -month, tie knots in a piece of plant-fibre and afterwards count -the knots[1077]. In New Guinea the months were counted by means of -notches cut in trees: the New Zealanders are said to have added every -month a little piece of wood or a small stone to a heap[1078]. - -In the Nicobars notched sticks in the form of a scimitar-blade are -in use. They have notches on the edge and on the flat, the former -denote months, the latter the days of the waning and waxing moon. -They are used e. g. in finding out when a child of the owner learned -to walk. The Shompen take a piece of bamboo and make as many bends -in it as they mean to reckon days[1079]. The Negritos of Zambales -in order to count the days make knots in a cord of _bejuco_ and cut -off one of these knots every day[1080]. On the Solomon Islands also -knotted cords are used for the same purpose[1081]. The counting is -particularly necessary for the celebrating of the great feast of the -dead at the proper time. The eating the death, _gana matea_, begins -with the burial; they eat first, as they say, ‘his graves’, after -that they eat ‘his days’--the 5th, 10th, and after that every ten -up to the hundredth, and it may be, in the case of a father, wife, -or mother, even so far as the thousandth. For counting the days, so -that the guests from distant villages may arrive on the proper days, -they use cycas fronds, one in the hands of each party, on which the -appointed days are marked by the pinching off or turning down of a -leaflet as each day passes[1082]. According to another authority the -moons are counted. At the coming of the young moon after the death -of a man either a knot is made in a thread or a notch is cut in a -piece of wood. Up to thirty moons are then counted. The object is to -calculate the time up to the great funeral wake of dead chiefs. For -young people it takes place from 20 to 30 months afterwards, for old -people after 10 months, for an unimportant person as soon as 3 or 4 -months afterwards[1083]. In Nauru, west of the Gilbert Islands, knots -were tied in a string when days were to be counted, e. g. the 15 days -of the confinement of a woman[1084]. - -Only seldom is it mentioned that the months are counted on the -fingers, although obviously this must often happen; the Klamath -and the Modok used to do so formerly[1085]. Certain very primitive -peoples use not only fingers and toes but also other parts of the -body in counting. The day of an assembly is determined in this -fashion by an Australian tribe which in words can seldom count more -than four. The people touch various parts of each other’s bodies--the -wrist, the arm, the head--each of which stands for a special day, -until the intended day is reached. Thus two or more groups can -accurately determine the lapse of time and can meet on the day agreed -upon[1086]. The curious names of months of the Tunguses of the Sea -of Okhotsk[1087] are similarly to be explained, as is shewn by the -method of counting the year used by the Yukaghir. They call the -year _n-e’ -malgil_, which means ‘all the joints’. The reckoning -of the months by the joints is done in the following manner. They -bend the third row of phalanges of the fingers on both hands, and -put them together. The line of the joining they call July. Then the -knuckles of the second row of phalanges on the right hand will be -August. The joints between the phalanges and metacarpals represent -September; the wrist-joint is October; the elbow-joint is November; -the shoulder-joint, December; between the head and the backbone will -be January; the shoulder-joint on the left arm will be February; the -elbow-joint, March; the wrist-joint, April; the joint between the -fingers and the palm, May; and the knuckles of the second row of -phalanges on the left hand, June[1088]. - -These examples may suffice. The subject is monotonous and is -of little importance for the calendar, since the days are -counted independently of the latter, beginning at an arbitrary -starting-point. The counting that is important for the calendar -is that according to the days of the lunar month, but in this the -primitive peoples hold to the concrete phenomenon of the moon. The -habit of reckoning in this fashion may however be partly responsible -for the fact that among certain peoples every day of the month has -not been given a name, but the days are counted from certain points -of departure, such as new moon, full moon, etc. Very rarely do we -meet with a genuinely calendrical use of the tally. The Wa-Sania -of East Africa, who as subjects of the Galla and later since the -invasion of the Somali have been exposed to all kinds of civilising -influences, make a notch for each day, and at the end of the month -the stick is laid aside and a new one comes into use[1089]. Similarly -at the southern end of Lake Nyassa pieces of wood strung on a cord -are used in counting the days of the month that have passed[1090]. - -The Kiwai Papuans count the months by means of little sticks, which -are tied into two bundles corresponding to the two seasons of the -year. One end is pointed, the other oblique, and when a month has -passed, the stick corresponding to it is turned round. The stick -belonging to the month _keke_ is provided with a top-knot and -feather, that of _karongo_ has a mark cut in it and a top-knot like -that of _keke_, but no feather[1091]. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -ARTIFICIAL PERIODS OF TIME. FEASTS. - - -In the more fully developed calendar there are not seldom found -periods of time which are reckoned without reference to any of -the factors given by Nature. Such are, for example, our months, -which, though historically arising from the lunar month, are now -only periods of time with a definite number of days, independent of -the moon. Such also is our shifting seven-day week, which, chiefly -through the agency of Mohammedanism, has also been widely extended -among peoples of a lower stage of development. These artificial -periods, arising often from a natural period which for purposes -of the calendar has been detached from its natural basis, belong -to a highly developed stage of time-reckoning. Only among certain -comparatively far-advanced, semi-primitive peoples does an artificial -period of the simplest kind first appear, and then only one, the -market-week, the origin of which it is very easy to understand. - -The market-week appears in two widely separated districts--in West -Central Africa, and in certain of the East Indian islands. Among the -Bakongo the markets are four, viz. _konzo_, _nkenge_, _nsona_, and -_nkandu_. These have given their names to the four days that comprise -the Congo week. All the markets held on a certain day all over the -Lower Congo are called _konzo_, all on the next day _nkenge_, etc. -These markets are held at different places, e. g. all the _konzo_ -markets are held on different sites from all the markets held on the -three successive days, and are so arranged that one in four will be -within two or three miles of a town, the next day’s market may be ten -miles away from the first town, but near some other town or towns, -the next from 15 to 20 miles, the next perhaps 25 miles away from the -first town. Thus every village has at least one market during the -week within a reasonable distance of its doors. In order to describe -the markets the place-names are sometimes added, e. g. _nsona -Ngungu_. Each market has its special wares[1092]. The Babwende have -the same names[1093]. Three Bantu tribes of the Congo State have the -four-day week, but in certain cases with different names; one of the -days is market-day[1094]. This is a very practical arrangement, which -must gradually have regulated itself. There are also greater markets -which are held every eight days[1095]--a doubling of the period, -therefore. The same is the case among the Edo-speaking peoples, among -whom the week is everywhere a recognised period of time, and is, -properly speaking, 4 days long, this being the interval between the -two markets at any given spot. Occasionally, as in the Ida district, -eight-day markets are found, but the names applied to the intervening -days clearly shew that a four-day week was the primary one. One of -the four days is commonly known as the rest-day, and on this day -men frequently stop at home, though farm-work is not absolutely -forbidden. Women, on the other hand, go to market as usual[1096]. -Among the Ibo-speaking peoples the names of the four days are _eke_, -_oye_, _afo_, and _nkwo_. These are the same names as those of the -Bini, but _afo_ and _oye_ are in the inverted order; it is idle -to speculate on the origin of the names[1097]. In Loango the four -days are variously named, but principally they are called _nssona_, -_nduka_, _ntono_, _nsilu_, which names are also often applied to the -open spaces where markets are held on the days in question; _nssona_ -corresponds to our Sunday[1098], i. e. it is a day of rest. - -The Yoruba have, besides the market-week, a longer one of 16 (or 17) -days. Of these two periods Ellis says:--The Yoruba week consists of -five days, and six of them are supposed to make a lunar month, which -however always begins with the new moon. (This is therefore the -familiar round number.) The days are:--1, _ako-ojo_, the first day, -day of general rest, considered unlucky; the temples are swept and -water is brought in procession for the use of the gods. No business -of importance is ever undertaken on this day. 2, _ojo-awo_, ‘day -of the secret’, sacred to Ifa. 3, _ojo-Ogun_, 4, _ojo-Shango_, 5, -_ojo-Obatula_, i. e. the name of a god, added to the word ‘day’. -Each of these four days is a day of rest for the followers of the -god to which it is dedicated, and for them only, but _ako-ojo_ is a -day of rest for all. Markets are held every fifth day in different -townships, but never on the _ako-ojo_. From this custom has arisen -another mode of computing time, namely by periods of 17 days, called -_eta-di-ogun_ (‘three less than twenty’). This is the outcome of the -Esu societies, the members of which meet every fifth market-day. The -first and fifth market-days are counted in, and thus the number 17 is -obtained. For instance, supposing the second day of a month to be a -market-day, the second market would fall on the 6th, the third on the -10th, the fourth on the 14th, and the fifth on the 18th. The fifth -market-day, on which the members meet, is counted again as the first -of the next series. These clubs are so common that the 17-day period -has become a kind of auxiliary measure of time[1099]. The account -contains an inward contradiction. Ellis enumerates five days and says -that the market is held every fifth day, but when he reckons the -days again below, the periods are four-day periods. We must probably -assume that the word _ako-ojo_ is applied to one of the four days, -denoting it to be a day of rest, and that Ellis, when he says that -the market is held every fifth day, is counting inclusively according -to the linguistic usage of the natives, as the Greeks also did. This -is the opinion of another authority, who writes as follows:--Some say -the Yoruba week is composed of four days, and some of five. This same -mystification recurs in the number of days said to complete one of -their months. Some say there are sixteen and others seventeen days in -a month. The natives rest on the fifth day, that is to say, having -counted four days, they really rest on the first day of the next -week, counting that day as one. So in their next great division of -time they say that they rest on the seventeenth day, which is a great -market-day, and this is, of course, the first day of what is their -second so-called month. Fourteen of these months complete the ancient -Yoruba so-called year of 224 days[1100]. - -But there are also periods of time of other durations. The Adeli of -the hinterland of Togo divide the lunar month into five weeks of six -days[1101]; unfortunately the brief account tells us nothing of the -nature of this six-day week. The Tshi-speaking peoples usually reckon -time in periods of 40 or 42 days, every fortieth or forty-second day -being a festival termed the great _adae_, 18 or 20 days after which -is the little _adae_. The great _adae_ is always celebrated on a -Sunday, and the little _adae_ on a Wednesday[1102]. Once again the -statements are not clear. If the last condition must be absolutely -fulfilled, the period of the great _adae_ must always embrace 42 -days and the little _adae_ must fall 18 days after it. The natives -consider the number 40 particularly lucky and always endeavour to -connect it with some important event[1103]. The probable explanation -is that 40 is used as a round number instead of 42. But among the -Edo-speaking peoples also, at one point in Northern Nigeria, a -twenty-day month seems to be used[1104]. The former mode of reckoning -is connected with the seven-day week adopted by the Tshi-speaking -peoples, though this, in order that it may cover the lunar month, is -reckoned in a curious fashion so that each week consists of 7 days -9 hours; each so-called day is therefore somewhat longer than the -natural day and consequently also begins at a different hour of the -natural day. Hence the two _adae_ also begin at different hours of -the day. The same curious reckoning is found among the Gã-tribes. -This mode of computation is a far from primitive refinement, the -real object of which is the fitting of the seven-day week into -the lunar month, the natural day however being abandoned. There -is connected with it a strong day-superstition. The first day of -the ‘week’ is rest-day, and that on which the new moon falls is -an absolute rest-day, the following being days of rest only for -certain trades, e. g. the second for the fishermen, the third for the -agriculturalists[1105]. It is clear that the only period which can -pass as native is the four-day market-week, with its development the -16-day period, and perhaps also the too little known 6-day week. - -In Java, Bali, and Sumatra there is a five-day market-week called -_pasar_, in Bali also a four-day _tjaturwara_[1106]; alongside of -these the seven-day week is in use. But wherever among heathen -tribes a ‘week’ is spoken of, this is always the market-week[1107]. -In Java and Bali the _pasar_-week is combined with the 7-day week -in divisions of 35 days. Six of these periods form a _wuku_, a kind -of year of 210 days. Besides these there are still other divisions, -which are of importance for the sooth-sayers. The non-Islamite -Lampong of Sumatra combine the _pasar_-week with the lunar month, -which is counted as 30 days[1108]. We have here nothing to do with -the highly developed time-reckoning of those peoples that drew up -their systems under Indian and Islamite influence. This five-day week -has a very extensive use in Further India: we meet it in Tonkin, -in the Lao states of northern Siam, in Upper Burma among the Shan; -further in Celebes and in certain parts of New Guinea. In the Malay -Peninsula there is a five-day period for the determination of lucky -and unlucky days. In other parts of New Guinea and in the Gazelle -Peninsula of New Pommern the market takes place every third day. -Of market-days in Polynesia there are unfortunately only uncertain -accounts[1109]. - -In ancient Mexico a market was held every fifth day at every -important place, just as in Africa on different days in neighbouring -districts; the day was a rest-day, and with the market games and -amusements were associated. This five-day market-week appears also in -other parts of Central America. The Muysca of Bogota in Columbia, on -the other hand, held markets every third, and the Inca peoples every -tenth, day, when the country-folk ceased from labour, assembled in -the towns, and engaged in traffic and games[1110]. These three- and -ten-day periods are said to be brought into connexion with the month; -if this statement be correct, they are not continuous periods, and -the market-day must sometimes have been pushed out of place in order -to secure the agreement with the moon; but the certainty cannot be -ascertained. - -The market-week exists therefore, as we should expect, only among -peoples with a more fully developed commerce and trade. The rule -attains greater importance for the time-reckoning only when, as -in the East Indies, it is introduced into an already existing -calendarial system. In Africa larger divisions of time have arisen -on the basis of it, and in one case, that of the Yoruba, the -agricultural year has been thus divided. The market-weeks, however, -may also occur independently, alongside of the calendar, like the -Roman _nundinae_, which were held every eighth day and took their -name (from _novem_) from the inclusive reckoning. - -The question of the Israelitish sabbath is complicated and has -been much discussed as a point of connexion with the Babylonian -civilisation. In Babylonia one day in the month was called -_shabattu_, and the seventh day was specially distinguished. The -statement that there the seven-day week existed, but as a fixed -subdivision of the month, is often heard, but is an invention. I -borrow the material from Landsberger’s section on the month in -religious worship. A cylinder of Gudea already mentions a festival -of the opening of the month in Lagash, festivals in honour of the -goddesses Bau and Nina are celebrated in special new-moon houses. -At all times, and later too, the day of the new moon is a great -festival-day. At the time of the dynasty of Ur, under the empire of -Khammurabi, and later, sacrifices were offered on the fifteenth day, -the day of full moon. This is called _shabattu_, which word in the -time of Assurbani-pal also denotes the full-moon day without any -religious implication. We also find at the time of the dynasty of -Ur occasional sacrifices on the day of the ‘going to sleep’, i. e. -of the disappearance of the moon. These are the three days marked -out by the great phases of the moon. According to them the month -is divided into two halves. A Babylonian peculiarity is that the -seventh day of the month, as at the time of the dynasty of Ur and -under the empire of Khammurabi, becomes a day of special sacrifices. -It is called _sibutu_, ‘the seventh’, cp. Assyrian _sibittu_, ‘seven’ -(fem.). The 1st, the 7th, and the 28th are therefore of religious -importance; for a similar emphasising of the 21st testimony is as -yet lacking; instead of the 14th we have the 15th. Later, after -ancient Babylonian times, the 7th becomes a day of taboo, the number -7 is made an unlucky number, and the schematic series 1, 7, 14, 21, -28, and 19 of the following month is formed (30 + 19 = 49 = 7 × 7). -Hence the 14th is also sometimes designated as the day of full moon. -Thus, for example, in the Creation epic, tablet 5, vv. 12 ff.:--“At -the beginning of the month shine in the land. Beam with thy horns, -to make known six days. On the seventh day halve thy disc. On the -fourteenth day thou shalt reach the half of the monthly (growth);” in -what follows the indications of the days are unfortunately missing. -It is clear that the septenary division has not arisen from the -phases of the moon, but on the contrary the phases of the moon have -been arranged in accordance with the septenary scheme. They might -also be arranged according to a quintuple scheme. Thus the tablet -III R 55, no. 3[1111]:--“Sin at his appearance from the first to -the fifth day, five days, is crescent,--Anu; from the sixth to the -tenth day, five days, he is kidney,--Ea; from the eleventh to the -fifteenth, five days, he covers himself with the shining royal cap.” -It is significant of the phases of the moon that have arisen on -genuinely primitive grounds that, since they are originally concrete, -they do not divide themselves into symmetrical groups of days. Here -the numerical scheme has been at work, and this cannot be referred to -the phases, since these give no other naturally grounded divisions -than the halves of the month. - -The derivation of the Israelitish sabbath from Babylonia therefore -offers two difficulties:--1, in regard to the word, Babylonian -_shabattu_ means the day of full moon, in fact the fifteenth day -of the lunar month, and Hebrew _shabbat_, so far as we know, the -seventh day of a period that is shifting in relation to the lunar -month; 2, in regard to the period of time, in Babylonia the septenary -scheme is a fixed division of the lunar month; among the Israelites -it is, so far as we know, shifting, continuous, and independent of -the lunar month. - -I have emphasised the phrase ‘so far as we know’ since in reality our -sole knowledge in this direction of the Israelitish times before the -Exile is that a festival and rest-day called the sabbath existed: -of its nature we know nothing. The earliest evidence we have of it -is the story of one of the miracles of Elisha[1112], from which -it appears that the adherents of the prophet were accustomed to -gather round him on this day and at new moon, doubtless since both -were rest-days. In the same way sabbath and new moon are mentioned -together as festival days in Amos VIII, 5, Hosea II, 11, Isaiah I, -13. The writers during and after the Exile are the first to mention -the sabbath as the seventh day of a continuous seven-day week. It has -at that time the character of an ascetic rest-day, where the rest is -not a joy but a duty. - -Any further advance can only be made by way of hypothesis. Thus the -sabbath of the times before the Exile was either, as later, the -last day of a seven-day period that was shifting in relation to the -lunar month, or else it was something different. Both statements -are hypotheses. And if it was something different we are driven -to a still further hypothesis in order to decide what it was. The -suggestion most in favour is that it was the day of full moon. The -sabbath is said to be the second principal day of the course of -the moon simply because sabbath and new moon are always mentioned -together in the days before the Exile. But this obviously proves -nothing. It has further been stated that the sabbath must be a fixed -day of the lunar month, since otherwise it would sometimes coincide -with the day of new moon; but evidently the expression ‘new moon and -sabbath’, however formally interpreted, does not in itself exclude -such a coincidence. Further sabbath and _shabattu_ are the same -word, and consequently a second hypothesis is that ‘sabbath’ as -well as _shabattu_ means the day of full moon. The proof is only -binding if the word in itself must mean ‘full moon’; the etymology -however is disputed, so that it gives no help. It is not difficult to -establish a general fundamental sense which will fit in both with the -festival-day of full moon and of the seven-day period. - -On the ground of the researches here carried out, however, we may -put a question a satisfactory answer to which is demanded by the -hypothesis just mentioned:--How is it possible for a period which -forms a fixed subdivision of the lunar month to become detached from -the moon and be made into an independent period shifting in relation -to the lunar month? And there will still be a preliminary question to -get rid of, viz. how has the septenary period arisen from the day of -full moon, the 15th day of the month? The answer will be, I suppose, -that the 14th, not the 15th, was taken as the day of full moon and -that Babylonian influence introduced the septenary division, so that -the name of one of the septenary days, the 14th, has been carried -over to the rest. But since in the legislation of the Exile the great -festivals were appointed for the 15th, it is clear that this day, -and not the 14th, was at that time taken as the day of full moon. -The question whether any late Babylonian speculation in numbers may -have exercised a determinative influence upon the Jewish legislation -must be decided by experts. From the unsatisfactory answer to the -preliminary question I return to the main question. A shifting -reckoning of this kind can only be understood chronologically as a -breaking away from the concrete phenomena of Nature, an incomplete -calculation being established instead of the empirical observation, -as was the case, for instance, with the Egyptian shifting year, put -in place of the solar year, and bringing with it months of thirty -days in the place of lunar months. Now the Israelites have always had -the lunar month. That a day determined by the moon should be detached -from the living lunar month and made into a shifting seven-day -week is quite incomprehensible and entirely without analogy. The -Babylonian septenary days do not help us here, since they always -remained days of the lunar month. In the light of the foregoing -investigations into primitive chronology such a process would be a -sheer miracle. - -It remains therefore to regard the creation of the seven-day week -as an act of pure volition on the part of the makers of the refined -exilian legislation, who took the name of the ancient sabbath, a -festival-day of uncertain position, and applied it to the seventh -day of a shifting period. And this is equally difficult either to -prove or disprove. It is seldom found that a new creation proceeds -entirely from nothing, and no analogy to the shifting seven-day -period is anywhere to be met with--except in one case to be mentioned -presently, the market-week. Especially in matters chronological -would it appear that the Jewish legislation did not radically break -with antiquity, but systematised and cultivated already existing -tendencies, if we may judge by the few points of departure handed -down from the earlier period; hence the numbered months, hence -the fixing of the great festivals on the day of full moon. We are -speaking here not of the changed religious character of the sabbath, -but of the chronological question. If therefore fundamental grounds -are lacking for the creation of a shifting seven-day period by the -legislation of the Exile, we must cling to the other hypothesis, viz. -that in pre-exilian times also the sabbath was the seventh day of a -shifting period, which the legislation has transformed in its own -fashion. - -But if the shifting sabbath is old, the question arises whether -analogous periods exist in primitive time-reckoning. Certainly -they do, and they are periods of a quite definite nature,--the -market-weeks. There are market-weeks of three, four, five, six, -eight, and ten days: that seven does not appear in any example must -therefore be an accident. The market-week is spread over the whole -earth at a more advanced stage of civilisation. The market-day is -a rest-day, since the people go to the market: since they rest and -gather together it is therefore a festival day. So also with the -Roman _nundinae_, on which no public meetings were held and the -schools were closed. The dispute of Roman scholars as to whether -the _nundinae_ were religious festival-days or business-days is -significant[1113]. Since the market-day is a day of rest, however, -it is also, as in West Africa, made a taboo day on which work is -forbidden. The connexion between the market and religion is universal -and appears particularly clearly in heathen Arabia[1114]. It is -true that no market-day is attested for ancient Canaan, but even in -pre-Israelitish times the land was already covered with towns, so -that the conditions for regular markets were the same as in ancient -Greece and Rome. From post-Biblical times at least three great annual -markets are known; one was held at the terebinth of Hebron, which was -at the same time the object of a cult. In Midrash it is allowed to -visit a heathen yearly market at the half-holidays of the Passover -and of the feast of Tabernacles[1115]. Since the day was a rest-day, -the command for rest might gradually, through a new interpretation, -be applied to the original purpose of the market, viz. trade. In -Amos VIII, 5 the traders complain:--“When will the new moon be gone, -that we may sell corn? And the sabbath, that we may set forth wheat? -making the ephah small,” etc., but the command for the absolute -sabbath’s rest was certainly not carried out at that time, nor yet -in the time of Jeremiah[1116]; after the overthrow of the Jewish -monarchy the trade of the markets on the sabbath revived, if indeed -it had ever perished. Nehemiah, three centuries after Amos, has to -give the injunction:--“ ... and if the peoples of the land bring -ware or any victuals on the sabbath day to sell, that we would not -buy of them on the sabbath, or on a holy day[1117],” and the breach -of this law is sternly reprimanded:--“In those days saw I in Judah -some treading wine-presses on the sabbath, and bringing in sheaves, -and lading asses therewith; as also wine, grapes, and figs, and all -manner of burdens, which they brought into Jerusalem on the sabbath -day.... There dwelt men of Tyre also therein, which brought in fish, -and all manner of ware, and sold on the sabbath unto the children of -Judah, and in Jerusalem.” Nehemiah reproves the nobles:--“Did not -your fathers thus, and did not our God bring all this evil upon us, -and upon this city?”, and he has the gates shut and guarded when -it grows dark before the sabbath. When, notwithstanding this, the -merchants once or twice encamped outside the walls on the sabbath, he -drove them away with threats[1118]. At this time work was performed -and trade carried on on the sabbath, though certainly it does not -follow that the sabbath was the principal market-day of the week: -we are speaking of a large town, where no doubt there was a market -every day. But it would be quite in keeping if in smaller matters the -sabbath had once been the proper market-day. - -The work of Webster culminates in an attempt to explain the sabbath. -The author brings together abundant material for the practice of -assigning certain taboos to certain days, partly notable days in the -experience of human life, such as birth, death, etc., and partly -those regularly recurring days which are dependent on superstitious -and religious ideas. Among these days are found both the market-day -and the days of the principal phases of the moon,--the day of new -moon, in a lesser degree the day of full moon, and further also -the days of the darkness, of the moon’s invisibility. He rightly -distinguishes the continuous Israelitish week from the ‘unlucky days’ -of the Babylonians, but is nevertheless of the opinion that the -sabbath is really the day of full moon, which in this character was -overlaid with certain taboos and has become independent of the moon. -How this separation was effected, Webster does not explain: he merely -makes the statement. He has not felt the decisive difficulty, which -lies just in this point, because he has not attacked the problem -from its chronological side. There is no reason to suppose that the -day of full moon could become detached from the genuine lunar month, -and such a process would seem still more strange since the day of -new moon remained a genuine new-moon day. On the other hand the -development of market and rest-day into a day of taboo is everywhere -natural, and is attested in the above examples from Africa; this -taboo character was emphasised and inculcated by the late Jewish and -exilian legislation in opposition to the old festive merry-making. -The new-moon day, which had fallen out of the scheme, was at the same -time rejected and proscribed. The suggestion that the sabbath arose -from the market-day is certainly only a hypothesis, since a definite -market-day is not demonstrated for Canaan; but it has the advantage -of remaining within the limits of primitive time-reckoning, which -knows no other continuous periods than the market-weeks. - - * * * * * - -Festivals and time-reckoning are from the beginning inseparably -bound together. Some of the former have already been dealt with, e. -g. the festivals of the new moon, the full moon, and the beginning -and end of the year. It remains briefly to sketch the development of -this connexion and to illustrate it with a few examples. A detailed -discussion would lead us too far away from the main theme into the -domain of the history of religion. How many pages have been written -about the New Year festival alone! - -The connexion between festivals and time-reckoning is grounded -in the fact that both are originally dependent on the phases of -Nature. Festivals are already held at definite times of the year -by peoples who know nothing of a proper time-reckoning, e. g. the -much-discussed Intichiuma ceremonies of the aborigines of Australia. -They are closely associated with the breeding of the animals and -the flowering of the plants with which each totem is respectively -identified, and as the object of the ceremony is to increase the -number of the totemic animal or plant, it is most naturally held -at a certain season. In Central Australia the seasons are limited, -so far as the breeding of animals and the flowering of plants is -concerned, to two--a dry one of uncertain and often great length, -and a rainy one of short duration and often irregular occurrence. -The latter is followed by an increase in animal life and exuberance -of plant growth. In the case of many of the totems it is just when -there is promise of approach of the good season that it is customary -to hold the ceremony. The exact time is fixed by the _alatunja_ (the -chief of the local group)[1119]. The ripening of a plant which is an -important article of food is often accompanied by certain ceremonies -by which the eating of the fruit is first made lawful. These -so-called sacrifices of the first-fruits, which have been touched -upon above[1120], are therefore dependent upon a definite natural -phase, and there may be several of them in the course of the year. - -At seed-time a festival is celebrated in order to secure the good -growth of the seed. The Bahau of Borneo, who have the agricultural -year[1121], celebrate two great festivals, one at the sowing -(_tugal_, from _nugal_, ‘to sow’), and one after harvest, the -festival of the new rice-year, _dangei_, which however is not held -if the harvest has failed; it is the climax of the year. At both -festivals the people gorge themselves to the full, rice being given -even to the animals. But during the period of growth also the plants -need protection and blessing, various plants require and obtain -different festivals, so that a cycle of agricultural festivals -arises[1122]. The southern tribes of the Malay Peninsula celebrate -three great agricultural festivals in the year, one after the -transplanting of the young rice-plants, another after the formation -of the fruit, and a third after the harvest[1123]. As an example of -a fully developed festival-cycle of this kind I give the festivals -of the Bontoc Igorot, with which should be compared the section on -the agricultural year of this tribe[1124]. After the conclusion of -the time when rice-seed is put in the germinating beds, _pa-chog_, -the festival _po-chang_ is held, after the transplanting of the -rice the festival _chaka_ (held on Feb. 10 in 1903), and after that -an unexplained festival _su-wat_; on the day on which the first -‘fruit-heads’ have shown themselves on the growing rice there is the -festival _ke-eng_, and on the following day _tot-o-lod_; _sa-fo-sab_, -before the beginning of harvest, introduces the harvest. At the -end of the rice-harvest and the beginning of the period called -_li-pas_ (‘no more rice-harvest’) _lislis_ is celebrated; at the -time of the planting of camotes _loskod_; in the same division of -the year, called _bali-ling_, the festival _o-ki-ad_, when black -beans are planted. Finally at the end of this division we have -_ko-pus_, a three day’s rest, just before the work of rice-culture -is begun again[1125]. An African example from the neighbourhood of -the Lower Niger will shew how in this agrarian festival-cycle other -feasts arise which may in part be older. The cycle consists of the -following festivals:--1, sacrifices and adoration to the great -spirit or creator, always made in anticipation of the new crop, to -ensure that it is good; 2, communion of first-fruits, a festival to -the house-hold gods; 3, communion of the new yam; 4, the feast of -hunters; 5, _ofala_, a celebration to Ofo, god of justice and right, -in honour of the public appearance of the king; 6, the _crumbo_, or -remnants of yam, reserved for the king only; 7, the feast of roast -yam at the close of the year, the termination of this marking the end -of the native year and the feast also serving as a form of public -notice that farming has to recommence. This is a festival in honour -of Ifejioku, god of the crops, as a token of gratitude on the part of -the community for a fruitful and prosperous year. It is usual for the -king to give a month’s notice before each ceremony takes place[1126]. - -A pastoral people may also have a well-developed festival-cycle -marking the points of the year which are important for their herds. -I quote as an example the main festivals of the Reindeer Koryak -of Eastern Siberia. There is a ceremony on the Return of the Herd -from the summer pastures, when the first snow covers the ground. In -spring, when the fawning period is over and the reindeer have lost -their antlers, the fawn festival is celebrated. The fire in the house -is put out and a new one started by means of the sacred fire-board. -Some tribes pile up the antlers of the slaughtered reindeer. Other -festivals are observed:--1, when the sun marks the approach of summer -after the winter solstice: a sacrifice is then offered to the sun; 2, -in the month of March, when the does commence to fawn: a sacrifice is -offered to The-One-on-High; 3, in spring, when the grass commences -to sprout and the leaves appear on the trees; 4, when mosquitoes -put in their appearance--reindeer are then slain as an offering to -The-One-on-High, lest the mosquitoes scatter the herd[1127]. - -Here the development is simple and clear, but not so among many -peoples where agriculture or the raising of cattle does not occupy so -important a place. The Maidu of northern California have four seasons -and four festivals founded by the hero Oankoitupeh:--‘the open air -festival’ in the spring, ‘the dry season festival’ about the first of -July, ‘the burning to the dead’ about the first of September[1128], -and ‘the winter festival’ about the last of December[1129]. The -connexion with the seasons is clear, but we do not even know whether -the names are of genuine native origin. This example clearly shews -that the great difficulty lies in the fact that the real nature of -the festivals is unknown. But often where detailed accounts of a -festival exist, the original reason for it becomes obscured in the -course of the development, so that the original connexion between -festival and season cannot be established. This is especially the -case with peoples among whom the religious life has had an especially -strong development. - -A phenomenon peculiar to the peoples of the far North is that the -winter is the time of the festivals. The summer is the good season, -when supplies for the winter must be collected; it is therefore a -very busy time, when each family has to work for itself and has no -leisure for festivals. The winter is the time of rest, in which -the people live on the supplies already collected; they naturally -crowd closer together, and have much leisure, which is used for -religious ceremonies and for games. Hence the winter is the time -of the religious ceremonies among the Eskimos, the Tlinkit, and -other Indians of N. W. America[1130], and hence the Yule festival -celebrated in the winter becomes the greatest festival of the -Scandinavian peoples[1131]. - -When a festival takes place, people assemble together who often have -to come long distances. We have spoken above[1132] of the devices -adopted in order to ensure that the day of an appointed non-periodic -festival shall not be missed. Periodically recurring festivals, which -are connected with a natural phase or some occupation, particularly -if this is agricultural, are determined as to time, but not -accurately. Hence it is already found among the Central Australians -that the exact day is fixed by the chief. Such festivals, appointed -within certain limits assigned by Nature, are found also among -peoples with a fixed calendar, e. g. the Roman _feriae conceptivae_. -Significantly enough, these are agricultural festivals which, on -account of the change of position of the lunisolar year in relation -to the natural year, could not well be regulated by the former. But -where a calendar exists, this is the given means of regulating the -festival dates so that preparations can be made and the people can -assemble at the right time. In the natural and agricultural years -the festivals are in the proper sense _conceptivae_; the question -is properly to find a means of accurately fixing the day within -the short periods given by Nature. This purpose is served by the -calculation from the moon. The moon herself has her festivals, -especially that of the new moon and, though more seldom, that of -the full moon[1133]. Thus the festival times are regulated by the -moon. In itself any suitable day of the month can be appointed as -a feast-day, but custom and superstition cause certain days to be -preferred. Thus the day of new moon, since it was often already -a feast-day in itself, was bound to be preferred. The Natchez of -Louisiana, for instance, celebrated at each day of new moon a feast -which took its name from the animals and plants which the preceding -month had principally brought forth, but the greatest festival was -that held at the new moon of the first month.[1134] - -It is a very wide-spread idea that things which are to prosper and -grow should be undertaken during the time of the waxing moon, and -that anything begun when the moon is on the wane will dwindle and -die. Hence the proper time for a festival is the bright half of the -moon, and especially the time at which the moon has attained her full -shape. It is not only on account of the fair light which costs them -nothing that the negroes dance on the nights of full moon. In Dahomey -the festivals take place at the full of the moon, and the days are -determined by the native government[1135]. In Burma all religious -festivals with the exception of the New Year festival, the date of -which is regulated in a special manner, take place at the time of -full moon[1136]. Throughout Australia, Tasmania, and Melanesia the -festivals begin either at full or new moon[1137]. - -In regard to the Israelitish festivals, the antiquity and great -importance of the new moon festival has already been pointed -out[1138]. The Jews here follow a wide-spread custom. Whether they, -like many other peoples, also preferred the time of full moon for -their festivals, is a more difficult question. A fixed day for -the Passover and Feast of Unleavened Bread and for the Feast of -Tabernacles is first prescribed during and after the Exile, the -last-named on the fifteenth day of the seventh month, the Feast of -Unleavened Bread on the fifteenth day of the first month, and the -Passover on the evening of the day before (the fourteenth of the -first month)[1139]. The only other information we have from ancient -times as to the date of the Feast of Tabernacles is contained in -the earlier name ‘Feast of Vintage’; it was celebrated after the -conclusion of the fruit-harvest and vintage. In regard to the Feast -of Unleavened Bread--since it is with this chiefly that we have -to do, not with the preliminary Feast of the Passover associated -with it, which was a feast of a different nature--the order of the -Yahwist runs ‘at the time appointed in the month Abib’[1140]; as a -motive is adduced the fact that the Jews came out from Egypt in this -month. The Deuteronomist[1141] transfers this to the preliminary -festival. The time therefore, like that of the Feast of Vintage, is -determined by an event in agriculture, but at the same time by the -moon. Linguistically _chodesh_ can here mean ‘new moon’; in that case -we could also translate ‘at the time appointed after the new moon -of Abib’; but since the sense ‘month’ is so old and the original -sense ‘new moon’ appears unequivocally only where monthly new moon -festivals are in question[1142], it seems reasonable to translate the -word here simply by ‘month’. Now it is often stated that the festive -seasons both of the Unleavened Bread and of the Feast of Vintage were -regulated purely by natural circumstances: the former was celebrated -when the first ears ripened, and the latter when the fruit-harvest -was at an end, each according to local conditions. But the Feast -of Vintage at least was a general festival even in Canaanitish -days[1143], and _moed_ properly means ‘determined, appointed time’. -It was therefore not accidental circumstances but a rule that in -early times called the people together to the festival. Chronological -regulation is proved by the name of the festival of harvest (_chag -haq-qazir_), ‘Feast of Weeks’, _chag shabuot_ in the Yahwist[1144]. -The regulation by the weeks, however, is late and artificial in -comparison with that by the moon. - -Now if we know what part was played by the time of full moon in the -festivals of other peoples, and indeed for the agrarian peoples -also, in spite of the differences in date resulting from the -observation of the time of full moon, it seems always probable that -the regulation of post-exilian times for the fifteenth originated -in an old tradition in accordance with which the time of full moon -was specially favoured for the feast. Earlier the date was not so -accurately observed; the time of full moon was prescribed so that -those who were prevented from celebrating the Feast of the Passover -at the proper time might do so on the fourteenth of the following -month[1145]. Unfortunately the date of the passage in I Kings (XII, -32), according to which Jeroboam celebrated the Feast of Tabernacles -on the 15th day of the eighth month, is doubtful; if the passage is -old, it affords valuable evidence that the time of full moon was the -proper time for holding agrarian festivals[1146]. - -Among the Greeks all the ancient festivals with the exception of -the feasts of Apollo, which always took place on the seventh of the -month, were concentrated in the period shortly before and during -full moon[1147]. The selection of days is organically connected -with the lunar reckoning, and the superstition of days has arisen -independently among different peoples. As an example the sacrifices -of the Toba Batak of Sumatra may serve. At the felling of a tree for -house-building sacrifices must be offered during the waxing moon; -this is in general the favourable time, since everything undertaken -then increases with the moon. The huntsman sacrifices to his god at -noon-tide about the time of new moon, the fisherman at noon while the -moon is waxing; before a military expedition a certain sacrifice is -offered (preferably in the early morning) at the time of full moon, -and another at the waxing moon[1148]. - -This superstition, which involves the accurate knowledge and -observation of the days, and the injunction, to which great religious -importance is attached, to celebrate the festivals on the proper -days, lead to the result that the time-reckoning, which arose in -the first place from the events and necessities of practical life, -has among certain peoples passed completely under the influence -of religion and has been further developed from ecclesiastical -standpoints in the service of the religious cult. - -There are however other ways of exactly fixing a day, viz. by -observation of the stars and of the solstices and equinoxes. The -former method is hardly ever used directly as a means of determining -religious dates, and this fact is very significant for the practical -character of the observation of the stars. No religious ideas -are associated with the phases of the stars, although star-myths -innumerable are related. The reason is not easy to discover. A -contributory factor may be that although the observation of the stars -is wide-spread, it is yet not a matter which concerns every man, and -also that the stars always give only a single point of time and do -not form cyclical periods within the year, though on the other hand -they are intimately connected with the phases of the natural year and -with agriculture. The principal reason may be conjectured to be that -the reckoning of months, on account of its connexion with the popular -festival seasons and with the selection of days, has been from the -beginning chiefly carried out with a view to religious considerations. - -It is only among certain peoples that the observation of the -solstices and equinoxes plays any great part, and that consequently -the religious importance of the sun is also great. But the festivals -of the solstices and equinoxes, recurring at regular intervals in the -course of the year, are far from being able to compare with those -of the phases of the moon. It has already been mentioned that the -Eskimos were able accurately to observe the winter solstice[1149]. -At this time, about the 22nd of December, they held a festival to -rejoice over the return of the sun and the good hunting weather. -They collected together from all over the country in great parties, -entertained one another in the best possible manner, and when -they had gorged themselves to the full they got up to play and to -dance[1150]. Certain Indian peoples have made quite a special custom -of the observation of the solstices and equinoxes. Thus for instance -did the Inca people, but they had lunar months also, and even the -great festival of the sun in December was regulated by the days of -the lunar month[1151]. The Zuñi determine the festival times by -the observation of thirteen different positions of the sun on the -horizon, but they have also lunar months, five of which are named -from natural phases, and six from colours borrowed from certain -rites[1152]. The ceremonies are therefore still distributed among -the months, and the most obvious explanation is that the observation -of the thirteen positions of the sun really serves to determine the -thirteen months, and with them the times of the rites. The old -Mexican calendar seems to have no connexion with the moon, but in -Ginzel’s opinion this does not exclude the possibility of an earlier -development on the basis of a relationship with the course of the -moon[1153]. In any case the regulation of the festivals by the -positions of the sun is a comparatively isolated separate development -among certain peoples; the regulation by the moon, on the contrary, -is found all over the world. - -Because the calendar is principally looked upon as the concern -of religion, the months appear in such close association with -the festivals held in them that it is sometimes found that the -relationship to the phases of Nature falls into the background. Among -peoples who have no names of months, like the Greeks of the Homeric -period, or among those who name only some of them, it may therefore -happen that the months become named from the festivals or perhaps -that such names supersede those which refer to natural phases. -Thus, as has been mentioned above, six months of the Zuñi year are -named from the colours of the prayer-sticks. Of the Inca months one -is named from a moon festival, two from provincial festivals, and -one from the great sun festival; the rest take their names from -the occupations of agriculture[1154]. Of the tribes of Bolivia it -is stated that their knowledge of the calendar is not according to -days, but according to the principal festivals[1155]. In Africa two -examples have been given[1156], those of the Hausa states and the -Edo-speaking peoples. In the Babylonian calendar the names of months -derived from festivals spread more and more, at the expense of names -of other kinds[1157]. The phenomenon is therefore comparatively -rare and is found only among peoples who have a highly developed -religious cult, and even in the examples here given the process is -not consistently carried out. - -Consistency is found only in one case, the calendar of ancient -Greece, and is all the more striking since in the hundreds of -varying calendars of the town-states no names which do not refer to -festivals have been with certainty demonstrated; the few calendars -with numbered months are of more recent origin[1158]. The certain -conclusion is that the Greek calendar was entirely regulated from -the point of view of the religious cult. Where on the other hand -the place of the lunisolar year is taken by another reckoning, it -is found that the lunar reckoning is still used in the establishing -of certain festivals, as for instance in Bali[1159], and by the -Christians in the matter of Easter and the festivals depending -thereon. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -THE CALENDAR-MAKERS. - - -As long as the determination of time is adjusted by the phases of -Nature which immediately become obvious to everyone, anybody can -judge of them, and should different people judge differently there -is no standard by which the dispute can be settled, because the -natural phases run into one another or are at least not sharply -defined. The accuracy in determination demanded by time-reckoning -proper is therefore lacking. Accuracy becomes possible as a result -of the observation of the risings of stars, and this observation -begins even at the primitive stage, but it is not a matter that -concerns everyone. It requires a refined power of observation and -a clear knowledge of the stars, so that the heavens can be known. -This is especially the case with the commonest observations, those -of the morning rising and evening setting. The observer must be -able to judge, by the position of the other stars, when the star in -question may be expected to twinkle for a moment in the twilight -before it vanishes. The accuracy of the time-determination from the -stars depends therefore upon the keenness of the observation. In this -the individual differences of men soon come into play, along with -a regular science which introduces the learner to the knowledge of -the stars and its uses. Thus Stanbridge reports of the natives of -Victoria that all tribes have traditions about the stars, but certain -families have the reputation of having the most accurate knowledge; -one family of the Boorung tribe prides itself upon possessing a -wider knowledge of the stars than any other[1160]. An account has -been given above[1161] according to which an old chief instructed -the young people of the tribe in the knowledge of the stars and -the occupations which these announce. Of the Torres Straits tribes -Rivers says:--When the rising of a star is expected, it is the duty -of the old men to watch; they rise when the birds begin to call and -watch until daybreak. As in the case of _kek_ (Achernar, the most -important star), so also probably in the case of other important -stars and constellations the appearance of certain other stars is a -sign that the star expected will soon appear. For _kek_ the stars in -question are two named _keakentonar_; when they appear on the horizon -at dawn, it is known that in a few days _kek_ will shew himself, and -the observation becomes especially keen. The setting of a star is -observed in the same way[1162]. - -By the phases of the stars both occupations and seasons are -regulated, and thus a standard is furnished by which to judge, and -a limit is set to the indefiniteness of the phases of Nature. An -old missionary relates of the Orinocese that it is incredible how -confused their minds become if they neglect to observe the signs -which make known the approach of winter; they may then say in winter -that one or two months are yet wanting, and in the height of summer -they sometimes spread the report among their countrymen that the -winter will soon be upon them; the evening setting of the Pleiades -announces the coming of winter and therefore affords a means of -correcting the time-reckoning[1163]. - -The moon strikes the attention of everyone and admits of immediate -and unpractised observation; at the most there may sometimes be some -doubt for a day as to the observation of the new moon, but the next -day will set all right. But because the months are fixed in their -position in the natural year through association with the seasons, -the indefiniteness and fluctuation of the phases of Nature penetrate -into the months also, and are there even increased, for the reasons -stated above. Cause for doubt and disagreement is given, the problem -of the regulation of the calendar arises. Hence in the council -meetings of the Pawnee and Dakota it is often hotly disputed which -month it really is. So also the Caffres often become confused and do -not know what month it is; the rising of the Pleiades decides the -question. The Basuto in determining the time of sowing are not guided -by the lunar reckoning, but fall back upon the phases of Nature; -intelligent chiefs however know how to correct the calendar by the -summer solstice[1164]. - -The differences in intelligence already make themselves felt at -an early stage, and are still more plainly shewn when we come to -a genuine regulation of the calendar. Some of the Bontoc Igorot -state that the year has eight, others a hundred months, but among -the old men who represent the wisdom of the people there are some -who know and assert that it has thirteen[1165]. The further the -calendar develops, the less does it become a common possession. Among -the Indians, for example, there are special persons who keep and -interpret the year-lists illustrated with picture-writings, e. g. the -calendrically gifted Anko, who even drew up a list of months[1166]. -It is very significant that even where a complete calendar does -exist, it will be found that this is not in use to its fullest -extent among the people. The Masai days of the month have already -been given[1167]; but the nomenclature of the days is not so popular -throughout that any Masai on any day could determine that day with -perfect accuracy. Only the following days and groups of days are in -regular use:--The 1st day, as the beginning of the counting and of -the brightness of the moon (_sic!_), the 4th as the new moon, the -10th as the final day of the first decade, the 15th as the final day -of the moon’s brightness, the 16th as the beginning of the dark half -of the month, the 17th as the chief of the unlucky days, 18-20 as -_es sobiain_, the 20th as the final day of the second decade, 21-23 -as _nigein_, the 24th as the beginning of ‘the black darkness’, and -from the 24th on to the disappearance of the moon. Of these days the -4th, 10th, 17th, 24th, and 1st are especially common. The people -therefore count in a more concrete fashion than those who are learned -in the calendar. - -It follows that the observation of the calendar is a special -occupation which is placed in the hands of specially experienced and -gifted men. Among the Caffres we read of special ‘astrologers’[1168]. -Among the Kenyah of Borneo the determination of the time for sowing -is so important that in every village the task is entrusted to a -man whose sole occupation it is to observe the signs. He need not -cultivate rice himself, for he will receive his supplies from the -other inhabitants of the village. His separate position is in part -due to the fact that the determination of the season is effected -by observing the height of the sun, for which special instruments -are required. The process is a secret, and his advice is always -followed[1169]. It is only natural that this individual should keep -secret the traditional lore upon which his position depends; and thus -the development of the calendar puts a still wider gap between the -business of the calendar-maker and the common people. - -Behind the calendar stand in particular the priests. For they are -the most intelligent and learned men of the tribe, and moreover the -calendar is peculiarly their affair, if the development has proceeded -so far that value is attached to the calendar for the selection of -the proper days for the religious observances. We are not told that -the Kenyah who has charge of the calendar is a priest, but among the -Kayan (also of Borneo) it is a priest who determines the seed-time -from the observation of the ecliptic, and on the upper Mahakam a -priestess[1170]. In Bali the Brahmins, in Java the village priests, -determine the seasons by observing a crude sun-dial[1171]. Of the -Tshi-speaking peoples it is said that the priests keep a reckoning of -the time, using different methods for the purpose, and make known the -approach of the annual festivals[1172]. Among the Hausa the priests -determine the time of the festivals according to the position of the -moon[1173]; here also the months are named after the festivals. To -a very general extent it is true among peoples like the Indians of -Arizona, where the religious ceremonies are the centre of the life -of the tribe, that the priests are the calendar-makers. Among the -Hopi the priests determine from the observation of the solstices -and equinoxes the time for the religious ceremonies and for the -agricultural labours[1174]. Among the Zuñi the priest of the sun is -alone responsible for the calendar. He takes daily observations of -the sunrise at a petrified tree-stump east of the village, which he -sprinkles with meal when he offers his matins to the rising sun. When -the sun rises over a certain point of the Corn Mountain he informs -the elder brother Bow priest, who notifies a certain religious body, -the members of this society come together and the great feast of -the winter solstice is then celebrated. The summer solstice and its -festival are determined in similar fashion[1175]. - -Among the priests there is formed a special class whose duty it is to -make observations and keep the calendar in order. Among the Hawaiians -‘astronomers (_kilo-hoku_) and priests’ are mentioned[1176]; -they handed down their knowledge from father to son; but women, -_kilowahine_, are also found among them[1177]. Elsewhere the nobles -appear alongside of the priests; thus in Tahiti it is the nobles -that are responsible for the calendar, in New Zealand the priests. -In the latter country there is said to have been a regular school, -which was visited by priests and chiefs of highest rank. Every year -the assembly determined the days on which the corn must be sown and -reaped, and thus its members compared their views upon the heavenly -bodies. Each course lasted from three to five months[1178]. - -For Loango it is reported that the king’s star-gazers apparently took -observations from a little wood; further that they sometimes knew -how to arrange matters to suit their own convenience, for they gave -out (probably when the sky was clouded) that the moon was several -days old, and thus gained a couple of hours for the rising of Sirius -and could postpone the dreaded thirteenth month until the end of the -next year[1179]. In these districts, where a strong day-superstition -prevails, external influence is doubtless probable, but the account -is significant in that it speaks for an artificial retardation of -the calendar. Such a manipulation is characteristic of the professed -calendar-maker. - -The king himself also takes charge of the calendar. The Inca -observed the solstices in person, and was assisted in so doing by -the cleverest of his people; the priests assembled to determine -the equinoxes[1180]. The calendar of the Society Islands was fixed -by King Pomare and his family[1181]. That the Inca appeared in a -priestly office for this purpose is certain; that Pomare did the same -is doubtful, since European influence has no doubt been brought to -bear upon this case. - -The examples just given are not numerous, and this corresponds to -the actual state of affairs, since we have here to do with the -treatment of a genuine calendarial science by certain peoples,--only -at a quite undeveloped stage can questions of the time-reckoning -be dealt with in a deliberative assembly--and our researches are -concerned with primitive peoples. The end which the calendar-maker -has in view is the establishing of an ordered series of days marked -out into divisions, the series being kept in place by certain fixed -points, and recurring cyclically. First of all the regulation of -the lunisolar calendar is his principal task, and it is one which -everywhere takes the chief place. For this purpose the calendar-maker -must become accurately acquainted with the course of the sun and with -the stars. Here the four solstices and equinoxes are distinguished by -their recurrence at tolerably regular intervals of time; the stars -however cannot of themselves be brought into a system with equal -intervals of time, but are only applied to such a system in order -to fix it. Hence it follows that the observation of the solstices -and equinoxes has, at least in single cases, been erected into a -calendric system, but the observation of the stars not so--except in -Babylon--although they also are observed, so that they come to be -accurately known, and the planets are even discovered, e. g. by the -Polynesians. The calendar and practical life become to some degree -separated from each other; the first lays the principal emphasis upon -the correct ordering of the series of days, which is of especial -importance on religious grounds for the selection of days and the -fixing of the right day for the religious observances; in practical -life, however, the point of chief importance is to determine the -times when the various occupations may be begun and sea-voyages -undertaken, both of which depend upon the solar year, and for this -the stars afford the best aid. Hence it happens that sometimes the -reckoning by the stars appears, as one more profanely determined, in -a certain opposition to the lunisolar reckoning, which has a more -religious character. This happened in ancient Greece, where the stars -served for the time-reckoning of sailors and peasants while the -lunisolar calendar was developed and extended under sacral influence; -the festival calendar, which was regulated and recorded by the moon, -became the official civil calendar. It was only later that the -stellar calendar was systematically brought under the influence of -the fully developed astronomy and of the Julian calendar. - -In sailing, the stars afford to the primitive sea-faring peoples the -only means of finding their way when the land can no longer be seen. -From the necessities of sea-faring the greatly advanced knowledge -of the stars possessed by the South Sea peoples has arisen; this -is because practical ends are served not by a priestly wisdom, but -by a profane. Nevertheless the knowledge of the stars is a secret -which is carefully guarded in certain families, and kept from -the common people--as is reported of the Marshall Islands[1182]. -Among the Moanu of the Admiralty Islands it is the chiefs who -are initiated by tradition into the science of the stars[1183]. -On the Mortlock Islands, where the science of the stars is very -highly developed, there was a special astronomical profession; the -knowledge of the stars was a source of respect and influence, it -was anxiously concealed, and only communicated to specially chosen -individuals[1184]. Only a few can determine the hours of night by -the stars. The Tahitian Tupaya, who accompanied Cook on his first -voyage, was a man of this kind, specially distinguished for his -nautical knowledge of the stars[1185]. The elements of the science, -however, seem to have been pretty generally known, and from the -Caroline Islands comes a curious account of a general instruction -therein. It was first mentioned by the Spanish missionary Cantova in -the year 1721, and was later confirmed by Arago. In every settlement -there were two houses, in one of which the boys were instructed in -the knowledge of the stars, and in the other the girls; only vague -ideas were imparted, however. The teacher had a kind of globe of the -heavens on which the principal stars were marked, and he pointed out -to his pupils the direction which they must follow on their various -journeys. One native could also represent on a table by means of -grains of maize the constellations known to him[1186]. This is a -nautical, non-priestly astronomy, which has really little to do with -calendarial matters in general, although as a matter of fact in the -Carolines and the Mortlock Islands it has led to the naming of all -months from constellations, and therefore to a systematic sidereal -regulation of the calendar[1187]. - -On the other hand the priests also have observed the stars and -used their stellar science principally for sooth-saying, as e. -g. in Hawaii and in Babylonia. But neither does this lead to any -improvement of the calendar, since the religion must keep to the -existing lunisolar calendar, although in one case of the most -far-reaching importance the astrology arose from it. The improving of -the calendar, the object of which must be, after the full development -of the lunisolar, to return to the solar calendar, in order that -the calendar may be better adapted to the needs of practical life, -becomes henceforth the task of the lay scientific astronomer. - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - -CONCLUSION. - - -1. SUMMARY OF RESULTS. - -_The concrete nature of the time-indications._ Any genuine system -of time-reckoning must admit of numerical treatment, i. e. it must -consist of divisions of which the length is strictly limited and -which, when they belong to the same order, are as far as possible -of the same length. A numerical conception is abstract and not -primitive; even the power of counting is little developed among -primitive peoples in general, and among the lowest peoples it is -extremely limited. Counting is abstract, the primitive man clings to -the concrete phenomena of the outer world. In matters of chronology, -therefore, he finds his way not by counting but by referring to the -concrete phenomena the recurrence of which in definite succession -experience has taught him to expect. The first time-indications are -therefore not numerical but concrete. Their character clearly appears -e. g. when ‘a sun’ is said for ‘day’, and ‘a sleep’ for ‘night’; the -hours of day are denoted by the concrete phenomena of the twilight, -dawn, sunrise, etc., and the equally concrete position of the sun -or the occupations of the day. The lunar month is usually called -‘a moon’, and its days are denoted by the phases and position of -the moon. The year is originally neither a period of time nor the -circle of the seasons (which is first gradually developed under the -influence of agriculture in particular), but the produce of the -year: e. g. it embraces the time between sowing and harvest, and -is often not a complete year in our sense. Only gradually does the -year develop into the period of time that elapses between a season -and the recurrence of the same season, or more rarely between a -phase of a star and the return of the same phase. From the latter -period the genuine solar year has arisen. The seasons are composed -of occupations and of climatic and other natural phenomena, and -still preserve this concrete relationship and are therefore not -definitely limited in duration. This relationship is also extended -to the moons, which for their determination are not numbered but are -brought into connexion with a natural phase and named accordingly, -so that the twelve to thirteen months of the year can be fixed as -regards position and succession. Even the Julian months, as they were -introduced among less cultivated peoples such as the ancient Germans, -the Slavs, etc., could not keep their names, since these had no -intelligible meaning or reference to a concrete phenomenon; in order -to provide for this the months were re-christened with indigenous -names which are of the same kind as those given by the primitive -peoples to their lunar months. Or else, but much more seldom, the -Latin name acquired the concrete significance of a season. The years -also are not numbered, but are named from an important event, so that -their succession follows from the historical succession of events, a -method of denoting the year which prevailed throughout antiquity in -the _limmu_, archon, and consular years, etc. - -_Discontinuous and ‘aoristic’ time-indications._ The starting-point -for the time-reckoning is therefore afforded by the concrete -phenomena of the heavens and of surrounding natural objects, and the -succession of these, fixed as it is by experience, serves as a guide -in the chronological sequence. These phenomena extend over periods -which are very dissimilar to one another and are individually of -varying length; they cross and overlap in some cases, in others they -leave gaps. The time-indications are not directly connected with each -other, but this connexion is achieved by the phenomena in question. -Hence the indications are not circumscribed by one another, but the -phenomena as such are regarded. The latter are not conceived of as -divisions of time of a definite length; they do not appear as parts -of a larger whole, limited on both sides by their connexion with -other divisions of time. The conception of continuity, the immediate -fusion of the chronological phenomena into one another, is lacking: -the time-indications are discontinuous. We may speak, although not -quite correctly, of a discontinuous time-reckoning. We think, for -example, of the abundant sub-division of the times of day in the -morning and evening, and the small number of sub-divisions in the -night and day-time, of the many very unequal seasons which encroach -upon one another and overlap. General measures for shorter periods -of time are therefore not given by the time-indications proper, but -are derived from actions or occupations, e. g. the time needed to -traverse a well-known piece of road. When a systematising of these -time-indications takes place, e. g. in the matter of the seasons, -where only those of practical importance are rendered prominent and -are circumscribed, there arise divisions of very unequal length, -which are hardly suitable for a genuine time-reckoning. - -The times of day are often given by reference to the position of the -sun. In northern countries, where the length of the daily course of -the sun varies so greatly, points on the horizon are sought out as an -aid. Both these methods of indicating the times of day may seem to -afford a foundation for a continuous reckoning, but this is not the -case, since they always refer only to the position of the sun at the -immediate moment: they are--to adopt a grammatical term--‘aoristic’. -The discontinuity is further shewn in the fact that it is only later -and in an imperfect fashion that the complete day and the year are -joined together in continuous circles. Day and night were combined -so late into the period of the complete day of 24 hours that most -languages are without a proper word to express this idea. In the same -way the reckoning was often long carried out in half-years, winters -and summers, or the years were of shorter duration than the solar -year (agricultural years, etc.). - -The means of accurately determining the times and occupations of -the year is afforded by the phases of the stars, which always recur -at the same time of the year or at a time subjected to only slight -variations due to the conditions of observation. A time-indication -from phases of stars is properly of the discontinuous and ‘aoristic’ -order, since a definite phase of a star belongs theoretically to a -certain day and practically is also kept within very narrow limits. -It is only with great difficulty and some violence that the phases -of the stars can be systematised,--and that at a far-advanced stage: -signs of the zodiac, moon-houses--since they are distributed very -unequally over the year, this being due more particularly to the -limitation in practice to certain specially prominent stars. - -_The pars pro toto counting of the periods._ The regular recurrence -of the periods at once impresses itself upon the notice of man: he -may also feel the necessity of counting the periods. As he always -directs his attention to the single phenomenon in itself, and not to -its duration as given by the limitations imposed by other phenomena, -so he does not reckon the periods of time as a continuous whole, but -only counts an isolated phenomenon recurring but once in the same -period. When he has seen ten harvests, he is ten years old: when nine -new moons have risen after conception, the nine months of pregnancy -are at an end: whoever has slept six nights on the way has undertaken -a six days’ journey. As counting-points the times of rest--the nights -and the winters--are especially employed. Linguistically this method -of counting still exists, as when in most languages the complete day -of 24 hours is expressed by the word ‘day’, which also means day -opposed to night, or as in the Hebrew word for month, which really -means ‘new moon’. Popularly and in the language of poetry this usage -is still farther extended. - -It is significant of the deep-rooted tendency to the _pars pro toto_ -method of counting that when peoples who are at a less developed -stage adopt such a continuous unit of time as our seven-day week, -they do not regard it as a unity, but put the part for the whole. -Weeks have been introduced into the Society Islands, and the word -_hebedoma_ has there been adopted to denote a week; it is however -less frequently used by the people than the word ‘sabbath’. When -a native wishes to say that he has been absent for six weeks -on a journey, he usually says six sabbaths or a moon and two -sabbaths[1188]. Some of the Islamite Malays of Sumatra count -periods of time in Sundays, others in Fridays, others again in -market-days[1189]; these are therefore the Christian, the Islamite, -and the native methods of reckoning weeks that here appear, but still -the counting is performed by the _pars pro toto_ method. The Old -Bulgarian word _nedelja_ really means ‘day without work’, Sunday, but -has come to mean ‘week’[1190]. - -_The continuous time-reckoning_ arises neither from the daily -course of the sun--which indeed is a unit but has no natural -sub-divisions--nor yet from the year, the consistent length of -which is at first concealed by the variation of the natural phases. -Moreover the year, though sub-divided, is divided into parts (the -seasons) which are indefinite and fluctuating in their number, -duration, and limits. The only natural phenomenon which from the -very beginning meets the demands of the continuous reckoning is the -moon. It is a fact of importance that the course of the moon from -the first appearance of the new moon to the disappearance of the old -is so short a period that it may be surveyed even by the undeveloped -intellect. The decisive factor however is that not only is the lunar -month in itself a limited and continuous period of fixed length, but -it has also a natural sub-division into parts of equal length, viz. -days, each of which is clearly distinguishable from its predecessor -and successor by the shape of the moon and its position in the sky at -sunrise and sunset. However these phases and positions also are at -first described concretely, and not numbered. The months, like other -periods of time, are counted by the _pars pro toto_ method in new -moons, or commonly in ‘moons’, as the days are counted in suns. This -is in itself a shifting mode of reckoning, which proceeds from an -arbitrarily chosen incidental point. With primitive man’s undeveloped -faculty of counting it can only embrace a few months; the months of -pregnancy, which are so frequently counted, form a period which is -quite sufficiently long. - -_Empirical intercalation of months._ When a month not lying in the -immediate past or future is to be indicated, the concrete mode of -reckoning comes to the fore in this case also, and since a month -covers a period of time which is relatively long enough for the -natural conditions seen in it to be clearly distinguishable from -those of the preceding and following months, the month is named -after these natural conditions, i. e. it takes the name of a season. -But this is not done without confusion, for both seasons and months -fluctuate in reference to their position in the solar year, and the -seasons are not limited in length and duration, and still less do -they cover the months. Since any season and any natural phenomenon -may be used to determine a month, it follows that the number of names -of months is at first quite an arbitrary and uncertain matter, and is -far greater than that of the months of the year. Linguistic custom -leads to a natural selection in which the names describing phenomena -of special importance are preferred. Thus a fixed series of months -arises; and since the year contains more than twelve and less than -thirteen lunar months, the series sometimes consists of twelve, -sometimes of thirteen months. The period thus arising is nothing else -than the lunisolar year, since the months through their connexion -with the seasons are bound up with the annual course of the sun. The -problem then arises how to make the lunar months fit into the solar -year. Practically the difficulty first appears in a disguised form; -primitive man has no conception, or at most only an extremely vague -idea, of the length of the solar year. If the months are allowed to -follow one another in their traditional order the connexions with the -phases of nature are soon put out of gear, which never happened so -long as the relationship was occasional and fluctuating. This defect -must be corrected. When the series has thirteen months, a month soon -falls behind the natural phenomenon from which it takes its name: -one month must therefore be omitted. This is the extracalation of a -month. When the series has twelve months, a month soon gets in front -of the natural phenomenon from which it takes its name. Then the -month is ‘forgotten’, i. e. it is regarded as non-existent, and its -name is given to the following month, from which point the series -once more runs on correctly for some time. This is the intercalation -of a month. The necessity for the omission or intercalation is -recognised in the first place from the natural phases: their -fluctuation makes matters still worse. Hence there often arise hot -disputes as to which month it really is, i. e. really, theoretically -speaking, as to the inter- or extracalation of a month. A fixed order -arises in this intercalation or omission when its arrangement is -entrusted to the priests, a body of officials, or even to a single -person appointed for the purpose, as among the ancient Semitic -peoples and in Loango. - -Since the seasons are regulated by the phases of the stars, the -months can also be named after these phases and regulated by them, -and a very accurate and practical means of regulation is thus -afforded. When a phase of a star does not appear in the month to -which it gives its name, the month is ‘forgotten’, the next month -brings round the phase in question, and takes its name. A series of -twelve months is here assumed; in the series of thirteen the phase -of the star appears too early, consequently the month-name which is -in the series is crowded out by the following month-name, which is -derived from the name of the star in question. Cases of doubt seldom -arise here, since they can only occur in the exceptional instance -when the phase of the star falls on the border-line between two -months. - -By means of a properly treated empirical intercalation of this -nature the series of months could be kept in fair agreement with the -phases of nature, and also, especially when the phases of the stars -were used as an aid, with the solar year. Where, as in Babylonia, -the sense of the observation of the heavens was developed, there -thus arose a fruitful problem for the rudimentary and still quite -empirical astronomy, viz. that the astronomical points of regulation -for the arrangement of the lunar months within the solar year had to -be determined by more and more refined observation. So accurate an -empirical regulation must keep the intercalation in very good order, -as it did in Babylonia as early as the time of Dungi in the latter -part of the third millennium B. C. Meanwhile there must have arisen -of itself the knowledge that in a certain number of years a certain -number of intercalations always fell; the simplest relationship is -three intercalary months to eight years. The intercalation might then -very well have been cyclically regulated, but there was no reason for -departing from ancient custom, since the old method worked well and -there was no need to be able to calculate the calendar for a long -period in advance. This is in practice seldom necessary--how often, -for instance, is it necessary to-day to determine years beforehand -the position of Easter?--but for scientific astronomy it is a -necessity to be able thus to calculate in advance. Hence it agrees -very well with the flourishing of the theoretical astronomy in the -time of the Persians that an intercalary cycle should be introduced -about the year 528 B. C. - -Seasons and months may also be regulated by points of the annual -course of the sun; but these are difficult to observe, and for -their observation landmarks, and therefore a fixed dwelling-place, -are required. Even then it is only the two solstices that are -accessible to primitive observation, and this is specially easy in -northern latitudes only. Hence the solstices and equinoxes play a -comparatively unimportant part in the history of time-reckoning. - - -2. THE GREEK TIME-RECKONING[1191]. - -I pass on finally to speak of the Greek time-reckoning. The problem -is here not only the independent appearance of a time-reckoning -which is in all respects genuinely continuous, but also the cyclical -regulating of the intercalation. - -In the Homeric poems the time-reckoning stands at a primitive -stage, and is indeed lower than among many barbaric peoples. Very -few natural times of day are recognised, the days are counted by -dawns, according to the _pars pro toto_ method. Four larger seasons -are known, but also smaller ones, e. g. attention is paid to the -birds of passage. Certain phases of stars are known, and also the -solstices[1192]. The lunar months are counted, e. g. the months of -pregnancy[1193], but not named; the day of new moon is celebrated. -In Hesiod the same time-reckoning appears further developed, a fact -which is due partly to the nature of the contents of his poem, partly -to its later date; in particular, phases of stars and smaller seasons -are frequently mentioned, and it is a great advance that the days -are numerically reckoned; they are counted in one case from the -solstice, and further the days of the month are counted, sometimes -in half-months, sometimes in decades.[1194] In the appendix of the -_Days_ an exceedingly strong day-superstition shews itself. - -When history begins, the Greek time-reckoning as we know it appears: -it is a lunisolar year with named lunar months, in which the -intercalation is cyclically regulated, so that in a period of eight -years (Oktaeteris) a month is three times intercalated, viz. in the -3rd, 5th, and 8th years. This appearance of an ordered form of year -and a cyclical intercalation is completely unprepared for. We miss -that association of the months with the seasons and the naming after -these which, as the preceding investigations have shewn, alone gives -rise to an empirical intercalation. The investigation of primitive -time-reckoning has led to the perception that herein lies the crucial -point of the problem of the origin of the Greek time-reckoning. In -my opinion the Greek calendar cannot be explained from premisses -originating in the country itself, and therefore cannot have arisen -of itself in Greece. - -The regulation of the Greek calendar has throughout a sacral -character. The idea of the selection of lucky or unlucky days -prevails not only in superstition but also in the official religious -cult. Most of the old festivals fall, according to universal custom, -either during or shortly before the time of full moon; the festivals -of Apollo form an exception and are all celebrated on the 7th, those -of his twin sister Artemis being held on the preceding day, the -6th. The names of months appear in sharp contradistinction to the -world-wide method of nomenclature in that they all, in so far as -they are explainable, are derived from festivals. Several hundred -names are known from the various states of the mother country and -the colonies, and among these there is only a single exception to -the rule just stated, viz. Ἁλιοτρόπιος, i. e. the solstice month, -which belongs to later times, besides a few unexplained names, such -as Γεῦστος, Δίνων; numbered months were first created among the -leagues of states of the period after Alexander the Great, in order -to introduce a means of common understanding such as was necessitated -by the multiplicity of the local calendars. These cases are all quite -isolated and cannot disturb the rule. - -The inference that may be drawn in regard to the months from their -names and from the ordering of the religious cult is further -established by other matters in regard to the cyclical intercalation. -The eight-year intercalary cycle cannot be distinguished from the -_Ennaeteris_ period (so called according to the Greek inclusive -method of reckoning, the eight-year period according to our method of -expression) of certain festivals. Such festivals are only known at -Delphi, where three of them were held (Charila, Stepterion, Herois). -The great Pythian games themselves were originally held every eighth -year, and then, after the first holy war (probably in the year 582, -from which the Pythiads were counted), every fourth year. Since eight -years seemed too long an interval, the period was halved in order -to secure a more frequent celebration, and the Isthmian and Nemean -games were even held every second year, i. e. the period was divided -into four. The Olympiad reckoning will go still farther back, if the -traditional starting-point, the year 776 B. C., is to be accepted. -However the authenticity of the older portion of the list of Olympian -victors has been sharply disputed, though the criticism certainly -seems to have weakened a little quite recently. But a peculiarity -attaches to this festival, viz. that it is celebrated alternately in -one of the two consecutive months, Apollonios and Parthenios[1195]. -This can only be explained as follows:--The Oktaeteris has 99 -months. Originally the Olympic festival was not fixed according to -the calendar, but the date was simply arranged by the numbering -of the months of the Oktaeteris, in which the first half of the -Oktaeteris was given 50 months and the second 49. In the calendarial -Oktaeteris, on the other hand, there is an intercalation once in -the first half and twice in the second, i. e. the first four years -have 49 months and the next four 50; hence it follows that when the -old custom was to be preserved in regard to the date, the month -of the festival necessarily varied in the given manner. When the -chronological arrangement of the Olympic games was introduced, the -Oktaeteris calendar therefore was not known, but only the Oktaeteris -period. - -The introduction of the calendar was effected in the form of the -establishment of _fasti_ for festivals and religious cult, in -which the periodically recurring notable events of the cult, viz. -sacrifices and festivals, were noted down in calendrical succession -and in some cases also described. Fragments of these _fasti_ from -later times have in several cases come down to us, and similar -_fasti_ formed part of the legislation of Solon. Solon in the -year 594 arranged the sacral _fasti_ of Athens, and with them the -calendar. That he was the first to introduce the calendar cannot be -stated; there is no evidence to shew that the specific peculiarities -of the Athenian calendar were introduced by him. The evidence is -however valuable as a _terminus ante quem_. Plato in his _Laws_ -prescribes that the legislation shall arrange the festivals according -to the decrees of Delphi. Here, as elsewhere in the _Laws_, he -returns to the general Greek custom. The _fasti_ were therefore -arranged under the superintendence of Delphi, and Solon also had -certainly done the same, for he stood in other respects in close -connexion with Delphi. In addition to which Geminos mentions “the -commandment of the laws and the oracular decrees, to sacrifice in -three ways, i. e. monthly, daily, yearly”. At a later period also, -those who superintended the calendar were men learned in sacral -matters. Thus the seer Lampon, at the time of the Peloponnesian War, -brought forward a proposal for the intercalation of a month; he was -an _exegetes_ and perhaps even πυθόχρηστος. - -From all this it follows that it was the necessity for the regulation -of the religious cult that first created the calendar in Greece. The -succession of days in the year was in the first place arranged in -the form of sacral _fasti_, and this arrangement was followed by the -official civil calendar, while the peasants and sailors kept to the -reckoning by phases of the stars. All indications--especially the -above-mentioned festivals of Delphi, the dictum of Plato, etc.--seem -to shew that this regulation originated at Delphi; not that it was -actually enjoined by the oracle, but the necessity for the regulation -was aggravated there, and its performance was therefore supported -and superintended. Only in Delphi could the requisites for the -carrying out of such a work be found united. It is the business of -the oracle to maintain peace with the gods, and this is above all -achieved through the proper cult, in which the dates are of the -greatest importance, no less important indeed than the expiation -of murder and the veneration of the heroes. In the _pylagorai_ and -_hieromnemones_, who met twice a year for deliberation, and in the -_exegetai_ there was a circle closely connected with Delphi, each -member of which could spread in his own state the ideas he there -imbibed[1196]. Certain states maintained special officials who -fostered the connexion with Delphi, such as the Pythioi of Sparta, -the ἐξηγηταὶ πυθόχρηστοι of Athens. And, above all, it is only thus -that the consistently sacral character of the Greek calendar and -names of months in general can be satisfactorily explained. - -There remains something to be added, viz. that, as has been remarked -above, all the festivals of Apollo of which the date is known--and -they are not few in number--fall on the 7th, on which day also the -birth of the god was celebrated at Delphi and elsewhere. It is clear -that this is a definitely intended regulation. Otherwise, too, -Apollo is the patron of the reckoning in months. Even in Homer the -day of new moon is a feast of Apollo, and later, as Νεομήνιος, i. -e. new-moon god, he receives sacrifices on the first of each month. -The initial day of the third decade was also dedicated to him, for -which reason he was called Εἰκάδιος. He is without a rival in his -importance for the selection of days, which is dependent upon the -reckoning in months. - -Now, according to the data given above, the cyclical intercalation -was introduced before the beginning of the 6th century, most probably -in the 7th; at most, on the strength of Hesiod and of Homer (who in -the Odyssey knows only the beginning of the development, viz. Apollo -as the god of the new-moon festival), we may go back to the 8th. -But it has already been pointed out that in Greece the preliminary -conditions for the arising of even the empirical intercalation, and -much more of the cyclical, are lacking. Whence then has the latter -come? This is the real enigma in connexion with the problem of the -origin of the Greek time-reckoning. In my opinion the question can -only be answered in one way: it has come from without, from the east, -and originally from Babylonia. Here we are met with the difficulty -that an intercalary cycle was not introduced into Babylonia before -the 6th century. But, as we have already remarked, the knowledge that -in eight years the lunar months could be brought by the intercalation -of three months to fit into the solar year must have been reached -long before, through a regular administration of the intercalation, -although in Babylonia, where the intercalation was managed by a -central authority, there was no reason for erecting this knowledge -into a rule. In Greece matters were quite different. The land was -split up into a great number of little states in one of which it -might often happen that there was no one who could properly manage -an empirical intercalation. And even if there were, the empirical -intercalation must soon have led to variations in all these different -states, and hopeless confusion must have arisen. Since Delphi was -not a central court which could look after the intercalation, there -must be established, if order was to be created,--and the whole -movement started with this idea--a cycle which should be binding in -the future. - -It seems to me a well-authorised view that the god Apollo came to -Greece from Asia, and even apart from this there is reason to suppose -that in the religion of Apollo there is a Babylonian element, viz. -the prevailing importance of the seventh day of the month in the cult -of the god. A similar preference for the seventh day of the month is -seen again in the _shabattu_. And in point of fact it is originally -only the seventh day that is brought into prominence, the other -_shabattu_ being a later development from this[1197]; most of the -Apollo festivals were rites of expiation and purification, and the -_shabattu_ also are distinguished as such. The calendar also shews a -second trace of connexion with Asia Minor. Besides Apollo there is -only one deity, Hecate, that is closely connected with the calendar -and the superstition of the days of the month, and it has been proved -that this goddess too originated in Asia Minor[1198]. - -When the intercalary cycle was introduced from the East about the 7th -century it did not come alone, but formed part of a mighty stream -of civilisation which poured into Greece from the East at an early -period. This is shewn e. g. in art, where all the styles formed under -Oriental influence displace and transform the native geometrical -style in vase-painting and the minor arts. Even in astronomy Oriental -influence can be demonstrated. Astronomical science begins with -Thales, who foretold the famous eclipse of the sun on May 28, 585 B. -C. According to one isolated notice he also concerned himself with -the lunisolar calendar. But the Ionian astronomy has a Babylonian -foundation; evidences of this are the division of the day into -12 hours, and the signs of the zodiac, of which at least three -can be shewn to be of Babylonian origin, and one is an Old Ionic -transformation of a Babylonian original. But, it is said, the way -from Ionia to the mother country is long, and the development of the -mother country is in arrears. But even with Delphi the Ionians had -early connexions; we may remember Croesus of Lydia. In the sixth -century the eastern Greeks established splendid treasure-houses -at Delphi, and long and intimate connexions must have preceded -buildings of this nature. All the necessary conditions for the -development assumed can therefore be demonstrated, as well as can be -expected from the scanty nature of our sources for this period. - -The introduction of the cyclical regulation of the calendar has again -introduced problems of far-reaching significance for scientific -astronomy, though now upon a higher plane. The eight-year cycle -was inaccurate, the problem was to find a more exact one, and how -fruitful this problem became is shewn by such names as Meton and -Kallippos. This difficulty prepared the way for the emancipation of -the time-reckoning from the fetters of the religious cult. - - - - -ADDENDUM TO P. 78 NOTE 2 (P. 80). - - -Prof. Beckman has kindly pointed out to me that according to Are’s -_Islendingabók_, ch. 7 (_þá vas þat mælt et næsta sumar áþr i lǫgum, -at menn scyllde svá coma til alþinges, es X vicor være af sumre, -en þangat til quómo vico fyrr_), the Althing in the year 999 A. D. -was decreed for the time when ten (instead of nine) weeks of the -summer had passed, i. e. it was postponed until a week later in the -calendar. The reason for this is undoubtedly that the calendar (the -week-year), and with it the Althing, had contrived to antedate itself -a little more than a week in relation to the natural year, after -Torsten Surt’s reform of the calendar had been introduced about the -year 965. Here therefore we have an example of the empirical and -occasional correction of the Icelandic calendar which was postulated -above. - - - - -LIST OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED. - - - C.N.A.E., _Contributions to North American Ethnology_ (U. S. - Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region). - Washington, 1890--93. - - _Edda Sæmundar hins fróda_ III. Copenhagen, 1828. (Specimen - calendarii gentilis by Finn Magnusson, pp. 1044 ff.). - - E.S.P., _Ethnological Survey Reports_ (of the Philippine Islands). - Manilla, 1904-08. - - _Handbook of American Indians_ = Smiths. Bull. 30. - - Jesup Exp., _The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, edited by F. Boas - in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History. New York and - Leiden, 1896 ff. - - J.R.A.I., _Journal of the R. Anthropological Institute of Great - Britain_. - - _Die Loango Expedition_, vol. III: 2, by E. Peschuel-Loesche. - Stuttgart, 1907. - - R.T. Str., _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to - the Torres Straits_, IV. Cambridge, 1912. (Chap. XI, “Science”, pp. - 218 ff.). - - Smiths. Bull., _Bulletin of the Smithsonian Institute_, Bureau of - Ethnology. - - Smiths. Rep., _Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology to the - Secretary of the Smithsonian Institute_. - - Stud. Tegn., _Studier tillegnade Esaias Tegnér_ den 13 Januari - 1918. Lund, 1918. - - * * * * * - - Abbott, G. 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R., _Pygmies and Papuans_. London, 1912. - - Worm, Olaus, _Fasti Danici_. Hafniæ, 1642. - - Yermoloff, A., _Der landwirtschaftliche Volkskalender_ (der - Russen). Leipsic, 1905. - - - - -INDEX. - - - Acronychal risings and settings, 5 - - Age, classes of, 99; - ignorance of, 98; - relative, 98 - - Agricultural cycles of seasons, 66; - festivals, 268, 337; - year, 91, 95 - - Anglo-Saxon seasons, 75; - months and year, 292 - - Apollo, festivals of, 363; - and the Greek calendar, 366 - - Arabic lunisolar year, 251; - month-names, 237; - names for days of the month, 165 - - Astrology, 119; - origin of, 146 - - Astronomers, primitive, 350, 351 - - - Babylonian designation of years, 105; - intercalation, 258; - months, 226 - - Beginning of the year, see New Year. - - Bilfinger on the Icelandic week-year, 78, n. 1; - on the Anglo-Saxon year, 295 - - Birds of passage, 46 - - - Calendar, Greek star-c., 114; - Indian picture-writing c., 103 - - Calendar-makers, 347 - - Canaanitish month-names, 233 - - Constellations, 114 - - Continuous time-reckoning, 8, 359 - - Counting, 168; - aids in, 319; - of days, 168; - of months, 148, 217 - - - Dagsmǫrk, 21 - - Dawn = day, 13 - - Day, of 24 hours, 11; - limits of, 43; - solar, stellar, 3; - as unit of time-reckoning, 3 - - Day, times of, 17; - expressions for, 22; - indications of, 17 - - Days, counting of: in dawns, 13; - in days, 14; - in nights, 13; - in sleeps, 15; - in suns, 12 - - Decades, 168 - - Delphi, influence on the calendar, 365 - - Dieteris, 1 - - Disting, 302 - - Dry and rainy seasons, 54, 88; - two, 62 - - - Easter, computation of, 301 - - Ebb and flow, 39 - - Egyptian designation of years, 107; - year, 277 - - End of the year, 268 - - Ennaeteris, 364 - - Epiphany moon, 301 - - Eponyms, 107 - - Equinoxes, observation of, 313 - - Extracalation, 244, 360 - - - Fasti, Greek, 365 - - Feriae conceptivae, 340 - - Festivals, agricultural and new year, 268; - cycles of, 337; - months named after, 345; - regulated by the moon, 341; - by the solstices, 344; - by the stars, 133 - - First-fruits, 269 - - Full moon, celebration of, 155; - the time of festivals, 342 - - - Germanic division of the year, 75; - month-names, 288; - seasons, 74 - - Gestures indicating days, 12; - time of the day, 17 - - Gezer, calendar of, 235 - - Gnomon, 20 - - Greek division of the month, 168; - expressions for times of the day, 34; - observation of the solstices, 316; - of the stars, 110; - seasonal points, 46; - seasons, 72; - calendar, 362 - - - Half-years, reckoning in, 75, 78, 87 - - Hammurabi, letter of, 263 - - Heliacal risings and settings, 5 - - Hesiod, 46, 112 - - Homer, 34, 110, 316 - - Hour, origin of, 43 - - - Icelandic (cp. Scandinavian) designation of times of the day, 21; - months, 297; - seasons, 75; - week-year, 78, 370 - - Indo-European expressions for times of the day, 31; - notion of the year, 97; - seasons, 71 - - Intercalary cycle, Babylonian, 259; - Greek, 363 - - Intercalation (cp. month, intercalary,) cyclical, 362; - in Greece, 368; - empirical, 243, 359; - origin of, 240; - pre-Mohammedan, 253; - regulated by the solstices, 265; - by the stars, 247 - - Israelitish festivals at full moon, 341; - intercalation, 244; - months, 233; - new year, 272 - - - King in charge of the calendar, 352 - - Knots, 104, 320 - - Kugler on Babylonian intercalation, 260 - - - Landmarks indicating times of the day, 21; - for observation of solstices and equinoxes, 311 - - Latin expressions for times of the day, 37; - star-names, 113 - - Lunar month, see Month. - - Lunar months of European peoples, 294, 304, 305 - - - Markets, in Arabia, 251; - in Canaan, 334 - - Market-week, 324 - - Measures of time, 42 - - Monsoons, 57, 87 - - Month, 147; - division of, 155, 159; - halving of, 166; - tripartite division of, 167; - quarters of, 170; - intercalary, 243; - of the Wadschagga, 203; - lunar, 5; - number of days in, 149; - sidereal, 4; - synodic, 5 - - Month-names, 174; - from festivals, 345; - from seasons and occupations, 218, 227; - from stars, 227, 247; - absence of, 223; - multiplicity of, 222; - old Greek, 364; - pairs of, 224; - popular European, 282; - variability of, 221 - - Months, counting of, 148, 217; - numbering of, 188, 233; - series of, 174; - incomplete, 240, 246; - Semitic, 226 - - Moon (cp. full moon, new moon) course of, 147; - invisibility of, 149; - phases of, 151, 155; - smaller phases, 159; - position of, 150; - time counted by, 16 - - Mountains as landmarks, 21 - - - Nasi, 253 - - New moon, celebration of, 151 - - New moons, counting in, 151, 235 - - New Year, 8, 91, 267; - Egyptian, 278; - festivals of, 268 - - Night, parts of, 39; - times of, indicated by the stars, 40 - - Nights, counting in, 13 - - ‘Noon-line’, 21 - - Nundinae, 333 - - - Oktaeteris, 1, 363 - - Olympiads, 364 - - - Pars pro toto counting, 358; - of days, 16; - of weeks, 358; - of years, 92 - - Picture-writings, 103 - - Planets, 120, 124 - - Plant as sun-dial, 19 - - Pleiades the, as indicating seed-time, 134; - special significance of, 129 - - Pleiades-year, 275 - - Priests as calendar-makers, 350 - - - Qalammas, 253 - - Quarters of the moon, 170 - - - Rainy and dry seasons, 54, 88; - two, 62 - - - Sabbath, 329 - - Scandinavian (cp. Icelandic, Swedish) divisions of the day, 21; - observation of solstices, 316; - seasons, 74; - week-reckoning, 80 - - Schools of astronomy, 354 - - Seasonal points, 46 - - Seasons, 45; - cycles of, 65; - number: two, 54; - two or three, 72, 75; - three, 64; - four or five, 58, 63; - six, 60; - s. and months, 218; - regulation of, 70; - subdivision of, 61, 72 - - Sea-voyages, stars a guide to, 125, 353 - - Shabattu, 329 - - Shadow, time of day reckoned according to, 19 - - Shifting method of time-reckoning, 8 - - Solstices, 220; - festivals regulated by, 344; - months regulated by, 265; - observation of, 311 - - Stars, 109; - festivals regulated by, 133; - a guide to sea-voyages, 125, 353; - months named after, 227, 247; - new year determined by, 275; - omens of weather, 125, 130, 140, 143; - risings and settings of, 5, 128; - other phases, 129; - time of the night, 40; - time of the year indicated by, 128 - - Summer and winter, 54, 89 - - Summer day, the, 81 - - Sun = day, 13 - - Sun (cp. solstices and equinoxes), seed-time indicated by, 317; - time of day indicated by the position of, 17 - - Swedish (cp. Scandinavian) lunar months, 302, 304; - month-names, 299; - quarter-years, 80 - - - Tally, 104, 168, 320 - - Tetraeteris, 1 - - Tille on the division of the Germanic year, 77 - - Time-indications, 9; - concrete, 355; - discontinuous and ‘aoristic’, 9, 356 - - Time-reckoning, methods of, 8 - - - Units of time-reckoning, 3 - - - Weather, stars as omens of, 125, 130, 140, 143 - - Webster on the sabbath, 335 - - Week, seven-day, 333 - - Week-year, 78, 370 - - Weidner on Babylonian intercalary cycles, 259 - - Weinhold on the Germanic seasons, 76 - - Wind-seasons, greater, 57; - shorter, 85 - - Winter and summer, 54, 89; - w. the time of festivals, 339 - - Winter day, the, 81 - - Winters, years counted in, 9 - - - Year, 86; - agricultural, 91, 95, 96; - Egyptian, 277; - incomplete, 89, 223, 240; - stellar, 4; - stellar, of primitive peoples, 93, 275; - tropic, 4 - - Years, counting of, 92; - designation of y. after events, 99; - after rulers etc., 101, 107 - - Yule-moon, 301 - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] In Swedish (or German) I should use the word _punktnell_ to -denote this mode of time-reckoning, since the calculation is based -upon a _punctum_, a single point, not upon the whole unit of time. -Unfortunately the word ‘punctual’ has quite another sense in English. - -[2] Snouck Hurgronje, I. 201. - -[3] Jochelson, _Yukaghir_ p. 42. - -[4] Jenks, p. 219. - -[5] Schoolcraft, II, 129. - -[6] _Ibid._ I, 57 B. - -[7] Haddon, p. 303. - -[8] Ling Roth, p. 133. - -[9] See further Usener, _Götternamen_, p. 289. E. g. Pindar, _Ol._ -XIII, 37, ἀελίῳ ἀμφ’ ἑνί (‘in one day’), Euripides, _Helena_ 652, -ἡλίους δὲ μυρίους μόγις διελθών (‘with difficulty passing through -thousands of suns’), and in a sacred regulation ἐᾶσαι οὕτως ἔστε κα -τρεῖς ἅλιοι γένωνται (‘to leave so until three suns have passed’), -Blinkenberg, _Die lindische Tempelchronik_, p. 38, Part D, 1. 72, -(Bonn, 1915) etc. In Latin still more frequently, e. g. Silius, -_Punica_, III, 554, _Bis senos soles, totidem per vulnera saevas -emensi noctes, etc._ - -[10] Il. XXI v. 80 ἠὼς δέ μοί ἐστιν ἥδε δυωδεκάτη ὅτ’ ἐς Ἴλιον -εἰλήλουθα. - -[11] Il. XXIV v. 413 δυωδεκάτη οἱ ἠως κειμένῳ. - -[12] Otherwise, but in my opinion erroneously, G. Bilfinger, _Der -bürgerliche Tag_, p. 35. - -[13] Tacitus, _Germ._ 11, _nec dierum numerum sed noctium computant_. - -[14] Schrader, II. 235; Ginzel, I, 243; A. Fischer, p. 744. - -[15] Fornander, I, 122. - -[16] Taylor, p. 364. - -[17] Ellis, _Polyn. Res._³ I, 88. - -[18] Mathias G., p. 210. - -[19] Skeat and Blagden, I, 393. - -[20] Claus, p. 38. - -[21] Cole, p. 323. - -[22] Cranz, I, 239. - -[23] Heckewelder, p. 523. - -[24] Dunbar, p. 1. - -[25] Swanton, p. 339. - -[26] Mooney, p. 365. - -[27] Riggs, p. 165. - -[28] Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 111. - -[29] Powers, p. 77. - -[30] Carver, p. 177. - -[31] Radloff, p. 308. - -[32] Spencer and Gillen, _Centr. Austr._, pp. 25 ff. - -[33] Schrader, II, 235. - -[34] Spencer and Gillen, _Centr. Austr._, pp. 25 ff. - -[35] Radloff, p. 308. - -[36] Partridge, p. 244. - -[37] Velten, p. 353. - -[38] Claus, p. 38. - -[39] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, 140. - -[40] Hammar, p. 156. - -[41] Merker, p. 153. - -[42] Schulze, p. 373. - -[43] Foa, p. 119. - -[44] Alberti, p. 69. - -[45] Fabry, p. 223. - -[46] Oliveau, p. 343. - -[47] Spencer and Gillen, _Across Austr._, II, 270. - -[48] Jenks, p. 219. - -[49] Hose, p. 169. - -[50] Wilken, p. 200. - -[51] Crawfurd, I, 287 f. - -[52] Marsden, _Sumatra_, p. 194. - -[53] Haddon, p. 303. - -[54] Forster, pp. 441 ff. - -[55] Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 111. - -[56] Krause, p. 339. - -[57] Crawfurd, I, 287. - -[58] Merker, p. 153. - -[59] Velten, p. 333. - -[60] Mansfeld, p. 244. - -[61] Stannus, p. 288. - -[62] Wegener, p. 146. - -[63] Skeat and Blagden, I, 393. - -[64] ὅταν ᾖ δεκάπουν τὸ στοιχεῖον, λιπαρῷ χωρεῖν ἐπὶ δεῖπνον. - -[65] G. Bilfinger, _Zeitmesser_, p. 19; art. _Horologium_ in -Daremberg and Saglio, _Dictionnaire des Antiquités_. - -[66] Paul, III, 447. See further Finn Magnusson. - -[67] _Arkiv för Nord. Filologi_, 23, 1907, pp. 259 ff. - -[68] Drake, p. 276. - -[69] Hose, p. 169. - -[70] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes_, p. 25; Spencer, pp. 444 -ff. - -[71] MacCaulay, p. 525. - -[72] Fewkes, p 260. - -[73] Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 111. - -[74] Beverley, p. 4. - -[75] _Ibid._ p. 182. - -[76] _Handbook_, p. 189. - -[77] Du Pratz, I, 223. - -[78] Mooney, p. 365. - -[79] Hill Tout, p. 155. - -[80] Gilij, II, 12. - -[81] Molina, pp. 139 ff. - -[82] Hammar, p. 156. - -[83] Gutmann, p. 241. - -[84] Weeks, _JRAI, 39_, p. 417. - -[85] Koelle, p. 284. - -[86] Westermann, p. 105. - -[87] Ellis, _Yoruba_, p. 150. - -[88] Merker, p. 153. - -[89] Hollis, _Masai_, p. 332. - -[90] Roscoe, _JRAI, 32_, p. 71. - -[91] Roscoe, _Baganda_, p. 38. - -[92] Junod, _Thonga_, II, 282. - -[93] Schulze, p. 373. - -[94] Man, pp. 336 ff. - -[95] Nieuwenhuis, I, 317. - -[96] Maass, pp. 511 ff. - -[97] Crawfurd, I, 287. - -[98] Snouck Hurgronje, I, 199 ff. - -[99] Snouck Hurgronje, I, 200 n. 2; translator’s note. - -[100] Thurnwald, p. 334. - -[101] _Ibid._, p. 346. - -[102] Brown, p. 332. - -[103] Fornander, I, 121. - -[104] Malo, pp. 33 ff. - -[105] Forster, pp. 441 ff. - -[106] Wegener, pp. 146 ff.; Ellis, _Pol. Res._³, I, 89. The former -quotes the latter from the first edition, but Ellis l. c. leaves out -the translation of the concrete terms for the times later than noon, -and fills up the period from 7 a. m. to 6 p. m. with modern terms, e. -g. ‘about 7’, ‘8 a. m.’ etc. - -[107] Mathias G., pp. 210 ff. - -[108] Brown, p. 348. - -[109] Velten, p. 333. - -[110] Nieuwenhuis, I, 318. - -[111] Gutmann, p. 241. - -[112] Hollis, _Nandi_, p. 96. - -[113] Crawfurd, I, 287. - -[114] Cp. above, p. 27. - -[115] Above, pp. 24, 30. - -[116] Roscoe, _Bantu_, p. 140. - -[117] ‘As the sun turned over to the unyoking of the oxen’. - -[118] Feist, p. 262. - -[119] Hollis, _Nandi_, pp. 96 ff. - -[120] Sibree, pp. 69 ff. - -[121] ἔσσεται ἢ ἠὼς ἢ δείλη ἢ μέσον ἦμαρ--Il. XXI, 111. - -[122] εὗδον παννύχιος καὶ ἐπ’ ἠῶ καὶ μέσον ἦμαρ--Od. VII, 288. - -[123] ὄφρα μὲν ἠὼς ἦν καὶ ἀέξετο ἱερὸν ἦμαρ--Od. IX, 56. - -[124] ἦμος ... φάνη ... Ἠὼς--Od. IV, 431. - -[125] ἦμος δ’ ἠέλιος μέσον οὐρανὸν ἀμφιβεβῃκη--Od. IV, 400. - -[126] πᾶσαν δ’ ἠοίην μένομεν ... ἔνδιος δ’ ὁ γέρων ἦλθ’ ἐξ ἁλός--Od. -IV, 447-50. - -[127] δείελον ἦμαρ--Od. XVII, 606. - -[128] Od. I, 422. - -[129] ἦμος δ’ οὔτ’ ἄρ πω ἠὼς ἔτι δ’ ἀμφιλύκη νύξ--Il. VII, 433. - -[130] ἅμ’ ἠοῖ--Il. VII, 331, Od. XVI, 2; ἅμα δ’ ἠοῖ φαινομένηφιν--Il. -XI, 685; Od. IV, 407. - -[131] Il. VIII, 538; Od. I, 24. - -[132] ἠέλιος δ’ ἀνόρουσε λιπὼν περικαλλέα λίμνην οὐρανὸν εἰς -πολύχαλκον, ἵν’ ἀθανάτοισι φαείνοι--Od. III, 1 f. - -[133] οὔθ’ ὁπότ’ ἂν στείχῃσι πρὸς οὐρανὸν ἀστεροέντα, οὔθ’ ὅτ’ ἂν ἂψ -ἔπὶ γαῖαν ἀπ’ οὐρανόθεν προτράπηται--Od. XI, 17. - -[134] εὖτε γὰρ ἠέλιος φαέθων ὑπερέσχεθε γαίης--Il. XI, 735. - -[135] ἠέλιος μὲν ἔπειτα νέον προσέβαλλεν ἀρούρας, ἐξ ἀκαλαρρείταο -βαθυρρόου Ὠκεανοῖο οὐρανὸν εἲς ἀνιών--Il. VII, 421 ff. - -[136] μέμβλωκε μάλιστα ἦμαρ--Od. XVII, 190. - -[137] εἶσ’ ὑπὸ γαῖαν--Od. X, 191. - -[138] ἐν δ’ ἔπεσ’ Ὠκεανῷ λαμπρὸν φάος ἠελίοιο ἕλκον νύκτα -μέλαιναν--Il. VIII, 485. - -[139] Od. XXII, 318. - -[140] ἦμος δ’ ἠέλιος μετενίσσετο βουλυτόνδε--Il. XVI, 779; Od. IX, 58. - -[141] ὥς οἱ ἐναργὲς ὄνειρον ἐπέσσυτο νυκτὸς ἀμολγῷ--Od. IV, 841. - -[142] ἦμος δὲ δρυτόμος ἀνὴρ ὡπλίσσατο δεῖπνον ... ἐπεί τ’ ἐκορέσσατο -χεῖρας τάμνων δένδρεα μακρά--Il. XI, 86. - -[143] ἦμος δ’ ἐπὶ δόρπον ἀνὴρ ἀγορῆθεν ἀνέστη κρίνων νείκεα -πολλά--Od. XII, 439. - -[144] ἀγορῆς πληθυούσης--Herod. IV, 181; even in a Delphian sacred -decree, _Syll. inscr. graec._³ 257; περὶ ἀγορὰν πλήθουσαν--Xen., -_Anab._ II, 1, 7; ἀγωρῆς πληθώρη--Herod. II, 173. - -[145] πρὶν ἀγορὰν πεπληθέναι--Pherekr., _Autom._ 9. - -[146] ἀγορῆς διάλυσις--Herod. III, 104. - -[147] ἀλλ’ ἴομεν· μάλα γὰρ νὺξ ἄνεται, ἐγγύθι δ’ ἠώς. ἄστρα δὲ δὴ -προβεβήκε, παροίχωκεν δὲ πλέων νὺξ τῶν δύο μοιράων, τριτάτη δ’ ἔτι -μοῖρα λέλειπται--Il. X, 251. - -[148] ἦμος δὲ τρίχα νυκτὸς ἔην, μέτα δ’ ἄστρα βεβήκει--Od. XII, 312, -and XIV, 483. - -[149] Od. XIII, 93. - -[150] _cum a curia inter rostra et graecostasin prospexisset solem; -a columna Maenia ad carcerem inclinato sidere supremam pronuntiavit, -sed hoc serenis tantum diebus_--Pliny, _Nat. Hist._, VII, 214. - -[151] G. Bilfinger, _Stundenangaben_, _Zeitmesser_. _Hora sexta_ is, -for example, 6 o’clock, not the sixth hour. It seems to me as though -_hora_ refers to the hour-line. - -[152] Bilfinger, _Stundenang._, p. 131; Ginzel, III, 89. - -[153] _ea hora qua incipit homo hominem posse cognoscere_, XXV, 6. - -[154] _cum aperit esse pullorum cantus_, XXXVI, 1. - -[155] _de pullo primo_, XXXV, 1. - -[156] Crantz, I, 294. - -[157] p. 55. - -[158] Wegener, p. 147. - -[159] Ellis, _Pol. Res._³, I, 89. - -[160] Malo, p. 49. - -[161] Wegener, p. 146; cp. above, p. 29. - -[162] Fornander, I, 121. - -[163] Mooney, _Rep._, p. 365. - -[164] Merker, p. 153. - -[165] Westermann, p. 105. - -[166] Hammar, p. 156. - -[167] Schulze, p. 373. - -[168] Malo, p. 33. - -[169] Cp. above, p. 28. - -[170] Schulze, p. 373. - -[171] Merker, p. 153. - -[172] See below, p. 40. - -[173] Forster, p. 441. - -[174] Mathias G., p. 210. - -[175] Gutmann, p. 241. - -[176] Crawfurd, p. 271. - -[177] Velten, p. 333. - -[178] Wilken, p. 200. - -[179] Ellis, _Yoruba_, p. 150. - -[180] Oliveau, p. 343. - -[181] Forster, p. 441. - -[182] Wegener, p. 148. - -[183] Dibble, p. 107. - -[184] Malo, p. 33. - -[185] Nordenskjöld, _Indianlif_, p. 273. - -[186] Holm, _10_, 142, or _39_, 85 and 106. - -[187] Egede, p. 131. - -[188] Drake, pp. 277 ff. - -[189] Paul, III, 447; cp. above, p. 21. - -[190] See above, p. 36. - -[191] Sibree, pp. 69 ff. - -[192] Mansfeld, p. 244. - -[193] Snouck Hurgronje, I, 201. - -[194] Brown, p. 332. - -[195] Cp. Bilfinger, _Der bürgerliche Tag_, pp. 198 ff., and my -_Entstehung_, p. 13. - -[196] Bilfinger, _Doppelstunde_; for the other side see Boll, -_Sphaera_, pp. 311 ff. - -[197] Ginzel, III, 93 ff. - -[198] Matthews, p. 4. - -[199] Hesiod, _Op._, v. 448. - -[200] Athenaeus, VIII, p. 360 C; for modern swallow-processions and -songs see Abbot, p. 18. - -[201] Baumeister, _Denkm. des klass. Alt._, III, p. 1985, fig. 2128. - -[202] αἵτ’ (γέρανοι) ἐπεὶ οὖν χειμῶνα φύγον--Il. III, 4. - -[203] ὄρνιθος φωνήν, Πολυπαίδη, ὀξὺ βοώσης ἤκουσ’, ἥτε βροτοῖς -ἄγγελος ἦλθ’ ἀρότου ὡραίου--Theognis, vv. 1197 ff. - -[204] Aristoph., _The Birds_, translated by J. H. Frere, vv. 709 ff. - -[205] Cranz, I, 293. - -[206] Wilson, p. 297. - -[207] Stow, p. 112. - -[208] Roscoe, _Bantu_, p. 140. - -[209] Gilij, II, 20 ff.; ch. VII. - -[210] Howitt, p. 432. - -[211] Brown, p. 332. - -[212] Thurnwald, p. 342. - -[213] Mooney, _Rep._, p. 367. - -[214] Ellis, _Pol. Res._³, I, 352. - -[215] Heckewelder, p. 525. - -[216] Junod, _Thonga_, p. 20. - -[217] Junod, _Ronga_, pp. 196 ff. - -[218] Grabowsky, p. 102. - -[219] Sibree, p. 57. - -[220] Dieffenbach, II, 122 ff. - -[221] Sechefo, p. 931. - -[222] Matthews, p. 4. - -[223] Schiefner, p. 196. - -[224] Homfray, p. 62. - -[225] Turner, p. 202. - -[226] Dalsager, pp. 54 ff.; cp. Cranz I, 293 ff. - -[227] See below, pp. 66 ff. - -[228] _R. T. Str._, pp. 226 ff. - -[229] Cp. below, p. 57. - -[230] Below ch. VI. - -[231] _Handbook_, p. 189. - -[232] Schoolcraft, II, 129. - -[233] Fewkes, _21_ p. 19. - -[234] Stevenson, p. 108. - -[235] Bushnell, p. 17. - -[236] Spencer and Gillen, _Centr. Austr._, p. 25. - -[237] Gilij, II, 14; von den Steinen, _Globus_, p. 244. - -[238] _Ibid._, p. 245. - -[239] Krause, p. 339. - -[240] Claus, p. 38. - -[241] Hollis, _Nandi_, p. 94. - -[242] _Loango Exp._ III: 2, 139. - -[243] Torday and Joyce, _35_, p. 413; _36_, pp. 47 and 295. - -[244] Mansfeld, p. 244. - -[245] Ellis, _Tshi_, p. 215. - -[246] Hobley, _Akamba_., p. 53. - -[247] Cp. below, p. 88 f. - -[248] Wilken, p. 197; cp. below p. 70. - -[249] Maass, p. 514. - -[250] Fornander, I, 118 ff. - -[251] Sheldon Dibble, p. 24. - -[252] Malo, pp. 53 and 57, note 2. - -[253] Forster, p. 436. - -[254] _Ibid._, p. 371. - -[255] von Bülow, _72_, p. 239. - -[256] Brown, p. 347. - -[257] Stair, p. 37. - -[258] Jenks, p. 219. - -[259] Oliveau, p. 343. - -[260] Erdland, p. 21. - -[261] Landtman, communicated by letter. - -[262] Meier, pp. 708 ff. - -[263] Hale, p. 105. - -[264] Hastings, p. 132. - -[265] Skeat and Blagden, I, 393. - -[266] Nelson, p. 234. - -[267] Bushnell, p. 17. - -[268] Hill Tout, _34_, 33. - -[269] Teit, _Thompson_, pp. 238 f. - -[270] Teit, _Shuswap_, p. 517. - -[271] _Handbook_, p. 189. - -[272] Powers, p. 294. - -[273] Mooney, _Rep._, p. 370. - -[274] Riggs, p. 165. - -[275] Dunbar, p. 1. - -[276] Schoolcraft, II, 129. - -[277] Molina, pp. 319 ff. - -[278] Beverley, p. 181. - -[279] _Ibid._, p. 4. - -[280] Mooney, _Rep._, p. 366. - -[281] Cp. below, p. 73. - -[282] Below pp. 72 ff. - -[283] Wiklund, p. 5. - -[284] Drake, p. 278. - -[285] Jochelson, _Yukaghir_, p. 42. - -[286] Claus, p. 38. - -[287] Johnstone, p. 266. - -[288] Barrett, p. 35. - -[289] Merker, p. 155. - -[290] Hollis, _Masai_, pp. 333 ff. - -[291] Spieth, p. 312 and note. - -[292] Ellis, _Yoruba_, p. 151. - -[293] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, 139. - -[294] Hammar, p. 156. - -[295] Gutmann, p. 240. - -[296] Roscoe, _Bantu_, p. 139. - -[297] Weeks, p. 308. - -[298] Sibree, pp. 53, 57. - -[299] _Ibid._, p. 77. - -[300] Schulze, p. 369. - -[301] Irle, p. 224. - -[302] Nisbet, II, 288. - -[303] Malo, p. 60, n. 8. - -[304] _Ibid._, p. 58, n. 5. - -[305] Ellis, _Polyn. Res._³, I, 87. - -[306] Taylor, pp. 361 ff., 364 ff. - -[307] Du Bois, p. 165. - -[308] MacDonald, p. 64. - -[309] Dennett, pp. 130 ff. - -[310] Westermann, p. 103. - -[311] von den Steinen, _Globus_, p. 245. - -[312] Hastings, p. 69. - -[313] Wilken, p. 199. - -[314] Nieuwenhuis, I, 161. - -[315] Jenks, pp. 219 ff. - -[316] The figures in brackets represent the number of days as given -by Wilken. See below. - -[317] Crawfurd, I, 297 ff. - -[318] Wilken, p. 197. - -[319] D’Enjoy; Ginzel, I, 467. The latter begins the list with the -commencement of spring and gives dates. The number of days is in each -case taken from d’Enjoy. - -[320] _Hiems et ver et aestas intellectum et vocabula habent, autumni -perinde nomen et bona ignorantur_--Tac., _Germ._, ch. 26; Schrader, -II³, 223 ff.; Feist, p. 265. - -[321] Fragm. 76 Bergk. - -[322] _De sign. temp._, 21, 44, 48. - -[323] Roscher, p. 84; the limits according to Galen, XVII A, 17. - -[324] Thibaut, pp. 10 ff.; Ginzel, I, 315. - -[325] Weinhold, _Mon._, pp.2 ff.; cp. I. Aasen, _Norsk Ordbog_. - -[326] Vigfusson, I, 431. - -[327] _In der brache, in der zwibrache, in der herbst-sat, in -der erne, im houwet, im hanfluchet, ze afterhalme und houwe, in -der bonenarne, im brâchet, im wimmot, in der sât, im dem snite, -laubbrost, laubrîse, haberschnitt, habererndte._ Tille, p. 10; cp. -below, ch. XI. - -[328] Cp. below pp. 78 ff. - -[329] _De temp. rat._, ch. 13. - -[330] _Im rîs und im lôve, im rûwen und im blôten, bî strô und bî -grase._ - -[331] Grimm, I, 74. - -[332] Pfannenschmid, _Germanische Erntefeste_, Hanover, 1878, -maintains that the quadripartite division was developed alongside of -the tripartite, and bases his statement on a study of the principal -festivals. - -[333] _Om en nordisk årstredelning_, p. 248. I cannot however agree -with the author in the direction indicated by the sub-title of his -essay: “Is a trace of an old Germanic tripartite division of the year -to be observed in our popular festivals?” - -[334] Above, p. 73. - -[335] For exceptions see Bilfinger, I, 8 ff. - -[336] Bilfinger has brought forward his opinion with great -penetration and wide learning, but his reasoning cannot stand before -a searching criticism such as that amassed by Ginzel, III, 58 ff., -and Brate, _Nordens äldre tideräkning_, Program of the Södermalm -College, Stockholm, 1908, pp. 17 ff., and in particular developed -and more profoundly based by Beckman, _Alfræði_, Intro. pp. 1 ff.; -cp. an article by the same author in the Norwegian periodical _Maal -og Minne_, 1915, p. 198. I might content myself with a simple -reference to Beckman, since I agree with him on all important points, -but as his article is written in Swedish and is therefore probably -inaccessible to many, I add the following note which in the main was -written long before it now appears, originally in connexion with my -studies in the primitive history of the Christmas festival, worked -out in the year 1914. - -In point of fact it seems as though the objection which Bilfinger in -his study of the Yule-tide festival, II, 120, note, makes against the -criticism of Finnur Jonsson has not been answered (before Beckman): -the objection is that no notice is taken of the fundamental idea -of Bilfinger’s work on the Old Icelandic year--the cardinal point -around which his whole demonstration revolves--viz. the relation of -the Old Icelandic calendar to the calculation of Easter. Granting -that the still heathen Icelanders or Norwegians knew the week (the -Germanic peoples took over the week while yet in their heathen -period, see my _Studien zur Vorgeschichte des Weihnachtsfestes_, -Archiv f. Religionswiss., 19, 1918, p. 118) and made use of it in -counting time, and that they later learnt approximately to know the -length of the year--which is very easily conceivable in view of their -lively intercourse with other nations--we have the elements out of -which their calendar was developed, viz. the week and the year. -To these must be added the old-established divisions of the year, -summer and winter, which, on account of their importance for civil -life, were introduced as fixed periods of time into the calendar. As -a result of the adjusting of the reckoning in weeks to the year of -365, in leapyear 366, days, there arose a week-year with periodic -interpolations of an embolimic week. This of necessity agrees with -Bilfinger’s so-called ‘mean Easter year’, since both are constructed -out of the same elements, it being assumed only that the week-days of -the one calendar correspond to those of the other, and this is the -case, since the week came to Iceland from the south. Bilfinger is not -correct in calling (I, 71) the shifting Easter period a fragment of -a week-year: in so doing he shuts his eyes to what he himself terms -the quinary factor, i. e. that Easter Sunday falls varyingly on one -of the five Sundays between March 22 and April 25 (the other days of -the Paschal term being fixed accordingly). This fact, as has long -ago been observed, makes the Easter period a fragment of a lunisolar -year. A further development would lead to a lunisolar year that also -took into account the reckoning in weeks. Bilfinger’s view of the -matter is that the Icelanders for the sake of convenience eliminated -the quinary factor from the Easter reckoning by taking the mean -Easter Thursday as a fixed point of departure instead of letting the -calendar follow the actual variation of this day: this roundabout -method is unnecessary since the same result is arrived at by basing -a system of time-reckoning on the year and the week. The aim of the -Icelandic calendar, according to Bilfinger, was to fix the beginning -of summer, a legally very important term. If this was the object in -view it was, as Brate remarks (p. 21), not attained, for this day, -Thursday of the week April 9-15, may fall in the Passion week so that -it becomes useless for all business purposes. This proves on the -contrary that the fixing of the beginning of summer is pre-Christian. - -The last objection to Are’s account of the introduction of the -Icelandic calendar, which Finnur Jonsson and Brate have allowed to -stand, must also fall. According to Are the cyclical interpolation -of a week was introduced by Torsten Surt about 960 A. D., while -previously the year had 52 weeks, i. e. 1¼ days too few. Bilfinger -objects that such a year is unthinkable, since in the course of 40 -years it must anticipate itself by 50 days, and therefore in 292 -years must have run through the whole circle of the seasons: the -mid-winter festival must therefore for one generation have fallen -in summer. Theoretically the objection is valid, but in practice -not so (cp. the Egyptian shifting year), and the old calendars are -administered practically. In the effort to arrive at an embolimic -cycle mistakes are at first made, and the agreement with the -solar year is once more brought about by means of intercalations -irregularly introduced for practical reasons. How the ancient Roman -calendar was treated we know: by the end of the Republic it had -become thoroughly disorganised as a result of intercalations made -for political purposes. Moreover the Roman year with its average -length of 366¼ days was from the beginning not a whit better than -the year of 364 days ascribed by Are to the Icelanders before -Torsten Surt. We learn from inscriptions that in Athens still more -irregular intercalations were made during the last decades of the -5th century. Such intercalations are the ruin of any system, but -chronology must work with a system, and this fact often blinds the -eye of the chronological student to the irregularity in the practical -treatment of the calendar. Irregular intercalations of this kind are -not indeed attested for Iceland, but it is evident that they must -always appear of themselves in a defective calendar. The possibility -of a treatment of this kind existed, since the spokesman of the laws -had to proclaim publicly every year to the assembled people in the -Althing notices about the calendar for the following year, among -which the announcement of the intercalation held a special place. -In these arguments I find myself in agreement with Beckman: I also -agree with his statement as to the gradual increase in accuracy in -the formation of the Icelandic week-calendar under the influence of -the ecclesiastical calendar. - -We conclude then that the cardinal points of the Icelandic calendar, -which recur throughout Scandinavia and fall about three weeks behind -the equinoxes or the solstices, are not of Christian origin: the -agreement with what Bilfinger terms the ‘mean Easter Thursday’ is -accidental. The date is due to climatic conditions. A contributory -factor may have been the circumstance that mid-winter and midsummer -fall just at the places where a shortening or lengthening of the day -becomes observable. - -[337] Småland and neighbouring provinces. Communicated by Dr. von -Sydow. - -[338] This practice has passed into the Lapp language: _kess idja_ = -week of the summer nights, _talvidja_ = the winter nights. Wiklund, -pp. 16 and 20. - -[339] _Þá skylldi blóta i móti vetri til árs, enn at miðjum -vetri blóta til gróðrar; hit þriðja at sumri, þat var -sigrblót_--_Heimskringla_, Ynglingasaga, ch. 8. - -[340] See e. g. above, p. 70. - -[341] Coquilhat, p. 367. - -[342] Maass, p. 314. The names are those of the Arabic letters and -also denote the years of an eight-year cycle, the years of which are -said to be characterised by similar weather. The people are Islamite -Malays. Astrology and the calendar have strongly influenced Sumatra -and in particular Java; primitive modes of thought however recur -under the surface. - -[343] Brown, p. 331. - -[344] Thurnwald, p. 346. - -[345] _Ibid._ - -[346] Routledge, p. 40. - -[347] Hale, p. 105. - -[348] Hastings, p. 132. - -[349] Swoboda, p. 22. - -[350] Brown, p. 331. - -[351] Skeat and Blagden, I, 393. - -[352] De Backer, p. 406. - -[353] Hagen, p. 154. - -[354] Brown, p. 347. - -[355] Parkinson, p. 378. - -[356] Cp. p. 57. - -[357] Above, p. 55. - -[358] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, 139. - -[359] Roscoe, _Baganda_, pp. 37 ff. - -[360] Id., _Bantu_, p. 72. - -[361] Schiefner, pp. 191 ff. - -[362] See above, p. 75. - -[363] Schiefner, pp. 198, 201 ff. - -[364] Wirth, p. 211. - -[365] Hale, pp. 106, 170. - -[366] Mathias G., p. 211. - -[367] Dennett, pp. 136 ff. - -[368] Adriani and Kruijt, II, 264. - -[369] Maass, p. 512. - -[370] Evans, _JRAI, 42_, p. 395. - -[371] Mommsen, _Röm. Chronologie_², pp. 47 ff.; bibliography in -Ginzel II, 221 ff. - -[372] Schulze, p. 369. - -[373] Fabry, p. 224. - -[374] Jenks, p. 219. - -[375] Roscoe, _Bantu_, p. 140. - -[376] Grabowsky, p. 102. - -[377] Spieth, p. 311. - -[378] Junod, _Thonga_, II, 282. - -[379] Foa, p. 120. In these districts there are two seed-times and -two harvests in the year. - -[380] See below ch. X. - -[381] Schulze, p. 369. - -[382] Musil, p. 256. - -[383] Kisak Tamai, p. 97. - -[384] von den Steinen, _Globus_, p. 246, n. 1. - -[385] _Ibid._, p. 245: the last detail quoted from C. de Rochefort, -_Hist. naturelle et morale des Iles Antilles_, Rotterdam, 1663, p. 56. - -[386] Beverley, p. 181. - -[387] Grimm, I, 85; Weinhold, _Jahrt._, p. 12. - -[388] von den Steinen, _Globus_. - -[389] Mathias G., p. 211. - -[390] Weeks, _JRAI, 39_, 129. - -[391] Schrader, II³, 227; Feist, p. 266. - -[392] Cranz, I, 293. - -[393] Nelson, p. 234. - -[394] Mooney, _Rep._, p. 366. - -[395] Dunbar, p. 1. - -[396] Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 111. - -[397] Carver, p. 175. - -[398] Powers, p. 77. - -[399] Mallery, _4_, p. 99. - -[400] Hill Tout, pp. 34, 33. - -[401] von den Steinen, _Globus_, p. 245. - -[402] Weeks, _Bakongo_, p. 308. - -[403] _Handbook_, p. 189. - -[404] MacCauley, p. 524. - -[405] Sechefo, p. 932, note 1. - -[406] Stannus, p. 288. - -[407] Wilson, p. 297. - -[408] Musil, p. 227. - -[409] Read, p. 64. - -[410] Schrader, II³, 227; Feist, pp. 266 ff. - -[411] De la Vega, I, 199. - -[412] Johnstone, p. 266. - -[413] Lane’s Dictionary, s. v. - -[414] Adriani and Kruijt, II, 263 ff. - -[415] Fornander, I, 124; cp. 119. - -[416] Ellis, _Pol. Res._³, I, 87. - -[417] Codrington, p. 349. - -[418] Prellwitz, in _Festschr. für Friedländer_, pp. 382 ff.; Türk, -_Hermes, 31_, 1896, pp. 647 ff. - -[419] See p. 89. - -[420] Stannus, p. 288. - -[421] Johnstone, p. 266. - -[422] Landtman, communicated by letter. - -[423] _R. T. Str._, p. 225. - -[424] Fabry, p. 224. - -[425] Thomas, _Edo_, p. 18. - -[426] Foa, p. 120. - -[427] Schulze, p. 369. - -[428] Kisak Tamai, p. 97. - -[429] Reed, p. 64. - -[430] Mathias G., pp. 211 ff. - -[431] Thomson, I, 198. - -[432] Hammar, p. 156. - -[433] Below, p. 108. - -[434] Ellis, _Pol. Res._³, I, 86. - -[435] Hollis, _Masai_, pp. 261 ff. - -[436] Holland, p. 234. - -[437] Johnstone, _JRAI, 32_, p. 266. - -[438] Adriani and Kruijt, II, 263 ff. - -[439] Nicolovius, p. 7. - -[440] von Brenner, p. 195. - -[441] Hose and McDougall, II, 214. - -[442] Cranz, I, 293; Dalsager, p. 55; Egede, p. 132. - -[443] Alberti, p. 68. - -[444] Drake, p. 279. - -[445] Schulze, p. 369. - -[446] Roscoe, _JRAI, 32_, p. 72; cp. id., _Baganda_, p. 37. - -[447] Sprenger, pp. 137 ff. - -[448] Ginzel, I, 251. - -[449] Claus, p. 39. - -[450] Merker, p. 156. - -[451] Irle, pp. 222 ff. - -[452] Heckewelder, pp. 525 ff. - -[453] Dunbar, p. 1. - -[454] Mooney, _Siouan Tribes_, p. 32. - -[455] Mallery, _4_, p. 88. - -[456] Russel, p. 36. - -[457] King, p. 215. - -[458] Cp. King, pp. 95, 130, 143, 144. - -[459] Kugler, _Sternd._ II: 1, pp. 153 ff.; Ed. Meyer, _Gesch._, I: -2², 331, together with the bibliography there given. - -[460] Thureau-Dangin, _Journal asiatique, 14_, 1909, p. 337. - -[461] King, pp. 146, 95. - -[462] Kugler, _Sternd._, II, 236 ff.; King _passim_. - -[463] King, p. 190. - -[464] Ed. Meyer, _Gesch._, I, 2², 31 and 148, _Chronol._ pp. 185 ff., -and elsewhere. - -[465] See above, pp. 91 ff. - -[466] See pp. 129. - -[467] Landtman, communicated by letter. - -[468] Il. XXII, 25 ff. translated by P. S. Worsley. - -[469] Cp. my article in _Arch. f. Religionswiss., 14_, 1911, p. 429. - -[470] Od. XI, 17; XII, 380; see above, p. 35. - -[471] ἀστέρ’ ὀπωρινῷ ἐναλίγκιον. ὅστε μάλιστα λαμπρὸν παμφαίνῃσι -λελουμένος Ὠκεανοῖο--II. V, 5: ‘bathed in the Ocean’, since Sirius at -his rising emerges like the sun from the ocean. - -[472] οὔλιος ἀστὴρ παμφαίνων--II. XI, 62. - -[473] ὀψὲ δυόντα Βοώτην--Od. V, 272. - -[474] Il. XVIII, 489; Od. V, 275. - -[475] οὐδέ οἱ ὕπνος ἐπὶ βλεφάροισιν ἔπιπτεν Πληιάδας τ’ ἐσορῶντι καὶ -ὀψὲ δύοντα Βοώτην ἄρκτον κ. τ. λ.--Od. V, 271 ff., translated by A. -S. Way. - -[476] Il. XVIII, 486. - -[477] Od. XIII, 93. - -[478] _Op._, vv. 528 ff. - -[479] vv. 414 ff. - -[480] Pfeiffer, pp. 1 ff. - -[481] Alcaeus, fr. 28a Matth.:--τέγγε πλεύμονα ϝοίνῳ· τὸ γὰρ ἄστρον -περιτέλλεται. Cp. Theognis vv. 1039 f. - -[482] Aeschylus, _Agam._, vv. 4 ff., translated by E. Thring. - -[483] Schol. Aesch. _Prom._, 457; Soph. _Palam._, fr. 399 N^2. - -[484] Aesch., _Prom._, 453 ff., translated by R. Whitelaw. - -[485] Soph., _Oed. Rex_, v. 113,--ἐξ ἦρος εἰς ἀρκτοῦρον ἑκμήνους -χρόνους. - -[486] Gundel, pp. 99 ff. - -[487] Rehm. - -[488] Sprenger, pp. 162 ff. - -[489] Bogoras, II, 307 ff. - -[490] Egede, pp. 131 ff. - -[491] Holm, _10_, 142, and 39, 106 and 85. - -[492] Schiefner, p. 204. - -[493] Swanton, p. 427. - -[494] Carver, p. 253. - -[495] Heckewelder, p. 527. - -[496] Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 110. - -[497] Gatschett, p. 666. - -[498] Dorsey and Swanton, p. 203. - -[499] Du Bois, pp. 162 ff. - -[500] Columbus, p. 635. - -[501] von den Steinen, _Zentralbras._, pp. 359 ff., 436, 513. - -[502] Krause, p. 340. - -[503] Teschauer, pp. 734 ff. - -[504] Nordenskiöld, _Indianlif_, p. 273, _Indianer och hvita_, p. 173. - -[505] Ehrenreich, pp. 44 f., 72. - -[506] Molina, pp. 319 f. - -[507] Spieth, p. 557. - -[508] Thomas, _Ibo_, p. 127. - -[509] Arcin, p. 394. - -[510] Weeks, _Bakongo_, pp. 293 ff. - -[511] Weeks, _JRAI, 39_, pp. 417 ff. - -[512] Westermann, p. 104. - -[513] Claus, p. 39. - -[514] Junod, _Thonga_, II, 285. - -[515] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, pp. 135 ff. - -[516] Schulze, pp. 367 ff. - -[517] Bleek, p. 108. - -[518] Rivers, pp. 593 ff. - -[519] Skeat and Blagden, II, 724. - -[520] Hose and MacDougall, II, 213 f., 139. - -[521] Many names of stars are given, e. g. by Ridley and MacPherson, -others by Kötz, pp. 30 ff. I give only a few examples; cp. also pp. -131 ff. and 144. - -[522] Spencer and Gillen, _Central Australia_, pp. 565 f., _North. -Tribes_, pp. 628 ff. - -[523] Strehlow, I, 19 f., 21 f., 24; II, 9. - -[524] Howitt, pp. 431 f. - -[525] Parker, pp. 95 ff. - -[526] Ridley, p. 274. - -[527] Brough-Smyth, I, 433, quoted by Kötz, p. 37. - -[528] See below, pp. 139 ff. - -[529] _R. T. Str._, p. 219. - -[530] Rivers, _Mel._, I, 173. - -[531] _Ibid._, II, 552, quoting Parkinson, p. 376, from the statement -of a native Moanu. - -[532] Thurnwald, pp. 340 ff. - -[533] Codrington, p. 348. - -[534] Forster, p. 442. - -[535] Wegener, p. 148. - -[536] Erdland, pp. 24 ff. - -[537] von Bülow, _72_, p. 238. - -[538] See further Kötz, pp. 43 ff. - -[539] Mathias G., pp. 209 f. - -[540] Wegener, p. 148. - -[541] Brandeis, p. 78. - -[542] Forster, p. 442. - -[543] Fornander, I, 127, note 1. - -[544] Dibble, p. 107. - -[545] Taylor, p. 363. - -[546] Pp. 211 f. - -[547] Christians, pp. 388 ff. - -[548] Hale, p. 68. - -[549] See pp. 123, 125, 132, 136, 138, 139, 144. - -[550] On this special point Andree has collected much material, which -has been considerably augmented by Frazer. - -[551] Bleek and Lloyd, I, 338 f. - -[552] Schulze, p. 367. - -[553] Parker, p. 95; cp. above, p. 122. - -[554] McKellar, quoted by Frazer, p. 307; cp. Ridley, p. 279; below, -p. 144. - -[555] Strehlow, pp. 9 and 19 ff. - -[556] Stanbridge, in MacPherson, pp. 71 ff. - -[557] Brough-Smyth, in Kötz, p. 43. - -[558] Dawson, quoted by Frazer, p. 308. - -[559] Bogoras, II, 307. - -[560] L’Heureux, _JRAI, 15_, 301. - -[561] Wilson, quoted by Andree, p. 364; McClintock, quoted by Frazer, -p. 311. - -[562] Fewkes, quoted by Frazer, p. 312. - -[563] Koch-Grünberg, II, 203 ff. - -[564] Teschauer, pp. 734 ff. - -[565] von den Steinen, _Globus_, p. 245. - -[566] Cp. above p. 49. - -[567] Gilij, II, 21. - -[568] Grubb, quoted by Frazer, p. 309. - -[569] De Angelis; Frazer, p. 309. - -[570] Nordenskiöld, _Indianer och hvita_, pp. 173, 113. - -[571] Id., _Indianlif_, p. 169. - -[572] Frazer, p. 310, with references. - -[573] Moffat, quoted by Frazer, p. 316. - -[574] Kidd: Frazer, p. 116. - -[575] McCall Theal: Frazer, p. 316. - -[576] Callaway, p. 39. - -[577] Junod, _Thonga_, II, 286. - -[578] Stannus, p. 289. - -[579] Hobley, _JRAI, 41_, 442. - -[580] Hollis, _Masai_, pp. 275 ff.; cp. below, pp. 201 f. - -[581] _Globus, 82_, 1902, p. 177. - -[582] Winterbottom, quoted by Frazer, p. 318. - -[583] Weeks, _Bakongo_, pp. 293 ff. - -[584] See above, p. 93. - -[585] Weeks, _39_, p. 129. - -[586] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, pp. 135 and 138. - -[587] Arcin, p. 394. - -[588] St. John, I, 213 ff. - -[589] Schaank, quoted by Andree, p. 364. - -[590] Hose and McDougall, I, 109; II, 139, 213. - -[591] Hose, _JRAI, 23_, p. 168. - -[592] Schaank, quoted by Andree, p. 364. - -[593] Nieuwenhuisen, quoted by Frazer, p. 315. - -[594] Marsden: Frazer, p. 315. - -[595] von Spreeuwenberg: Frazer, p. 313. - -[596] Neuhauss: Frazer, p. 313. - -[597] Haddon: Frazer, _ibid._ - -[598] Haddon, p. 303. - -[599] _R. T. Str._, pp. 218 ff. - -[600] Landtman, pp. 482 ff. - -[601] Codrington, p. 348. - -[602] Brown, p. 332. - -[603] Parkinson, pp. 377 ff. - -[604] Wheeler, p. 37. - -[605] Guppy, quoted by Frazer, p. 313. - -[606] Thurnwald, pp. 340 ff. - -[607] Codrington, p. 348. - -[608] Christians, pp. 388 ff. - -[609] von Bülow, _72_, p. 238; the author expresses himself -erroneously, as if it were a case of the entrance of a planet into a -constellation, instead of the position of a fixed star. - -[610] Pfeiffer, pp. 1 ff. - -[611] See above, pp. 130 f., 137, 131, 125 f. - -[612] G. Schmidt, quoted by Frazer, p. 317. - -[613] Ridley, p. 279. - -[614] Parker, pp. 95 ff.; cp. above, p. 131. - -[615] Ridley, p. 273. - -[616] Manning, p. 168; cp. Frazer, p. 308. - -[617] Reuterskiöld, pp. 72 and 119. - -[618] Above, p. 112. - -[619] Weeks, _Bakongo_, pp. 293 ff. - -[620] Hollis, quoted by Frazer, p. 317. - -[621] Nordenskiöld, _Indianer och hvita_, p. 173. - -[622] Abbot, p. 70. - -[623] Nordenskiöld, _Kulturhist._, p. 219. - -[624] The Caffres--Alberti, p. 68; probably also among the ‘wild’ -Kubu of Sumatra--Hagen, p. 155. - -[625] Partridge, p. 244. - -[626] Oliveau, p. 343. - -[627] von Bülow, _93_, 251. - -[628] Spieth, p. 311. - -[629] Sechefo, _4_, p. 931. - -[630] Below, pp. 158 f. - -[631] Macdonald, p. 291. - -[632] Sechefo, p. 932. - -[633] Thomas, _Ibo_, p. 127. - -[634] Schoolcraft, II, 177. - -[635] Roscoe, _Bantu_, p. 140. - -[636] Spieth, p. 556. - -[637] Stannus, p. 288. - -[638] MacCaulay, p. 525. - -[639] Thurnwald, p. 331. - -[640] See further Frazer, IV: 2, 140 ff. - -[641] Howitt, p. 428. - -[642] Hanserak, p. 44. - -[643] Musters, p. 203. - -[644] Carver, p. 175. - -[645] Du Pratz, II, 354 ff. - -[646] Seligmann, p. 193. - -[647] Wollaston, p. 132. - -[648] Thurnwald, pp. 332 ff. - -[649] Bleek and Lloyd, I, 415. - -[650] Livingstone, p. 235. - -[651] Junod, _Thonga_, I, 51; II, 283. - -[652] Roscoe, _Bantu_, p. 139 f. - -[653] Gutmann, p. 238. - -[654] Thomas, _Ibo_, p. 127. - -[655] Stow, p. 112. - -[656] Foa, p. 120. - -[657] _Arch. f. Anthropol., 12_, 1913, p. 152. - -[658] Møller, p. 50. - -[659] Strabo, III, 4, 16 (p. 164). - -[660] _Coeunt, nisi quid fortuitum et subitum inciderit, certis -diebus, cum aut inchoatur luna aut impletur: nam agendis rebus hos -auspicatissimum initium credunt_--Tac., _Germ._, XI. - -[661] With this section cp. Webster, ch. V, _Lunar Superstitions and -Festivals_. - -[662] Spencer, p. 456. - -[663] Cp. below, p. 160. - -[664] Homfray, p. 61. - -[665] Man, p. 337. - -[666] Heckewelder, p. 527. - -[667] Reed, p. 64. - -[668] Hambruch, p. 57. - -[669] Krause, p. 339. - -[670] Schulze, p. 370. - -[671] Spencer, p. 333. - -[672] Spencer and Gillen, _Centr. Austr._, p. 565. - -[673] Junod, _Thonga_, II, 283. - -[674] Cp. above, p. 150. - -[675] Spieth, p. 556. - -[676] Skeat and Blagden, II, 660. - -[677] Jenks, p. 219. - -[678] Scheerer, p. 158. - -[679] Brown, p. 332. - -[680] Thurnwald, pp. 330 ff. - -[681] Ray, in _R. T. Str._, p. 225. - -[682] von den Steinen, p. 358. - -[683] _Ibid._, p. 435. - -[684] Nieuwenhuis, I, 317. - -[685] Adriani, quoted by Winkler, p. 440. - -[686] Adriani and Kruijt, II, 264 ff. - -[687] von Krämer, I, 356 ff. - -[688] Malo, pp. 54 ff. - -[689] Fornander, I, 120 ff. - -[690] Fornander, p. 126. - -[691] Mathias G., p. 211. - -[692] Tregear, _JRAI, 19_, p. 114. - -[693] Forster, pp. 439 ff.; cp. Tregear, _Maori Dictionary_, App. A. - -[694] The names of the days (Ellis, _Polyn. Res._³, I, 88) are very -similar to those of Tahiti; cp. also Wegener, p. 147, n. 1. - -[695] Collected by Christians, pp. 387 ff. - -[696] These expressions give the time of day, cp. above, p. 150. - -[697] Hollis, _Nandi_, pp. 95 ff. - -[698] Ginzel, I, 243. - -[699] Boas, p. 648. - -[700] Radloff, p. 308. - -[701] Wirth, p. 364. - -[702] Claus, p. 38. - -[703] Hagen, pp. 154 ff. - -[704] Above, p. 158. - -[705] Merker, p. 156, n. 1. - -[706] The twice-recurring verse τοῦ μὲν φθίνοντος μηνὸς τοῦ δ’ -ἱσταμένοιο in Homer, _Od._ XIV, 162 and XIX, 307; Hesiod, _Op._, v. -780. Cp. my _Entstehung_, pp. 27 and 30 f. - -[707] Below, pp. 188 and 206 f. - -[708] Stevenson, p. 108. - -[709] Ellis, _Yoruba_, p. 144. - -[710] Merker, pp. 154 ff. - -[711] Hesiod, _Op._, v. 773. - -[712] See my remarks in _Arch. f. Religionswiss., 14_, p. 432. - -[713] Barrett, p. 35. - -[714] Stannus, p. 288. - -[715] Gutmann, pp. 238 ff. - -[716] Merker, pp. 154 ff. - -[717] De Backer, p. 407; for the Andamanese cp. above, p. 155. - -[718] See the passage from a Babylonian Creation epic quoted by Boll -in Pauly-Wissowa’s _Realcykl. der klass. Altertumswiss._, VII, 2551. - -[719] Mausser, p. 222. - -[720] Compare the corresponding Chukchee months cited by Bogoras, -below p. 220. - -[721] Jochelson, _Koryak_, p. 428. - -[722] Jochelson, _Yukaghir_, p. 41. - -[723] Nelson, pp. 234 ff. - -[724] Boas, _Eskimo_, pp. 644 ff. - -[725] Dalsager, pp. 54 ff.; cp. Cranz, I, 293 ff. - -[726] Schiefner, p. 204. - -[727] Swanton, _Tlingit_, pp. 425 ff. - -[728] Teit, _Shuswap_, pp. 517 ff. - -[729] Teit, _Thompson_, pp. 237 ff. - -[730] _Ibid._, pp. 238 ff. - -[731] Teit, _Lillooet_, pp. 223 f. - -[732] Boas, _Kwakiutl_, pp. 412 ff. - -[733] Hill Tout, _JRAI, 34_, p. 34. - -[734] _Ibid._, pp. 334 ff. - -[735] Cp. the lists from the Yakuts p. 179 and the Tunguses p. 178. - -[736] Hale, pp. 210 ff. - -[737] Hastings, p. 66. - -[738] De la Potherie, II, 331. - -[739] Carver, pp. 175 ff. - -[740] The translator quotes Loskiel, _Gesch. der Mission der -evangelischen Brüder unter die Indianer in Nordamerika_, Barby, 1789. - -[741] Heckewelder, p. 524. - -[742] Jenks, _Wild Rice_, pp. 1089 f. - -[743] Riggs, _Dict._, s. v. _wi_, ‘moon’. - -[744] Clark, p. 16. - -[745] Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 111. - -[746] Mooney, _Kiowa_, pp. 368 ff. - -[747] Dunbar, p. 1. - -[748] Gatschet, p. 1. - -[749] Beverley, p. 4. - -[750] Clark, p. 372. - -[751] Matthews, p. 4. - -[752] MacCauley, p. 524. - -[753] Bushnell, p. 17. - -[754] Du Pratz, II, 354 ff. - -[755] Fewkes, _15_, p. 256. - -[756] Stevenson, p. 108. - -[757] _Handbook_, p. 189, from Cushing. - -[758] Russel, p. 36. - -[759] Hastings, p. 69. - -[760] E. g. Garcilasso de la Vega, I, 200. - -[761] Chervin, p. 229; Nordenskiöld, _Kulturh._, p. 219. - -[762] Gilij, II, 233. - -[763] Krause, p. 339. - -[764] Schulze, p. 370. - -[765] Sechefo, _4_, 931 ff., _5_, 71 ff. - -[766] Macdonald, _JRAI, 19_, p. 291. - -[767] Junod, _Ronga_, II, 284 ff. - -[768] Irle, p. 224. - -[769] François, _Nama und Damara_, Magdeburg, 1895, p. 185 f., quoted -from Ginzel, II, 142. - -[770] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, 139. - -[771] Burrows, p. 56. The land extends from 23° W. long., and runs -eastwards to the Nile at the most northerly point of the Congo Free -State. - -[772] Westermann, pp. 103 and 299. - -[773] Hobley, _Akamba_, pp. 52 ff. - -[774] Barret, _JRAI, 41_, p. 35. - -[775] Cole, p. 323. - -[776] Hollis, _Nandi_, pp. 94 ff. - -[777] Gutmann, pp. 239 ff. - -[778] Mischlisch, p. 127. - -[779] Thomas, _Edo_, p. 18. - -[780] _Etudes ethnogr., Rev. de Madag._, août 1904, p. 148 f. - -[781] _Antan. Annual_, 1886, p. 237. - -[782] Grandidier, pp. 384 ff. - -[783] Newbold, II, 356 ff. - -[784] von Bremer, p. 233. - -[785] Nieuwenhuis, I, 317. - -[786] Ginzel, I, 422 ff.; Friederich, p. 87. - -[787] Forbes, p. 429. - -[788] Cp. Landtman, p. 482. My additions are in brackets. - -[789] See above, p. 57. - -[790] Below, pp. 218 ff. - -[791] Christians, pp. 389, 394. - -[792] Christians, p. 393, after Kubary. - -[793] Kubary, pp. 107 ff. - -[794] Hale, p. 68. - -[795] _Ibid._, pp. 391 ff. - -[796] Meineke, p. 105. - -[797] Cp. pp. 212, 213. - -[798] Thomson, I, 198, Taylor, p. 362. The list is Taylor’s: -Thomson’s is not so full, and is distinguished from the other in -assigning a later position to the phases of the vegetation; it must -therefore come from a more southerly district. - -[799] Martin, II, Vocabulary, s. v. _mahina_, ‘moon, month’. - -[800] Ellis, _Polyn. Res._³, I, 86. - -[801] Forster, pp. 438 ff. - -[802] Fornander, I, 125. - -[803] von Bülow, _Globus, 72_, p. 239; G. Turner, _A hundred years -ago and long before_, London, 1884, makes the same statement, Krämer -(I, 356) differs very little from it; cp. also Hale, pp. 169 ff. -A quite different list is to be found in a work inaccessible to -me--Pratt and Frazer, _Some Folk-songs and Myths from Samoa_, R. Soc. -of New S. Wales, XXIII, 1891, p. 121. It is worth noting that here -two names of months are said to mean a demon, another a forest spirit. - -[804] Lister, p. 53. - -[805] Dibble, pp. 24 ff.; Fornander, I, 119. - -[806] Haddon, p. 303; so also _R. T. Str._, p. 225. - -[807] Spencer and Gillen, _Centr. Austr._, p. 25. - -[808] Spencer, p. 444. - -[809] Codrington, pp. 349 ff. - -[810] Brown, pp. 331 ff. - -[811] Bogoras, I, 51 ff. - -[812] Above, p. 182. - -[813] Jenks, p. 219. - -[814] Mooney, _Kiowa_, p. 368. - -[815] Above, p. 193. - -[816] Above, p. 183. - -[817] Forster, p. 371. - -[818] Above, p. 190. - -[819] Above, p. 195. - -[820] Above, p. 192. - -[821] Above, p. 180. - -[822] Thomas, _Ibo_, I, 127. - -[823] Mathias G., p. 211. - -[824] Above, pp. 210 f. - -[825] Above, pp. 178, 180. - -[826] Above, p. 176. - -[827] Above, pp. 193 f. - -[828] Above, p. 192. - -[829] Above, p. 195. - -[830] Dubois, p. 165. - -[831] Above, p. 193. - -[832] Above, p. 200. - -[833] Above, p. 174. - -[834] The explanations given by Muss-Arnolt are known to me only -through Ginzel, I, 117 ff. - -[835] The respective explanations are from Kugler, II: 1, pp. 176 -ff., and Thureau-Dangin. - -[836] Hrozný, pp. 85 ff. - -[837] I Kings, Chap. VI and VIII. - -[838] Dillman, p. 926, König, p. 612 ff., and elsewhere. - -[839] Above, p. 204. - -[840] Schiaparelli, _A. Test._, p. 139. - -[841] König, p. 636. - -[842] Wellhausen, _Proleg._, p. 110. - -[843] See below, pp. 272 ff. - -[844] Finally discussed by Marti. - -[845] I Kings VI, vv. 1, 37, and 38; VIII, 2. - -[846] Exod. II, 2, Moses’ mother ‘hid him three months’. - -[847] i. e. ‘month of the days’, Deut. XXI, 13, II Kings XV, 13. - -[848] Deut. XXXIII, 14. - -[849] Above, p. 151. - -[850] I have examined the passages by the aid of Mandelkern’s -Concordance and the analysis of sources in Kautzch’s translation of -the Bible: for the numbered months cp. also Wellhausen, _Proleg._, p. -110. - -[851] I Sam. XX. - -[852] First in the somewhat later narrative of Elisha, II Kings IV, -23; then in Amos VIII, 5; Isaiah I, 13; XLVII, 13; LXVI, 23, etc. - -[853] Num. XXIX, 6; XXVIII, 11, 14, - -[854] I Sam. XX, 28, ‘the morrow after the new moon’. - -[855] First the Yahwist, Ex. XXXIV, 18, and his reviser, XIII, 4 ff.; -XXIII, 15; XXXIV, 18; further the Deuteronomist, XVI, 1, and in Ex. -XII, 2. - -[856] Judges XI, 37 ff. - -[857] One month: Lev. XXVII, 6; Num. III, (often); IX, 22; XVIII, -16; XXVI, 62; I Kings IV, 7, 27; V, 14 (in the history of Solomon); -several months: I Sam. XXVII, 7 (the old History of the Kings); II -Sam. II, 11; V, 5; VI, 11; XXIV, 8, 13; I Kings XI, 16; II Kings XV, -8; Deut. XXIII, 31; XXIV, 8. - -[858] The Elohist, Gen. XXIX, 14; the Yahwist, Num. XI, 20; Jud. XIX, -2; XX, 47. - -[859] See below, pp. 272 ff. - -[860] Enumerated by Ginzel, I, 240; cp. Wellhausen, _Reste_, p, 94, -note 1. - -[861] Wellhausen, _Reste_, pp. 96 (with note 1), 97. - -[862] Cranz, I, 293, Dalsager, p. 54; cp. Holm, _10_, p. 141, and -_39_, p. 105, respectively. - -[863] Above, pp. 185 f. - -[864] Mallery, _4_, p. 99; cp. Riggs, _Grammar_, p. 165. - -[865] Dunbar, p. 1. - -[866] Macdonald, p. 291. - -[867] Friederich, p. 88. - -[868] Below, p. 250. - -[869] Winkler, p. 439. - -[870] Nieuwenhuis, I, 317. - -[871] Maes, p. 627. - -[872] Thomas, _Ibo_, I, 127. - -[873] Beverley, p. 181. - -[874] Jochelson, _Yukaghir_, p. 42. - -[875] Jochelson, _Koryak_, p. 428. - -[876] Above, p. 241. - -[877] Matthews, p. 4. - -[878] Carver, p. 175. - -[879] Below, p. 262. - -[880] Above, pp. 201 f. - -[881] Hollis, p. 334. - -[882] Ginzel II, 41, 44. - -[883] Dalman, p. 3. - -[884] Boas, _Eskimo_, pp. 644 ff. - -[885] Boas, _Kwakiutl_, pp. 412 ff. - -[886] Dunbar, p. 1. - -[887] Ellis, _Pol. Res._³, I, 86. - -[888] Above, p. 184. - -[889] Dubois, p. 165. - -[890] Above, pp. 197 and 199. - -[891] Above, pp. 211 f. - -[892] Above, p. 210. - -[893] Above, p. 208. - -[894] Petrus Martyr, _De nuper sub D. Carolo repertis insulis_, -Basileae, 1521; quoted by Ginzel, I, 446, note 1. - -[895] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, 138. - -[896] Macdonald, p. 291. - -[897] Friederich, p. 86. - -[898] Taylor, p. 362. - -[899] Thomson, I, 198. - -[900] Tregear, p. 114. - -[901] De Backer, p. 407. - -[902] Brandeis, p. 78. - -[903] Malo, p. 59. - -[904] Quoted by Malo, p. 59, note 7. - -[905] Above, p. 242. - -[906] Winkler, pp. 436 ff. - -[907] Above, pp. 237 ff. - -[908] Wellhausen, _Reste_, pp. 88, 99. - -[909] Sprenger, p. 144. - -[910] Wellhausen, _Reste_, p. 96; _Vakidi_, pp. 17 ff. - -[911] I cannot go further into this, but refer to Ginzel, I, 243 ff., -though he has far from exhausted the subject. Wellhausen’s treatment -(l. c.) is suggestive but too dogmatic, and he leaves the _nasî_ out -of account. More recently Moberg has examined in detail the Arabian -traditions: for particulars of his researches I refer to his paper, -_Den muhammedanska traditionen i fråga om an-nasî_, St. Tegn., pp. -465 ff. His conclusion is that originally _nasî_ was partly the term -for the insertion of the intercalary month, and also probably the -name of the intercalary month itself. - -[912] For quotations see Sprenger, pp. 145 ff., also Albiruni, in -Ginzel I, 245. - -[913] See my _Entstehung etc._, p. 47. - -[914] Sprenger’s hypothesis that the pre-Mohammedan Arabians had the -lunar year but that the feast of pilgrims was held before the full -moon preceding the spring equinox is also false: for the names of -months shew that the feast was connected with a definite month. - -[915] I give here the English translation of Sachau, p. 73, which -adds _rabi I_ in brackets as an explanation. I am indebted to Prof. -Moberg for the literal translation of the passage:--“The first _nasî_ -fell in the _muharram_, and _safar_ was called by this name and _rabi -I_ by the name _safar_, and from this they let the months revolve -in the series. The second _nasî_ fell in _safar_, and the month -following that (_rabi I_: Sachau) was again called _safar_, and so -on, until the _nasî_ had run through all twelve months and came back -again to _muharram_.” As a result of the first intercalation _rabi -I_ became _safar_, therefore _rabi II_ = _rabi I_, after the second -the names are pushed another stage forwards, therefore the original -_safar_ = after the first intercalation _rabi I_, after the second -_rabi II_. I have added a reference to the original situation. - -[916] Caussin, p. 349. - -[917] Above, pp. 226 ff. - -[918] Kugler, _Erg._, p. 153. - -[919] Kugler, I, 35 ff., II, 88 ff. - -[920] Above, p. 227. - -[921] Kugler, I, 228 ff., _Erg._, p. 169. - -[922] The connexion of the number of the 12 signs of the zodiac with -the months has often been contested, but in my opinion erroneously. - -[923] Kugler, _Erg._, p. 131; cp. also Weissbach, pp. 281 ff. - -[924] For a general view I refer to Bezold’s essay. - -[925] Cp. above, p. 243. - -[926] See Landsberger, pp. 44 ff. - -[927] _Ibid._, p. 30, note 4. - -[928] Kugler, II, 187 ff.; Weidner, _Memnon, 6_, 65 ff. - -[929] Kugler, II, 248 ff. - -[930] Kugler, II, 253, and elsewhere: the passage is often quoted. - -[931] Schiaparelli, _Bab._, p. 229. - -[932] Schiaparelli, _Bab._, p. 230. - -[933] Weidner, p. 73; for the 27-year period in question see below, -p. 264. - -[934] Above, p. 183. - -[935] Above, p. 188. - -[936] Below, p. 313. - -[937] Casalis, quoted by Frazer, p. 117. - -[938] Dubois, p. 165. - -[939] Above, pp. 211 f. - -[940] See my article _Kalendæ Januariæ_, Arch. f. Religionswiss., -_19_, 1918, in particular pp. 68 ff. - -[941] _R. T. Str._, p. 226. - -[942] Above, p. 202. - -[943] Grabowsky, p. 102. - -[944] Bartram, p. 483. - -[945] Powers, p. 438. - -[946] Callaway, pp. 406, 413. - -[947] Johnstone, p. 266. - -[948] Junod, _Thonga_, I, 368 ff. - -[949] Leonard, pp. 434 ff. - -[950] Ellis, _Polyn. Res._³, I, 351. - -[951] Nieuwenhuis, I, 161. - -[952] Ellis, _Yoruba_, p. 150. - -[953] von Bülow, p. 239. - -[954] _Handbook_, p. 189. - -[955] Mooney, _Kiowa_, pp. 366 ff. - -[956] Gatschet, p. 17. - -[957] Bushnell, p. 17. - -[958] Du Pratz, II, 354 ff. - -[959] Teit, _Thompson Indians_, p. 237. - -[960] Teit, _Shuswap_, p. 518. - -[961] Turner, p. 202. - -[962] Jochelson, _Yukaghir_, p. 428. - -[963] Holm, _10_, p. 141, and _39_, p. 105. - -[964] Above, p. 234. - -[965] See Dillmann, pp. 914 ff., König, pp. 624 ff., and the -authorities there cited. - -[966] Exod. XXIII, 16, XXXIV, 22. - -[967] Cp. above, p. 268. - -[968] See above, p. 234. - -[969] Lev. XXIII, 24. - -[970] Grubb, p. 139. - -[971] Liebstadt, quoted by Frazer, p. 309. - -[972] Teschauer, p. 736. - -[973] Gumilla, quoted by Frazer, p. 310; cp. Gilij, above, p. 49. - -[974] von den Steinen in _Globus_, from old sources difficult of -access and in part in manuscript. - -[975] Kidd, quoted by Frazer, p. 116. - -[976] Callaway, p. 397. - -[977] Friederich, p. 86. - -[978] Thurnwald, p. 342. - -[979] Mathias G., p. 211. - -[980] Ellis, _Polyn. Res._³, I, 312. - -[981] _Ibid._, p. 87; Wegener, p. 147. - -[982] Ed. Meyer, _Chron._, p. 20. - -[983] Cp. above, pp. 248 f., and especially the Pleiades year, pp. -274 ff. - -[984] Grimm, p. 105. - -[985] Abbot, pp. 11 ff. - -[986] von Hahn, II, 111. - -[987] Grimm, pp. 101 ff. - -[988] Grimm, p. 104. - -[989] Grimm, pp. 98 ff. - -[990] _koložeg_, also December. The name cannot be taken as referring -to the disc of the sun; popularly it is said that once it was so cold -during this month that the people had to burn even their waggons in -order to warm themselves. - -[991] Yermoloff, p. 54. - -[992] According to Yermoloff, p. 428, October. - -[993] The Czechs have for some centuries distinguished _červen_ and -_červenec_ as June and July respectively, or also:--‘the little _č_.’ -= June, ‘the great _č_.’ = July. - -[994] Yermoloff, p. 394. - -[995] The much-disputed name _Hornung_ is rightly explained by -Bilfinger, _Bes. Beil. des Staats-Anzeigers f. Württemberg_, 1900, -pp. 193 ff. It describes the month as ‘the one that has been -curtailed of its rights’ (cf. Icel. _hornungr_), since it has fewer -days than the others: cf. the Flemish term _het kort mandeken_. -The same writer, _Zts. f. deutsche Wortforschung 5_, 1903, pp. 263 -ff., satisfactorily explains _Sporkel_ as the month in which the -vines are pruned; the name _Rebmonat_ has the same sense. Further -he conjectures that as November is the slaughtering month and -_Louwmaend_ (= January) is the tanning month, _Sellemaend_ takes its -name from the sale of the hides. - -[996] Ebner, p. 9. - -[997] _Ibid._, p. 5. - -[998] Weinhold, _Mon._, pp. 31 ff. - -[999] Above, p. 77. - -[1000] Tille, pp. 19 and 15. - -[1001] This pair is evidently to be explained otherwise: cp. -Bilfinger, above, p. 289, note 1. - -[1002] Beda, _De temp. rat._, c. 15. - -[1003] This interpretation however involves the difficulty that -_hreðe_ is usually written without _h_ (Ekwall). - -[1004] Hampson, I, 422 ff. - -[1005] _Bibl. der angelsächs. Poesie, herausgeg. v. C. W. M. Grein_, -II, Göttingen, 1858, pp. 1 ff. - -[1006] Hickes, I, 215. - -[1007] The quotations are given in the Oxford Dictionary; see further -Hampson, II, 194. - -[1008] Aubrey, _Rom. Gentilisme_, 1686-7. - -[1009] Bilfinger, _Unters._, II, 125 ff. - -[1010] _Lið_, ‘ship’, _liða_, ‘seafarer’ have short _i_ and could not -give _þriliði_. - -[1011] F. Kluge, _Nominale Stammbildungslehre_, 2nd ed., 1899, p. 66. -The word is used in _Coloss._ II, 16, and translates Greek νεομηνία; -this word really means ‘new moon’, but in later Greek any festival. -Hence it is not very surprising that Ulfilas should have put ‘full -moon’ for νεομηνία. - -[1012] Bilfinger, _Unters._, I, 7. - -[1013] Worm, p. 48; Finn Magnusson in _Edda_ III, 1044 ff., whence -the translations are taken. - -[1014] _Edda_ III, 1044 ff. - -[1015] Weinhold, _Mon._, p. 23, without giving source. - -[1016] Worm, pp. 43 ff. - -[1017] Hickes, I, 215, written _Blindemanet_. - -[1018] _Edda_ III, 1044 ff. - -[1019] Hickes, _loc. cit._, has as variants 1, _Ism._, 10, _Riidm._, -11, _Winterm._ - -[1020] The history of the Swedish list of months is dealt with in -detail by the present writer in the essay _De svenska månadsnamnen, -Stud. Tegn._, pp. 173 ff., to which the reader is referred for the -documents. - -[1021] _Ibid._, pp. 177 ff. - -[1022] Bilfinger, _Unters._, I, 32. - -[1023] Weinhold, _Mon._, pp. 38 and 58; Axel Olrik, _Zeitschr. des -Vereins f. Volkskunde, 20_, 1910, p. 57. - -[1024] _Unters._, I, 49 ff. - -[1025] Celsius, pp. 211, 65. - -[1026] Beckman, _Stud. Tegn._, pp. 200 ff. - -[1027] Beckman, _loc. cit._, tries to prove the heathen origin of -the computation of the _disting_ and its independence of the Easter -reckoning by the statement that the former follows the phenomena of -the heavens, the latter the rule of computation, which may lead to a -different result. Unfortunately this conclusion cannot be considered -too binding, since for the people in general, who knew nothing about -this rule,--how late in medieval times the rune-staves appeared we do -not know, but certainly not at the beginning of the Middle Ages--it -was still absolutely necessary to determine in some degree the -time of fasting and the Easter time. And if the absolutely correct -calculation could not be made, it was still better than nothing to -have one that was at least approximate and easy to make. The fact -that the moon of fasting was calculated from the phenomena of the -heavens is expressly stated in the rule as given above, p. 301. - -[1028] Saga of Saint Olaf, ch. 76. - -[1029] Olaus Andreae and Gerardus Erici, 1600; Petrus Gisæus, 1603. - -[1030] _Ny inkombling_ = ‘new-comer’, ‘intruder’. - -[1031] Celsius, p. 111. - -[1032] See above, p. 299. - -[1033] J. Häyhä, III, 101 ff. - -[1034] There can here be no question of the Catholic regulation of -the moons by the Epiphany Day, since if this were assumed the first -heart-moon could not begin earlier than Dec. 27, and would therefore -not come within the winter solstice, as the account says it must. - -[1035] Schiefner, p. 217. - -[1036] Wiklund, pp. 5 ff. - -[1037] _Act. soc. scient. fennicae, 12_, 1883, p. 166. - -[1038] See above, p. 300. - -[1039] Cranz, I, 293; Dalsager, p. 54. - -[1040] Holm, _10_, p. 141; _39_, p. 105. - -[1041] _Ibid._, 142, 104. - -[1042] Turner, p. 202. - -[1043] Above, p. 246. - -[1044] Stevenson, pp. 108 ff., cf. 148 ff. - -[1045] Fewkes, pp. 256 ff. - -[1046] Garcilasso de la Vega, I, 199 ff. - -[1047] Callaway, p. 395. - -[1048] Casalis, quoted by Frazer, p. 117. - -[1049] Meier, pp. 706 ff. - -[1050] Parkinson, p. 378. - -[1051] Forster, p. 436. - -[1052] Fornander, p. 127. - -[1053] νῆσός τις Συρίη ... Ὀρτυγίης καθύπερθεν, ὅθι τροπαὶ -ἠελίοιο--Od. XV, 403. - -[1054] Hesiod, _Op._, 564 and 663 respectively. - -[1055] Cf. my _Årets folkliga fester_, p. 157. - -[1056] Above, pp. 21 f.; so also Ginzel, III, 57. - -[1057] Snorre’s Edda, I, 150; cf. above, p. 21. - -[1058] _Flateyjarbók_, I, 539. - -[1059] Riste, pp. 6 and 8. - -[1060] Above, pp. 137 ff. - -[1061] Nieuwenhuis, I, 317. - -[1062] _Ibid._, I, 160. - -[1063] Hose and McDougall, I, 106 ff.; unfortunately I have not had -access to the work of Hose quoted by Frazer on p. 314, n. 3, _Various -Modes of computing the Time for Planting among the Races of Borneo_, -Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, no. 42, -Singapore, 1905. - -[1064] Crawfurd, I, 300 ff. - -[1065] Hose and McDougall, p. 108. - -[1066] _Ibid._, I, 109; II, 139. - -[1067] p. 104. - -[1068] Mooney, _Siouan Tribes_, p. 32. - -[1069] Powers, p. 352. - -[1070] Du Pratz, III, 237 ff. - -[1071] Dunbar, p. 1. - -[1072] Above, p. 104. - -[1073] Alberti, p. 68. - -[1074] Claus, p. 38. - -[1075] Above, p. 93. - -[1076] Chervin, p. 229. - -[1077] Roscoe, _Baganda_, p. 42. - -[1078] Kötz, p. 21. - -[1079] Swoboda, p. 22. - -[1080] Reed, p. 64. - -[1081] Codrington, p. 353. - -[1082] _Ibid._, p. 272. - -[1083] Thurnwald, p. 331. - -[1084] Brandeis, p. 78. - -[1085] Gatschet, p. 17. - -[1086] Thomas, _Austr._, p. 27. - -[1087] Above, p. 178. - -[1088] Jochelson, _Yukaghir_, pp. 40 ff. - -[1089] Barrett, p. 35. - -[1090] Stannus, p. 288. - -[1091] Landtman, communicated by letter. - -[1092] Weeks, _Bakongo_, pp. 199 ff. - -[1093] Hammar, p. 156. - -[1094] Torday and Joyce, _35_, 413; _36_, 47 and 277. - -[1095] Weeks, p. 200. - -[1096] Thomas, _Edo_, I, 18. - -[1097] Thomas, _Ibo_, I, 127. - -[1098] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, 139. - -[1099] Ellis, _Yoruba_, pp. 142 ff. - -[1100] Above, p. 90; Dennett, pp. 133 ff. - -[1101] Conradt, p. 15. - -[1102] Ellis, _Tshi_, p. 216. - -[1103] _Ibid._, p. 219. - -[1104] Thomas, _Edo_, I, 18. - -[1105] Ellis, _Yoruba_, p. 149. - -[1106] Wilken, p. 199. - -[1107] _Ibid._, p. 200. - -[1108] Ginzel, I, 414 ff.; Crawfurd, I, 289 ff., Wilken, pp. 197 ff. - -[1109] References in Webster, pp. 103 ff., where also will be found -more about the African market-days. - -[1110] Garcilasso de la Vega, I, 6 and 35; Webster, pp. 119 ff. - -[1111] Quoted from Hehn, p. 114. - -[1112] II Kings, IV, 23. - -[1113] Macrob., I, 16, 28 ff. - -[1114] Above, pp. 251 f. - -[1115] W. Backer, _Zeitschr. f. d. altest. Wiss., 29_, 1909, 148 ff. - -[1116] Jerem. XVII, 21 ff. - -[1117] Nehem. X, 31. - -[1118] Nehem. XIII, 15 ff. - -[1119] Spencer and Gillen, _Nat. Tribes_, pp. 169 ff. - -[1120] P. 336. - -[1121] Above, p. 68. - -[1122] Nieuwenhuis, I, 161. - -[1123] Martin, p. 290. - -[1124] Above, pp. 68 f. - -[1125] Jenks, pp. 206 ff. - -[1126] Leonard, pp. 434 ff. - -[1127] Jochelson, _Koryak_, pp. 86 ff. - -[1128] Cp. above, p. 269. - -[1129] Powers, p. 305. - -[1130] Cp. Mauss, _Essai sur les variations saisonnières des sociétés -Eskimos, L’année sociologique, 9_, 1904-5, pp. 96 ff. That the time -of freedom from work should become a festival time is obvious and is -simpler than Mauss seems to think; the point deserved noting among -other peoples also. - -[1131] Cp. my _Årets folkliga fester_, p. 161. - -[1132] Pp. 320 ff. - -[1133] Above, pp. 151 ff. - -[1134] Du Pratz, II, 354 ff. - -[1135] Foa, p. 120. - -[1136] Nisbet, II, 287. - -[1137] Kötz, p. 21. - -[1138] P. 331; cp. the handbooks, and Förster’s essay. - -[1139] Lev. XXIII, 5, 6, and 34; cp. Ezekiel XLV, 21 ff. - -[1140] Exod. XXXIV, 18, XXIII, 15, _le moed chodesh ha-abib_; cp. -Exod. XIII, 4 ff. - -[1141] XVI, I. - -[1142] Above, pp. 235 f. - -[1143] Judges IX, 27; XXI, 19 f.; Nowack II, 151. - -[1144] Exod. XXXIV, 22. - -[1145] Numbers IX, 11 ff. - -[1146] Perhaps Solomon also celebrated the dedication of the Temple -and the Feast of Tabernacles in the same month: Nowack, II, 151, n. -2. - -[1147] Cp. my article in _Arch. f. Religionswiss., 14_, 1911, p. 441, -and my _Entstehung etc._, p. 33. - -[1148] Warneck, pp. 350 ff. - -[1149] Above, p. 312. - -[1150] Cranz, p. 229. - -[1151] Above, pp. 196 and 313. - -[1152] Above, pp. 195 and 313. - -[1153] Ginzel, I, 436. - -[1154] Above, p. 196. - -[1155] Chervin, p. 229. - -[1156] Above, pp. 204 f. - -[1157] Above, pp. 228 ff. - -[1158] Cp. my _Entstehung etc._, pp. 51 ff. - -[1159] Friederich, p. 88. - -[1160] Brough-Smyth, I, 432, quoted by Kötz, pp. 26 f. - -[1161] Pp. 132 f. - -[1162] _R. T. Str._, p. 224. - -[1163] Gilij, II, 21. - -[1164] Above, p. 241. - -[1165] Jenks, p. 219. - -[1166] Above, pp. 103 f. - -[1167] Above, pp. 169 f. - -[1168] Macdonald, p. 291. - -[1169] Hose and McDougall, pp. 106 ff.; cp. above, p. 318. - -[1170] Above, pp. 318 and 317. - -[1171] Crawfurd, I, 300 f. - -[1172] Ellis, _Tshi_, p. 216. - -[1173] Mischlich, p. 127. - -[1174] Fewkes, pp. 258 ff.; cp. above, p. 313. - -[1175] Stevenson, p. 108 f.; cp. above, p. 312. - -[1176] W. D. Alexander, quoted by Malo, p. 59, n. 7. - -[1177] Bastian, quoted by Kötz, p. 62. - -[1178] White, quoted by Kötz, p. 63. - -[1179] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, 138, note; cp. above, p. 248. - -[1180] Above, p. 313. - -[1181] Above, pp. 212 f. - -[1182] Erdland, pp. 16 ff.; cp. above, p. 126. - -[1183] Parkinson, p. 377. - -[1184] Kubary, p. 62. - -[1185] Forster, p. 441; cp. above, p. 125. - -[1186] Kötz, p. 64. - -[1187] Above, p. 210. - -[1188] Ellis, _Pol. Res._³, I, 89 ff. - -[1189] Maass, p. 512. - -[1190] Feist, p. 262. - -[1191] With this section compare my _Entstehung etc._, where a fuller -discussion and authorities are given. - -[1192] Above, pp. 33 ff., 46 f., 72 f., 110 ff. - -[1193] ἠλιτόμηνος, Il. XIX, 118. - -[1194] Above, pp. 313 and 167. - -[1195] Fotheringham in his interesting paper on Cleostratus (_Journ. -of Hell. Studies, 39_, 1919, 177) tries to explain this alternation -by the intercalation; if a month was intercalated the games would -be transferred from Parthenios to Apollonios. This is in my opinion -impossible. The Greek feasts were bound up with the months, which -were named from some of them; this association prevented a feast from -being transferred to a month with another name, i. e. the feast was -fixed with reference to the name of the month, not to its number. - -[1196] Axel W. Persson, _Die Exegeten und Delphi_, Lunds Universitets -Årsskrift, vol. 14, 1918, Nr. 22. - -[1197] Above, p. 330. My statement in _Archiv für -Religionswissenschaft, 14_, 1911, pp. 435 and 448 n. 1, is to be -tested by this. It agrees exactly. - -[1198] See my _Griechische Feste_, p. 397. - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - Names beginning with Mc or Mac sometimes had a space before the rest - of the name, for example ‘Mac Pherson’; this space has been removed. - - Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been - corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within - the text and consultation of external sources. - - Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, - and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. - - Table of Contents: ‘P. 78 NOTE 1’ replaced by ‘P. 78 NOTE 2’. - Pg 48: ‘nights in sucession’ replaced by ‘nights in succession’. - Pg 73: ‘_grishna_, hot season’ replaced by ‘_grishma_, hot season’. - Pg 184: ‘goose moonth’ replaced by ‘goose month’. - Pg 207: ‘lakabutik kiik’ replaced by ‘lakubutik kiik’. - Pg 242: ‘to accomodate their’ replaced by ‘to accommodate their’. - Pg 264: ‘astromony is’ replaced by ‘astronomy is’. - Pg 338: ‘Ifejiohu, god’ replaced by ‘Ifejioku, god’. - Pg 375: ‘London [1841]’ replaced by ‘London (1841)’. - Pg 377: ‘Meineke, C. 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- font-size: .7em; - text-decoration: none; -} - - -/* Poetry */ -.poetry-container {text-align: center;} -.poetry {text-align: left; margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%;} -.poetry {display: inline-block; font-size: 90%} -.poetry .verse {text-indent: -3em; padding-left: 3em;} - -/* large inline blocks don't split well on paged devices */ -.x-ebookmaker .poetry {display: block; margin-left: 4.5em;} - - -/* Transcriber's notes */ -.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; - color: black; - font-size:smaller; - padding:0.5em; - margin-bottom:5em; - font-family:sans-serif, serif; } - -.transnote p {text-indent: 0em;} - - -/* custom cover (cover.jpg) */ -.customcover {visibility: hidden; display: none;} -.x-ebookmaker .customcover {visibility: visible; display: block;} - -/* Poetry indents */ -.poetry .indent0 {text-indent: -3em;} - -/* Illustration classes */ -.illowe9_375 {width: 9.375em;} - - </style> - </head> - - -<body> - -<div style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Primitive Time-reckoning, by Martin Persson Nilsson</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<table style='min-width:0; padding:0; margin-left:0; border-collapse:collapse'> - <tr><td>Title:</td><td>Primitive Time-reckoning</td></tr> - <tr><td></td><td>A study in the origins and first development of the art of counting time among the primitive and early culture peoples</td></tr> -</table> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Martin Persson Nilsson</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: March 09, 2021 [eBook #64768]</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Character set encoding: UTF-8</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Produced by: Turgut Dincer, John Campbell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</div> - -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PRIMITIVE TIME-RECKONING ***</div> - -<div class="transnote"> -<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p> - -<p>Footnote anchors are denoted by <span class="fnanchor">[number]</span>, -and the footnotes have been placed at the end of the book.</p> - -<p>In the Footnotes a reference to a second or third edition of a book -is denoted by ² or ³, for example: Schrader, II³.</p> - -<p>This book has many Greek words, which should display correctly on -most devices. Some other less common characters are also used. These -will display on this device as<br /> -<span class="pad1">ð eth character</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">Þ thorn character</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">ǫ o with ogonek</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">ȱ o with dot and macron</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">å a with ring above</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">ă a with breve</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">ā ī ō a, i, o with macron</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">ǎ č ř š ž a, c, r, s, z with caron</span><br /> -</p> - -<p class="customcover">The cover image was created by the transcriber -and is placed in the public domain.</p> - -<p>Some minor changes to the text are noted at the <a href="#TN">end of the book.</a></p> -</div> - - -<hr class="p2 chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p class="p4 pfs180 lht">SKRIFTER UTGIVNA AV<br /> - -HUMANISTISKA VETENSKAPSSAMFUNDET I LUND</p> - -<p class="p1 pfs90">ACTA SOCIETATIS HUMANIORUM LITTERARUM LUNDENSIS</p> -</div> - -<hr class="p2 r15" /> -<p class="p1 pfs180">I.</p> -<hr class="p2 r15" /> - -<p class="p2 pfs135"><em>MARTIN P. NILSSON</em></p> -<p class="pfs180">PRIMITIVE TIME-RECKONING</p> - - -<hr class="p4 chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<h1>PRIMITIVE TIME-RECKONING</h1> -</div> - -<p class="pfs100 lht2">A STUDY IN THE ORIGINS AND FIRST DEVELOPMENT<br /> -OF THE ART OF COUNTING TIME AMONG<br /> -THE PRIMITIVE AND EARLY<br /> -CULTURE PEOPLES</p> - -<p class="p2 pfs70">BY</p> - -<p class="p2 pfs120 lsp bold">MARTIN P. NILSSON</p> - -<p class="pfs70">PROFESSOR OF CLASSICAL ARCHÆOLOGY AND ANCIENT HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LUND<br /> -SECRETARY TO THE SOCIETY LETTERS OF LUND<br /> -MEMBER OF THE R. DANISH ACADEMY</p> - -<div class="figcenter illowe9_375" id="icon"> - <img class="p2 w100" src="images/icon.jpg" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="p6 pfs70">LUND, C. W. K. GLEERUP<br /> -LONDON, HUMPHREY MILFORD <span class="pad10pc">PARIS, EDOUARD CHAMPION</span><br /> -OXFORD, UNIVERSITY PRESS <span class="pad10pc">LEIPZIG, O. HARRASSOWITZ</span><br /> -1920</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> - -<p class="p6 pfs135 lsp">LUND 1920</p> -<p class="p1 pfs120">BERLINGSKA BOKTRYCKERIET</p> -</div> - - -<hr class="p6 chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_v"></a>[Pg v]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="PREFACE">PREFACE.</h2> -</div> - - -<p class="drop-capy">Although in the present study I devote only a few pages to -the Greek time-reckoning, and am engaged for the most part -in very different fields, yet the work has arisen from a desire to -prepare the way for a clearer view of the initial stages of the -Greek time-reckoning. In the course of my investigations into -Greek festivals I had from the beginning been brought up against -chronological problems, and as I widened the circle so as to include -the survivals of the ancient festivals in the Middle Ages, more -particularly in connexion with the origin of the Christmas festival, -I was again met by difficulties of chronology, this time in regard -to the earlier Germanic time-reckoning. In the year 1911 I -published in <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Archiv für Religionswissenschaft</cite> an article on the -presumptive origin of the Greek calendar circulated from Delphi. -These preliminary studies led to my taking over myself, in the -projected Lexicon of the Greek and Roman Religions, the article -on the calendar in its sacral connexions. This article was worked -out in the spring of 1914. In it the emphasis was laid not on -the historical chronological systems, which have little to do with -religion, but on the question of origins, in which religion plays a -decisive part. In order to arrive at an opinion it was not enough -to work over once more the extremely scanty material for the origin -of the Greek time-reckoning; I had to form an idea from my -hitherto somewhat occasional ethnological reading as to how a -time-reckoning arose under primitive conditions, and what was its -nature. This idea obviously required broadening and correcting -by systematic research. The war, which suspended the continuation -of the Lexicon at its very beginning, gave me leisure to under<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vi"></a>[vi]</span>take -this more extensive research. Certainly it has also imposed -some limitations on the work, since I could not make use of the -rich libraries of England and the Continent but had to be content -with what was offered by those of Sweden and Copenhagen. But -I am not disposed to regret this limitation too deeply. The material -here reproduced will probably strike many readers as being -copious and monotonous enough, and the numerous books of travels -and ethnological works which I have ransacked, often to no profit, -seem to hold out little prospect that anything new and surprising -will come to light. In this conviction Webster’s work has strengthened -me.</p> - -<p>In two or three instances I have derived material of great -value from personal communications. For very interesting details -of the time-reckoning of the Kiwai Papuans I am indebted to Dr. -G. Landtman of Helsingfors, and Prof. G. Kazarow of Sofia has -sent me valuable information as to the Bulgarian names of months. -Dr. C. W. von Sydow of Lund has communicated to me details -of the popular time-reckoning in Sweden.</p> - -<p>An exhaustive examination of all the material obtainable -would doubtless lead to a more exact conception of the details -of primitive time-reckoning. Above all, large districts with similar -peculiarities in time-reckoning could be more accurately defined. -The Arctic regions form a district of this nature. South America -again differs characteristically from North America; Africa, the -East Indian Archipelago, and the South Sea Islands all have their -peculiarities. The borrowings which have undoubtedly taken place -on a very large scale would be at least in part pointed out. This -working up of the material is however the task of the ethnological -specialist; my object is simply and solely to attain the above-mentioned -goal of a general foundation.</p> - -<p>The observation of chronological matters varies greatly in -the ethnographical literature; I have gone through many books -without result, and in other cases my gains have often been small. -It is only in quite recent times that attention has been paid with -any great profit to this side of primitive life. Among the English<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vii"></a>[vii]</span> -authors Frazer has drawn up a list of ethnological questions (printed -in the <cite>Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 18</cite>, 1889, -pp. 431 ff., and also separately), paying due attention to time-reckoning, -which has had a lasting and happy result, as can be -seen especially in many papers in the <cite>JRAI</cite> of succeeding -years.</p> - -<p>Of the works of my predecessors only one has had any more -elaborate aims—the ninth chapter of Ginzel’s handbook, which -deals with the time-reckoning of the primitive peoples, divided up -according to the different parts of the world. The significance of -the time-reckoning of the primitive peoples for the history of chronology -seems to have been only gradually grasped by the author -in the course of his work, since it is not until after he has touched -occasionally upon the question of primitive time-reckoning in the -course of his account of the chronological systems of the Oriental -peoples that he inserts the chapter in question between the latter and -the chapters on the chronology of antiquity. Ginzel has in many respects -a sound view of the nature of primitive time-reckoning, and -makes many pertinent remarks, but on the whole his treatment, as -is not seldom the case, is lacking in exactness and depth. I have -gratefully made use of the material collected by him, going back, -wherever possible, to the original sources. Of other previous -works must be mentioned the essays of Andree and Frazer on -the Pleiades,—the latter especially distinguished by its author’s -usual extensive acquaintance with the sources and by its abundance -of material—and the dissertation of Kötz upon the astronomical -knowledge of the primitive peoples of Australia and the South Seas, -an industrious work which however only touches superficially upon -the problems here dealt with, and in regard to the lunisolar -reckoning adopts the view of Waitz-Gerland:—“We can here discover -nothing accurate, since these peoples have conceived of -nothing accurately” (p. 22). I think however that we may fairly say -that this is to estimate too meanly the possibility of our knowledge. -Hubert’s paper, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Étude sommaire de la représentation du -temps dans la religion et la magie</cite>, is composed throughout in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_viii"></a>[viii]</span> -spirit of the neo-scholastic school of Durkheim. The present work, -on the other hand, is based upon facts and their interpretation.</p> - -<p>The book was ready in the spring of 1917, but could not -be published on account of the war. Later I have only inserted -a few improvements and additions. As I was putting the finishing -touches to my work, there came into my hands, after a delay -due to the circumstances of the time, the <cite>Rest Days</cite> of H. Webster, -whose <cite>Primitive Secret Societies</cite> has gained him fame and -honour. This work deals in detail with a subject akin to mine, -but not from the calendarial and chronological standpoint here -adopted. Only upon the origin of the lunisolar calendar does the -author make a few general remarks (pp. 173 ff.), which however -do not advance the subject very far. In the chapters entitled -<cite>Market Days</cite>, <cite>Lunar Superstitions and Festivals</cite>, <cite>Lunar Calendars -and the Week</cite> he has brought together abundant material which -also concerns some of the phenomena treated by me; part of this -information will not be found here, since it is compiled from sources -inaccessible to me. For the same reason, because I could not -collate it for myself, I have not thought it advisable to introduce -this material into my book, especially since it adds no new principle -of knowledge and does not affect the conclusions I have -drawn. Moreover anyone who wishes to go farther into these -matters must in any case approach Webster’s careful work.</p> - -<p>For the popular month-names of the European peoples I have -made use of the well-known extensive collections of Grimm, Weinhold, -Miklosisch, etc. In this chapter my object has not been to -make contributions to our knowledge of the popular months, but -only to bring out, by means of numerous examples, the parallel -between the popular names of the Julian months and the names -of the lunar months among the primitive peoples. More isolated -and disputed names are therefore omitted, and the names are given -chiefly in translation. I have made only one exception, namely -in the case of the Swedish lunar months, which really hardly belong -to my subject since they are a popular development from the -ecclesiastical calendar of the Middle Ages. I hope however to be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ix"></a>[ix]</span> -excused for this, in the first place on patriotic grounds, and secondly -because little attention has hitherto been paid to the matter. -In another place I have dealt fully with the Swedish names -of months, which are in the majority of cases not of popular -origin.</p> - -<p>I have made out a list of authorities so that in the foot-notes -reference may be made simply to the name of the author; where an -author is represented by two or more works, the work in question -is denoted by an abbreviation. This list is to be regarded not as -an exhaustive bibliography, but merely as an aid to the quotations. -Where so many quotations have been made it has been thought -advisable not to use inverted commas, except in a few special -cases. The fact that the quotations are nevertheless given as far -as possible in the author’s own words must be held to excuse a -certain apparent inconsistency in the use of tenses.</p> - -<p>Since I was obliged to include in my work the preliminary -stages of the time-reckoning of the culture peoples, I had to deal -with languages with which I was altogether unfamiliar, or only -imperfectly acquainted. I have therefore often availed myself of -the expert advice which has been readily given me by friends and -colleagues. For help in the complicated questions belonging to -the domains of the Semitic languages and Anglo-Saxon respectively -I am especially indebted to my colleagues Professors A. -Moberg and E. Ekwall. For occasional advice and information I -have to thank Docent Joh. Pedersen of Copenhagen (for the Semitic -languages), Prof. Emil Olson of Lund, and Prof. H. Lindroth of -Gothenburg (for the Scandinavian), and Docent S. Agrell of Lund -(for the Slavonic).</p> - -<p>The English translation is the work of Mr. F. J. Fielden, -English Lector in the University of Lund, who has also read the -proof-sheets. I am greatly obliged to him for his conscientious -performance of a lengthy and by no means easy task.</p> - -<p>Lund, <em>May</em> 1920.</p> -<p class="rt"><em>Martin P. Nilsson.</em></p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_x"></a>[x]</span><br /> - <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xi"></a>[xi]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS.</h2> -</div> - -<table class="autotable" summary=""> -<tr> -<td class="tdl"></td> -<td class="tdr fs60">PAGE</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Preface</td> -<td class="tdr fs60"><a href="#Page_v">V</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Introduction</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdlx">Foundation of the inquiry—Units of time-reckoning—Risings and -settings of the stars—Phases of climate, of plant and animal life—Modes of time-reckoning.</td> -</tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Chapter I.—The Day</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_11">11</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdlx">The day of 24 hours not primitive—Counting of days or nights—<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Pars -pro toto</i> reckoning—Indications of the sun’s position—Indications -by means of marks etc.—Names for the parts of the -day—Names derived from occupations—Lists of names—Homeric -expressions—Greek and Latin expressions—Parts of the -night—Night measured by the stars—Measures of time.</td> -</tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Chapter II.—The Seasons</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_45">45</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdlx">Seasonal points—Small seasons—Winter and summer—Dry and -rainy seasons—Wind-seasons—Four or five seasons—Sub-division -of seasons—Greater seasons—Cycles of seasons—Agricultural -cycles of seasons—Artificially regulated cycles of -seasons—Indo-European seasons—Seasons of the Germanic -peoples—The division of the Germanic year—The Scandinavian -division of the year—The old Scandinavian week-year—Smaller -wind-seasons.</td> -</tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Chapter III.—The Year</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_86">86</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdlx">Half-years—Shorter years—The empirical year—<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Pars pro toto</i> -reckoning—The period of the vegetation and the year—Ignorance -of age—Relative age—Designation of years after events—Series -of years designated after events—Designation of years -in Babylonia and Egypt.</td> -</tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Chapter IV.—The Stars</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_109">109</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdlx">Inaccuracy of time-reckoning—The stars in Homer—Observation -of the stars by the Greeks and Romans—Star-lore: N. America—S. -America—Africa—India—Australia—Oceania—Indication -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xii"></a>[xii]</span> -of time from the stars—Observation of the stars: Bushmen—Australia—N. -America—S. America—Africa—East -Indian Archipelago—Torres Straits—Melanesia—Polynesia—The -stars as causes and omens of the weather.</td> -</tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Chapter V.—The Month</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_147">147</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdlx">The moon—Counting of months and their days—Indications of -the position of the moon—Salutations to the new moon—Celebration -of the full moon—Other phases—The greater phases -of the moon—Further phases—Days named after the phases -of the moon—Groups of days named after the phases of the -moon—Days counted from the greater phases—Decades—African -systems—The quarters of the moon.</td> -</tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Chapter VI.—The Months</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_173">173</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdlx">Series of months: N. Asia—Siberia—Eskimos—N. America—S. -America—Africa—East Indian Archipelago—Torres Straits—Oceania.</td> -</tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Chapter VII.—Conclusions</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_217">217</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdlx">Imperfect counting of the moons—Connexion between moons and -seasons—Multiplicity and absence of names of months—Pairs -of months.</td> -</tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Chapter VIII.—Old Semitic Months</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_226">226</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdlx">1. <em>Babylonia.</em> Sumerian months—Akkadian months—Babylonian -etc. months—2. <em>The Israelites.</em> Canaanitish months—Israelitish -months—New moon and months—3. <em>The pre-Mohammedan -Arabs.</em> Arabian months.</td> -</tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Chapter IX.—Calendar Regulation. 1. The Intercalation</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_240">240</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdlx">Incomplete series of months—Uncertainty as to the month—Difficulties -in reckoning months—Empirical intercalation—The -Jews—Correction of the months by the stars—Correction of -the Batak year—The pre-Mohammedan intercalation—The Babylonian -months and the stars.—The Babylonian intercalation -empirical—Correction of the year by the solstices and the stars.</td> -</tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Chapter X.—Calendar Regulation. 2. Beginning of the Year</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_267">267</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdlx">Uncertainty as to the beginning of the year—New Year feasts—Beginning -of the year—The Israelitish New Year—The Pleiades -year—. <em>Appendix</em>: The Egyptian year.</td> -</tr> -<tr><td> <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xiii"></a>[xiii]</span></td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Chapter XI.—Popular Months of the European Peoples</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_282">282</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdlx">Month-names: Albanian—Basque—Lithuanian—Lettish—Slavonic—German—Anglo-Saxon -months—The Anglo-Saxon -lunisolar year—Scandinavian month-names—Old Scandinavian -lunar months—Later Swedish moon-months—Finnish moon-months—Lapp -months.</td> -</tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Chapter XII.—Solstices and Equinoxes. Aids to the Determination of Time</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_311">311</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdlx">Observation of the solstices and equinoxes—Observation of the -equinoxes by the Scandinavians—Seed-time determined by the -observation of the sun—Devices for counting days, etc.</td> -</tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Chapter XIII.—Artificial Periods of Time. Feasts</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_324">324</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdlx">The market-week in Africa—Greater periods in Africa—The market-week -in Asia—America—Rome—<em>Shabattu</em> and sabbath—Origin -of the sabbath—The sabbath a market-day—Festivals -and seasons—Cycles of festivals—Regulation of the festivals -by the moon—Full moon the time of festivals—Festivals -determined by the course of the sun—Months named after festivals.</td> -</tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Chapter XIV.—The Calendar-Makers</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_347">347</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdlx">Calendrical observations by certain gifted persons—The priests as -calendar-makers—Sacral and profane calendar-regulation.</td> -</tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Chapter XV.—Conclusion</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_355">355</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdlx">1. <em>Summary of results.</em> The concrete nature of time-indications—Discontinuous -and ‘aoristic’ time-indications—The <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i> -counting of the periods—The continuous time-reckoning—Empirical -intercalation of months—2. <em>The Greek time-reckoning.</em> -Early Greek time-reckoning—The Oktaeteris and the months—Sacral -character of the Greek calendar—Influence of Apollo -and Delphi—Babylonian origin of the Greek calendar-regulation.</td> -</tr> -<tr><td> </td></tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Addendum to <ins class="corr" id="tn-toc" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'P.78 NOTE 1'"> -P. 78 Note 2</ins></td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_370">370</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">List of Authorities Quoted</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_371">371</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl smcap">Index</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_382">382</a></td> -</tr> -</table> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[Pg 1]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION.</h2> -</div> - - -<p class="drop-capy1">The ancient civilised peoples appear in history with a fully-developed -system of time-reckoning—the Egyptians -with the shifting year of 365 days, which comes as nearly as -possible to the actual length of the year, counting only whole -days and neglecting the additional fraction; the Babylonians -and the Greeks with the lunisolar, varying between twelve and -thirteen months and arranged by the Greeks from the earliest -known period of history in the cycle of the <em>Oktaeteris</em>. It -has always been clear that these systems of time-reckoning -represent the final stage of a lengthy previous development, -but as to the nature of this development the most daring hypotheses -have been advanced. Thus, for example, eminent philologists -and chronologists have believed the assertion of Censorinus, -Ch. 18, and have supposed that the <em>Oktaeteris</em> was preceded -by a <em>Tetraeteris</em>, even by a <em>Dieteris</em>. It may indeed at once -be asserted that such a hypothesis lacks intrinsic probability. -To account for the early development hard facts are needed, -and unfortunately these, especially in the case of the Greeks, -are extremely few. Where they are required they must be -sought elsewhere.</p> - -<p>Setting aside all ingenious but uncertain speculations, our -only practicable way of proceeding is by means of a comparison -with other peoples among whom methods of time-reckoning -are still in the primitive stage. This is the ethnological -method which is so well-known from the science of -comparative religion, but the claims of which have been so -vigorously contested upon grounds of no small plausibility. -Fortunately this dispute need not be settled in order to prove -the validity of the comparative method for an investigation<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span> -into the origin and development of methods of reckoning time. -The gist of the dispute may be expressed as follows:—The -ethnological school of students of comparative religion assumes -that the intellect of the natural man can only master a certain -quite limited number of universal conceptions; from these -spring more and more abundantly differentiated and complicated -ideas, but the foundation is everywhere the same. Hence our -authority for comparing the conceptions of the various peoples -of the globe with one another in order to lay bare this foundation. -The opponents of the school deny the existence of these fundamental -conceptions, and maintain that the points of departure, -the primitive ideas of the various peoples, may be as different -as the peoples themselves, and that therefore we are not -authorised in drawing general conclusions from the comparison -or from the fundamental conceptions themselves.</p> - -<p>In the matter of the indication and reckoning of time, -however, we have not to do with a number of conceptions -which may be supposed to be as numerous and as various as -we please. At the basis lies an accurately determined and -limited and indeed small number of phenomena, which are the -same for all peoples all over the globe, and can be combined -only in a certain quite small number of ways. These phenomena -may be divided into two main groups: (1) the phenomena of the -heavens—sun, moon, and stars—and (2) the phases of -Nature—the variations of the climate and of plant and animal -life, which on their side determine the affairs of men; these, -however, depend finally upon one of the heavenly bodies, viz. -the sun. The claim that the comparative ethnological method -can be justified only when we are dealing with a narrowly -circumscribed number of factors is therefore here complied -with, owing to the very nature of the subjects treated. The -comparative method does not shew how things have happened -in a special case in regard to one particular people: it only -indicates what <em>may</em> have happened. But much is already -gained if we can eliminate the impossibilities, since from the -complete result of the development, no less than in other -ways, we may obtain a certain basis for our deductions.</p> - -<p>For the investigation of primitive methods of time-reckoning<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span> -no special astronomical or other technical knowledge is needed: -in fact, such knowledge has rather played a fatal part by -causing attention to be paid exclusively to the system of time-reckoning -and leading to constant attempts to discover older -and more primitive systems. <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">A priori</i>, indeed, we might venture -to state that a system is always based upon previous data: -unsystematic indications of time precede the system of time-reckoning. -These modest beginnings have been obscured from -view by the prejudice in favour of the systematic technical -and astronomical chronology. The only absolutely necessary -thing is a clear idea of the apparent motions of the heavenly -bodies, i. e. the sun, the moon, and the most important of the -fixed stars, and of the phases of the climate and the life of -animals and plants, which give the units of the time-reckoning.</p> - -<p>For a statement of the course and phases of the heavenly -bodies and the units of the time-reckoning given by these I -refer to the article mentioned in the preface, the pertinent -sections of which are here quoted:—</p> - -<p>“<em>The units of the time-reckoning</em> are given by the motions -of the heavenly bodies (expressed according to the Ptolemaic -system), and the more intimately these enter into the life of -man, the more important do they become. For this reason only -those units which depend upon the sun have asserted themselves -in our calendar, those depending upon the moon having been -dropped, except for the movable paschal term, which has been -kept on religious grounds. The units are the year, the month, -and the day. Other units more convenient for time-reckoning play -no part in the arrangement of the calendar since they are without -importance for practical life. <em>The day</em> (= 24 hours, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">νυχθήμερον</span>) -is determined from the apparent motion of the heavenly bodies -about the earth, which is caused by the rotation of the earth -on its axis; but since the sun also, on account of the annual -revolution of the earth about it, runs through the zodiac in an -opposite direction to its daily movement and completes the -circle of the ecliptic in a year, a day will be a little longer -than a complete rotation of the earth. Or to put it otherwise:—The -time between two successive upper culminations of a star, -i. e. between the moments at which the star passes through<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span> -the meridian-line of one and the same place (= attains the -zenith), represents an axial rotation: that is a <em>stellar day</em>. The -time between two successive culminations of the sun is, on -account of the annual motion of the sun (really that of the -earth), 3 min. 56.<sub>5</sub> secs. longer than a stellar day: that is a -<em>solar day</em>. The number of stellar days in a year is greater -by one day than the number of solar days. The stellar day -does not follow the variations of light and darkness and therefore -does not enter into the calendar. The difference between -the actual solar day, which is of slightly varying length, and -the mean solar day abstracted from it for the purposes of our -clock-regulated time-reckoning has no significance for antiquity. -The second unit determined by the sun is the <em>year</em>, the period -of a revolution of the earth about the sun. In relation to the -apparent motion of the sun it may be defined as the time which -the sun takes to come back again to the same fixed star. This -is a <em>stellar</em> or <em>sidereal year</em>, the length of which amounts to -365 days 6 hrs. 9 min. 9.<sub>34</sub> secs. The <em>tropic year</em> is the time -which the sun takes to come back to the crossing point of -the equator, viz. the vernal equinox. This is the natural year. -Its length varies a little; it is about 20 minutes shorter than -the stellar year. The <em>lunar</em> or <em>moon-month</em> is determined -from the visible phases of the moon. This term will be used -only when it is necessary to make an express distinction -between the lunar and our Roman month; the latter is a conventional -subdivision of the year which has nothing to do -with the moon, and has the name ‘month’ only because it -historically arose from the lunar month and in its duration -comes fairly near the latter. But when in relation to antiquity—apart -from Rome and Egypt—we speak of months, -lunar months are as a rule to be understood. The moon -revolves around the earth twelve times a year and a little -more: consequently it moves backwards in the zodiac much -more rapidly than the sun. The interval between two successive -moments at which the moon culminates at the same -spot at the same time as one and the same star is a <em>sidereal -month</em> (cp. the sidereal year); its length is 27 days 7 hrs. 43 -min. 11.<sub>42</sub> secs., but it does not follow the phases of the moon<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span> -and is therefore of no consequence for the calendar. The -phases of the moon are dependent upon the position of the -moon in relation to the sun and the earth. When the three -bodies are in a straight line (or rather in a plane perpendicular -to the plane of the ecliptic) in such a way that the earth is -in the middle, the side of the moon turned towards the earth -is completely illuminated and we have full moon: when the -moon is in the middle, the side turned towards the earth is -completely overshadowed, and that is new moon. In between -lie the separate phases of the waxing and waning moon. The -<em>synodic month</em> is the interval between two new moons and -comprises on an average 29 days 12 hrs. 44 min. 2.<sub>98</sub> secs. -This is the true lunar month: other varieties of month are of -no importance for us.</p> - -<p>"<em>The risings and settings of the stars.</em> It has already been -remarked that the sun in the course of a year runs through -the zodiac backwards, so that one particular star culminates -3 min. 56 secs. earlier every day. Hence it is evident that if -we indicate the exact interval of time between the culmination -of the sun and that of one particular star, or name the star -with which the sun precisely culminates, we can determine the -day of the solar year. This is the principle of one method of -computing time which was very common among ancient and -primitive peoples, but has entirely dropped out of use in modern -times owing to our paper calendar. The stars are so to speak -the stationary ciphers on the clock-face and the sun is the hand. -In practice we naturally have to do not with the invisible culmination -of the stars but with the position of the sun and -certain neighbouring stars on the edge of the horizon, whereby -the matter becomes more complicated on the astronomical -side. For this observation the so-called circumpolar stars are -singled out, that is to say the stars situated so near the pole -that they do not set (e. g. the Great Bear). If the star rises -or sets simultaneously with the rising of the sun, this is called -the <em>true cosmic rising</em> or <em>setting</em>. If the star rises or sets -simultaneously with the setting of the sun, this is termed the -<em>true acronychal rising</em> or <em>setting</em>. These risings and settings -of the star are not visible, since the sun hides them by its<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span> -light: the rising and setting are perceptible only when the star -stands at some distance from the sun, i. e. only the so-called -apparent rising and setting are practically observable. We -have already seen that the sun every day drops nearly 4 -minutes behind a certain star. Assuming that sun and star -rise simultaneously on one day (true cosmic rising), then after -a few days have passed—the period varying somewhat -according to the latitude of the place of observation, the time -of the year, the size and place of the star—there will come a -day on which the star rises so early that it is visible in the -morning twilight, immediately before the sun appears. This -is the <em>heliacal</em> or <em>morning rising</em>. From this day the star -will rise earlier and earlier, and will therefore remain visible -for a longer and longer period. In the course of half a year, -commonly a little sooner or later, the time of rising will have -been pushed so far back that it will take place in the evening -twilight; when it is pushed still farther back the rays of the -setting sun eclipse the star and its rising is no longer visible. -The last visible rising of the star in the evening twilight is -the <em>apparent acronychal</em> or <em>evening rising</em>. After a few more -days the star goes so far back that it rises at the very moment -in which the sun sets—the true acronychal rising. The rising, -which is advanced constantly further into the light of day, is -no longer visible, but on the other hand we now see the -setting of the star. If it is assumed that the star is situated -on the western horizon, i. e. sets, when the sun is on the -eastern horizon, i. e. rises—and incidentally it is to be noted -that this position, when the star is not situated in the ecliptic, -may be divided by an interval of a larger or smaller number -of days from the opposite position, viz. star on the eastern, sun -on the western horizon—this is the true cosmic setting. The -star moves forward, i. e. its setting takes place earlier in the -morning, and after a few days it will be noticed in the morning -twilight immediately before it sets, and this is the first visible -setting in the morning twilight, the <em>apparent cosmic</em> or <em>morning -setting</em>. From this day the setting moves further and further -forward into the night and approaches the evening twilight. -At length it will be so near sunset that the star no longer<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span> -sets in the night but in the evening twilight. The last visible -setting of the star in the evening twilight is the <em>heliacal</em> or -<em>evening setting</em>. After a few days the star has approached -still nearer to the sun: both set at the same moment, the true -cosmic setting. If the star stands in the ecliptic, the true cosmic -setting coincides in date with the true cosmic rising, -otherwise these are divided by a greater or smaller number of -days (see above). As the star moves on, a heliacal rising follows -again, and so on. Between the day of the heliacal setting and -that of the heliacal rising the star is invisible, since it stands -so near the sun that it is eclipsed by the sun’s rays. It has -already been remarked that we can determine the day of the -year by indicating the true rising and setting of a star at a -certain spot. As far as the apparent rising and setting are -concerned this indication can only be approximate, since the -visibility of a star depends on several variable factors—the -size of the star (because a smaller star, in order to be visible, -must move farther from the sun than a brighter one), the transparency -of the atmosphere, the keenness of vision of the observer, -the geographical latitude of the place of observation (since -the farther north or south the sun is, the more slowly, because -more obliquely, will it sink below the horizon). In this latter -respect, for instance, there is a perceptible difference between -Rome and Egypt. Only an approximate indication of time, -therefore, can be derived from the rising and setting of the -stars”.</p> - -<p>The phases of the climate and of plant and animal life -cannot be particularly described, since they naturally vary so -much in different countries. It can only be remarked that -though they depend upon the course of the sun, yet in certain -cases, owing to the special climatic conditions of the individual -years, they may be to some extent advanced or retarded, and -further that the climatic phenomena of many parts of the earth, -especially in the Tropics but also in the Mediterranean countries, -recur with a far greater regularity than in our northern -climes, which are subject to such uncertain weather. Instances -are the trade-winds and monsoons, the dry and the rainy seasons.</p> - -<p>Upon the above-mentioned units the system of time-reckoning<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span> -will be based. The days are joined into months and the months -into years; only more rarely are the seasons interposed as -regular units of time. The system is like a chain the links of -which run into one another without gaps: each link is equivalent, -or as nearly as possible equivalent, to every other link -of the same class, and therefore need only be given a name -and counted, not necessarily conceived in the concrete, although -this is not excluded. This is the only genuine system, -a system of <em>continuous time-reckoning</em>, which excludes all gaps -in the chain and all links of indeterminate length. The relation -between the larger and the smaller units may be treated -in various ways, chiefly on account of the fact that the smaller -units do not divide exactly into the larger. Sometimes the -smaller units may be fitted into the larger as subdivisions of -the latter, so that they constitute the links of the chain formed -by the larger unit. The inequality referred to shews then -that the units vary to some extent in number or size (year -of 365 or 366 days, of 12 or 13 lunar months, lunar month of -29 or 30 days). In that case the beginnings of the larger unit -and of the first of the smaller units coincide. Thus in our -year New Year’s Day and the first day of the first month -coincide, but the length of the months varies somewhat. This -is an inheritance from the lunisolar year, in which also New -Year’s Day and the first day of the first month coincided and -the length of the month varied between 29 and 30 days, but -in addition the year varied between 12 and 13 months. This -mode of reckoning, in which the smaller units are contained in -the larger as subdivisions of them, will be termed the <em>fixed</em> -method.</p> - -<p>But where the smaller units do not exactly divide into -the larger, both may also be counted independently of one -another without being equalised. A case in point is our week, -which is reckoned without reference to the year, so that every -year begins with a different day of the week. This method -of reckoning we shall term the <em>shifting</em> method. It is less -systematic than the fixed method, and we shall therefore expect -to find it play a greater part in earlier times than at the -present day.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span></p> - -<p>The system of time-reckoning, the continuous counting -of the time-units, represents the final point of the development. -It is our object to investigate the preceding stages, both systematic -and unsystematic. Certain important ideas which frequently -recur must however first be clearly set down. The -<em>time-reckoning</em> in the proper sense of the term is preceded by -<em>time-indications</em> which are related to concrete phenomena of -the heavens and of Nature. Since these indications depend -upon the concrete phenomenon, their duration fluctuates with -the latter, or rather the duration does not stand out by itself -but the phenomenon as such is exclusively regarded: the time-indication -is not durative, like the link in any system of time-reckoning, -but indefinite, or, to borrow a grammatical term, aoristic. -And setting aside these finer distinctions we also find that -the phenomena to which the time-indications are related are -of fluctuating and very unequal duration. Since the duration -is indeterminate and fluctuating, and the time-indications are -not limited one by the other but overlap and leave gaps, they -cannot be numerically grouped together. Here we ought really -to speak not of a time-<em>reckoning</em> in the proper sense, but only -of time-<em>indications</em>. But since the word ‘time-reckoning’ has -become naturalised, this method may be described as the -<em>discontinuous</em> system of time-reckoning, because the time-indications -do not stand in direct relation to other time-indications -but are related only to a concrete phenomenon, and through -that to other time-indications, so that they are of indeterminate -length and cannot be numerically grouped together.</p> - -<p>If the number of dawns, suns, autumns, or snows that has -passed since a certain event took place, or will elapse before -a certain event is to take place, be indicated, the time that -has passed or is to pass will be defined, because the dawn -or the sun recurs once in the day, and an autumn or a snow, -i. e. winter, once in the year. This is the oldest mode of counting -time. It is not the units as a whole that are counted, since -the unit as such had not yet been conceived, but a concrete -phenomenon recurring only once within this unit. It is the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span> -<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i> method so extensively used in chronology, and -by this name we shall call it<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>.</p> - -<p>Since it must now be regarded as the natural course of -development that the systematic has gradually arisen out of the -unsystematic, and that the indication of concrete phenomena -following one another in the regular succession of Nature has -preceded the abstract numerical indication of time offered by -our calendars, the origin of the time-reckoning must be sought -not in any one system, however simple, but in the discontinuous -or <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i> time-indications which are related to -concrete phenomena.</p> - -<p>Our task is now to make clear the nature of these discontinuous -and <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i> time-indications, since from them -proceeds, as order is ever evolved out of chaos, the continuous -time-reckoning, the calendar.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.<br /> -<br /> -<span class="fs70">THE DAY.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p class="drop-capy1">For primitive man the day is the simplest and most obvious -unit of time. The variations of day and night, light and -darkness, sleeping and waking penetrate at least as deeply -into life as the changes following upon the course of the year, -such as heat and cold, drought and rainy seasons, periods of -famine and plenty. But for the primitive intellect the year is -a very long period, and it is only with difficulty and at a later -stage that it can be conceived and surveyed as a whole. Day -and night, on the other hand, are short units which immediately -become obvious. Their fusion into a single unit, the day of 24 -hours, did not take place till later, for this unit as we employ -it is abstract and numerical: the primitive intellect proceeds -upon immediate perceptions and regards day and night separately.</p> - -<p>Evidence for this fact is furnished by most languages, -which are as a rule without any proper term for day and night -together, the circle of 24 hours. In writing English one sadly -misses the Swedish <i lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">dygn</i>, which has exactly the required significance. -The German <i lang="de" xml:lang="de">Volltag</i> is an artificial and not very happy -compound. The Greeks also formed a learned and rare (though -good) compound, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">νυχθήμερον</span>. The usual method is to make use -of a term according to the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i> principle. This principle, -which we meet here at the outset and shall come across -more and more frequently in the course of the following pages, -is of great importance for the development of time-reckoning -since it shews how the original time-indication is discontinuously -related to a concrete phenomenon, and only slowly and -at a later period develops into a continuous numerical unit of time.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span></p> - -<p>To describe the period of 24 hours, regarded as a single -unit for purposes of calculation, most modern and also the -ancient tongues employ the term that denotes its light part, -i. e. ‘day’ etc. Primitive peoples have no term to express this -idea and must describe the period by means of expressions -equivalent to ‘day and night’, e. g. ‘sun-darkness’ (Malay Archipelago)<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>, -‘light and darkness’ (Yukaghir in N. E. Asia)<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>. The -day is sometimes described by the concrete phenomenon which -it brings, namely the sun. The Bontoc Igorot of north Luzon -have the same word for sun as for day, <i>a-qu</i>, and the -time is reckoned in suns<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>. The Comanche Indians reckon -the days in ‘suns’<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>, and in an Indian hieroglyph from the -northern shores of Lake Superior the duration of a three -days’ journey described is expressed by three circles, i. e. three -suns<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>. The western tribe of the Torres Straits reckons time -in ‘suns’, i. e. days<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>. We may compare the well-known -primitive idea that the sun originates afresh for every new -day. The same thing is found in the language of signs. La -Billardière in the year 1800 relates of the very low Tasmanians, -now long since extinct, that they had some idea of regulating -time by the apparent motion of the sun. In order to inform -him that they would make a journey in two days, they indicated -with their hands the diurnal motion of the sun and expressed -the number two by as many of their fingers. This, he asserts, -is the only reference that can be found to any knowledge of -the movements of the heavenly bodies<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>. So also according -to Homfray the natives of the Andamans describe a day by -making a circle with the right arm, i. e. a revolution of the -sun. We may compare the indication of the time of day by -pointing with the hand to the position of the sun, with which -we shall shortly have to deal. It is not improbable that the -designation of the day by means of an indication of the course -of the sun arose in the first place from the indication of the -position of that planet. The same method of expression is -found in the classical languages as a poetic or hierarchical<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span> -archaism<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>, and also in medieval Latin. But <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἥλιος</span>, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">sol</i>, is also -used to denote the yearly revolution of the sun, i. e. a year, -and the year is denoted by <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φάος</span>, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">lux</i>. Still more striking and -more significant for the discontinuous method of reckoning is -the Homeric use of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἠώς</span>, ‘dawn’, instead of day, e. g. “this -is the twelfth dawn since I came to Ilion”,<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> “this is the twelfth -dawn he lies so”,<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> and elsewhere. Aratus follows the Homeric -use<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>. The nature of this <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i> reckoning -will be further explained in the chapter dealing with the -year.</p> - -<p>The counting of the days from the dawns is unique, and -the counting from the day-time is comparatively rare: the -Indo-European peoples of olden times, and indeed most of the -peoples of the globe, count the days from the nights. For this -it will be sufficient to quote Schrader’s statement:—“Moreover -it can hardly be necessary to give evidence for this well-known -custom of antiquity. In Sanskrit a period of 10 days is -called <i>daçarâtrá</i> (:<i>râtrî</i> = ‘night’); <i>nîçanîçam</i>, ‘night by night’ = -‘daily’. ‘Let us celebrate the old nights (days) and the autumns -(years)’, says a hymn. In the Avesta the counting from nights -(<i>xsap</i>, <i>xsapan</i>, <i>xsapar</i>) is carried out to a still greater extent. -As for the Germanic peoples, among whom Tacitus had already -observed this custom,<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> we constantly find in ancient German -legal documents such phrases as <i lang="de" xml:lang="de">sieben nehte</i>, <i lang="de" xml:lang="de">vierzehn nacht</i>, -<i lang="de" xml:lang="de">zu vierzehn nachten</i>. In English <em>fortnight</em>, <em>sennight</em> are in use -to-day. That the custom existed among the Celts is proved -by Caesar, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De Bell. Gall.</cite> VI, 18, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">spatia omnis temporis non -numero dierum, sed noctium finiunt</i> (‘they define all spaces of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span> -time not by the number of days but by the number of nights’). -The Arabians have the same practice. They say ‘in three nights’, -‘seventy nights long’, and date e. g. ‘on the first night of -Ramadan’, ‘when two nights of Ramadan have gone’, or ‘are -left’<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>.”</p> - -<p>For primitive and barbaric peoples the evidence is equally -abundant. The Polynesians in general counted time in nights. -Night is <i>po</i>, to-morrow is <i>a-po-po</i>, i. e. the night’s night, yesterday -is <i>po-i-nehe-nei</i>, the night that is past<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>. The New Zealanders, -in former times, had no names for days, but only for -nights<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>, and so with the inhabitants of the Sandwich Islands—and -the same is certainly true of the Polynesians as a whole, -since they describe the ‘days’, or rather the nights, by the -phases of the moon. The Society Islanders reckon in nights; -to the question ‘How many days?’ corresponds in their tongue -‘How many nights?’<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> So also do the inhabitants of the Marquesas<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>. -In the Malay Peninsula periods exceeding a fraction -of a day are reckoned in nights<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>. Among the Wagogos of -German East Africa the phases of the moon and the number of -nights serve as more exact determinations of time. The third -night after the appearance of the moon, for example, is the -day following the third night after the moon’s appearance<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>. -Sometimes they say ‘day and night’ when they wish to describe -the full day of 24 hours. Occasionally they say that they have -worked so many days, with reference to the day-time only<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>. -Except in the case of this tribe I have found no notes on -the African peoples; little attention seems to have been paid -to the point in their case. But the material for America abounds. -The Greenlanders reckon in nights<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>, though certainly we are -not told how those who live north of the Polar Circle reckon -in summer. So do the Indians of Pennsylvania<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>, the Pawnees, -who often made use of notches cut in a stick or a similar -device for the computation of nights or even of months and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span> -years<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>, and the Biloxi of Louisiana<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>. Usually however the -night is denoted not by this word but by ‘sleep’, ‘sleeping-time’. -Of the Kiowas it is expressly stated<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> that they reckon -the length of a journey in ‘darks’, <i>kon</i>, i. e. nights, and not in -‘sleeps’. If the question of the distance of any place arises -the answer is ‘so many darks’. It may even be doubted -whether ‘sleep’ is not sometimes translated ‘night’ by the -reporters. The Dakotas say that they will return in so many -nights or sleeps<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>. Among the Omahas the night or sleeping -time marked the division of days, so that a journey might be -spoken of as having taken so many sleeps<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>. The Hupas of -Arizona<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>, the tribes of the North-East<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>, and the Kaigans of -the North-West<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> also reckon in sleeps. This mode of reckoning -is therefore the common one, that of the Comanches in suns is -an exception. Finally the natives of Central Australia also -count time in ‘sleeps’<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>.</p> - -<p>To reckon in nights is therefore the rule among the primitive -Indo-European peoples, the Polynesians, and the inhabitants -of North America. For Asia, which however is not so important -for primitive time-reckoning on account of the old and -far-reaching influence of civilisation in that continent, for Africa, -and for S. America evidence is wanting or is forthcoming only -in isolated instances. The reason probably is that in these continents -also time is really reckoned in nights, and our informants -have not noticed the agreement. This however is an -<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">argumentum ex silentio</i>. Be that as it may, the fact remains -that at least half the globe reckons the days in nights.</p> - -<p>The current explanation of this striking fact is given -by Schrader thus:—“Since the chronometer of primitive times -is the moon and not the sun, the reason for counting in nights -instead of days becomes almost self-evident”<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>. This statement -is <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">a priori</i> not perfectly correct, inasmuch as there is and can -have been no people that has not observed the daily course -of the sun as well as the monthly phases of the moon: as chronometer -neither of the two bodies is older than the other. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span> -difference lies in the development of the time-reckoning. In -point of fact an inner connection seems to exist between the -counting of the days in nights and the designation of the days, -or rather the nights, of the month according to the phases of -the moon, to which we recur further on. Even such low races -as the tribes of Central Australia already have names for the -phases of the moon, from which they reckon time<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>, but unfortunately -we are not told how many. The Polynesians have -very elaborately developed these, so that every day has its -separate name. The Wagogos also use the phases of the moon -as indications of time. The Arabs speak of ten phases of the -moon, combining three days under each name. The Indians -know the phases of the moon, but seem to have named and -made use of them only roughly: the only tribe that possesses -a list of the names of the days of the moon-month is the -Kaigans<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>, and unfortunately this list is incomplete. Moreover -there are no indications that the primitive Indo-European peoples -distinguished the phases of the moon otherwise than roughly. -The finer distinction and nomenclature of the moon-phases, so -that in the end each day comes to have its separate name, is -clearly a very far advanced special development: the use of -the word ‘night’ to express the period of 24 hours is much -older. A causal connection, such as Schrader and others have -maintained, must lie in the fact that the period of 24 hours is -named after the phases of the moon and consequently the day -itself is reckoned in nights. But this is only a comparatively -isolated and advanced development, against which must be set -the fact that the Indians and so primitive a people as the -Australians use not the word ‘night’ but ‘sleep’, which has -nothing to do with the moon.</p> - -<p>The explanation must therefore be sought elsewhere, and -is one which also applies to the use of the word ‘winter’ for -year etc. Primitive man knows only concrete indications of -time, and in reckoning prefers to use a concrete and clearly -visible point of reference. The complete day of 24 hours is -unknown to him and so he <em>must</em> reckon according to the principle -of <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i>, and as a matter of fact it is possible<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span> -to reckon just as well from a part of the whole as from the -whole itself, provided that the part chosen is one that only -recurs once every day. The day itself, with its various occupations, -offers no such point of reference unless the reckoning is -based upon the daily appearance of the sun, which is also -actually done in certain cases. However in the daily course -of the sun, as we have already seen, two features, its duration -and the changing position of the sun, stand out prominently: -but it is easier to reckon from points than from lengths, which -divert the attention from the number. Now the sleeping-time -is necessarily bound up with each day, yet it has no separate -parts, or acquires them only later among certain peoples. The -time between going to sleep in the evening and waking in the -morning appears as an undivided unit, a point. It offers for -reckoning a convenient basis in which no mistake or hesitation -is possible such as can occur in the various occupations that -fall within the period computed. The method of reckoning in -nights is merely an outcome of the necessity for a concrete -unmistakable time-indication: it is a typical example of the -<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i> principle and time-reckoning, which, on the -psychological grounds just mentioned are especially favoured -in the counting.</p> - -<p>For the indication of a point of time within the day the -reference to the course of the sun is the means that lies -nearest to hand, and the indication can indeed be given quite -concretely by means of a gesture in the direction of the heavens. -This language of signs is especially common in Africa. The -Cross River natives of Southern Nigeria indicate the time by -pointing to the position in the heavens which the sun occupies -at that time of the day<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a>. When someone asked a Swahili what -time it was, he answered, “Look at the sun”, although this tribe -knew other ways of indicating time<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a>. The Wagogo in order -to shew the time of day indicate with the hand the position -of the sun in the heavens<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>. In Loango the people indicate -the time satisfactorily enough from the motion of the sun, in -divisions of two hours, by dividing the vault of the sky with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span> -outstretched arm, often using both arms as indicators<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>. -Moreover most peoples have descriptive expressions for parts -of the day, as for instance the inhabitants of the Lower Congo<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>, -the Masai of East Africa, who estimate the time of day from -the position of the sun<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>, and the Hottentots, who express with -certainty and clearness both points and duration of time by -referring to the position of the sun<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>. In Dahomey the natives -tell the hours by means of the sun; they say that the sun is -here or there, in order to give the time of day<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>. The Caffres -are able to give the exact time of day by pointing with -outstretched arm to the spot at which the sun appears at the -time they wish to indicate. So, for example, when the Caffre -wishes to shew that he will come at two o’clock in the afternoon -of the next day, he will say, “I will be here to-morrow, -when the sun is there”,—pointing to the position occupied -by the sun at 2 p. m.<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>. The Waporogo of German East -Africa estimate the divisions of the day from the position of -the sun, which they indicate with outstretched arm. When -the arm is vertically raised, that means 12 o’clock noon, -and the other hours of the day they are able to give with a sure -instinct by means of a greater or lesser inclination of the arm -towards the body, corresponding to the position of the sun<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>. -In other parts of the world we find the same thing. Thus in the -New Hebrides the hours of the day are indicated by pointing -with the finger to the altitude of the sun<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a>. If a native of -Australia is asked at what time anything took place or is -going to take place, his answer will take the form of pointing -to the position which the sun occupied or will occupy in the sky -at that particular time<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>. The Bontoc Igorot of Luzon point to -the heavens in order to indicate the position the sun occupied -when a particular event occurred<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>. The Kanyans of Sarawak, -if asked at what time anyone will arrive, point to the sun -and say, “When the sun stands there”<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>. In the Dutch East -Indies the time of day is given from the position of the sun<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a>.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span> -The inhabitants of Java divide the day into ten natural but -vague and unequal subdivisions, and for astrological purposes -the day of 24 hours is divided into five parts. They also determine -the time of day by the length of the shadow and by the -working-time, but the most common method is by pointing to -the situations of the sun in the heavens, when such and such -an event took place<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a>. In order to indicate the time the natives -of Sumatra also point to the height in the sky at which the sun -stood when the event of which they are speaking occurred<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>. -The natives of the western tribe of the Torres Straits, though -they have learned to tell the time from the clock, also know -how to give it very accurately by observing the height of the -sun<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>. The Tahitians determine the six parts of their day from -the sun’s altitude<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>. Among the Omaha Indians the sun indicates -the time of day. A motion towards the zenith meant -noon, midway between the zenith and the west, afternoon, and -midway towards the east, forenoon<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a>. The Karaya of Central -Brazil divide up the day according to the position of the sun. -Indications of time are given by pointing with the hand to the -place occupied by the sun at the time in question<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>.</p> - -<p>This method of indicating the time of day is quite satisfactory, -especially in the tropics and for primitive needs, and -only more rarely does it give place to other methods, the chief -of which is the observation of the length of shadows. The -Javanese know this latter method but do not often use it. In -their old writings we find a traveller described as setting out -on his journey or arriving at the end of it when his shadow was -so many feet long<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a>. The Masai usually estimate the time of -day from the position of the sun, but more rarely from the -length of the shadows<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a>. When the shadow measures nine feet, -the Swahili say, “It is 9 o’clock (<em>sic!</em>)”<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a>. To indicate the time -of day or to represent a distance the Cross River natives use -the length of shadows. They have however in most of their -houses a curious species of sun-dial, a plant about 50 cm. high, -with violet-white flowers. The flowers gradually begin to open<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span> -at sunrise, by noon they are wide open, and they gradually -close again between noon and sunset. One of these plants is -placed in every garden and enclosed within little stones<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>. To -the south of Lake Nyassa the time of day is reckoned either -from the position of the sun or from the length of the shadow -thrown by a stick, <i>nthawe</i><a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a>. The Society Islanders among their -numerous expressions for the time of day include two which -have reference to shadows, ‘the shadow as long as the object’, -‘the shadow longer than a man’<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>. The Benua-Jahun, a primitive -tribe of the Malay Peninsula, indicate the progress of the -day by the inclination of a stick. Early morning is represented -by pointing a stick to the eastern horizon. Placed erect -it indicates noon, inclined at an angle of about 45° to the west -it corresponds nearly with three o’clock, and so on<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>. This -practice is doubtless connected with the common use of a stick -in the Indian Archipelago for observations of time, and is by -no means primitive. The ancient Athenians seem to have indicated -time by measuring off with the foot the length of the -shadow cast by their bodies upon the level ground before them -as they stood. At all events the length of shadows served to -indicate time, cp. Aristophanes, <cite>Ekkles.</cite>, 652, “when the staff -is ten feet, to go perfumed to dinner”<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>. The gnomon which, -according to Herodotus II, 109, the Greeks borrowed from the -Babylonians was an upright stick the shadow of which was -measured: it was also an important instrument for astronomical -observations<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a>. Here however we are already at a highly developed -stage and know nothing about the origins.</p> - -<p>The indication of time from the position of the sun is -really only satisfactory in the tropics, where the sun always -stands very high and the length of its daily course is not exposed -to too great variation. Where the sun is much lower in -winter than in summer, and the length of the day varies greatly -at different times of the year, the method ceases to be practicable. -If descriptive expressions of one kind or another are<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span> -not resorted to, other means must be found. Above all it is -important to determine the fixed point which divides the day into -two parts, i. e. noon. In the living-room of the houses of the -Scanian peasants, which were always built ‘according to the -sun’, i. e. facing east and west, there was in the southern window-sill, -beside the middle shaft of the frame, a line which was -called the ‘noon-line’. When the shadow of the shaft fell parallel -with this line it was noon. This device is not exactly primitive, -since windows in the room, more particularly in the wall, -belong to a quite advanced stage of civilisation. But on the -other hand such customs as the determination of noon and -other moments of the day from the position of the sun above -certain points on the horizon—elevations and hills—are old. In -Iceland the divisions of the day were, and still are, determined -from the visible course of the heavenly bodies. The people -imagined that the sun in the course of a day and a night ran -through the eight equal regions of the heavens (<i>ættir</i>, sing. <i>ætt</i>). -The time of day was determined from the position of the sun -above the horizon by the selection in every house of certain -outstanding points within the range of vision to serve as ‘day-marks’ -(<i lang="is" xml:lang="is">dagsmǫrk</i>, sing. -<em>mark</em>)—where these were lacking, -small piles of stones were erected for the purpose—so that -when the sun stood above one of these marks a certain time -of day was given. The most important times thus determined -were <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">rismál</i> or <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">miðr morgin</i> (6 a. m.), <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">dagmál</i> (9 a. m.), <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">hádegi</i> -(12 o’clock noon), <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">míðmundi</i> (1.30 p. m.), <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">nón</i> (undoubtedly -originally called <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">undorn</i> and also <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">eykt</i>, 3 p. m.), <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">miðr aptann</i> -(6 p. m.), and <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">nattmál</i> (9 p. m.). These indications in hours -are however only approximate, since the time varies according -to the position of the place in question<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>. The word <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">eykt</i> really -designates any of these approximately three-hour divisions; but -since the length of the day varies enormously so far north, the -business of everyday life leads to an attempt at systematising, -e. g. <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">rismál</i> = ‘the time of rising’. The spot which the sun -has reached at one of these divisions is therefore called <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">dagmálastað</i>, -<i lang="is" xml:lang="is">nónstað</i>, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">eyktarstað</i> etc. This mode of determining<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span> -time must be old since it is also found in Scandinavia, where -it has given names to many mountain-peaks. In Baedeker I -have only noticed:—<i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Middagsfjället</i> in Jämtland, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Middagshorn</i> -in Norangdal, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Middagshaugen</i> in Aardal, Sogn, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Middagsnib</i> in -Oldendal in the Nordfjord district, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Middagsberg</i> on the Nærøfjord -in Sogn, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Nonsnib</i> above Loen Water in Nordfjord, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Solbjørgenut</i> -in the Nærøfjord, Sogn. From Fritzner’s Old Norwegian -Lexicon (s. v. <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">eyktarstað</i>) I take:—<i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Durmaalstind</i>, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Rismaalsfjeld</i>, -<i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Nonsfjeld</i>, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Natmaalstinden</i>, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Middagsfjeld</i> in Tromsö -‘amt’ and in Finnmarken, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Eyktargnipa</i> and <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Undornfjeld</i> in Mule -Syssel in Iceland; the peak of the latter lies in the <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">nonstað</i>. -Such names are common in Norway. In Sweden there are -further:—<i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Middagsberget</i> in Dalecarlia = Gesundaberget, just -south of Mora; the name is found again in Härjedalen, in addition -to <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Nonsberget</i>, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Nonsknätten</i> and <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">Middagshognan</i>. Lidén<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> -instances similar names in S. Sweden and in England, and also -those formed with <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">mosse</i>, ‘swamp’, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">vik</i>, ‘bay’, and <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">åker</i>, ‘field’. -It is easy to understand why <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">middag</i>, ‘noon’, everywhere predominates -as a nomenclator. The Lapps also indicate time by -the position of the sun in relation to the surrounding natural -objects<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>.</p> - -<p>The gestures may be accompanied by descriptive expressions, -as among the negroes, or replaced by them, which -seems to be the rule among other peoples. The latter practice -offers the further advantage of being available in the night-time, -when it is necessary to mention a point of time after -dark. The Kayans denote the time of day by pointing to the -position of the sun, but for morning and evening they also use -the expressions ‘when the sun has risen’ or ‘set’<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>. Expressions -for the most important divisions, sunrise and sunset (= morning -and evening) and noon, are found among all peoples. Even -the tribes of Central and Northern Australia have words e. g. -for evening and for morning before sunrise<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>. The richness of -the terminology however varies exceedingly. The Indians divide -the day into three or four rough divisions only. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span> -Seminole of Florida divided up the day by terms descriptive of -the positions of the sun in the sky from dawn to sunset<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>: unfortunately -we are not told what these words were or how -many of them existed. Among the Hopi of Arizona there is -every evidence that the time of day was early indicated by -the altitude of the sun<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a>. The Omahas know no smaller divisions -of the day than morning, noon, and afternoon, to which -certainly must be added the transitional periods of sunrise and -sunset<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>. The Occaneechi of Virginia measure the day by -sunrise, noon, and sunset<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a>. The Algonquins of the same province -mention the three times of the rise, power, and lowering -of the sun<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a>. Many tribes however had four divisions<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a>, e. g. -the Natchez of Louisiana, who divided the day into four equal -parts: half the morning, until noon, half the afternoon, until -evening<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>. But there is also a richer terminology, e. g. the -Kiowa words for dawn (‘first-light’), sunrise (lit. ‘the-sun-has-come-up’), -morning (lit. ‘full-day’), noon, earlier afternoon until -about 3 o’clock, late afternoon, evening (lit. ‘first-darkness’)<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>; -and in particular among the Statlumh of British Columbia: -dawn (‘it-just-comes-day’), early morning (‘just-now-morning’), -morning light (‘just-see-things’), full light (‘just-now-day’), sunrise -(‘outside-sun’), early morning (midway between sunrise and -noon), noon (up till about 2 p. m.), middle of the afternoon, -about 4 p. m., ‘three-fourths-of-the-day-have-gone’, ‘sun-sitting-down’, -‘the-sun-gone’,’evening-creeping-up-the-mountain’ (this refers -to the line of shadow on the eastern mountains), ‘reached-the-top’, -i. e. the line of the shadows, twilight, ‘getting-dark’, -night, darkness, pitch dark<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a>.</p> - -<p>Of the Indians of S. America little is reported. ‘The-sun-is-perpendicular’ -was the expression for noon on the Orinoco<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>. -The Indians of Chile had words for morning twilight, dawn, -morning, noon, afternoon, evening, evening twilight, night, and -midnight<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>.</p> - -<p>The terminology for the parts of the day is especially<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span> -rich in Africa, a fact which is connected with the refinement -of the observation of the sun’s position resulting from the custom -of indicating this by a gesture in the direction of the heavens. -Such simple indications as those of the Babwende for noon, -‘the-sun-over-the-crown-of-the-head’, and for midnight, ‘the-silence-of-the-land’<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a>, -are rare. A number of elaborate time-indications -are as a rule employed. The Wadschagga say at six -o’clock in the morning ‘the sun rises’, at twelve o’clock ‘the -sun rests on his cushion’ (like a tired porter), from twelve to -one ‘the sun goes straight on’, about two it ‘bows’, about six -it ‘falls down’, or ‘spreads its arms out’, like a man in the act -of falling<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a>. The terms used by the Bangala are:—about 2 a. m., -the lying fowl; 3, the lying bird; 4, the first fowl; 4–5, the sun -is near; 5, not translated; 5.<sub>30</sub>–6, the dawn; 6, the sun is come; -6.<sub>15</sub>–7, <i>ntete</i>; 12 noon, 2–3, 3–4, not translated; 6, the fowls -go in, or the sun enters, or the sun darkens; 6.<sub>30</sub>, twilight finishes; -11–12, one set of the ribs or one side of a person, meaning -that a person turns from lying on one side over on to the -other; 12 midnight, second division or second half<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>. In Bornu -the expressions for the time of day are formed by the aid of -the word <i>dinia</i> = ‘world’, ‘universe’, ‘sky’. From about 4 to 5 -‘the world cuts the aurora’; at 6 ‘the world is light’; at 12 -‘the sun is in the centre of the world’. Afterwards follow -‘it is evening’, twilight, night, midnight. Since the people are -Mohammedans they also have expressions for the hours of -prayer<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a>. The expressions used by the Shilluk of the White -Nile are translated<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>:—“The first morning, twilight becomes -visible, morning dawn, morning, the earth is morning (it is -morning)—the difference here is not evident—noon, the sun is -in the zenith, the sun begins to sink (afternoon), it is afternoon, -the sun is setting, the sun has set, it is night, at night, midnight.” -The Yoruba divide the day into early morning, morning -or forenoon, noon (when the day is ‘perpendicular’), -shadow-lengthening or afternoon, evening or twilight<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>. The -Masai distinguish the following parts of the day:—at 4 a. m. it -is ‘not-yet-early’; at 5 it is ‘early’; somewhat later come dawn,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span> -twilight (about 5.<sub>30</sub>, ‘the-sun-is-still-far-off’), and sunrise (‘the-sun-shews-himself-a-little’ -or ‘rises’). From 8 to 10 it is ‘still-early’, -towards 11 they say ‘the-sun-is-not-yet-perpendicular-overhead’, -at 12 ‘the-sun-is-perpendicular-overhead’. The afternoon -is usually expressed by ‘the-shadow-is-turned-round’. This phrase -is often used for the period from 3 to 5 p. m. In particular, -12–2 = ‘the-sun-is-broken’, 2–4 = ‘afternoon-now’, 4–6 is evening, -5 = ‘the-sun-goes-down’, sunset glow = ‘the-twilight-follows-the-sun’. -With the coming of darkness begins the <i>tapa</i>, which -lasts until 8 o’clock, when the people usually go to rest<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a>. Another -authority gives the following list:—Evening, when the cattle -return to the kraal just before sunset; night-fall, or the hour -for gossip, before the people go to bed about 8 o’clock; then -night, midnight, and the time when the buffaloes go to drink -(about 4 a. m.), this latter is the hour before the sun rises; -then ‘the blood-red period’ or ‘the time when the sun decorates -the sky’, this is the hour when the first rays of the sun redden -the heavens; after that morning, when the sun has risen. There -are also hours called ‘the-sun-stands-(or is-)opposite-to-one’ -(midday), and ‘the-shadows-lower-themselves’ (1–2 p. m.)<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a>. The -Nandi, north-east of the Victoria Nyanza, divide the day into -six parts with separate names: 5–6 a. m., 6–9 a. m., 9 a. m.–2 p. m., -2–6 p. m., 6–7 p. m., night. They have moreover -a highly developed terminology for the hours of the day, to -which we shall return later. The Baganda distinguish the -following times of day:—night, midnight, cock-crow, early -dawn, morning, ‘little sun’ (early morning from 6 to 9), full or -broad daylight (9–2), midday, afternoon, evening<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a>. The lower -classes sometimes reckon from the meal-times, breakfast at 7 -a. m., dinner at noon, and supper at 6 p. m. Women engaged -in rough work in the gardens spoke of the time at which such -and such an event took place as that of the first or second -pipe, the first marking an interval of rest at 8 a. m., the second -being smoked when work ceased at 10 a. m.<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>. The expressions -for the times of day among the Thonga of South Africa have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span> -been translated and explained as follows:—“The dawn is -called <i>nipandju</i>; then come <i>tlhabela sana</i>, the time when the -rays of the sun (<i>sana</i>) are piercing; <i>hisaka sana</i>, when they -are burning; <i>nhlekani</i>, the middle of the sky, or <i>shitahataka</i>, -the maximum point of heat; then <i>ndjenga</i> or <i>lihungu</i>, the afternoon; -the time when the sun goes down (<i>renga</i>); <i>ku pela</i> or -<i>ku hlwa</i>, when it reaches the horizon; and <i>inpimabayeni</i>, the -twilight, literally ‘the time when you do not easily recognise -strangers coming to your village because it grows dark’”<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>. It -is remarkable here that many indications are given from the -increasing heat and not from the position of the sun. The -Hottentots distinguish morning and evening twilight, morning -brightness, i. e. the time of clear day shortly before sunrise -(the native name is given because about dawn it is usually most -perceptibly cold), and evening brightness, ‘the red twilight’. -‘Little children’s twilight’ was in some places the name given -to the time of the first noticeable diminution of light after -sunset, in accordance with the belief that at this hour most -children were born. Afternoon and morning were only approximate. -A distinction was made between evening and late -evening, which extended till long after sunset<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a>. The author -just quoted remarks that in this case one is struck by the fact -that while the limits of day and night are elaborately marked -out, of the hours of day itself only noon is brought into prominence. -The same is the case with most peoples who -possess a more highly developed terminology of this nature, and -the circumstance is perfectly natural, since the concrete differences -in the phenomena of light and of the heavens become -so great and so easily visible during the transition from day to -night and night to day. As soon as the sun has risen a little -in the heavens these differences consist chiefly in the position -of the sun and in the increasing heat. Here the language of -signs is really more expressive.</p> - -<p>The aboriginals of the Andaman Islands have terms for -the following times of day:—dawn, the time between this and -sunrise, sunrise, the time between sunrise and 7 a. m., morning<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span> -(three different expressions), noon, the time from noon -to 3 p. m., from 3 to 5, from 5 to sunset, sunset, twilight, -from night-fall to midnight, midnight<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a>. In Busang (the common -commercial language of the Bakau) as spoken by the Mendalam -Kayan of Borneo the different times of day are named:—<i>dow</i> -(day) <i>bekang</i> (open, split) = 6 a. m.; <i>dow njirang</i> (to shine) -<i>mahing</i> (powerful) = about 9 a. m.; <i>dow negrang</i> (upright) <i>marong</i> -(real) = about 12 noon; <i>dow njaja</i> (great) = about 4 p. m.; -<i>dow lebi</i> (little) = about 6 p. m.<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> The terms used by the Islamite -Malayans of Sumatra are mingled with Arabic loan-words, -which I indicate by (Ar.):—6 a. m. (Ar.) dawn, 9 ‘half of the -rising’, 11 ‘close to noon’, 12 ‘middle of the day’, 12–1 p. m. -(Ar.), 1–3 ‘mid-descent’, 3 ‘the time of the long sinking’, 4 (Ar.) -afternoon, 5.<sub>30</sub> ‘time of twilight’, 6 (Ar.) sunset, 8 (Ar.) evening<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a>. -The Javanese speak of morning, forenoon, noon, afternoon, -fall of the day, sunset, evening<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a>. The Achenese of Sumatra, -who have a fully developed calendar influenced by Arabic, -keep the old names for the times of day but with Arabic words -and the Moslem hours of prayer intermingled. About 6 a. m. -= with the breaking forth of the sun; 7–7.<sub>30</sub> = the sun a pole -high, referring to the poles used in propelling craft; 9 = rice -time, i. e. meal time; 10 = the loosening of the ploughing-gear; -11 = the approaching of the zenith; 12 = the zenith; 12.<sub>30</sub> = the falling -from the zenith; 1.<sub>30</sub>–2 = the middle of the period devoted to -obligatory noon-day prayers; 3 = the last part of this; 3.<sub>30</sub> = the -beginning, 4.<sub>30</sub>–5 = the middle, and 5.<sub>30</sub> = the last part of the -time of afternoon prayers; 6 = sunset; 7.<sub>30</sub> = evening, especially -referring to the time of commencement of the evening prayer; -then come midnight and the last third of night, 3 a. m. = the -single crowing of the cock, 4–4.<sub>30</sub> = the continuous crowing of -the cocks, nearly 5 = the streaks of dawn<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a>. For the Malays -of the Peninsula the following list is given:—just before dawn -= before the flies are astir; after sunrise = the heat begins; about -8 a. m. = when the dew dries up; about 9 = when the sun is -half-way above. Then follow:—when the plough rests; noon<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span> -= just noon, right in the middle, when the shadows are round; -afternoon = when the day turns back; about 1.<sub>30</sub> p. m. = after -(Friday) prayer; about 3 = when the buffaloes go to water; -about 10 = when the children have gone to sleep<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>.</p> - -<p>The natives of the Solomon Islands have a rich terminology. -In Buin the following degrees of brightness in the daylight -are distinguished:—4 a. m., ‘it gradually begins to get light’; -5, ‘the brightness is coming on’; 6, ‘the sun shews himself’; 7, -‘it is getting sun’, ‘the sun is there’; 10, ‘the sun is over the -side-rafters of the roof’ (i. e. not yet quite overhead); 12 noon, -‘the sun has come overhead’; 2 p. m., ‘with westerly inclination’, -‘turning’; 3.30, ‘it has come to the tying of the knot’ (on -the Gazelle Peninsula they say of this time ‘the sun has sat -down to glow’); 5, ‘darkness is drawing near’; 6, ‘it has begun -to get dark’; 7, ‘it has grown dark’<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>. Moreover there are words -and expressions which mean ‘middle of the heavens’, ‘the sun -is over the ridge’, ‘the sun stands below 70° from the horizon’, -‘the sun is on the entrance-beam’<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>. A feature of special note -here is that the houses (which must all be built facing the same -direction) and their parts serve as aids in indicating time. The -inhabitants of New Britain (Bismarck Archipelago) divided up -the day according to the position of the sun, and had words -for sunrise, noon, afternoon, the time of the declining sun, nearly -sunset, sunset, and presumably some others<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Polynesians mingle the time-indications based on the -position of the sun with others which are derived from the -life of men and nature. We are told that the Hawaiian day -was divided into three general parts, 1, breaking the shadows, 2, -the plain, full day, 3, the decline of the day. But this must -be completed by what follows:—The lapse of night, however, -was noted by five stations: 1, about sunset; 2, between sunset -and midnight; 3, midnight; 4, between midnight and sunrise; 5, -sunrise<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a>. A native Hawaiian writes:—“When the stars fade -away and disappear, it is <i>ao</i>, daylight; when the sun rises, -day has come, <i>la</i>; when the sun becomes warm, morning is -past; when the sun is directly overhead it is <i>awahea</i>, noon;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span> -when the sun inclines to the west in the afternoon, the expression -is <i>wa ani ka la</i>. After that come evening, <i>ahi-ahi</i> -(<i>ahi</i>, fire), and then sunset, <i>napoo ka la</i>, and then comes -<i>po</i>, the night, and the stars shine out”. Other expressions are -translated:—‘there comes a glimmer of colour on the mountains’, -‘the curtains of night are parted’, ‘the mountains light up’, ‘day -breaks’, ‘the east blooms with yellow’, ‘it is broad daylight’<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a>.</p> - -<p>These are, poetically regarded, very fine examples of -the rich terminology for the time of transition between night -and day. In Tahiti the day has six divisions which are fairly -accurately determined by the height of the sun. Names are -given for midnight, midnight to daybreak, daybreak, sunrise, -the time when the sun begins to be hot, when it reaches the -meridian, evening before sunset, the time after sunset<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>. The -names for the times of day among the Society Islanders were -particularly well developed. For the day there were two expressions -according to its extension either from morning to -evening twilight or from the rising to the setting of the sun. -No division into regular periods was known, nor any means of -establishing these; nevertheless the islanders distinguished a -varying number of points of time, according to recurring physical -changes, at unequal distances from each other. Thus:—the -time of cock-crow, the first breaking of clouds, twilight, the -stirring of the flies, the time at which a man’s face can be -recognised, daylight, the dipping forward of the sun’s edge, -sunrise, the sun above the horizon, the rays broadening over -the land, the rays falling on the crown of the head, the same -a little oblique, the shadow as long as the object, the same -longer than the man, the sun near the horizon, sunset, the -time at which the houses are lit up, twilight, night, midnight<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a>. -For the Marquesas are given:—daybreak, twilight, dawn, -(‘the day or the red sky, the fleeing night’), broad day—bright -day from full morning to about ten o’clock—, noon (‘belly of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span> -sun’), afternoon (‘back part of the sun’), evening (‘fire-fire’, the -same expression as in Hawaii, i. e. the time to light the fires -on the mountains or the kitchen fire for supper)<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a>. The Samoans -divided the day into first dawn, dawn, cock-crowing, day-break, -the time when the bird <i>iao</i> was heard (<i>i</i> = call, <i>ao</i> = day-break), -morning, the time to feed the tame pigeons (about -9 a. m.), the sun upright (= noon), half-way down (about 3 -p. m.), sunset. After that the night was divided into:—the -crying of the cricket (about 20 minutes after sunset), fire-lighting -(about half-an-hour later), the extinguishing of the -lights (about 9 p. m.), midnight, and <i>tulna o pa ma ao</i>, ‘the -standing together of night and day’<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>.</p> - -<p>Indications of this nature are convenient only in countries -in which the sun is neither too often nor too long hidden by -clouds. When the sun is hidden the inhabitants have to manage -as best they can. A very interesting statement in this -connection is made by a Swahili native. In rainy days his -tribe observed the crowing of the cock. At the first cock-crow -they knew that it was 5 or 6 a. m.; when the cock -failed to crow all sense of a division of time was lost to them<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>.</p> - -<p>The phenomena of Nature afford little basis for the -naming of the times of day, since there is hardly one of them -which recurs regularly every day at a definite time, with the -exception of cock-crow, which is in great favour as an indication -of the time before sunrise. Other exceptional cases -are such names as that mentioned for the Society Islands, -‘the stirring of the flies’; one given for the Mahakam Kayan -of Borneo, <i>tiling</i> (a cricket which is only to be heard at sunset) -<i>duan</i> (to sing)<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a>; a couple of expressions of the Wadschagga, -‘the cry of the partridge’ in the evening, ‘the turning of the -smoke down the mountain’<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a>; and one of the Nandi, ‘the elephants -have gone to water’<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a>. But a people which devotes -itself to cattle-rearing or to agriculture may borrow from its -regular daily occupations expressions for the times of day. -Thus the Mahakam Kayan, besides the above-mentioned name<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span> -for late afternoon and the term for noon (<i>beluwa dow</i>, ‘half-day’), -have an expression for about 4 p. m.—<i>dow uli</i>, i. e. -‘the time of the home-coming from work in the fields’. The -Javanese are strongly influenced by civilisation and have, -especially for astrological purposes, a fully developed chronological -system; not seldom, however, the times of day are given -in relation to the rural labour. So they say ‘when the buffalo -is sent to the pastures’, ‘when the buffalo is brought back -from the pastures’ or ‘is housed’ etc.; but for the time of the -occurrence of any event the position of the sun is usually -indicated<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a>. The Achenese and the Malays of Sumatra have -an expression exactly corresponding to the Greek <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">βουλυτός</span><a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>. -The Wadschagga have expressions for the position of the sun, -but also others<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a>, among which may be mentioned ‘the first -going of the oxen to the pastures in the morning’. This kind -of terminology seems to have been developed into a system -among the Banyankole, a cattle-raising tribe of the Uganda -Protectorate. The day is divided up in the following way:—6 -a. m., milking-time; 9 a. m., <i>katamyabosi</i>, not translated; 12 -noon, rest for the cattle; 1 p. m., the time to draw water; 2 -p. m., the time for the cattle to drink; 3 p. m., the cattle leave -the watering-place to graze; 4 p. m., the sun shews signs of -setting; 5 p. m., the cattle return home; 6 p. m., the cattle -enter the kraal; 7 p. m., milking-time<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a>. This terminology is -of especial interest since it remains in various Indo-European -languages as a relic of antiquity, and affords a hitherto little -observed piece of evidence for the life of antiquity which -agrees well with others. Compare Sanskrit <i>sagavás</i>, the time -when the cows are herded together; <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">βουλυτός</span>, the time when -the oxen were unyoked in the Homeric phrase <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἦμος δ’ ἠέλιος -μετενίσσετο βουλυτόνδε</span><a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a>; and Irish <i>im-buarach</i>, morning, ‘at the -yoking of the oxen’. With rest or meal-times are associated -Old High German <i>untorn</i>, ‘noon’, the time of the mid-day rest, -Sanskrit <i>abhipitvam</i>, ‘evening’, and Lithuanian <i>piëtus</i>, ‘noon’, -which goes back to Sanskrit <i>pitus</i>, ‘meal-time’<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span></p> - -<p>Time-indications of various kinds are, as we have seen, -used alongside of one another; when they are fully employed -a very highly organised terminology for the times of -day may be arrived at. The names for the times of day -among the Nandi seem almost artificial:—2 a. m., the elephants -have gone to the waters; 3, the waters roar; 4, the land (sky) -has become light; 5, the houses are opened; 5.<sub>30</sub>, the oxen -have gone to the grazing-ground; 6, the sheep have been -unfastened; 6.<sub>30</sub>, the sun has grown; 7, it has become warm; -7.<sub>30</sub>, the goats have gone to the grazing-ground; 9, the goats -have returned from the grazing-ground; 9.<sub>30</sub>, the goats sleep -in the kraal; 10, the goats have arisen, the oxen have returned; -10.<sub>30</sub>, the oxen sleep; 11, untie the cattle, i. e. let the -calves get their food, the goats feed; 11.<sub>30</sub>, the oxen have -arisen; 12 noon, the sun has stood upright, the goats sleep -in the wood; 12.<sub>30</sub>, the goats have drunk water; 1 p. m., the -sun turns, i. e. goes towards the west, the cattle have drunk -water; 1.<sub>30</sub>, the drones hum; 2, the sun continues to go towards -the west, the oxen feed; 3, the goats have been collected; -4, the oxen drink water for the second time, the goats have -returned; 4.<sub>30</sub>, the goats sleep; 5, the eleusine grain has been -cleaned for us, take the goats home, shut up the calves; 5.<sub>30</sub>, -the goats have entered the kraal; 6, the sun is finished, the -cattle have returned; 6.<sub>15</sub>, milk (sc. the cows); 6.<sub>45</sub>, neither -man nor tree is recognisable, cattle-fold doors have been -closed; 7, the heavens are fastened; 8, the porridge is finished; -9, those who have drunk milk are asleep; 10, the houses have -been closed; 11, those who sleep early wake up; 12, the middle -of the night<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a>.</p> - -<p>As a last example I give the most detailed list of all, -from the neighbourhood of Antananarivo, the capital of Madagascar. -The times given are naturally to be taken on the -average. 12 midnight, centre of night or halving of night; 2 -a. m., frog-croaking; 3, cock-crowing; 4, morning also night; -5, crow-croaking; 5.<sub>15</sub>, bright horizon, glimmer of day, reddish -east; 5.<sub>30</sub>, the colours of cattle can be seen, dusk, diligent<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span> -people awake, early morning; 6, sunrise, day-break, broad -daylight; 6.<sub>15</sub>, dew falls, the cattle go out; 6.30, the leaves are -dry (i. e. the dew disappears); 6.<sub>45</sub>, the hoar-frost disappears, -the day chills the mouth (this applies only to the two or three -winter months); 8, advance of the day; 9, (the sun is) over -(at a right angle with) the purlin; 12 noon, over the ridge of -the roof.—In the forenoon the position of the sun nearly -square with the eastern purlin of the roof marked about 9 -o’clock; and as noon approached, its vertical position about -the ridge-pole, or at least its reaching the meridian, clearly -indicated 12 o’clock. In regard to the terms for the afternoon -we must bear in mind that the houses in former times were -always built with their length running north and south and with -the single door and window facing the west; the sunlight -coming in after midday at the open door by its gradual progress -along the floor gave a fairly accurate measure of time. -The house therefore served, as among the Dyaks, as a kind -of sun-dial.—12.<sub>30</sub> p. m., day taking hold of the threshold; -1, peeping in of the day (into the room), day less one step; -1.<sub>30</sub>—2, slipping of the day, decline of the day, afternoon; 2, -(the sun) at the rice-pounding place (i. e. the sunbeam falls on -the rice mortar), at the house-post (there were in the house -three posts supporting the ridge: in the southern one there -were notches, <i>jinja andry</i>, from which the advance of the sunlight -and of the day was observed); 3, at the place of tying -the calf (as the rays reached the one of the posts to which -the calf was tied at night); 4, at the sheep- or poultry-pen; -4.<sub>30</sub>, the cow newly calved comes home; 5, the sun touching -(i. e. when the declining sunshine reached the eastern wall -of the house); 5.<sub>30</sub>, the cattle come home; 5.<sub>45</sub> sunset flush; -6, sunset (lit. ‘sun dead’); 6.<sub>15</sub>, the fowls come in; 6.<sub>30</sub>, dusk, -twilight; 6.<sub>45</sub>, the edge of the rice-cooking pan is obscure; 7, -people begin to cook rice; 8, people eat rice; 8.<sub>30</sub>, finished -eating; 9, people go to sleep; 9.<sub>30</sub>, everyone in bed; 10 gun-fire; -12, midnight<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a>.</p> - -<p>Finally I collect the Homeric expressions for the parts<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span> -of the day. They are far from being so elaborately organised -as the examples quoted above, and many are incidental periphrases; -the terminology is still at its beginnings. Its character -is quite primitive also in the juxtaposition of terms of different -kinds. The day is divided into the familiar three parts. ‘It -will be a dawn, or an afternoon, or a noon when I am to be -killed’, says Achilles<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a>. The meaning of <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἠώς</span>, ‘dawn’, is also -extended so that the word can denote forenoon or at least -morning. Cp. the following phrases:—‘I slept the whole night -and to the dawn and to the noon’,<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> ‘as long as it was dawn -and the holy day increased’<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a>; of this the phrase already -quoted, ‘as the sun turned over to the unyoking of the oxen’, -is the counterpart. In this sense appears also the derivative -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἠοίη</span>. When Menelaus wishes to surprise the Old Man of the -Sea he goes to the seashore ‘as the dawn appeared’<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a>: the Old -Man is said to come ‘as the sun ascends the middle of the -heavens’<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a>. Thus ‘we waited the whole dawn’ until ‘the Old -Man came up from the sea at noon’<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>. The afternoon, in which -the suitors amuse themselves with dance and song, is also -called eventide<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a>; when evening, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἕσπερος</span>, comes, they go home -to sleep<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a>. Besides these larger divisions smaller ones were -also indicated, e. g. the morning twilight, ‘when it was not yet -dawn but still the twilight of the ending night’<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a>. Before dawn -there appears the morning star, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἑωσφόρος</span>, Il. XXIII, 226, Od. XIII, -93. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἠώς</span>, ‘dawn’ in the proper sense of the word, is often used -as a time-indication, sometimes in the well-known periphrastic -expressions of Il. XI, 1, XIX, 1, Od. V, 1. XXIII, 347, XXII, 197, -sometimes alone, e. g. ‘at dawn’, ‘at the appearance of dawn’<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a>. -Sunrise is always indicated by verbal and often periphrastic -expressions, simply by <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀνιέναι</span>, ‘rise’<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>, further ‘the sun, leaving -the fair sea, rose into the all-brazen heaven to shine for the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span> -immortal ones’ etc.<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a>, and ‘neither as he ascends to the starry -heaven nor as he again turns back to the earth from the -heavens’<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a>, similarly Od. XII, 380 ff., Il. XI, 735 ‘as long as the -shining sun rose above the earth’<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a>, and Il. VII, 421 ff. ‘the sun -thereafter once more struck the fields, ascending in the heavens -from the deep and soft-flowing ocean’<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a>. The expression can -therefore also include the time immediately following after -sunrise, but is not applied to the whole period of the sun’s -ascension, i. e. the forenoon. The culmination of the sun is -mentioned in Od. IV, 400 (cp. above) and in Il. VIII, 68. -The decline of the day is thus described, ‘the day was for the -greater part gone’<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a>; for the sinking of the sun see Od. XI, -18, XII, 381 (cp. above), and the already quoted expression -‘the sun turned over to the unyoking of the oxen’. Sunset (Il. -XVII, 454, XVIII, 241, Od. II, 388) is described by the common -word <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δύνειν</span>, ‘set’, or by ‘goes under the earth’<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a>, or ‘the bright -light of the sun sank down in the ocean, drawing after himself -the dark night’<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a>. The evening star has the same name as -evening, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἕσπερος</span><a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>. The Homeric Greeks therefore do not seem -to have observed the position of the sun in any but the most -general fashion. We may add certain indications taken from -the business of daily life. The word <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">βουλυτός</span> (cp. above p. 31) -appears in the twice-recurring verse ‘as the sun turned over -to the unyoking of the oxen’<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a>. It is not the sun but the ploughman -that unyokes the oxen: the word has therefore become established -as a chronological <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">terminus technicus</i> which is significant on -account of its antiquity. About the expression <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐν νυκτὸς ἀμολγῷ</span> -there has been much dispute. It occurs:—Il. XI, 173 and XV, -324, where lions surprise a herd, XXII, 28, in the simile of the -morning rising of Sirius, 317, of the shining forth of the evening<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span> -star, Od. IV, 841 ‘so clear appeared the dream to her’<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a>: it is -a well-known fact that we dream for the most part shortly -before waking. The sense ‘beginning or end of night’ is -therefore fully confirmed. As for the etymology I do not hesitate -to pronounce in favour of that lying nearest to hand, viz. -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀμέλγειν</span>, ‘to milk’, and therefore ‘milking-time’. Compare the -terms of the Banyankole for early morning at 6 o’clock and -evening at 7—‘milking-time’—and those of the Nandi: 6 p. m. -‘the sun is over, the cattle have come back’; 6.<sub>15</sub>, ‘milk’ (sc. -the cows). That only these two expressions have settled into -<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">termini technici</i> admits of a not unimportant conclusion in -regard to antiquity. The meal-hour as an indication of time -occurs Il. XI, 86, ‘when a wood-cutter prepares his meal after -having fatigued his arms by felling large trees’<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a>, and Od. XII, -439, ‘when a man rises from the market-place to go home to -the meal after having judged many quarrels’<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a>,—in the latter -instance in connexion with the market. This time-indication -was destined to have a great future as the social life of the -Greeks developed. Phrases such as the following are of common -occurrence:—‘when the market-place is full’<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a>, ‘before the market-place -has filled itself’<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a>, ‘the breaking up of the assembly of -the market-place’<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a>, etc. The night was divided into the familiar -three parts (although the expression <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μέση νύξ</span>, ‘middle of the -night’, first occurs in the smaller Iliad) and was judged according -to the position of the stars:—‘Let us go, for the night -draws close to an end and the dawn is near. The stars are -far gone. The greater part of night is gone, the two parts, only -the third part remains’<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a>; ‘when it was the third part of the -night and the stars had passed’<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a>. The morning star serves<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span> -as a time-indicator at the nocturnal home-coming of Odysseus<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Latin expressions I merely copy from Censorinus, -Ch. 24, and insert in brackets the additions made by Macrob., -<cite>Sat.</cite> I, 3, 16 ff. <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Tempus quod huic</i>—i. e. <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">nox media—proximum -est vocatur de media nocte (media noctis inclinatio), sequitur -gallicinium, cum galli canere incipiunt, dein conticinium, cum -conticuerunt; tunc ante lucem, et sic diluculum, cum sole nondum -orto iam lucet. Secundum diluculum vocatur mane cum lux videtur -sole orto, post hoc ad meridiem, tunc meridies, quod est -medii diei nomen, inde de meridie (inde—i. e. a meridie—tempus -occiduum), hinc suprema ... post supremam -sequitur vespera ante ortum scilicet</i>—this must be before the -appearance of the star—<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">eius stellae, quam Plautus vesperuginem -... appellat</i>. There are also <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">ortus</i> and <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">occasus solis</i>, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">crepusculum</i>. -This terminology is poor and applies almost exclusively -to the daylight. In ancient Rome the edifices of the Forum -are said to have served as sun-dials. A servant of the consul proclaimed -noon “when the sun peeped between the Rostra and the -Graecostasis; when the sun sank from the Maenian column to -the prison he proclaimed evening, but only on clear days”<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a>. -With the advance of civilisation the Greek terms for the twelve -hours of the day, each of which varied in length according to -the time of the year, became customary, a fact which is connected -with the spread of sun- and water-clocks<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a>. Hence arises in -the Middle Ages the terminology derived from the daily mass -(<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">hora canonica</i>)<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a>. In daily life there was often a recurrence -to primitive methods. I borrow a few examples of a quite -primitive character from the early medieval tract <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Peregrinatio -Aetheriae</i>:—‘the hour when people can recognise each other’<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a>,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span> -‘when the crow of cocks begins’<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a>, ‘from the first cock-crow’<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a>, -etc., but also <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">hora tertia</i>, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">quinta</i>, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">sexta</i> (noon).</p> - -<p>An obviously isolated method is the determination of the -times of day from the daily twice-recurring ebb and flow of -the tides; the method is also very unsuitable, since the period -of a complete tide is 12 hours 25 minutes, so that the two -periods together exceed the day by nearly an hour. In fact the -Eskimos of Greenland are the only people who reckon by the -tides. They divide up the day according to ebb and flow, although -they must always reckon differently on account of the variations -of the moon<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a>. Dalsager<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> also points this out and remarks -that their reckoning cannot last for two consecutive days, so -that they have to make a fresh division every day. The rudiments -of this method are however seen among some of the -tribes of Polynesia. Immediately after the above-quoted divisions -of the day among the Society Islanders are mentioned “the -longer periods before noon and midnight during which the sea -rises, and the others following these, in which it falls”<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a>, and -“night or the light quite gone, when the sea begins to flow -towards the land, about 11 at night”<a id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a>. The Hawaiians called -the rising of the tide by such names as the rising, big, full, -and surrounding sea; when the water neither rose nor fell it -was called the standing sea; the ebbing sea they spoke of as -the parted, retiring, and defeated sea<a id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a>.</p> - -<p>The night is the time of complete darkness and rest, -and therefore the frequently mentioned expression, ‘sleeping-time’, -corresponds to night. Seldom is the whole time during -which the sun remains below the horizon to be understood -by it. On the Society Islands there were two expressions for -day according to its extension from morning to evening twilight -or from sunrise to sunset<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a>. The Hawaiian judge, Fornander, -follows this mode of speech when he distinguishes five periods -of night, (1) about sunset, (2) between sunset and midnight, (3) -midnight, (4) between midnight and sunrise, and (5) sunrise<a id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a>. -For the times between sunset and night-fall and between night<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span> -and sunrise there is a rich terminology which has already -been illustrated. During the night itself time-indications are -for obvious reasons scanty. Often the only point distinguished -is midnight, e. g. by the Kiowa<a id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a>, the Masai<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a>, the Shilluk<a id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a>; -‘the silence of the land’ among the Babwende<a id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a>, ‘the back of -night’ among the Hottentots<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a>, ‘the time of sleep’ among the -Hawaiians<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a>. Hence arises of itself a threefold division in -which the periods of night before and after midnight are distinguished, -as e. g. by the Hawaiians<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a>. The usual method is to -start from the day, i. e. the limit of the day, and then to proceed -on both sides in the direction of midnight, as in the late -evening of the Hottentots, which extends till long after sunset<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a>, -and the ‘not yet early’ and the <i>tara</i> (beginning at dusk and -extending till the time of rest) among the Masai<a id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a>, etc. The -Tahitians are credited with six divisions of the day and as -many of the night, this more accurate division of night being -of course determined by the stars<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a>; the only expressions reported -however are those for midnight and the time from midnight -to daybreak<a id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a>. On the Marquesas Islands the first night-watch -was ‘the hour of ghosts’; the advanced night was termed -‘black night’, and midnight ‘great sleep’; the last watch of -night was ‘the coming of day’<a id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a>. The Wadschagga have three -night watches:—the awakening in the evening, that in the middle -(midnight), and that in the morning twilight<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a>. The Javanese -have night, midnight, and waning of night<a id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a>. Where the cock -is kept, its crow serves as a sign that the night is drawing -to an end, as for instance among the Swahili<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a>, and in the -Dutch Indies<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a>; the Yoruba distinguish other cock-crowings, such -as ‘the cock opening the way’, i. e. the first cock-crowing, ‘the -time of the cock-crowing immediately before sunset’<a id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a>. Quite -exceptional however is the device ascribed to the inhabitants -of the New Hebrides. In order to denote the hours of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40"></a>[40]</span> -night they make a gesture in the direction of the spot where -the sun would be at the corresponding hour of day<a id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a>.</p> - -<p>There is only one means of accurately indicating the -times of night, and that is by the observation of the stars. -Many peoples judge from the position of the morning-star the -time that has yet to elapse before sunrise: but this cannot -always be done, and in any case the method is only of -use in the early morning. But the fixed stars are always -there. The difficulty however arises that every day the stars -gain about four minutes on the sun; the stars must therefore -be accurately known, and the observer must either be acquainted -with their positions at definite times of the year or else -be constantly choosing a new star as his chronometer. Not -many peoples have got so far as that. Although the science -of astronomy was very well developed among the Polynesians, -we are told of the Tahitians that to distinguish the hours of -night by means of the stars was a science with which very -few of them were acquainted<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a>. On the Society Islands the -advance of night was determined from the stars<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a>; and so -in Hawaii, with as great accuracy as the hours of the day -from the sun<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a>. “When the Milky Way passes the meridian -and inclines to the west, people (in Hawaii) say ‘the fish has -turned’”<a id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a>. Among the Indians of South America the knowledge -of the stars is very wide-spread. E. Nordenskjöld, who -visited the border districts where Brazil, Bolivia, and the Argentine -meet, says repeatedly that the stellar heavens are the -Indian’s clock and compass. When sitting in their huts they -can, without looking out, indicate the positions of the more -important constellations in the sky. If one is out with an -Indian at night he will point to Orion or some other constellation -and shew how far it will have moved on before the end -of the journey is reached<a id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a>. The Eskimos of Greenland, when -it is dark, indicate the time from <i>nelarsik</i> (Vega)<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a>, or from -the Pleiades<a id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a>. Among them the observation of the stars is -uncommonly well developed. The Lapps, who have to tend<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41"></a>[41]</span> -their reindeer during the long winter nights, determine the -course of time by certain stars. <i>Sarvon</i> is the largest star in -the heavens: when in winter it stands in the middle of the -sky it marks midnight; it is called the night-clock of the Lapps. -The Great Dog, the Old Man, and the Old Woman are three -stars that pursue <i>sarva</i>. They rise when the people go to -sleep, and set a little before daybreak. They ascend the heavens -obliquely in front of <i>sarva</i>, in the morning they dip downwards. -Another authority states that <i>sarva</i> is the Great Bear; -the first couple of stars in it are the Old Man and the Old -Woman, the second the Dog and the Elk. The reindeer herdsman -decides from it how far night is advanced, and when he -may expect to be relieved. <i>Lovosj</i> or <i>suttjenes</i> is the name -given to the Pleiades. The constellation indicates midnight, -when the weather is good. A fable tells how this constellation -saved a servant who had been driven out by his master -into the great cold of a winter night. The young men wish -the maidens to tend the reindeer by night and say:—“Go -and kiss the <i>suttjenes</i> young men”, but the maidens answer:—“Go -yourselves and kiss the <i>suttjenes</i> maidens”<a id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a>. Of the old -Icelanders Kålund writes:—“At night the moon and certain -stars, especially the Pleiades, afford them the same aid” (i. e. -as the signs of day)<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a>. The Homeric Greeks—at least in a -general fashion—also judged of the advance of night by the -position of the stars<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a>. This more accurate method is therefore -peculiar to a few primitive peoples specially gifted in -astronomy.</p> - -<p>From the investigation of the modes of naming and reckoning -the day and its parts it follows for primitive time-reckoning -in general that the time-indications refer to concrete -phenomena, and therefore either they indicate a point of time -or, if they are related to periods, these periods are of different -and fluctuating length. They are accordingly of no use in -calculating, they cannot simply be added together even when -a number of such periods together make up the period of a -complete day, i. e. they are fundamentally discontinuous. When -several days are to be counted the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i> method is used:<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42"></a>[42]</span> -instead of the whole day a part is counted. Within the day -two phenomena chiefly recur with such unfailing constancy as -to be of use in counting: they are the daily reviving sun and -the night or sleeping-time. The word for sun is often the same -as that for day. Within the day fall a number of occupations -which chiefly turn the attention to its length and varying -phenomena, and this is the case also with the sun itself, for -the varying position of the sun in the heavens affords the -most usual mode of indicating the time of day. For the counting -a point of time is best suited, or, which comes to the -same thing, a unit without subdivisions, a blank period. This -is the reason why the counting by ‘sleeps’ or nights predominates. -On the same grounds the quite isolated <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i> -counting of the days from the dawns in Homer may be explained. -To indicate the duration of time primitive peoples -make use of other means, derived from their daily business, -which have nothing to do with time-reckoning; in Madagascar -‘rice-cooking’ often means half an hour, ‘the frying of a locust’ -a moment<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a>. The Cross River natives say:—‘The man died -in less than the time in which maize is not yet completely -roasted’, i. e. less than about 15 minutes; ‘the time in which -one can cook a handful of vegetables’, i. e. an hour<a id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a>. The -Malays, the Javanese, and the Achenese use the following expressions -for a period of time:—a blink of the eyes (literally), -the time required for chewing a quid of <i>sirih</i> (about 5 minutes), -the time required for cooking a <i>kay</i> of rice (about half -an hour), for cooking a <i>gantang</i> of rice (about an hour and -a half), half a day, a ‘sun-dark’, i. e. a complete day and night<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a>. -The natives of New Britain (Bismarck Archipelago) measure -the time between sunset and the moon-rise by the smouldering -of a torch or the time occupied in cooking yams, taro, or -wild taro. Short divisions of time were also expressed by -comparative terms, e. g. the throwing of a stick for a short -distance, ‘a woman’s crossing’, or the distance a woman would -paddle<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a>. Very often duration of time is indicated by reference -to the time needed to traverse a well-known piece of road<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43"></a>[43]</span> -between two places. Examples are superfluous. But all these -indications of periods of time are found among more developed -peoples: the primitive peoples pay little or no attention to -them.</p> - -<p>Both in the case of the day and in that of the other -time-units this clinging to a natural basis long proved a hindrance -to a rational system of time-reckoning, which could only -be achieved by breaking away from natural phenomena. For -there are no fixed natural limits of day, but if morning and -evening, or still more clearly sunrise and sunset, are chosen -as the limits, these must change every day and the days will -vary in length. Here the midnight period proved of assistance, -since it facilitated the establishing of a fixed point of divergence. -This was done in Rome, and the practice had its root -in daily life, where in order to indicate the time of occurrence -of events which took place in the night-time the calculation -was pushed forwards on both sides towards midnight, until -this became the limit of divergence. It is however an artificial -epoch that must be found by calculation<a id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a>.</p> - -<p>In the second place the hour of antiquity is a twelfth part -of the whole time of daylight, and this duodecimal division was -also transferred to the night, which had commonly been divided -into four watches according to the practice borrowed from -military life. This hour therefore varied in length according to -the time of the year. The inconvenience of a varying division -of this nature must have made itself felt in daily life, although -in the south it was not so insupportable as it must have been -in the north. It rendered the construction of the clock difficult, -and above all was impracticable for scientific astronomy. -Hence alongside of it appeared even in antiquity the hour of -constant length or the double hour, viz. a twelfth or a twenty-fourth -part respectively of the complete day. The double hour, -notwithstanding Bilfinger’s assertion to the contrary, arose in -Babylon (<i>kasbu</i>), and is connected with the duodecimal division -of the zodiac<a id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a>. This hour of constant length was not generally -adopted until very late: the varying hour remained almost<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44"></a>[44]</span> -up to the end of the Middle Ages. Our modern hour -has only been in general use since about the 14th century, -when it was first spread by the construction of the striking-clock<a id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a>. -Its convenience for the business of practical life and -the construction of the clock together secured the victory of -the hour as 1/24th of the day, originally a numerical and -astronomical division. A condition for its use was the fusion -of day and night into one unit, since as long as these were -kept separate the constant hour could not thrive. Both the -complete day and its regular divisions however only won their -way after a very long time, because men were unwilling to -depart from the natural basis in time-reckoning. The substitution -of the artificial for the natural time-reckoning has also, -as far as the day is concerned, created a rational system of -reckoning which has borrowed from the natural system only -one feature, viz. the average length of the complete day.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45"></a>[45]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.<br /> -<br /> -<span class="fs70">THE SEASONS.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p class="drop-capy1">The year is for us a numerical quantity of 365 or 366 -days. But we speak of the year in two senses, first as the -calendar year beginning on New Year’s Day, and secondly -as the current year, a period of the same number of days -beginning at one chosen day, as for instance in giving a -person’s age. The word ‘year’ may however also represent -the highest chronological unit even independently of the seasons, -as in the case of the Egyptian shifting year of exactly 365 -days, and the Islamite lunar year of 354. These however are -exceptional cases. At the basis lies the natural year conditioned -by the course of the sun and by the natural phases dependent -thereon, which penetrate closely into the life of man. -This connexion has necessitated the agreement of the numerical -year with the sun, whence arises a situation very inconvenient -for reckoning, namely that years of a varying number -of days have to be accepted, since the natural year does not -contain a whole number of days.</p> - -<p>The year as a numerical quantity is only the tardily attained -summit of development, and the connexion with the -natural year has always been so strongly felt that, except in -certain cases such as the Egyptian and Islamite years, the -chronological year has had to adjust itself accordingly. Here -also we see the point of departure, the natural phenomena -which are in the end dependent upon the course of the sun, -such as the variation between heat and cold, verdure and snow, -rainy season and drought, the blooming and withering of vegetation, -between the different trade-winds or monsoons, between -abundance and scarcity of food. With these and similar concrete<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46"></a>[46]</span> -phenomena the time-reckoning is from its origin bound -up, and is at first discontinuous, i. e. it fixes the attention solely -on the phenomena in question, and not on the year as a whole. -The fusion of the various seasons into the circle of the year -is arrived at only by degrees: the year is at first counted by -the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i> method. The process is therefore similar -to that already found in the discussion of the day.</p> - -<p>It must be granted as a premise to our investigation that -when we speak of ‘seasons’ not only the larger divisions of -the year are to be understood by the word—those which -alone of all the natural epochs of the year are current among -us to-day—but also smaller divisions which might perhaps -be called seasonal points; for instance the times of cherry-blossoming -and hop-picking are also seasons. Such short—often -very short—seasons are not distinguished in any important -feature from the longer: the difference only arises -from the longer or shorter duration of the phenomena in question. -The Hidatsa Indians describe any period thus marked by a -natural occurrence, be it long or short, the hot season or the -season of strawberries, by the same word, <i>kadu</i>, ‘season’, -‘time’ (of the occurrence), and the longer seasons include -shorter<a id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a>.</p> - -<p>We begin with these shorter seasons since they are more -foreign to us: to primitive man however they are of extreme -importance, since in the absence of a regular calendar they -afford the only means he knows of determining the shortest -periods of the natural year, in so far as they are connected -with this. A time-determination of this nature is important not -so much for giving the date of any occurrence as for establishing -beforehand the time of certain occupations, e. g. sowing -or a festival.</p> - -<p>The classical instance is afforded by the peasants’ maxims -of Hesiod. The cry of the migrating cranes shews the time -of ploughing and sowing<a id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a>. If one sows too late, the crop may -still thrive if Zeus sends rain upon it on the third day after -the cuckoo has called for the first time in the leaves of the oak<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47"></a>[47]</span> -(486). Before the appearance of the swallow, the messenger of -spring, the vines should be pruned (568). But when the snail -climbs up the plants there should be no more digging in the -vineyards (571). When the thistle blossoms and the shrill note -of the cicada is to be heard, summer has come, the goats are -at their fattest, and the wine is at its best (582). The sea can be -navigated when the fig-tree shews at the end of its branches -leaves which are as big as the foot-prints of the crow (679). -Especially well-known and beloved as a sign that the hard winter -was over was the swallow: evidence is afforded by the famous -procession of the Rhodian swallow-youths<a id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a>, and by a vase-decoration -clearly expressing the delight felt at the appearance of -the herald of Spring<a id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a>. The observation of the birds of passage -was very useful for this kind of time-determination: Homer -already knows it, ‘when the cranes flee the winter’, he says<a id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a>, -so also Theognis: “I hear, son of Polypais, the voice of the -shrill-crying crane, even her who to mortals comes as harbinger -of the season for ploughing”<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a>. Aristophanes makes -his birds boast of it:—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="verse indent0">“All lessons of primary daily concern</div> - <div class="verse indent0">You have learnt from the Birds, and continue to learn.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Your best benefactors, and early instructors,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">We give you the warning of seasons returning.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">When the Cranes are arranged, and muster afloat</div> - <div class="verse indent0">In the middle air, with a creaking note,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Steering away to the Libyan sands,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Then careful farmers sow their lands;</div> - <div class="verse indent0">The crazy vessel is hauled ashore,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">The sail, the ropes, the rudder, and oar</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Are all unshipped, and housed in store.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">The shepherd is warned, by the Kite reappearing,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">To muster his flock, and be ready for shearing.</div><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48"></a>[48]</span> - <div class="verse indent0">You quit your old cloak at the Swallow’s behest,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">In assurance of summer, and purchase a vest”<a id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a>.</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>Similar time-determinations from natural phenomena are -still not entirely neglected by the modern peasant. In Bohuslän -(W. Sweden) the sowing-time was at hand when the -swallow had come, it was the right sowing-time when the -juniper flowered. In northern Scania (S. Sweden) the barley -was to be sown when the hawthorn was in bloom. Older -people could not give their birthdays but only knew that they -were born e. g. at the rye- or potato-harvest, when the cattle -were first driven out to pasture (in the spring), etc. My father -knew quite well that his birthday was the fifth of September, -but when anyone asked him when he was born he would -generally answer: ‘When they pick hops’. The Eskimos said -that such and such a person was born when eggs were collected -or seals caught<a id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a>. From modern Palestine a bond is quoted -in which a sum of money was to be paid when next the <i>fakûs</i> -(a kind of cucumber) was ripe<a id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a>.</p> - -<p>We return to the primitive peoples and give first a few -examples in which a natural phenomenon serves as the sign -of the beginning of one of the longer divisions of the year or -of some occupation, generally agriculture. Of the Bushmen -we are told that they paid particular attention to the time at -which the first thunder-storm broke. They hailed it with great -joy since they counted it a sure sign that summer had commenced. -In the midst of their excessive rejoicing they tore -in pieces their garments of skins, threw them into the air, -and danced for several <ins class="corr" id="tn-48" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'nights in sucession'"> -nights in succession</ins>. The Garieb Bushmen -made great outcries accompanied with dancing and playing -upon their drums<a id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a>. The Banyankole of Uganda used the -euphorbia trees to guide them as to the nearness of the rainy -season: when these trees began to shoot out new growth -they knew that the rains were near<a id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a>. The Indians of the -Orinoco took great pains to determine the approach of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49"></a>[49]</span> -rainy season, as Gilij relates in a chapter entitled: <cite lang="it" xml:lang="it">De segni, -che precedon l’inverno</cite><a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a>. The signs were:—The scream of the -Araguato monkeys at midnight or at the approach of day; -the sudden bursting into blossom of certain trees; the swelling -of the brooks, which almost dry up in summer but swell a few -days before the rainy season; the yams which in summer have -lost their leaves suddenly grow green again when the rainy -season is at hand; finally the heliacal setting of the Pleiades. -The tribe of the Bigambul in S. E. Australia reckon the seasons -from the blossoming of certain trees. <i>Yerra</i>, for example, is -the name of a tree that blossoms in September: this time of -the year is therefore called <i>yerrabinda</i>. The apple-tree blossoms -at Christmas time, which is called <i>nigabinda</i>. The iron-bark -tree blossoms about the end of January, and this time is -called <i>wobinda</i>. The height of summer however is named by -them ‘the time when the ground burns the feet’: at this time -no trees blossom<a id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a>. The natives of New Britain (Bismarck -Archipelago) determine the planting-season from the buds of -certain trees and from the position of certain stars<a id="FNanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a>. In Alu -(Solomon Islands) one division of the year is determined from -the bloom on the almond, another from the Pleiades<a id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a>. The -time for the sun-dance of the Kiowa Indians is determined by -the whitening of the down on the cotton-plant<a id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a>. One of the -annual festivals of the Society Islands is regulated by the -blossoming of the reed<a id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a>.</p> - -<p>Instances are numerous in which phenomena like those -mentioned by Hesiod serve as signs for agricultural labour. -The Indians of Pennsylvania say that when the leaf of the -white oak, which comes out in spring, is as large as a mouse’s -ear it is time to plant maize: they note that the whippoorwill -has come by then, and is constantly fluttering round them -calling out his Indian name <i>wekolis</i> in order to remind them -of planting-time, just as if he were saying ‘<i>hacki heck</i>’, ‘go -and plant maize’<a id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a>. Among the Thonga the period in July -when the warm weather begins is called <i>shimunu</i>, ‘the little<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50"></a>[50]</span> -heat’: the mahogany and sala trees become covered with -leaves, certain flowers blossom. Winter has passed away, -soon the summer will come. When the Thonga woman notes -these signs she picks up her hoe and sets off for the hills or -the marshes to make the fields ready. In January comes <i>nwebo</i>, -the time for the first ears of maize to ripen<a id="FNanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a>. Among the -Ba-Ronga January is <i>nuebo</i>, the time of the first ripe ears: -great pains are taken to keep away the birds from the <i>sorgho</i> -fields, and therefore one period is known as ‘the time when -the birds are driven away’<a id="FNanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a>. When a certain mushroom named -<i>kulat bantilong</i> appears in large quantities the Dyaks of S. E. -Borneo regard it as a sign that the time for rice-planting has -come<a id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a>; among the Malgassi the blossoming of the shrub <i>Vernonia -appendiculata</i> in November is regarded in the same way<a id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a>. -In New Zealand plants and birds which appear at regular -seasons give signs of the approach of the time to begin agricultural -labours. Two kinds of migratory cuckoo, <i>Cuculus -piperatus</i> and <i>nitens</i>, which appear at Christmas-time on the -coasts, mark the period of the first potato-harvest. The flowering -of the beautiful <i>Clematis albida</i> reminds the people to -dig over the soil for the planting of potatoes, which is done -in October<a id="FNanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a>. According to the communication of a native, -the Basutos reckon time by the changing of the seasons, the -birth-times of animals, the annual variation and growth of -plants, but also by the stars and the moon<a id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a>. The most curious -method is one common among the Hidatsa Indians, who -reckon from the development of the buffalo calf <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">in utero</i><a id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a>. -Such signs may also serve to mark off the longer seasons: -the Tunguses begin summer with the time when the grayling -spawns, and winter with the time when the first good squirrel -is caught<a id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a>.</p> - -<p>The examples hitherto given are only single instances -intended to make clear the manner and signification of this -method of indicating time. Similar starting-points for reckoning -are afforded the whole year through, and as their times are<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51"></a>[51]</span> -fixed in regard to each other, they may form a sort of calendar. -The statements made for the extremely primitive Andamanese -give a very characteristic circle of occupations -throughout the year, though here we have to do not with -names of seasons but with the phenomena and business of the -year, which our authority gives according to the European -calendar. January: much honey; two kinds of wild fruit ripen -and are gathered. February: two other kinds of wild fruit, -also a tuber; the inhabitants of the coastal districts catch the -dujong and also a few turtles; the older folk make out of bark -turtle-nets, cables, and lines for harpoons. March: still another -two kinds of wild fruit ripen, wild honey is abundant. April: -many visits of neighbouring tribes; fruit is scanty, there is -only one kind ripe, the honey is finished, the bread-fruit has -not yet ripened. From May to August the ripe bread-fruit -forms the principal food. In June many cases of death occur -since the men in their boar-hunting expeditions in the forest -sleep without shelter. In August certain white caterpillars -which live in the decaying tree-trunks are a favourite dish. -From August to October boats are built. In November the -people are particularly merry. The turtle-catch is productive, -the weather is pleasantly cool, there is little rain, and shelter -is not necessary. Different tribes visit one another and feast -and dance together<a id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a>.</p> - -<p>How upon such a foundation a number of seasons may -be built up is shewn by a comparison with an instructive -account referring to the Eskimos of the Ungava district of -Labrador. The seasons have distinctive names and are again -sub-divided into a great number of shorter seasons. There are -more of these during the warmer weather than in winter. The -reason is obviously that the summer offers so many changes, -and the winter so few. The chief events are the return of -the sun, always a sign of joy to the people, the lengthening -of the day, the warm weather in March when the sun has -attained sufficient height, the melting of the snow, the breaking -up of the ice, the open water, the time of birth of various<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52"></a>[52]</span> -seals, the advent of exotic birds, the nesting of gulls, eider, -and other native birds, the arrival of white whales and the -whaling season, salmon fishing, the ripening of salmon-berries -and other species of edibles, the time of reindeer crossing -the river, the trapping of fur-bearing animals, and hunting -on land and water for food. Each of these periods has its -special name applied to it, although several may overlap each -other. The appearance of mosquitoes, sandflies, and horseflies -is marked by dates anticipated with considerable apprehension -of annoyance<a id="FNanchor_225" href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a>. The Eskimos of Greenland reckon from the -winter solstice five moons until the time when the nights become -so bright that it is impossible to reckon any longer from -the moon. Then they reckon by the increasing size of the -young of the eider-duck and by the ripening of berries, or -along the sea-coast by the departure of the tern and the fatness -of the seals; when the reindeer shed the velvet from their -horns they know that it is time to move into the winter -houses<a id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a>.</p> - -<p>These smaller seasons have seldom developed into an -annual cycle otherwise than among some agricultural peoples<a id="FNanchor_227" href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a>, -unless they have been fitted into the larger seasons. This is -the case with the western tribes of the Torres Straits, who also -determine the seasons from the stars. In the counting of the -seasons they commonly begin with <i>surlal</i> (mid-October to the end -of November). This name is given to the turtles when copulating: -while in this state they float on the sea and are readily -caught. The constellation known as the Shark arises. Everything -is dried up, the yams are ripe. The sounding of the -first thunder is the sign for planting yams. <i>Raz</i> (December -to February) is described as ‘the time of death’, i. e. the season -when the leaves die down. The first part of this season is -called in Mabuiag <i>duau-urma</i>, ‘the falling of the cashew nuts’. -There is an interval of fine weather and the wind is shifty: this -coincides with Christmas-time. This is the time when the yams -which have been planted begin to sprout. In Muralug this -period is called <i>malgui</i>, which is the exact equivalent of our<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53"></a>[53]</span> -word ‘spring’. The next division is called <i>dob</i>, ‘the last of -growing things’, or <i>kusikuki</i>, ‘medusae of the north-west’, the -latter name being due to the large numbers of jelly-fish that -float on the sea. The runners of the yams now grow. The -time immediately after this is called <i>purimugo</i>, in Muralug -<i>apagap</i> or <i>keme</i>. The longer season following <i>raz</i> is <i>kuki</i>, -(March to May), the time when strong winds blow intermittently -from the north-west, accompanied by deluges of rain, and the -time of the damp heat. The appearance of the constellation -<i>dogai kukilaig</i> (Altair, together with β, γ <i>aquilae</i>) heralded -the beginning of this season. It has the sub-divisions <i>kuki</i>, -<i>kupa kuki</i>, and <i>gugad arai</i>. The dry season, <i>aibaud</i>, forms -the remaining part of the year. The south-west wind, <i>waur</i>, -blows steadily: for this reason the first part of this period is -known as <i>waur</i> and perhaps merits a distinctive name as much -as <i>raz</i>. It is marked by the appearance of the constellation -<i>magi Dogai</i> (Vega with β, γ <i>lyrae</i>). Food is abundant and -festivals are celebrated. The divisions of <i>aibaud</i> are <i>sasiwaur</i> -(‘child’, i. e. lesser south-east), <i>piepe</i>, <i>tati waur</i> (‘father’, i. e. -greater south-east), and <i>birubiru</i>, a bird which at this time -migrates from New Guinea to Australia<a id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Kiwai Papuans who dwell on the opposite coast of -New Guinea have the same star myths as the inhabitants -of the Torres Straits Islands: for them, however, no smaller -but only two greater seasons are mentioned<a id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a>; on the other -hand they have months<a id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a>. The smaller seasons have clashed -with the reckoning by moons, and have surrendered their -names to describe the latter. They have therefore in great -measure become merged in the counting of the months, which -will be dealt with later. The greater seasons on the other -hand, on account of their length, could not be merged in the -reckoning by months, and these have therefore everywhere -remained. The number of the longer seasons varies considerably, -and is of course connected not only with the climatic -conditions but also with the fundamental phenomena which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54"></a>[54]</span> -for one reason or another attract attention; a larger season -may also be divided into two or three smaller ones.</p> - -<p>It may be taken for granted that all peoples outside the -tropics, even where it has not been thought necessary expressly -to mention the fact, know the two larger divisions of the year, -the warmer and colder seasons. Where the plants die in winter -and the trees lose their leaves, or where the snow covers the -ground, this great difference becomes especially pronounced -and determines the whole mode of life: but even in the sub-tropical -regions it is obvious enough. To it corresponds in -many parts of the tropics and sub-tropical zones the natural -division into a dry and a rainy season. For the division into -the summer period of vegetation and winter with its snow -and ice it is superfluous to give examples: the above-quoted -description of the year of the Labrador Eskimos is a typical -instance. Swanton and Boas state that certain Indian tribes -of N. W. America divide the year into two equal parts of six -months each, summer extending from April to September, and -winter from October to March<a id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a>. The Comanches reckon by -the cold and the warm seasons<a id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a>. I give a few instances from -districts in which a winter of this nature does not exist. Among -the Hopi of Arizona the year has two divisions—there seems -to be no equivalent to our four seasons—which may be -termed the periods of the named and the nameless months: -the former is the cold period, the latter is the warm. They -may also be called the greater and the lesser periods, since -the former begins in August and ends in March<a id="FNanchor_233" href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a>. The Zuñi -of western New Mexico also divide the year into two periods -of six months each<a id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a>. The Chocktaw of Louisiana have the -same number of seasons<a id="FNanchor_235" href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a>. The natives of Central Australia -have names for summer and winter<a id="FNanchor_236" href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a>.</p> - -<p>In the tropics there is often only one rainy and one dry -season, with two divisions of the year corresponding to these. -On the Orinoco there are summer and winter, i. e. the dry -and the rainy seasons. In Maipuri the dry season is called -<i>camoti</i>, ‘the glowing splendour of the sun’, and the rainy season<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55"></a>[55]</span> -<i>canepó</i>. Among the Tamanacho winter is called <i>canepó</i>, ‘rain’, -‘rainy season’, summer is <i>vannu</i>, ‘crickets’, since these insects -chirp incessantly to the end of the season<a id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a>. The Tupi have -expressions for dry and rainy seasons but not for the year as -a whole. The Bakairi reckon by the semesters of the dry -and the rainy seasons<a id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a>. The Karaya of Central Brazil reckon -the year from one fall of the river to another. They thereby -distinguish two seasons, the dry season when they live on -the sand-banks, and the rainy season when they live on the -upper banks of the river<a id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a>. The Wagogo of E. Africa divide -the year into two halves: <i>kibahu</i>, the dry season, about May-October, -and <i>kifugu</i>, the rainy season, November to April<a id="FNanchor_240" href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a>. -So also the Nandi: <i>iwotet</i>, rainy season, March-August, and -<i>kement</i>, dry season, September-February<a id="FNanchor_241" href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a>; further the tribes -of Loango<a id="FNanchor_242" href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a>, the Bantu tribes of the Congo State<a id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a>, and the -Cross River negroes of the Cameroons<a id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a>. The Tshi-speaking -peoples divide the year into two periods: the smaller <i>hohbor</i>, -from May to August, and the larger from September to April<a id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a>. -Among the Akamba the year consists of two rainy seasons -separated by two dry periods: <i>ambua anzwa</i>, <i>ambua ua</i><a id="FNanchor_246" href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a>. -Where this natural division prevails, however, the half-year is -often put in the place of the year<a id="FNanchor_247" href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Javanese have a dry and a rainy period which include -six of their seasons<a id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a>, and so have the Islamite Malays -of Sumatra<a id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a>. The Polynesians divide the year throughout -into two greater periods. Their seasons were in general two, -the rainy season or winter, and the dry season or summer, -but varied according to the situation of the particular group -of islands north or south of the equator. On the Society Islands -they embraced the months of May-November and November-May -respectively. On the Sandwich Islands the rainy -season, <i>hooilo</i>, lasted from about Nov. 20 to May 20, the dry -season, <i>kau</i>, from May 20 to Nov. 20<a id="FNanchor_250" href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a>. We shall find later<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56"></a>[56]</span> -that both seasons were named and regulated according to the -visibility or invisibility of the Pleiades. Other writers also give -information for Hawaii. When the sun moved towards the north, -the days were long, the trees bore fruit, and the heat was prevalent: -it was summer; but when the sun moved towards the -south, the nights became longer and the trees were without -fruit: it was winter<a id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a>. <i>Kau</i> was the season when the sun was -directly overhead, when daylight was prolonged, the trade-wind -prevailed, days and nights alike were warm, and the -vegetation put forth new leaves. <i>Hooilo</i> was the season when -the sun declined towards the south, the nights grew longer, -days and nights were cool, and the herbage (lit. vines) died -away: each had six months. On Kauai Island the seasons -were called <i>mahoe-mua</i> and <i>mahoe-hope</i><a id="FNanchor_252" href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a>. In Tahiti the bread-fruit -can be gathered for seven months, for the other five -there is none: for about two months before and after the -southern solstice it is very scarce, but from March to August -exceedingly plentiful. This season is called <i>pa-uru</i> (<i>uru</i> = -‘bread-fruit’)<a id="FNanchor_253" href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a>. The recurring scarcity of bread-fruit shewed -the changes in the course of the year, but the Pleiades afforded -a surer limit<a id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a>. In Samoa one authority gives the wet season, -ending in April, and the dry season, which comes to an end -with the palolo fishing in October<a id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a>; another <i>vaipalolo</i>, the -palolo or wet season from October to March, and <i>toe lau</i>, -when the regular trade-winds blow, embracing the other -months<a id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a>; a third the season of fine weather—in which -however much rain falls in some localities—and the stormy -season, when it rains heavily<a id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a>. The importance of agriculture -is so great that the seasons in following it may sometimes -depart from the changes of the climate. The Bontoc Igorot -have two seasons which however do not mark the wet and -dry periods, as might be expected in a country where these -two periods occur: <i>cha-kon</i> is the season of rice or ‘palay’ -growth and harvesting, <i>ka-sip</i> the remaining portion of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57"></a>[57]</span> -year<a id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a>. In the New Hebrides the year is divided into two -parts, the periods of yam-planting and harvesting<a id="FNanchor_259" href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a>.</p> - -<p>In certain localities the atmospheric conditions are such -that two divisions of the year may be distinguished according -to the winds, as for instance in the Marshall Islands, where -there are the months of calm and the months of squalls<a id="FNanchor_260" href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a>. More -commonly two seasons are given by the variation of the monsoons, -as on the island of Bali, east of Java: in each case there -were six homonymous months. The Kiwai Papuans have <i>uro</i>, -the comparatively dry season of the south-east monsoon (April-December), -and the time of the prevailing north-west wind, -<i>hurama</i>, a period of alternating calms, storms of wind and -rain, and thunder<a id="FNanchor_261" href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a>. A native judge from the island of Vuatam -in the Bismarck Archipelago remarked that the north-west -trade blew throughout the time when the sun was southerly, -that is from November to February, but during the time in -which the sun moved in a northerly direction, May to August, -the south-east monsoon prevailed. On Valam it is said that -the south-east monsoon blows as long as the sun sets WNW, -i. e. from May to August: from the month of November to -February, when it sets WSW, the north-west trade blows<a id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a>. -In Rotuma or Granville Island near the equator periods of six -months are reckoned. The west wind, which blows from October -to April, serves to distinguish these two periods, although -it does not affect the vegetation<a id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a>. The people of the Nicobar -Islands reckon by the south-west monsoon (November to April)<a id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a>. -The Benua-Jahun of the Malay Peninsula distinguish the half-year -of the north monsoon and that of the south monsoon<a id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a>.</p> - -<p>It would seem that the whole year might easily arise -through the fusion of these two larger periods: that this is not -the case will be shewn in the following chapter.</p> - -<p>These half-years are as a rule well defined, but the natural -conditions upon which they depend are subject to fluctuation, -and in particular there are transitional periods the position -of which cannot be certainly decided. Moreover smaller<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58"></a>[58]</span> -characteristic periods arise within the larger, and hence more -seasons appear. Elsewhere the natural conditions are such -that they directly lead to more than two seasons, e. g. where -there are two different rainy seasons in the year. From these -circumstances it becomes plain that a fluctuation between a -larger or smaller number of seasons is possible, and indeed it -often actually occurs. The seasons that adhere to natural -phenomena are never clearly defined like a division of the -calendar: the limits are uncertain, different seasons may be -merged into one another or in part overlap one another, as -has been shewn in the case of the Eskimos of Labrador.</p> - -<p>Among the Eskimos of the Behring Strait the year is -often divided into four seasons corresponding to the usual occupations, -but these divisions are indefinite and irregular in -comparison with the reckoning by months<a id="FNanchor_266" href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a>. Of the Indians in -general it is said that as a rule four seasons are recognised -and have specific names applied to them (apart from the tribes -that have two). In many cases however the latter may split up -both summer and winter into two subdivisions: this is stated e. g. -for the Chocktaw of Louisiana<a id="FNanchor_267" href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a>. The Siciatl of British Columbia -however have three: spring, summer, and winter<a id="FNanchor_268" href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a>. -The Thompson Indians of the same province group their months -into five seasons, winter beginning with the first snow that -stays on the ground, and lasting until its disappearance from -the valleys, generally the 2d, 3d, and 4th months, spring beginning -with the disappearance of the snow, and embracing -the period of frequent Chinook winds, 5th and 6th months, -summer 7th, 8th, and 9th months, early autumn (Indian summer) -10th and 11th months, and late fall which takes up the rest of -the year<a id="FNanchor_269" href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a>. The neighbouring tribe of the Shuswap recognise -five seasons exactly corresponding to those of the Thompson -Indians<a id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a>.</p> - -<p>The natural phenomena from which the seasons are determined -and named vary according to the geographical latitude, -the nature of the country, and the mode of life, i. e. -according as the tribe lives by hunting or by agriculture.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59"></a>[59]</span> -Certain writers state that the Indians of Virginia divided the -year into five seasons: the budding of spring, the earing of -corn or ‘roasting-ear time’, summer or ‘the highest sun’, corn-gathering -or ‘fall of the leaf’, and winter<a id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a>. The Maida of northern -California say that the seasons—the rainy season, the -leafy season, the dry season, and the season of falling leaves—were -instituted by Kodoyampeh, the Creator<a id="FNanchor_272" href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a>. The Kiowa -distinguished only four seasons: <i>saigya</i> or <i>säta</i>, considered to -begin at the first snowfall; <i>asegya</i>, spring (the etymology of -the word is unknown, a more recent name is <i>son-pata</i>, ‘grass-springing’), -which begins when grass and buds sprout and the -mares foal; <i>paigya</i>, summer (<i>pai</i>, ‘sun’), which begins when -the grass has ceased to sprout and lasts until fires become -necessary in the <i>tipis</i> at night; <i>paongya</i>, autumn (the thickening -of the coat or fur, <i>pa</i>, of the buffalo and other animals), -sometimes called ‘the time when the leaves are red’, begins -when the leaves change colour<a id="FNanchor_273" href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a>. It is to be noted that these -seasons must be of very different length. In the same way -the Dakota reckon five months each for winter and summer -and only one month each for spring and autumn, but it is expressly -mentioned that this reckoning is not strictly followed<a id="FNanchor_274" href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a>. -The Pawnee divided the year into a warm and a cold period, -and also into the four seasons, each of which however was -normalised to three months<a id="FNanchor_275" href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a>. The account of the Comanches -is somewhat indefinite: they have no computation of time beyond -the seasons, which are reckoned by the rising height of the -grass, the fall of the leaves, and the cold and the hot season. -They very seldom reckon in new moons<a id="FNanchor_276" href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a>. They have the -four seasons therefore. The Indians of Chile have words for -our four seasons<a id="FNanchor_277" href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a>.</p> - -<p>The above-mentioned names of the five seasons are those -of the Algonquins of Virginia<a id="FNanchor_278" href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a>; the Occaneechi of the same -district call them:—the budding or blossoming, the ripening, -midsummer, harvest or fall, winter<a id="FNanchor_279" href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a>. Certain agricultural tribes -of the east divided autumn into early autumn, when the leaves<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60"></a>[60]</span> -change colour, and late autumn, when they fall, but denoted -the two periods by entirely different names<a id="FNanchor_280" href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a>. Agriculture is -responsible for the adding of a fifth season to the four arising -from the warm and the cold periods and the times of transition -between these<a id="FNanchor_281" href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a>. But other transitional periods between the -longer seasons also arise independently<a id="FNanchor_282" href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a>. The Lapps have names -for the four ordinary seasons, but their language also contains -compounds like ‘spring-winter’, i. e. late winter,—a compound -also known in Swedish (<i>vår-vinter</i>)—and ‘autumn-summer’, -i. e. late summer<a id="FNanchor_283" href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a>. The Lapps of Västerbotten divide the year -into <i>sjeunjestie</i>, the dark period, and <i>tjuoikestie</i>, the bright period. -They also have four seasons:—<i>dalvie</i>, winter, from the freezing -of the lakes till the melting of snow; <i>geira</i>, spring, time of -snow-melting and spring floods; <i>gese</i>, summer, from the time -when the earth becomes visible to the fading of the grass; -<i>tjatj</i>, autumn, from this time until the lakes begin to freeze -again. The Lapps speak also of <i>talve-qvoutel</i>, mid-winter, -<i>kese-qvoutel</i>, midsummer, and <i>tjaktje-kese</i>, late summer<a id="FNanchor_284" href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Yukaghir of N. E. Sibiria use more often the names -of periods or the seasons of the year than the names of the -months. They have six seasons. The limits of these seasons -can hardly have corresponded in former times to fixed dates. -Being at present baptized, they reckon the seasons of the year -according to the Greek-Orthodox holidays; and thus we have -the following seasons:—1, <i>puge</i>, summer, from St. Akulina to -Mary’s Day, 13th June to 8th September; 2, <i>nade</i>, autumn, -from the 8th of September to St. Michael’s Day, 8th of November; -3, <i>cieje</i>, winter, from the 8th of November to Purification, -2d of February; 4, <i>pore</i>, first spring, from Purification -to St. George’s Day, 23d of April; 5, <i>cille</i>, the second spring, -from the 23d of April to the beginning of snow-melting, usually -to St. Nicholas’ Day, 9th of March; the name denotes the -icy surface forming during the night on the snow, after having -melted during the day, and is also given to a month; -6, <i>conjile</i>, the third spring, from the snow-melting period to -St. Akulina’s Day<a id="FNanchor_285" href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61"></a>[61]</span></p> - -<p>Africa offers good examples of the fluctuation and further -sub-division of the seasons. The Wagogo of East Africa -divide the year into the dry season, about May to October, -and the rainy season, November to April. In the latter they -further distinguish the little rainy season, <i>songola</i>, November -and December, and the greater one, <i>itika</i>, about February and -March<a id="FNanchor_286" href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a>. In the neighbourhood of Mombasa the great rains -begin in April and last approximately for a month, <i>mwaka</i> or -<i>masika</i>: <i>mchoo</i> is a week in August, and <i>vuli</i> a fortnight in -November, with showers. Beyond the seasons the natives have -little idea of the lapse of time<a id="FNanchor_287" href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a>. The Wa-Sania of British -East Africa have three periods of four months each, <i>gunu</i>, -<i>adolaia</i>, and <i>huggaia</i>, but no explanation whatever of these -names is given<a id="FNanchor_288" href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a>. The Masai divide the rainy season into three -periods, and also have four seasons of three months each:—(1) -<i>ol dumeril</i>, the time of the lesser rains, preceding that of -the great rains. The latter fall in (2) <i>en gokwa</i>, named after -the Pleiades, which at that time <i>rise</i> low on the <i>western</i> horizon -(<i>sic!</i>). Then follows (3) <i>ol airodjerod</i>, the season of the -gentle after-rains, and then (4) <i>ol ameii</i>, the time of hunger -and drought<a id="FNanchor_289" href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a>. Hollis begins the list with the months of the -showers, and calls the season of the great rains <i>l’apaitin le-’l-lengon</i>, -‘the months of plenty’, stating that the latter season, -in which the setting of the Pleiades takes place in the evening, -is called from these <i>loo-’n-gokwa</i><a id="FNanchor_290" href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a>. Among the Ewe tribes -the year has three periods:—<i>adame</i>, March to June; <i>keleme</i>, -July to October; <i>pepi</i>, November to February. In the first two -much rain falls, so that work in the fields is greatly hindered. -Inland the year begins in March with the yam-sowing, and -ends in February. The three principal seasons include four months -each. Inland <i>keleme</i> also includes another period, <i>masa</i>, September -and October, the second maize-sowing. Hence the name -‘masa-corn’. <i>Pepi</i> is the harmattan time, in which fall yam-harvesting, -grass-drying, and hunting<a id="FNanchor_291" href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a>. The Yoruba divide the -year into the dry season, the season of the harmattan wind, -and the rainy season, the last-named being further divided into<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62"></a>[62]</span> -the time of the first rains and that of the last rains or ‘little -rainy season’<a id="FNanchor_292" href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a>. In Loango a dry and a rainy season of about -6 months each are distinguished. In many districts there is -also a third season, <i>tschimuna</i>, the time of the ripening of -favourite fruits etc., and the hot seasons are then often simply -called <i>bimuna</i><a id="FNanchor_293" href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a>.</p> - -<p>Where two rainy seasons separated by dry seasons occur, -a fuller division of the year presents itself. The Babwende -have five seasons:—<i>ntombo</i>, from the first rains at the end -of September or beginning of October to the ceasing of the -great rains at the end of January; <i>kianza</i>, the lesser dry season, -to the beginning of the great rains in February; <i>ndolo</i>, the -latter part of the rainy season up to <i>sivu</i>, the dry season, -which begins in June; and <i>mbangala</i>, in August and September, -when the grass withers and is burnt up<a id="FNanchor_294" href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a>. The Wadschagga -count:—the great rainy season, 4 months; the time -of dew, 2 months; the season of heat, about 2 months; the -so-called lesser rainy season, 1–2 months; the great heat, -about 3 months<a id="FNanchor_295" href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a>. The seasons of the Banyankole are determined -by the rains. The longer period is termed <i>kyanda</i> and -usually has six months: the lesser, <i>akanda</i>, has four, and there -are two months called <i>itumba</i>. During the six months very -little rain falls, then come a few days of rain followed by -four months of dry weather, and after that two other months -of rain<a id="FNanchor_296" href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a>. A very striking example of the crossing and overlapping -of the seasons is afforded by the Bakongo. They -have <i>sivu</i>, the cold season, at the beginning of the dry season -which commences about May 15; <i>mbangala</i>, the dry season -with little or no dew, July to the middle of October, including -also <i>mpiaza</i>, the grass-burning season, second half of July, -August, and September; <i>masanza</i>, early light rains, latter part -of October, November, and December; <i>nkianza</i>, short dry season, -most of January and the early part of February; <i>kundi</i>, -<i>nsafu</i>, fruit season, end of February to May, including <i>kintombo</i>, -heavy rains, March, April, and <i>nkiela</i>, the time when -the rains cease, from the beginning to the middle of May<a id="FNanchor_297" href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63"></a>[63]</span></p> - -<p>In the inland districts of Madagascar, in the neighbourhood -of Antananarivo, there are properly only two seasons, a -hot rainy period from the beginning of November to the end -of April, and a cold dry period during the other months. -However four seasons are distinguished:—<i>lohataona</i>, ‘head -of the year’, September and October, when the rice is planted -and a few showers fall; <i>fahavaratra</i>, ‘the thunder-time’, from the -early part of November to the end of February or into March; -<i>fararano</i>, ‘the last rains’, from the beginning of March to the -end of April; and <i>ririnina</i>, ‘time of bareness’, when the grass -becomes dry, June to August. Rice is planted twice, first -before the end of October and again in November or December; -the first crop is ripe in January or early in February, -the second about April; the two crops however are not clearly -distinguished and together last about four months<a id="FNanchor_298" href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a>. One name -for winter is <i>maintang</i>, ‘the earth is dry’<a id="FNanchor_299" href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Hottentots seem to keep in view the vegetation rather -than the climate. Their seasons are four in number. First, -early spring. When with increasing warmth, independently of -the rain-fall, trees and bushes break into leaf, and in good -years winter or early spring rains have revived the grass, -spring or blossoming-time has come; it begins in August and -ends in October. The following season, which in the upland -Damara dialect is called ‘the sun-time’, embraces the first half -of the hot period in which, when the year is good, the so-called -lesser rains fall. If these are wanting, or, as is usually -the case, are scanty, the land is for the most part desolate, -without grass or herbage. This time of drought is described -by the same word as the drought itself: it prevails -from October to December inclusive. The season upon the -productiveness of which the welfare of the Hottentots in -the main depends may be called the pasture-season: it includes -the period of the greater rains and the time immediately -after this, when the fodder has not yet lost its freshness. -It fills, loosely speaking, the period January-April, and constitutes -summer and early autumn. Winter, or the cold season,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64"></a>[64]</span> -May to August, embraces two-thirds of autumn and the -first half of winter<a id="FNanchor_300" href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a>. The Herero also have four seasons:—spring -(from September onwards), summer, autumn or the rainy season, -and winter<a id="FNanchor_301" href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a>.</p> - -<p>In Burmah there are three seasons, though certainly they -are regulated by the months: the cold season, the hot season, -and the rainy season<a id="FNanchor_302" href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a>. The Polynesians usually have two long -seasons, but three are not unheard of. A native of the island -of Molokai, in the Sandwich group, states that there the year -was divided into three seasons:—<i>maka-lii</i>, <i>kau</i>, and <i>hoo-ilo</i>. -<i>Maka-lii</i> was so called because the sun was then less visible, -being obscured by clouds, and the days were shortened. <i>Kau</i> -was so termed because tapa could then safely be spread out -to dry. <i>Hoo-ilo</i> meant ‘changeable’<a id="FNanchor_303" href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a>. The two main seasons -are called <i>kau</i> and <i>hoo-ilo</i>. It is to be observed however -that in a notice from Hawaii they are called <i>hoo-ilo</i> and <i>maka-lii</i><a id="FNanchor_304" href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a>. -This shews that the number is not fixed. On the Society Islands -besides the two seasons regulated by the Pleiades -there were also three seasons: (1) <i>tetau</i>, autumn or season of -plenty, the harvest of bread-fruit, commencing with December and -continuing until <i>faahu</i>, which corresponded to January and a part -of February, the time of the most frequent rains, comprising -three months; (2) <i>te tau miti rahi</i>, the season of high -sea, November to January; (3) <i>te tau poai</i>, the longest season, -winter, the season of drought and scarcity of food, which usually -extended from July to October<a id="FNanchor_305" href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a>. It will however be seen -that these seasons do not fill up the year, and that the second -partly covers the first. Their names are taken from different -phenomena of Nature. The New Zealanders distinguish -four seasons:—spring, <i>te aro aro</i>, <i>mahaua</i>, <i>te toru</i>, ‘the time -of growth’, both <i>toru</i> and <i>aro aro</i> signify ‘the shooting or -springing forth of plants’, <i>mahaua</i> is the season of warmth; summer, -<i>raumati</i>, <i>waru</i>, <i>rehua</i>,—<i>raumati</i> means ‘dead leaves’, and -the summer is so called because all the trees with one exception -are evergreen and shed their leaves in summer; autumn, -<i>ngahura matiti</i>; winter, <i>hotoke</i>, <i>puanga</i>, the season when the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65"></a>[65]</span> -earth is damp and gives forth her worms, which were formerly -highly prized as food<a id="FNanchor_306" href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a>. The seasons are regulated by the -stars, <i>puanga</i> is the great winter star, <i>rehu</i> the great summer star.</p> - -<p>The names of the greater seasons are therefore taken -for the most part from the varying phases of the climate, but -very often refer also to the phenomena of natural life accompanying -these. The climatic phases, on account of their -fluctuating duration and their limited number, afford no means -of distinguishing and naming a greater number of smaller -seasons: the phases of plant and animal life may be used as -an equivalent and are much better adapted to this purpose, -especially when to them are added the regular occupations -of agriculture. In the above examples terms referring to natural -life have already been found mingled with those borrowed -from the climate. Where the seasons are numerous this -is always the case: direct references to the climate may even -be entirely lacking. These facts shew moreover that between -the largest and smallest seasons there exists no difference -in the main: they pass into one another without interruption -through a series of intermediate stages. Such smaller seasons -may be run together into the circle of the year; but this seldom -occurs, since the ordinary reckoning according to lunar months -has absorbed the smaller seasons, which, on account of their -varying and indeterminate length, are inconvenient for reckoning, -whereas the regular and definite length of the months makes -them easy to reckon. It is however sometimes the case.</p> - -<p>The Indians in general have lunar months named from -natural occurrences, but not so the Luiseño of Southern -California. According to P. S. Sparkman in his unpublished -Dictionary of their language the Luiseño year was divided -into 8 periods, each of which was again divided into two parts, -distinguished as ‘large’ and ‘small’ or ‘lean’. These divisions -did not represent periods of time but merely indicated when -certain fruits and seeds ripened, grass began to grow, and -trees came into leaf in the valley or on the mountain. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66"></a>[66]</span> -native names are given but are unfortunately not translated. -Du Bois, to whom we are indebted for this information, names -the parts ‘months’ (in inverted commas), and adds that the -names are all taken from the physical features of different -seasons. <i>Tausunmal</i>, about August, means that everything is -brown and sear. <i>Tovukmal</i> refers to the little streams of -water washing the fallen leaves. <i>Tasmoimal</i> means that the -rain has come and grass is sprouting. In <i>nemoimal</i> the deer -grow fat. The ‘months’ are marked by the rising of certain -stars. The seasons have here developed into a regular calendrical -cycle<a id="FNanchor_307" href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a>.</p> - -<p>In reality this cycle is in no way distinguished from the -succession of seasons given above: it has only been improved -and regulated. This happens more particularly under the influence -of agriculture; one can speak of an agricultural year -the seasons of which are determined and named in accordance -with agriculture. Of the Fanti of the Gold Coast it is said -that they divide the year, according to the changes of the -climate, into nine parts with distinct names, beginning with -the harmattan wind in January and ending with the small -tornadoes in December<a id="FNanchor_308" href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a>. The periods however are related -to agriculture, as appears from a detailed description for the -countries around the Niger. The end of the rainy season and -the beginning of the dry (about November) forms a kind of -season by itself, and is called <i>odun</i> (year). The farmers go -on weeding their farms to give the crops of their second harvest -a chance. The dry season is divided into two sections -of two months each. During the day it is very hot. The -cold wind blowing from the east is called <i>harmattan</i> by Europeans, -<i>oye</i> by the natives. The second crops of corn, beans, -and guinea-corn are now gathered. The land is cleared for -the next season’s crops, and the bush already felled is burnt. -This is also the fishing season. The dry season (<i>erun</i>) continues -for the next two months, but during the latter part of -the second month the rumbling of thunder is heard and small -rains fall. The preparation of the ground is continued and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67"></a>[67]</span> -yam-planting begins. The rainy season may be divided into -two parts separated by a little dry season: the first section -consists of five lunar months of rain, the latter of two lunar -months, one nearly dry month intervening. The first two -months of this section of the rains are called <i>asheroh ojo</i>: it -is the tornado season. At the beginning of this season ground-nuts -and the first crop of corn are planted. In the next two -months the rain-fall reaches its maximum. Towards the end -of the second month it becomes possible to eat new corn. -The main crop however is left standing in the fields until it -becomes quite dry, which happens when the next season, the -little dry season, sets in. This sub-division of the rainy season -is called <i>ago</i>, probably because the corn has grown tall during -the last month. The season called <i>awori</i> consists of one month -of rain and the little dry season. The first crop of yams, the -corn, the ground-nuts, and the gourds are gathered in. Before -long the rains have ceased, the seed for the second crop of -corn is sown. The two following months are called the <i>arokuro</i> -season, and like the first two months of the rains they -are tornado months. Bushes are felled in order to prepare -the land for next year’s sowing, and weeding is continued<a id="FNanchor_309" href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a>. -The months mentioned are lunar months. An interesting -feature is that the names of the seasons do not altogether -coincide with the natural divisions of the climate, as the -following comparison clearly shews:—<i>odun</i>, end of rains, beginning -of dry season; <i>erun</i>, dry season I, II, 4 months; <i>asheroh -ojo</i>, season of rains (tornadoes), 2 months; <i>ago</i>, rainy season, -maximum, 2 months; <i>awori</i>, 1 month rain and little dry season; -<i>arokuro</i>, season of rains (tornadoes), 2 months. The deviations -are brought about, as the description shews, by the business of -agriculture.</p> - -<p>The Shilluk know the months but also divide the year -into the following nine seasons:—<i>yey jeria</i>, about September, -harvest of red dura; <i>anwoch</i>, about October, end of the harvest, -people are waiting for white dura to ripen; <i>agwero</i>, -about November-December, harvest of white dura begins;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68"></a>[68]</span> -<i>wudo</i>, December to January, harvest of white dura continues; -<i>leu</i>, January-February, the hot season, <i>dodin</i>, about March, -in these two there is no work in the fields; <i>dokot</i>, about April, -‘mouth of rain’, beginning of the rains; <i>shwer</i>, about May-July, -time for planting red dura; <i>doria</i>, about July-September, -beginning of harvest<a id="FNanchor_310" href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a>. A similar but more indefinite mode of -reckoning seems to exist among the Bakairi of S. America, -of whom it is said that they reckon by dry and rainy seasons, -and also distinguish ‘months’ not by the moon but quite vaguely -by the rain and the heat and the phases of the maize-culture<a id="FNanchor_311" href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a>. -Their months are given as follows:—‘hardest rain’, about -January; ‘less rain’, February; ‘rain ceases’, March; ‘it (the -weather) becomes good’, April; ‘wood-cutting’, May and June; -July, nameless; ‘end-of-the-day-time’, August; ‘the rain is coming’, -September and October; ‘the maize ripens’, November; -December, nameless<a id="FNanchor_312" href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a>.</p> - -<p>The agricultural year is most clearly defined among the -rice-cultivating peoples of the Indian Archipelago, by whom -the seasons are determined according to the state of the rice. -It is said, for example, in speaking of an event, that it happened -at the blossoming or harvesting of the rice<a id="FNanchor_313" href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a>. Among -the Bahau, a Dyak tribe of Borneo, the year is divided into -eight periods according to the various kinds of labour carried -on in the rice-field:—the clearing of the brushwood (to prepare -the fields for cultivation), the felling of the trees, the -burning of the wood felled, the sowing or celebration of the -seed-time festival, the weeding, the harvest, the conclusion of -the harvest, the celebration of the new rice-year<a id="FNanchor_314" href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a>. The Bontoc -Igorot, as has been mentioned, divide the year into two parts, -the period of rice-culture and the other period. There are -however other periods which vary in different villages as -regards name, number, and duration, but are everywhere called -after the characteristic occupations that follow one another -in the course of the year. Eight of these together make up -the calendar, and seven of them have to do with the rice-cultivation. -Each period receives its name from the occupation<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69"></a>[69]</span> -which characterises its beginning, and keeps this name -until the beginning of the next period, even when the occupation -that characterised it had ceased some time before. To -<i>cha-kon</i> belong:—(1) <i>i-na-na</i>, the first period in the year, the -time, as it is said, of no more work in the rice sementeras, -when practically all the fields are prepared and transplanted; in -1903 it began on Feb. 11 and it lasts about 3 months, continuing -until the time of the first rice-harvest in May, in 1903 -till May 2; (2) <i>la-tub</i>, the time of the first harvests, lasts about -four weeks and ends about June 1; (3) <i>cho-ok</i>, the time when -most of the rice is harvested, fills about 4 weeks, in 1903 till -July 2; (4) <i>li-pas</i>, the season of ‘no more palay-harvest’, lasts -for about 10 or 15 days. To the half-year <i>ka-sip</i>, belong:—(5) -<i>ba-li-ling</i>, which takes its name from the general planting -of camotes and is the only one of the calendar periods not -named from the rice industry: it lasts about 6 weeks, or nearly to -the end of August; (6) <i>sa-gan-ma</i>, the time when the sementeras -which are to be used as seed-beds for the rice are put -into condition, the earth being turned three several times, -lasts about 2 months: on Nov. 15, 1902 the seed was just peeping -from the kernels; the seed is sown immediately after the third -turning of the earth, which thus ended early in November; -(7) <i>pa-chog</i>, the period of seed-sowing, begins about Nov. 10; -although the seed-sowing does not last many days, the period -continues for 5 or 6 weeks; (8) <i>sa-ma</i>, the last period, in which -the sementeras are prepared for receiving the young plants, -and in which these seedlings are transplanted from the seed-beds, -lasts nearly 7 weeks, from about Dec. 20 to Feb. 10. -The Igorot often say e. g. that an event occurred in <i>la-tub</i> or will -take place in <i>ba-li-ling</i>; they therefore keep these periods in -mind just as a European thinks of some particular month in -which an event has happened<a id="FNanchor_315" href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a>. The greatly varying length -of the periods is once more to be noted, and also the fact -that a vacant season is made into a period (see e. g. under -(7)), it being necessary to fill in the gaps so that the circle -shall be continuous.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70"></a>[70]</span></p> - -<p>How such seasons and the year formed out of them may -be developed under the influence of the improved calendar -into periods of definite numbers of days is shewn by the Javanese -peasant calendar which is still used in Bali and Java. The year -is an embolimic year of 360 days and is divided into 12 periods -of unequal length. These are:—<i>koso</i>, 41 days; <i>karo</i>, 23; <i>katigo</i>, -24; <i>kapat</i>, 24 (25)<a id="FNanchor_316" href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a>; <i>kalimo</i>, 26 (27); <i>kanam</i>, 41 (43); <i>kapitu</i>, -41 (43); <i>kawolu</i>, 26 (in leapyear 27); <i>kasongo</i>, 25; <i>kasapuluh</i>, -25 (24); <i>dasto</i>, 23; <i>sodo</i>, 41. The first ten of these names are -the ordinal numerals of the Javanese vernacular, the last two, -according to Wilken, are corruptions of Sanskrit words. In -Bali the year begins with the eleventh season (April), in Java -with the winter solstice. The different divisions correspond -to the following occupations and natural events:—1, the -falling of the leaves, burning of dry grass, and cutting of trees -for the cultivation of mountain rice; 2, beginning of vegetation; -3, blossoming of wild plants, planting of yams and other -secondary crops; 4, rutting season, high winds, the rivers swell; -5, preparations for rice-planting; 6, ploughing and rice-sowing; -7, rice is planted, the canals are repaired; 8, rice grows and -flowers; 9, the seeds form in the rice-plants; 10, rice turning -yellow; 11, the rice-crop is ripe, harvest begins; 12, cold -weather begins, the harvest is finished and the rice housed. -This is almost literally translated from the language of the natives<a id="FNanchor_317" href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a>. -Wilken gives to certain periods a different number of -days (see <a href="#Footnote_316">note 1</a>); according to him the year has 365 days, -but every fourth year is a leapyear with 366 days. The calendar -was regulated in 1855 by Pakoe Boewånå III, naturally -according to the Gregorian calendar: hence the variation from -Crawfurd’s statements. This is the only instance of an attempt -to bring a natural calendar into agreement with the demands -of a modern one; it is however unpractical and inconvenient -on account of the varying length of the divisions. It is still -used in eastern Java and in the Tengge mountains<a id="FNanchor_318" href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a>.</p> - -<p>In China, besides the lunisolar type of year, there is a -division of the year into 24 parts, the names of which correspond<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71"></a>[71]</span> -to the climatic phenomena but are also borrowed from -the phenomena of natural life. They are:—rain-water, 15 -days; moving of snakes, 15 days; spring equinox, 15 days; -pure brightness, 15 days; sowing-rain and dawn of summer, -together 31 days; little fruitfulness (Ginzel) or little rainy season -(d’Enjoy), corn in the beard, together 31 days; summer -solstice, 16 days; beginning of heat, 16 days; great heat, signs -of autumn, together 31 days; end of heat, white dew, together -31 days; cold dew, 15 days; autumn equinox, 15 days; hoar-frost, -15 days; signs of winter, 15 days, beginning of snow, -great snows, together 29 days; winter solstice, 15 days; little -cold, 15 days; great cold, 15 days; dawn of spring, 15 days<a id="FNanchor_319" href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a>. -Of this division Ginzel says that among the Chinese the seasons -are expressed by a division of the ecliptic: they are therefore -astronomical, the Chinese have no special names for the -physical seasons. In former times they took the length of the -astronomical year to be 365¼ days, and assumed an equal -period for the course of the sun in the ecliptic; but they afterwards -learnt to calculate the beginning of the divisions directly. -It would be surprising however not to find underlying the present -divisions old seasons which the astronomical knowledge -has drawn within its scope, and which have thus been systematically -developed and regulated. To decide the matter would -require special knowledge which the present writer does not -possess. It is to be noted moreover that the periods are connected -in pairs, the odd numbers (according to Ginzel’s scheme) -are called <i>tsie</i>, the even <i>k’i</i>, the joint name being <i>tsie-k’i</i>.</p> - -<p>As far as the Indo-European period is concerned it seems -now to be agreed that there were then three seasons: for only -the roots occurring in the words <i>hiems</i>, <i>ver</i>, and <i>summer</i> recur -in a greater number of the Indo-European languages. The -much criticised statement of Tacitus about the Germans is therefore -corroborated: “They know and name winter and spring -and summer, but are ignorant of the name and the goods of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72"></a>[72]</span> -harvest”<a id="FNanchor_320" href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a>. Spring however is not equivalent to the other two -seasons, for Indo-European antiquity certainly also divided the -year into two parts, the cold and the warm seasons. The -question whether the primitive Indo-European tribe had two -or three seasons is therefore pointless, and that this is so will -be readily understood by anyone who has become familiar -with the overlapping and the instability of the seasons of the -primitive peoples. The same phenomenon repeats itself in the -addition of a fourth season. The Greeks complete the circle -of the year with the three seasons winter, spring, and summer -(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χειμών, ἔαρ, θέρος</span>), but in Homer the fruit-harvest, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀπώρη</span>, already -appears with the pretensions of an independent season. -Alkman has these four<a id="FNanchor_321" href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a>. The principle of nomenclature is -however different: the first three names are derived from climatic -phenomena, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀπώρα</span> from the fruit-harvest. Now since -four climatic periods are naturally to be distinguished—cold, -warmth, and two transitional periods—the logical consequence -is that the fourth season should also be referred to the -climate, and indeed to the still unnamed period of transition -between summer and winter. This period however does not -coincide with <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀπώρα</span>, but follows it. The latter term is therefore -corrected to <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φθιν-</span> or <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μετόπωρον</span>; the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀπώρα</span> naturally persists as -the fruit harvest, and Theophrastus<a id="FNanchor_322" href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a> counts it in addition to the -other four and thus gets five seasons. The same thing seems -to have happened in the case of the Latin <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">autumnus</i>, -although the process cannot be demonstrated. If the small -seasons are included the circle may be still further extended. -Thus the pseudo-Hippocratean treatise <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Περὶ ἑβδομάδων</span><a id="FNanchor_323" href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> gives -seven seasons:—1, seed-time, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σπορητός</span>, from the early rising -of the Pleiades to the winter solstice; 2, winter, until the late -rising of Arcturus; 3, tree-planting, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φυταλιά</span>, up to the spring -equinox; 4, spring; 5, summer, from the early rising of the -Pleiades up to that of Sirius; 6, fruit-harvest, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀπώρα</span>, until the -early rising of Arcturus; 7, autumn. This arrangement is certainly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73"></a>[73]</span> -affected by the septenary system which pervades the -treatise, but is founded on a popular basis: the smaller seasons, -which otherwise pass into the greater, are given an independent -position by the side of these. The system has not prevailed, -it is true, but it affords a typical example of the instability of -the seasons.</p> - -<p>Exactly the same process recurs in the Indian seasons. -The natural division of the North Indian year is into three -periods—a warm, a rainy, and a cold season. Three corresponding -seasons are the most usual in the Vedic period, and -these are still the popular divisions in the Punjab. Later two -transitional periods are interpolated, one of an autumnal character -between the rainy season and the cold season, and a -warm period between the cold season and the hot. These five -seasons often occur in the Brahmanas. The well-known six seasons—<i>vasanta</i>, -spring; <ins class="corr" id="tn-73" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'grishna, hot season'"> -<i>grishma</i>, hot season</ins>; <i>varsha</i>, rainy -season; <i>śarad</i>, autumn; <i>hemanta</i>, winter; <i>śiśira</i>, cool season: -the cold season is divided into two periods—are the result -of a systematic comparison with the months, the latter being -distributed in pairs among the seasons. By this arrangement -the rainy season is the loser, since it embraces at least three -months. There is also a second sexpartite division of the year, -not indeed mentioned in the Vedic literature but better corresponding -to the course of the seasons, in which the rainy -season is divided into two periods<a id="FNanchor_324" href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a>.</p> - -<p>The splitting up of the seasons persists to this day among -the Germanic peoples; but a systematising of these small -seasons is only found when they are referred to the Julian -months. This point will be dealt with below, in chapter XI. -The phenomenon is known to me from my own native district. -The word <i>höst</i>, ‘autumn’, still persists there in the old literal -sense of harvest, mowing, and indeed <i>höhösten</i> is particularly -the hay-harvest. Hence the designation of the autumn season -as <i>höst</i> is felt to be insufficiently accurate and the term is replaced -by <i>efterhöst</i>, literally ‘after-harvest’, late autumn. Between -summer and <i>efterhöst</i> appears the <i>skyr</i> (dialect for <i>skörd</i>), the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74"></a>[74]</span> -harvest, as a fifth season; sometimes there is added a sixth -season, <i>sivinter</i>, late winter. Little attention has been paid -to this phenomenon, though it is common enough. The periods -of the rural occupations in particular give rise to such terms. -Any period of this nature is described by the old Swedish word -<i>and</i> (<i>ann</i>), now obsolete except in dialects. For the other districts -I add from the Dialect Dictionary of Rietz:—<i>hobal</i>, -the period on the one hand between the tillage in spring and -the hay-harvest, and on the other between the hay- and the -corn-harvest, the former period being the greater, the latter -the small <i>hobal</i>. Elsewhere the word has the form <i>hovel</i>, -summer being divided into <i>hoveln</i>, <i>mellan-anna</i> and <i>ann</i> (which -is here used pregnantly to mean harvest). Compounds with -<i>and</i> are <i>vår-</i>, <i>säs-</i>, <i>gödsel-</i>, <i>hö-</i>, <i>slått-</i>, <i>skår-</i>, <i>skyr-</i> and <i>sädes-and</i> -(periods of spring, sowing, manuring, hay, hay-harvest, -harvest, corn). The North Frisians of Amrum and Föhr for -instance mark events by the periods <i>um julham</i> (‘at Christmas’), -<i>um wosham</i> (‘in early spring’), <i>pluchleth</i> (ploughing-time), <i>meedarleth</i> -(hay-harvest), <i>kaarskörd</i> (corn-reaping). In Norway there -are current as general time-indications:—fishing-time (<i lang="no" xml:lang="no">fiskja</i>), -springtime (<i lang="no" xml:lang="no">voarvinna</i> or <i lang="no" xml:lang="no">voaronn</i>), ploughing-time (<i lang="no" xml:lang="no">plogen</i> or -<i lang="no" xml:lang="no">plogvinna</i>), midsummer (<i lang="no" xml:lang="no">haavoll</i> or <i lang="no" xml:lang="no">haaball</i>), ‘between time’, i. e. -between ploughing and hay-making, (<i lang="no" xml:lang="no">mellonn</i>), early summer -(<i lang="no" xml:lang="no">leggsumar</i>), haymaking-time (<i lang="no" xml:lang="no">høyvinna</i>, <i lang="no" xml:lang="no">høyonn</i>, or <i lang="no" xml:lang="no">slaatt</i>), harvest-time -(<i lang="no" xml:lang="no">haustvinna</i> or <i lang="no" xml:lang="no">skurd</i>), ‘shortest-days-time’ (<i lang="no" xml:lang="no">skamtid</i>)<a id="FNanchor_325" href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a>. -In Iceland, where the sheep-farming is the principal industry, -we find:—Lamb-weaning time or Pen-tide, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">stekk-tid</i>, in May; -Parting-tide, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">fra-faerar</i>, when the sheep are driven to the -hills; Market-tide, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">kaup-tid</i>, when all purchases for the year -are made; Home-field hay-time and Out-field hay-time (July -and August); Folding-tide, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">rettir</i> (September), when the sheep -are driven off the hill pastures into folds to be separated into -flocks and marked. Again from wild birds and eider-ducks one -calls the spring Egg-tide. The fisherman uses such seasons as -<i lang="is" xml:lang="is">ver-tid</i>, Fishing-tide; of these there is a spring, an autumn, -and a winter fishing-month. Flitting-days, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">fardagar</i>, come<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75"></a>[75]</span> -in the spring, and <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">skil-dagar</i> in summer, when servants leave.<a id="FNanchor_326" href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a> -In the old German laws and elsewhere similar time-indications -are common, e. g. at plough-time, at the second plough-time, -at autumn-sowing, at harvest, at hay-making time, at hemp-gathering, -after harvest and hay-making, at the bean-harvest, -at plough-time, at the grape-harvest, at sowing-time, at harvest-time, -fall of the leaves, sprouting of the leaves, oat-cutting or -harvest<a id="FNanchor_327" href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a>. In Anglo-Saxon a similar expression occurs in -a law of King Vihtraed in the year 696, <i lang="ang" xml:lang="ang">sexton dæge rugernes</i> -(rye-harvest). These periods are in themselves indefinite, they -fail to achieve a definite length or quite fixed position in the year. -Where they do so, this is due to the comparison with the -Julian months, of which more later.</p> - -<p>However over the number of the seasons among the Germans -or, what has often been regarded as the same thing,—and -this is an evidence of the false methods by which the problem -has been attacked—over the German division of the year, a -long and vigorous dispute has been carried on. That the year -was divided into two parts, summer and winter, is well known. -I refer to the Scandinavian half-years<a id="FNanchor_328" href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a>, to the testimony of -Bede<a id="FNanchor_329" href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> that the Anglo-Saxons reckoned six months for winter -and six for summer, and to the German expressions for a year: -‘in bareness and in leaf’, ‘bare and leaf-clad’, ‘in straw and -in grass’<a id="FNanchor_330" href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a>. No less a scholar than J. Grimm has cast doubt -on the statement of Tacitus that the Germans had only three -seasons, but later he withdrew his doubts in view of the consideration -that the Germans at the time of Tacitus were acquainted -with grain-culture but not with fruit-culture, and that the -word autumn, harvest, referred to the fruit and vine-harvests -and therefore naturally did not appear among the Germans of -that time<a id="FNanchor_331" href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a>. In view of the linguistic phenomenon mentioned -<a href="#Page_71">above, p. 71</a>, it seems now to be agreed that the account of Tacitus<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76"></a>[76]</span> -is in the main correct. Weinhold has given the treatment of -the question its direction. According to him the tripartite division -to which reference has been made crowded out the -older division into two parts, the points of division, he maintains, -doubtless coinciding in the first instance with the three -<i lang="de" xml:lang="de">Lauddinge</i> or <i lang="de" xml:lang="de">ungebotene Gerichte</i> (regular courts), which are -found as early as the time of Charlemagne. The beginnings -of the four seasons—determined from saints’ days—in February, -May, August, and November are of foreign origin: on -the other hand the quadripartite division of the year, arising -from the fact that mid-winter and midsummer were added to -the beginning of winter and summer as interpolations in the -time-reckoning, is German. This Weinhold tries to prove from -the popular festivals associated with these dates. The attempt -however is a complete failure. No season begins with any of -the solstices, on the contrary these fall right in the middle of -a season. His thesis rests on an erroneous conception of the -festivals, viz. that they are in general calendar-festivals. Under -primitive conditions a festival (the harvest-home in particular) -may certainly conclude a division of time and may -thus also indicate the beginning of a new season, but as a -rule the festivals, though regulated by the calendar, are not -so ordered that they coincide with the beginning of a season. -We are therefore not authorised in drawing conclusions as to -the beginning of a division of the year from the existence of -an old festival. Support has been lent to the idea of Weinhold -by the fact that in later times the beginnings of the seasons -were indicated by festivals and saints’ days. The fact of the matter -is that the common medieval calendar was composed of a -series of festivals and saints’ days from among which suitable -and well-known days were chosen in the dating of the beginnings -of the seasons also. For the general understanding it -was necessary throughout to bring in popular saints’ days<a id="FNanchor_332" href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a>. -Tille attacks Weinhold very sharply but remains throughout -under the influence of the method indicated by the latter: his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77"></a>[77]</span> -work, however, has its good points, inasmuch as it refers to -economic conditions, agriculture, the payments of rent, etc. -The bipartite division, he asserts, is primitive Indo-European, -the tripartite is of foreign (Egyptian) origin: both existed for a -long time side by side. This fact is explained by an old sexpartite -division of the year, since the six seasons could be run -together either in twos or in threes. The beginnings of the -half-years are given by natural phenomena, those of the three -annual divisions are placed by Tille at March 13, July 10, and -Nov. 11, old style: in the north on account of the climatic -conditions they are pushed back a month. Hammarstedt<a id="FNanchor_333" href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a> remarks -very pertinently that the beginning of winter in November, -in the north in October, belongs to the reckoning in half-years, -and that hence arises the absurdity that Tille has to give -Feb. 10 as the date for the beginning of spring in the north. -But to assign Dec. 13 with Hammarstedt as the beginning of -one of the three seasons agrees just as little with the natural -seasons of the year.</p> - -<p>The principal error lies in the systematising, the seasons -being regarded as periods of a definite number of days. This -is not the case even to-day, and still less was it so, as we -have seen, among primitive peoples. Still more clearly does -the same error of method appear in Tille’s assumption of a -sexpartite division of the year, or of sixty-day periods, as they -are expressly termed. He refers to the six old Indian seasons, -which are a comparatively late and artificial product called -forth by the adoption of the names of the seasons in the reckoning -by months<a id="FNanchor_334" href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a>, and to the pairs of months of the Syrian and -Arabian calendar. He regards as 60-day divisions not only the -smaller seasons mentioned <a href="#Page_75">above, p. 75</a>, the duration of which -was originally no less indefinite than it is to-day, but also the -Germanic pairs of months, which owe their origin to an adaptation -of the Roman months (for this see <a href="#CHAPTER_XI">below, ch. XI</a>). The 60-day -periods are so far from being primitive that they first<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78"></a>[78]</span> -took their origin under the influence of the reckoning in -months.</p> - -<p>In Iceland there still exists a curious calendar, the ‘week-year’. -The year is divided into two halves, <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">misseri</i>; the -people reckon in so many <i lang="is" xml:lang="is">misseri</i>, not years; it consists of <em>whole</em> -weeks, in the ordinary year 52 (= 364 days), in leapyear 53 -(= 371 days). Until midsummer (or mid-winter) they reckon forwards, -so many weeks of summer or winter have elapsed, -after that backwards, so many weeks of summer (winter) -remain<a id="FNanchor_335" href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a>. Bilfinger in a penetrating study has tried to shew -that this curious calendar is an outcome of the ecclesiastical -calendarial science of the Middle Ages. He does not however -prove his case: rather, the calendar, as tradition shews, reaches -far back into heathen times<a id="FNanchor_336" href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a>.</p> - -<p>The reckoning in weeks was once common to all Scandinavia. -The Lapps have special names for every week of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79"></a>[79]</span> -year, borrowed from festivals and saints’ days falling within -the weeks; they have therefore taken from the Scandinavians<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80"></a>[80]</span> -the reckoning in weeks and adapted it to the uses of a primitive -time-reckoning. From the same source they have also -derived the special significance of the summer night (April 14, -Tiburtius) and of the winter night (Oct. 14, Calixtus), from -which also two weeks are named. The system is better preserved -in certain parts of South Sweden<a id="FNanchor_337" href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a>. The people count in <i lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">räppar</i>, -quarter-years—in Öland they are called <i lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">trettingar</i>, thirteenths, -i. e. 13 weeks—beginning with the <i lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">räppadagar</i>: these are -Lady Day, Midsummer Day, Michaelmas Day, and Christmas -Day, old style. Just as in Iceland, they reckon backwards, not -however in the same quarters as there, but in the quarters before -Midsummer and Christmas: in the other two quarters they -count forwards. In northern Scania I have met with a relic -of the same type of reckoning, the ‘number of weeks’ (<i lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">ugetalet</i>), -which begins on April 6 (Lady Day, old style), and is reckoned -backwards as far as the thirteenth week. The duration of both<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81"></a>[81]</span> -rural occupations and natural phenomena is determined in so -many weeks. As the starting-point of this reckoning in weeks -the four great festivals which come nearest to the four points -of the solstices and equinoxes are chosen. There can be no -doubt that these have made their appearance under the influence -of the Christian calendar instead of the four Old Scandinavian -points of division of the year. The people call Calixtus’ day -(Oct. 14) the first day of winter, and Tiburtius’ day (April 14) -the first day of summer; many rune-staves have this division -of the year, and almost all describe the former by a tree -without leaves, the latter by a tree in leaf. They fall in the -same weeks as the initial days of winter and summer in Iceland, -which vary there on account of the peculiar arrangement of -the calendar. In Scandinavia, however, they have been transformed -into fixed days under the influence of the Julian calendar.</p> - -<p>It is a natural conclusion that the reckoning in weeks had -its origin in the use of the rune-staff. Since the week-day -letters on these are repeated the whole year through, the -weeks offered an easy means of reckoning. This conclusion is -certainly correct, but still we may venture to ask why the -week-day letters were admitted into the national calendar by -the North especially, and why the reckoning in weeks should -be adopted in popular use only there. The reason can only -be that the counting in weeks was already in use before the -rune-staff was introduced. This mode of counting, which in -Iceland had been developed into a curious form of year, was -in Scandinavia adapted to the Julian calendar and remained -bound up with this. The leap-week was therefore unnecessary. -The old basis is however still preserved in the points of departure, -the summer and winter nights. It is the same system -as the Icelandic, built up on the week and the year, but -differently modified: the idea of any borrowing cannot be entertained. -The basis of this calendar, therefore, was once common -to all Scandinavia, and the calendar must go back to -heathen times.</p> - -<p>Under the influence of the popular lay astrology the week -was early spread among the Germanic peoples: on it and on -an approximate knowledge of the length of the year, such as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82"></a>[82]</span> -could easily be acquired in the lively intercourse with Christian -lands during the Viking period, the system of the Icelandic -calendar is built up. An indigenous element however -appears, the half-year reckoning, and indeed the great probability -is that the limitation of the half-year to a fixed number -of days was first achieved as a result of this systematising of -the calendar. Winter and summer, like all natural seasons, -had at first no fixed limits. The quarters arose in the course -of the reckoning, the people counting forwards in the first half -of the half-year and backwards in the other half. The middle -points of the half-year, mid-winter and midsummer, fell where -both reckonings met. This agrees with the popular objection -to high numbers. The Germanic tribes of the south, in accordance -with their milder climate, commonly reckoned five months -for winter. In the north the dead season is longer, about six -months, and this fact has contributed to the half-year reckoning -which, as has already been remarked, is widely characteristic -of northern peoples. That the limits between both seasons -were unstable and could be moved forward according to circumstances -is in my opinion shewn by the names of the initial -days of the half-year—<i>sumarmál</i> (plural) and <i>vetrnaetr</i>, ‘the -winter nights’. Where a definitely determined day is in question -the plural is out of place: it is used to describe a period, -for instance <i>jol</i> (plur.) denotes Christmas-time<a id="FNanchor_338" href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a>.</p> - -<p>With the two opening days of the calendar and the one -division in the middle are often combined the three great sacrificial -feasts, the autumn festival at the winter nights, the Yule -festival at mid-winter, and the spring festival at the summer -nights. It is true that the first of these festivals, which was -celebrated at the beginning of a period of rest after the completion -of the harvest and agricultural labour, denoted, as such -festivals often do, the conclusion of the old year and the beginning -of the new. That it was fixed for a definite day cannot -be demonstrated any more than that the festival of victory in -spring, celebrated before the Vikings went forth on their voyages, -fell exactly on the summer night. On the contrary the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83"></a>[83]</span> -time probably varied according to circumstances: the expression -of Snorre lacks calendarial accuracy and remains indefinite:—“They -should sacrifice against the winter to get a -good year, and at mid-winter sacrifice for germination; the -third sacrifice in summer, and this was a sacrifice of victory”<a id="FNanchor_339" href="#Footnote_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a>. -In historical times the Yule festival is regulated by the -Christian calendar; Snorre says that in heathen times it was -celebrated at the <i>hökku</i> night, but of this we have no certain -knowledge. Things happened as in the Middle Ages and later: -after a calendar has arisen the festivals are regulated by this, -but they are not calendar-festivals, and in reconstructing the -scheme of the calendar from the festivals very great caution -must be exercised.</p> - -<p>Our conclusion is that the Germanic seasons, like the -seasons in general, were not in themselves definitely limited -divisions of time, and that alongside of the greater seasons -smaller ones arose without there being any numerical determination -of the relationship between the two. Seasons only -become divisions consisting of a definite number of days when -in the regulation of the calendar they are taken over as calendar -divisions, as winter and summer were in Scandinavia. -Where a calendar has arisen directly out of the seasons, the -divisions, like the seasons, are of varying length<a id="FNanchor_340" href="#Footnote_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a>. This also -shews that the Germanic seasons first attained a definite number -of days through the calendar-regulation introduced from -abroad. Further, when a calendar existed, the beginning of the -seasons could be given with reference to this: the day varied -according to circumstances, but the choice was limited in this -manner, viz. that only a popular festival or saint’s day was -appropriate as a distinguishing day. Here also, therefore, the -calendar was the starting-point for the regulation of the seasons. -A division of the year in the more accurate sense also first -arose through the regulation of the calendar, since, owing to the -method of calculation, the middle days of the half-year divisions<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84"></a>[84]</span> -became distinguishing days in the calendar. When the calendar -came, the old festivals were also regulated by it.</p> - -<p>By way of supplement two or three curious exceptional -cases may be noted. A completely isolated instance is offered -by the Bangala of the Upper Congo, who count in lunar months, -and, since there is no dry season, reckon for longer periods -by the rise of the rivers<a id="FNanchor_341" href="#Footnote_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a>. In the monsoon districts however -it is frequently a peculiarity to distinguish the seasons by the -winds. Of Sumatra it is reported:—The principal seasons -are named after the quarters of the heavens from which the -wind blows. At the time when we were in Taluk, April to -mid-June, the south monsoon was blowing; the east, the west, -and the north monsoons also come under consideration for the -seasons. Moreover the people also distinguish a dry and a -rainy period. The seasons 4. <i>tahun djin</i>, 5. <i>tahun wou</i>, 6. <i>tahun -sai</i> were regarded as falling within the rainy period, while -the dry season set in with 1. <i>t. ali</i>, and continued with 2. <i>t. dal awal</i>, -and 3. <i>t. dal akhir</i>. In the two seasons 7. <i>t. ha</i> and 8. -<i>t. ‘am</i> dry and wet weather alternate<a id="FNanchor_342" href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a>. In New Britain (Bismarck -Archipelago), between the two greater seasons of the -south-east and the north-west monsoons, each consisting of 5 -months, there were two smaller intermediate seasons of one -month each, the period of variable winds and the period of -calm<a id="FNanchor_343" href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a>. In Songa (Vellalavella), one of the Solomon Islands, -various seasons are distinguished according to the direction of -the wind:—the time of the west wind, <i>nanano</i>; the time of -the almond-ripening, <i>tovarauru</i> (the time of the north wind); -<i>rari</i>, the time of the south wind—during this period calm prevails -at night but there is wind in the day-time; <i>sassa nanamo</i>, -time of the east wind; <i>mbule</i>, time of calm, lasting about a -month. After <i>mbule</i> follow <i>tovaruru</i>, lasting about 2 months, -and <i>sassa nanamo</i>, one month. In Lambutjo the matter<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85"></a>[85]</span> -is still further complicated. The following winds are distinguished:—south -wind, west wind, good wind at the time -of almond-ripening, lasting about one month. Further the east -wind, strong or quite weak with squalls, not good. Three -months afterwards comes the west wind, lasting about 2–3 -months. After the east wind a south-west wind, very strong, -at that time one cannot sail on the sea: it often comes 5 -months after the east wind. After the south-west wind a SE wind, -lasting only 1–2 weeks. Then strong E wind, lasting 1–2 -months, during which time navigation in canoes is impossible. -Then again a time of ‘clear water’, i. e. calm, lasting two months. -After this, S wind, NW wind, and NE wind. Each of these -lasts only a short time, altogether they occupy 3–4 months. -Then begins a lighter E wind, lasting 3–4 weeks. Then about -one month of light W wind, then again stronger E wind for -1–2 months. Afterwards S wind for 1½-2 months, lighter SE -wind for 1–2 weeks, and then again stronger E wind for 2–3 -months. At the time of the west wind there is much rain, at -the time of the east wind much sunshine<a id="FNanchor_344" href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a>. It is very interesting -to see how accurately primitive peoples observe Nature, -but these are not indications of time. On the Gazelle -Peninsula it has been observed that when the SE monsoon -blows the sun comes up in the east, and when the NW monsoon -blows it rises in the south: the wind comes from the opposite -direction to that in which the sun rises<a id="FNanchor_345" href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a>.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86"></a>[86]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.<br /> -<br /> -<span class="fs70">THE YEAR.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p class="drop-capy1">Following the practice of my authorities I have often in the -foregoing pages made use of the expression that the year -is ‘divided’ into so many parts. From a genetic stand-point -this expression is incorrect, because the time-indications, which -relate to a concrete phenomenon of Nature, are older than the -year, and, since they are connected only with the single phenomenon, -are discontinuous or even indefinite. Only through their -union does the complete year arise. Every natural year however -offers on the whole the same phenomena following one another -in definite succession, and thus the circle of the year has its -prototype in Nature herself. Nevertheless the uniting of the -different seasons into a complete year only takes place gradually -by means of a selection, systematising, and regulation of -the seasons. It must be carried out according to a principle—we -shall see that this is as a rule the lunar reckoning—but -the occupations of agriculture also serve as a handle. The -present chapter will shew how the uniting of the seasons into -the year is only a late and incomplete development, how originally -the year does not exist as a numerical quantity, the -<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i> counting being resorted to, and finally how the -years are not reckoned as members of an era but are distinguished -and fixed by concrete events.</p> - -<p>The difficulty of struggling through to the conception of -the year is exemplified by certain peoples who know two seasons -but reckon in half-years without joining them together. -Naturally this happens in the rare case in which there is very -little difference—or none at all—between the two halves -of the year. Thus of the Akikuyu of British East Africa it is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87"></a>[87]</span> -reported:—The equatorial year has no winter or summer. -Its passage is marked by two wet seasons, which occur in what -are our spring and autumn. The planting is done in all cases -at the first commencement of the rains, and harvesting as soon -as the crop has ripened after the cessation of the rain. There -are therefore two seed-times and two harvests in twelve months, -and when the native speaks of a year he means six months<a id="FNanchor_346" href="#Footnote_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a>. -This is very natural, since by ‘year’ a vegetation-period is often -to be understood: the half-year reckoning however also appears -where a difference between the two seasons does exist. In -Rotuma or Granville Island the inhabitants reckon in periods -of six months or moons. The west monsoon, which blows -from October to April, doubtless serves to distinguish these -seasons: otherwise the difference between the seasons is hardly -perceptible, the island lying near the equator. The half-years -each contain six months, to which the same names are given -in both halves<a id="FNanchor_347" href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a>. The people of the Nicobars reckon in monsoon -half-years, <i>shom-en-yuh</i>, the SW monsoon, <i>sho-hong</i>, blowing -from May to October, and the NE monsoon, <i>ful</i>, from -November to April, so that two of these form one of our -years<a id="FNanchor_348" href="#Footnote_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a>. The half-years are also said to contain seven months -each<a id="FNanchor_349" href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a>: in reality they must vary between 6 and 7 months, as -the year varies between 12 and 13. In New Britain (Bismarck -Archipelago) there are monsoon years of five months: the two -intervening periods of the variable winds and of the calms, -each lasting one month, are not counted<a id="FNanchor_350" href="#Footnote_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a>. It is said that the -Benua-Jahun of the Malay Peninsula have no other division of -the year than the natural one of the north and south monsoons, -each of which they call a ‘wind-year’, <i>satahun angni</i>; however -a word for year, <i>sa taun</i>, is also ascribed to them<a id="FNanchor_351" href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a>. In -Bali the year is divided into two seasons or monsoons, each of -which includes six months; since the months of both halves have -the same names it is evident that originally only half-years -existed<a id="FNanchor_352" href="#Footnote_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a>. The greatest unit of time among the Orang Kubu -of Sumatra is the six-month <i>mussim</i> (season), which is of Malay<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88"></a>[88]</span> -origin<a id="FNanchor_353" href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a>. The Samoans have a name for a period of twelve -months, but they formerly reckoned years of six months (<i>tau-sanga</i>); -each of these corresponded to one of the two six-month -periods, the palolo or rainy season and the monsoon season<a id="FNanchor_354" href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a>. -The Moanu of the Admiralty Island name the division of the -year according to the position of the sun. When it stands north -of the equator, the season in question is named <i>morai in paiin</i> -(sun of war), since wars are chiefly fought in this season. When -it stands over the equator, the season is called <i>morai in houas</i> -(sun of friendship), the season of friendship and mutual visits. -When the sun turns towards the south, the cooler season begins<a id="FNanchor_355" href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a>. -Of the Kiwai Papuans of the islands in the delta of the Fly River -in New Guinea, Torres Straits, Landtman writes to me that he -cannot say if the people are clear whether they reckon in -years or in half-years<a id="FNanchor_356" href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a>. The former supposition is really only -supported by the fact that they are aware that the same natural -conditions recur after the lapse of the two half-years. -There is no word for year. On the whole it may be said that -they count only the months, and hardly conceive of so great -a unit as the year, nor even (at least not everywhere) of the -half-year, although there may be a hint of this in special -cases.</p> - -<p>Not seldom the dry and the rainy seasons are counted -without being combined into a year. This is expressly stated -of the Tupi of Brazil and certainly applies also to the Bakairi<a id="FNanchor_357" href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a>. -In Loango there are dry and rainy seasons, and in many districts -a third season also, the fruit-ripening. Commonly the -people reckon by the two main seasons. A centenarian is -therefore fifty years old<a id="FNanchor_358" href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a>. In Uganda there are in the course -of twelve months two rainy and two dry seasons, although -there is hardly a month in which no rain falls at all. The rainy -season from February to June is called <i>togo mukazi</i>, since the -rain then falls without much thunder: the second, from August -to November, is called <i>dumbi musaja</i>, because of the thunder -and the frequent deaths from lightning. The dry season about<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89"></a>[89]</span> -December is more intense than that about June. However -the year, <i>mwaka</i>, is composed of one rainy season together -with the following dry season, and consists of six moons or -months<a id="FNanchor_359" href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a>. Their year, corresponding to a half-year, consists of -five moons, and a sixth in which it rains<a id="FNanchor_360" href="#Footnote_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a>. In north Asia the -common mode of reckoning is in half-years, which are not to -be regarded as such but form each one separately the highest -unit of time: our informants term them ‘winter year’ and -‘summer year’. Among the Tunguses the former comprises -6½ months, the latter 5, but the year is said to have 13 -months; in Kamchatka each contains six months, the winter -year beginning in November, the summer year in May; the -Gilyaks on the other hand give five months to summer and -seven to winter. The Yeneseisk Ostiaks reckon and name -only the seven winter months, and not the summer months<a id="FNanchor_361" href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a>. -This mode of reckoning seems to be a peculiarity of the -far north: the Icelanders reckoned in <i>misseri</i>, half-years, -not in whole years, and the rune-staves divide the year into -a summer and a winter half, beginning on April 14 and -October 14 respectively. But in Germany too, when it was -desired to denote the whole year, the combined phrase ‘winter -and summer’ was employed, or else equivalent concrete -expressions such as ‘in bareness and in leaf’, ‘in straw and in -grass’<a id="FNanchor_362" href="#Footnote_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a>.</p> - -<p>‘Years’ with less than twelve months are to us the -strangest of phenomena. The Yurak Samoyedes and probably -the Tunguses of the Amur reckon eleven months to the year, -the Kamchadales only ten, of which one is said to be as long -as three<a id="FNanchor_363" href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a>. The natives of southern Formosa reckon about eleven -months to the year<a id="FNanchor_364" href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a>. The inhabitants of Kingsmill Island, -which lies under the equator, reckon periods of ten months, -which are numbered but, in contradistinction to the other -examples, are reckoned in cycles<a id="FNanchor_365" href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a>. In the Marquesas 10 months -formed a year, <i>tau</i> or <i>puni</i>, but the actual year, i. e. the Pleiades -year, was also known<a id="FNanchor_366" href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90"></a>[90]</span></p> - -<p>The Yoruba reckon in 16-day divisions. Fourteen of these -form their old year, of 224 days, i. e. in former times attention -was paid to the rainy season only. The first thunder was the -signal for the fishers and hunters to come back to their huts -and begin farming again.<a id="FNanchor_367" href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a> The Toradja of the Dutch East -Indies reckon in moon-months: two to three months however -compose a vacant period in which they do not trouble about -time-reckoning<a id="FNanchor_368" href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a>. The Islamite Malays of Sumatra distinguish -<i>tahun basar</i>, the great year, or <i>tahun musin</i>, the year of the -seasons, both reckoned as 12 months, from <i>tahun padi</i>, the -rice-year, which among them counts only eleven months<a id="FNanchor_369" href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a>. The -Dusun of British North Borneo have two methods of reckoning -their longest divisions of time. If the native be a hill-man he -will reckon by the <i>taun kendinga</i> or the hill-<i>padi</i> season, six -months from planting to harvest, if a plain-dweller by the <i>taun -tanau</i> or wet <i>padi</i> season, 8 to 9 months<a id="FNanchor_370" href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a>. This incomplete -year is therefore a vegetation year in which the vacant period -of no work is simply passed over. In this manner may be -explained the much discussed ten-month year of the Romans<a id="FNanchor_371" href="#Footnote_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a>, -if it really depends upon old tradition and is not a mere creation -of spurious learning. It is not a cyclical year like ours: -a complete explanation will be given below in the investigation -of the manner in which the years were counted.</p> - -<p>It is true indeed of most primitive peoples, as is said -of the Hottentots, that they are well acquainted with the -conception (<em>sic!</em> I should have said rather: the concrete -phenomenon) of the year, <i>guri-b</i>, as a single period of the -seasonal variation, but do not reckon in years in this sense<a id="FNanchor_372" href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a>. -That is to say the year is by them empirically given but not -limited in the abstract: above all it is not a calendarial and -numerical quantity. Of the Waporogo it is said:—Somewhat -more difficult (than the times of day) is the conception of the -year. Only older, more intelligent people have a clear idea of -it, the sowing-time and the rainy seasons constituting their -points of reference. But they too can only reckon up a few<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91"></a>[91]</span> -years (though they certainly do this by counting the seasons, -cp. <a href="#Page_92">below, p. 92</a>), and for the great mass of the people the conception -of the year does not exist<a id="FNanchor_373" href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a>. The Bontoc Igorot has no idea -of a cycle of time greater than a year, and in fact it is the rare -individual who thinks in terms of a year<a id="FNanchor_374" href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a>. The length of the -year consequently varies. Among the Banyankole it begins -with the first heavy rains and lasts until the next heavy rains, -so that a year may be longer or shorter by a few days: it is -a matter of no consequence whether it is a week or even -three weeks that are taken off or added to the length<a id="FNanchor_375" href="#Footnote_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a>.</p> - -<p>With the agricultural year it is just the same. For the -Dyaks of Borneo the rice-harvest is a main division of the -year (<i>njelo</i>); in September after the conclusion of the harvest -the year is at an end; a definite beginning, a New Year’s -Day, is unknown<a id="FNanchor_376" href="#Footnote_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a>. The translation of a Ho text runs:—“When -the inhabitants of the interior begin to cultivate the yam-fields -they begin a new year: when the yams are dug up and the -dry grass is burnt away, a year has passed”<a id="FNanchor_377" href="#Footnote_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a>. Among the -Thonga the notion of the year (<i>lembe</i>, <i>dji-ma</i>) is extremely -vague: the year begins at two different periods, that of tilling -and that of harvesting the first-fruits. They do not make any -difference between a lunar and a solar year<a id="FNanchor_378" href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a>. A very significant -account comes from Dahomey. The word for year does -not denote any definite number of months: the sense is rather -‘to plant maize and eat, to plant it again and harvest it’. At -the end of the harvest the year also is at an end<a id="FNanchor_379" href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a>.</p> - -<p>Here therefore we have a natural year quite concretely -and empirically given. Chronologically it is of no use nor indeed -is it used: what method is resorted to will be shewn below. -Attention must first be called, however, to an important -point. The purely natural year is a circle which has no natural -division, i. e. no beginning or end, the seasons following upon -each other immediately; not so the agricultural year, which -has both beginning and end. Here therefore there is a natural -point of division, a new year, which appeared in some of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92"></a>[92]</span> -examples just given, and this is an extremely important point -for time-reckoning. The vacant period between harvest and -sowing presents some difficulty, and so both of these periods -can be used as the beginning, as is done among the Thonga: -otherwise the beginning of the year varies considerably, just -because it can be arbitrarily determined<a id="FNanchor_380" href="#Footnote_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a>.</p> - -<p>The contradiction between length or duration of time and -time-reckoning evidently here becomes apparent. The counting -is not performed by means of these fluctuating empirical years, -but the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i> method is employed, the years are counted -by a season. As soon as it is said that some event took place -at a definite time of the previous year, or will take place at -some point in the following year, a counting of the years is -thereby implied, although for an enumeration of this kind the -conception of the year is not necessary. When it is said that -something happened at the previous harvest, or will happen at -the next dry season a counting of the years is no less implied, -although seasons are reckoned instead of years, i. e. the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars -pro toto</i> method is used. Thus it is, in fact, with all primitive -and many highly developed peoples, and that not only when an -event that took place at a definite time is spoken of, but also -where the number of years alone is in question: in the latter -case the reckoning is only performed from a favourite, conventionally -selected season. The statement made for the Hottentots -is significant for the kind of reckoning just mentioned. -They keep in mind the age of their cattle from the calving -and lambing periods<a id="FNanchor_381" href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a>. Similarly we are told of the modern -Arabians that the female camel is covered for the first time -when she is four <i>rabi</i> old (<i>rabi</i> = the pasture-season in spring, -when the camel foals), so that she foals in the fifth rabi<a id="FNanchor_382" href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a>.</p> - -<p>As a basis for the counting either a longer or a shorter -season may serve, or indeed any popular natural phenomenon -of regular annual occurrence. Thus of the Chinhwan of Formosa -it is stated that they have no calendar: they only know -that a new year has come when a certain flower blooms again<a id="FNanchor_383" href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a>. -The Paez of Columbia have a word <i>enzte</i>, ‘fishing, summer, -year’, since a great fishing is only engaged in once a year, in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93"></a>[93]</span> -January or February<a id="FNanchor_384" href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a>. In the language of the Tupi of S. Brazil -the year is always called <i>akayú</i>, cashew-tree, which blossoms -once a year, and produces a much-prized reniform stone-fruit -which is also often used in the preparation of wine: the word -also means ‘season’. This tree bears fruit only once a year, -whence it comes that the Brazilians reckon their age by the -stones, laying aside one for each year, and keeping them in a -small basket reserved for this purpose<a id="FNanchor_385" href="#Footnote_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a>. The Algonquin of -Virginia reckoned in <i>cohonks</i>, winters; the name refers to the -wild geese, and shews that these have come back to them so -many times<a id="FNanchor_386" href="#Footnote_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a>. In medieval Swiss charters time is often reckoned -in <i>louprisi</i>, ‘leaf-fall’; <i>dri</i>, <i>nün louprisi</i> = when the leaves -have fallen three, nine times, etc.<a id="FNanchor_387" href="#Footnote_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a>.</p> - -<p>In a later section on the beginning of the year we shall -find that the appearance of a certain constellation, in particular -the Pleiades, gives the signal for the beginning of the -agricultural labour, whence is developed the importance of this -date as the opening of the year. The time between two like -appearances of the same constellation, e. g. between two heliacal -risings, is a year. In this manner the name of the constellation -itself can come to denote ‘year’. In many parts of -S. America the same word means both ‘Pleiades’ and ‘year’<a id="FNanchor_388" href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a>. -The inhabitants of the Marquesas call the year of 12 months, -as distinguished from the 10-month fruit-year, by the name of -the Pleiades, <i>mata-iti</i><a id="FNanchor_389" href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a>. How easily this comes to pass is shewn -by a statement made for the Bangala of the Upper Congo. -The culmination of the constellation <i>kole</i> gave the principal -planting-season. This was so familiar to the natives that the -informant used the word <i>kole</i> as equivalent to the word ‘year’<a id="FNanchor_390" href="#Footnote_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a>. -This is in its very nature a <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i> designation, since -it refers to an annually recurring phase of the stars.</p> - -<p>More often the years are reckoned by one of the greater<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94"></a>[94]</span> -seasons. It is a well-known fact that in Old Norse generally, in -Gothic, and often in Old German and Anglo-Saxon time was -reckoned in winters. We find traces of the same practice in Greek -(<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χίμαρος</span>, ‘a one-year-old goat’, from the same root as <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">χειμών</span>, -winter) and in Latin (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">bimus</i>, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">trimus</i> = ‘of two, three years’, -from <i>hiems</i>): poets often reckon in <i>hiemes</i><a id="FNanchor_391" href="#Footnote_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a>. It is almost the -rule among all peoples who live under a climate that has a -winter with snow and ice. The Ostiaks reckon in winters, -and so do the Eskimos of Greenland<a id="FNanchor_392" href="#Footnote_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a> and of the Behring -Straits<a id="FNanchor_393" href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a>, and the N. American Indians in general, for instance -the Kiowa<a id="FNanchor_394" href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a>, the Pawnee<a id="FNanchor_395" href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a>, and the Omaha<a id="FNanchor_396" href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a>. The common -method of reckoning is not by the season, ‘the cold time’, but -by the concrete phenomenon that distinguishes it, viz. the snow. -So with the tribes of the N. W. interior<a id="FNanchor_397" href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a>, the Hupa<a id="FNanchor_398" href="#Footnote_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a>, and the -Dakota, who say that a man is so many ‘snows’ old, or that -so many ‘snow-seasons’ have passed since an occurrence<a id="FNanchor_399" href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a>. -The Siciatl of British Columbia reckon either by summers, ‘fine -seasons’, or by winters, ‘snows’<a id="FNanchor_400" href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a>. For the Algonquin <a href="#Page_93">see p. 93</a>. -In the tropics to reckon by the cold season is rare: the Guarini -of Paraguay however reckon in <i>roi</i>, i. e. ‘seasons of coolness’, -‘winters’<a id="FNanchor_401" href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a>, and the Bakongo occasionally by <i>sivu</i>, the cold season, -though more often by <i>mou</i>, ‘season’<a id="FNanchor_402" href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a>. The reason for the -reckoning of the years in winters is the same as that for the -counting of the days in nights. Winter is a time of rest, an -undivided whole, which practically becomes equivalent to a -single point: it is therefore more convenient for reckoning than -summer, which is filled up with many different occupations. -In the south of N. America, in the states on the Gulf of Mexico, -where the snow is rare and the heat of summer is the dominant -feature, the term for year had some reference to this -season or to the heat of the sun<a id="FNanchor_403" href="#Footnote_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a>, e. g. among the Seminole -of Florida the name for the year was the same as that used for -summer<a id="FNanchor_404" href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a>. Here the summer is the time of rest, but in Slavonic<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95"></a>[95]</span> -also time is reckoned in summers (<i>leto</i> = ‘summer’, plural -= ‘years’). We may compare here the English expressions -‘a maiden of 18 summers’, etc. The reckoning in springs is -only exceptional. The Basuto word <i>selemo</i> means ‘spring, -ploughing-time, year’<a id="FNanchor_405" href="#Footnote_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a>. At the southern end of Lake Nyassa -time is reckoned by ‘rains’, i. e. rainy seasons<a id="FNanchor_406" href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a>.</p> - -<p>Ever since the principal food of man has been the produce -of fruit-trees or the corn, the fruit- and corn-harvests and -the whole period of vegetation in general have been of decisive -importance for his well-being. We have already seen how this -circumstance has left its mark upon the indications of the seasons, -and in the same way the second most important method -of counting years is to reckon by harvests or vegetation-periods. -The fellahs of Palestine still do this. Their usual method is -to reckon from one harvest to another, or, as they put it, ‘from -threshing-floor to threshing-floor’<a id="FNanchor_407" href="#Footnote_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a>. In modern Arabia rents are -hardly ever reckoned for a whole year, but only until the next -spring, <i>rabi</i>, when the young animals are sold, or, as by the -fellahs, until the next threshing-time, <i>bedar</i>, when the farmer -can realise upon his corn<a id="FNanchor_408" href="#Footnote_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a>. The Negrito of Zambales determine -the year by the planting or harvesting season, but their -minds rarely go back farther than the last season<a id="FNanchor_409" href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a>. In Bavaria -in the Middle Ages the years used to be reckoned in -autumns. The ceremonial reckoning in the Sanskrit ritual texts is -in autumns, Sanskrit <i>çarad</i>, ‘autumn’<a id="FNanchor_410" href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a>. The subjects of the Incas -had a word <i>huata</i>, ‘year’, which as a verb meant ‘<i>attacher</i>’: but -the lower classes reckoned in harvests<a id="FNanchor_411" href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a>. This is also done in the -district around Mombasa<a id="FNanchor_412" href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a>. The Arabs sometimes reckon the -years as e. g. 40 <i>charif</i>, <i>charif</i> being the time of the date-harvest<a id="FNanchor_413" href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a>.</p> - -<p>We have already spoken of the rice-year in the East -Indian Archipelago as a combination of the agricultural seasons; -the period of vegetation of the rice also serves, although -seldom, for the counting of the year. Among the Toradja the -time needed for a plant to come to its full development up to -maturity is called <i>ta’oe</i>, and <i>santa’oe</i> accordingly means ‘a year<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_96"></a>[96]</span> -ago’. <i>Sampae</i> is the rice-year of six months, but <i>santa’oe</i> has -practically the same meaning, since the rice is the most important -cultivated plant. In general, however, the word is -seldom used as a time-indication, but the years are reckoned -by well-known events (on this see <a href="#Page_99">below, pp. 99 ff.</a>); nevertheless -expressions like the following are heard:—<i>santa’oe owi</i>, ‘when -last year’s rice-crops still stood on the field’, <i>roeanta’oe owe</i>, -‘two harvests ago’<a id="FNanchor_414" href="#Footnote_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a>. In the South Sea Islands the bread-fruit -is the most important article of food: the people, as we have -seen, know a time of abundance of food and a time of scarcity. -We are told:—The Malay word for ‘year’ is <i>taun</i> or <i>tahun</i>. -In all Polynesian dialects the primary sense of <i>tau</i> is ‘a season’, -‘a period of time’. In the Samoan group <i>tau</i> or <i>tausanga</i>, -besides the primary sense of season, has the definite meaning -of ‘a period of six months’, and conventionally that of ‘a year’, -as on the island of Tonga. Here the word has the further -sense of ‘the produce of a year’, and derivatively ‘a year’. In -the Society group it simply means ‘season’. In the Hawaiian -group, when not applied to the summer season, the word keeps -its original sense of ‘an indefinite period of time’, ‘a life-time, -an age’, and is never applied to the year: its duration may -be more or less than a year, according to circumstances<a id="FNanchor_415" href="#Footnote_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a>. So -far our authority. It seems however to be questionable whether -the original sense is not the concrete ‘produce of the seasons’, -rather than the abstract ‘period of time’. It is significant that -on the Society Islands the bread-fruit season is called <i>te tau</i>, -and the names of the other two seasons, <i>te tau miti rahi</i> and -<i>te tau poai</i>, are formed by adding to this name<a id="FNanchor_416" href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a>.</p> - -<p>Of great significance are the accurate reports for the -Melanesians. They have no conception of the year as a definite -period of time. The word <i>tau</i> (a Polynesian loan-word), or -<i>niulu</i>, which corresponds most nearly to ‘year’, signifies a -season, and so (now) the space of time between recurring seasons. -Thus the yam has its <i>tau</i> of five moons, from the planting—when -the erythrina is in flower—until the harvest, -after the palolo has come and gone. The bread-fruit has its<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_97"></a>[97]</span> -<i>tau</i> during the winter months: bananas and cocoa-nuts have -no <i>tau</i>, since they always bear fruit. The notion of the -year as the time from yam to yam, from palolo to palolo, has -been readily received, but it is very doubtful if such a conception -is anywhere purely native<a id="FNanchor_417" href="#Footnote_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a>. The Melanesians are only -interested in the concrete phenomena of the year, and not in -time-reckoning as such, and therefore do not in practice combine -the period from yam-planting to harvest with that from -harvest to planting to form a year. When it is pointed out, -however, it is quite clear to them that this is a single period -of the variation of the seasons. The Polynesians have themselves -noted this fact, and accordingly the sense of the word -<i>tau</i> has been extended from ‘season’ to ‘year’.</p> - -<p>Whether the conception of the year was known in the -Indo-European period is not certain: it is however significant -that all the words for ‘year’ of which the etymology is fairly -certain either refer to the produce of the year—as <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὥρα</span> and -its cognates, and also the word ‘year’ itself, Old Scand. <i>ár</i>—or -else come from the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i> counting of the year. Thus -the Slavonic <i>leto</i> means ‘summer’ and ‘year’. Sanskrit <i>çarad</i> -means ‘autumn’: that the corresponding Avestic <i>sared</i> means -‘year’ is explained by the fact that the years were reckoned -in autumns. The Greek <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐνιαυτός</span> is unexplained, but in Homer, -in the law of Gortyn, and in the inscription of the Labyades -it has also the little observed sense of ‘anniversary’<a id="FNanchor_418" href="#Footnote_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a>, which -may be the original sense. Further evidence of the lack of -an acquaintance with the conception of the year is afforded -by the fact that the Germanic peoples render it by periphrases -like ‘winter and summer’, etc.<a id="FNanchor_419" href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a>.</p> - -<p>The <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i> counting of the year from shorter or -longer seasons does not however extend beyond the years -immediately following or preceding. It is stated of the tribes -living at the southern end of Lake Nyassa that the years are -reckoned in ‘rains’ up to three or four years: everything beyond -that is <i>kale</i>, ‘some time ago’<a id="FNanchor_420" href="#Footnote_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a>. In the district around Mombasa, -in periods not exceeding five years, the date is usually fixed by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_98"></a>[98]</span> -the number of harvests which have been gathered<a id="FNanchor_421" href="#Footnote_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a>. In general -the primitive peoples reckon only where an immediate practical -interest requires them to do so. The Kiwai Papuans have no -word for year, but only for the monsoon periods: they cannot as -a rule state how many years have elapsed since a certain event, -but only whether it took place recently or long ago<a id="FNanchor_422" href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a>. The -inhabitants of the islands of the Torres Straits never count -years<a id="FNanchor_423" href="#Footnote_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a>. Individuals belonging to tribes at a low stage of -civilisation keep no account of their own age. Among the Waporogo -no one can say how old he is<a id="FNanchor_424" href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a>. The Edo-speaking tribes -have a calendar, but an enquiry as to the age of a man or -the number of years since a given event will meet with no -answer, or a random one<a id="FNanchor_425" href="#Footnote_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a>. In Dahomey no negro has the -slightest idea of his age<a id="FNanchor_426" href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a>. The Hottentots have no interest in -their own age, but are interested in that of their cattle, which -they reckon by the calving and lambing periods<a id="FNanchor_427" href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a>. Few of the -Chinhwan of Formosa know their age<a id="FNanchor_428" href="#Footnote_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a>. The Negritos of Zambales -have no idea of their age<a id="FNanchor_429" href="#Footnote_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a>. No Marquesas Islander, no -Oceanian in general, can give either his own age or the time -of any event<a id="FNanchor_430" href="#Footnote_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a>; even the Maoris do not know their age, although -they know that the man of forty years is older than -the man of thirty<a id="FNanchor_431" href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a>. The statements here made obviously refer -to the absolute age of a man, not to the relative age; for -either it is immediately seen or else easily remembered from -childhood who is older and who younger. The Babwende, for -instance, never know how old they are, but do know quite -well who is the oldest<a id="FNanchor_432" href="#Footnote_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a>. Since the relative age is thus known, -the age of the people and the time of events can be determined -by reference to the speaker’s own relative age or to that -of someone else. On the same page as that from which the -above quotation for the Marquesas Islands is taken, it is stated -that in order to determine the time of any event the people -indicate how tall a person was, or how long his beard was, at -the time when the event took place. The Indians of Pennsylvania<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_99"></a>[99]</span> -temporarily determined an event by referring to their -own age at the time of its occurrence<a id="FNanchor_433" href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a>.</p> - -<p>From these indications of relative ages there arises of -itself a familiar chronological expedient usually found at the -point where history begins, viz. the reckoning by generations, -which is common e. g. among the Polynesians<a id="FNanchor_434" href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a> and in the -older Greek historians. Among the Masai an elaborate system -for classifying ages has exceptionally developed. The circumcision -takes place in four-year periods with intervals of three -and a half years. The circumcisions are known alternately as -‘right-hand’ and ‘left-hand’. Those who have been circumcised -at the same time have a special name, such as ‘those who -fight openly or by day’, ‘those who are not driven away’, etc.; -one ‘right-hand’ and one ‘left-hand’ period combine to form a -generation. The ‘those-who-fight-openly’ period is a ‘right-hand’ -period, and those who belong to it were circumcised in 1851–5; -the ‘those-who-are-not-driven-away’ period is a ‘left-hand’, and -its members were circumcised in 1859–63. The two periods -or ages together form a generation composed of persons born -from 1834–1850. Each age has three divisions, first those -known as ‘the big ostrich feathers’, secondly those called ‘the -helpers’, and thirdly those known as ‘our fleet runners’<a id="FNanchor_435" href="#Footnote_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a>. It -is evident that an excellent basis for the determination of relative -time is hereby given. With time-reckoning <em>per se</em> the -system is not concerned.</p> - -<p>Common bases for reckoning are afforded by important -and striking events which have been impressed upon everyone -and are present to all men’s minds: through their relation to -the age of some person they serve as a guide to the chronology. -The Aino, for example, do not count the days, but always refer -to events; if it is asked how old anyone is, the answer will be -that he was born after the catching of the very big fish, or -perhaps in the year when there was so much snow<a id="FNanchor_436" href="#Footnote_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a>. Here -once more we see how concrete time-indications always precede -the abstract numerical counting of time. And where -numbers are known they are not willingly used, but the year<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_100"></a>[100]</span> -is referred to as one distinguished by a certain noteworthy -event, instead of being regarded as a member of a series. -From a year of this kind the natives can only reckon for a -few years at most in either direction. Where there are many -such noteworthy years the time-relationship is so far recognised -that the succession of the events is known, and perhaps in -certain cases also forms the basis of calculation.</p> - -<p>In the neighbourhood of Mombasa wars, famines, the arrival -of white men form epochs of this kind: it is impossible -to detect the age of any adult<a id="FNanchor_437" href="#Footnote_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a>. It is mentioned that the Toradja -of the Dutch East Indies sometimes reckon nearly approaching -events or events of recent occurrence by the rice-sowing: -dates at a more distant past are indicated by mentioning -events of most note, such as the death of a great man, -an epidemic of small-pox, an important military expedition, a -conclusion of peace, the payment of a tax, etc. The people -do not reckon their own age, but count that of their children, -saying: “When he was born I had my rice-field there, the -next year there”, and so on<a id="FNanchor_438" href="#Footnote_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a>. It is amusing and at the same -time instructive to note that precisely the same mode of reckoning -was found in Scania at the beginning of the last century. -It was a very common thing, says a well-known authority -on the folk-lore of this district, for a peasant, when asked -how old e. g. his little girl was, to give some such answer as: -“She must be four years old, for she is the same age as my -brown mare, and she was born when our southern field was a -grazing meadow”<a id="FNanchor_439" href="#Footnote_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Batak of Sumatra think that a small-pox epidemic -returns at intervals of from nine to twelve years, and make -use of this belief in reckoning time. On questioning a chief, -says a traveller, how old his house was, I was told: “It has -existed only for two small-pox epidemics”, by which he meant -that it was somewhat more than 24 years old<a id="FNanchor_440" href="#Footnote_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a>. In Borneo -there have occurred two eclipses of the sun during the last -half-century. The first of these served as a fixed date in relation -to which other events were dated<a id="FNanchor_441" href="#Footnote_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_101"></a>[101]</span></p> - -<p>The Eskimos of Greenland knew up to about the twentieth -year how many winters a person had lived, but beyond that -they could not go. Sometimes however they used as epochs -from which to calculate <i>pellesingvoak</i>, ‘the little priest’, i. e. -the arrival of Egede in the country, or the arrival or departure -of other well-known Europeans, or the founding of Godthaab -and other colonies; they would say that this or that person was -born at the coming or departure of such and such a person, -or when eggs were collected, seals caught, etc.<a id="FNanchor_442" href="#Footnote_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Caffres rarely give the proper length of past or future -periods of time, and when they do so the period is never of -more than a few months’ duration. Otherwise it is their custom -to determine the date at which this or that event took place -by reference to a contemporaneous event of greater importance<a id="FNanchor_443" href="#Footnote_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Lapps of Västerbotten reckon their age by the reindeer, -e. g. when this or that <i>aldo</i> (= female with calf) was -born. Formerly they never went farther back in counting than -the previous year. When they had to give the date of an important -event they referred to the time at which some specially -fine female reindeer was born<a id="FNanchor_444" href="#Footnote_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Hottentots, as has been said, have no interest in -their own age, but keep in mind that of their cattle from the -calving and lambing periods. When they wish to date back -somewhat farther, well-known events such as the outbreak of -cattle-plague, hostilities with neighbouring tribes or with the -whites, immigrations, etc. furnish them with satisfactory general -indications from which, coupling them in particular cases -with the birth of their children or the stature of these at the -time, they can arrive at a date<a id="FNanchor_445" href="#Footnote_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a>.</p> - -<p>Where the political development has advanced so far that -a stable monarchy exists, the succession of rulers offers an excellent -means of chronological orientation, and within every reign -certain years can be distinguished by special events. But this -brings us to the beginning of history, and I desist from following -the subject further. One example only:—The Baganda<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_102"></a>[102]</span> -reckon by the reigns of the kings and by certain wars in one -particular reign. They say ‘It was in the reign of such a king’, -or ‘I was still in arms when such and such a war was fought -in so and so’s reign’<a id="FNanchor_446" href="#Footnote_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a>.</p> - -<p>Where no reigns furnish a system of chronological reckoning, -the concrete references may be systematised until each -year is named and distinguished by a definite event. This was -the practice of the Arabians before Mohammed. Mohammed -is said to have been born in the year of the elephant, or, according -to other sources, some years after the year in which -the viceroy of Yemen marched against Mecca with an army -in which there were elephants<a id="FNanchor_447" href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a>. Another year is called the -year of treason or outrage, because certain garments which a -Himjarite king had sent that year to Mecca were stolen, -whence arose a conflict at the feast of pilgrims, in which the -young Mohammed is said to have taken part<a id="FNanchor_448" href="#Footnote_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Wagogo count the years by important events, e. g. -‘the year when the cattle died’, or ‘two years after the building -of Boma (Kilimatinde Station)’<a id="FNanchor_449" href="#Footnote_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a>. The Masai do not count the -years, but rather denote them by referring to the most important -events that took place in them, e. g. a murrain, a drought, -the death of the chief, an expedition particularly rich in booty, -etc.<a id="FNanchor_450" href="#Footnote_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a>. A fully developed calendar of this nature is possessed -by the Herero, and has been published from the year 1820<a id="FNanchor_451" href="#Footnote_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a>. -I give a few years as examples:—1820, <i>ojo</i> (= year of the) -<i>tjekeue</i>: from the name of the Matabele chief who in 1820 came -to Okahandja with a white peace-ox and made peace with -Katjamuaha. 1842, <i>ojohange</i>, ‘year of peace’, the Nama and -Herero made peace. 1843, <i>ojomaue</i>, ‘year of the stones’: the -Herero as the slaves of Jonker Africander had to build for him -a stone wall; or <i>ojovihende</i>, ‘year of the stakes’: the Herero -had to build a palisade around Jonker’s dockyard. 1844, 1845, -<i>ojomukugu</i> or <i>ojombondi</i>, ‘year of vomiting, of nausea’: the -Nama had poisoned Katjamuaha, and the latter vomited and -purged. And so on up to 1902 inclusive. There are lacking<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_103"></a>[103]</span> -only the years 1854, 1855, and, significantly, 1891, 1895, 1899, -and 1900, towards the end: the reckoning fails under growing -European influence. Several years have two descriptions, e. g. -1844 and 1845 (see above); these and 1887–8 are run together, -the latter as the ‘year of the red murrain among the cows’.</p> - -<p>The same mode of reckoning appears, strongly developed -and fixed by the aid of picture-writing, among the Indians of -N. America. Heckewelder says of the Indians of Pennsylvania:—“They -reckon larger intervals of time by some noteworthy event, -e. g. a very severe winter, a very deep snow-fall, an unusual -inundation, a general war, the building of a new town by the -whites, etc. Thus I have heard more than fifty years ago:—‘When -their brother Miqaon talked to their fathers they were -so old or so tall, they could catch butterflies or hit a bird with -an arrow’. Of others I have heard that they were born in -the hard winter (1739–40), or could then do this or that, or -already had grey hair. When they could not refer directly to -any such distinguishing epochs they would say: ‘So many -winters after that’”<a id="FNanchor_452" href="#Footnote_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a>. This method of reckoning seems to have -existed among the Pawnee at an initial stage. Sometimes -they referred to a year that had been marked by some important -event, e. g. a failure of crops, unusual sickness, a -disastrous hunt: this was referred to as a year by itself, but -after only a few years’ remove this mark became indistinct -and faded away<a id="FNanchor_453" href="#Footnote_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a>. Among the Dakota and the Kiowa detailed -descriptions were given in picture-writings, which are well-known -and have been published, for the Dakota by Mallery -and for the Kiowa by Mooney. They are painted on buffalo -hide, later also on paper, and represent in painting the history -of the tribe. They were executed by a specially gifted Indian -and were handed down from father to son. When worn out -and obliterated by use they were renewed. In winter they -were often produced before the fire, and the events recounted. -Everyone knew them, however, so that anybody could shew -when he was born or when his father died, and some also -knew the meaning of the pictures. Four copies belonging to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_104"></a>[104]</span> -the Dakota are known, which go back to 1800, 1786, 1775, -and the mythical period, respectively. Every year is denoted -by a picture, without distinction between winter and summer. -Some of the terms used are:—1794–5, the ‘Long-Hair-killed’ -winter; 1817–8, the ‘Chozé-built-a-house-of-dead-logs’ winter; -1818–9, the ‘small-pox-used-them-up-again’ winter; 1821–2, ‘the -star (meteor)-passed-by-with-a-loud-noise’ winter; 1825–6, the -‘many-Yanktonais-drowned’ winter (through an inundation); -1833–4, the ‘storm-of-stars’ winter (so called from the abundance -of shooting-stars), etc. Four Kiowa calendars are known, -one of which is arranged in months, of which it gives 37; two -of the others refer to the years 1833–93, one to the years -1864–93. In the first each month is indicated by the crescent -of the moon, and above is the picture characteristic of the -month. The Kiowa annual calendars are clearer than the Dakota -in that they indicate winter by a thick black stroke signifying -that the vegetation has died, and summer by the medicine -lodge with its figures, which form the central feature of the -religious ceremonies of the summer. Above and by the side -of these signs are the pictures, giving the principal events of -the seasons, so that the reckoning of the year becomes the history -of the tribe. The Indians however were also acquainted with -simpler modes of reckoning. Among the Nahyssan of S. Carolina -time was measured and a rude chronology arranged by -means of strings of leather with knots of various colours, like -the Peruvian <i>quipos</i><a id="FNanchor_454" href="#Footnote_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a>. The Dakota use a circle as the symbol -of time, a smaller one for a year and a larger one for a -longer period: the circles are arranged in rows, thus: ȱȱȱ -or o-o-o<a id="FNanchor_455" href="#Footnote_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a>. The Pima of Arizona make use of a tally. The -year-mark is a deep notch across the stick. The records of -early years are memorised, and there are a few minor notches -to aid in recalling them. The year-notches are alike, yet when -a narrator was asked to go back and repeat the story for a -certain year he never made a mistake. Taking the stick in -his hand, he would rake his thumb-nail across the year-notch -and begin:—‘This notch means etc.’<a id="FNanchor_456" href="#Footnote_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a>.</p> - -<p>The development is clear. Often an important event has<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_105"></a>[105]</span> -been impressed upon the memory and now serves as a landmark -from which the few years that it is possible to count are -reckoned. Such events multiply, and when their succession is -known, a longer period can be mastered. Finally the process -is systematised, so that every year has its event (necessarily -even if it be an unimportant one), and is named from that: hence -the reckoning of the years becomes also the history of the -people. This kind of time-reckoning is really used by every one -of us. Whoever looks back over his past life sees chiefly the -more important events, not the dates of the years, and to -these he joins the more peripheral events and so finds his way -in the labyrinth of memory. But we mark the events by the -dates, and thereby obtain an estimation of the course of time, -which is the last acquisition of the human mind in this domain. -The mode of reckoning in question penetrates deeply among -the culture peoples.</p> - -<p>The same method of distinguishing the years from one -another was employed in ancient Babylonia, in the days of the -Sumerian kingdom of Ur in the second half of the third millenium -B. C., and also later under the first dynasty in Babylon, -and was only replaced by the reckoning according to the -years of the king’s reign under the dominion of the Kassites<a id="FNanchor_457" href="#Footnote_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a>. -For our historical knowledge of the events these so-called ‘year-formulae’ -are of extreme importance. They vary in each case -according to the towns, and shew that these in some respects -maintained an independent position. The adoption of the -year-formulae of the main locality implies the complete subjugation -of the town<a id="FNanchor_458" href="#Footnote_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a>. No trace of an era or any reckoning -by the years of the reign is to be found. Only the king’s -accession to the throne is utilised for distinguishing the years, -the first complete year of his reign (not the year of accession, -therefore,) being described as the year of King X. As marks -of the other years the most important national events in the -domain of the religious cult and of politics are almost universally -employed. Only exceptionally is the year named after -some violent natural catastrophe. Rather, it is a striking fact<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_106"></a>[106]</span> -that in none of the 66 year-formulae hitherto discovered is -there any mention of an eclipse of the sun, or a comet or meteor. -If no important event has occurred, the year is described -as the one following such and such a year, e. g. the year 49 -of king Dungi is called ‘the year in which the temple of X. -was built’; year 50 = ‘the year following that in which the -temple of X. was built’; year 51 = ‘the year following that in -which the temple of X. was built, the year after this’. We -see the clumsy method used in order to avoid counting, instead -of simply saying ‘the second year after etc.’: so firmly -is the concrete description adhered to. These year-formulae -were however used for the dating of documents, and not simply, -as among the primitive peoples with whom we have hitherto -been concerned, for the retaining of past events in the memory. -Hence arises the difficulty that often an event of such importance -that the year can be named after it does not occur until -well on into the year, that is, the event from which the -year is named does not take place until a greater or smaller -part of the year has already passed by. Until the event takes -place indications of the kind already mentioned, having reference -to the preceding year, are employed, e. g. the year 17 -of Dungi = ‘the year after that in which the ship of Belit (was -launched)’; when a noteworthy event happens it gives its name -to the year: thus the same year is ‘the year in which the god -Nannar was brought from Kar-zi-da into his temple’. Hence -arise twofold descriptions, and they are indeed necessary in -this kind of designation when events of the current year are -to be dated by the year. An example containing a political event -is the year 36 of Dungi = ‘the year after that in which Simuru -was destroyed’, or ‘the year in which Simuru was destroyed -for the second time’. It is characteristic to count the -destructions of a town but not the years<a id="FNanchor_459" href="#Footnote_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a>. During the reign -of Rimsin of Larsa, a contemporary of Hammurabi, the years -begin to be run together into an era: there are many datings -from the capture of Isin, up to thirty years after that event,<a id="FNanchor_460" href="#Footnote_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_107"></a>[107]</span> -and so under the second king of the first Babylonian dynasty -five years were reckoned after the taking of Kazallu<a id="FNanchor_461" href="#Footnote_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a>. So -also under the first dynasty of Babylon the years were described -by occurrences, by events in the religious and political -life, especially religious acts and buildings of the kings, by wars, -and lastly by natural catastrophes, especially inundations of -the country<a id="FNanchor_462" href="#Footnote_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a>. Dates given by events of a previous year are -also found. At that period however the year-formula seems -to have been given at the New Year’s Day and therefore to -have been determined beforehand: when important historical -events occurred, the year was given a new name from these<a id="FNanchor_463" href="#Footnote_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a>.</p> - -<p>In the older period of Egyptian history each year -of the king’s reign is described by an official name borrowed -from the festivals—e. g. those of the king’s accession, of the -worship of Horus, of the sowing, of the birth of Anubis—from -buildings, wars, and the censuses for purposes of taxation. -Gradually the simple counting of the years of the reign appears -alongside of these names, and from the end of the old empire -completely supplants the former method even in official dates. -The years however are not calendar years, but begin with the -day of the king’s accession: they therefore offer the disadvantage -of running from different dates according to this. At -certain periods however the reigns, as in Babylon, were counted -only from the first New Year’s Day. Of an era there is -only a single example<a id="FNanchor_464" href="#Footnote_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a>. The Egyptians also began with the -concrete descriptions, but passed over, at least within the separate -reigns, to the counting of years which is so much more -suitable for a survey of the course of time. The Assyrian designation -of the year after eponyms, <i>limmu</i>, the Greek after archons, -ephors, and other eponymous officials, the Roman after -consuls etc. are no different. For a people with a fully developed -political life and annually changing supreme officials the latter -naturally offer a means of distinguishing the years; the life -was too regular and too well-established for events of such a -decisive nature that they could impress themselves upon the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_108"></a>[108]</span> -memory of everyone and become available for time-reckoning -to be able to happen to the whole people in smaller intervals -of time. Here however the system shews a weak point. It -is very difficult to keep an arbitrary series of many names in -its right order without confusing the names, and only very -few persons can do it. The system therefore did not provide -that survey over the whole course of time which the awakening -historical sense rendered more and more necessary. -So men were led to the only practical method, that of simply -counting the years and marking them by figures, by which -means everyone without more ado became quite clear as to -the dates of earlier or later events, whether these were expressed -in olympiads, in <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">ab urbe condita</i> etc., or in the countless -local eras of antiquity. It was long before it was seen that -the starting-point is a matter of indifference, and that the only -essential is that all should use the same starting-point. In this -respect the old reckoning in epochs long continued to influence -the minds of men.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_109"></a>[109]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.<br /> -<br /> -<span class="fs70">THE STARS.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p class="drop-capy1">The time-indications from the phases of the climate and of -Nature are only approximate: they themselves, like the -concrete phenomena to which they refer, are subject to fluctuation. -Even in the tropics, where the regularity of the climatic -changes is greater than in our latitudes, the beginning of the -rains, the dry season, or monsoons may be to some extent -advanced or retarded. In the temperate zones the fluctuations -are very perceptible. In the year in which I write this (1916) -the corn harvest has been delayed by nearly a month, not only -on account of bad weather in harvest-time but also owing to -the unusually low temperature of the past summer. Even the -townsfolk notice that the days are shorter and the weather is -colder than is usual at the time of harvest. Further, incidents -of plant and animal life—e. g. the blossoming of certain -trees and plants, the arrival of the migratory birds—vary -somewhat in different years. In general primitive man takes -no notice of these variations: the Banyankole, for instance, are -indifferent as to whether the year is one or even three weeks -longer or shorter, i. e. whether the rainy season opens so much -earlier or later<a id="FNanchor_465" href="#Footnote_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a>. The days are not counted exactly, but the -people are content with the concrete phenomenon. More accurate -points of reference are however especially desirable for -an agricultural people, since, although the right time for sowing -can be discerned from the phenomena and general conditions -of the climate, yet a more exact determination of time may be -extremely useful. The possibility of such a determination exists—and -that at a far more primitive stage than that of the agricultural<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_110"></a>[110]</span> -peoples—in the observation of the stars, and especially -in the observation of the so-called ‘apparent’ or, more -properly, visible risings and settings of the fixed stars, the importance -of which has already been explained (pp. <a href="#Page_5">5 ff</a>.) The -observation of the morning rising and the evening setting -is extraordinarily wide-spread, but other positions of the stars, -e. g. at a certain distance from the horizon, are also sometimes -observed<a id="FNanchor_466" href="#Footnote_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a>. The Kiwai Papuans also compute the time -of invisibility of a star. When a certain star has sunk below -the western horizon they wait for some nights during which -the star is ‘inside’; then it has ‘made a leap’, and shews itself -in the east in the morning before sunrise<a id="FNanchor_467" href="#Footnote_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a>.</p> - -<p>Any reader of the classics will be familiar with the risings -and settings of the stars: Virgil, for example, mentions them -often. With him however they are pre-eminently a traditional -ornament of poetic style: the richest sources are the peasants’ -rules of Hesiod, in which the stars are mentioned as -time-indications along with phenomena of plant and animal life, -and appear just as frequently as the latter, often in combination -with them. But Homer not only knows several stars but -is also acquainted with the rising and setting. A much quoted -passage in the Iliad runs:—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="verse indent0">“Him first king Priam saw with his old eyes,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">As o’er the plain he lightened, dazzling bright,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Like to the star that doth in autumn rise,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Whose radiant beams, pre-eminent to sight,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Shine with their fellow stars at noon of night:</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Orion’s Dog we mortals call its name:</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Sign is it of much ill, thought clear its light,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And mighty fever brings to man’s poor frame:</div> - <div class="verse indent0">So, as he ran, the brass upon his breast did flame”<a id="FNanchor_468" href="#Footnote_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a>.</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>The lines refer to the morning rising of Sirius at the beginning -of the fruit-harvest, which about 800 B. C. took place -on the 28th of July (Julian). A modern reader, thinking only<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_111"></a>[111]</span> -of the splendour of the star as it shines in the sky at night, -entirely fails to understand the darker and more fateful side of -the simile. Only when it is realised that the time of the morning -rising of Sirius is the time of the greatest heat and sickness, -a period believed to be induced by the rising of this star at -the beginning of the fruit-harvest, is the right idea obtained. -Like Sirius appearing in the sky in the morning twilight of -later summer, Achilles stands out upon the battle-field, eclipsing -all others and bringing destruction to the Trojans<a id="FNanchor_469" href="#Footnote_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a>. A -difficulty has been found in the passage in that Sirius at his -rising is only just visible and therefore does not shine in his -brightest splendour. But Sirius is for the poet the typical -brightest fixed star, just as he speaks of the heavens as ‘starry’ -even when the sun is ascending in them<a id="FNanchor_470" href="#Footnote_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a>. On every day of -the <i>opōre</i> Sirius rises higher and shines more brightly—one -must not think only of the actual first rising, the first day of -the star’s appearance. Hence the star becomes the symbol of -the <i>opōre</i>, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀπωρινὸς ἀστήρ</span><a id="FNanchor_471" href="#Footnote_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a>. Since it is a star of evil omen it -is also called ‘the disastrous-shining star’<a id="FNanchor_472" href="#Footnote_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a>. A star-setting is -implied in the words ‘the late-setting Arcturus’<a id="FNanchor_473" href="#Footnote_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a>. The ‘late’ -refers to the fact that the circle which Arcturus describes in -the heavens is great, since he stands so far north. Here belongs -also the observation that the Great Bear alone of the -(greater) stars does not dip down into the ocean<a id="FNanchor_474" href="#Footnote_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a>. The stars -further serve as a guide to navigation<a id="FNanchor_475" href="#Footnote_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a>:—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="verse indent0">“And treacherous sleep ne’er fell on the eyes that were watchful still,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">For he kept the Pleiads in front, and the Herdman, who slowly doth gain</div> - <div class="verse indent0">His rest, and the Bear,—they are wont to call it moreover the Wain:<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_112"></a>[112]</span></div> - <div class="verse indent0">Ever turning at bay, doth it glare on Orion’s falchion-gleam,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And alone it hath no share in the baths of the Ocean-stream:—</div> - <div class="verse indent0">For Calypso, the Goddess divine, had bidden him still to keep</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Over his left that sign as he fared on the face of the deep”.</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>The Pleiades, the Hyades, and Orion are also mentioned, -but not in any special connexion with the indication of time<a id="FNanchor_476" href="#Footnote_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a>. -The morning-star helps to determine time on a night journey<a id="FNanchor_477" href="#Footnote_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a>.</p> - -<p>Hesiod says that at the time when the thistle blooms and -the cricket chirps Sirius burns heads and knees<a id="FNanchor_478" href="#Footnote_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a>, and that when -the late autumn rains come men feel relieved, since the star -Sirius is not passing over their heads for so long a time but -uses the night more<a id="FNanchor_479" href="#Footnote_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a>. Commentators of classical times have -indeed here taken Sirius to mean the sun. But wrongly; for -Sirius, whose rising introduces the time of greatest heat, is for -the Greeks the cause of the heat, just as the Pleiades are for -the Australians, and as all stars are held to be the causes of -those climatic changes which are connected with any of their -risings or settings<a id="FNanchor_480" href="#Footnote_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a>; when Sirius rises earlier, i. e. remains in -the heavens for some hours during the night-time, the heat -declines. The other passages are:—vv. 564 ff., evening rising -of Arcturus (60 days after the winter solstice, Feb. 24, Julian), -followed by the coming of the swallow, messenger of spring, -before this time the vines should be pruned; vv. 597 ff., the -winnowing of the harvested corn at the morning rising of Orion -(July 9); vv. 609 ff., when Orion and Sirius are in the middle -of the heavens and the dawn sees Arcturus (morning rising -Sept. 18), it is the time of the vine-harvest; vv. 615 ff., at the -(morning) setting of the Pleiades (Nov. 3), of the Hyades, and -of Orion (Nov. 15) it is time to think about sowing; vv. 619 ff., -when the Pleiades, fleeing from Orion, fall into the sea, storms -rage, and the ship should be drawn up on land. Alcaeus says:—“Drink -wine, for the star (viz. Sirius) revolves”<a id="FNanchor_481" href="#Footnote_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_113"></a>[113]</span></p> - -<p>The time-indications from the stars are therefore much -older in Greece than the lunisolar calendar, and always existed -alongside of the latter—which was of a religious and civil -character—as the calendar of peasants and seamen, who must -hold to the natural year and its seasons. The watchman who -speaks the prologue of the <i>Agamemnon</i> of Aeschylus says:—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="verse indent0">“ ... On elbow bent, watching, as ’twere a dog,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">I mark the stars in nightly conclave meet.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And those bright constellations, without peer,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Lords paramount in heaven, that winter bring</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And summer in their train for mortal men,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Right well I know them as they come and go”<a id="FNanchor_482" href="#Footnote_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a>.</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>The discovery of star-observation and of its use in time-reckoning -and navigation is ascribed to the heroes Prometheus -and Palamedes. The latter is regarded by the tragic poets as -the founder of all the elements of intellectual culture, and so -also of the science of the stars<a id="FNanchor_483" href="#Footnote_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a>. And Prometheus, who glories -in having brought to men every advance in civilisation, includes -therein the knowledge of the risings and settings of the stars:—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="verse indent0">“Of winter’s coming no sure sign had they,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Nor of the advent of the flowery spring,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Of fruitful summer none: so fared through each,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And took no thought, till that the hidden lore</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Of rising stars and setting I unveiled”<a id="FNanchor_484" href="#Footnote_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a>.</div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>Later, the phases of the stars have become so familiar -to everyone that Sophocles can say, ‘a time of six months from -spring to Arcturus’, i. e. the morning rising of Arcturus on -Sept. 18<a id="FNanchor_485" href="#Footnote_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a>.</p> - -<p>Whether the Romans made use of time-indications from -the stars before they borrowed them from the Greeks is uncertain; -in any case they had their own names for some constellations:—<i>vesperugo</i>, -<i>iubar</i> = <i>lucifer</i>, the evening star, <i>septentriones</i> -or <i>iugulae</i>, the Great Bear, <i>vergiliae</i>, the Pleiades.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_114"></a>[114]</span> -<i>Suculae</i>, the Hyades, and <i>canicula</i>, the Dog-star, are translations -of the corresponding Greek names<a id="FNanchor_486" href="#Footnote_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a>.</p> - -<p>At a later period the risings and settings of the stars, -together with the climatic phenomena accompanying them or -believed to accompany them, were brought into a calendar, -which was then arranged according to the signs of the zodiac, -or later according to the months of the Julian or Egyptian -solar year. The Greek lunisolar year was unsuitable for the -purpose, since it varied in reference to the sun and the -stars. How both were adjusted to practical needs is shewn -by the remains of two stone calendars found at Milet. On the -stone are inscribed the risings and settings of the stars, arranged -according to the signs of the zodiac: by the side of these are -holes into which little tablets containing the days of the lunisolar -calendar could be fitted, these tablets being arranged -according to the relation of every lunisolar year to the solar one<a id="FNanchor_487" href="#Footnote_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Arabians also carefully observed the stars, and many -of their proverbs couple the risings of the stars with natural -events<a id="FNanchor_488" href="#Footnote_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a>. Since these constellations are the so-called lunar -stations their use here is not primitive, but must have been -added on to a primitive usage. The Pleiades were observed -throughout their course, and about most of the positions which -they take up mnemonic verses were made. Mohammed swears -by the setting Pleiades in the 53rd chapter of the Koran.</p> - -<p>We return once more to the primitive peoples. It may -be well first to show by a few examples how far they were -acquainted with the stars and saw in them images of terrestrial -things. The Chukchee give names to the most important constellations. -Among divinities are reckoned ‘the Motionless Star’ -or ‘the Nail-star’ or ‘the Pole-stuck Star’, the Pole-star, ‘the Front -Head and the Rear Head’, Arcturus and Vega, and <i>pchittin</i>, -a part of Aquilo. Orion is an archer with a crooked back, -who has shot a copper arrow, Aldebaran, against a ‘group of -women’, the Pleiades. His wife is Leo, ‘the Standing Woman’. -Capella is a reindeer-buck which is tied behind the sledge of -a man driving with two reindeer; a fox approaches from the -side. Six of the stars of the Great Bear are men throwing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_115"></a>[115]</span> -with slings, the seventh is a fox gnawing at a pair of antlers. -The Twins are two elks running from two hunters who are -driving two reindeer-teams. Corona is the paw of the Polar -Bear. Delphinus is a seal, Cassiopeia represents five reindeer-bucks -standing in the middle of a river<a id="FNanchor_489" href="#Footnote_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Eskimos of Greenland have a good knowledge of the -stars. The Great Bear is a reindeer, or the little stool on which -they fasten their ropes and harpoons, Aldebaran is the eye of -the bull, the twins are the breast-bone of the heavens, the belt -of Orion is composed of three ‘scattered ones’—Greenlanders -who were taken up into the sky and could not find their way -back—Sirius has a man’s name, the Pleiades are to be regarded -as baying hounds with a bear among them, Cygnus as -three kayaks which have been out seal-hunting. Venus is the -follower or man-at-arms of the sun. When one planet crosses -the path of another it is a wife and a concubine who have one -another by the hair, or else it is a visit of two stars<a id="FNanchor_490" href="#Footnote_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a>. By the -Ammasalik names are given to Vega (‘the Foot of the Lamp’), -which, like the moon, is the brother of the sun, to the Great -Bear, the Pleiades (‘the Barkers’), the belt of Orion, and Aldebaran; -Jupiter is the mother of the sun<a id="FNanchor_491" href="#Footnote_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a>. Among the Konyag -of the island of Kodiak, off the south coast of Alaska, two -months are named after the risings of the Pleiades and Orion -respectively<a id="FNanchor_492" href="#Footnote_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a>. Of the Thlinkit it is said that few constellations -or stars appear to have been named by them: those to -which names are given are ‘the Great Dipper’, which by night -used to serve as a guide, the Pleiades (<i>sculpin</i>), ‘Three-men-in-a-line’ -(probably the belt of Orion), Venus as the morning star -(‘Morning-round-thing’), and Jupiter (?) as the evening star -(‘Marten-month’ or ‘Marten-moon’). If the morning star comes -up above a mountain south-east of Sitka, it means bad weather, -if well over in the east, good weather<a id="FNanchor_493" href="#Footnote_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a>. Otherwise the North -American Indians have paid less attention to the stars: but -it is exaggerated to say<a id="FNanchor_494" href="#Footnote_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a> that the sum-total of their astronomical -knowledge was the ability to point to the Pole-star<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_116"></a>[116]</span> -from which they took their way when they travelled at night, -which however they did unwillingly. The tribes of Pennsylvania -had names for a few stars, and observed their motions: -the Pole-star shewed them by night the direction they must -take in the morning<a id="FNanchor_495" href="#Footnote_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a>. The Omaha called the Pole-star ‘the -Not-moving-star’, the Pleiades were called by an old name, -‘the Deer’s Head’; this name, which had a religious significance, -was not commonly used, the popular name being ‘Little-duck’s-foot’. -The Great Bear was ‘the Litter’, Venus ‘Big-Star’<a id="FNanchor_496" href="#Footnote_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a>. For -the Klamath are mentioned only the three stars in the belt of -Orion<a id="FNanchor_497" href="#Footnote_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a>, for the Biloxi and Ofo ‘Stars-all-heads’ (?) (three large -stars near the Pleiades), ‘Stars-in-circle’ (the Pleiades), and -‘Big Star’, the morning star<a id="FNanchor_498" href="#Footnote_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a>. The Luiseño of southern California -name the most important stars. The associated stars -form much larger groups than those common among us. The -stars were chiefs among the first people. Those most frequently -mentioned are Antares and Altair. Arcturus is the -right hand of Antares, it rises before the latter and announces -his coming, the other stars around Antares are his suite. Other -chiefs are Spica, Fomalhaut, and the Pole-star. Orion and the -Pleiades are always mentioned together; the latter were seven -sisters, pursued by Aldebaran. The Diegueño constellations -are altogether different from the Luiseño, and are based upon -totally different ideas: it has not been possible however to obtain -an accurate account of them<a id="FNanchor_499" href="#Footnote_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a>. Of the natives of Guadeloupe -it was reported at their discovery:—In other places -they merely reckon the day by the sun and the night by the -moon; these women however reckoned by other stars, and -said that when the Great Bear rose or a certain star stood -in the north it was time to do this or that<a id="FNanchor_500" href="#Footnote_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Indians of South America have observed the stars -in much greater detail. The descriptions of von den Steinen -are well known, in particular for the Bakairi of Central Brazil. -Orion is a large frame on which manioc is dried, the larger -stars are the tops of posts, Sirius is the end of a great cross-beam -supporting the frame from the side. The Pleiades are a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_117"></a>[117]</span> -heap of grains of meal that have fallen out at the side: a -larger mass, ‘the father of the heap’, is Aldebaran. Capella -is a little capsule such as the Bakairi wear in their ears, two -other stars of Auriga are the ear-rings of the Kayabi, the -feathers of which are stuck backwards. One star, probably -Procyon, is an ear-piercer, or more properly the hole bored in -the ear. Castor and Pollux are the holes of a great flute. -Canopus has no name. The Southern Cross is a bird-snare on -a twig, and the two large stars of the Centaur represent two -canes belonging to it. In the snare a <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">mutum cavallo</i> (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">crax</i>) -was taken, and this could be seen in a dark patch of the -Milky Way close beside. A Sokko heron with a little basket -full of fish corresponds approximately to the stars of Pisces -and Argo. The Scorpion is a drag-net for children, the Milky -Way is a huge drum-stick, and the holes in it (the dark spots) -are observed and explained by stories. The Paressi have a -name for the Southern Cross, above which they see an ostrich -whose figure is to be recognised in a dark spot of the Milky -Way: other animals are also found in the sky. To the Bororo -the Southern Cross represents the toes of a great ostrich, -the Centaur a leg belonging to them, Orion is a Jabuti turtle -and in the parts verging on to Sirius a cayman, the Pleiades -are the bunches of blossom on the angico tree. The name of -Venus was not translatable<a id="FNanchor_501" href="#Footnote_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a>. The Karaya of Central Brazil -knew many constellations, and drew some of them in our informant’s -sketch-book. The Southern Cross, for example, is a -ray (the fish), the two stars of the Centaur above it represent -an ostrich, upon which a jaguar, Scorpio, is leaping<a id="FNanchor_502" href="#Footnote_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a>. Of the -natives of Brazil in general it is stated that there is hardly a -single important constellation which does not explain to them -some event, or represent some idea in connexion with things -that happen upon the earth, though they certainly have no -heroes to set in them. Myths of Orion, of the Pleiades, and -of Canopus were related<a id="FNanchor_503" href="#Footnote_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a>. E. Nordenskiöld has repeatedly -visited the border districts between the Argentine, Bolivia, -and Brazil. Of the Chané and Chiriguano Indians he says that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_118"></a>[118]</span> -they do not give names to many constellations, but they know -them very well. The part of the Milky Way lying nearest to -the Southern Cross is called the Ostrich Way, the Southern -Cross together with a few neighbouring stars is the head of the -ostrich, and the two largest stars of the Centaur are its collar. -Orion with his sword is called ‘Birds-meet-each-other’, another -constellation is ‘the Roe-buck’s Horn’, still another ‘the Tapir’; -the Pleiades are the most important constellation, they are -called <i>yehu</i>, but the natives do not know the meaning of the -name. Venus is called <i>coemilla</i>, ‘morning’. The Guarayu call -Orion ‘the Black Vulture’; at his side lies a heap of snake’s -bones (the sword). The Southern Cross with the stars around -it is an ostrich, the two large stars of the Centaur are a roe-buck, -the Great Bear is a road, a cluster of stars in the south -is ‘the Eel’s Nest’. The Pleiades are called <i>piangi</i>, a word of -unknown meaning; when, on their return after their period of -invisibility, they are surrounded by a circle, it is a good omen: -if the circle is missing, all men will die. Venus is called ‘the -Big Star’<a id="FNanchor_504" href="#Footnote_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a>. The Karai tribes called α, β Centauri the ostrich’s -feet, the body is the neighbouring ‘coal-pit’ (the dark spot of -the Milky Way), the Southern Cross is a fresh-water ray, the -Pleiades are a flock of parakeets, Orion is the burning roça, -the tail of the Scorpion is called <i>unze</i>. The Ipurina of Rio -Purus call Orion a beetle, the Pleiades a serpent, the Hyades -a turtle, the Cross forest-folk<a id="FNanchor_505" href="#Footnote_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a>. In a Chilean word-list there -are words for star, constellation, the Pleiades, Orion, planet, -Venus<a id="FNanchor_506" href="#Footnote_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a>.</p> - -<p>In Africa the comparatively more civilised negro Tribes -seem to have paid less attention to the stars than the more -primitive tribes of the south. The Ho tribe considers the stars -to be the children of the moon: it recognises and names the -most important constellations, the morning star (‘the Clucking -Hen’), and the stool-bearer of the moon, a star always situated -in the vicinity of that planet. The Milky Way is composed -of stars forming a cord<a id="FNanchor_507" href="#Footnote_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a>. Of the Ibo-speaking tribes we are -told that they seem to be singularly incurious about heavenly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_119"></a>[119]</span> -bodies and occurrences; however names were got for the following -constellations:—The Pleiades (‘Hen and Chickens’), the -belt of Orion (‘Three and Three’), for the Great Bear two -names not translated were given, Venus (‘the Wise-Man-who-can-talk’)<a id="FNanchor_508" href="#Footnote_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a>. -In French Guinea η <i>ursae</i> is an ass, and the little -star above it is a thief pursued by the six other stars, members -of the tribe to which the stolen animal belongs. For -other peoples the Great Bear is the star of the camel, Cassiopeia -is that of the ass, the Pleiades have the name ‘murmur’, -i. e. a confused thing. Jupiter (?), the companion and guardian -of the moon, is held in particular veneration. The marabout -in the morning awaits the rising of Venus, and announces by -cries, or sometimes by blows on a gong, the hour of prayer. -Everyone has his good and bad stars, which the magician takes -carefully into account<a id="FNanchor_509" href="#Footnote_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a>. The intrusion of astrology is not -striking, since the people are Mohammedans, while the names -of the constellations must be of native origin. The Bakongo -call the three stars in Orion’s belt ‘the Dog’, ‘the Palm-rat’, -and ‘the Chief Hunter’; Venus is the wife of the moon. The -people think that the rain comes from the Pleiades, who are -regarded as the ‘Caretakers-who-guard-the-rain’, and if, at the -beginning of the rainy season, this constellation is clearly seen, -they expect a good rainy season, i. e. rain for their farms -without superabundance<a id="FNanchor_510" href="#Footnote_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a>. The Bangala call the Pleiades a -group of young women; five stars in Lepus, <i>kole</i>, are a man -with head, hands, and feet; the belt of Orion represents three -rowers; five stars in Orion are bundles of thunder and lightning; -the evening star also has a name. From the appearance -of the Milky Way they draw conclusions as to the lack or -abundance of rain; when it is bright and clear there will be -much rain<a id="FNanchor_511" href="#Footnote_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a>. Ten star-names of the Shilluk are given, but only -two are translated: the Pleiades are ‘the Hen’, and ‘Three -Stars’ is Uranus (<em>sic!</em>). Venus and a fore-runner of Venus are -known<a id="FNanchor_512" href="#Footnote_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a>. The Wagogo know the Milky Way, the Pleiades, and -the belt of Orion; the western star of the last-named is to -them a boar, the middle star is the dog, and the eastern the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_120"></a>[120]</span> -hunter<a id="FNanchor_513" href="#Footnote_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a>. Of the Thonga it is further stated that the stars play -a remarkably small part in their ideas. Venus is the best -known, the Pleiades is the only constellation with a name; -they have no notion whatever of constellations, their mind -seems not to have tried to group the stars, or to have seen -figures of animals or objects in the sky<a id="FNanchor_514" href="#Footnote_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a>. In Loango the following -constellations are distinguished:—the false Southern -Cross (‘the Turtle’), the Scorpion (‘the Serpent’), the Pleiades -(‘Ants’), Orion (‘the Fish’), his belt (‘the Line of the Hunter’, -who leads a dog), Sirius (‘the Rain-star’). The natives are -aware that certain stars move; Jupiter is called ‘the Great -Star’, Venus as the evening star is the wife of the moon, as a -morning star she is the liar, spy of the moon, or false moon, -illusory moon<a id="FNanchor_515" href="#Footnote_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a>.</p> - -<p>Far greater knowledge is possessed by the Hottentots, -who know the planets accurately. Venus is ‘the Fore-runner -of the sun’, or the star at whose rising men run away (i. e. -from illicit intercourse), Mercury ‘the Dawn-star’, or the star -that comes when the udders of the cows (which are milked -morning and evening) are filled again: as an evening star he is not -observed. Venus as an evening star is recognised to be the -same celestial body as the morning star, and is called ‘the Evening -Fugitive’, since it does not remain long in the sky. Jupiter -is known, but is sometimes identified with Venus; when however -he is seen in ‘the middle of the sky’ he is called ‘the Middle Star’. -The six stars of the belt and sword of Orion are grouped together -as ‘the Zebras’: δ, ε, ζ are three fugitive zebras against the -middle one of which the hunter ι shoots his arrow θ and <em>c</em>. The -Pleiades, on account of their thick cluster of stars, are called -by a name derived from a verb meaning ‘assemble’, or are -otherwise known as ‘the Rime-star’. The Milky Way is called -‘(glowing) Embers’, the Magellanic Clouds ‘Embers’ in the dual. -Of single fixed stars our author heard only Sirius called by a -name, ‘the Side-star’<a id="FNanchor_516" href="#Footnote_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a>. The Bushmen divide the stars into -night-stars and dawn-stars: of the latter they relate very fine<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_121"></a>[121]</span> -and complicated myths, such as that of the connexion between -‘the Dawn’s Heart’ (Jupiter) and a neighbouring star, his daughter -(Regulus or α <i>leonis</i>). Achernar is ‘the Star-digging-stick’s-stone’, -or ‘the Digging-stick’s-stone of Canopus’; the Pointers to -the Southern Cross are three male lions; α, β, γ <i>crucis</i> are -lionesses; Aldebaran is a male hartebeest, α Orion is a female -hartebeest, Procyon a male eland, Castor and Pollux his wives, -the Magellanic Clouds a steinbok, Orion’s sword three male -tortoises hung upon a stick, his belt three female tortoises so -hung<a id="FNanchor_517" href="#Footnote_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Toda of S. India know the Pleiades, Orion’s sword -(‘the Porcupine-star’), the Great Bear, and Sirius, and relate -about them myths which are probably borrowed from the neighbouring -Badaga<a id="FNanchor_518" href="#Footnote_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a>. The pagans of the Malay Peninsula know -the evening and the morning stars, and the stars of the astrological -seasons (<em>sic!</em>), or the Pleiades<a id="FNanchor_519" href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a>. In the Indian Archipelago -the observation of the Pleiades as a sign of the arrival of the -season for sowing is very common. Of the Kayan of Borneo -it is stated that though they do not observe the stars or their -movements for practical purposes, they are familiar with the -principal constellations, and have fanciful names for them and -relate mythical stories about the personages they are supposed -to represent. The Klementan call Pegasus ‘the padi store-house’, -the Pleiades are ‘a well’, the constellation to which -Aldebaran belongs is ‘a pig’s jaw’, Orion is a man whose left -arm is missing<a id="FNanchor_520" href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a>.</p> - -<p>The natives of Australia have a rich stellar mythology<a id="FNanchor_521" href="#Footnote_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a>. -The evening star has its name and its myths. The Pleiades -are women who in the Alcheringa period lived at Intitakula: -this is believed by all the tribes whom our authority studied. -Orion they regard as an emu, and the stars in general as camp-fires -of natives who live in heaven. As a general rule, however, -the natives appear to pay very little attention to the -stars in detail, probably because these enter very little into<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_122"></a>[122]</span> -anything which is connected with their daily life, more especially -with their food-supply. By the northern Arunta and the -Kaitish the Magellanic Clouds are supposed to be full of evil -magic, which sometimes comes down to earth and chokes men -and women in their sleep<a id="FNanchor_522" href="#Footnote_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a>. According to another author -acquainted with the Arunta the Pleiades are seven maidens -who had danced at the circumcision ceremony and then ascended -into heaven. Two stars in the neighbourhood of the Magellanic -Clouds are called ‘the two Gland-poison Men’: the Clouds -are the smoke of their fires; the dark patch in the Milky Way -is an article of adornment (<i>ngapatjinbi</i>), the Southern Cross -‘an eagle’s foot’. The morning star is also known<a id="FNanchor_523" href="#Footnote_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a>. The tribes -of S. E. Australia give names to many stars and group some -of them together in constellations, among which are the sons -of Bunjil. The Wiiambo thought that the stars were once -great men. The Southern Cross is an emu, Mars an eagle, -another star is a crow. The Pleiades, according to the Wotjo-baluh, -are some women, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">corona australis</i> is ‘the Laughing -Jackass’, a small star in Argo is ‘the Shell Parakeet’<a id="FNanchor_524" href="#Footnote_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a>.</p> - -<p>A very high stage of development in stellar science and -mythology is reached among the Euahlayi tribe of the north-west -district of New South Wales; anyone interested in the catasterisms -of ancient mythology should read the full account given -for this tribe. Venus is called ‘the Laughing Star’—the reason -for her laughter is a coarse jest—, the Milky Way is an overflow -of water. The stars are fires which the spirits of the -dead have lit in their journey across the sky, and the dusky -haze—i. e. presumably the dark patches without stars, which -interest primitive peoples as much as the stars themselves—is -the smoke of the fires. A waving dark shadow which you -will see along the Milky Way is a crocodile. Two dark spots -in Scorpio are devils who try to catch the spirits of the dead; -sometimes they come down to earth and make whirlwinds. -The Pleiades are seven sisters, ice-maidens; two have been -dulled because a man caught them and tried to melt the ice -off them: they succeeded in escaping to heaven, but do not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_123"></a>[123]</span> -shine so brightly as their sisters. The sword and belt of Orion -are boys who on earth loved and followed the Pleiades, but -after death were turned into stars. In order to remind people -of them the Pleiades drop down some ice in the winter, and it -is they who make the winter thunderstorms. Castor and Pollux -are two hunters of long ago. Canopus is ‘the Mad Star’: he -went mad on losing his loves. The Magellanic Clouds are -‘the Native Companions’, mother and daughter, pursued by -Wurrawilberoo. ‘The Featherless Emu’ is a devil of water-holes, -who goes every night to his sky-camp, ‘the Coal-pit’, i. e. -the dark spot beside the Southern Cross. Corvus is a kangaroo, -the Southern Crown an eagle-hawk, the Cross the first spirit-tree, -a huge <i>yaraon</i> which was the medium for the translation -to the sky of the first man who died on earth. The white -cockatoos which used to roost in the branches of this tree -followed it and became the Pointers<a id="FNanchor_525" href="#Footnote_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a>.</p> - -<p>Ridley has obtained from the former chief of the Gingi -tribe a long series of star-names. Especially noteworthy for -the observation of the risings is the following. The Northern -Crown is called <i>mullion wollai</i>, ‘the Eagle’s Nest’, when it -stands exactly north on the meridian. Altair rises, and is called -<i>mullion-ga</i>, ‘Eagle-in-action’, the eagle springs up to guard his -nest. Later Vega rises, and is also called <i>mullion-ga</i>. The -‘holes’ are also well known. The dark spot at the foot of the -Cross (the <i>zuu</i> tree) is called an emu, the bird sits under the -tree<a id="FNanchor_526" href="#Footnote_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a>. Elsewhere the star at the head of the Cross is an -opossum fleeing from a pursuer—the ‘hole’ between the fore-feet -of Centaurus and the Cross<a id="FNanchor_527" href="#Footnote_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a>.</p> - -<p>As to the stellar science of the Melanesians we are very -variously informed. The tribes of the Torres Straits have a -richly developed mythology and observation of the stars<a id="FNanchor_528" href="#Footnote_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a>. -They distinguish the planets from the fixed stars, at least they -notice that Venus does not twinkle<a id="FNanchor_529" href="#Footnote_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a>. The Banks Islanders -never travel by night, and consequently do not use the stars in -navigation; in consequence of this, says our authority, no definite<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_124"></a>[124]</span> -information about the names of stars or constellations -could be obtained. A native gave a few names, but could not -point out the stars which they were said to denote<a id="FNanchor_530" href="#Footnote_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a>. The -Moanu of the Admiralty Islands understand the moon and the -stars, but the Matankor know neither stars nor moon<a id="FNanchor_531" href="#Footnote_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a>. A statement -such as this must be received with great reserve, especially -when it comes from a native of another tribe. In any -case it would constitute an exception, since extremely primitive -tribes know the stars quite well, the natives of New Britain -and of the Solomon Islands even very well. The Pleiades and -<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">corona borealis</i> play an important part (cp. <a href="#Page_141">below, p. 141</a>). -The former are called in Lambutjo <i>kiasa</i>, on the Gazelle Peninsula -‘the People-at-the-feast’, and on Bambatana and Alu the -year is reckoned according to them: the Crown is called in -Lambutjo ‘the Fisher’, in Buin ‘Taro-leaf-greens’, on the Gazelle -Peninsula ‘the Thornback’. Further star-names are:—for the -Hyades in Buin ‘Earth-rat’, in Lambutjo <i>kapet</i>, a large net for -deep water, on the Gazelle Peninsula <i>kakapepe</i>, a kind of -small fish, the star in the middle of the constellation is called -‘Hog-fish’. Cygnus is called in Buin ‘Hog-bearer’, in Lambutjo -‘the Three Men’. ‘The Dog’ or ‘Shark’ is a large star ‘that -pursues the Fishes’. Many myths are told of the stars<a id="FNanchor_532" href="#Footnote_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a>. -Another authority remarks that the natives of the Solomon -Islands are more concerned about the stars than the eastern -Polynesians, perhaps because of their longer sea-voyages. The -possibility of influence from the astronomically learned Polynesians -must also probably be entertained. The people of Santa -Cruz and the Reef Islands excel all others in their practical -astronomy. The natives of Banks Island and the northern New -Hebrides content themselves with distinguishing only the Pleiades, -by which the approach of the yam-harvest is marked, and -with calling the planets <i>masoi</i> from their roundness, as distinct -from <i>vitu</i>, ‘star’. In Florida the early morning star is called -‘the Quartz-pebble-for-setting-off-to-sea’: when it rises later, however, -it is ‘the Shining-stone-of-light’. The Pleiades are ‘the -Company of Maidens’, Orion’s belt is ‘the War-canoe’, the evening<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_125"></a>[125]</span> -star ‘Listen-for-the-oven’ because the daily meal is taken -as evening draws on. All stars are called dead men’s eyes. -At Saa the Southern Cross is a net with four men letting it -down to catch palolo, and the Pointers are two men cooking -what has been caught—because the palolo appears when -one of the Pointers rises above the horizon. The Pleiades are -called ‘the Tangle’, the Southern Triangle is ‘Three-men-in-a-canoe’, -Mars is ‘the Red Pig’<a id="FNanchor_533" href="#Footnote_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Polynesians are very learned in astronomy, and their -bold and wide sea voyages have helped to make them so, since -in these the stars are their principal guide. The Tahitian, Tupaya, -who accompanied Cook on his first voyage, could always -point out to him the direction in which Tahiti lay<a id="FNanchor_534" href="#Footnote_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a>. When -the Society Islanders put to sea in the evening, as was most -commonly the case in their voyages, one constellation, preferably -the Pleiades, was chosen as a point to steer by<a id="FNanchor_535" href="#Footnote_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a>. A -detailed report is given for the Marshall Islands:—In the -journey from atoll to atoll the course of the boat is commonly -directed from a certain passage, island, or promontory to a -passage or promontory of the atoll to be reached. Above -this spot stands the star that gives the direction. It is the -sailor’s business to know for how many hours a star can serve -him as compass, so that immediately after the apparent turning -of the star from east to west he may choose another. Of -great interest also is the idea of the connexion between the -atmospheric and other phenomena and the stars. Certain periods -of bad weather recur every year with tolerable regularity, -so that the sailors attribute them to the immediate influence -of the stars. When, for instance, at 4 o’clock in the morning—at -which time the signs of the weather are observed—the -stars stand just above the eastern horizon, they stop up the -east, so to speak, and prevent the free passage of the wind. -But if the pernicious star in question is at the given time 20° -or 30° above the horizon, there is enough space between star and -horizon for the wind to be released. This strong wind will -last until another influential star arises under the first. This<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_126"></a>[126]</span> -lower star acts like a wind-chute placed against an open hut. -The strength of the wind is therefore reduced. This explains -why every storm is followed by a wind favourable for sailing. -For example when Spica is 20° above the horizon a violent -storm is developed, but this only lasts until Arcturus some -time later becomes visible on the eastern horizon. The most -important of the stars that bring bad weather are Spica, Arcturus, -Antares, the claw of the Scorpion, Altair, Delphinus, -β, μ, λ and γ, ξ, π <i>Pegasi</i>. With the rising of Cassiopeia the time -of calms begins. Jedada (γ, ζ, π <i>aquilae</i>) ‘disembowels the heavens’. -Altair is regarded as a bad fellow. When he rises in the east -before dawn it is commonly a time when food supplies have -run low, so that quarrels arise: only when he rises higher and -the hot season (June-August) brings plenty of food, do reconciliation -and goodwill return. Of ‘King Jäbro’, the Pleiades, -long myths are related: when they emerge from the horizon -joy prevails, but tears are shed when they vanish again into -the west<a id="FNanchor_536" href="#Footnote_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a>. The knowledge of the stars was often a carefully -guarded secret, but through prevailing European influence it -has now fallen entirely into decay. In Samoa it is now an -exception for a native to know the name of this or that constellation, -since an islander engaged in the fishing trade can -only indicate and name this or that star if it marks the beginning -of some important native occupation<a id="FNanchor_537" href="#Footnote_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Polynesian material for star-names is exceedingly -abundant, and can here only be represented in outline, so as to -give some idea how far astronomy may advance at this stage -of civilisation<a id="FNanchor_538" href="#Footnote_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a>. The Marquesas Islanders know and name a -great number of constellations and separate stars, e. g. ‘the -Little Eyes’ (the Pleiades), ‘the Rudder’ (Orion’s belt)<a id="FNanchor_539" href="#Footnote_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a>. Constellations -mentioned as being known to the Society Islanders -are:—the Pleiades, Orion’s belt, Sirius (‘Big Star’), the Magellanic -Clouds (the upper and lower ‘Haze’), the Milky Way -(‘the Long-blue-cloud-eating-shark’), Venus, called sometimes -‘Day-star’ or ‘Herald-of-the-morning’, and sometimes ‘Taurna-who-rises-at-dusk’, -Mars (‘the Red Star’), Jupiter, and Saturn<a id="FNanchor_540" href="#Footnote_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a>.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_127"></a>[127]</span> -The people of Nauru, west of the Gilbert Islands, observe the -stars, chiefly the Pleiades, Orion, Sirius, and the morning and -evening stars<a id="FNanchor_541" href="#Footnote_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a>. For the Marshall Islands see <a href="#Page_125">above, p. 125</a>. For -Tahiti names are given for Venus, Jupiter, Saturn, the Pleiades -(‘Star-of-the-nest’), Sirius (‘Big Star’), and the belt of Orion, -and it is further stated that many other stars are known by -separate names<a id="FNanchor_542" href="#Footnote_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a>. The Hawaiians had names for many constellations, -and they also knew the five planets<a id="FNanchor_543" href="#Footnote_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a>. An apparently -distinguished native astronomer, named Hoapili, stated that he -had heard from others (Europeans?) that there was one more -travelling-star, but he had never observed it, and was acquainted -only with the five<a id="FNanchor_544" href="#Footnote_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a>. The Maoris had names for all the -principal stars and for a great number of constellations. The -most important of the latter is ‘the Canoe of Tamarereti’, which -consists of the following parts:—the three stars of Orion’s -belt form the stern, <i>matariki</i> (the Pleiades) is the prow, <i>te toke o -te waka</i> is the mast, the Southern Cross is the anchor, and the -two Pointers are the cables. Further, Orion’s belt is called -‘the Elbow of Maui’; the Scorpion is ‘the House-of-Te-Whiu-and-his-slaves’; -<i>Waka mauruiho</i> and <i>Waka mauruake</i> are the -husbands of <i>Hurike</i> and <i>Angake</i>, and their daughters are <i>Tioreore</i> -and <i>Tikatakata</i>, the two Magellanic Clouds, whose husbands -are <i>Taikeha</i> and <i>Ninikuru</i>. By the position of the Magellanic -Clouds the natives think they can tell from what quarter -the wind will blow. One constellation is called ‘the Garment -of Maru’, which he let fall as he ascended into heaven. Unfortunately -the names corresponding to our star-map are not -given, and I have omitted many which are not translated<a id="FNanchor_545" href="#Footnote_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a>. -Some stars are mentioned below in the account of the Maori -calendar of months<a id="FNanchor_546" href="#Footnote_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Micronesians know the stars well; long lists of star-names -come from the Carolines. 18 names are given for Ponape, -among them names for the Pleiades, the Southern Cross, and -the Magellanic Clouds; from Lamotrek come 24, e. g. ‘the Leather-jacket-fish’ -(the Southern Cross), ‘the Broom’ (Ursa Minor), -‘the Virile Member’ (Aldebaran), ‘the Body-of-the-animal’ (Sirius),<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_128"></a>[128]</span> -‘the Centre-of-the-house’ (Arietes), ‘the Two Eyes’ (Scorpio), -‘the Fowling-net’ (Corona), ‘the Tail-of-the-fish’ (Cassiopeia), etc.; -from Mortlock 23, e. g. (Ursa Minor) <i>fusa-makit</i>, ‘the Seven -Mice’, or it may mean ‘the Star-that-changes-its-position’ (<em>sic!</em>), -Leo, ‘the Rat’, the Southern Cross (perhaps), ‘the Shark’, Delphinus -and Cygnus, ‘the Bowl-in-the-midst-of-Sota’, Sirius, ‘the -Animal’, Orion and Aldebaran, ‘The Branch-of-the-tree’, not -identified, ‘the Fish-net’; from Yap 25, unidentified<a id="FNanchor_547" href="#Footnote_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a>. The Fijians -on the other hand knew little about the stars. They had no -names even for the most important constellations. The evening -and morning stars were known, under the names of ‘Marking-day’ -and ‘Marking-night’, but the natives did not distinguish -between the planets and the fixed stars. Their ignorance is -ascribed to the fact that they never undertake voyages beyond -the limits of their groups, and are bad navigators in the -technical sense, although good sailors<a id="FNanchor_548" href="#Footnote_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a>.</p> - -<p>Stellar science and mythology are therefore wide-spread -among the primitive and extremely primitive peoples, and attain -a considerable development among certain barbaric peoples. -Although this must be conceded, some people are apt to think -that the determination of time from the stars belongs to a much -more advanced stage: it is frequently regarded as a learned -and very late mode of time-reckoning. Modern man is almost -entirely without knowledge of the stars; for him they are the -ornaments of the night-sky, which at most call forth a vague -emotion or are the objects of a science which is considered -to be very difficult and highly specialised, and is left to the -experts. It is true that the accurate determination of the risings -and settings of the stars does demand scientific work, but -not so the observation of the visible risings and settings. Primitive -man rises and goes to bed with the sun. When he gets -up at dawn and steps out of his hut, he directs his gaze to -the brightening east, and notices the stars that are shining -just there and are soon to vanish before the light of the sun. -In the same way he observes at evening before he goes to -rest what stars appear in the west at dusk and soon afterwards -set there. Experience teaches him that these stars<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_129"></a>[129]</span> -vary throughout the year and that this variation keeps pace -with the phases of Nature, or, more concretely expressed, he -learns that the risings and settings of certain stars coincide -with certain natural phenomena. Here, therefore, there lies -ready to hand a means of determining the time of the year, -and one which is indeed much more accurate than a method -depending on a reference to the phases of Nature. However -it would seem as if this mode of indicating time would require -a greater knowledge of the stars, such as only few peoples -possess,—as if it would constantly be necessary to observe a -fresh star for each of the smaller divisions of time. This is -not the case, since, as appears from statements already made, -for the purpose of determining the seasons a star may be -observed when it is stationed at other positions in the sky than -on the horizon, e. g., very conveniently, at its upper culmination, -but other positions, expressed by us in so many degrees -above the horizon, may also serve. Just as the advance of the -day is discerned from the position of the sun, so the advance -of the year is recognised by the position of certain stars -at sunrise and sunset. Stars and sun alike are the indicators -of the dial of the heavens. A determination of this kind, however, -is not so accurate as that from the heliacal risings and -settings. Hence the latter pass almost exclusively or at least -pre-eminently under consideration wherever, as in Greece, a -calendar of the natural year is based upon the stars: sometimes -however the upper culmination (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μεσουράνημα</span>) is also -given. Finally the stars can also be observed at other times -of night than just before sunrise or after sunset<a id="FNanchor_549" href="#Footnote_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a>: the Marshall -Islanders, for instance, were accustomed to observe the signs -of the weather at 4 a. m. With the lack of a means of accurately -telling the time such an observation is very uncertain -and unpractical, and is therefore seldom found.</p> - -<p>In order to determine the time of certain important natural -phenomena it is therefore sufficient to know and observe -a few stars or constellations with accuracy and certainty. The -Pleiades are the most important<a id="FNanchor_550" href="#Footnote_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a>. It has been asked why this<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_130"></a>[130]</span> -particular constellation, consisting as it does of comparatively -small and unimportant stars, should have played so great a -part, and the answer given is chiefly that its appearance -coincides (though this is true of other stars also) with important -phases of the vegetation. This is correct, but something -else must be added. To create constellations in which terrestrial -objects, animals, and men are arbitrarily seen requires -no inconsiderable degree of imaginative power. The Pleiades -however form themselves into a group without any aid from -the imagination, and can without difficulty be recognised as -such. It is because they are easy to recognise immediately -that the observation of these stars plays so important a part. -A similar case is that of the Magellanic Clouds, which, where -they are visible, belong to the best known phenomena of the -heavens, and we may also compare the dark starless patches -which so largely occupy the attention of primitive peoples, -although neither of these two phenomena is used in determining -time, since neither can be observed at the favourable -moment, viz. the twilight.</p> - -<p>An account of the Bushmen shews how extremely primitive -peoples may also observe the risings of the stars, may connect -them with the seasons, and—which is indeed somewhat rare—may -even worship them. The Bushmen perceive Canopus; -they say to a child:—“Give me yonder piece of wood that I may -put (the end of) it (in the fire), that I may point it burning towards -grandmother, for grandmother carries Bushman rice; grandmother -shall make a little warmth for us; for she coldly comes out; -the sun shall warm grandmother’s eye for us”. About the same time -as Canopus, Sirius appears, and a similar ceremony takes place. -Sirius comes out: the people call to one another:—“Ye must -burn (a stick) for us (toward) Sirius.” They say to one another: -“Who was it that saw Sirius?” One man says to the other: -“One brother saw Sirius.” The other man says to him: “I -saw Sirius.” The other man says to him: “I wish thee to burn -a stick for us towards Sirius, that the sun may shining come -out for us, that Sirius may not coldly come out.” The other -man says to his son: “Bring me the piece of wood yonder, -that I may put it in the fire, that I may burn it towards grandmother,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_131"></a>[131]</span> -that grandmother may ascend the sky, like the other -one”, i. e. Canopus. The child brings him the piece of wood, -he holds it in the fire. He points it burning towards Sirius, -he says that Sirius shall twinkle like Canopus. He sings; he -points to them with fire that they may twinkle like each other. -He throws fire at them<a id="FNanchor_551" href="#Footnote_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a>. Canopus and Sirius appear in winter, -hence the cold is connected with them. The ceremony just -described is obviously a warming-incantation. It is said also -that it will make the stars rise higher, for the higher they stand -above the eastern horizon at sunrise and the more brightly -they twinkle, the more nearly winter draws towards an end. -The Hottentots connect the Pleiades with winter. These stars -become visible in the middle of June, that is in the first half -of the cold season, and are therefore called ‘Rime-stars’, since -at the time of their becoming visible the nights may be already -so cold that there is hoar-frost in the early morning. The -appearance of the Pleiades also gives to the Bushmen of the -Auob district the signal for departure to the <i>tsama</i> field<a id="FNanchor_552" href="#Footnote_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Euahlayi tribe also connect the Pleiades with the -cold: they call the stars ‘the Ice-maidens’, imagine them to be -covered with ice, and say that in winter they let ice drop on -the earth and also cause the winter thunderstorms<a id="FNanchor_553" href="#Footnote_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a>. Another -tribe danced in order to win the favour of the Pleiades; the -constellation is worshipped by one body as the giver of rain, -but should the rain be deferred, instead of blessings curses are -apt to be bestowed on it<a id="FNanchor_554" href="#Footnote_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a>. The Arunta say that the Pleiades -are seven maidens who ascended into heaven, but after many -wanderings came back to Okaralyi, where they again gathered -<i>ugokuta</i> fruit and danced in the women’s dance. During this -period the Pleiades are not to be seen in the sky, i. e. it is -the time between the evening setting and the morning rising. -Here therefore the constellation is connected with a phase of -Nature, and the whole is mythologically explained. According -to another Arunta myth the Pleiades are maidens who had -danced at a circumcision ceremony. After they had taken part -in all the ceremonies in which to-day the assistance of women<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_132"></a>[132]</span> -is still requisite at this festival, they went back to their native -district, whence they ascended to heaven and are now to be -seen as the Pleiades. Not without reason did the circumcision -most frequently take place at the season when the Pleiades -rise at evening in the east and remain in the sky all night -long (this is the case in the summer months), so that this prominent -constellation was regarded as a spectator of the festivities -connected with the rite<a id="FNanchor_555" href="#Footnote_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a>. The Pleiades therefore serve -to determine the time of the feast, and this circumstance is -again invested with a myth. A tribe of Western Victoria connected -certain constellations with the seasons. The Pleiades are -young maidens playing to a corroboree-party of young men, -represented by the belt and sword of Orion. Aldebaran, ‘the -Rose-crested Cockatoo’, is an old man keeping time for the -dancers. This group corresponds with the months of November -and December. As the year advances Castor and Pollux -appear: they are two hunters who pursue and kill a kangaroo, -Capella. The Mirage is the smoke of the fire at which the -kangaroo is cooked by the successful hunters. Those two groups -set forth the period of the summer. The breaking up of a -prolonged drought is thus explained:—Berenice’s Hair, which -culminates in March, is a tree with three big branches. When -a shower of rain has come, every drop is nevertheless sucked -up by the dusty earth. A small cavity formed at the junction -of the three branches has however retained a little water, and -here it is imagined some birds drink. The winter stars are -Arcturus—who is held in great respect since he has taught -the natives to find the pupae of the wood-ants, which are an -important article of food in August and September—and Vega, -who has taught them to find the eggs of the <i>mallee</i>-hen, which -are also an important article of food in October. The natives -also know and tell stories of many other stars<a id="FNanchor_556" href="#Footnote_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a>. Another -authority states that they can tell from the position of Arcturus -or Vega above the horizon in August and October respectively -when it is time to collect these pupae and these eggs<a id="FNanchor_557" href="#Footnote_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a>. -An old chief of the Spring Creek tribe in Victoria taught the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_133"></a>[133]</span> -young people the names of the favourite constellations as indications -of the seasons. For example when Canopus at dawn is -only a very little way above the eastern horizon, it is time to -collect eggs; when the Pleiades are visible in the east a little -before sunrise, the time has come to visit friends and neighbouring -tribes<a id="FNanchor_558" href="#Footnote_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Chukchee form out of the stars Altair and Tarared -in Aquila a constellation named <i>pchittin</i>, which is believed to -be a forefather of the tribe who, after death, ascended into -heaven. Since this constellation begins to appear above the -horizon at the time of the winter solstice, it is said to usher in -the light of the new year, and most families belonging to the tribes -living by the sea bring their sacrifices at its first appearing<a id="FNanchor_559" href="#Footnote_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a>.</p> - -<p>Among the N. American Indians the determination of time -from constellations is rare. The Blackfeet Indians regulate -their most important feasts by the Pleiades, a feast is held -about the first and the last day of the occultation of these stars. -It includes two sacred vigils and the solemn blessing and planting -of the seed, and is the opening of the agricultural year<a id="FNanchor_560" href="#Footnote_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a>. -According to another legend of the same tribe, the Pleiades -are seven children who ascended into heaven because they -had no yellow hides of the buffalo calves. Therefore the Pleiades -are invisible during the time when the buffalo calves are yellow -(the spring). But when these turn brown, in autumn, the lost -children can be seen in the sky every night<a id="FNanchor_561" href="#Footnote_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a>. Among the -Tusayan Indians of Arizona the culmination of the Pleiades is -often used to determine the proper time for beginning a sacred -nocturnal rite<a id="FNanchor_562" href="#Footnote_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a>.</p> - -<p>The S. American Indians have much greater knowledge -of the stars, and in consequence frequently connect stellar phenomena, -especially those of the Pleiades, with phases of Nature. -In north-west Brazil the Indians determine the time of planting -from the position of certain constellations, in particular the -Pleiades. If these have disappeared below the horizon, the regular -heavy rains will begin. The Siusi gave an accurate account<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_134"></a>[134]</span> -of the progress of the constellations, by which they -calculate the seasons, and in explanation drew three diagrams -in the sand. No. 1 had 3 constellations:—‘a Second Crab’, -which obviously consists of the three bright stars west of Leo, -‘the Crab’, composed of the principal stars of Leo, and ‘the -Youths’, i. e. the Pleiades. When these set, continuous rain -falls, the river begins to rise, beginning of the rainy season, -planting of manioc. No. 2 had 2 constellations:—‘the Fishing-basket’, -in Orion, and <i>kakudzuta</i>, the northern part of Eridanus, -in which other tribes see a dancing-implement. When these -set, much rain falls, the water in the river is at its highest. -No. 3 was ‘the Great Serpent’, i. e. Scorpio. When this sets -there is little or no rain, the water is at its lowest<a id="FNanchor_563" href="#Footnote_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a>. The natives -of Brazil are acquainted with the course of the constellations, -with their height and the period and time of their appearance -in and disappearance from the sky, and according to -them they divide up their seasons. In the valley of the Amazon -it is said that during the first few days of the appearance -of the Pleiades, while they are still low, birds, and especially -fowls, roost on low branches or beams, and that the higher -the constellation rises the higher the birds roost also. These -stars bring cold and rain: when they disappear the snakes lose -their poison. The canes used for arrows must be cut before -their appearance, or else the arrows will be worm-eaten. The -Pleiades disappear, and appear again in June. Their appearance -coincides with the renewal of the vegetation and of -animal life. Hence the legend says that everything that has -appeared before the constellation will be renewed, i. e. its -appearance marks the beginning of spring<a id="FNanchor_564" href="#Footnote_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a>. The Bakairi reckoned -by natural phases, but were also well acquainted with -astronomical signs, and spoke of certain constellations which -reappeared at the beginning of the dry season: they referred -to stars in the vicinity of Orion, ‘the Manioc-pole’<a id="FNanchor_565" href="#Footnote_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a>. The Tamanaco -of the Orinoco called the Pleiades ‘the Mat’. They -recognised the approach of winter from the signs of Nature<a id="FNanchor_566" href="#Footnote_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a>, -but also from the fact that the Pleiades at sunset were not too<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_135"></a>[135]</span> -far distant from the western horizon: the evening setting falls at -the beginning of May<a id="FNanchor_567" href="#Footnote_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a>. The Lengua Indians of Paraguay connect -the beginning of spring with the rising of the Pleiades, and at -this time celebrate feasts which are generally of a markedly -immoral nature<a id="FNanchor_568" href="#Footnote_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a>. The Guarani of the same country recognised -the time of sowing by the observation of the Pleiades<a id="FNanchor_569" href="#Footnote_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a>. The -Guarayu call the Pleiades <i>piangi</i>; when they disappear the -dry season begins, and when Orion is no longer visible a period -of cold dew begins. The Chacobo of north-eastern Bolivia -regulate the time of sowing by the position of the Pleiades in -relation to the spot where the sun rises<a id="FNanchor_570" href="#Footnote_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a>. The Chané and -Chiriguano do the same. When the Pleiades rise above the -horizon very early in the morning, the time for sowing has -come: it is important for this to be finished before the rainy -season sets in<a id="FNanchor_571" href="#Footnote_571" class="fnanchor">[571]</a>. Still further tribes, for which I refer to Frazer, -relate myths about the Pleiades, worship them, and celebrate -feasts at their appearance. So did the inhabitants of -ancient Peru, who called the Pleiades ‘the Maize-heap’<a id="FNanchor_572" href="#Footnote_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a>. It -might probably be thought that the observation of the Pleiades -has spread from this ancient civilised people among the inhabitants -of S. America, but it is of so primitive a character that -it rather appears to have been one of the rudiments of the -astronomical knowledge of the people of the Incas.</p> - -<p>In Africa also the observation of the stars, and above -all of the Pleiades, is wide-spread. In view of the dissemination -of this knowledge all over the world it is making a quite -unnecessary exception to state that it came into Africa from -Egypt. Moreover this assertion does not correspond with the -facts, since among the Egyptians Sirius, and not the Pleiades, -occupied the chief place. The observation of the appearance -of Canopus and Sirius we have already found highly developed -among the Bushmen, that of the Pleiades among the Hottentots. -The Bechuana of Central S. Africa are directed by the -positions of certain stars in the heavens that the time has arrived -in the revolving year when particular roots can be dug<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_136"></a>[136]</span> -up for use, or when they may commence their labours of the -field. This is their <i>likhakologo</i> (‘turnings’ or ‘revolvings’), at -what we should call the spring-time of the year. The Pleiades -they call <i>selemela</i>, which may be translated ‘cultivator’ or ‘the -precursor of agriculture’ (from <i>lemela</i>, ‘to cultivate <em>for</em>’, and -<em>se</em>, a pronominal prefix, distinguishing these stars as the actors). -When the Pleiades assume a certain position in the -heavens it is the signal to commence cultivating their fields -and gardens<a id="FNanchor_573" href="#Footnote_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a>. The Caffres determine the time of sowing by -observing the Pleiades<a id="FNanchor_574" href="#Footnote_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a>; the Bantu tribes of S. Africa regard -their rising shortly after sunset as indicating the planting-season<a id="FNanchor_575" href="#Footnote_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a>. -The Amazulu call the Pleiades <i>isilimela</i>, which has the same -meaning as the Bechuana name, since they begin to dig up -the soil when the Pleiades appear. The people say: ‘<i>isilimela</i> -dies and is not seen’, and at last, when winter is coming to -an end, it begins to appear, one of its stars first and then -three, until, continuing to increase, it becomes a cluster of -stars and is perfectly clearly seen when the sun is about to -rise. Then they say: ‘<i>isilimela</i> is renewed’, ‘the year is renewed’, -and they begin to dig<a id="FNanchor_576" href="#Footnote_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a>. Among the Thonga the Pleiades -are the only constellation which bears a name—<i>shirimelo</i>; -it rises in July and August, when tilling is resumed<a id="FNanchor_577" href="#Footnote_577" class="fnanchor">[577]</a>. -At the southern corner of Lake Nyassa the rising of the Pleiades -early in the evening gives the sign to begin the hoeing -of the ground<a id="FNanchor_578" href="#Footnote_578" class="fnanchor">[578]</a>. The Kikuyu of British East Africa say that -this constellation is the mark in the heavens to shew the -people when to plant their crops: they plant when it is in a certain -position early in the night. A dancing-song begins:—“When -the Pleiades meet the moon, the people assemble etc.”<a id="FNanchor_579" href="#Footnote_579" class="fnanchor">[579]</a> -The Masai know whether it will rain or not according to the -appearance or non-appearance of the Pleiades, and the last -month of the period of the great rains, in which their evening -setting falls, is named after them. When they are no longer -visible the people know that the great rains are over, and they -are not seen again until the following season—the season of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_137"></a>[137]</span> -showers—has come to an end. The Masai call the sword of -Orion ‘the Old Men’, and his belt ‘the Widows’ who follow -them<a id="FNanchor_580" href="#Footnote_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a>.</p> - -<p>To the Isubu in Kamerun the constellations, which they -combine in certain groups, shew the course of the seasons; such -constellations are e. g. <i>tole a nyou</i>, the <i>tole</i> of the elephants, -in contradistinction to <i>tole a moto</i>, the <i>tole</i> of men; another is -‘the Orphans’. These are summer signs, they are all found in -the eastern part of the sky<a id="FNanchor_581" href="#Footnote_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a>. In Sierra Leone the proper time -for planting is shewn by the position in which the Pleiades are -to be seen at sunset: the Bullom do not observe or name any -other stars<a id="FNanchor_582" href="#Footnote_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a>. The Bakongo associate these stars with the -rainy season: the rain comes from them, they are called ‘the -Caretakers-who-guard-the-rain’<a id="FNanchor_583" href="#Footnote_583" class="fnanchor">[583]</a>. When the constellation <i>kole</i><a id="FNanchor_584" href="#Footnote_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a> -reaches the meridian, the Bangala plant more than at any -other time, because the rains, though not infrequent, are then -fairly certain<a id="FNanchor_585" href="#Footnote_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a>. In Loango Sirius is called ‘the Rain-star’, since -as long as he is visible the rains persist. Alongside of him -Orion is regarded as a sign of the rainy season<a id="FNanchor_586" href="#Footnote_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a>. In French -Guinea the people know that when the winter constellations -appear above the horizon, indicating that the end of the rains -has come, it is the time of harvest<a id="FNanchor_587" href="#Footnote_587" class="fnanchor">[587]</a>.</p> - -<p>In the Indian Archipelago the observation of the Pleiades -is the most general and frequent means of determining the -time for tillage. Hence these stars are mythologically regarded -as the originators of the rice-culture. The Dyaks of Sarawak -say that Si Jura on a sea-voyage once found a fruit-tree with -its roots in the sky and the branches hanging downwards. He -climbed up into it, and since his comrades sailed away, he -was obliged to climb on and on until he reached the roots and -found himself in a strange land—the country of the Pleiades. -There Si Kira received him kindly, and invited him to eat. -“Those little maggots?” replied Si Jura. Si Kira answered:—“They -are not maggots, but boiled rice”, and he explained to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_138"></a>[138]</span> -his guest how the rice was cultivated and reaped, and then -let him down by a long rope near to his father’s house. Si -Jura taught the Dyaks how to cultivate rice, and the Pleiades -themselves tell them when to farm; according to the position -of these stars in the heavens, morning and evening, they cut -down the forest, burn, plant, and reap<a id="FNanchor_588" href="#Footnote_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a>. In another legend -the Pleiades are six chickens which the hen follows, invisible; -formerly there were seven, and at that time men did not know -of rice, but lived on the products of the forest. One of the -chickens had come down to earth, where men gave it to eat: -it would not eat, however, but brought them a fruit with three -husks, in which there were contained three kinds of rice, that -would ripen in four, six, and eight months respectively. The -hen was angry, and wished to destroy both men and the chicken: -the former were saved by Orion, but only six chickens were -left. During the time in which the Pleiades are invisible, the -hen is brooding, but the cuckoo calls as long as they are visible<a id="FNanchor_589" href="#Footnote_589" class="fnanchor">[589]</a>. -The Sea-Dyaks determine the time of sowing by observing -the Pleiades. Some tribes determine the approach of -the time of rice-sowing from the observation of the stars. The -Kayan of Borneo know the most important constellations, -although they do not observe them and their motions with a -practical end in view<a id="FNanchor_590" href="#Footnote_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a>. However one of the joint authors -just quoted says in another place that although the Kayan more -usually determine the time of sowing by the observation of -the sun, yet both they and many other races in Borneo sow -the rice when the Pleiades at daybreak appear just above the -horizon<a id="FNanchor_591" href="#Footnote_591" class="fnanchor">[591]</a>. When the time to clear fresh land in the forest -draws near, a wise man is appointed to go out before dawn -and watch for the Pleiades. As soon as they are seen to rise -while it is still dark, the people know that the time has come -to begin work, but not until they are at the zenith before dawn -is it considered desirable to burn the fallen timber and sow rice. -The Dyaks begin the rice-planting when the Pleiades reach -the same position at about 3 or 4 o’clock in the morning as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_139"></a>[139]</span> -the sun reaches at 8 o’clock. Old and experienced men are -on the watch to determine the spot exactly. Then a feast -begins<a id="FNanchor_592" href="#Footnote_592" class="fnanchor">[592]</a>. The natives of Nias, an island to the south of Sumatra, -assemble to till their fields when the Pleiades appear, -and regard it as useless to do so before that time<a id="FNanchor_593" href="#Footnote_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a>. In Sumatra -also the time for sowing was determined in this way. -The Batak of the middle of the island regulate their various -agricultural operations by the position of Orion and the Pleiades. -The Achenese of the north know that the sowing-time has -come when the Pleiades rise before the sun, at the beginning -of July<a id="FNanchor_594" href="#Footnote_594" class="fnanchor">[594]</a>. In northern Celebes the rice-fields are prepared for -cultivation when the Pleiades are seen at a certain height -above the horizon<a id="FNanchor_595" href="#Footnote_595" class="fnanchor">[595]</a>. The Kai of German New Guinea say that -the time for labour in the fields has come when the Pleiades -are visible above the horizon at night: the Bukaua of the same -country also follow the Pleiades<a id="FNanchor_596" href="#Footnote_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a>. When the natives of the -Torres Straits Islands see the Pleiades on the horizon after -sunset, they say that the new yam-time has come<a id="FNanchor_597" href="#Footnote_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a>. The -western tribes of these straits have names for many stars, -which are largely grouped into constellations. The seasonal -appearances of certain stars or constellations were noted, and -their rising regulated particular dances, and also, as our authority -thinks, the planting of yams and sweet potatoes<a id="FNanchor_598" href="#Footnote_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a>.</p> - -<p>Accurate information for these tribes is given by Rivers -in the Reports of the Expedition to the Torres Straits. The -most important constellations are ‘the Shark’ (= the Great Bear -together with Arcturus) and <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">corona borealis</i>. Still larger is -<i>Tagai</i>. This constellation represents a man, Tagai (= Centaurus, -Lupus), standing in the prow of a canoe (Scorpio); in the stern -sits Kareg (Antares). Tagai holds in his left hand (the Southern -Cross) a fishing-spear, in his right (Corvus) some <i>kupa</i>-fruit. -Below the canoe is a sucker-fish, consisting of a part of Scorpio. -<i>Naurwer</i> are ‘the Brothers’—Vega the elder, and Altair the -younger—who in their outstretched arms are holding sticks -(β, γ <i>lyrae</i>, β, γ <i>aquilae</i>). In Mabuiag this constellation is called<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_140"></a>[140]</span> -<i>Dogai</i>. Our Delphinus is called ‘the Trumpet-shell’, <i>kek</i> is probably -Achernar. Others I omit. The most important star was -<i>kek</i>, whose rising indicated not only the beginning of many -ceremonies but also the planting-season. The risings and settings -of the stars were observed, and certain rites and agricultural -occupations regulated thereby. In Badu it was said that when -only the tail of the Shark is above the horizon, the north-west -wind begins to blow ‘a little bit’: when the tail has gone down -altogether, the people begin to plant yams, and when the Shark -comes up again, yams, sweet potatoes, and bananas are ripe. -The stars also help to determine the seasons. A native of -Mabuiag gave the following list of the stars relating to the -season called <i>aibaud</i>:—<i>kek</i> comes up, he is the sign for everything -to be done: ‘start meeting’, i. e. at the feasts the holding -of which is dependent upon plentiful supplies of food; <i>gil</i>, <i>usal</i> -(the Pleiades): at this time the ovaries of the turtles enlarge; -<i>pagas</i> and <i>dede</i> (Betelgeuze); <i>utimal</i>; <i>wapil</i>. Towards the end -of the season the Shark becomes visible, and then the pigeon -migrates from New Guinea to Australia, as does the <i>birubiru</i>-bird -when <i>gitulai</i> (the Crab) appears. It is expressly noted -that when the people speak of the rising or setting of a constellation -or star at a certain season, they have in mind the -time of the year when the star or constellation in question -first appears or disappears on the horizon at daybreak. Of -Tagai a catasterism is related which at the same time has -reference to the phenomena of the seasons at the appearance -of the stars in question. On a fishing expedition the crew -stole the water from him and Koang. They therefore killed -them and said:—“Usal (the Pleiades), you go to New Guinea -side, when you come up there will be plenty of rain. Utimal, -you go to New Guinea side, you have to bring rain. Kwoior, -when you come up over Mangrove Island just before the south-east -monsoon sets in, there will be rain in the morning. Then -the wind will shift and it will rain in the afternoon, and you, -Kek, will come up in the south between Badu and Moa and -it will be cold weather. When you go round this way and -when you come up, then the yams and sweet potatoes will<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_141"></a>[141]</span> -ripen. You all have work to do”<a id="FNanchor_599" href="#Footnote_599" class="fnanchor">[599]</a>. A similar story is told -of the Kiwai Papuans, who have for the most part the same -star-names and call most of their months after stars: the Shark -is also implicated in this story. When the fin sets, there is -more wind and high-water; when the tail sets, more high-water; -when the head rises, the copulating-season of the turtles commences. -Another myth tells how Javagi got angry and threw -Karongo up into heaven, where he and his three-pronged spear -became the constellation Antares<a id="FNanchor_600" href="#Footnote_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Melanesians of Banks Island and the northern New -Hebrides are also acquainted with the Pleiades as a sign of -the approach of the yam-harvest<a id="FNanchor_601" href="#Footnote_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a>. The inhabitants of New -Britain (Bismarck Archipelago) are guided in ascertaining the -time of planting by the position of certain stars<a id="FNanchor_602" href="#Footnote_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a>. The Moanu -of the Admiralty Islands use the stars as a guide both on land -and at sea, and recognise the season of the monsoons by them. -When the Pleiades (<i>tjasa</i>) appear at night-fall on the horizon, -this is the signal for the north-west wind to begin. But when -the Thornback (Scorpio) and the Shark (Altair) emerge as -twilight begins, this shews that the south-east wind is at hand. -When ‘the Fishers’ Canoe’ (Orion, three fishermen in a canoe) -disappears from the horizon at evening, the south-east wind -sets in strongly: so also when the constellation is visible at -morning on the horizon. When it comes up at evening, the -rainy season and the north-west wind are not far off. When -‘the Bird’ (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">canis major</i>) is in such a position that one wing -points to the north but the other is still invisible, the time -has come in which the turtles lay eggs, and many natives -then go to the Los-Reys group in order to collect them. The -Crown is called ‘the Mosquito-star’, since the mosquitoes swarm -into the houses when this constellation sets. The two largest -stars of the Circle are called <i>pitui an papai</i>: when this constellation -becomes visible in the early morning, the time is -favourable for catching the fish <i>papai</i><a id="FNanchor_603" href="#Footnote_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a>. The natives of the -Bougainville Straits are acquainted with certain stars, especially -the Pleiades; the rising of this constellation is a sign<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_142"></a>[142]</span> -that the <i>kai</i>-nut is ripe: a ceremony takes place at this season<a id="FNanchor_604" href="#Footnote_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a>. -On Treasury Island a grand festival is held towards -the end of October, in order—so far as could be ascertained—to -celebrate the approaching appearance of the Pleiades -above the eastern horizon after sunset. In Ugi, where of all -the stars the Pleiades alone have a name, the times for planting -and taking up yams are determined by this constellation<a id="FNanchor_605" href="#Footnote_605" class="fnanchor">[605]</a>. -In Lambutjo the year is reckoned according to the position of -the Pleiades. When they are in the east, it is said that ‘they -are waiting’, when at the zenith, ‘they stand in the middle’, -when in the west, they are ‘bowed down’. When they stand -low, the turtles come up on land: the people say that they -‘go to play’, i. e. it is the pairing season. When the Pleiades -are high overhead, the white men celebrate Christmas. When -they ‘come up anew’, the people go to look for fish. At that -time ‘the Fishes’ are in the water. ‘The Fishes’ (<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">corona borealis</i>) -dip down when the Pleiades come up. When ‘the -Fishes’ are in the sky, there are no fish in the water. In -both Alu and Lambutjo one division of the year is reckoned -by the return of the Pleiades, another by the almond-ripening. -On the Gazelle Peninsula the time for good fishing is the time -of the appearance of the Pleiades: at this time the fishing-nets -are spread out. It is said that ‘the Thornback’ (Pisces) and -‘the People-at-the-feast’ (the Pleiades) must not see each other; -the former constellation is called <i>galial</i> (‘fishes’), which at this -time are not to be eaten<a id="FNanchor_606" href="#Footnote_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a>. On the island of Saa, one of the -Solomon Islands, the Southern Cross is the net with four men -letting it down to catch palolo, and the Pointers are two men -cooking what is caught, since the palolo first comes when one of -the Pointers appears above the horizon<a id="FNanchor_607" href="#Footnote_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a>. In the list of star-names -given for the Carolines there are also references to the seasons. -In Ponape <i>le-poniong</i> is seen at the time of the variable winds. -In Lamotrek Corvus is called ‘the Viewer-of-the-taro-patches’, -since he is visible during the taro season; the name of Arcturus -is formed from <i>ara</i>, ‘to conclude’, and <i>moi</i>, ‘to come’, and the -star is so called because his rising indicates the end of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_143"></a>[143]</span> -north-east winds, which bring visiting parties to the island; -the appearance of Capella means heavy gales and bad weather<a id="FNanchor_608" href="#Footnote_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a>.</p> - -<p>Among the astronomically learned Polynesians time-estimations -according to stars play an important part: most of -these however belong to the chapters on the months and the -year. In Samoa it is at present an exception if an old fisherman -can indicate and name this or that star which at its entrance -into this or that constellation (<em>sic!</em>) announces the beginning -of an abundant <i>bonino</i>-catch, the immediate return of -the South Sea herring, the <i>atuli</i>, to its accustomed spawning-grounds, -or some other similar event of importance in the life -of the natives<a id="FNanchor_609" href="#Footnote_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a>.</p> - -<p>When the stars indicate this or that event, the primitive -mind, as so often happens, is unable to distinguish between -accompanying phenomena and causal connexion; it follows that -the stars are regarded as authors of the events accompanying -their appearance, when these take place without the interference -of men. So in ancient Greece the expressions (a certain -star) ‘indicates’ (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σημαίνει</span>) or ‘makes’ (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ποιεῖ</span>) certain weather -were not kept apart, and the stars were regarded as causes -of the atmospheric phenomena<a id="FNanchor_610" href="#Footnote_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a>. A similar process of reasoning -is not seldom found among primitive peoples, and a few instances -have already been given, such as the warming-incantation -of the Bushmen against Canopus and Sirius, the name -given to the Pleiades among the Bakongo (‘the Caretakers-who-guard-the-rain’), -and the belief that the rain comes from them, -the myth of the Euahlayi tribe that the Pleiades let ice fall -down on to the earth in winter and cause thunderstorms, in -other words send the rain, and the belief of the Marshall Islanders -that the various positions of certain stars cause storms -or good winds<a id="FNanchor_611" href="#Footnote_611" class="fnanchor">[611]</a>. The same idea is very clearly seen in the -account of the Hottentots given by a missionary of the 17th -century<a id="FNanchor_612" href="#Footnote_612" class="fnanchor">[612]</a>. At the return of the Pleiades the natives celebrate -an anniversary: as soon as the stars appear above the eastern<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_144"></a>[144]</span> -horizon the mothers lift their little ones in their arms, run up -to some eminence, and shew to them these friendly stars, and -teach them to stretch out their hands towards them. The people -of the kraal assemble to dance and sing according to the old -custom of their ancestors. The chorus is always: “O Tiqua, -our father above our heads, give rain to us that the fruits -(bulbs etc.), <i>uientjes</i>, may ripen and that we may have plenty -of food: send us a good year!”</p> - -<p>The natives of Australia (perhaps of Victoria), according -to an old account, worship the heavenly bodies and think that -natural causes are governed by certain constellations. They -have names for these, and sing and dance to win the favour -of the Pleiades, which are worshipped by one group as the -giver of rain; should the rain be deferred, curses instead of -blessings are bestowed on them<a id="FNanchor_613" href="#Footnote_613" class="fnanchor">[613]</a>. The Euahlayi tribe thinks -that the Pleiades bring frost and winter thunderstorms, and -that the Milky Way by its change of position brings rain<a id="FNanchor_614" href="#Footnote_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a>. -An old native, chief of the Gingi tribe, when the rain would -not stop, turned to the souls of his dead friends in the Milky -Way with certain charms, until they made the rain cease. The -Milky Way is regarded as a stream with fertile banks<a id="FNanchor_615" href="#Footnote_615" class="fnanchor">[615]</a>.</p> - -<p>These facts being so, there is nothing strange in an -account which unfortunately comes from a writer whose evidence -in other respects is open to grave doubt. We are told -that Andy, a native of New South Wales, found the statement -that the sun is the source of heat ridiculous, and said:—“If -the sun makes the warm weather come in summer-time, why -does he not make the winter warm, for he is seen every day?” -The influence which produces heat, in the belief of the natives, -accompanies the Pleiades. When these are visible at a certain -altitude above the horizon, it is spring, <i>begagewog</i>; when -they rise to their highest altitude, it is summer, <i>winuga</i>; when -in autumn they sink down again towards the horizon, it is -<i>domda</i> (‘autumn’); in winter they are barely visible or are lost -to view altogether; it is then winter (<i>magur</i>), and cold. The -ordinary stars have no kind of influence on the seasons, but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_145"></a>[145]</span> -simply the Pleiades<a id="FNanchor_616" href="#Footnote_616" class="fnanchor">[616]</a>. The account agrees very well with what -is otherwise known of the stellar science of the Australians, and -is perfectly credible. A precisely similar story comes from -the other side of the globe. At the beginning of the 18th century, -when the Lapps were still heathens, one of the questions -which a missionary among these people put to them about their -gods was:—“Have you prayed the Pleiades to warm the -weather?” In accordance with this a Lapp myth relates that -a servant driven out on a very cold night by a cruel master -was saved by the Pleiades. One of the Lapp names for these -stars, which evidently points to this idea, is ‘the Sheep-skins’<a id="FNanchor_617" href="#Footnote_617" class="fnanchor">[617]</a>. -The Greeks had the same belief in Sirius as the cause of the -summer heat.<a id="FNanchor_618" href="#Footnote_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a></p> - -<p>From this belief in the stars as causes of the natural -phenomena it is but a short step to attempt to draw from the -manner of their appearance conclusions as to the kind of -phenomenon caused by them. To the Bakongo the Pleiades -are the guardians of the rain, and when they are clearly to be -seen at the beginning of the rainy season the people expect -a good season, i. e. sufficient but not too much rain<a id="FNanchor_619" href="#Footnote_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a>. The Nandi -of British East Africa know by the appearance or non-appearance -of the Pleiades whether they may expect a good or a -bad harvest<a id="FNanchor_620" href="#Footnote_620" class="fnanchor">[620]</a>. The Guarayu of S. America believe that when -the Pleiades at their reappearance are surrounded by a circle, -it is a good omen: but if this circle is wanting, all must die<a id="FNanchor_621" href="#Footnote_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a>. -In Macedonia the Pleiades are called ‘the Clucking or Brooding -Hen’ (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἡ κλωσσαριά</span>); their setting announces the advent -of winter, and from the accompanying conditions omens are -drawn as to the quantity of the forthcoming crop and the fertility -of the cattle. If the constellation sets in a cloudy sky, -this portends a rich harvest<a id="FNanchor_622" href="#Footnote_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a>. Similar weather-rules and prognostications -are found in abundance in modern European folk-lore -and in the so-called peasants’ calendars. The origin in -the popular astrological beliefs of antiquity is usually taken -for granted. It is true that astrology, especially under Mohammedan<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_146"></a>[146]</span> -influence, has penetrated very deeply even among -little civilised peoples such as the negroes of Central Africa and -the Malays of the Indian Archipelago; but I see no cogent -reason for finding in the above-mentioned world-wide examples -of a belief in the influence of the stars upon natural phenomena -any influence of that astrology which derives from ancient -Babylon. Rather do these myths and traditions seem to -afford an analogy to the initial stages of the Babylonian astrology, -and to shew that the whole vast system of astrology had -its root in primitive thinking. And the Babylonian prognostications -from stars and sky remained, until a very late period, -quite primitive. These observations cannot be followed up -further: astrology and its origins lie outside the limits of the -present study.</p> - -<p>It has been shewn, then, that even among the most primitive -peoples of the globe the stars are known, observed, -considered, and used for the determination of time—the Pleiades, -indeed, first and foremost, but other constellations as well; -of the not nearly so frequent determination of the advance of -night from the motions of the stars we have already spoken -in chapter I. There is however a difference that should not -be neglected between this method of determining time and the -time-indications from natural phases. So far as I have been -able to discover, the stars are never used in a narrative, i. e. -where the date of any familiar event is to be given, but only -where practical rules for the constantly recurring occupations -and labours are concerned, and also for the festivals. The -method therefore does not apply to the historical event in the -wider sense, but only to the reiterated event the recurrence -of which is empirically known. The consciousness of a fixed -and constant order is therefore impressed upon the mind of -primitive man much more powerfully by the eternal revolution -of the constellations than by the variation of the seasons.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_147"></a>[147]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.<br /> -<br /> -<span class="fs70">THE MONTH.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p class="drop-capy1">The course of the sun determines the variation between -day and night, and causes the natural phases of the year. -From the position of the sun the times of the day can be -given with ease and certainty, but not so the seasons of the -year,—to the exceptions I shall recur in chapter XII. From -the fixed stars the hours of the night can be determined, and -still more frequently are the seasons regulated by them. But -this kind of time-determination necessarily refers to points of -time, and not to periods. Only for one or two days has the star -the position which serves for the determination of time. No -division of the year into parts can be carried out by this method, -the most that can be done is to regulate the already -existing divisions by it.</p> - -<p>As well as the sun and the fixed stars the moon appears -in the heavens. It does not entirely vanish before the sunlight -like the fixed stars, in the night-time its light eclipses that of -the smaller stars. Its shape, the strength of its light, and the -time of its appearance vary quite perceptibly from day to day. -As long as the human race has existed, man’s attention must -have been drawn to the moon. The course of the moon, thanks -to the rapid revolution of the planet round the earth, forms a -shorter unit, which steps in between day and year. The shorter -interval of time defined by it, unlike the too lengthy period of -the year, is easily kept in mind and taken in at a glance. -This unit has further its peculiar characteristics. In the first -place it has nothing to do with the natural phases conditioned -by the course of the sun: it is in fact incommensurable with -the seasons. In the second place it immediately obtrudes itself<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_148"></a>[148]</span> -into notice as a unit. The time-reckoning according to the moon -is in its nature continuous. One moon follows another with a -short interruption, to which at first little attention is paid: for -compared with the 27–28 days in which the moon can be seen -in the sky the 1–2 days in which it is invisible are little noticed. -The phases of the moon represent a gradual waxing and -waning, a continuous development. The principle of continuous -time-reckoning is therefore suggested by the moon, in opposition -to the time-indications from natural phases and from the stars.</p> - -<p>The observation of the moon is often said to be the oldest -form of time-reckoning. This statement involves a certain -danger, viz. the overlooking of the fact that the time-indications -from natural phases and from the stars—as I hope has been -shewn above—are just as primitive and must be just as old. -But if by time-reckoning the continuous principle and measure -of time are implied the statement is in that sense true. The -moon is indeed the first chronometer, and this fact is due to -the nature of its concrete appearance, which draws attention -to the duration, and not to the point, of time. And this, as -always, is the starting-point: practically everywhere the month -as a unit of enumeration or a measure is denoted by the same -word as the moon. The linguistic distinction between ‘moon’ -and ‘month’ only follows at a stage which primitive peoples -still living have not yet reached. All peoples know the moon -and use it for time-reckoning. Of the S. American Indians, -who observe the stars so well, it is stated that the month is -everywhere the natural division of time<a id="FNanchor_623" href="#Footnote_623" class="fnanchor">[623]</a>.</p> - -<p>While the human mind therefore arrives only gradually -at the conception of the year, the month is already given by -the natural phenomenon. Consequently it is only to be expected -that it should be expressly stated that the revolution of the -moon determines the greatest measure of time<a id="FNanchor_624" href="#Footnote_624" class="fnanchor">[624]</a>, and that we -should find peoples who can count reckoning by months and -not by years. Thus, for example, it was often said in southern -Nigeria: “I sold this canoe to him eight moons ago”<a id="FNanchor_625" href="#Footnote_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a>. As in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_149"></a>[149]</span> -the counting of the years a well-known event is used as a -starting-point, so it is also with the months. In the New Hebrides -they said:—“Two moons have gone since this or that -event took place”<a id="FNanchor_626" href="#Footnote_626" class="fnanchor">[626]</a>. But this principle has not prevailed in the -counting of the months, since it gives too many months in the -course of one human life, and since the months are drawn -into another connexion, to which the following chapter is devoted. -Only in one case is a reckoning of this nature common, -viz. in pregnancy. Examples are superfluous, but I give at -least one:—The Samoan woman looks at the moon and expects -the beginning of menstruation at a quite definite position -of that planet, each woman naturally having a different position -of the moon in view. If menstruation does not take place then, -she perceives that she is pregnant, and expects her confinement -after ten moon-months<a id="FNanchor_627" href="#Footnote_627" class="fnanchor">[627]</a>.</p> - -<p>No attention is paid at first to the number of days in the -month: many primitive peoples cannot even count so far as -thirty. A significant passage in a Ho text originating from a -native runs:—“The months are reckoned from the moon (the -same word is used for both), which stands in the sky. When -the moon appears, remains long in the heavens, and then again -for a short time is invisible, we say that a month has just gone. -We know nothing about the number of days constituting a -month. When we see the moon and then it is lost again a -month has gone”<a id="FNanchor_628" href="#Footnote_628" class="fnanchor">[628]</a>. A native Basuto says that little regard -is paid as to counting the number of days in any month, since -the bulky moon itself fills up the deficiency<a id="FNanchor_629" href="#Footnote_629" class="fnanchor">[629]</a>. When men begin -to count the days great uncertainty at first prevails: in Buin, -for example, the statements vary between 15 and 31 days<a id="FNanchor_630" href="#Footnote_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a>; -the Caffre month is said to have 25 days. Apparently only -the time during which the moon is visible is at first counted. -So it is said of the Caffres that they count the month from the -phases of the moon during its visibility, and that the days of -its invisibility are not counted: the moon has gone to sleep<a id="FNanchor_631" href="#Footnote_631" class="fnanchor">[631]</a>. -For the Basuto on the other hand only expressions for the -two days of the moon’s invisibility are mentioned: the first,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_150"></a>[150]</span> -‘the moon has gone into the dark’, the second, ‘the moon is -greeted by the apes’, since this animal can see the moon -sooner than man<a id="FNanchor_632" href="#Footnote_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a>. The Ibo-speaking peoples also reckon only -28 days to the month<a id="FNanchor_633" href="#Footnote_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a>, and so do the Dakota<a id="FNanchor_634" href="#Footnote_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a>. It is only -natural that the days of the darkness should soon be included, -so that the following month follows directly upon the preceding; -many peoples say, like the Banyankole, that the month lasts -29 days: for 28 days the moon is visible, and for one day -hidden<a id="FNanchor_635" href="#Footnote_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a>. As always, therefore, the concrete phenomenon is -the starting point. Here, however, not only the varying shape -of the moon, not only its phases, are taken into account, but -also, as in the case of the sun and the stars, its position in -the sky. On the analogy of the rising and setting of the stars -the new moon can be described as the evening setting, the -full moon as the evening rising or morning setting, and the -disappearing of the moon as the morning rising of that planet. -A description of this nature, of course without the above -scientific terminology, does occur, but in isolated instances. -In the above-mentioned Ho text a further passage runs:—“When -the moon appears and comes nearer, we say ‘it stands -overhead’. After this it stands in the middle (of the sky). -When the moon does not rise until after night-fall we say that -it ‘stands on the edge (of the sky)’. When it does not rise -until very long after night-fall we say ‘it shines unto day-break’. -When the moon is once more on the wane, it will -not be long before another appears.” Other expressions are:—‘the -moon falls upon the forest’, i. e. stands low on the -horizon, ‘it sleeps in the open air’, when it is in the sky at -day-break<a id="FNanchor_636" href="#Footnote_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a>. At the south of Lake Nyassa the day of the -month is denoted by indicating the position of the moon in the -sky at day-break<a id="FNanchor_637" href="#Footnote_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a>. Of the Seminole of Florida it is reported -that the months seem to be divided simply into days, and that -the latter are, at least in part, described by reference to the -successive positions of the moon in the sky at sunset. When -our informant asked a native how long he would remain at his -present camp, he answered by pointing to the new moon in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_151"></a>[151]</span> -the west, and sweeping his hand from west to east to the spot -where the moon would be when he should go home. He meant -to answer, “About ten days hence”<a id="FNanchor_638" href="#Footnote_638" class="fnanchor">[638]</a>.</p> - -<p>To indicate the day by the position of the moon in the -sky is however exceptional, and it is just as exceptional for -descriptions of the day according to the position of the moon -to be consistently carried out. The Ewe tribes also have expressions -which refer to the shapes of the moon. These different -shapes have in general attracted most attention, and serve -for time-reckoning. At first the phases of the moon are distinguished -only roughly, but greater and greater refinement -of observation is ever being attained, until every day of the -moon’s revolution is described by a name, and the names not -only refer to the phases of the moon but also indicate its -position in the sky.</p> - -<p>Among the different phases of the moon’s light two stand -out with especial prominence—the first appearance of the -crescent of the new moon in the evening twilight, and the full -moon. Both events are joyfully greeted and celebrated among -many peoples, in particular the appearance of the new moon, -the full moon also, but not so often. The explanation of this -fact must partly lie in the circumstance that the full moon -does not suddenly appear like the new moon, but fills its disc -gradually, so that the days of full moon are more numerous, -instead of being one exactly determined day like the day of -the new moon. Hence there may be a counting of the months -in new moons instead of a continuous reckoning in moons, as -when the natives of the Solomon Islands count the months -which must elapse before the funeral feast by making a notch -in a stick or a knot in a rope at the appearance of the new -moon<a id="FNanchor_639" href="#Footnote_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a>.</p> - -<p>The hailing of the new moon with joy is wide-spread<a id="FNanchor_640" href="#Footnote_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a>. -The Dieri of Australia relate that there was once no moon, so -that the old men held a council and a Mura-mura gave them -the moon; in order that they might know when to hold their -ceremonies, he gave them a new moon at certain intervals<a id="FNanchor_641" href="#Footnote_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a>.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_152"></a>[152]</span> -Heathen Eskimos in West Greenland celebrate at every new -moon a feast with a performance of the sorceror, an extinguishing -of lamps, and the barter of women<a id="FNanchor_642" href="#Footnote_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a>. The Patagonians -welcome the new moon by patting their heads and murmuring -an incantation<a id="FNanchor_643" href="#Footnote_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a>. Certain tribes of North America at -the eagerly expected appearance of the new moon uttered -loud cries and stretched out their hands towards it<a id="FNanchor_644" href="#Footnote_644" class="fnanchor">[644]</a>. The -Natchez of Louisiana at every new moon celebrated a feast -which took its name from the principal fruits reaped in the -preceding moon, or from the animals that were usually hunted -then<a id="FNanchor_645" href="#Footnote_645" class="fnanchor">[645]</a>. In the villages of Port Moresby (British New Guinea) the -people at the first sight of the new moon give a prolonged somewhat -shrill cry which is taken up by all and repeated in chorus: -there is no mention of any time-reckoning<a id="FNanchor_646" href="#Footnote_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a>. On the southern -side of Dutch New Guinea we learn that the first sight of the -new moon was signalised by a short sharp bark rather than -a shout. Several times on the day following the first sight -of the new moon our authority noticed that a spear decorated -with white feathers was exposed in a conspicuous place in the -village. The author states that he is unable to say whether -this custom had any connection with the calendar<a id="FNanchor_647" href="#Footnote_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a>. In Buin -at the appearance of the quarter (<em>sic!</em>) of the new moon the -people immediately utter the ‘war-cry’, ‘so that the new moon -may not break the cocoa-nuts’. When the new moon comes -up, the people of Buin trill with their under-lip, plucking at it -with the forefinger and at the same time sending out a high -note (‘<em>a</em>’). In Lambutjo the people howl and strike themselves -on the mouth with their hands, at the same time uttering ‘<em>a</em>’, so -that a kind of quacking is heard. On the Gazelle Peninsula the -natives put their forefingers in their mouths and trill a high -‘<em>u</em>’, the result being a gurgling noise<a id="FNanchor_648" href="#Footnote_648" class="fnanchor">[648]</a>.</p> - -<p>The same custom recurs in Africa. When the Bushmen -catch sight of the new moon they pray:—“Young Moon! -Hail, Young Moon, hail, hail, Young Moon! Young Moon, speak -to me, hail, hail, Young Moon! Tell me of something! Hail, -hail! When the sun rises, Thou must speak to me, that I may<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_153"></a>[153]</span> -eat something. Thou must speak to me about a little thing, -that I may eat. Hail, hail, Young Moon!”<a id="FNanchor_649" href="#Footnote_649" class="fnanchor">[649]</a>. The Bechuana -watch most eagerly for the first glimpse of the new moon, -and when they perceive the faint outline after the sun has set -deep in the west, they utter a loud shout of <i>kua!</i> and vociferate -prayers to it, e. g. “Let our journey with the white man be -prosperous!”<a id="FNanchor_650" href="#Footnote_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a>. The Ba-Ronga always greet the apparition of -the new moon with cheers. The first person who sees it shouts -<i>kengelekezee</i> (<i>kenge</i> = ‘half-moon shaped’), and this exclamation -is repeated from one village to another. According to a Nkuma -informant the day of the new moon is <i>shimusi</i>, a day of rest. -The appearance of the crescent was carefully examined. If the -horns were turned towards the earth, this shewed that there -was nothing to fear, the dangers of the month had been poured -out. If the opposite was the case, it shewed that the moon was -full of weapons and misfortunes<a id="FNanchor_651" href="#Footnote_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a>. As soon as the new moon is -seen, the Banyankole of Uganda come out of their huts and -clap their hands. Everyone lights a fire in front of his hut and -lets it burn for four days continuously. A number of royal -drums are brought out and beaten without cessation for four -days<a id="FNanchor_652" href="#Footnote_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a>. The Wadschagga climb a hill in order to see the crescent -properly, and pray at its appearance:—“One, two, three, -four (the day of the new moon is reckoned as the fourth day -of the month), give me peace, give me food, send me blessing, -and drive want far away. O my moon, break him (my enemy) -neck and throat!” Since in the evening so many curses are -uttered, this day is also termed an evil day. Its peculiarities -decide the character of the whole month. For this reason no -one should go to rest on this evening hungry or only half-satisfied, -or else he will be hungry the whole month long. -The master of the house admonishes his wife:—“Day of the -moon! Honour the moon, and go in quest of food for the children, -that they may not go to sleep hungry every day.” On -this day no legal business is done and no debts are paid. But -whoever can manage to get his debt paid on that day will<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_154"></a>[154]</span> -have luck and his possessions will increase<a id="FNanchor_653" href="#Footnote_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a>. This custom is of -a highly developed order and exactly resembles the well-known -ancient Roman and modern New Year superstition, in which -moreover the new moon also plays a prominent part; one can -hardly avoid suspecting foreign influence. At Nibo when the -new moon comes out they salute it with:—“<em>u-u</em>, don’t let -disease catch me, or a bad moon!”; the Ibo celebrate a children’s -festival at the time of the new moon<a id="FNanchor_654" href="#Footnote_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a>.</p> - -<p>The full moon also gives rise to special feasts: half Africa -dances in the light of the nights of full moon. The Bushmen, -for example, never neglected the dance at the time of the -new and full moon. Dancing began with the new moon and -was continued at the full moon<a id="FNanchor_655" href="#Footnote_655" class="fnanchor">[655]</a>. In Dahomey the festivals -take place at full moon, the days being fixed by the native -government<a id="FNanchor_656" href="#Footnote_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a>. This is also the case elsewhere. The people of -Timor on the night of the full moon dance from night-fall till -sunrise: the dancing songs are principally of an erotic character<a id="FNanchor_657" href="#Footnote_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a>. -On the Nicobars at new and full moon feasts were celebrated -in which great quantities of an intoxicating beverage prepared -from the juice of the cocoa-palm were drunk<a id="FNanchor_658" href="#Footnote_658" class="fnanchor">[658]</a>. The Celtic -Iberians of ancient Spain assembled outside their gates on the -nights of full moon and celebrated a feast and danced in honour -of an unknown god<a id="FNanchor_659" href="#Footnote_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a>. Who can help thinking here of the -well-known words of Tacitus about the Germans?—“Their -meetings are, except in case of chance emergencies, on fixed -days, either at new moon or full moon: such seasons they believe -to be the most auspicious for beginning business”<a id="FNanchor_660" href="#Footnote_660" class="fnanchor">[660]</a>. -A fact is here mentioned to which we shall recur below, viz. -that the feasts and religious festivals are often celebrated during -the time of full moon. This is due not only to the full -light of the moon but also to the world-wide idea that everything -which is to prosper belongs to the time of the waxing moon,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_155"></a>[155]</span> -and above all to the days when it has reached its complete -phase<a id="FNanchor_661" href="#Footnote_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a>.</p> - -<p>New moon and full moon, therefore, by the religious significance -attached to them, prove themselves to have been the -two phases which were first observed. It is certainly no mere -accident that in a word-list of an Australian tribe, the Kakadu -of North Territory, only terms for new moon and full moon -exist (<i>malpa nigeri</i> and <i>mirrawarra malpa</i> respectively)<a id="FNanchor_662" href="#Footnote_662" class="fnanchor">[662]</a>. -Starting from these two phases, the whole period of the moon -can be divided into two halves, formed by the waxing and the -waning moon. The phases are the same in both halves, but -follow one another in the inverse order. Hence they can be described -by the same word, with an additional word for the -half of the month: but this is only vouched for in one instance, -viz. for the Mendalam Kayan of Borneo<a id="FNanchor_663" href="#Footnote_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a>. On the other hand -this division is extremely common, especially among more highly -developed peoples, in the counting of the days of the month, -to which I return below. Quite primitive peoples cannot count -so far as 15, or do so only with difficulty: instead of this they -distinguish still further phases of the moon.</p> - -<p>In the next place the crescent of the wasting moon is -added, so that three phases are given: waxing, culmination, -and waning. Thus the Andamanese call the new moon <i>ogur-lo-latika</i>, -the full moon <i>ogur-dah</i>, and the waning moon <i>ogur-boi-kal</i><a id="FNanchor_664" href="#Footnote_664" class="fnanchor">[664]</a>. -Another writer gives different names, no doubt for -another tribe:—New moon = ‘moon-baby-small’, first quarter -= ‘moon-big’, full moon = ‘moon-body’, last quarter = ‘moon-thin’<a id="FNanchor_665" href="#Footnote_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a>. -The literal translation shews however that this author -wrongly makes these phases equivalent to our quarters; the -full moon and the third quarter are not identical. In reality, -besides the full moon, two phases are distinguished during the -time of the waxing moon, and only one when the moon is on -the wane. The Indians of Pennsylvania distinguish by special -names the new, the round (i. e. the full), and the waning moon: -the last-named they call the half-round moon<a id="FNanchor_666" href="#Footnote_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a>. The Negritos<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_156"></a>[156]</span> -of Zambales have periods corresponding to the phases of the -moon: the new moon they call <i>bay’-un bu’-an</i>, the full moon -<i>da-a’-na bu’-an</i>, the waning moon <i>may-a’-mo-a bu’-an</i><a id="FNanchor_667" href="#Footnote_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a>. In -Wuwulu and Aua there were words for the full moon, the -waxing and the waning moon, and for the time of the moon’s -invisibility<a id="FNanchor_668" href="#Footnote_668" class="fnanchor">[668]</a>. This last is not a phase in the proper sense: as -soon as it was recognised, however, it was natural that it -should be introduced as equivalent to the phases and should -thus complete the circle of the month.</p> - -<p>In regard to the further development of the phases it is -to be noted that this does not as a rule take place with any -regularity, but the phases are more specialised during the period -of the waxing than in that of the waning moon. The Karaya -of Central Brazil were overjoyed to note the first appearance -of the crescent. Apparently five phases of the moon are distinguished, -for which our authority obtained the following names -from an Indian:—First crescent, <i>ahandu loita</i>; not yet quite -full moon, <i>ahandu laläli</i>; full moon, <i>djulum läaläli</i>; last crescent, -<i>ahandu aluläna</i>; new moon, <i>ikona</i>. Of these <i>ahandu laläli</i> -denotes a phase between half and full moon: ‘there are two -moons’. Probably the bright and the dark moon are meant. -This was confirmed for other Indians, but without its being -possible to obtain any accurate account, says our authority. -The theory however fits badly, since the earth-light disappears -in the second quarter, but is very prominent in the first. The -people however were themselves not clear as to the succession -of the phases, they gave different orders and often corrected -themselves<a id="FNanchor_669" href="#Footnote_669" class="fnanchor">[669]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Hottentots call the just emerging, hardly yet perceptible -crescent by a name which means ‘unripe’ and is also -used to denote a premature fruit. The slender shining crescent, -in which the moon as it were ‘revives’, is called by a name -with that significance. The first two quarters have two names -common to both of them, ‘the moon which becomes great or -old’, and ‘the moon which becomes wise’. In the last quarter -only the slender crescent is distinguished: it is called ‘the dying -moon’<a id="FNanchor_670" href="#Footnote_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a>. In exceptional cases no name for the full moon is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_157"></a>[157]</span> -given, but we can hardly conclude that such a name was -wanting. An Australian tribe of the North Territory calls the -full moon <i>igul</i>, the half-moon <i>idadad</i>, and the crescent of the -new moon <i>wurdu</i><a id="FNanchor_671" href="#Footnote_671" class="fnanchor">[671]</a>. The terminology in Central Australia is far -richer:—<i>atninja quirka utnamma</i> = new moon, <i>a. q. iwuminta</i> -= half-moon, <i>a. urterurtera</i> = three-quarter moon, <i>a. aluquirta</i> -= full moon<a id="FNanchor_672" href="#Footnote_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a>. No terms whatever are given for the waning -moon, but that they were entirely lacking is doubtful, though -it is also to be doubted whether terms for the half and three-quarter -moon cannot also be applied to the waning moon. It -should be noted that in Central Australia, as the words shew, -the new and the full moon are the original phases.</p> - -<p>The observation and naming of the phases of the moon -long remain quite unsystematic. The names are mingled with -terms arising from other circumstances. Of the Thonga of -S. E. Africa it is reported:—When the first quarter appears, -the moon is said to <i>thwasa</i>, a Zulu word which corresponds -to <i>tjhama</i> in Thonga, and is very much used in the terminology -of possessions. Eight days later it is said to <i>basa</i>, to be white -or brilliant; full moon is said to <i>sima</i> or <i>lata batjongwana</i>, to -put the little children to bed, because when it rises it finds -them already sleeping on their mats. The wane is called -<i>kushwela dambo</i>, the moon is then found by the rising sun to -be still in the sky, not having yet dipped below the horizon. -When at last it disappears, it is <i>munyama</i>, the obscurity, the -moon is said to <i>fa</i>, to have died<a id="FNanchor_673" href="#Footnote_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a>. The position of the moon -in the sky is also taken into consideration, but not to such an -extent as among the Ewe tribes<a id="FNanchor_674" href="#Footnote_674" class="fnanchor">[674]</a>; the latter however are also -acquainted with another terminology. Full moon is called ‘the -moon fits’, i. e. nothing of it is wanting, new moon ‘the moon is -dead’. In the first quarter and at the half-moon they say: ‘the -moon is half round’ or ‘falls upon the wood’, i. e. stands low on -the horizon; shortly before full moon ‘the moon is about to become -complete’, ‘is on the increase’; after the full moon ‘the moon is -about to wane’; three days after full moon ‘the moon has cheated -some people’, since it leaves in the lurch those who wish to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_158"></a>[158]</span> -play in the evening; in the last quarter ‘the moon is like the -tail of the cock’ or ‘sleeps in the open’, since it stands in the -sky at day-break<a id="FNanchor_675" href="#Footnote_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a>. For the pagan races of the Malay Peninsula -words are given for the new moon, the crescent of the -moon, the half-moon, the end of the waning moon, no moon<a id="FNanchor_676" href="#Footnote_676" class="fnanchor">[676]</a>. -The Bontoc Igorot of Luzon describe three phases between -full moon and the waning moon, and three between new moon -and full moon, eight altogether therefore, and have special -names for them, but rarely make use of them in time-reckoning<a id="FNanchor_677" href="#Footnote_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a>. -The Nabaloi have other words for the same phases, and also -one for the moon showing a rim of light<a id="FNanchor_678" href="#Footnote_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a>. The natives of -New Britain (Bismarck Archipelago) observed the phases of -the moon (<i>kalang</i>), and had separate terms for them, e. g. -‘moon not visible’, ‘first quarter of the moon (<em>sic!</em>)’, ‘nearly -full moon’ (in which they hunted for the land-crabs), full moon, -‘beginning to wane’, ‘moon when seen in the morning’, etc. -They also measured time between sunset and moon-rise by the -‘smouldering of a torch’, the time occupied in cooking yams, -taro, and wild taro<a id="FNanchor_679" href="#Footnote_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a>. In Buin the crescent as it becomes -visible is first called <i>rubui</i>, ‘the pupil (of the eye) is dead’, since -the whole moon is often to be seen as a dark disc when the -crescent is first formed. Later they say <i>motoguba</i>, ‘a hook is -made’. Still later, <i>nobele</i>, ‘a piece’, ‘a bit’. When the moon’s -disc is full, <i>mairen</i>, ‘it is ripe’ or ‘old’, and <i>roukeu</i>, ‘it is equal’, -i. e. full. When the moon begins to wane, it is called <i>ingom</i>, -‘puffed out’. The ‘puffing out’ becomes weaker, and now the -moon will die, <i>ekio buagi</i>. Throughout the period of the waning -moon the expression used is <i>buan-gubio-eiraubi</i>, ‘it is on the point -of passing away to die’. During the period of the waxing moon -they say <i>(ekio) duabegubi-eiraubi</i>, ‘(the moon) is about to pass -away to the sun(light)-making’. During the time of new moon -they say <i>mamarabui</i>, ‘the great kobold is dead’, or <i>ekio buaguro</i>, -‘the moon is dead’. When it appears again they say <i>ekio rukui</i>, -‘the moon again makes pupils’, i. e. is in the sky. From the -appearance of the moon until the time of new moon they -reckon 25 days. The number however is not always the same,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_159"></a>[159]</span> -but is variously given as 30–31 days or sometimes as only 15. -It must be supposed that thick clouds often hinder the observation. -The natives count from the rising of the moon<a id="FNanchor_680" href="#Footnote_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a>. Of -the tribes of the Torres Straits we are told:—In Mabuiag -the following descriptions of the phases of the moon are used:—<i>dang -mulpal</i>, ‘tooth-moon’, since the crescent at its first -appearance is described as unmarried: a little later the moon -is called <i>kisai</i>, and termed young. The half-moon is <i>ipi laig</i>, -‘married person’; the moon in the third quarter is described -as <i>kazi laig</i>, ‘person with child’, and is regarded as having -one child, i. e. presumably as being pregnant; the full moon is -<i>badi</i>, which is said to mean ‘big one married’. In Mer the crescent -of the moon when first observed was called <i>aketi meb</i>, -the moon in the first quarter was <i>meb digemli</i>, in the third -<i>meb zizimi</i>, almost full <i>eip meb</i>, and full moon <i>giz meb</i><a id="FNanchor_681" href="#Footnote_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a>.</p> - -<p>Among the tribes of Central Brazil (the Bakairi), as also -elsewhere, the phases of the moon have found mythological -expression. The moon is represented as a shuttle-cock; the -phases start from the full moon. First a lizard comes and -takes hold of it, on the second day an armadillo, and then a -Giant armadillo, whose thick body soon quite covers the yellow -feathers<a id="FNanchor_682" href="#Footnote_682" class="fnanchor">[682]</a>. The phases are similarly explained among the -Paressi<a id="FNanchor_683" href="#Footnote_683" class="fnanchor">[683]</a>.</p> - -<p>In regard to the more accurate determination of the days -of the moon-month up to the point when each day has its separate -name, it is possible to proceed in two ways, either to -develop more and more elaborately the concrete descriptions -from the phases and positions of the moon, until every day -thus takes its name from the shape or the position of the moon, -or else simply to number the days. The simple counting and -numbering of all the days of the month from the new moon -up to 29 or 30 is the most abstract method, and it is only -found among the most highly developed peoples. Commonly -a mixed system obtains, such, for instance, as that of the -Romans, so that within the month, from the starting-points -offered by the phases, the days of a certain smaller division<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_160"></a>[160]</span> -are counted, or a short phase is distinguished by means of -adjectives in the first, the second, and even the third day of -the phase.</p> - -<p>The following may serve as an example of a purely concrete -system. Among the Mendalam Kayan of Borneo the -different days of the period of the moon’s visibility have the -following names in the Busang language (the common commercial -tongue of the Bukau):—<i>njina</i> (see) <i>dang</i> (pretty well); -<i>matau</i> (eye) <i>dang</i>; <i>lekurdang</i>; <i>butit</i> (belly) <i>halab</i> (tetrodon, a -trunk-fish) <i>ok</i> (little); <i>butit halab aja</i> (big); <i>keleong</i> (body) <i>paja -ok</i>; <i>keleong paja aja</i>; <i>beleling</i> (edge) <i>dija</i>; and <i>kamat</i> (full -moon). The days following have the same names, but in the -inverse order, and with the addition of <i>uli</i>, i. e. to go home. -The days of the moon’s invisibility are not reckoned<a id="FNanchor_684" href="#Footnote_684" class="fnanchor">[684]</a>. The -days mentioned amount to only 2 × 8; others must therefore -be lacking, or do the names given apply to moon-phases of -more than one day’s duration? The author’s wording seems to -contradict this. The Batak of Sumatra describe the days by -the names of the planets (borrowed from the Sanskrit), repeated -four times. To distinguish one from another they make use -of additions some of which may probably be referred to original -Batak terms<a id="FNanchor_685" href="#Footnote_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a>. A complete system exists among the Toradja -of the Dutch East Indies, in connexion with a fully developed -day-superstition such as so often accompanies the moon-month. -On certain days, here distinguished by an asterisk, it -is forbidden to work in the fields: other work is however permitted. -*1, <i>eo mboeja</i>, ‘day of the moon’, from the evening on -which the crescent of the moon was first seen. 2 to 9 have no -special names: they are called altogether <i>oeajoeeo</i>, ‘the eight -days’; the people count <i>ka’isanja oeajoe</i>, ‘the first of the eight’, -or <i>oejoeënja</i>, ‘the beginner’, then the second, the third, etc., and -so on up to <i>kapoesanja oeajoe</i>, ‘the end of the eight’. 10, <i>woeja -mbawoe kodi</i>, ‘the little pig moon’. *11, <i>woeja mbawoe bangke</i>, -‘the great pig moon’; there is a danger that the pigs may break -into the fields. *12, <i>taoe koi</i>, 13, <i>taoe bangke</i>, ‘the little’ and -‘the great man moon’; 14, <i>kakoenia</i>, from <i>koeni</i>, ‘yellow’ (among -the To Pebato <i>sompe</i>, ‘lying’, i. e. on the horizon). *15, <i>togin<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_161"></a>[161]</span> -enggeri</i>, from <i>gengge</i>, ‘to run to and fro’ (of animals seeking -food), i. e. one is annoyed by those who run to and fro. *16, -<i>pombarani</i>, ‘the burner’, since the moon in the morning shines -on the house-door; or more rarely <i>pombontje</i>. 17 to 20, <i>wani</i>, -‘dark’. 21, <i>merontjo</i>, among the To Pebato <i>wani of kapoesa mbani</i>, -the last dark day. *22, <i>kawe</i>, ‘to wink’, 23–25, the second, -third, and last <i>kawe</i>. *26, <i>toe’a marate</i>, ‘the long tree-trunk’ -(trunk of a felled tree). 27, <i>toe’a rede</i>, ‘the short stump’, in -the east <i>ojonja saeo</i>, ‘with a day in between’, i. e. until the -vanishing of the moon. 28, <i>polioenja</i>, ‘passing’, i. e. the moon -goes past the sun. 29, <i>soea</i>, ‘going inside’, ‘inside’, because -the moon is then completely inside. Every second month has -30 days; the *30th is called <i>soea ma’i</i>, the <i>soea</i> ‘on this side’, -the second <i>soea</i>. The days are named from the position of the -moon at sunrise, since only the agricultural day is of any importance<a id="FNanchor_686" href="#Footnote_686" class="fnanchor">[686]</a>.</p> - -<p>In Micro- and Polynesia this kind of terminology is best -developed. In Samoa the period of the new moon has few -names; the new moon is called <i>masina pupula</i>, the nights after -this—when a little of the moon is once more visible—<i>mu’a -mu’a</i>. On the other hand the days up to and after the -full moon have separate names, and are of importance on account -of the palolo, which is then eagerly sought after. Full moon, -<i>masina ’atoa</i>, ‘full’; 1, night after full moon, <i>masina le’ale’a</i>; 2, -<i>masina fe’etelele</i>; 3, <i>masina atatai</i>, the sea sparkles at the -rising; 4, <i>fana’ele’ele</i>, according to Stair ‘paling tide’; 5, <i>sulutele</i>, -the <i>mali’o</i>-crab is caught with torches (<i>sulu</i>), according to Stair -<i>poolesa</i>, night of the <i>lesa</i>; 6, <i>masina mauna</i>, according to Stair -<i>popololoa</i>, ‘long nights’; 7, <i>masina mauna</i>; 8 (the first palolo-day), -<i>usunoa</i>, ‘wandering about aimlessly’, also called <i>salefu</i>, -since foam (<i>lefu</i>) appears as the first sign of the palolo; 9, -<i>masina motusaga</i> (second palolo-day), <i>motu</i> ‘fragile’, <i>saga</i> ‘continuing’; -10, <i>tatelego</i>, great palolo-day, which may also begin -on the 9th, <i>ta</i> = to fish; 11 (new moon), <i>masina punifaga</i>, -‘only a little covered’; 12, <i>masina tafaleu</i>, ‘little cut away’; 13, -<i>masina tafaleu</i>. The crescent shortly before new moon is called -<i>masina fa’atoaoina</i><a id="FNanchor_687" href="#Footnote_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_162"></a>[162]</span></p> - -<p>In Hawaii the system was very elaborately developed. -The month had thirty days; 17 of these had compound names -(<i>inoa huhui</i>), and 13 had simple names (<i>inoa pakahi</i>). These -names were given to the different nights to correspond with -the phases of the moon. There were three phases—<i>ano</i>—, -marking the moon’s increase and decrease of size, (1) the first -appearance of the new moon in the west at evening, (2) the -time of full moon when it stood directly overhead (lit. over -the island) at midnight, (3) the period when the moon was -waning, when it shewed itself in the east late at night. It -was with reference to these three phases of the moon that -names were given to the nights that made up the month<a id="FNanchor_688" href="#Footnote_688" class="fnanchor">[688]</a>. In -former times there is said to have been a division of the month -into periods of ten days, corresponding to the increase, the -full, and the decline of the moon<a id="FNanchor_689" href="#Footnote_689" class="fnanchor">[689]</a>. The names of the nights -were:—1, <i>hilo</i>, ‘to twist’, because the part then seen was a -mere thread; 2, <i>hoaka</i>, ‘crescent’; 3, <i>kukahi</i>; 4, <i>kulua</i>; 5, <i>kukolu</i>; -6, <i>kupua</i>; 7, <i>olekukahi</i>; 8, <i>olekulua</i>; 9, <i>olekukolu</i>; 10, <i>olekupau</i>. -When the sharp points were lost in the moon’s first quarter, -the name of that night was 11, <i>huna</i>, ‘to conceal’; the next, -on its becoming gibbous, was 12, <i>mohalu</i>; 13, <i>hua</i>, ‘egg’; and -when its roundness was quite obvious, 14, <i>akua</i>, ‘God’. The nights in -which the moon was full or nearly so were:—15, <i>hoku</i>; 16, <i>marealaui</i>; -17, <i>kolu</i>. The night in which the moon’s decrease became -perceptible was called 18, <i>laaukukahi</i>. As it continued to -diminish the nights were called:—19, <i>olaaukulua</i>; 20, <i>laaupau</i>; -21, <i>olekukahi</i>; 22, <i>olekulua</i>; 23, <i>olepau</i>; 24, <i>kaloakukahi</i>; 25, -<i>kaloakulua</i>; 26, <i>kaloapau</i>; when the moon was very small, 27, -<i>mauli</i>; the night in which it disappeared, 28, <i>muku</i>. This is -Dibble’s list (pp. 24 ff.). Fornander (p. 126) counts in the same -way up to 26, <i>kaloapau</i>, and then continues, 27, <i>kaue</i>; 28, <i>lono</i>; -29, <i>mauli</i>; 30, <i>muku</i>. Malo gives the same names as Dibble, -with the following additions:—The 15th night had two names. -If the moon set before daylight it was called <i>hoku palemo</i>, ‘sinking -star’, but if, when daylight came, it was still above the -horizon, it was called <i>hoku ili</i>, ‘stranded star’. The second of -the nights in which the moon did not set until after sunrise<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_163"></a>[163]</span> -(the 16th) was called <i>mahealaui</i>. When the moon’s rising was -delayed until after the darkness had set in, it was called 17, -<i>kulua</i>, and the second of the nights in which the moon made -its appearance after dark was 18, <i>laau-ku-kahi</i>; the moon had -now waned so much as again to shew sharp horns. The night -when the moon rose at dawn of day was <i>kane</i> (the 27th), and -the following night, in which the moon rose only as the day -was breaking, <i>lono</i> (the 28th). When the moon delayed its rising -until daylight had come, it was called <i>mauli</i> (the 29th), -‘fainting’, and when its rising was so late that it could no -longer be seen for the light of the sun, it was called <i>muku</i> -(the 30th), ‘cut off’. Thus were accomplished the thirty days -and nights of the month. A bare list of the thirty names of -the days is given for the Marquesas<a id="FNanchor_690" href="#Footnote_690" class="fnanchor">[690]</a>. Alongside of these a -bipartite division of the month is mentioned—the moon arriving, -and the moon about to be extinguished<a id="FNanchor_691" href="#Footnote_691" class="fnanchor">[691]</a>. In New Zealand -there are various lists of the nights of the moon. The -month is also sometimes divided into halves according to the -waxing and waning moon<a id="FNanchor_692" href="#Footnote_692" class="fnanchor">[692]</a>.</p> - -<p>I give the Tahitian names in order to point out that here, -as also in Hawaii, some days in the middle of both halves of -the month have the same names, which are distinguished from -the next following by additions the sense of which is unfortunately -not always given. Thus:—1, <i>tirreo</i>; 2, <i>tirrohiddi</i>; 3, <i>o-hatta</i>; -4, <i>ammi-amma</i>; 5, <i>ammi-amma-hoi</i>; 6, <i>orre-orre</i>; 7, <i>orre-orre-hoi</i>; -8, <i>tamatea</i>; 9, <i>huna</i>; 10, <i>orabu</i>; 11, <i>maharru</i>; 12, <i>ohua</i>; 13, -<i>mahiddu</i>; 14, <i>ohoddu</i>; 15, <i>marai</i>; 16, <i>oturu</i>; 17, <i>ra-au</i>; 18, <i>ra-au-hoi</i>; -19, <i>ra-au-haddi</i>; 20, <i>ororo-tai</i>; 21, <i>ororo-rotto</i>; 22, <i>ororo-haddi</i>; -23, <i>tarroa-tahai</i>; 24, <i>tarroa-rotto</i>; 25, <i>tarroa-haddi</i>; 26, <i>tane</i>; -27, <i>oro-mua</i>; 28, <i>oro-muri</i>; 29, <i>omuddu</i> (28 and 29 together -<i>matte-marama</i>, on the Society Islands they say during these -days that the moon is dead)<a id="FNanchor_693" href="#Footnote_693" class="fnanchor">[693]</a>. In the islands just mentioned -the names of three successive days are often formed from <i>mua</i>, -‘fore’, <i>roto</i>, ‘in the middle’, and <i>muri</i>, ‘hinder’<a id="FNanchor_694" href="#Footnote_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a>, and in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_164"></a>[164]</span> -Carolines names of the days are similarly combined in groups. -From these lists it becomes plain how the names of the separate -days have been first worked out from the phases of the moon. -When only 29 names are given, the thirtieth day occurring -only in every other month has evidently been left out. This -must be the case, because the month always begins with the -new moon. We further possess lists of the days of the month -for the Mortlock Islands, and some for the Carolines, Ponape, -Yap, Uleai, Lamotrek<a id="FNanchor_695" href="#Footnote_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a>; the lists for Lamotrek, Uleai, and the -Mortlock Islands differ only in the dialect. It is to be noted -that in some cases the month falls into smaller subdivisions, -as in Ponape, where it begins after the full moon and consists -of three periods:—1, <i>rot</i>, ‘darkness’, i. e. nights when there -is no moon, 13 days; 2, <i>mach</i>, new moon, 9 days, which are -numbered consecutively; 3, <i>pul</i>, the time of full moon, 5 -days. Three days are therefore lacking (the time of invisibility?). -In Yap 1, <i>pul</i>, new moon, 13 days; 2, <i>botrau</i>, full moon, 9 days; -3, <i>lumor</i>, ‘darkness’, 8 days.</p> - -<p>The very fully developed system of the Nandi is curious -in that not the phase but the time of the moon’s rising -chiefly gives the name of the day. 1, ‘the tanners have -seen the moon’; 2, ‘the moon is white’ or ‘new’; 3 and 4, ‘the -moon has cast a light’; 5 and 6, ‘the moon has become -warm’; 7 and 8, ‘the moon has leisure’; 9 and 10, ‘the herdsmen -play in the moonlight’; 11 and 12, ‘the moon is high in the -evening’; 13, ‘the moon turns’; 14, ‘the moon has accompanied -the goats to the kraal’<a id="FNanchor_696" href="#Footnote_696" class="fnanchor">[696]</a>; 16 (full moon), ‘the moon has passed -along (the heavens)’; 17, (morning) ‘the birds have driven away -the moon’, (evening) ‘the moon has disappeared for a short -while’; 18, ‘the moon has commenced to rise late’; 19 to 21, -‘the moon is late’; 22, ‘the moon has climbed up’ (i. e. stands -high in the heavens in the morning); 23 to 25, ‘the moon is -late up above’; 26 and 27, ‘the moon has turned’ (i. e. goes -towards the west); 28, ‘the moon is nearing death’; 29, ‘the -people discuss the moon’ (discuss whether it is dead), or ‘the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_165"></a>[165]</span> -sun has murdered the moon’; 30, ‘the moon is dead’, or ‘the -moon’s darkness’<a id="FNanchor_697" href="#Footnote_697" class="fnanchor">[697]</a>.</p> - -<p>An example of the naming of smaller groups of days after -the phases of the moon is afforded by the old Arabian names for -the nights of the month<a id="FNanchor_698" href="#Footnote_698" class="fnanchor">[698]</a>. The nights are grouped in threes, -and are called:—1–3, <i>ghurar</i>, ‘the bright ones’; 4–6, <i>nufal</i>, ‘the -overlapping nights’ (?); 7–9, <i>tusa’</i>, ‘the nine’; 10–12, <i>‘ushar</i>, -‘the ten’; 13–15, ‘the white nights’, lit. <i>‘ajjam al-lajālī l-bidi</i>, -‘the days of the white nights’, the time of full moon; 16–18, -<i>dura’</i>, ‘the white nights with black heads’, since the moon -does not rise until the night; 19–21, <i>zulam</i>, ‘the dark nights’; -22–24, <i>hanadis</i> or <i>duhm</i>, ‘the very dark nights’; 25–27, <i>da’ādī’</i>, -perhaps after <i>mihaq</i>; 28–30, <i>mihaq</i>, from <i>mhq</i>, ‘to extinguish’. -The time of the moon’s invisibility, <i>mihaq</i>, consists of the following -days:—1, <i>ad-da’dja</i>, ‘the black one’; 2, <i>as-sirār</i>, -from <i>srr</i>, ‘to be hidden’; 3, <i>al-falta</i>, ‘sudden event’, ‘attack’. -According to some this last name is used only on the night -before, according to others after, a holy month. This looks -like an attempt to regulate the insertion of the 30th day.</p> - -<p>Hitherto we have observed the division of the month into -small and the smallest phases of the moon, in which three or -at most four days have the same name, and are numbered in -order that they may be distinguished. Other peoples count -the days beginning at the principal moon-phases. The Central -Eskimos can determine the days of the month very accurately -from the age of the moon<a id="FNanchor_699" href="#Footnote_699" class="fnanchor">[699]</a>, the terms are unfortunately -not given. So also for the Kaigan of N. W. America -names of the nights reckoned from the phases of the moon -are quoted; unfortunately only very confused and inaccurate -information could be obtained, and only 14 names are given:—1, -new moon; 2, ‘second sleep’, etc., up to 9, full moon or -‘great moon’, the third night after which is ‘the first night -after the full moon’<a id="FNanchor_700" href="#Footnote_700" class="fnanchor">[700]</a>. For the inhabitants of southern Formosa -the bare and therefore almost useless statement is made -that they reckon according to the age of the moon<a id="FNanchor_701" href="#Footnote_701" class="fnanchor">[701]</a>. Of the -Wagogo of what was formerly German East Africa we are<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_166"></a>[166]</span> -told that the phases of the moon and the numbers of the -nights serve as more accurate determinations of time. For -instance, the third night after the next appearance of the moon -will be the day following the third night after the moon’s -appearance, and therefore the fourth of a month, since the -crescent is visible exactly on the first day of a month<a id="FNanchor_702" href="#Footnote_702" class="fnanchor">[702]</a>. Unfortunately -we are not told what phases, other than the new -moon, serve as starting-points for the reckoning. The same -remark applies to an account for Sumatra. The Central Sumatran -Expedition has proved that names for days of the -week and for months are unknown among the Rawa and the -Djambi Kubu of Djipati Mando. The people count by the phases -of the moon, and say e. g. the 1st, 2nd, 3rd day of the -moon<a id="FNanchor_703" href="#Footnote_703" class="fnanchor">[703]</a>.</p> - -<p>These accounts are unfortunately of little use, since they -say too little about the method of the counting. Even when a -complete list of the days or nights of the month does seem -to be forthcoming (the Wagogo, the Kubu), it generally happens -that the counting proceeds from several starting-points, -so that the month is divided up into smaller divisions. This is -natural, since primitive peoples not only possess small capacity -for counting but also prefer to keep the concrete phenomenon -in view. It has already been pointed out that the -counting frequently begins at the two most prominent phases, -the new and the full moon; by this means the month is divided -into the two corresponding halves of the waxing and the -waning moon, or in respect of the appearance or non-appearance -of the moon in the evening and early night into the -light and the dark halves. The difference between these -halves follows from direct observation of nature, and they are -therefore known even to peoples which do not count the days, -e. g. the inhabitants of Buin<a id="FNanchor_704" href="#Footnote_704" class="fnanchor">[704]</a>, the Germanic tribes, and others. -In Swedish the distinction between <i>ny</i> and <i>nedan</i>, i. e. the -time of the waxing and of the waning moon, is still known. -The Masai, besides a full list of the days of the month, have -a second reckoning according to the light and the dark halves<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_167"></a>[167]</span> -of the month<a id="FNanchor_705" href="#Footnote_705" class="fnanchor">[705]</a>. The Hindus and the civilised peoples of S. -E. Asia reckon in the same way: of these systems of time-reckoning -the Hindu has exercised a powerful influence. Avesta -shews the same reckoning. In the old Gallic calendar of -Coligny each month is divided into two sharply distinguished -halves. The Romans indeed, in the form of their calendar -known to us, reckoned so many days before the Kalends (the -first day of the month), the Nones (the 5th or 7th), and the -Ides (the 13th or 15th), but before their calendar settled into -its curious and quite irrational historic form the <i>Kalendae</i> -must have been the day of the new moon, which was publicly -proclaimed, and the <i>Idus</i> the day of full moon. The <i>Nonae</i> -are secondary: the word simply means the ninth (day), i. e. -before the Ides, which position the day occupies in the inclusive -reckoning employed. The Greek reckoning in decades is -well-known, but in earlier times a bipartite division of the -month appears. Homer divides the month into <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἱστάμενος</span> and -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φθίνων</span> (‘rising’ and ‘fading’), Hesiod once mentions a ‘thirteenth -day of the rising moon’<a id="FNanchor_706" href="#Footnote_706" class="fnanchor">[706]</a>.</p> - -<p>We have seen above how to the phases of the new and -the full moon that of the waning moon is added as a third. -When the gradual development of the moon is regarded—as -is done when numbers are used—and not the particular -shape of it appearing on a certain day, we also get three periods, -since between the waxing and the waning occurs the -full moon, and this, although not in the strictest sense, lasts -longer than a day, and unlike the waxing and the waning -moon remains in the sky the whole night long. The time of -full moon therefore appears as a third independent period -between the waxing and the waning. The impulse to a tripartite -division hereby given clashed with the decimal system of -enumeration of most peoples; as a rule the counting was -suspended at the basal series of numbers. In this manner we -may account for the not uncommon phenomenon that only ten -months are numbered, the two others being called by special<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_168"></a>[168]</span> -names<a id="FNanchor_707" href="#Footnote_707" class="fnanchor">[707]</a>. Thus arises the division of the month into three -decades, in which however the last decade may vary between -9 and 10 days.</p> - -<p>The division into decades is not so common as the halving -of the month. The Zuñi of Arizona divide the month -into three decades, each of which is called a ‘ten’<a id="FNanchor_708" href="#Footnote_708" class="fnanchor">[708]</a>. The -Ahanta of the western Gold Coast divide the moon-month into -three periods, two of ten days each, the third—which lasts -until the new moon appears—of about 9½ days (more correctly, -no doubt, varying between 9 and 10 days). The Sofalese -of East Africa must have done the same, since de Faria -says that they divided the month into 3 decades and that -the first day of the first decade was the feast of the new -moon<a id="FNanchor_709" href="#Footnote_709" class="fnanchor">[709]</a>. The Masai, who number either the days of the whole -month consecutively or the days of its two halves, nevertheless -give special prominence to the initial days of the decades -(alongside of other notable days), and call them <i>negera</i><a id="FNanchor_710" href="#Footnote_710" class="fnanchor">[710]</a>.</p> - -<p>Among the Greeks the division into decades displaced -the older bisection. Of the names of the decades the first -and third refer to the concrete form of the moon: <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μὴν ἱστάμενος</span>, -older <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀεξόμενος</span><a id="FNanchor_711" href="#Footnote_711" class="fnanchor">[711]</a>, literally ‘the appearing, waxing moon’, and -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μὴν φθίνων</span>, ‘the waning moon’. For originally <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μήν</span> must here have -had the sense of ‘moon’ which the etymology suggests. The -second decade was called <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μὴν μεσῶν</span>, ‘the month at the middle’: -the epithet shews that <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μήν</span> here means ‘month’, and not -‘moon’. This name is therefore younger than the two others, -which must once have been used to describe the two halves -of the month, and do so still in Homer<a id="FNanchor_712" href="#Footnote_712" class="fnanchor">[712]</a>.</p> - -<p>The custom of reckoning on the fingers or on a notched -stick has doubtless lent assistance to the counting of the days of -the month. The Wa-Sania make a notch in a stick for every -day, and when the month is ended they put this stick aside and -begin a new one<a id="FNanchor_713" href="#Footnote_713" class="fnanchor">[713]</a>. At the southern corner of Lake Nyassa -the days are counted by means of pieces of wood threaded -on a string<a id="FNanchor_714" href="#Footnote_714" class="fnanchor">[714]</a>. A complete enumeration of the days however<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_169"></a>[169]</span> -only exists among highly developed peoples who have discarded -a more concrete time-reckoning in favour of an abstract -system, just as the civilised peoples of modern Europe abandoned -the Roman system of time-reckoning, which was still -often used in the Middle Ages (though indeed it had long -since departed from its concrete basis), in favour of a simple -enumeration of the days of the month.</p> - -<p>Finally a couple of curious East African reckonings of -the days of the month are to be mentioned, although they are -not primitive but have a lengthy development behind them. -A common feature of both is that the day of the new moon -is already the fourth day, so that the counting of the days -begins with the moon’s invisibility, which can hardly have -been the original practice. The Wadschagga divide the month -into four parts the days of which are numbered, the first and -third parts consisting of ten days each, and the second and -fourth of five days each. Accordingly they begin to count the -new moon at ‘the fourth day, which brings the moon’, the day -on which the slender delicate crescent of the moon first -reappears after sunset: for the rites of this day see <a href="#Page_153">above, -p. 153</a>. On the fourth day of the second division (the eleventh -after new moon) they say that ‘the moon turns to the -back of the house’: when twilight falls it is already seen -beyond the culmination-point. The fourth day of the third -division (the 16th after new moon) is called ‘the day that -brings the moon up from below’ (i. e. from the eastern horizon), -where ‘it appears like a pot’; the fourth day of the last -division is called ‘the four, which dismisses the moon’, and the -first of the first division, when the moon vanishes, ‘the one, -which floats away the moon so that it is no longer visible’: -it ‘tramples into pieces the days of the God’<a id="FNanchor_715" href="#Footnote_715" class="fnanchor">[715]</a>. The natural -phases of the moon therefore make themselves felt in spite of -the counting. With this, as is so often the case, is connected -a fully developed superstition concerning the days of the -month. The Masai in ordinary life reckon their moon-months -as consisting of 30 days, and number the days from 1 to 30 or<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_170"></a>[170]</span> -29. Besides this there is a second way of counting which -begins at the 16th and reckons the days of darkness (<i>en aimen</i>). -Further, special prominence is given to certain days and groups -of days, e. g. to the 4th, the new-moon day, hence called also -<i>ertaduage duo olaba</i>, ‘the moon is to be seen’, to the 15th, <i>ol -gadet</i>, i. e. the rising moon ‘looks over’ to the sun which has -not yet set, and to the concluding day, the <i>eng ebor olaba</i>, -‘the brightness of the moon’, but especially to the days of the -dark half of the month, <i>en aimen</i>. The 16th is called <i>ol onjori</i>, -‘the greenish day’, the 17th, <i>ol onjugi</i>, ‘the red’, 18 to 20, -<i>es sobiaïn</i>, 21 to 23, <i>nigeïn</i>, 27 etc., <i>en aimen nerok</i>, ‘the black -darkness’. The people also emphasise the concluding days -of the decades<a id="FNanchor_716" href="#Footnote_716" class="fnanchor">[716]</a>. The natural foundation afforded by the phases -of the moon therefore appears very clearly: the only noteworthy -feature is that the days of the moon’s invisibility are -included in the division which is called ‘the brightness of the -moon’. An outside influence must no doubt be assumed. -Among the Masai also the selection of lucky and unlucky days -is common.</p> - -<p>The starting-points in the counting of the days of -the month also afford evidence for the question as to -which phases of the moon are the oldest, and were already -utilised for this purpose. Both the methods of counting and -the phases themselves are based upon a bisection or trisection -of the month: to this were then added other phases, -originally quite unsystematically. Among us the quarters of -the moon are common; but of their use among primitive peoples -I have found only a single instance. Of the Papuans of -the Indian Archipelago it is stated that they divide the month -into four parts according to the phases of the moon: <i>paik -baleo</i>, the new moon, <i>paik jouwar</i>, the first quarter, <i>paik plejif</i>, -the waning of the moon, and <i>paik imar</i>, the old moon<a id="FNanchor_717" href="#Footnote_717" class="fnanchor">[717]</a>. It -must not, of course, be taken for granted that these phases -are of equal length, as ours are.</p> - -<p>That the quadripartite division of the month should be practically -non-existent among primitive peoples is easily to be understood<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_171"></a>[171]</span> -in view of the considerations already mentioned. Unlike -the halving it is not based upon any very clearly distinguishable -phases, nor is there in the phases any such suggestion -of a quadripartite division as is offered for a tripartite. -The shape of the moon on the 8th or the 22nd day differs very -little from that of the previous and the following days, and -does not constitute a turning-point like the full moon. From -the phases of the moon no quadripartite division can arise: the -brightest phase of all, the full moon, has an unnatural position -in such a division. It can only be understood as a halving of -the halves of the month, and this presupposes that the moon’s -variation in light is regarded as a unity and divided into parts. -The primitive peoples however start not with the abstract -unity but with the concrete phases, proceeding at first quite -unsystematically, and only subsequently combining them into a -system. The quadripartite division therefore is in its very nature -a numerical system. That it has penetrated so profoundly -into our natures that even ethnological scholars and travellers -are not always able to get away from it, is due to the connexion -with the seven-day week, which is regarded as a division -of the month, and also to the fact that we so seldom -take any notice of the concrete phenomena of the heavens.</p> - -<p>The quadripartite division must therefore be described as -not original (the case is different when the time of the moon’s -invisibility is added as a fourth phase to the three already -mentioned). To the best of my knowledge it appears first in -Babylonia<a id="FNanchor_718" href="#Footnote_718" class="fnanchor">[718]</a>, and gains ground together with the <i>sabattu</i>, i. e. -the appointing of every seventh day of the month as tabooed: -it has become common among us on account of the seven-day -week, which was conceived as a division of the month. In -reality the tripartite division is also the natural one, since it -arises from the concrete phenomenon of the moon, and not -from any division of the month into parts consisting of a certain<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_172"></a>[172]</span> -number of days. Here the full moon takes its proper -place, which it misses in the quadripartite division. The limitation -of the divisions to a definite number of days is secondary -throughout.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_173"></a>[173]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.<br /> -<br /> -<span class="fs70">THE MONTHS.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p class="drop-capy1">The (moon-)month has originally nothing to do with the -year and the seasons: this must be clearly and definitely -recognised. The months may be reckoned independently of the -year; nothing hinders us from counting up to twenty or a -hundred months. But most peoples, before they have developed -a definite system of time-reckoning, can count no farther than -ten at most, and in the time-reckoning the counting is of course -always the latest and most abstract stage. Such an enumeration -of the months may commence at any point of the year -and be continued <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">ad libitum</i>; in relation to the year it is not -fixed but shifting. Both series, the years and the months, are -enumerated without reference to one another, as our days of -the week in relation to the year, the days of the week falling -on different dates in different years.</p> - -<p>The month however is a shorter period easy to survey, and -such divisions are necessary in order to split up the too long -period of the year. In itself the month has nothing to do with -the year, nor does it exactly fit into the year (12 × 29½, -about 355 days). It is impossible to combine the months with -the year without doing violence to the one or the other. The -time-reckoning of the modern civilised peoples has chosen this -latter expedient. The month has become a conventional sub-division -of the year; it is quite independent of the moon, and -keeps as reminders of its origin only its name and a length -approximating to that of the moon’s revolution. This has come -about because the moon, unlike the sun and the seasons depending -thereon, has no immediate influence upon the events -and occupations of our lives. We have therefore come back<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_174"></a>[174]</span> -from the reckoning in moons to the purely solar year. It was -quite otherwise with the primitive peoples, whose time-reckoning -was so concrete. For them the moon afforded the only fixed measure -of the duration of time: its appearance impressed itself firmly -upon the mind. These peoples therefore, even at an advanced -stage of development, have tried to adjust the year by the -moon, which could only be done by adopting years of varying -length, of 12 and 13 months respectively. How this lunisolar -reckoning has arisen, it will be the object of the following -chapters to investigate. I begin by setting forth the somewhat -copious material for series of months.</p> - -<p>For the peoples of North Asia I have hitherto been able -to make hardly any statements: the works are for the most -part written in Russian, and are for that reason inaccessible -to me. For the names of months, however, abundant material -is accessible.</p> - -<p>The names given to the months by the Voguls, with variants -from the districts of Tawda, Konda, and middle and lower -Loswa (tributary of the Irtysh), are, beginning from Sept./Oct.:—1, -little autumn-hunting month, little autumn, autumn month; -2, great autumn-hunting month, month of the naked trees, -snow month; 3, winter month; 4, month of light (lengthening -of the days), winter month; 5, ski month, the little winter -month, wind month; 6, month of the thawing snow-crust; 7, -month of thaw, spawning month or month of corn-sowing; 8, -sap-in-firs month, ploughing month; 9, sap-in-birches month; 10, -middle-of-summer month; 11, month of the young razor-bills, -month of young water-fowl; 12, elk-running month. According -to Ahlqvist the midsummer month is distinguished as greater -or smaller. There must therefore, as is so often the case, be -13 months. Three months, nos. 7, 9, and 11, seem to have -no special names in the Tawda district, but this is not very -surprising<a id="FNanchor_719" href="#Footnote_719" class="fnanchor">[719]</a>.</p> - -<p>Schiefner in particular has collected extremely full and -detailed lists of the names of the months among the various -races of Siberia. These lists I here reproduce.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_175"></a>[175]</span></p> - -<p>The Tchuvashes have the following thirteen months:—1, -thank-offering month, beginning in the middle of November; -2, very steep month; 3, month of little steepness; 4, spring -month; 5, free month; 6, sowing month; 7, summer month; 8, -the maidens’ month; 9, hay month; 10, sickle month; 11, flax -month; 12, threshing-floor month; 13, grave-post month. The -maidens’ month, which is said to owe its name to the custom -of celebrating marriages at that time, is also called ‘fallow-land -month’; the ‘free’ month is so called because in it no work is -done in the fields; the ‘grave-post’ month takes its name from -the feast of the dead, which is then celebrated on the graves, -with gifts of every kind.</p> - -<p>The Ugric Ostiaks have 13 months:—1, spawning month, -about April; 2, pine sap-wood month; 3, birch sap-wood month; -4, salmon-weir month; 5, month of hay-harvest; 6, ducks-and-geese-go-away -month; 7, naked tree month (falling of the -leaves); 8, pedestrian month, since men go home on foot while -the ice still remains; 9, month in which men go on horseback; -10, great, 11, little winter-ridge month; 12, wind month; 13, -month of crows. Another list gives the following months:—1, -month in which the Obi dies (?), i. e. freezes; 2, month in -which tribute is imposed; 3, month of the little snow-crust, or -first spring month; 4, month of the great snow-crust; 5, month -of the unstable ice; 6, month when the syrok (a kind of salmon) -comes; 7, middle-of-summer month; 8, cloudberry month; 9, -month in which the track (the road) of the Obi freezes, or -first autumn month; 10, month in which the Obi freezes; 11, -month of the short days or of the deceptive feet or of the -dog’s feet; 12, month in which the tribute is levied—only -twelve months, therefore, but the list shews many variants and -does not seem to be in its right order, compare e. g. months -1 and 10, referring to the same natural phenomenon, which -in the nature of things is impossible.</p> - -<p>The Yeneseisk Ostiaks:—1, summer month, about May; -2, not translated; 3, month when the ducks moult; 4, month -when the garrot moults; 5, month in which the <i>njelma</i> is -caught with great nets; 6, month in which the willow loses -its foliage; 7, winter month; 8, month in which the earth<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_176"></a>[176]</span> -freezes; 9, reindeer-rutting month; 10, little month; 11, great -month; 12, eagle month; 13, squirrel month, in which the striped -squirrel comes out of its nest. The Yeneseisk Ostiaks of the -Sym are said to count only seven winter months, not the -summer months. They are:—1, month in which the earth -freezes; 2, reindeer-rutting month; 3, the little, 4, the great -month; 5, eagle month; 6, squirrel month; 7, spawning -month, in which the pike spawns. Another list gives:—1, -fall-of-the-leaf month; 2, month in which the earth begins to -freeze; 3, dog month, in which the dogs pair; 4, the little, 5, -the great month; 6, eagle month; 7, squirrel month; 8, spawning -month; 9, month in which the Ostiaks set traps to catch -sturgeon; 10, summer month, when the grass becomes green; -11, middle-of-summer month; 12, month in which the grass -turns yellow, or month of the white grass-tips; 13, autumn -month.</p> - -<p>The Tatars of the Minusinsk district of the Yeneseisk government:—1, -the mild, easy month, or forest-month, since -the people go hunting, about September; 2, little cold; 3, great -cold; 4, the mottled month, bald patches of earth appear among -the snow; 5, severe cold; 6, high, when the sun moves high -above the horizon; 7, when the birds fly out in spring; 8, they -(i. e. the days) increase; 9, the red month; 10, (perhaps) little -drought; 11, birch-bark month, when birch-bark is collected; -12, grass month; 13, harvest month. There are also some -variants which are not translated.</p> - -<p>The Karagasses, who live next to the Minusinsk Tatars:—1, -1/5–4/6, month of the low grass; 2, 4/6–2/7, birch-bark -month, in which birch-bark is collected, this being used for the -summer houses; 3, 2/7–30/7, month in which the lily-bulb is -red, i. e. blossoms; 4, 30/7–27/8, month in which the lily-bulb -is dug up; 5, 27/8–24/9, hammer month, when the cedar is -tapped with the hammer in order to shake down the ripe -cones with the nuts; 6, 24/9–22/10, reindeer-buck rutting -month; 7, 22/10–19/11, sable month, when people begin to -trap sables; 8, 19/11–17/12, month of the long rest, such as -is taken during the short days; 9, 17/12–15/1, month of frost; -10, 15/1–12/2, great frost-month; 11, 12/2–12/3, snow-shoe<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_177"></a>[177]</span> -month, when over the deep but rotting snow deer and elks -are hunted in snow-shoes; 12, 12/3–9/4, month when the snow -becomes sticky; 13, 3/4–7/5, month in which people hunt with -dogs; this is the time when, owing to the night-frosts, a crust -forms on the snow, which is not strong enough to bear deer -and elks. The dates given by the author can at most be -applied only to one definite year.</p> - -<p>The Buriats, from the new year:—1, month in which -the brooks freeze; 2, when the winter stores are seen to; 3, -roe moon; 4, deer moon; 5, sheep moon; 6, when the ice -breaks; 7, spring moon; 8, grass moon; 9, bulb moon; 10, milk -moon; 11, milch moon; 12, when after-math comes; 13, when -it ripens; the first month is also called the white month. The -Nishne-Udinsk Buriats:—1, roe month, since in this month -horns grow on the roe; 2, deer month, when the deer is -caught; 3, ram month, when the sheep pair; 4, month of the -red ridge of land, when the snow melts and the mountains -become red; 5, fish-spawning month; 6, leek month; 7, the -wild month, so called on account of the fierce heat; 8, roe -month, when the roes pair; 9, deer month, when the deer pair; -10, squirrel month, since this animal is then caught; 11, the -little sable month, sables are caught; 12, nest month, since the -animals, on account of the cold, creep into their dens and -nests. Only twelve months, therefore, as also among the -Tunkinsk Buriats, for whom are translated only:—1, the -white month; 2, the red mountain-ridge; 5, the wild month; -11, roe month; 12, deer month.</p> - -<p>The year of the Tunguses is divided into summer and -winter. The names of the months are:—Summer: 1, <i>ilaga</i> -(fly, gnat), in this the leaves and the early blossoms come out; -2, <i>ilkun</i>, is the proper flowering moon; 3, <i>irin</i> (from <i>irim</i>, to -ripen), the wild fruit grows ripe; 4, <i>serula sanni</i> (perhaps -<i>sonnaja</i>, cervical vertebra), in this month the red deer pair; -5, <i>hukterbi</i>, brings the red deer new hair. Winter: 1, <i>okti</i> -(perhaps <i>okto</i>, road), when the first snow falls: immediately -after that the minever is good; 2, <i>mira</i> (shoulder-joint), has the -shortest days; 3, <i>giraun</i> (suggests <i>giramda</i>, bone), has days of -noticeably increasing length; 4, <i>okton kira</i> (time of the road),<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_178"></a>[178]</span> -when the sables are covered; 5, <i>tura</i> (perhaps <i>turaki</i>, jackdaw), -when the cormorants come; 6, <i>schonka</i>, when the ice -becomes porous; 7, the beginning of the <i>tukun</i>, in which the -rivers become clear: the last part of this period belongs to -the summer year. Our informant, Georgi, speaks of thirteen -months, but only gives the above twelve names. Schiefner -conjectures that he has counted <i>tukun</i> twice, or else has run -two months together. For the Tunguses of the Sea of Okhotsk -only twelve months are enumerated, and of these are translated:—1, -grass month; 3, fish-and-horse month; 4, ripening -month (?); 5, wrist; 6, elbow; 7, shoulder-joint; 8, atlas; nos. 5 -to 11 are named from the joints of the human frame, 5–8 -following out a suggestion of an ascending, 9–11 that of a -descending order; the name of the twelfth month perhaps -means the back. This is only one method of reckoning: a hint -of it is already found in the preceding list. For the Tunguses -of the lower Amur twelve months are reported, of which nos. -7–10 are simply numbered and the other names are not explained.</p> - -<p>Another traveller could only discover eleven months -among the Tunguses of the Amur, possibly only because of the -defective memory of his informants. But a year of eleven -months is said to exist among the Samoyedes of Yurak. The -months are:—1, month of leaf-fall, about August; 2, reindeer-rutting -month; 3, the dark month; 4, sand month, when the -winds drive the snow along like sand; 5, the calm month, no -storms; 6, the good month, the weather is favourable for trapping -animals; 7, eagle month; 8, geese month or month of -calves; 9, month of inundations; 10, spring month, literally -<i>wuenui-jiry</i>, <i>wuenui</i> is said of fish when they come up-stream -in great shoals; 11, the great month, since the days (or the -month) are very long.</p> - -<p>The Ostiak Samoyedes have 12 months:—1, leaf-fall month, -about August; 2, month with the long days, or month when -the earth freezes; 3, month of the short days; 4, tax month, -month when the tax (i. e. the deer) is caught, or thumb month, -since the women, on account of the shortness of the days, -can make only the thumb of a glove; 5, mid-winter month;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_179"></a>[179]</span> -6, month of crows, the crows come; 7, eagle month; 8, month -in which the summer animals arrive; 9, month in which the fish -spawn; 10, month in which there is water in the little brooks; -11, month in which fish are dried; 12, <i>njelma</i>-month. Another -list of Samoyede months from the Bolshemelsk tundra runs, beginning -at our New Year:—1, middle month, or the cold breaks -an axe, must doubtless be ‘axe-handle month’, the axe-handle -splits with the cold; 2, month of return, when the sun has -turned back to summer, or hornless month; 3, eagle month; 4, -fish month, when people begin to fish in the lakes; 5, month -of calves, in which the reindeer-does calve; 6, geese month, the -geese begin to moult during the latter days of this month; 7, -fledged month, the geese after moulting are again in a condition -to use their wings; 8, maliz month, when the skins obtained -from the reindeer are turned into malizes (an undergarment), or the -reindeer rub the velvet off their horns; 9, reindeer-rutting month, -or sea-fish month, from the catching of the <i>omulj</i>; 10, hunting -month; 11, the first dark month, in which in the far north the -sun does not rise; 12, the great month of darkness.</p> - -<p>Further, the Yakuts have only twelve months:—1, spawning -month; 2, month of pines, the people collect pine-bark -which is afterwards dried and ground into meal; 3, grass month; -4, hay-fork month, or the fourth month; 5–10 numbered; 11, -the month in which the foals are shut up in the day-time and -are kept from the mares, so that the latter can be milked; -12, month in which the ice floats away.</p> - -<p>So also the Itälmen of Kamchatka:—Summer year, -beginning in May: 1, wood-cock month, from the arrival of the -wood-cock; 2, cuckoo month; 3, summer month; 4, moonlight -month, since people begin to fish in the moonlight; 5, leaves -and plants begin to wither and fall away; 6, titmouse month, -the porus-titmouse appears. The winter year begins with:—7, -nettle month, the nettles are gathered and hung up to dry; -8, ‘I am rather cold’; 9, ‘touch me not’: it is considered a -crime to drink in this month from springs and brooks with the -mouth or with hollow sticks: it must be done with great wooden -spoons or with shells; 10, ladder month, the ladder leading -to the balagans becomes very brittle owing to the cold; 11,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_180"></a>[180]</span> -vent-hole month, since the snow around the vent-hole thaws -and the earth again appears; 12, water-wagtail month, when -these birds arrive. Two other lists for Kamchatka contain -only ten months. Near the Kamchatka River the names are:—1, -sin-purifying month; 2, axe-handles break owing to the frost; -3, beginning of the heat (<em>sic!</em>); 4, the day becomes long; 5, -month of the snow-crust; 6, redfish month; 7, whitefish month; -8, <i>kaiko</i>-fish month; 9, the great whitefish month; 10, month -of the falling leaves, said to last as long as three of our months. -Among the northern Kamchadales the names are:—1, month -of the freezing of the rivers; 2, hunting month; 3, sin-purifying -month; 4, axe-handles burst; 5, time of the long day; -6, birth-time of the sea-beavers; 7, birth-time of the seals; -8, birth-time of the tame reindeer; 9, birth-time of the wild reindeer; -10, beginning of the fishing. The winter year begins in -November, the summer year in May.</p> - -<p>For the Gilyaks two lists are given, each with twelve -months. That for the Amur estuary has two or three variants -for some months. The following are translated:—1, month -in which a kind of salmon spawns (?), or harpoon month (?); -2, month in which another species of salmon is caught; 3, -little month; 4, great month, or month in which another kind -of salmon is caught; 5, moulting-month; 6, half-year month (?); -8, year month; 9, eagle month; 10, snow-shovel month. On -the island of Sachalin:—3, fish-and-squirrel month; 4, little -month; 5, great month; 10, eagle month; 11, snow-shovel month.</p> - -<p>The Aino of the Kurile Islands:—1, long days; 2, the -snow melts; 3, coalmouse month; 4, sea-gull’s eggs month; -5, guillemot’s eggs month; 6, foddering month; 7, salmon-catching -month; 8, month when the birds grow fat, or bird-snaring -month; 9, the grass withers, or month when the grass -is withered; 10, month of the short days; 11, winter month; -12, the-snow-fills-up.</p> - -<p>The Aleuts begin the year in March:—1, the foremost, -or the time when people gnaw belts; 2, the period when -people gnaw belts for the last time, or the time when one is -out there (outside the house); 3, month of flowers; 4, young-of-animals -month; 5, month when the young animals are fat; 6,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_181"></a>[181]</span> -the warm month; 7, month in which hair grows, when the -feathers and coats of animals grow thick; 8, hunting-month; 9, -the month after hunting-month; 10, sea-lion month, when these -animals are caught; 11, the great month, which is longer than -any of the others; 12, cormorant month, when this bird is -caught in nets.</p> - -<p>Unfortunately the attention paid to these names has not -been extended to the word which means ‘month’. It would be -valuable to know if the same word means ‘moon’: if so, it -would be clearly proved that a moon-month is in question. -Except in the lists for the Minusinsk Tatars and the Tunguses -the names end with the same word, which is translated ‘month’, -and in one case (the Buriats) ‘moon’, but this is doubtless a -peculiarity due to the authority; however, isolated names are -interspersed which have not this concluding word, as appears -also from the above translations. The number of days indicated -in the list <a href="#Page_176">pp. 176 f</a>. suits only to moon-months. Upon the -whole we are authorised in concluding that we have to do -with genuine moon-months. This is expressly stated by American -travellers, to whom we owe further information about -the peoples of eastern Siberia.</p> - -<p>The year of the Koryak, north of Kamchatka, is divided -into twelve lunar months (called ‘moons’). The first month -begins at the time of the winter solstice and corresponds -to our December. Some months have different -names in different places, but the names of the months most -commonly used are as follows:—1, cold-winds month or snow-storms month; -2, (growing-of-)the-reindeer’s-spinal-sinew month; -3, false-making-udder month or reindeer-udder month<a id="FNanchor_720" href="#Footnote_720" class="fnanchor">[720]</a>; 4, reindeer-does’-calving -month; 5, water-month; 6, first summer-month; -7, second summer-month; 8, reddening (of leaves) month; 9, -pairing-season-of-the-reindeer-bucks month or empty (bare)-twigs -month; 10, autumn’s month; 11, rutting-season-of-mountain-sheep -month; 12, itself-head month or month-of-the-head-itself<a id="FNanchor_721" href="#Footnote_721" class="fnanchor">[721]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Yukaghir names for their lunar months are given in -translation:—1 (July), the middle-of-the-summer month; 2, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_182"></a>[182]</span> -small mosquito month, because the mosquitoes appear; 3, the -fish month, because fishing is then taking place for the winter -stock; 4, the wild-reindeer buck month, the rutting-time of the -wild reindeer; 5, the autumn month; 6, before-the-ridge month; -7, ridge month, i. e. the ridge of the spinal column—because -in reckoning this month is denoted by the atlas, the first cervical -vertebra—, or the great butterfly month; 8, the little butterfly -month; here are meant the larvae of two species of gadfly -which in summer lay their eggs, one in the skin of the reindeer, -and the other in its nostril: during the winter the eggs -develop into larvae; 9, name not translated; 10, the ancient -men <i>cille</i> month: <i>cille</i> means the icy surface formed during -the night on the snow, after having melted during the day: -this commences in April; 11, leaf-month; 12, the mosquito -month, because the mosquito makes its appearance then<a id="FNanchor_722" href="#Footnote_722" class="fnanchor">[722]</a>.</p> - -<p>The same system recurs in North America. The Eskimos -of the Behring Straits divide up the time according to -the moon: by the ‘moons’ all time is reckoned during the year, -and dates are set in advance for certain festivals and rites. -Thirteen moons are reckoned to the year, although our -authority could not always obtain complete series. The list -is arranged according to our months:—1, ‘to turn about’, -named from a game with a top; 2, time when the first seals -are born; 3, time of creeping on game (refers to the seal-hunting -on the ice); 4, time of cutting off, from the appearance -of sharp lines of colour on the ptarmigan’s body; 5, time for -going in kayaks; 6, time for fawn-hunting; 7, the time when -geese get new wing-feathers (moulting); 8, time for brooding -geese to moult; 9, time for velvet-shedding (from horns of -reindeer); 10, time for setting seal-nets; 11, time for bringing -in winter stores; 12, time of the drum, the month when the -winter festival begins. Very often several different names may -be used to designate the same moon, if it should chance to -be at a season when different occupations or notable occurrences -in nature are observed: our authority has used the -most common terms. For the lower Yukon delta, near Mission, -the following list is drawn up:—1, season for top-spinning<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_183"></a>[183]</span> -and running round the <i>kashim</i>; 2, time of offal-eating -(scarcity of food), or the cold moon; 3, time of opening the -upper passage-ways into the houses (this falls too early and is -referred to an earlier, warmer time); 4, birds come; 5, geese -come; 6, time of eggs; 7, time of salmon; 8, time for red salmon; -9, time for young geese to fly; 10, time for shedding -velvet from reindeer-horns; 11, mush-ice forms; 12, time of -musk-rats; 13, time of the feast. A third list was obtained -just south of the Yukon delta:—1, named from the game of -the top; 2, the time of much moon, i. e. long nights; 3, the -time of taking hares in nets; 4, the time of opening summer -doors; 5, arrival of geese; 6, time of whitefish; 7, time of -braining salmon; 8, geese moult; 9, swans moult; 10, the flying -away (migration of the birds); 11, time of velvet-shedding; the -names of the twelfth, and doubtless also of the thirteenth, -month were not obtained<a id="FNanchor_723" href="#Footnote_723" class="fnanchor">[723]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Central Eskimos divide the year into 13 months, the -names of which vary very much according to the tribes and -the latitude of the place. One month, <i>siringilang</i>, ‘without -sun’—the name covers the whole period of the year in -which the sun does not rise—is of indeterminate length -(<i>sic!</i>), and thereby serves to equalise the length of the year. -The name <i>qaumartenga</i> denotes only the days which are -without sun but have twilight, the rest of this month is called -<i>sirinektenga</i>; other names of months are not given<a id="FNanchor_724" href="#Footnote_724" class="fnanchor">[724]</a>. The -Eskimos of Greenland begin to count the moons at the winter -solstice. After the third moon they remove from the winter -houses into their summer tents. In the fourth they know that -the little birds are again to be seen and that the ravens lay -eggs, in the fifth the <i>angmasset</i> and the seals are once more -to be seen with their young, at the end of this month the -eider-ducks begin to brood and the reindeer-does to calve. -From this time on, only those who live on latitude 59° can -reckon by the moon any longer: the others count by the phenomena -of natural life<a id="FNanchor_725" href="#Footnote_725" class="fnanchor">[725]</a>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_184"></a>[184]</span></p> - -<p>The Konyag of the island of Kodiak off the southern -coast of Alaska count from August the following months:—1, -the Pleiades begin to rise; 2, Orion rises; 3, hoar-frost covers -the grass; 4, snow appears on the mountains; 5, the rivers -and lakes freeze; 6, the sixth month; 7, dried fish is cut -in pieces; 8, the ice breaks; 9, the ravens lay eggs; 10, the -birds (e. g. ducks etc.) which stay about the island in winter -lay eggs; 11, the seals pair; 12, the porpoises pair<a id="FNanchor_726" href="#Footnote_726" class="fnanchor">[726]</a>. For the -Thlinkit two lists are given, the first, from Sitka, beginning -with August:—1, takes its name because all birds then come -down from the mountains; 2, ‘small moon’ or ‘moon-child’, so -called because fish and berries then begin to fail; 3, ‘big moon’, -because the first snow then appears, and bears begin to get -fat; 4, month when people have to shovel snow away from their -doors; 5, month when every animal on land and in the water -begins to have hair in the mother’s womb; 6, ‘<ins class="corr" id="tn-184" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'goose moonth'"> -goose month</ins>’, -because it is that in which the sun starts back and people -begin to look for geese; 7, ‘black-bear month’, the month when -black and brown bears begin to have cubs and throw them -out into the snow; 8, the month when ‘sea-flowers’ and all -other things under the sea begin to grow; 9, ‘real-flower month’, -when flowers, nettles, etc. begin to shew life; 10, ‘tenth month’, -when people know that everything is going to grow; 11, -‘eleventh month’, the month of salmon; 12, ‘month when everything -is born’; 13, ‘month when everything born commences -to fatten’. The second list, from Wrangel, begins with January:—1, -‘goose month’, perhaps so called because the geese -were then all at the south; 2, ‘black-bear month’, the month when -the black bear turns over on the other side in his den; 3, ‘silver-salmon -month’: the reason of the name is unknown, this is not -their proper month; 4, ‘month before everything hatches’; 5, -‘month when everything hatches’; 6, meaning unknown; 7, -‘month when the geese cannot fly’; 8, ‘month when all animals -prepare their dens’; 9, ‘moon child’ or ‘young moon’; 10, ‘big -moon’; 11, ‘moon when all creatures go into their dens’; 12, -‘ground-hog-mother’s moon’; the thirteenth month is missing<a id="FNanchor_727" href="#Footnote_727" class="fnanchor">[727]</a>. -The author’s report consists in part of extremely doubtful<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_185"></a>[185]</span> -explanations of the natives, and the whole seems hardly to -be in order: here, as everywhere, the memory of the old -names of the months has begun to fade away. The type to -which the list belongs, however, is well known.</p> - -<p>Among the Shuswap of British Columbia the months have -two classes of names. They are called ‘the first month’ etc., -or have recognised names derived from some characteristic. -The names among the Fraser River division, and their special -characteristics, are as follows:—1, or ‘going-in time’. People -commence to enter their winter houses. The deer rut. 2, or -(name not translated). First real cold. 3, or (d:o). Sun turns. -4, or ‘spring (winds) month’. Frequent Chinook winds. The -snow begins to disappear. 5, or ‘(little) summer (month)’. -Snow disappears completely from the lower grounds. A few -spring roots are dug, and many people leave their winter -houses at the end of the month. 6, or (name not translated). -Snow disappears from the higher ground. The grass grows -fast. People dig roots. 7, or ‘midsummer (month)’. People -fish trout at the lakes. 8, or ‘getting-ripe month’. Service-berries -ripen. 9, or ‘autumn month’. Salmon arrive. 10, or -(name not translated). People fish salmon all month. 11, or -(d:o). People cache their fish and leave the rivers to hunt. -Balance of the year, ‘fall time’. People hunt and trap game -in the mountains<a id="FNanchor_728" href="#Footnote_728" class="fnanchor">[728]</a>.</p> - -<p>The moons used by the Spences Bridge band of the -Thompson Indians in the same country, and their principal -characteristics, are:—1, the deer rut, and people hunt. 2, -‘going-in time’, so named because most people went into their -winter houses during this month. The weather begins to get -cold, and the people go into their winter houses. 3, bucks -shed their antlers, and does become lean. 4, ‘spring (winds) -time’, so named because Chinook winds generally blow in this -month, melting all the snow. The weather improves, and the -spring plants begin to sprout. The people come out of their -winter houses. 5, ‘coming-forth time’, so named because the -people come forth from their winter houses in this month, -although many came out in the fourth month. The grass grows.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_186"></a>[186]</span> -6, the people catch trout with dip-nets, and begin to go to -the lakes to trap fish. The trees put forth leaves, and the waters -increase. 7, the people dig roots. 8, ‘they are a little -ripe’. The deer drop their young, and service-berries begin to -ripen. 9, ‘middle time’, so named because of the summer solstice. -The sun returns, and all berries ripen. Some of the -people hunt. 10, ‘first of run’, first or ‘nose’ of ascending fish. -The sockeye or red salmon run. 11, the Next Moon, or ‘(poor) -fish’, ‘they reach the source’. The cohoes or silver salmon -come, and the salmon begin to get poor. They reach the -sources of the rivers. 12, the Rest of the Year, or ‘fall time’. -The people trap and hunt, and the bucks begin to run<a id="FNanchor_729" href="#Footnote_729" class="fnanchor">[729]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Lower Thompsons also called the months by numerals -up to ten or sometimes eleven, the remainder of the year -being called the autumn. Their names are as follows:—1, -the rutting-time of deer. 2, ‘going-in’. People go into their -winter houses. 3, ‘the last going-in’. 4, ‘little coming-out’, -‘spring or warm wind’. Alternate cold and warm winds. Some -people camp out in lodges for a time. 5, ‘going-in-again’. Last -cold. People go into winter houses again for a short time. 6, -‘coming-out’. Winter houses left for good. People catch fish -in bag-nets. 7, people go on short hunts. 8, people pick berries. -9, people commence to fish salmon. 10, people fish and cure -salmon. 11, or ‘to boil food a little’, so named because people -prepared fish-oil. Autumn. People hunt large game and go -trapping. The moons are grouped in five seasons<a id="FNanchor_730" href="#Footnote_730" class="fnanchor">[730]</a>. The names -of the Lillooet Indians are similar, eleven moons and the -rest of the year, the fall<a id="FNanchor_731" href="#Footnote_731" class="fnanchor">[731]</a>.</p> - -<p>From the Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island series have been -obtained for four different tribes, the first and second tribes -having identical names for the months 2–8 and 10. The author -states that the knowledge of the moons seems to be disappearing, -and that it was difficult to obtain quite satisfactory evidence: -consequently he does not claim that his arrangement -is perfectly accurate. As a matter of fact some confusion seems -to have crept into the series. The names of the months, corresponding -to our March onwards, are as follows:—</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_187"></a>[187]</span></p> - -<table class="autotable fs90" summary=""> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"></td> -<td class="tdly pad3">I</td> -<td class="tdly pad3">II</td> -<td class="tdly pad3">III</td> -<td class="tdly pad3">IV</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"> 1.</td> -<td class="tdly">Raspberry-sprouting season, or olachen-fishing season.</td> -<td class="tdly bl"><span class="nowrap">Tree-sprouting</span> season.</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Under (elder brother).</td> -<td class="tdly bl">No sap in trees(?)</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"> 2.</td> -<td class="tdly pad4" colspan="2">Raspberry season.</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Next one under (elder brother).</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Raspberry season.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"> 3.</td> -<td class="tdly pad4" colspan="2">Huckleberry season.</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Trying-oil moon.</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Huckleberry season.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"> 4.</td> -<td class="tdly pad4" colspan="2">Sallalberry season.</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Sockeye moon (?)</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Sallalberry season.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"> 5.</td> -<td class="tdly pad4" colspan="2">Season of ?</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Between good and bad weather.</td> -<td class="tdly bl">South-east wind moon.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"> 6.</td> -<td class="tdly pad4" colspan="2">Past (i. e. empty) boxes (?)</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Raspberry season.</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Sockeye moon.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"> 7.</td> -<td class="tdly pad4" colspan="2">Wide-face.</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Eldest brother.</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Elder brother.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"> 8.</td> -<td class="tdly pad4" colspan="2">Round one underneath, i. e. Moon after Wide-face.</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Right moon (?)</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Under (elder brother).</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"> 9.</td> -<td class="tdly">Dog-salmon month.</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Season of ?</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Sweeping houses, i. e. for winter ceremonial.</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Pile-driving moon.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly">10.</td> -<td class="tdly pad4" colspan="2">Cleaned, i. e. of leaves.</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Staying in dance house (?)</td> -<td class="tdly bl"><span class="nowrap">Fish-in-river</span> moon.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly">11.</td> -<td class="tdly">Spawning season.</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Season of flood (?)</td> -<td class="tdly bl"><span class="nowrap">Spawning season.</span></td> -<td class="tdly bl">(?)</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly">12.</td> -<td class="tdly">First-olachen-run moon.</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Near to <span class="nowrap">olachen-fishing</span> season.</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Elder brother.</td> -<td class="tdly bl">Nothing on it (?)</td> -</tr> -</table> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_188"></a>[188]</span></p> - -<p>Between the tenth and twelfth the author inserts the winter -solstice, and says that the solstice moons are called by a name -which probably means ‘split both ways’: he adds that the -readjustment is made in mid-winter<a id="FNanchor_732" href="#Footnote_732" class="fnanchor">[732]</a>.</p> - -<p>Of the Siciatl of British Columbia it is said that they -divide the year into twelve parts corresponding approximately -to our months: in these divisions the moon seems to play a -very subordinate part. In fact they are to be described as -seasons, since to their names is prefixed the same word, <i>tem</i>, -as to the three main seasons, e. g. <i>tem tcim</i>, ‘cold time’, winter, -<i>tem kaikq</i>, eagle-time, 1, January, so called because, as it is -asserted, the eagle hatches its eggs at this time. Further:—2, -time when the big fish lay their eggs; 3, budding time; -4, time of the <i>lem</i>, an unidentified bird of passage which remains -about a month; 5, time of the diver, which in this month -builds its nest and lays eggs; 6, ‘salmon-berry’ time; 7, ‘red-cap’ -time, a kind of raspberry; 8, sallalberry time; 9, time when -the fish stop running; 10, time when the leaves fade; 11, time -when the fish leave the streams; 12, time when the raven -lays his eggs<a id="FNanchor_733" href="#Footnote_733" class="fnanchor">[733]</a>. However these divisions are doubtless originally -moon-months, as is suggested by the number twelve. -Probably the native time-reckoning has fallen into decay and -been forgotten under European influence. This is everywhere -the case, especially in regard to the moon-month. The Stselis -of the same district begin the year in autumn at October, -and name the months as follows:—1, spring-salmon spawning -season; 2, dog-salmon spawning season; 3, dancing season; -4, season for putting paddles away—from which they -number from 5 to 10. The time between July and October -was denoted by a word which means the coming together or -meeting of the two ends of the year. The latter part of this -division was also known as the time of the dying salmon, since -the creeks were at this time full of dead and dying salmon<a id="FNanchor_734" href="#Footnote_734" class="fnanchor">[734]</a>. -This list of months is curious, but its peculiarities—the ceasing -of the counting at ten,—and even the naming of the first -four months—are to be found among the Romans<a id="FNanchor_735" href="#Footnote_735" class="fnanchor">[735]</a>. However<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_189"></a>[189]</span> -it bears so little resemblance to all the other lists known -to us from this district that it becomes doubtful whether it is -original or a product of decay.</p> - -<p>The name Piskwaus or Piscous is given to a small tribe -that lives on the little river which falls into the Columbia about -40 miles below Fort Okanagon. Their months, obtained from -a chief, shew that their habits are much the same as those of -their neighbours, the Salish, for the names of many of the months -have reference to some of their most important usages. One -of the chiefs (viz. of the Piskwaus) made only twelve names, -while the other (of the Salish) reckoned thirteen. Both had -some difficulty in calling to mind all the names. In several -the Piskwau chief is one moon ahead of the other, which may -arise from a mistake or possibly from some slight difference of -seasons at the two places. The list begins at the time of the -winter solstice:—1, not translated; 2, ‘cold’; 3, a certain -herb; 4, ‘snow gone’; 5, a bitter root; 6, ‘going to root-ground’; -7, <i>camass</i>-root; 8, ‘hot’; 9, ‘gathering berries’; 10, ‘exhausted -salmon’; 11, ‘dry’; 12 (missing in the Piskwau list) ‘house-building’; -13, ‘snow’<a id="FNanchor_736" href="#Footnote_736" class="fnanchor">[736]</a>.</p> - -<p>The naming of the months from seasons (in the sense of -chapter II) is wide-spread over the whole of North America; only -under the curious civilisation of Arizona and neighbouring districts -does the system present special features.</p> - -<p>The Creek Indians began the year immediately after the -celebration of the <i>busk</i> or ripening of the new corn, in August. -The moons are:—1, big ripening; 2, little, and 3, big chestnut; -4, falling leaf; 5, big winter; 6, little winter, or big winter’s -young brother; 7, windy; 8, little, and 9, big spring; 10, -mulberry moon; 11, blackberry moon; 12, little ripening moon<a id="FNanchor_737" href="#Footnote_737" class="fnanchor">[737]</a>. -An early French author relates of certain tribes in Nouvelle -France (western Canada) that they divide the year into twelve -moons which are named from animals but correspond to our -months. January and February are the first and the second -moons in which the bear brings forth its young, March is the -moon of the carp, April that of the crane, May that of the maize, -June the moon in which the bustard moults, July the month<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_190"></a>[190]</span> -of the rutting of bears, August the rutting-time of bulls, September -the rutting-time of deer, October that of elks, November -the rutting-time of the roebuck, December the moon in -which the roe sheds its horns. The tribes who live by the -sea call September the moon in which the trout spawn, October -the moon of the whitefish, November that of the herring; -to the other moons they give the same names as the inhabitants -of the interior<a id="FNanchor_738" href="#Footnote_738" class="fnanchor">[738]</a>.</p> - -<p>Another traveller at the end of the 18th century relates -of the Sioux and Chippewa that they divide the year into -twelve moon-months to which from time to time an extra -month, known as the lost month, is added. March is the first -month of the year, and begins as a rule at the new moon after -the spring equinox: it is called the moon of the worms, since -the worms then leave their holes under the bark of trees or -the other places where they have been hiding during the -winter, April is the moon of the plants, May, the moon of flowers, -June, the warm moon, July, the moon of the roe-buck, August, -the moon of the sturgeon, which are then caught in great -numbers, September is the moon of the maize, since it is then -reaped, October is the moon of journeys, since the people leave -the villages and depart to the district in which they intend to -hunt in the winter, November, beaver’s moon, since this animal -then goes back into its lodge after having collected winter -stores, December, hunting-moon, January, cold moon, February, -snow moon, because most snow falls in that month<a id="FNanchor_739" href="#Footnote_739" class="fnanchor">[739]</a>.</p> - -<p>A fairly contemporary account of the tribes of Pennsylvania -runs:—The months have each a separate name, but -not the same name among all tribes, since the names refer -chiefly to the climate of the district, and the benefits and good -things enjoyed in it. Thus the Lenope, who lived by the Atlantic -Ocean, called March the month of shads, since the shad -then came up from the sea into the rivers to spawn; but since -in the district to which they afterwards migrated this fish is -not found, they changed the name of the month and called it -the juice-dripping or the sugar-refining month, since at this<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_191"></a>[191]</span> -time the juice of the sugar-maple begins to flow. April is -called the spring month, May, the month of plants, June, ‘deer -half-month’, or the month in which the deer bring forth their -young, or also the month in which the hair of the deer is -reddish, July, the summer month, August, corn-ear month, since -the ears of corn (cobs of maize) can then be roasted and -eaten, September, autumn month, October, gathering or harvest -month, December, hunting month, which is the time when all -deer have shed their horns, January, mouse and squirrel month, -since these animals then come out of their holes, February, -month of frogs, since on warm days the frogs begin to make -themselves heard. The translator adds in a note:—November, -hunting month, December, month in which the stags shed -their horns<a id="FNanchor_740" href="#Footnote_740" class="fnanchor">[740]</a>. Some tribes give to January a name which signifies -‘the return of the sun to them’, probably because the -days once more become longer. The names are therefore -not the same for all tribes, and those of the Moonsey, a tribe -of the Delaware, do not even agree with one another<a id="FNanchor_741" href="#Footnote_741" class="fnanchor">[741]</a>.</p> - -<p>The following is very instructive both for the influence -of the natural phenomena upon the terminology and for the -fluctuating character of the terminology itself:—The wild -rice is an important article of food for the tribes of the west -by the Great Lakes; three important branches of the Algonquin, -and also smaller tribes, name one or two months from -this plant. The Ojibwa call August or September the moon -of the gathering of wild rice, or the wild rice moon; the -Ottawa, Menomini, and Potawatomi have the wild-rice-gathering -moon, which among the last-named corresponds to the end of -September and the beginning of October; the Dakota call September -‘ripe rice moon’, October is the moon in which the wild -rice is gathered and laid up for the winter; according to Neill, -September is the moon when the rice is laid up to dry, October -the ‘drying-rice moon’; according to Long, September is ‘the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_192"></a>[192]</span> -beginning’, October ‘the end of wild rice’; according to Atwater -September is ‘the moon when the wild rice is ripe’<a id="FNanchor_742" href="#Footnote_742" class="fnanchor">[742]</a>.</p> - -<p>A list of the Dakota months gives:—January, the hard -moon; February, the raccoon moon; March, the sore-eye moon; -April, the moon in which the geese lay eggs, or when the -streams are navigable,—among the Teton, moon when the ducks -come back; May, the planting moon; June, the moon when the -strawberries are red,—Teton, when the seed-pods of the Indian -turnip mature, or when the <i>wipazoha</i> (berries) are good; -July, the moon when the choke-cherries are ripe, or when the -geese shed their feathers,—Teton, the deer-rutting moon; -August, the harvest moon,—Teton, the moon when the plums -are red; September, the moon when rice is laid up to dry,—Teton, -moon in which the leaves become brown; October, -the drying-rice moon,—Teton, moon when the wind shakes -off the leaves, or corn-harvest moon; November, the deer-rutting -moon,—Teton, the winter moon; December, the moon -when the deer shed their horns,—Teton, the midwinter -moon<a id="FNanchor_743" href="#Footnote_743" class="fnanchor">[743]</a>.</p> - -<p>Some of the tribes of the Cheyenne name twelve moons -in the year, but many tribes have not more than six; and different -bands of the same tribe, if occupying widely separated -sections of the country, will have different names for the same -moon. Knowing well the habits of the animals, and having -roamed over vast areas, they readily recognise any special -moon that may be mentioned, even though their name for it -may be different. One of the nomenclatures used by the Teton-Sioux -and the Cheyenne, beginning with the moon just -before winter, is as follows:—1, moon when the leaves fall -off; 2, when the buffalo cow’s foetus is getting large; 3, when -the wolves run together; 4, when the skin of the foetus of the -buffalo commences to colour; 5, when the hair gets thick on -the buffalo foetus, called also ‘men’s month’, or ‘hard month’; -6, the sore-eye moon, buffalo cows drop their calves; 7, moon -when the ducks come; 8, moon when the grass commences -to get green and some roots are fit to be eaten; 9, moon<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_193"></a>[193]</span> -when the corn is planted; 10, when the buffalo bulls are fat; -11, when the buffalo cows are in season; 12, when the plums -get red<a id="FNanchor_744" href="#Footnote_744" class="fnanchor">[744]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Omaha name the moons as follows, from January -on:—1, when the snow drifts into the tents of the Honga; -2, the moon when geese come home (back); 3, the little frog -moon; 4, the moon in which nothing happens; 5, the moon in -which they plant; 6, the buffalo bulls hunt the cows; 7, when -the buffalo bellow; 8, when the elk bellow; 9, when the deer -paw the earth; 10, when the deer rut; 11, when the deer shed -their antlers; 12, when little black bears are born. The Oto -and Iowa tribes use the same names for the months, except -for January, which is called ‘the raccoon month’<a id="FNanchor_745" href="#Footnote_745" class="fnanchor">[745]</a>. The Kiowa -have twelve months, but some writers give 14 or 15, the -names of which are repetitions of the others. As to the first -eight all are unanimous, for the ninth all informants but one -are in agreement, for the following there is disagreement. The -list, which begins in Sept.-Oct., comes from an Indian specially -well versed in the calendar. 1, the ‘ten-colds moon’: -the first ten days are cold, after the full moon winter and the -new year begin; 2, ‘wait until I come’ (<i>äganti</i> without the word -<i>p’a</i>, ‘moon’); 3, ‘geese-going moon’, sometimes ‘sweathouse -moon’; 4, ‘real-goose moon’; 5, ‘little-bud moon’, the first buds -come out: the first half belongs to winter, the second to -spring; 6, ‘bud moon’, sometimes with ‘great’ prefixed; 7, -‘leaf moon’; 8, summer <i>äganti</i>: its full moon forms the boundary -between spring and summer; 9, ‘summer-geese-going moon’, -seems to be placed too late; 10, ‘summer-real-goose moon’; 11, -‘little-moon-of-deer-horns-dropping-off’, the deer begin to shed -their horns; 12, similarly named, or sometimes with the addition -of ‘great’: with this full moon autumn begins<a id="FNanchor_746" href="#Footnote_746" class="fnanchor">[746]</a>. The year -of the Pawnee varied between 12 and 13 months; the names -are not given<a id="FNanchor_747" href="#Footnote_747" class="fnanchor">[747]</a>, nor are those of the Klamath and Modok<a id="FNanchor_748" href="#Footnote_748" class="fnanchor">[748]</a>, -or of the Occaneechi of Virginia<a id="FNanchor_749" href="#Footnote_749" class="fnanchor">[749]</a>. The Bannock call the earlier -months:—1, running season for game; 2, big moon; 3, black<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_194"></a>[194]</span> -smoke (it is cold); 4, bare-spots-along-the-trail (the snow vanishes -in places); 5, little grass, or the grass first comes up; -for the months of the warm season they have no names<a id="FNanchor_750" href="#Footnote_750" class="fnanchor">[750]</a>. For -the Mandan there is a list with twelve months, which I have -been unable to obtain: the ‘seven-cold-days’ month, the pairing -month, and the ‘sore eye’ month are quoted<a id="FNanchor_751" href="#Footnote_751" class="fnanchor">[751]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Seminole of Florida count 12 months, only the following -names are translated:—1, little winter; 2, wind moon; -3, big wind moon; 4, little, and 5, big mulberry moon; 12, -big winter. 7 and 8, 9 and 10 are also paired, the latter in -each case being described as ‘big’; 6 and 11 have single -names<a id="FNanchor_752" href="#Footnote_752" class="fnanchor">[752]</a>. The Chocktaw of Louisiana have forgotten their names, -only a few could be enumerated:—December, cold moon; February, -moon of snow; March, moon of wind; April, corn(-planting) -moon; July, moon of fire. The women asserted that the -year was divided into twelve moons, but our authority thinks -it highly probable that thirteen is the correct number<a id="FNanchor_753" href="#Footnote_753" class="fnanchor">[753]</a>. The -Natchez had 13 months, and celebrated at each new moon a -feast which took its name from the principal fruits gathered -or the animals hunted in the previous month. Their year began -in March. 1, moon of the deer; 2, moon of the strawberries, -which are then gathered; 3, moon of the little corn: -this was often awaited with impatience, their harvest of the -great corn never sufficing to nourish them from one harvest -to another; 4, moon of the water-melons; 5, moon of the peaches; -6, moon of the mulberries; 7, moon of the maize, or great -corn; 8, moon of the turkeys, which at that time come out -from the thick woods into the open woods; 9, moon of the -bison, which are then hunted; 10, moon of the bears; 11, -moon of the cold meal; 12, moon of the chestnuts, although -these have long since been collected; 13, moon of the nuts -(which is added to complete the year). The nuts are crushed -and mixed with flour to make bread<a id="FNanchor_754" href="#Footnote_754" class="fnanchor">[754]</a>.</p> - -<p>The tribes of Arizona, among whom religion and ceremonial -rites have attained a pre-eminent place, occupy a special -position; their time-reckoning has developed into a ceremonial<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_195"></a>[195]</span> -year. However the natural foundation peeps through. Among -the Hopi thirteen names with the addition <i>mü’iyawu</i>, ‘moon’, -are given, so that genuine moon-months must be implied. The -second part of <i>ücü</i>, October, is said to be called <i>tü’hoe</i>; if this -is recognised as a month, there are 14 of them. Several of -the priests say that there are 13 months, others 12, still others -14. It is to be noted that the seasons and the festivals are -determined by observation of the sun in relation to certain -terrestrial marks; of these sun-points there are 13. The names -of the months are not translated: several recur, but not in the -same order, 1 = 8, 2 = 10, 5 to 7 = 11 to 13. But it is stated -also that the months are divided into ‘named’ and ‘nameless’<a id="FNanchor_755" href="#Footnote_755" class="fnanchor">[755]</a>. -The Zuñi divide the year into two seasons, each consisting -of six months. The months are:—December, turning -or looking back (of the sun); January, limbs of trees broken -by snow; February, no snow in the road; March, little wind -month; April, big wind month; May, no name. The same names -are said to recur in the second half-year!<a id="FNanchor_756" href="#Footnote_756" class="fnanchor">[756]</a> This can only be -an entirely conventional arrangement. But according to other -sources the six later months, though called ‘the nameless’, -have ritualistic names (Yellow, Blue, Red, White, Variegated, -Black) derived from the colours of the prayer-sticks offered up -at every full moon to the gods of the north, west, south, east, -zenith, and nadir, who are represented by these colours<a id="FNanchor_757" href="#Footnote_757" class="fnanchor">[757]</a>. -The Pima have 12 months. Two different lists from two natives -are given. (I):—1, saguaro harvest moon; 2, rainy; 3, short -planting; 4, dry grass; 5, winter begins; 6, yellow; 7, leaves -falling; 8, cottonwood flowers; 9, cottonwood leaves; 10, mesquite -leaves; 11, mesquite flower; 12, black seeds on saguaros. -(II):—1, wheat harvest moon; 2, saguaro harvest; 3, rainy; -4, short planting; 5, dry grass; 6, windy; 7, smell; 8, big winter; -9, gray; 10, green; 11, yellow; 12, strong<a id="FNanchor_758" href="#Footnote_758" class="fnanchor">[758]</a>. The names -of colours recur, but seem here to have reference to the seasons. -That the wheat culture has been newly introduced does -not by any means imply that the series of months is of recent -origin, but only points to the familiar instability of their names.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_196"></a>[196]</span></p> - -<p>For South America I find in the literature accessible -to me no names of months recorded, except for the Inca -people alone. Their series of months, which is collected from -various sources, runs (beginning about January):—1, small -growing moon; 2, great growing moon; 3, flower-growing moon; -4, twin-ears moon; 5, harvest moon; 6, breaking-soil moon; 7, -irrigation moon; 8, sowing moon; 9, moon of the Moon-feast; -10, moon of the Feast of the province of Uma; 11, moon of -the Feast of the province of Ayamarca; 12, moon of the Great -Feast of the Sun. The ceremonies in connexion with this last -festival were made to approximate to the moon’s phases, the -various stages commencing with the ninth day, full moon, and -the 21st day<a id="FNanchor_759" href="#Footnote_759" class="fnanchor">[759]</a>. Nowadays the ability to bring the lunar year -into agreement with the solar is usually denied to this people, -although older writers have claimed this knowledge for them<a id="FNanchor_760" href="#Footnote_760" class="fnanchor">[760]</a>. -This is naturally correct, in so far as a leapyear cycle is -meant; but it seems to me unlikely that the Inca people -was unable to bring the moon-months into their proper position -in the year by an occasional intercalation of a thirteenth -month, when this became necessary. The not nearly so highly -civilised Indians of North America could do this, and the Incas -observed the solstices. The first eight names alone shew -that. Perhaps the other months, as among certain tribes of -N. American Indians, were originally nameless (it was no -doubt the time when there was no work in the fields); that the -names are of late origin is shewn by the reference to various -provinces of the kingdom. The tribes of Bolivia also have -moon-months<a id="FNanchor_761" href="#Footnote_761" class="fnanchor">[761]</a>, and among the Orinoco Indians months are -mentioned<a id="FNanchor_762" href="#Footnote_762" class="fnanchor">[762]</a>. The Karaya of Central Brazil know that the -year has 13 full moons<a id="FNanchor_763" href="#Footnote_763" class="fnanchor">[763]</a>.</p> - -<p>In Africa the lists of months are not so numerous as in the -parts of the world hitherto mentioned. There are however -plenty of them, and that not among the peoples most deeply -influenced by civilisation: among such peoples the Islamite -months have gained admission. In Morocco, southern Algeria, -and even in the Sudan the Julian months are also found. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_197"></a>[197]</span> -examples of a reckoning in months which relates to the seasons -come from South and Central Africa, and therefore from -the districts which have been more free from foreign influence.</p> - -<p>The Hottentot series of months has fallen into decay. -I reproduce the list of Schulze, who mentions another in Kroenlein, -<cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Wortschatz der Khoi-Khoin</cite> (Berlin, 1899), which has only -nine names. His February corresponds to Schulze’s January; -only in the position of the name for July, which Schulze claims -for October, do the two lists differ considerably. The list, the -positions of the months, and other statements come from an -old Hottentot woman. The author however could not be quite -sure that the ideas of the whites had not already influenced -the number of months and their succession. The month begins -when the crescent of the moon appears in the western sky. 1 -(corresponds to about January), moon which follows upon the -<i>salsola</i>-bush, which is an important pasture-bush and has its -principal flowering-season in spring; 2, not translated; 3, when -it begins to be cold; 4, by older Hottentots explained as the -month of increasing cold: when one sits so near the fire that -the legs blister; 5, the black month, time of drought, the black -branches of the stripped bushes give the landscape this character; -6, not translated; 7, month of the Pleiades, which become -visible in the latter half of June, and are of importance -for the natives journeying in quest of <i>tsama</i>; 8, not translated; -9, the month when the leaves are curled up by the cold; 10 -and 11, not translated; 12, named from the fact that when, -after the first productive rains upon the old and withered grass, -the fresh young green shoots up, the meadows appear to be -dappled<a id="FNanchor_764" href="#Footnote_764" class="fnanchor">[764]</a>.</p> - -<p>For the Basuto a native gives the following list:—1, -<i>phato</i> = August, begins the year; 2, <i>loetse</i>, from <i>loetsa</i>, ‘to -anoint wounds with fat, syringe the ear’, since the winter is -broken and a little warmth comes; 3, <i>mphalane</i>, <i>mphalane ’a -leshoma</i>, <i>leshoma</i> a kind of bulb which at that time begins to -sprout, perhaps from <i>liphalana</i>, to glitter, the sun glitters, does -not warm, or because of the girl-circumcision, which is announced -by means of the blowing of <i>liphalana</i>-flutes by the old<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_198"></a>[198]</span> -women who perform the operation; 4, <i>pulungoana</i>, diminutive -of <i>pulumo</i>, gnu, which at this time brings forth its young; 5, -<i>tsitoe</i>, grasshopper, which is especially to be heard at this -time; 6, <i>pherekong</i>, perhaps ‘interjoin sticks’; 7, <i>tlhakola</i> = -<i>hlakola</i>, to wipe off, <i>tlhakola molula</i>, to wipe off the <i>molula</i>: -<i>molula</i> is the stage at which the <i>mabele</i> grain is still completely -enveloped in the husk: now the grains shoot forth and -the <i>molula</i> disappear, <i>molula</i> also means a kind of grass which -is used in basket-work; 8, <i>tlhakubele</i>, from <i>thlaku</i>, grains: therefore:—the -<i>mabele</i> plant has grains; 9, <i>’mesa</i>, <i>’mesa tseleng</i>, kindling -fire by the roadside, as is done by those who drive away -the birds from the fields, either to warm themselves or to roast -ears of corn; 10, <i>motseanong</i>, i. e. ‘bird-laugher’, since the -grains are by now so firmly fixed in the ears that the birds -cannot get them; 11, <i>phupjoane</i>, from <i>phupu</i>, ‘beginning to -swell’, with reference to a kind of bulb; 12, <i>phuphu</i>, ‘bulging -out’, i. e. bulbs and the stems of some hardy plants<a id="FNanchor_765" href="#Footnote_765" class="fnanchor">[765]</a>.</p> - -<p>Of the Caffres we are told:—They count in the year -only twelve months, and for these they have names: the result -is frequent confusion and difference of opinion as to which -month it really is. There is, for example, the month of the -cuckoo, when this bird is first heard, the month of the erythusia, -when this plant blossoms, the month of much dust, mid-winter. -The names of the moons are more or less descriptive -of the season, e. g. <i>newaba</i>, green, describes the first appearance -of the vegetation; <i>furnfu</i>, September, cattle licking -green grass; <i>zibandhlela</i>, October, footpaths being covered -with grass; <i>hlolange</i>, January, time to look for first-fruits; -<i>hlangula</i>, May, time of falling leaves<a id="FNanchor_766" href="#Footnote_766" class="fnanchor">[766]</a>. Unfortunately the complete -list is not given.</p> - -<p>By the Baronga the months or moons are now almost -completely forgotten, at least among the southern clans. The -following statements come from the northern clans, where the -names have been better preserved:—<i>nhlangula</i>, the month in -which the flowers are swept from the trees, probably October, -in which various trees blossom; <i>nwendjamhala</i>, the month in -which the antelope <i>mhala</i> brings forth its young (November?);<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_199"></a>[199]</span> -<i>mawuwana</i>, when the <i>tihuhlu</i> are plucked, because the people -shout ‘<i>wuwana, wuwana</i>’ in their joy at having plenty of almonds -to suck (December); <i>hukuri</i> is said to be the month -when the fruits of the <i>nkwakwa</i> are ripe (December also?); -<i>ndjati</i> or <i>ndjata</i>, i. e. ‘I am coming’. It is the time of <i>nwebo</i>, -when everyone in his fields is eating the new cobs of mealies, -and if you call, a person will answer:—“I come directly! -Have patience! I am busy”. This may be January or February. -<i>Sunguti</i> is also one of the summer months; <i>sibamesoko</i>, the -moon which closes the paths, also called <i>dwebindlela</i> or <i>sibandlela</i> -(February), is the time when the grass grows so high -that it hides the paths; <i>nyenyana</i>, nywenywankulu are the -months of the birds (<i>nyenyana</i>), when one spends the time in -chasing them from the fields (March and April); <i>mudashini</i>, -i. e. ‘What am I to eat?’ is so named because in the harvest -month there are so many different kinds of food that you do -not know which to choose (May or June); <i>khotubushika</i>, i. e. -‘when winter comes’, is probably June or July<a id="FNanchor_767" href="#Footnote_767" class="fnanchor">[767]</a>.</p> - -<p>For the Herero the following list is given:—1 (January), -month of rain; 2, lambing month; 3, first pools of water; 4, -last pools of water; 5, lily month; 6, month of good luck; 7, -rising of the water in the river beds; 8, month of fog; 9, -Pleiades month: the Pleiades become visible and then <i>okuni</i>, -spring, begins; 10, first month, and therefore the first month -in the Herero reckoning (<em>sic!</em> probably of the spring, cp. the -following); 11, last moon namely the last month, of spring; 12, -dry, hard moon<a id="FNanchor_768" href="#Footnote_768" class="fnanchor">[768]</a>. Another list has:—1 (January), Vley water; -2, birth-time of springboks; 3, last Vley water; 4, last rain-showers; -5, cold days; 6, dry period; 7, dry trees; lambing -season; 9, a lily begins to bud; 10, the milk-bushes become -green; 11, the rain begins; 12, wet period<a id="FNanchor_769" href="#Footnote_769" class="fnanchor">[769]</a>.</p> - -<p>In Loango the names of the months differ considerably -according to the situation of the district and the influence of -this upon the habits of life:—Month of expectation, month of -the little rains, of drought, of the curse, of the great rains, of -the water, of men, of women, of the harvest, of the vanishing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_200"></a>[200]</span> -water, of fish, of the rice, of trade, of mist, of salt, of sleep, -of the huts, of the burning (of grass and brushwood), of mirth, -of labour, of aid, between-month, cold month, wood month, bud -month, besom-and-dirt month (great cleaning), and any other -terms in popular use<a id="FNanchor_770" href="#Footnote_770" class="fnanchor">[770]</a>.</p> - -<p>Some of the tribesmen of Upper Wellé give to the months -names in keeping with what is done in them. Thus one month -is named as that in which they sow <i>maroo</i>, the chief ingredient -used in brewing native beer; another as the season when <i>maroo</i> -must be cut. Following this comes the ‘bad-water’ month, when -the risk of fever is greatest; then the elephant month, when -they catch elephants by burning grass, and the white-ant month, -during which white ants are collected, and considered a great -delicacy; and a second <i>maroo</i> month, when a second crop is -sown. The month next to this has no distinctive name, and -is succeeded by the second <i>maroo</i>-harvest month, the hungry -or water-month, when provisions are scarce; the second ant-gathering -month; a late sowing month, and finally another -with no particular title. Altogether 13, therefore<a id="FNanchor_771" href="#Footnote_771" class="fnanchor">[771]</a>. For the -Shilluk twelve months are enumerated without translation: -‘moon’ and ‘month’ are expressed by the same word<a id="FNanchor_772" href="#Footnote_772" class="fnanchor">[772]</a>. The -Akamba of British East Africa assert that they reckon eleven -months to the year, <i>anzwa</i>:—1, <i>mwa</i>, planting month; 2, <i>wima</i>, -time of the autumn rains; 3, <i>wiu</i>, month of sprouting; 4, <i>mveu</i>, -5, <i>onkonono</i>, both untranslated; 6, <i>thandatu</i>, commence reaping; -7, <i>moanza</i>, not translated; 8, <i>nyanya</i>, ‘friend’ (sic!); 9, <i>kenda</i>, -‘nine’; 10, <i>ekumi</i>, ‘ten’ (in 1907 this month began on August -10); 11, <i>mubiu</i>, season of grass-burning. They say that the -month has 31 days and that they see the new moon on the -32nd; they assert that they do not include the first day on -which the moon is seen<a id="FNanchor_773" href="#Footnote_773" class="fnanchor">[773]</a>. The system has evidently already -fallen into decay, so that too great importance must not be -attached to its peculiarities. The Wa-Sania of British East -Africa divide their twelve months into three periods of four:<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_201"></a>[201]</span> -the names are not given<a id="FNanchor_774" href="#Footnote_774" class="fnanchor">[774]</a>. The Wagogo months are:—1, -<i>mosi</i>, ‘the first’, about December; 2, <i>mhiri</i>, ‘general’ (i. e. rains -everywhere); 3, <i>mhalungulu</i>, ‘cessation’ (sc. first rains over); -4, <i>munye</i>, ‘possessing’, i. e. enjoying first-fruits; 5, <i>mwezi we -litika</i>, month of plenty; 6, <i>mwezi we lisololela</i>, month of beginning -reaping; 7, <i>mwezi we nhwanga</i>, threshing-month; 8, -<i>mwezi we taga matoto</i>, month when the harvest is ended; 9, -<i>mwezi we tutula</i>, month of forest-clearing; 10, <i>mwezi we ndawa -mbereje</i>, month of digging up the stubbles; 11, <i>murisimuka</i>, -budding; 12, <i>muchilanhungo</i>, ‘partial’ (sc. partial rains, not -general)<a id="FNanchor_775" href="#Footnote_775" class="fnanchor">[775]</a>. The Nandi begin with the last month of drought, -about February:—1, <i>kiptamo</i>, ‘hot in the fields’; 2, <i>iwat-kut</i>, -rain in showers; 3, <i>wake</i>, meaning unknown; 4, <i>ngei</i>, the heart -pushed on one side by hunger; 5, <i>rob-tui</i>, black rain or black -clouds; 6, <i>puret</i>, mist; 7, <i>epeso</i>, meaning unknown; 8, <i>kipsunde</i>, -offering to God in the corn-fields; 9, <i>kipsunde oieng</i>, second -offering to God; 10, <i>mulkul</i>, strong wind; 11, <i>mulkulik oieng</i>, -second strong wind; 12, <i>ngotioto</i>, the <i>Brunsvigia Kirkii</i> or pin-cushion -plant<a id="FNanchor_776" href="#Footnote_776" class="fnanchor">[776]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Masai divide their twelve months into four seasons, -(I), <i>ol dumeril</i>, time of the scanty rain-fall:—1, <i>ol gissan</i>, in -which the sheep and goats bring forth their young; 2, <i>ol adallo</i>, -the heat of the sun; 3, <i>ol golua</i> (<i>loo-’n-gushu</i>). (II), <i>en gokwa</i>, -the Pleiades (<i>l’apaïtin te-’l-lengon</i>, the months of superfluity):—4, -<i>le erat</i> (<i>kuj-orok</i>), formed from <i>er rata</i>, ‘green valley’; the -hitherto scanty rain has been sufficient to cover with fresh -green the valleys and low-lying spots of the otherwise still -yellow withered steppes; 5, <i>os somisso</i> (<i>oäni-oingok</i>), ‘the dark’, -‘gloomy’: the sky is overcast, there is much rain, the days are -dark and gloomy; 6, <i>ol nernerua</i> (<i>loo-’n-gokwa</i>), formed from -<i>nerneri</i>, ‘fat’. (III), <i>ol airodjerod</i>, the lesser after-rains:—7, -<i>le logunja airodjerod</i> (<i>kara-obo</i>), also called <i>oieni oinok</i>, ‘the -tied-up bulls’: owing to the abundant fodder of the last months -the bulls have become wild, and would be continually fighting -each other in the meadows, for which reason they are separated; -8, <i>bolos airodjerod</i> (<i>kiperu</i>), or also (but more rarely) -<i>ol dat</i>; 9, <i>kudjorok</i> (<i>l’iarat</i>), ‘cold’, cold weather distinguishes<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_202"></a>[202]</span> -this month. (IV), <i>ol aimeii</i>, time of hunger, of drought:—10, -<i>kiber</i> (<i>pushuke</i>), uproar, quarrel. The pasture is thin, the -milk scanty, and people try to steal from other persons’ cows: -at last the milk is not sufficient to satisfy the necessary demands -of hunger, and most of the warriors go off into the forest with -some of the oxen to eat flesh. This lasts not only throughout -this month but also during the next. 11, <i>ol dongosh</i>, ‘stretched’, -since in this month too the milk is very scarce. The name seems -to be derived from the word <i>en gushush</i>, ‘lack of food’. Only at -the beginning of the 12th month, the <i>boshogge</i> (<i>ol-oiborare</i>), -do the people come back to the kraal. I have followed Merker, -p. 156. Hollis, pp. 333 ff., gives in some cases other names, -which unfortunately are not translated; they are here given in -brackets. Nos. 4 and 9 have exchanged names. It is worthy -of note that the month of the evening setting of the Pleiades -(<i>gokwa</i>) is named from this constellation. A further variation -is that according to Hollis the first month is <i>kara-obo</i>. The -year therefore begins with the season of the after-rains.</p> - -<p>The Wadschagga of Kilimanjaro have likewise twelve -months; ten are denoted by numerals; the counting begins at -the fifth, and the months are divided into seasons. Nos. 5–8 -fall in the season of the great rains, 9 and 10 in the dancing -season. In the ninth the people say: ‘It is bright’; the rainy -season passes away, and for this reason this month is regarded -as the beginning of the year, sacrifices are offered up at the -gates of the country, the chief ‘raises the field-stick’, i. e. gives -permission for the beginning of the ploughing, after having -previously ‘let the year open’ by offering a special sacrifice -to the spirits for good fruit and harvest. The name of the -following month, <i>iyana</i>, now means ‘a hundred’, but formerly -it probably had the sense of ‘ten’. This, the 10th, month is -followed by the first; the 1st and the 2nd months fall in the first -warm season, the 3rd in the little rainy season. The three -months of the great heat are not denoted by numerals. They -are interpolated between the 3rd and the 5th months. The first -of these is called <i>nsaa</i>: a month known as the fourth is then -said to be missing, but our authority conjectures that <i>nsaa</i> is -perhaps a mutilated form of an old word for four; the month<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_203"></a>[203]</span> -that follows <i>nsaa</i> is called <i>muru</i>, which is left unexplained, -and the next is <i>nsangwe</i> or <i>nsango</i>. Then the 5th month -comes again. The name <i>nsangwe</i> is almost everywhere explained -by the people as arising from <i>nsana-ngwi</i>, ‘to collect wood for -burning’. The supplies of wood for the rainy season are collected. -The position of this month immediately before the -rainy season misleads them into thus explaining the similar -sound. These last two months are clearly to be recognised -as interpolations in the original scheme of ten months. But -there still exists a name for a thirteenth month, which is of -course necessary for the correcting of the lunar year, and -which, as the old folks say, was formerly actually counted. -But now they say:—“It is a sham month, since it has no -companions, no comrades, and therefore it is superfluous. The -year has only twelve months.” It is called <i>nkinyambwo</i>. The -people say:—“The <i>nkinyambwo</i> is no longer necessary, since -the rainy season has now only three months, not four as in -olden times.” The practice of beginning an enumeration of the -months with the 5th month <i>kusanu</i> arouses the suspicion that -this may be the actual beginning of the year. To this the -other names of this month also point: ‘on the boundary of the -year’, or <i>maraya a kisie</i>, which can now only be translated -as ‘the ender of the rain’. But as a matter of fact this -month ushers in the rainy season. It has therefore been -pushed from its former position in the course of the year after -the rainy season to a position before the beginning of the -period of greatest rains, and the practice of beginning the -enumeration with <i>kusanu</i> is now the sole reminder of a time -when <i>kusanu</i> really did introduce the new year at the beginning -of the chief ploughing-season. But the first month <i>nsi</i> must -once have been one of the starting-points of the counting<a id="FNanchor_777" href="#Footnote_777" class="fnanchor">[777]</a>. -That the two months above-mentioned are interpolations does -not seem to be correct: for the <i>nkinyambwo</i> shews that the -Wadschagga, like so many other peoples, have had thirteen -months, one of which was omitted when necessary. The process -seems clear from the statements given. When the thirteenth -month (probably under Islamite influence) passed out of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_204"></a>[204]</span> -use, in the now strictly lunar year the months got out of place -in reference to the seasons. If the fifth month <i>kusanu</i> keeps -the place in reference to the seasons to which its other names -point, it falls in the ninth month of the author’s list, <i>kukendu</i>, -which, according to natural conditions, is the beginning of the -year. That only ten months are numbered and the others -named affords independent evidence, and is in keeping with the -system of counting in tens. That the two months in question -are inserted between the third (or fourth) and the first points -to a conventionalising of the system such as is anything but -primitive. Here, as always, numbered months shew themselves -to be a late phenomenon.</p> - -<p>Curious names of months, of a kind which we have -hardly met with hitherto, are found in the comparatively highly -civilised Hausa states (Kano, Sokoto), where the Arabic and -Julian names for the months are also known. 1 (January), -<i>wata-n-tshika-n-shekara</i>, or <i>tshiki</i>, ‘month of the filling of the -belly’, since much food is eaten, especially at full moon, or -<i>wata-n-wauwo</i>, month of the <i>wauwo</i>-game (with torches); 2, -<i>wata-n-gani</i>, month of the <i>gani</i>-game; 3, <i>wata-n-takutika</i>, month -of the <i>takutika</i>-game, or <i>wata-n-takalufu</i>; 4, <i>ware-ware-n-farin</i>; -5, <i>ware-ware-n-biu</i>; 6, <i>ware-ware-n-aku</i>. <i>Ware-ware</i> is the -name of a small bird which builds its nest in a hole in the -ground; it is therefore doubtful to which element it belongs. -And so it is with these three months, April, May, June, in -which no games take place, so that it was not known where -to place them; for this reason they are called the 1st, 2nd, -and 3rd <i>ware-ware</i>. The word also denotes a person who -talks now one way, now another, a doubtful person. 7, <i>wata-n-azumi-n-tsofafi</i>, -month of the fast of the old people; 8, <i>wata-n-sha -rua-n-tsofafi</i>, month of the old people’s water-drinking; 9, -<i>wata-n-azumi</i>, month of fasting; 10, <i>wata-n-karama-n-salla</i>, month -of the little <i>salla</i> festival; 11, <i>wata-n-bawa-n-salloli</i>, month of -the slaves, in this month all (but especially the slaves) have -much work for the festival of the following month; 12, <i>wata-n-baba-n-salla</i>, -month of the great <i>salla</i> festival, or <i>wata-n-laiya</i>, -month of the slaughtering of the lamb. The festivals, -especially the <i>salla</i> festivals, do not always take place in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_205"></a>[205]</span> -months named after them: the time is determined by the priests -in accordance with the position of the moon (<i>wata</i> = ‘moon,’ -‘month’)<a id="FNanchor_778" href="#Footnote_778" class="fnanchor">[778]</a>. This is an artificial system which was probably -created with a leaning towards the Arabic months. In Edo too -the familiar names of months are borrowed from the ceremonies -that take place at different times<a id="FNanchor_779" href="#Footnote_779" class="fnanchor">[779]</a>.</p> - -<p>Madagascar has a comparatively highly developed civilisation -in which various influences cross. The Merina have -the Arabic months. The history of the native calendar is said -to be very complicated: Grandidier in a detailed discussion -seeks to prove that the Malgassian year, which is commonly -held to be a lunar year, is a solar or lunisolar one, and on -the strength of certain resemblances in the names of the -months derives the calendar from S. India. I give the principal -data. Grandidier says that one reason for believing that -the Malgassian calendar is a solar one is the fact that it is in -reality agricultural. In 1638 Cauche says that the Malgassi divide -their year into 4 seasons and 12 lunar months, with -some intercalary days. The year is for them the time which -elapses between two phases of the vegetation; for greater -convenience they divide it into twelve lunar months, without -caring much about the number of days composing these months, -as is rightly said of the Antandroy by Vacher<a id="FNanchor_780" href="#Footnote_780" class="fnanchor">[780]</a>, who gives the -following list, which is almost identical with that compiled by -Grandidier himself in the south-east, at Iavibola, in 1866. The -months have names and epithets: the latter are explained. 1, -millet is cut; 2, winter begins; 3, the beans flower; 4, the -tamarinds of the north are ripe; 5, the leaves fall; 6, tamarinds -and beans are ripe; 7, the <i>Cythere</i>-tree flowers; 8, the -bulls seek the shade of the <i>sakoa</i>; 9, the guinea-fowls sleep; -10, the rain rots the ropes (with which the calves are fastened); -11, the gourds flower; 12, the grains of the <i>fano</i> are -ripe. Rowlands<a id="FNanchor_781" href="#Footnote_781" class="fnanchor">[781]</a> had already remarked that the Betsileo months -depend more upon the time of the sowing and reaping of the -rice and upon the flowering of certain plants than upon the phases<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_206"></a>[206]</span> -of the moon, and that the agreement with the months of the -Merina (i. e. the Arabic months) is only approximate. The same -applies to the calendar of the Sakalava, the Bara, the Tanala, -and the Sihanaka, which is identical with that of the Betsileo. -What is here said about the calendars of the peoples of the -south and the centre of the island is also true of the calendars -of the northern and eastern peoples<a id="FNanchor_782" href="#Footnote_782" class="fnanchor">[782]</a>. To me it seems -as though we have here a series of months of the ordinary -type, in which the months are named and at the same time -fixed with reference to the seasons, although I do not presume -to decide upon the complicated question of the Malgassian -calendar. There remains one possibility, viz. that the ‘months’ -are seasons with no relation to the moon, but this possibility -does not seem to have been seriously considered by those who -can make use of the sources, which are only to be got at with -extreme difficulty.</p> - -<p>Among the primitive peoples of the East Asiatic peninsula -the seasons of the agricultural year are very much employed; -in comparison with them the moon-month plays no -important part. Moreover Indian and Islamite influences have -penetrated deeply: the calendar in use arises from these. The -facts are well illustrated by a notice from the Malay Peninsula. -There are three ways of reckoning the months, (1) the -Arabian, 29 and 30 days alternately, (2) the Persian, 30 days, -and (3) that of Rum, 31 days; the first is the common method. -Some few, with greater accuracy, calculate their year at 354 -days 8 hours, intercalating every 3 years 24 hours, or one -day, to make up the deficiency, and 33 days for the difference -between the solar and the lunar years. But the majority of -the lower classes estimate their year by the fruit seasons and -by their crops of rice only. Many, however, obstinately adhere -to the lunar month and plant their paddy at the annual return -of the lunar month<a id="FNanchor_783" href="#Footnote_783" class="fnanchor">[783]</a>. The Guru of Sumatra know a division -of the year into twelve months of 30 days each; the months, -with the exception of the last two, are denoted by numbers<a id="FNanchor_784" href="#Footnote_784" class="fnanchor">[784]</a>. -They are therefore calendar months, not moon-months, and are<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_207"></a>[207]</span> -a foreign acquisition. Among the Kayan the month, or, as -they say, the moon, plays a greater part than the year: of -the latter hardly anyone knows properly how many moons it -contains. Commonly they reckon 1 to 2 moons for the sowing, -five for the time which the rice needs to ripen, 2 to 3 for the -harvest, and three up to the next sowing. The different months -have no special names among the Bahau<a id="FNanchor_785" href="#Footnote_785" class="fnanchor">[785]</a>. The time-reckoning -of Sumatra, Java, and Bali shews a prevailing foreign -(Indian or Islamite) influence. It is to be noted that among -many peoples the first ten months are numbered, while the -last two have names. In Bali these two names are Sanskrit -words<a id="FNanchor_786" href="#Footnote_786" class="fnanchor">[786]</a>.</p> - -<p>For Timor two lists of moon-months are given, the one -from Bibiçuçu, the other from Samoro. The names are in -some cases the same, they are not translated and perhaps -cannot be explained, but they indicate the occupations of the -months. 1, <i>funu</i>, <i>leet ali</i>, about October, <i>vater</i>, maize, is planted -and mountain rice sown; 2, <i>fahi</i>, the fields are weeded; 3, -<i>naru</i>, ‘the great month’, the maize flowers, heavy rain; 4, <i>fotan</i>, -<i>tora</i>, the former word probably a corruption of the Malay -<i>potong</i>, the cutting or harvest month: the maize is housed and -a harvest sacrifice offered; 5, <i>madauk</i>, harvest of the mountain-rice; -6, <i>wani</i>, honey and wax are collected; 7, <i>uhi</i>, <i>uhi -böot</i>, probably a corruption of <i>ubi</i>, sweet potato, these are now -dug up and collected; 8, <i>madai böot</i>, <i>uhi kiik</i>, fogs and heavy -rain; 9, <i>madai kiik</i>, <i>lakubutik</i>, little rain: during both these -months little work can be done; 10, <i>lakubutik böot</i>, <i>madai</i>, -still showers; 11, <i><ins class="corr" id="tn-207" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'lakabutik kiik'"> -lakubutik kiik</ins></i>, <i>funu</i>, very hot, only in this -month is gold sought for; 12, <i>leet</i>, <i>leet manuluk</i>, hot: the grass -is burnt off and the ground prepared for maize-planting<a id="FNanchor_787" href="#Footnote_787" class="fnanchor">[787]</a>. It -is interesting to note how the names have departed from a -common foundation: two names (<i>funu</i>, <i>madai</i>) denote different -months. Note also the pairs of months in both lists.</p> - -<p>The Kiwai Papuans, who are well acquainted with the -stars, have a very interesting list of months, compiled from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_208"></a>[208]</span> -names of stars and, as it seems, of natural objects. Accurate -information about this list has very kindly been personally -communicated to me by Landtman<a id="FNanchor_788" href="#Footnote_788" class="fnanchor">[788]</a>. The year is divided -into two parts in accordance with the monsoons<a id="FNanchor_789" href="#Footnote_789" class="fnanchor">[789]</a>. The -time of the S. E. monsoon (<i>uro</i>) embraces the months:—1, -<i>keke</i> (Achernar, our April); 2, <i>utiamo</i> (the Pleiades); 3, <i>sengerai</i> -(Orion); 4, <i>koidjugubo</i> (Capella, Sirius, and Canopus together); -5, <i>wapi</i>; 6, <i>hopukoruho</i>; 7, <i>abu</i>; and 8, <i>tagai</i> (Crux). In -the transitional period comes 9, <i>karongo</i> (Antares). The time -of the N. W. monsoon (<i>hurama</i>) includes:—10, <i>naramu-dubu</i> -(Vega); 11, <i>nirira-dubu</i> (Altair); 12, <i>goibaru</i>; 13, <i>korubutu</i>. -Each month, in the language of the natives called ‘moon’, is -connected with a definite constellation, as is shewn above, and -it is to be presumed that this constellation is properly the one -that is to sink down to the western horizon during the month -in question. Perfect accuracy does not however prevail in -this nomenclature, but several adaptations have been made. -(This is natural and necessary, on account of the dislocation -of the lunar months with regard to the solar year). Even in -the matter of the succession of the months different statements -were made, this no doubt being due to the fact that all the -natives were not equally masters of the calendar. The statements -fluctuate as to whether <i>karongo</i> is the last month of the -<i>uro</i> or the first of the <i>hurama</i>. (The fluctuation is natural, -since this month falls in the time of transition between the -two). In any case this month, like <i>keke</i>, the first of the <i>uro</i>, -comes to have a special meaning. It seems to be somewhat -uncertain whether <i>koidjugubo</i> exists as the name of a special -month or whether the word only denotes a constellation related -to the months <i>wapi</i>, <i>hopukoruho</i>, and <i>abu</i>. The time of -the <i>koidjugubo</i> is that in which the S. E. monsoon blows hardest. -The corresponding middle month in <i>hurama</i> is <i>goibaru</i>. -<i>Baidamu</i> (‘the Shark’), the Great Bear, is also related to a -certain period during the S. E. monsoon, particularly to <i>hopukoruho</i>, -in which according to certain statements the head -sets, and to <i>abu</i>, in which the back fin and the tail set. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_209"></a>[209]</span> -setting of each of the various parts of the body of the Shark -in the west is accompanied by storms and rain, which arise -in the period of the S. E. monsoon. When the Shark is no -longer to be seen at evening, and after both its eyes have -emerged in the east at morning, the period of the <i>tagai-karongo</i> -begins, in which the sea-turtles are caught, and the time -of the N. W. monsoon is at hand. The turtles are caught -more particularly during the time of their copulation, and this -begins in <i>abu</i>, occasionally in <i>tagai</i>, reaches its height in <i>karongo</i>, -and finishes in <i>naramu-dubu</i>. The planting of tubers -also takes place in definite months. Unfortunately the meaning -of the names that do not refer to constellations is not -in all cases clear. <i>Wapi</i> in one Torres Straits dialect is said -to mean ‘fish’, and the name is said to refer to the fact that -this time is especially favourable for fishing, since the fish are -then particularly stupid and easy to catch with the fish-spear. -<i>Hopukoruho</i> is the name of an earth-wasp: colonies of these -insects dig holes in the ground. (Do they appear in particularly -great numbers in this month?). <i>Hopu</i> means ‘earth’, and -<i>koruho</i> ‘to eat’. This month is held to be especially dangerous: -men are exposed to sickness and death and are bitten -by serpents, the canoes suffer shipwreck. It is also expressly -stated that the name of the month refers to death and burial. -The sense of <i>abu</i> is quite uncertain. <i>Abu</i> means ‘ford’ in a -creek: the name may perhaps refer to the beginning of the transition -to the period of the following monsoon. (Or does it refer -to the fact that the fords at the end of the dry season are -particularly easy to pass?). The sense of <i>goibaru</i> is also quite -uncertain, even, as it appears, among the natives. (No statement -as to the meaning of <i>karubuti</i> is given). <i>Karongo</i>, -according to the meaning of the word, is said to refer to the -transition from <i>hurama</i> to <i>uro</i>. <i>Koidjugubo</i> means ‘great constellation’.</p> - -<p>For the Melanesians well developed series of months are -given: the very instructive statement of Codrington will be -found in the next chapter.<a id="FNanchor_790" href="#Footnote_790" class="fnanchor">[790]</a> For the Carolines two lists of -names are given, from Lamotrek and from Yap<a id="FNanchor_791" href="#Footnote_791" class="fnanchor">[791]</a>; but they are<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_210"></a>[210]</span> -of no use to us, since they only give twelve names without -any explanation. But the list for the Mortlock Islands, a group -included in the Carolines, is of great interest, since every -month is named after a constellation and therefore is also regulated -by it. The names are:—1, <i>yis</i>, Leo; 2, <i>soropuel</i>, Corvus; -3, <i>aramoi</i>, Arcturus; 4, <i>tumur</i>, Scorpio; 5, <i>mei-sik</i>, ν, ξ, ο -Herculis; 6, <i>meilap</i>, Aquila; 7, <i>sota</i>, Equuleus; 8, <i>la</i>, Pegasus; -9, <i>ku</i>, Aries; 10, <i>mariher</i>, the Pleiades; 11, <i>un-allual</i>, <i>elluel</i>, -Aldebaran and Orion; 12, <i>mau</i>, Sirius<a id="FNanchor_792" href="#Footnote_792" class="fnanchor">[792]</a>. The same system, -with names in some cases the same, is given for the southernmost -group of the Carolines, the St. David’s Islands<a id="FNanchor_793" href="#Footnote_793" class="fnanchor">[793]</a>. The -months of the Fijians, beginning at February, are:—1, <i>sese-ni-ngasau -lailai</i>; 2, <i>s.-n.-n.-levu</i>; 3, <i>vulai-mbotambota</i>; 4, <i>v.-kelikeli</i>; -5, <i>v.-were-were</i>; 6, <i>kawakatangare</i>; 7, <i>kawawaka-lailai</i>; -8, <i>k.-levu</i>; 9, <i>mbalolo-lailai</i>; 10, <i>m.-levu</i>; 11, <i>nunga-lailai</i>; 12, -<i>n.-levu</i><a id="FNanchor_794" href="#Footnote_794" class="fnanchor">[794]</a>. The names are not explained, but from the glossary<a id="FNanchor_795" href="#Footnote_795" class="fnanchor">[795]</a> -we learn that <i>vula</i> means ‘moon’ and ‘month’, <i>se-ni-ngasau</i> -‘flower of the reed’, <i>mbota</i> ‘to share out, distribute’, <i>keli</i> -‘to dig’, <i>were</i> ‘to till the ground’, <i>kawa</i> ‘offspring, posterity’, -<i>waka</i> ‘root’, <i>nunga</i> is the name of a fish, <i>mbalolo</i> is the familiar -palolo, which is a favourite delicacy all over Polynesia, -<i>levu</i> = ‘big’, <i>lailai</i> = ‘little’. In so far as the meaning of the -names is to be perceived, therefore, they relate to the business -of agriculture and fishing. Here also we meet the already -familiar phenomenon in which several months have -the same name, and are distinguished by the addition of ‘big’ -and ‘little’.</p> - -<p>For the Polynesians many series of months are reported: -some of these have 13, others 12 months. The Maoris of New -Zealand count 13, and are distinguished from all others in only -numbering, not naming, the first ten. According to H. Williams -the months are counted from the beginning of the <i>kumara</i>-planting, -and are only denoted by numbers; in the tenth month -the harvest takes place, and also the feast of the dead, <i>ha-hunga</i>, -which for this reason also serves as a designation of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_211"></a>[211]</span> -the year, but after that no further months are counted, up to -the first<a id="FNanchor_796" href="#Footnote_796" class="fnanchor">[796]</a>. This last statement must be regarded with suspicion, -since other sources give not indeed numbers but names -for the last three months and the points of reference. As an -example of the nomenclature I give <i>marama-to-ke-ngahuru</i>, -‘the tenth month’. The eleventh has the same name with the -addition of <i>hauhake kumare</i>, to dig up, harvest <i>kumara</i>; the -twelfth and thirteenth are called respectively <i>ko-te-paengwawa</i> -and <i>ko-te-tahi-o-pipiri</i>, which names are unfortunately not -translated. <i>Pipiri</i> recurs as the name of a month in the -Society Islands and Tahiti; there it is said that the name refers -to a certain thriftiness or stinginess, perhaps in the supply -of fruit<a id="FNanchor_797" href="#Footnote_797" class="fnanchor">[797]</a>. But the numbering of the names of the New Zealand -months is certainly a later phenomenon, since the cognate -tribes everywhere have proper names, nor do the months -on this account lose their connexion with the phenomena of -Nature. Although they were not named from the latter, they -were regulated by them. Each moon is distinguished by the -rising of stars, the flowering of certain plants, the arrival of -migratory birds, etc. I give a list of these points of reference, -beginning at June: unfortunately the names of stars are -not identified by our authority. 1, <i>puanga</i>, the great winter -star, rises early in the morning, and also denotes the beginning -of winter: <i>matariki</i>, <i>tapuapua</i>, <i>wakaahu te ra o tainu</i> are -also in the ascendant; 2, <i>wakaau</i>, <i>waakaahu nuku</i>, <i>w. rangi</i>, <i>w. -papa</i>, <i>w. kerekere</i>, <i>kopu</i>, <i>tautoru</i>; 3, <i>taka-pou-poto</i>, <i>mangere</i>, -<i>kaiwaka</i>, spring begins, the <i>karaka</i> and <i>hou</i> flower; 4, <i>taka-pou-tawahi</i>, -it begins to be warm, cultivation commences, the -<i>kowai</i>, <i>kotuku tuku</i>, and <i>rangiora</i> trees flower, a rainy month; -5, <i>kumara</i> is planted, the <i>tawera</i> is ripe, the cuckoo, <i>koekoea</i>, -arrives, the windy month, corresponding with our March, hence -the name <i>te rakihi</i>, the noisy or windy period; 6, <i>te wakumu</i>, -the <i>rewarewa</i> flowers; 7, <i>nga tapuae</i>, the <i>rata</i> flowers; 8, <i>uruao -rangawhenua</i>, <i>rehu</i> is the great summer star, the star <i>rangewhenua</i>, -an ancestor, is said to rule the days, and <i>uruao</i> the -nights of this month, the <i>karaka</i> flowers; 9, <i>rehua</i>, <i>ko ruruau</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_212"></a>[212]</span> -the dry and scarce month; 10, <i>rehua</i>, <i>matiti</i> (indicates the -autumn), <i>ngahuru</i>, the harvest month for the <i>kumara</i>; 11, <i>te -kahui-rua-mahu</i>, the days grow cold, the cuckoo leaves; 12, <i>kai -waka</i>, <i>patu-tahi matariki</i>, the winter-star <i>koero</i> is the chief -star of this month; 13, <i>tahi ngungu</i>, the grumbling month, -little food, bad weather, smoky houses, watery eyes, constant -quarrels<a id="FNanchor_798" href="#Footnote_798" class="fnanchor">[798]</a>. There are some descriptions of the months which -also seem to be their names. Taylor’s statement that the twelfth -month often passes unnoticed deserves attention.</p> - -<p>Of Tonga it is noted that the names of the months are -scarcely known to any except those who work on the plantations: -the order of their succession is not quite clear. The -months are often grouped in pairs, <i>mooa</i> meaning the first, -<i>mooi</i> the second. 1, <i>liha-mooa</i>, 2, <i>l.-mooi</i>, <i>liha</i> means ‘nit’, but -is not connected by the author with the name of the month; -3, <i>vy-mooa</i>, 4, <i>vy-mooi</i>, <i>vy</i> = ‘watery’, ‘rainy’; 5, <i>hilinga gele-gele</i>: -<i>hilinga</i> is said to be a corruption of <i>hilianga</i>, ‘end, termination’, -<i>gele-gele</i> = ‘dig’, because in this month they cease -digging the ground for planting yams; 6, <i>tanoo manga</i>, <i>tanoo</i> -= ‘to overwhelm, to bury’, <i>manga</i> = anything open, diverging, -fork-shaped; 7, <i>oolooenga</i>; 8, <i>hilinga mea</i>, ‘the end of -things’, the month in which the principal agricultural work of -the season is finished; 9, <i>fucca afoo moooi</i>, <i>moooi</i> = ‘to live, -recover’; 10, <i>fucca afoo mote</i>, <i>mote</i> = ‘to die, wither’; 11, -<i>oolooagi mote</i>, <i>oolooagi</i> = ‘the first’; 12, <i>fooa fenike anga</i>; 13, -<i>mahina tow</i>, <i>mahina</i> = ‘moon’, <i>tow</i> = the end of anything<a id="FNanchor_799" href="#Footnote_799" class="fnanchor">[799]</a>. On -the Society Islands the people were not unanimous as to the -beginning of the year, nor as to the names of the months, -each island having a computation peculiar to itself. The series -of months adopted by King Pomare and the reigning family -was:—1, <i>avarehu</i>, the new moon that appears about the -summer (viz. our winter) solstice at Tahiti; 2, <i>faaahu</i>, the season -of plenty; 3, <i>pipiri</i>; 4, <i>taaoa</i>, the season of scarcity begins; -5, <i>aununu</i>; 6, <i>apaapa</i>; 7, <i>paroro mua</i>; 8, <i>paroro muri</i>; 9, <i>muriaha</i>;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_213"></a>[213]</span> -10, <i>hiaia</i>; 11, <i>tema</i>, the season of scarcity ends; 12, -<i>te-eri</i>, the young bread-fruit begins to flower; 13, <i>te-tai</i>, the -bread-fruit is nearly ripe. Another computation commenced -the year at the month <i>apaapa</i>, about the middle of May, and -gave different names to several of the months<a id="FNanchor_800" href="#Footnote_800" class="fnanchor">[800]</a>. Another older -list gives the following series from Tahiti:—1, <i>o-porori-o-mua</i>, -March, the first hunger or scarcity; 2, <i>o-porori-o-muri</i>, -‘the last scarcity’, which agrees to some extent with the facts, -since the bread-fruit is scarcest just when it is ripening, as at -that time it is used for <i>mahei</i>, sour dough; 3, <i>mureha</i>; 4, <i>uhi-eya</i>, -has certainly a reference to catching fish with a hook; -5, <i>hurri-ama</i>; 6, <i>tauwa</i>; 7, <i>hurri-erre-erre</i>; 8, <i>o-te-ari</i>, probably -so called from the young cocoa-nuts, which just then are very -numerous; 9, <i>o-te-tai</i>, contains an allusion to the sea; 10, <i>wa-rehu</i>; -11, <i>wä-ahau</i>, refers to the cloth made from the mulberry -bark; 12, <i>pipirri</i>, refers to a certain thriftiness or stinginess, -perhaps in the supply of fruit; 13, <i>e-u-nunu</i><a id="FNanchor_801" href="#Footnote_801" class="fnanchor">[801]</a>. For the Marquesas -Islands (Futuhiwa) I know only a bare enumeration of -13 names of months<a id="FNanchor_802" href="#Footnote_802" class="fnanchor">[802]</a>.</p> - -<p>For Samoa there is more information. I give von Bülow’s -list:—1 (Oct.-Nov.), <i>palolo</i> or <i>taumafa mua</i>, ‘there is -for the first time abundance for all’: bananas, bread-fruit, and -taro are ripe, the month provides much fish; 2, <i>toe taumafa</i>, -‘there is once more abundance’, the harvest is still not ended; -3, <i>utuvamua</i>, ‘it is uninterrupted’, new crops of other fruit -have not yet appeared; 4, <i>toe utuva</i>, ‘still uninterrupted’; 5, -<i>faaafu</i>, ‘the leaves of the yam plant get dry’, i. e. the root is -ripe; 6, <i>lo</i>, ‘the staff for the harvest of the bread-fruit’, sc. ‘is -brought into play’; 7, <i>aununu</i>, ‘the making of the arrowroot into -starch’, the root is now ripe; 8, <i>oloumanu</i>, ‘the cage of the -birds’ (is prepared), in which to tame the wild pigeons caught -in nets, after some of their wing-feathers have been removed; -9, <i>palolo-mua</i>, the first <i>palolo</i> fishing: the appearance of the -palolo formerly took place in various months, since there are -still islands in which palolo is found in the last quarter of every -month; 10, <i>toe palolo</i> or <i>palolomoli</i>, ‘repeated last palolo<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_214"></a>[214]</span> -fishing’, from the fishing at the end of the year in October or -the end of September, according to the island; 11, <i>mulifa</i>, -‘the banana-pole’ (is hewn down), i. e. the bananas are ripe; -12, <i>lotuaga</i>, ‘the <i>lo</i> is laid to rest’, i. e. the bread-fruit harvest -is over<a id="FNanchor_803" href="#Footnote_803" class="fnanchor">[803]</a>. All the lists agree in giving only twelve months: -the seasons are two in number. For the Bowditch Island a -list of twelve names is given without explanation; the names -are in a great measure the same as the Samoan. The author -adds:—It seems as though <i>vainoa</i>, month no. 9, is the leapmonth, -but there was no name for the eleventh month, corresponding -to our March<a id="FNanchor_804" href="#Footnote_804" class="fnanchor">[804]</a>.</p> - -<p>For the Sandwich Islands abundant material exists, more -particularly in the work of the native writer, Malo. I give the -list commonly found in other authors also<a id="FNanchor_805" href="#Footnote_805" class="fnanchor">[805]</a>, together with the -explanations which Malo has obtained from old Hawaiians well -versed in the calendar, in the first place those of O. K. Kapule -of Kaluaha, Molokai, and secondly, in the case of some months, -those of Kaunamoa, of whose dwelling-place we are told nothing -more than that he was a Hawaiian. 1, <i>ikuwa</i> (January), so -named from the frequent occurrence of thunder-storms, <i>wa-wa</i>, -‘to reverberate, to stun the ear’: the noisy month, clamor of -ocean, thunder, storm; 2, <i>hina-ia-eleele</i>, from the frequent over-casting -and darkening (<i>eleele</i>) of the heavens; 3, <i>welo</i>, because -the rays of the sun then begin to shoot forth (<i>welo</i>) more -vigorously: the leaves are torn to shreds by the <i>enuhe</i>, a kind -of worm; 4, <i>makalii</i> (the Pleiades); 5, <i>ka-elo</i>, so named because -the sweet potatoes burst out of the hill, or overflowed the -basket; 6, <i>kau-lua</i>, from the coupling together of two canoes -(<i>kau-lua</i>): the two stars called <i>kau-lua</i> then rose in the east; -7, <i>nana</i>, from the fact that a canoe then floated (<i>nana</i>, <i>lana</i>) -quietly on the calm sea: the young birds then stir and rustle about -(<i>nana-na</i>) in their nests and coverts; 8, <i>ikiiki</i>, the hot month (<i>ikiki</i><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_215"></a>[215]</span> -or <i>ikiiki</i>, ‘hot and stuffy’): ‘hot and sticky’, from being shut up -indoors, by weather; 9, <i>kaa-ona</i>, because then the sand-banks -begin to shift in the ocean, <i>ona</i> is said to be another word -for <i>one</i>, ‘sand’: (dry) sugar-canes, flower-stalks, etc., which have -been put away in the top of the house, have now become very dry; -10, <i>hili-na-ehu</i>, from the mists that floated up from the sea; 11, -<i>hili-na-ma</i>, because it was necessary to keep the canoes well -lashed (<i>hili</i>); 12, <i>welehu</i>, so named from the abundance of ashes -(<i>lehu</i>) that were to be found in the fire-places at this time. -Malo gives six other lists, two for Hawaii, one each for Molakai, -Oahu, Kauai, and Maui. The differences in the order -of the months already mentioned are sometimes great, and -some new names occur. The former circumstance is doubtless -to be explained by the fact that under European influence the -native months early passed out of use and were forgotten, and -the right order has not been certainly retained in the memory. -Some of these explanations are obvious improvisations, in some -cases one of the two explanations manifestly shews itself to be -the correct one. This proves that the names of the months -are so old that the original meaning has been lost. The forgetting -of the native months is also responsible for the insufficiency -of the information for other islands. Malayan philology -might perhaps be able to go farther, if it took up the -matter. But where the meaning is clear, it everywhere has -reference to the seasons, their occupations and climatic conditions, -and to the stars; the Polynesian names of months are in -no way different from those of all other primitive or barbaric -peoples.</p> - -<p>The conclusion to be drawn from our investigation of -the names and series of the months is therefore the following. -In order that the month may be distinguished from others it -is named after an occupation or natural phase which takes -place while the month lasts, being described commonly by -means of the addition ‘moon of the —’, but not seldom simply -by the name of the natural phase or the occupation respectively. -Any natural phase or occupation can originally give -its name to a month, and hence arises an indefinite number -of such terms. When any period of the year is without important<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_216"></a>[216]</span> -natural phases and occupations, the months in this -period are not named. At first, therefore, the names of the -months are of an occasional, incidental character: the orientation -of them follows from the general acquaintance with -the phases and occupations of the natural year. As the result -of a gradual selection in the daily usage of the names a less -unstable, and in the end quite fixed, series of months is formed, -which on account of the length of the natural year must comprise -12 to 13 months. The result is a difficulty which formerly -was not felt, owing to the fluctuating character of -the names of months, for the natural phases and the moons -are pushed out of their mutual relationship, and this naturally -leads to the question how many months the year includes, i. e. -to the necessity of the intercalation. For the moon-month, -which begins with the new moon, is a natural unity, which -cannot be broken up.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_217"></a>[217]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.<br /> -<br /> -<span class="fs70">CONCLUSIONS.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p class="drop-capy1">Whoever has had patience to read through the material -collected in the previous chapter will now no doubt -be clear as to the process by which the cycle of months arose. The -necessity was felt of distinguishing the months, of marking them. -After the fashion of primitive man this was done, not by means -of an abstract enumeration, but by some concrete reference. -But the relation to a solitary historical event, by which rather -more highly civilised peoples denote the years, can hardly, or -only in isolated instances, be applied to the month: for the -life of primitive peoples is very monotonous, and is not so rich -in events which make an impression upon the mind that one -of these will occur in every month, and even supposing that -such events could be found, the months in a human life are -too numerous for it to be possible to keep a series of this nature -in mind. A second circumstance also proved decisive. The -moon, whose phases always recur with regularity, served better -than anything else to determine the date of any future event -within a shorter period. The primitive peoples, with their undeveloped -faculty of counting, could in this fashion numerically -determine only a couple of months before or after the time of -the moon that was then visible in the heavens. This is what -we must understand by the statement made for the western -tribe of the Torres Straits, viz. that they had no division of -the year into months or days and never numbered the years, -in view of the following statement that they commonly counted -time in ‘suns’, i. e. days, and ‘moons’, i. e. months<a id="FNanchor_806" href="#Footnote_806" class="fnanchor">[806]</a>. That is, -they numbered two or three months, but had no series of months.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_218"></a>[218]</span> -The same initial stage is found also on the Australian continent. -The natives of Central Australia reckon time by moon-phases, -moons, and in the case of a longer period by seasons<a id="FNanchor_807" href="#Footnote_807" class="fnanchor">[807]</a>. The -Kakadu of Northern Territory reckon in moons and seasons, -otherwise everything is more or less vague with the exception -of the present and the immediate past and future<a id="FNanchor_808" href="#Footnote_808" class="fnanchor">[808]</a>.</p> - -<p>Primitive man does not get very far in this fashion. In -accordance with his custom and his whole habits of thought -he must have some concrete factor to enable him to conceive -of the different moons. This is found in the fact that the -moon covers a part of the natural year. Herein lies a connexion -which constantly recurs. The moons were therefore -distinguished and named with reference to the phenomena of -the natural year, to the phases of nature and to the occupations, -labours, and conditions determined by them, and further -to the risings of the stars. Within the series of from twelve -to thirteen moons the month was determined by these means. -Or, expressed somewhat differently, seasons and moons were -mutually connected.</p> - -<p>Originally this grouping together of the months was only -incidental. The original state of affairs is well illustrated by -the detailed description given by Codrington for the Melanesians:—</p> - -<p>“It is impossible to fit the native succession of moons into -a solar year, months have their names from what is done and -what happens when the moon appears and while it lasts; the -same moon has different names. If all the names of moons -in use in one language were set in order the periods of time -would overlap, and the native year would be artificially made -up of 20 or 30 months. The moons and seasons of Mota in -the Banks’ Islands may serve as an example. The garden -work of the year is the principal guide to the arrangement, -the succession of 1, clearing garden ground, <i>uma</i>, 2, cutting -down the trees, <i>tara</i>, 3, turning over and piling up the stuff, -<i>rakasag</i>, 4, burning it, <i>sing</i>, 5, digging the holes for yams, -<i>nur</i>, and planting, <i>riv</i>. Then follows the care of the yam -plants till the harvest, after which preparation for the next<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_219"></a>[219]</span> -crop begins again. At the same time the regular winds and -calms are observed, the spring of grass, the conspicuous flowering -of certain trees, the bursting into leaf of the few deciduous -trees. When a certain grass, <i>magoto</i>, springs, the -winter, as it must be called, is over; when the erythrina, <i>rara</i>, -is in flower, it is the cool season; <i>magoto</i>, therefore, and <i>rara</i> -are names of seasons in native use, and answer roughly to -summer and winter. The strange and exciting appearance of -the palolo, <i>un</i>, sets a wide mark on the seasons. The April moon -coincides pretty well with the time of the <i>magoto qaro</i>, the -fresh grass; clearing, <i>uma</i>, of gardens goes on, the trade wind -is steady. This is followed by the <i>magoto rango</i>, the withered -grass; both are months of cutting down trees in the gardens, -<i>vule taratara</i>, and in the latter the stuff is burnt. In July the -erythrina, <i>rara</i>, begins to flower; this is <i>nago rara</i>, the face -of winter; gardens are fenced, it is a moon of planting yams, -<i>vule vutvut</i>. Planting continues into August, when the erythrina -is in full flower, <i>tur rara</i>, the <i>gaviga</i>, Malay apple, flowering -at the same time; the S. E. wind, <i>gauna</i>, blows, the -yams begin to shoot and are stuck with reeds. In the next -month the erythrina puts out its leaves, it is the end of it, -<i>kere rara</i>; the yam vines run up the reeds and are trained, -<i>taur</i>, upon them; the reeds are broken and bent over, <i>ruqa</i>, -to let them run freely; the ground is kept clear of weeds; the -tendrils curl, and the tubers are well formed. Then come the -months of calm, when three moons are named from the <i>un</i>, -palolo: first the <i>un rig</i>, the little <i>un</i>, or the bitter, <i>un gogona</i>, -when at the full moon a few of the annelids appear. It is now -the <i>tau matua</i>, the season of maturity; yams can be taken up -and eaten, and if the weather is favourable, a second crop is -planted. The <i>un lava</i>, the great palolo, follows, when at the -full moon for one night the annelids appear on the reefs in -swarms; the whole population is on the beach, taking up the -<i>un</i> in every vessel and with every contrivance. This is the -moon of the yam harvest; the vines are cut, <i>goro</i>, and the -tubers very carefully taken up with digging-sticks to be stored. -A few <i>un</i> appear at the next moon, the <i>werei</i>, which may be -translated ‘the rump of the <i>un</i>’. In this moon they begin again<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_220"></a>[220]</span> -to <i>uma</i>, clear the gardens; the wind blows again from the west, -the <i>ganoi</i>, over Vanua Lava. It is now November or December, -the <i>togalau</i>-wind blows from the north-west, it is exceedingly -hot, fish die in the shallow pools, the reeds shoot up into -flower; it is the moon of shooting up, <i>vule wotgoro</i>. The next -month is the <i>vusiaru</i>, the wind beats upon the <i>casuarina</i>-trees -upon the cliffs, the next again is called <i>tetemavuru</i>, the wind -blows hard and drives off flying fragments from the seeded -reeds; these are hurricane months. The last in order is the -month that beats and rattles, <i>lamasag noronoro</i>, the dry reeds; -the wind blows strong and steady, work is begun again, they -<i>rakasag</i>, dry the rubbish of their clearings, and make ready -the fences for new gardens. By this time the heat is past, -the grass begins to spring again, and the winter months return”<a id="FNanchor_809" href="#Footnote_809" class="fnanchor">[809]</a>.</p> - -<p>According to another report the natives of New Britain -(Bismarck Archipelago) are still at the initial stage of the -development. They numbered the months of the monsoons, -five for each, and gave one month each to the two intervening -periods. They had no names for each month, but only for the -season. However they had terms for the planting and for the -digging-moon, i. e. the harvest<a id="FNanchor_810" href="#Footnote_810" class="fnanchor">[810]</a>.</p> - -<p>Another example may serve to shew how near to one -another lists of months and seasons may under certain circumstances -come. The Chukchee divide the year into twelve -lunar months or ‘moons’. The year begins with the winter -solstice, the time of which is marked pretty accurately. The -dark interval between two moons is called ‘moon interval’. -The names are:—1, the old-buck month; 2, cold udder (month); -3, genuine udder (month); 4, calving month; 5, water (month); -6, making-leaves month; 7, warm month, or summer month; -8, rubbing-off velvet (antlers) month, or midsummer month; -9, light-frost month; 10, autumn month, or wild-reindeer rutting -month; 11, unexplained, perhaps ‘muscles of the back’, since it -is believed that the muscles in the back of the reindeer become -stronger in winter: also called ‘new-snow cover’; 12, shrinking -(days) month. The Koryak have different names in different<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_221"></a>[221]</span> -localities, but most of them call the third and the fourth months -respectively the ‘false’ and the ‘true reindeer-birth month’. In -ordinary speech, however, the names of months often give place -to names of seasons, which are far more numerous than among -us. Those most commonly used are:—1, ‘in the extending’, -sc. of the days, corresponds approximately to the first month -of the year; 2, ‘in the lengthening’, corresponds to the second -month; 3, ‘during (the days) growing long’, lasts about six weeks, -until the reindeer begin to calve; 4, ‘in the calving-(time)’; -5, ‘in the new summer growing’; 6, ‘in the first summer’; 7, ‘in -the second summer’; 8, ‘in the middle summer’; 9, ‘with the -fresh air going out’; 10, ‘with the first light frost’; 11, ‘with the -new snow’; 12, ‘in the fall’; 13, ‘in the winter’<a id="FNanchor_811" href="#Footnote_811" class="fnanchor">[811]</a>. Certainly -these are seasons, and one of them has six weeks, but our -authority himself explains a couple of them by a comparison -with the moon-month. There are just thirteen of them, which, -if the number is more than an accident, is an accurate series -of months. In every case the addition of the word ‘moon’ -would make the names descriptive of a month. The names in -both the lists just given are of a similar nature.</p> - -<p>Few travellers and scholars have been so unfettered and -unprejudiced by our inherited ideas of the calendar as Codrington; -accordingly they have usually striven to establish a -proper series of months, or at least normal series. How much -is lost to view owing to this tendency can hardly be imagined, -but there are sufficient indications in the reports to point -to the fluctuating, manifold, and unstable nature of the primitive -naming of the months.</p> - -<p>One of these indications is the great variability of the -names. Many peoples have remained at the stage at which a -fixed connexion between month and season does not exist: -every season—taking the word in its broadest sense—, every -natural event and occupation may be associated with a month. -If these relationships are treated as names of months, there -will arise a great number of names of months, which will vary -according to circumstances and to the whim of the speaker. -Thus it is said<a id="FNanchor_812" href="#Footnote_812" class="fnanchor">[812]</a> of the Eskimos of the Behring Straits that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_222"></a>[222]</span> -very often different names are used to describe the same month, -when this month occurs at a time at which different occupations -or natural phenomena are in progress. That the situation -is, or at least was, the same among most peoples is shewn by -the numerous variants which are to be found even in the -preceding lists, and would certainly be much more numerous -if the authorities, in their efforts to establish a normal series, -had not passed them over. In the same fashion is to be explained -the next surprising phenomenon, viz. that certain -peoples, in the matter of the number of months in the year, -give a far greater number than twelve or thirteen. This is -not always to be set down to the inability to count. That -explanation serves when prominent Igorot declare that the -year has a hundred months<a id="FNanchor_813" href="#Footnote_813" class="fnanchor">[813]</a>, but not when the Kiowa number -14 or 15<a id="FNanchor_814" href="#Footnote_814" class="fnanchor">[814]</a>. The Hopi year too may have 14 months, -since the second part of October receives a special name<a id="FNanchor_815" href="#Footnote_815" class="fnanchor">[815]</a>. -Perhaps the month is halved, just as when among the Central -Eskimos the days of a certain month, which has only -twilight and no sun, receive one name, and the rest of the -month another<a id="FNanchor_816" href="#Footnote_816" class="fnanchor">[816]</a>. A traveller of the 18th century states that -the Tahitians reckon 14 months, and adds that it is a mystery -how they count them<a id="FNanchor_817" href="#Footnote_817" class="fnanchor">[817]</a>. But these traces are here seen to be -relics of an earlier state of affairs such as Codrington has -clearly described:—“Months have their names from what is -done and what happens when the moon appears and while it -lasts; the same moon has different names. If all the names of -moons in use in one language were set in order, the periods -of time would overlap, and the native year would be artificially -made up of 20 or 30 months”.</p> - -<p>This fluctuating character of the nomenclature explains -the instability of the names of the months; when anything new -happens which is of importance for the life of the people, it -serves to describe a month. Thus the Lenope, after they migrated -inland, where no shads were found, renamed the shad-month -the sugar-refining month<a id="FNanchor_818" href="#Footnote_818" class="fnanchor">[818]</a>; and the Pima, after they had -learnt to cultivate wheat, named a month from the wheat harvest<a id="FNanchor_819" href="#Footnote_819" class="fnanchor">[819]</a>.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_223"></a>[223]</span> -The best evidence is the multiplicity and diversity of the -names of months, which is found everywhere, even among the -most closely related peoples and tribes, or different groups of -the same tribe, as is shewn by the above series of months -from beginning to end. Most significant and by no means -isolated is the case of the Cheyenne, different groups of whom -have separate names for the months. Since they are well -acquainted with the customs of the animals and roam over -wide areas, they easily recognise any name for a month, even -if they themselves do not use it. The reason for this is also -that the seasons, which serve as descriptions of the months, -are common to all and at once become intelligible<a id="FNanchor_820" href="#Footnote_820" class="fnanchor">[820]</a>. They -have not been fixed in a conventional series, as is the case -with the months as we conceive them; ours is the final point -of the development, which begins with a chaotic mass of names -of months.</p> - -<p>We see that at this stage the number of months is indifferent: -the question how many months the year has simply -does not exist, and consequently there is no need to make -the series of moon-months fit into the solar year. There are -peoples who do not even extend the reckoning by moons to -the whole year. There is a time ‘in which nothing happens’, -which is quite without interest and in which no one takes the -trouble to observe or name the moons. Such a period is e. g. -the depth of winter in the far north, when people only vegetate, -as well as they can. Among the tribes of the Kamchatka -river the tenth and last month is said to be as long as three -others<a id="FNanchor_821" href="#Footnote_821" class="fnanchor">[821]</a>. The Amansi, one of the Ibo-speaking tribes, reckon -ten months and an <i>evulevu</i> (idiot, nothing, empty month)<a id="FNanchor_822" href="#Footnote_822" class="fnanchor">[822]</a>. More -often we find series of months with less than twelve names. -The inhabitants of the Marquesas Islands had a ten-month -year, although as well as this they knew the complete year, -which was reckoned and named according to the Pleiades<a id="FNanchor_823" href="#Footnote_823" class="fnanchor">[823]</a>. -Even the Maoris are said to have counted no more months after -the tenth<a id="FNanchor_824" href="#Footnote_824" class="fnanchor">[824]</a>. The Yurak Samoyedes and the Tunguses of the -Amur count only eleven months, the northern Kamchadales ten<a id="FNanchor_825" href="#Footnote_825" class="fnanchor">[825]</a>.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_224"></a>[224]</span> -The Yeneseisk Ostiaks name only the months of one half of -the year, the seven winter months<a id="FNanchor_826" href="#Footnote_826" class="fnanchor">[826]</a>, and so do many Indian -tribes. The Bannock have no names for the months of the -warm season of the year<a id="FNanchor_827" href="#Footnote_827" class="fnanchor">[827]</a>. Many Cheyenne tribes have only -six months with names<a id="FNanchor_828" href="#Footnote_828" class="fnanchor">[828]</a>; the present condition of the calendar -of the Hopi and Zuñi points to the fact that this was really -the case with these tribes also<a id="FNanchor_829" href="#Footnote_829" class="fnanchor">[829]</a>. The Diegueño of S. California -have only six months<a id="FNanchor_830" href="#Footnote_830" class="fnanchor">[830]</a>. Even where a full series of -months has arisen, there are traces of this earlier state of -affairs. Thus the Omaha have one month ‘in which nothing -happens’<a id="FNanchor_831" href="#Footnote_831" class="fnanchor">[831]</a>. Of the 13 months of the Upper Wellé those occupying -the 7th and 13th positions have no names<a id="FNanchor_832" href="#Footnote_832" class="fnanchor">[832]</a>. Among -the Voguls of the Tawda three months seem to be unnamed<a id="FNanchor_833" href="#Footnote_833" class="fnanchor">[833]</a>.</p> - -<p>A further very wide-spread phenomenon of the nomenclature -of the months—the pairs of months, in which two -months of the same name are distinguished as the big and the -little, the former and the latter, etc.—is due to the connecting -of the month with somewhat larger divisions of the natural -year, covering a period of about two months. Thus the -Tchuvashes have a very steep month and a month of little -steepness, the Ugric Ostiaks a big and a little winter-ridge -month, the Minusinsk Tatars a little and a big cold, the Karagasses -a frost month and a big frost month, the Samoyedes a -first and a big dark month, the Voguls a little and a big -autumn-hunting month, perhaps also a little and a big mid-summer -month, the Thlinkits a month before, and a month -when, everything hatches, the Indians in De la Potherie a -first and a second moon in which the bear brings forth her -young, the Kiowa a little bud-moon and a bud-moon, the -latter sometimes with ‘big’ added, the Creek Indians a little -and a big ripening moon, a little and a big chestnut moon, a -big and a little winter, the latter also called ‘little brother of -big winter’ (note the inverted order in this case), a little and -a big spring. The Seminole have four pairs of months, in three -the first is distinguished as the little, e. g. little and big mulberry -moon, but on the other hand the big winter precedes<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_225"></a>[225]</span> -the little; the Zuñi have a little and a big wind-month. Somewhat -similar are the pairs of months of the Pima, ‘leaves’ and -‘flowers’ of the cottonwood and mesquite respectively. The -Nandi of British East Africa have two pairs, ‘sacrifice’ and -‘second sacrifice’, ‘strong wind’ and ‘second strong wind’. -Compare also the two Basuto months <i>phupjoane</i>, ‘to begin to -swell’, from <i>phuphu</i>, and <i>phuphu</i>, ‘to swell’. The two series -of months from Timor shew more pairs. In the Polynesian -series pairs of months are equally frequent. In Tonga there -are two pairs, including a first and a second rainy month, on -the Society Islands there is a first and a second palolo month, -and so also in Samoa, in Tahiti a first and a last hunger. How -the pair so frequently occurring among the Siberian peoples, -little and big month, is to be explained is uncertain (cp. among -the Thlinkits ‘moon-child’ or young month, and big month). -It may be that something is to be understood, or perhaps they -are simply two months without names, which are distinguished -by the aid of the common epithets.</p> - -<p>Such pairs of months exist where greater seasons are involved -in the determining of the moons, and they are in fact -convenient, since their use obviates the unfortunate circumstance -which has been a source of great confusion to primitive -peoples, viz. that a natural phase from which it is the -custom to name a month may fall on the border-line between -two moons. So long as the description of the months remains -quite fluctuating and occasional, this and similar inconveniences -do not make themselves felt, but a very natural development -leads to a conventionalising of the series of months. -In common speech a selection among the various names of months -unconsciously takes place, so that those prevail which relate -to more important occupations and natural phases. Thus arises -a fixed, or tolerably well fixed, series of months, such as appears -in most of the reports handed down to us.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_226"></a>[226]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.<br /> -<br /> -<span class="fs70">OLD SEMITIC MONTHS.</span></h2> -</div> - -<h3>1. BABYLONIA.</h3> - - -<p class="drop-capy1">In the much disputed questions of the ancient Babylonian -astronomy and calendar the non-expert is in a situation of -despair: for whoever cannot himself make use of the sources -is referred to the often directly contradictory statements of the -experts. I cannot however shirk the task of investigating -whether in Babylonian calendric systems traces of the primitive -time-reckoning are not also to be found. Unfortunately I cannot -limit myself to matters upon which a certain unity of opinion -prevails, but must also touch upon burning questions, such as -the intercalation. What is here offered is in the nature of -things only an attempt: but I may perhaps be allowed to express -the hope that competent specialists, not led astray by -chronological hypotheses, may afterwards observe how far the -few but obvious characteristics of the primitive time-reckoning -recur also in the Babylonian system.</p> - -<p>The multiplicity and variability of the names of the months -are found once more in ancient Sumer. In so comparatively late -a period as the kingdom of Ur (in the middle of the second -half of the third millenium B. C.) each minor state had its own -list of months, which I here reproduce, together with the -suggested explanations, chiefly from the latest work of Landsberger<a id="FNanchor_834" href="#Footnote_834" class="fnanchor">[834]</a>. -At this time there was in use in Nippur a list of -months the terms of which later served as general ideograms -for the months. The names are:—1, <i>bar-zag-gar(-ra)</i> month<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_227"></a>[227]</span> -of habitation or inhabitants of the sanctuary; 2, <i>gu(d)-si-sa</i>, the -name is derived by the Babylonians themselves from an agricultural -occupation, the driving of the irrigating-machine drawn -by oxen: the moderns connect this name with the <i>gu(d)-si-su</i> -festival celebrated in this month at Nippur; 3, <i>šeg-ga</i>, shortened -from <i>šeg-u-šub-ba-gar-ra</i>, ‘month in which the brick is laid in the -mould’; 4, <i>šu-kul-na</i>, probably ‘sowing-month’, although the time -does not fit: for displacements see <a href="#Page_261">below p. 261</a>; 5, <i>ne-ne-gar(-ra)</i>, -named from a festival; 6, <i>kin-<sup>d</sup> Inanna</i>, named from an Istar -festival; 7, <i>du(l)-azag(-ga)</i>, from a festival; 8, <i>apin-du-a</i>, ‘month -of the opening of the irrigation-pipes’, which fits very well with -the time of year; 9, <i>kan-kan-na</i>, probably ‘ploughing-month’, -which also agrees very well with the season; 10, <i>ab(-ba)-e(-a)</i>, -from a festival; 11, <i>aš-a(-an)</i>, ‘month of the spelt’; 12, <i>še-kin-kud-(du)</i>, -‘month of the corn-harvest’. There are therefore some -names of the familiar kind, taken from agricultural occupations, -but more are borrowed from festivals. It is very natural that -the list of months should be regulated by ecclesiastical points -of view, since Nippur was a great and very ancient centre of -the religious cult.</p> - -<p>Most interesting are the months from Girsu (Lagash). -From the pre-Sargonic period about 25 names of months have -hitherto been found, of which only 8 or 9 persisted up to the -second and third periods. These 25 names of months are -divided by Landsberger into the following groups:—(1) occasional -names of months, under which he includes those which -are consciously named after the object or employment mentioned -in the document itself, or even improvised from the -domestic occupation in question. Four names are given but -are not translated. (2) isolated and foreign names of months: -‘month in which the shining (or white) star sinks down from -the culmination-point’, a type familiar to us; ‘month in which -the third people came from Uruk’, doubtless an accidental -description. Further, two months named from festivals at -Lagash. (3) agricultural by-names: <i>itu še-kin-kud-du</i>, see -above; <i>itu gur-dub-ba-a</i>, ‘month in which the granary is covered -with grain’; further a name not explained, perhaps identical -with the foregoing. (4) terms belonging to the religious cult.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_228"></a>[228]</span> -Of these no fewer than 17 exist, not counting those already -mentioned: they are nearly all named after festivals. Great -pains have been taken to arrange the months in their -position in the calendar, and the superfluous names have -been set down merely as doublets, since they have been judged -by the lists of months current among ourselves. When we -compare the terms with those of the primitive time-reckoning, -it becomes clear that the naming of the months is here in the -same fluctuating state as e. g. among the Melanesians. According -to circumstances, an agricultural occupation, the rising of -a star, a festival, etc., is seized upon in order to describe the -month. Certainly the months can be chronologically arranged, -but to draw up a fixed series from these 25 names is impossible, -even if tendencies towards the formation of such a series -already exist. The development tends in this direction in order -to facilitate a general understanding, and in the second -period, at the time of the kingdom of Akkad in the 28th to -26th centuries, a list of this nature occurs<a id="FNanchor_835" href="#Footnote_835" class="fnanchor">[835]</a>:—1, <i>itu ezen gan-maš</i>, -perhaps ‘month of the reckoning’, i. e. of the profits of -the agriculture, or ‘<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">mois où la campagne resplendit</i>’; 2, <i>itu -ezen har-ra-ne-sar-sar</i>, ‘month in which the oxen work’; 3, <i>itu -ezen dingir ne-šu</i>, of uncertain meaning but connected with -the cult; 4, <i>itu šu-kul</i>, see above; 5, <i>itu ezen dim-ku</i>, month of -the feast in which the <i>dim</i> consecrated to the deity was eaten; -6, <i>itu ezen <sup>dingir</sup> Dumu-zi</i>, month of the Tammuz feast; 7, -<i>itu ur</i>; 8, <i>itu ezen <sup>dingir</sup> Bau</i>, month of the feast of the goddess -Bau; 9, <i>itu mu-šu-gab</i>, meaning uncertain; 10, <i>itu mes-en-du-še-a-na</i> -(?); 11, <i>itu ezen amar-a(-a)-si</i>, <i>amar</i> = ‘young brood’, -<i>a</i> = ‘water’, <i>si</i> = <i>malu</i> = ‘to be full’, and therefore probably -‘spawning month’; 12, <i>itu še-še-kin-a</i>, another form for <i>še-kin-kud</i>; -13, <i>itu ezen še-illa</i>, ‘<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">mois où le blé monte</i>’, according to -Radau ‘grain grow(n)’, according to de Genouillac, whom Kugler -follows, ‘<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">mois où on lève le blé pour les moutons</i>’: i. e. after -the corn has been trodden out on the threshing-floor by the -oxen, the stalks are taken up for the cattle. The list has -therefore thirteen months. Further, two points are to be noted.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_229"></a>[229]</span> -In the first place only eight months (nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, 11, 12, -and 13), or perhaps nine—if <i>itu ur</i> is to be regarded as an -abbreviation of <i>itu ga-udu-ur-(ra-)ka</i>—are taken over from the -preceding period. The multiplicity and instability of the names -of months were therefore at an earlier period still greater than -the known names indicate. In the second place the word <i>ezen</i>, -‘feast’, is a secondary addition to the names of the 2nd, 3rd, -13th, and probably the 4th months, that is to say, the -ecclesiastical point of view has penetrated into the nomenclature -of the months to such an extent that even months with -names borrowed from agricultural occupations are explained -anew by festivals. The third period is the time of Dungi and -his successors. The list of months differs only in that 7, -<i>itu ur</i>, was re-named as <i>itu ezen <sup>dingir</sup> Dungi</i>, and the tenth -month of the above list is missing, so that we have 10, <i>itu -amar-a-asi</i>; 11, <i>itu še-kin-kud</i>; 12, <i>itu se-illa</i>; in the intercalation -11 is doubled, <i>itu dir še-kin-kud</i>. The seventh month takes -its name from a festival celebrated in honour of the deified -king Dungi; it is therefore the oldest example of a naming of -a month from deified rulers which originates in the festivals -bound up with the cult; such names are familiar from the -Graeco-Roman period and examples still survive in the words -‘July’ and ‘August’. Still another version of this list exists in -the so-called syllabar of months, in which six series of names -of months are enumerated. This list is not completely preserved. -The most considerable deviation is that only two -months instead of three intervene between the months <i>šu-kul-na</i> -and <i>ezen <sup>d</sup> Bau</i>: the order of succession is therefore broken. -Landsberger conjectures that we have to do either with a later -form of the calendar from Lagash, at the time of the kings -of Larsa and Isin—afterwards the Nippur list was used, this -being employed everywhere, at least ideographically—or else -with a local offshoot. In any case the list affords valuable -evidence of the instability of the months.</p> - -<p>In modern Drehem there is found a list of months in which -each month is allotted to an official of the cult, so that the -result is a monthly regulation of the cult. The list is assigned -to the town of Ur. 1, <i>maš-da-ku</i>, ‘month of the gazelle eating’,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_230"></a>[230]</span> -from a festival ceremony; 2, <i>šeš-da-ku</i>, and 3, <i>u-bi-ku</i>, borrowed -from religious festivals; 4, <i>ki-sig <sup>d</sup> Nin-a-zu</i>, month of the -mourning festival of Ninazu; 5, <i>ezen <sup>d</sup> Nin-a-zu</i>, month of -the (joyful) festival of Ninazu; 6, <i>a-ki-ti</i>, named from a -feast; 7, <i>ezen <sup>d</sup> Dungi</i>, see above; 8, <i>šu-eš-ša</i>, unexplained, -later ousted by <i><sup>itu</sup> ezen <sup>d</sup> Su- <sup>d</sup> Sin</i>; 9, <i>ezen-mah</i>, ‘month of -the high feast’; 10, <i>ezen-an-na</i>, month of the Anu feast; 11, <i>ezen -Me-ki-gal</i>, doubled in intercalation; 12, <i>še-kin-kud</i>. There are -also many variants. The names, with the exception of that of -the old harvest month, are all taken from feasts: the ecclesiastical -nomenclature has therefore been carried out very fully.</p> - -<p>The list of months from Umma:—The months 1, 2, and -6 are borrowed from the Nippur list. Of undoubted religious -origin are:—9, <i><sup>d</sup> Ne-gun</i>; 10, <i>ezen <sup>d</sup> Dungi</i>; 12, <i><sup>d</sup> Dumu-zi</i>. 11 -has the variant <i><sup>itu d</sup> Pap-u-e</i>. To none of the four local systems -can <i><sup>itu</sup> azag-šim</i> be allotted.</p> - -<p>A fifth list is known only from the above-mentioned syllabar, -and is not certainly localised. The names of months refer -to festivals and religious ceremonies, and have not all been -completely preserved.</p> - -<p>We have seen what a multiplicity prevails among the Sumerian -names of months. At the time of the dynasty of -Hammurabi the signs of the Nippur list are used as ideographic -signs of the months. The phonetic readings are known. The -names are the common ones which were also adopted by -the Jews in exile. The explanations are, according to Muss-Arnolt:—1, -<i>nisanu</i>, from <i>nesu</i> = ‘to stir, to move on, to leap’; -2, <i>airu</i>, from <i>aru</i>, ‘bright’, or <i>ir</i>, ‘to send out, to sprout’, and -therefore the month of blossoming and sprouting; 3, <i>sivanu</i>; -4, <i>duzu</i>, ‘son of life’; 5, <i>abu</i>, ‘hostile’ (on account of the heat); -6, <i>ululu</i>; 7, <i>tašritu</i>, ‘origin, beginning’; 8, <i>arah-samna</i>, ‘the eighth -month’; 9, <i>kislivu</i>; 10, <i>dhabitu</i>, ‘the gloomy month’; 11, <i>sabadhu</i>, -‘the destroyer’; 12, <i>addaru</i>, ‘the dark (month)’. The names -are therefore borrowed throughout from natural phenomena. -Numerous phonetic writings in legal documents are alone sufficient -to shew that, at least for Sippar, our common pronunciations -of the month-ideograms of this time were not the only -ones in use. Landsberger gives 12 other names, of which only<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_231"></a>[231]</span> -a few can be explained. <i>Sibutim</i>, <i>sibutu</i> is the name for the -7th day and its festival, as the name of a month therefore, -carrying over the idea to the year, it is the <i>sibutu</i> of the -year; <i>ki-nu-ni</i>, ‘oven month’, because the oven must then be -heated; <i>arah ka-ti-ir-si-tim</i>, ‘hand of the underworld’, probably -something like ‘month of epidemics’. One or two are named -from gods. Therefore among the Semites of Babylonia also a -fixed series of months was formed only gradually, by selection, -and indeed under the influence of the Sumerian calendar from -which the ideograms were borrowed.</p> - -<p>The Elamite calendar is known partly from the so-called -syllabar of months, and partly from documents<a id="FNanchor_836" href="#Footnote_836" class="fnanchor">[836]</a>: the latter -offer 13 names of which Hrozný tries to explain away the last -by identifying it with another. The names in the two sources -sometimes vary considerably, but are chiefly of Babylonian -origin. Several, according to Hrozný’s interpretations, refer -to the seasons: <i>še-ir(-i)-eburi</i>, (month of the) prospering of the -harvest; <i>tam-ti-ru-um</i>, month of rain; <i>tar-bi-tum</i> (month of the) -growth (of plants). <i>Pi-te-bâbi</i> means ‘opening of the gate’, and -probably refers to a religious ceremony.</p> - -<p>The ancient Assyrian list of months is partly preserved -in the syllabar of months, and also occurs in the inscriptions -of the early Assyrian kings and in the so-called Cappadocian -tablets, which come from an Assyrian colony of the third -millenium at Kara Eyjuk in Asia Minor. We find:—2, perhaps -month of the moon-god; 3, <i>ku-zal-li</i>, shepherd’s month; -4, <i>al-la-na-a-ti</i>, also shepherd’s month; 6, <i>ša sa-ra-te</i>, perhaps -the name of some employment; 12, <i>qar-ra-a-tu</i>, name of an -occupation (?). The other names are missing or are uncertain. -In regard to the interpretation of the names from occupations a -certain caution should be exercised, since in accordance with -all the examples hitherto given a name like ‘shepherd’s month’ -ought to refer not to the occupation as such but to the pasture -season. All other explanations are quite problematical.</p> - -<p>In the above I have only been able to reproduce the -material collected by Assyriologists and the explanations given -by them: but from this it clearly appears that the development<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_232"></a>[232]</span> -of the series of months has proceeded in the same fashion here -as elsewhere. At the beginning we find an indefinite number -of names of months borrowed principally from natural phenomena. -Among these a selection takes place, the result of -which, however, is different in each city. At first it seems as -though series of 13 months arose. But these series, as the -examples from Lagash shew, were not fixed throughout. -New names penetrate into them, even the position of the month -can be altered. Finally the series becomes quite fixed, and -with this seems to be connected the falling away of the -thirteenth month: in the series of months now fixed at twelve -the leapmonth becomes a doubling of the preceding month. -While this development continues, the calendar takes on more -and more an ecclesiastical stamp, since months named from festivals -are constantly ousting those named from natural phenomena, -and finally attain to almost exclusive predominance. -This is easily to be understood in the case of ancient Sumer, -since not only were the priests alone—here as elsewhere—in -possession of the art of writing and the other higher -branches of knowledge of the people, but the temples also had -the largest landed property, with an extensive administration. -Occupations and religious ceremonies, festival seasons and -time-reckoning for practical purposes were more closely connected -at that time than at any other. The Semitic calendars -all present the same characteristics as the ancient Sumerian, -a resemblance which is only slightly disguised by the fact that -the signs of the now fixed Sumerian series of months are used -as ideograms of the months. Everyone read the ideograms in -accordance with his custom, so that a variety in the names of -months still existed, as the phonetic writings testify. But the -fixed writing naturally contributed to bring about fixed readings, -i. e. a fixed series of months.</p> - - -<h3 class="p2">2. THE ISRAELITES.</h3> - -<p>The Israelites, like all Semitic races, reckoned in lunar -months. I need not discuss the views which ascribe to them a -solar year, or would make the old Canaanitish months divisions<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_233"></a>[233]</span> -of the solar year. From early times the day of the new -moon was celebrated with general festivities and rest from -labour, and the old feasts of the agricultural year seem to -have been postponed till the time of full moon. Like the -Homeric Greeks, the Jews at their immigration had no names of -months. Hence they took over the old Canaanitish names. -The latter appear in the oldest portions of the law, in the regulations -for the feast of the Passover, which is to be celebrated -in <i>chodesh ha-abib</i>, the month of ears of corn, and in the -history of the building of Solomon’s temple<a id="FNanchor_837" href="#Footnote_837" class="fnanchor">[837]</a>, where three -others—<i>chodesh</i> or <i>yerash ziv</i>, <i>yerash bul</i>, <i>yerash ha-etanim</i>—are -mentioned and compared with the numerical months -by which their position is fixed. Of these <i>y. bul</i> and <i>y. etanim</i> -recur among the eleven Phoenician names of months known -from inscriptions. The above-mentioned series of months, which -we possess only in fragments, was therefore at least in part -identical with the Phoenician: hence the term ‘old Canaanitish’ -is justified. The explanations are also clear, having regard to -the position of the months in the year. <i>Chodesh ha-abib</i>, corresponding -to the first month, about April, is the month of the -ripening ears. <i>Yerash ziv</i>, the second, about May, the month -of brightness (though certainly the etymology is not certain), -is referred to the splendour of the blossoming season, though -this falls earlier. But in May the dry season begins, and so -one would think rather of the splendour of the sun. <i>Yerash -ha-etanim</i>, corresponding to the seventh, about September, -means month of the flowing, i. e. of the perennial streams, -which now at the end of the dry season are the only ones -that have water. <i>Yerash bul</i>, the eighth, cannot be referred -to the gathering of the fruit (<i>bul</i>), which has already taken -place, but probably means the rainy month, since the autumn -rains now begin<a id="FNanchor_838" href="#Footnote_838" class="fnanchor">[838]</a>. The descriptions are therefore of the kind -already sufficiently familiar.</p> - -<p>But in the writings of the Old Testament the numbering -of the months, beginning at the Feast of the Passover, is the -common method of description, which is only replaced by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_234"></a>[234]</span> -Babylonian names of months after the Captivity. It seems to -be fairly generally recognised that the numbering is later, and -according to what has already been shewn about the numbering -of months<a id="FNanchor_839" href="#Footnote_839" class="fnanchor">[839]</a> this is always a phenomenon of an advanced -stage of civilisation. The inclination of the people towards -concrete descriptions of months must also have prepared the -way for the introduction of the Babylonian names. As to the -date of the introduction of the numbered months there is considerable -difference of opinion: at the time of Solomon<a id="FNanchor_840" href="#Footnote_840" class="fnanchor">[840]</a>, about -600 B. C.<a id="FNanchor_841" href="#Footnote_841" class="fnanchor">[841]</a>, first demonstrable among the writers of the Captivity<a id="FNanchor_842" href="#Footnote_842" class="fnanchor">[842]</a>. -For our purpose the chief point to note is that the -numbering is more recent than the naming of the months. -This question is again connected with that of the beginning of -the year, which will be dealt with below. For if the series of -numbered months begins in spring, yet there are also indications -of an earlier beginning in autumn<a id="FNanchor_843" href="#Footnote_843" class="fnanchor">[843]</a>.</p> - -<p>New evidence both for the beginning of the year in autumn -and for the months is found in an inscriptional calendar -from Gezer, dating from about the year 600<a id="FNanchor_844" href="#Footnote_844" class="fnanchor">[844]</a>. It runs:—Two -months: bringing in of fruits; two months: sowing; two months: -late sowing; one month: pulling up of flax; one month: barley -harvest; one month: harvest of all other kinds of corn; two -months: vintage; one month: fruit-gathering. This agrees with -the course of the agricultural occupations, reckoning from about -September,—the bringing in of fruit is not the harvest but -the carrying home of the harvest from the fields—but is -naturally systematised so as to cover the months. Whoever -drew up this list knew neither fixed names nor a fixed enumeration -of the months: the question can only be whether this -state of affairs must have been general at the date 600 B. C. The -purpose of the list does not seem to me to have been clearly -recognised. It is obvious that such a list must have been -drawn up for practical ends. It helps to regulate the calendar. -From the agricultural work just engaged in the present month -is recognised: and then, with the aid of this calendar, it becomes -possible to calculate how many months will elapse before<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_235"></a>[235]</span> -some other occupations begin. If this calendar came into -general use, names of months of the usual type would arise -from it.</p> - -<p>It has been remarked above that the Israelites at their -immigration into Canaan had no names of months. Of course, -like all other primitive peoples, they occasionally reckoned a -few months up to or after this or that event, e. g. pregnancy. -This counting was a shifting one, i. e. it had no reference to -the solar year. That the practice of counting the months was -known is proved by the common word for month, <i>chodesh</i>, -literally ‘newness’, ‘new moon’, from <i>chadash</i>, ‘new’. The word -for moon is <i>yareach</i>. Among the Phoenicians <i>chodesh</i> means -only ‘new moon’: ‘month’ is <i>yerach</i>. In the Old Testament -this latter word also occurs several times: in the account of -the building of Solomon’s temple<a id="FNanchor_845" href="#Footnote_845" class="fnanchor">[845]</a> (in three cases characteristically -combined with the old Canaanitish names), in Exodus<a id="FNanchor_846" href="#Footnote_846" class="fnanchor">[846]</a>, -in Deuteronomy and II Kings (in the expression <i>yerach yamim</i><a id="FNanchor_847" href="#Footnote_847" class="fnanchor">[847]</a>), -and lastly, poetically, in Moses’ departing blessing<a id="FNanchor_848" href="#Footnote_848" class="fnanchor">[848]</a> and a few -times in Job and Zechariah.</p> - -<p>When it is remembered that the months are counted not only -continuously but also by the appearance of each new moon<a id="FNanchor_849" href="#Footnote_849" class="fnanchor">[849]</a>, it -becomes clear how the word <i>chodesh</i> has come to mean ‘month’, -and this is also a sure evidence for the practice of counting -the months, though not from a definite point of departure. The -latter process, i. e. the numbering of the months, is much later. The -earlier books of the Old Testament provide interesting material -for the significance of the word<a id="FNanchor_850" href="#Footnote_850" class="fnanchor">[850]</a>. <i>Chodesh</i> means ‘new moon’, -‘feast of the new moon’ in the old narrative of Jonathan and -David<a id="FNanchor_851" href="#Footnote_851" class="fnanchor">[851]</a>; in the combination ‘new moons and sabbaths’<a id="FNanchor_852" href="#Footnote_852" class="fnanchor">[852]</a>; and -in the regulations of the Priestly Code about the burnt offering<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_236"></a>[236]</span> -of the new moon<a id="FNanchor_853" href="#Footnote_853" class="fnanchor">[853]</a>. From the new moon the days of the month -can be counted, and this is done in one case<a id="FNanchor_854" href="#Footnote_854" class="fnanchor">[854]</a>. The number -of months is determined by counting the new moons: thus -certain passages can be understood (though not necessarily so), -e. g. in the Yahwist, Gen. XXXVIII, 24, “it came to pass about -three new moons (months) after”, and in Amos IV, 7, “when there -were yet three new moons (months) to the harvest”. Here -‘new moon’ and ‘month’ are essentially identical: in this manner -a change of sense has come about. Another point is -whether at the time in question the word in this connexion -had the sense of new moon or of month: I should be inclined -to regard the latter supposition as correct. In the regulations -for the Passover Feast also the sense is not to be determined -definitely<a id="FNanchor_855" href="#Footnote_855" class="fnanchor">[855]</a>. If prominence is given to the idea of duration -of time, the sense ‘month’ clearly appears, e. g. in the story -of Jephthah’s daughter:<a id="FNanchor_856" href="#Footnote_856" class="fnanchor">[856]</a> “Let me alone two months, that I may -depart and go down upon the mountains, and bewail my virginity.” -Thus the word in earlier and later times is often used -in the counting of the months<a id="FNanchor_857" href="#Footnote_857" class="fnanchor">[857]</a>. The sense ‘month’ can be -rendered clear by the addition <i>yamim</i><a id="FNanchor_858" href="#Footnote_858" class="fnanchor">[858]</a>, which is an older -idiom, for neither with <i>chodesh</i> nor with <i>shana</i>, ‘year’, is -<i>yamim</i> originally an empty addition. <i>Shana</i> perhaps means -‘change’, ‘recurrence’, i. e. of the seasons. If the word is -used in a calendarial sense, <i>yamim</i> is a practical explanation. -The result is that <i>chodesh</i> stands for ‘month’, even where the -idea of the new moon is completely excluded, e. g., with -numbers of days added, as early as in the Yahwistic part of -the old History of the Kings, II Sam. XXIV, 8, ‘nine months -and twenty days’, or in the history of Solomon, I Kings V, -14: “And he sent them to Lebanon, ten thousand a month by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_237"></a>[237]</span> -courses: a month they were in Lebanon, and two months at -home”. The older senses belong in general to the older -writings; it is however to be presumed that before the beginning -of the literary period the change of sense had already -advanced rather far.</p> - -<p>In by far the greatest number of cases <i>chodesh</i> stands -in combination with an ordinal numeral, not in Deuteronomy, -but in Jeremiah and the writers of the Exile, in the last Reviser -of the Pentateuch, in the Priestly Code. Hence it follows -that these numbered months are a late innovation, and they -will be spoken of again in connexion with the matter of the -beginning of the year<a id="FNanchor_859" href="#Footnote_859" class="fnanchor">[859]</a>.</p> - - -<h3 class="p2">3. THE PRE-MOHAMMEDAN ARABIANS.</h3> - -<p>The series of months now used by the Arabs is the ancient -Meccan series, which, on account of the importance of -Mecca as a centre of trade, had acquired a more than local -extension and was adopted by Islam. Besides this series -others are handed down, partly by Arabian writers, and partly -in the Sabean inscriptions: the latter I pass over, since there -is no translation of them, so that they are of no use for my -purpose<a id="FNanchor_860" href="#Footnote_860" class="fnanchor">[860]</a>. The Meccan series is:—1, <i>safar I</i>, now called -<i>muharram</i>, ‘the holy’, a re-naming which, according to an -Arabic author, Buchari, first took place under Islam; 2, <i>safar II</i>; -3, <i>rabi I</i>; 4, <i>rabi II</i>; 5, <i>jumada I</i>; 6, <i>jumada II</i>; 7, <i>rajab</i>; -8, <i>sha’ban</i>; 9, <i>ramadan</i>; 10, <i>shawwal</i>; 11, <i>dhu-l-qa’da</i>; 12, <i>dhu-l-hijja</i>. -These names, in so far as they are explainable, refer -to seasons and festivals. This is best seen from the three -pairs of months which form the first half-year. I quote Wellhausen:<a id="FNanchor_861" href="#Footnote_861" class="fnanchor">[861]</a>—“For -the season Çafar the Lisan 6, 134 gives -abundant examples; it gives a name to plants which grow at -that time, animals which are born then, and rains which fall -in it. It falls in the autumn. Gumâda often occurs in the -old poetry and always refers to the worst winter-cold, the -dear time in which the poor must be fed by the rich. Especially<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_238"></a>[238]</span> -favoured is the description of the evil night in Gumâda, -when the dogs do not bark, the snakes, which are otherwise -out at night-time, remain in their holes, and the traveller -eagerly looks out for a friendly fire. The Rabî’ falls, according -to the calendar, between Çafar and Gumâda, and therefore -in late autumn. But commonly the Rabî’ is the season -when, after the autumn and winter rains, the steppe becomes -green and the tribes disperse to the pastures, where the camels -bring forth their young and the rich milking-season -approaches.... The camels are pregnant ‘in the tenth month’, -and bring forth their young in February.” This statement is -supported by the etymology. <i>Safar</i> comes from a root with -the meaning ‘to be empty’. Since two months appear between -<i>safar</i> and the cold season, the two months of <i>safar</i> include -the end of the dry and the beginning of the rainy season, before -a more abundant vegetation has sprung up, and are therefore -the worst period of lack of food. The root from which -<i>jumada</i> comes has the sense ‘to grow stiff’, which suits the -time of the sharp cold. <i>Rabi</i> as a season has a double sense, -it is partly used to describe a period in autumn which is often -identified with <i>charif</i>, the date-harvest, and partly to describe -the pasture-season in spring. The explanation of this fact is -doubtless that the word refers to the sprouting vegetation, the -pasture-season, partly, indeed, to the vegetation which appears -simultaneously with the autumn rains, but partly to the richer -pasture which springs up with the increasing heat after the -winter rains. Out of these three seasons, according to a familiar -precedent, six months are made. They do not exactly -cover the winter half of the year, but fall somewhat earlier, -since the last month, <i>jumada II</i>, belongs to the cold period. -As for the other months, the sense of <i>ramadan</i>, ‘the hot’, is -certain, and it alludes to the warm season, in fact to its beginning, -since <i>ramadan</i> is the third month after <i>jumada II</i>. -The attempted explanations of <i>sha’ban</i> and <i>shawwal</i> are all -very uncertain. The other three names refer to festivals. In -<i>rajab</i> a festival was celebrated in all holy places, in which -sacrifices of camels and sheep were offered up. The root means -‘to fear, to reverence’; the month is therefore called the ‘holy’,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_239"></a>[239]</span> -or the ‘deaf and dumb’, since the noise of weapons is stilled. -The names of the last two months refer to the great pilgrimage -to Mecca. <i>Dhu-l-qa’da</i> is ‘the month of sitting’, and the -explanation given for the name—that the month was so -called because in it no expeditions or predatory excursions -took place—is doubtless correct. It is the first month of the -holy peace which prevails during the time of pilgrimage. The -second month is named from the feast of pilgrims itself, -<i>dhu-l-hijja</i>.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_240"></a>[240]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.<br /> -<br /> -<span class="fs70">CALENDAR REGULATION. 1. THE INTERCALATION.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p class="drop-capy1">The circumstance that the lunar months are among almost -all peoples named from the phases of Nature involves the -necessity of an agreement between the two really incommensurable -periods given by the sun and the moon. This problem -is the central point of the older scientific chronology. We -shall now investigate more closely how the problem has arisen, -and what has been its development among the primitive -peoples.</p> - -<p>Where there is only a series of less than twelve months, -the problem of calendar regulation does not exist. The series -is begun on the appearance of the signs from which the first -month is named, and is continued from that point until the end. -The vacant period serves, unconsciously of course, to bring -lunar reckoning and solar year into agreement. Nevertheless -the months can be fixed in a more accurate fashion. The Eskimos -of Greenland, for instance, mark the winter solstice by -the position of the sun, and then begin to count the moons, -and continue doing so until the moon can no longer be observed -in the bright summer nights<a id="FNanchor_862" href="#Footnote_862" class="fnanchor">[862]</a>. The Lower Thompson Indians -in British Columbia counted up to ten or sometimes -eleven months, the remainder of the year being called the -autumn or late fall. This indefinite period of unnamed months -enabled them to bring the lunar and solar year into harmony. -Also the Shuswap and the Lillooet in the same country counted -eleven months and then the ‘fall-time’, which was the balance -of the year<a id="FNanchor_863" href="#Footnote_863" class="fnanchor">[863]</a>.</p> - -<p>Among most peoples, however, a series of months covering<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_241"></a>[241]</span> -the whole year has arisen, and this series has more -often 13 than 12 months. Here the difficulties first begin. If -a new moon falls on a certain day of the solar year, in the -following year a new moon will occur about 11 days before -or 19 days after this day, and in the year after that about 21 -days before or 9 days after it. Since the natural phases are -bound up with the solar year, they get out of place in relation -to the moon. The situation is still further complicated by -the fact that the phases of Nature, and with them the occupations, -vary somewhat according to the peculiarities of the climate -in different years. Hence doubt arises, and the accustomed -order of succession of the months is broken. And this -is not a mere theoretical piece of reasoning: primitive peoples -are not seldom in perplexity as to which month they are to -count. Of the Dakota it is said that they often have heated -debates as to which moon it is. The raccoons do not come -out of their winter holes at the same time every winter, the -conditions which cause inflammation of the eyes do not appear -at the same time every spring, the geese lay their eggs at a -slightly different period according to the character of the year. -Twelve moons do not bring them back to the same point in -the season as that from which their reckoning began; and -therefore towards the end of the winter there is dispute among -the Dakota as to the correct current date<a id="FNanchor_864" href="#Footnote_864" class="fnanchor">[864]</a>. If the people has -a thirteenth month, the matter is no better. Of the Pawnee, -who had an intercalary month, it is stated that they sometimes -became inextricably involved in reckoning, and were obliged -to have recourse to objects about them to rectify their computations. -Councils have been known to be disturbed, or even -broken up, in consequence of irreconcilable differences of opinion -as to the correctness of their calculation<a id="FNanchor_865" href="#Footnote_865" class="fnanchor">[865]</a>. The same -is reported of the Caffres. Their months are named e. g. -from the first cry of the cuckoo, the flowering of the erythusia, -the dust in the dry season, midwinter, and since all these phenomena -may appear at somewhat different dates, even the Caffre -astrologers do not know what moon they are really in. The first -appearance of the Pleiades just before sunrise always rectifies<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_242"></a>[242]</span> -the confusion<a id="FNanchor_866" href="#Footnote_866" class="fnanchor">[866]</a>. Even peoples who have a developed, astronomically -regulated, lunisolar calendar sometimes have recourse -to the natural phases in order to rectify it. In Bali not only -were the stars observed but also the flowering of certain plants, -or even the date when the white ants got their wings, in order -to rectify the lunar calendar<a id="FNanchor_867" href="#Footnote_867" class="fnanchor">[867]</a>. The months of the Bataks of -Sumatra are regulated by the constellation Scorpio<a id="FNanchor_868" href="#Footnote_868" class="fnanchor">[868]</a>: the magicians, -who control the calendar, are not certain as to the -position of the months, but look for general points of reference -in the phenomena of Nature. Thus, for instance, the dates -of certain migratory birds are known: they come in the fourth -and go in the first month. In the third month a black flying-ant -is accustomed to appear in great numbers. The presence -of the bird of prey <i>lali piuan</i> makes known the sixth and seventh -months. The bird <i>sosoit</i> sings in the eleventh month, -and the turtle-dove is silent in the eighth. The west monsoon -proclaims the third, storms are very frequent in the eleventh -and twelfth<a id="FNanchor_869" href="#Footnote_869" class="fnanchor">[869]</a>.</p> - -<p>Many peoples slip over the difficulties, they do not properly -know of how many moons the year consists: such peoples are -the Dyaks<a id="FNanchor_870" href="#Footnote_870" class="fnanchor">[870]</a>, the Warumbi of Central Africa<a id="FNanchor_871" href="#Footnote_871" class="fnanchor">[871]</a>, the Ibo-speaking -peoples<a id="FNanchor_872" href="#Footnote_872" class="fnanchor">[872]</a>, the Algonquin<a id="FNanchor_873" href="#Footnote_873" class="fnanchor">[873]</a>. But if a definite series of months -is established, without a vacant interval such as occurs in -the case of some peoples, the number of months naturally -becomes 12 or 13. Even in this case the people sometimes -let matters go as they will, as is reported of the Yukaghir. -The people having been christianised, says our authority, it is -now difficult to say whether the ancient Yukaghir made some -adjustment by adding a month <ins class="corr" id="tn-242" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'to accomodate their'"> -to accommodate their</ins> lunar year -to the solar one. It seems to me, from the answers which I -received from the Yukaghir to my inquiries, that this point did -not interest them. Generally a month is the time from one -new moon to another, but it did not matter to them whether -twelve such months made up a full cycle of the year or not.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_243"></a>[243]</span> -When it was necessary they simply ignored some of the names -of months, being far ahead<a id="FNanchor_874" href="#Footnote_874" class="fnanchor">[874]</a>. The Koryak have twelve lunar -months, and the first one begins at the time of the winter solstice -and corresponds to our December. Yet they are very -little troubled by the fact that in the interval between two -winter solstices an extra new moon may occur<a id="FNanchor_875" href="#Footnote_875" class="fnanchor">[875]</a>. The very -perplexity described above implies a great advance, viz. the -recognition of the difficulties, which is the first stage towards -mastering them.</p> - -<p>Therefore every now and again some month must be left -out or a month added. This necessity, at first not recognised, -or not clearly so, is the chief cause of the above-mentioned -disagreement in the reckoning of the months<a id="FNanchor_876" href="#Footnote_876" class="fnanchor">[876]</a>. For when the -counting is performed in accordance with the series only, it -soon happens (apart from the climatic variations of the -years already mentioned) that the months deviate from the -natural phases from which they are named. The arguments -in the dispute as to which month it really is are based on the -condition of the phases of nature: the result is a correction -of the counting, i. e. the months are pushed forwards or backwards -according to circumstances, i. e. the month which should -have followed is left out, or a month is added to the series. -Thus an intercalation comes about without it being suspected -what is really done. In general the whole process is not even -so conscious as the desire for theoretical exactness has led -me to represent in using the example of the Dakota. The -series and the number of months were from the beginning unstable, -and the natural conditions have brought it about that -this characteristic has been preserved in at least one particular, -viz. that in certain cases a month could be passed over. -Let us, for the sake of clearness, take a fictitious example -from Swedish conditions. As a rule the rye-harvest falls at -the beginning of August, the oat-harvest at the end of August -and beginning of September, the potato-harvest at the end of -September. These occupations might very well be distributed -among three months named after them. But a year would sometimes -come in which the oat-harvest took place about at the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_244"></a>[244]</span> -interval between two moons, the rye-harvest at the beginning -of the first moon, and the potato-harvest at the end of -the second moon. There would therefore be no place for -a month of the oat-harvest, it must simply be omitted. That -this is the case among the primitive peoples is proved by the -fact that many, in fact most, of them have a series of thirteen -months of which one must according to circumstances be -passed over in certain years.</p> - -<p>Experience teaches the peoples who have only a twelve-month -series that this is not sufficient: so we are told of the -Mandan and Minnetaree that they have generally recognised -that the year has more than twelve months<a id="FNanchor_877" href="#Footnote_877" class="fnanchor">[877]</a>. When the intercalary -month, as among certain Indians, is named ‘the lost -month’<a id="FNanchor_878" href="#Footnote_878" class="fnanchor">[878]</a>, this points to the fact that it is an addition to a -twelve-month series, just as in Babylonia, where the same -method of expression recurs<a id="FNanchor_879" href="#Footnote_879" class="fnanchor">[879]</a>. The Masai have twelve months<a id="FNanchor_880" href="#Footnote_880" class="fnanchor">[880]</a>. -The great rains cease with <i>loo-’n-gokwa</i>, which is named from -the evening setting of the Pleiades. Should the rains still -continue at the beginning of the following month, the Masai -say:—“We have forgotten, this is <i>loo-’n-gokwa</i>.” Should the -hot season not be over at the beginning of the month following -<i>ol-oiborare</i>, they say:—“We have forgotten, this is -<i>ol-oiborare</i>”<a id="FNanchor_881" href="#Footnote_881" class="fnanchor">[881]</a>. It is clear that if through the dead reckoning -the months are advanced in relation to the seasons, one month -will be repeated, i. e. intercalated. The preceding month is -forgotten.</p> - -<p>Thus the necessity for modifying the series of months is -felt, and in response to this an empirical intercalation arises. -When this intercalation is left to itself, conflicting opinions, as -we have already seen, arise as to it. An end is made to -these disputes and order is established when the decision is -placed in the hands of definite persons. This was done among -the Jews, the regulation of whose calendar affords a particularly -plain example of this empirical intercalation, which, out of -religious conservatism, they kept until well into the post-Christian<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_245"></a>[245]</span> -period, in fact until the necessities of the Dispersion compelled, -from the second century, a mitigation of the original rules, and -finally at an uncertain period, perhaps not until medieval times, -led to a calculated regulation. According to the Talmud the -appearance of the crescent of the new moon was determined -by deposition before a court of justice of three members. After -that the beginning of the month was signalised in the country -in earlier times by fires, later by couriers. A suitable intercalation -was absolutely necessary for the celebration of the -feasts, since at the Feast of the Passover on the 14th of -Nisan the first-fruits of the corn were offered, and the two -other great feasts were also of an agrarian character. For -this purpose the court of justice visited the fields. If they -saw that the crops were not yet ripe at the Passover time, -and that the fruits also were not so far advanced as they -were accustomed to be at this time of the year, they intercalated -a month in accordance with these two signs: if only -one of these signs was to be observed the decision was made -to depend on other minor circumstances<a id="FNanchor_882" href="#Footnote_882" class="fnanchor">[882]</a>. By way of example -I give an official document of Rabbi Gamaliel II, issued to the -inhabitants of Judaea, Galilaea, and the Dispersion at the date -90–110 A. D.<a id="FNanchor_883" href="#Footnote_883" class="fnanchor">[883]</a>. “We make known to you that the lambs are -small and the young of the birds are tender and the time of -the corn-harvest has not yet come, so that it seems right to -me and my brothers to add to this year thirty days.” The -intercalary month was the last month of the year, <i>Adar</i>. On -rare occasions <i>Nisan</i>, when it had begun, was altered into -<i>Adar II</i>. Here the intercalation took place in the interests -of the religious cult, but the cult on its side was dependent -on the natural phenomena. The intercalation is of the same -empirical order as that which we have met among the primitive -peoples. It is only that the development of the ecclesiastical -laws has led to a judicial procedure, and the task of -determining the intercalation has been handed over to a committee -of the Sanhedrin.</p> - -<p>There exists a possibility of a somewhat different development<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_246"></a>[246]</span> -among peoples who originally had less than twelve -months and also counted a vacant interval: it is conceivable -that the unnamed months may be named, until at last twelve -months have names and the vacant interval remains only as -an intercalary month. This seems to be the case among -the Central Eskimos; they have a ‘sunless’ month, which -covers the time when the sun does not appear and when -there is also hardly any twilight: it is said to be of indeterminate -length. After an interval of a few years this month -is left out, if new moon and winter solstice coincide<a id="FNanchor_884" href="#Footnote_884" class="fnanchor">[884]</a>. When -the intercalary month has thus arisen, its position in the year -is fixed. One other example of this method may exist. The -author who gives the list of the months of the Kwakiutl of the -Island of Vancouver, beginning with March, inserts between -the tenth and eleventh months the winter solstice, and says -that the solstice moons are called by a name which probably -means ‘split both ways’, and adds that the readjustment is -made in midwinter<a id="FNanchor_885" href="#Footnote_885" class="fnanchor">[885]</a>. Unfortunately the author does not tell us -how the readjustment is made, whether the winter solstice -moon or some other moon is the intercalary month. If the -former be the case, the explanation is given by the above.</p> - -<p>There is rarely any rule for the position of the intercalary -month. Where the sources simply enumerate a thirteen-month -series, it is to be presumed that no fixed position for -the intercalary month exists. But such a month can be found, -since naturally a month named from a natural phase of less -importance will be omitted, or an additional month inserted, at -a time when there is little work going on, and when consequently -little attention is paid to the time-reckoning. So it is -said of the Pawnee that the intercalary month was usually -put in after the summer months<a id="FNanchor_886" href="#Footnote_886" class="fnanchor">[886]</a>. On the Society Islands -the month corresponding to our March or our July was commonly -omitted<a id="FNanchor_887" href="#Footnote_887" class="fnanchor">[887]</a>.</p> - -<p>The first regulation of the calendar is therefore roughly -empirical, and in fact is nothing but an occasional and arbitrary -deviation, necessitated by the natural phases, from the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_247"></a>[247]</span> -existing series of months. The natural phases, however, as -we saw in chapter IV, are determined in more accurate fashion -by the stars, and particularly by their risings and settings. -Consequently the months also can be named from stars, and -a considerable number of such names of months was found -in the lists of chapter VII. This phenomenon has hitherto been -only briefly touched upon; for the regulation of the calendar -it is of supreme importance, since the risings and settings of -the stars accurately determine the date, so that the fluctuation -of the natural phases is excluded. Where only one month is -named after a star and determined by it, the series of months -is immovably fixed.</p> - -<p>Just as the Pleiades play the most important part in the -determination of time from the phases of Nature, so it is also -in the naming of the months. The Konyag have a month -named from this constellation, which is followed by one -named after Orion<a id="FNanchor_888" href="#Footnote_888" class="fnanchor">[888]</a>. Of the Diegueño of S. California it is -stated that they divided the year into six months and observed -the morning rising of five chief stars. The names of -months are given, but unfortunately there is no information -as to the sense<a id="FNanchor_889" href="#Footnote_889" class="fnanchor">[889]</a>. The Hottentots and the Herero both have -a Pleiades month<a id="FNanchor_890" href="#Footnote_890" class="fnanchor">[890]</a>. On the islands of the Pacific Ocean the -practice is carried so far that in some cases every month is -described by the rising of a constellation, as is done by the -Maoris<a id="FNanchor_891" href="#Footnote_891" class="fnanchor">[891]</a>, or even named from stars, as among the inhabitants -of Mortlock’s Island<a id="FNanchor_892" href="#Footnote_892" class="fnanchor">[892]</a> and, for most of the months, by tribes -of the Torres Straits<a id="FNanchor_893" href="#Footnote_893" class="fnanchor">[893]</a>.</p> - -<p>This, however, is an exception. Where only one month -is named from the rising of a star or brought into connexion -with it—in this case the stars in question are usually the -Pleiades—the latter furnishes the means of correcting the -reckoning of the months, and the intercalary month is consequently -introduced, as need arises, before the month in -question. The Pleiades month therefore of itself becomes the -starting-point of the reckoning of the months, i. e. becomes -the beginning of the year. Immediately after the discovery of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_248"></a>[248]</span> -America it was already reported of certain tribes on the -Mexican coast that they began the year at the setting of the -Pleiades and divided it into moon-months<a id="FNanchor_894" href="#Footnote_894" class="fnanchor">[894]</a>. In Loango the -months are counted from new moons, but Sirius, the rainy -star, offers a means of correcting the reckoning sidereally. -With the first new moon which sees Sirius rising in the east -their new cycle of twelve months begins, and this must run -as well as it can until the new year. When the cycle of -months and the year do not fit, which happens about every -three years, a thirteenth month must be inserted. This is the -evil time, when the wandering spirits are at their worst<a id="FNanchor_895" href="#Footnote_895" class="fnanchor">[895]</a>. -The Caffres have twelve moon-months with the usual descriptive -names: on this account uncertainty often arises as to -which month it really is. The confusion is always rectified -by the morning rising of the Pleiades, and the reckoning goes -on smoothly for a time, until the months once more get out -of place and it becomes necessary to refer again to the stars -in order to correct them<a id="FNanchor_896" href="#Footnote_896" class="fnanchor">[896]</a>. In Bali the Pleiades and Orion -are observed for the purpose of correcting the calendar of -moons by intercalation: thus the month <i>kartika</i> is doubled, or -the month <i>asada</i> is prolonged until the Pleiades appear at -sunset. Moreover certain natural phenomena are observed<a id="FNanchor_897" href="#Footnote_897" class="fnanchor">[897]</a>. -In New Zealand, where all months were described by stars, -the year began with the new moon following on the rising of -the winter star <i>puanga</i> (Rigel)<a id="FNanchor_898" href="#Footnote_898" class="fnanchor">[898]</a>; the thirteenth month often -passed unobserved<a id="FNanchor_899" href="#Footnote_899" class="fnanchor">[899]</a>, i. e. served as an intercalary month. -Elsewhere we are told that the displacement of the moon-months -in relation to the year was rectified through the observation -of the rising of the Pleiades and of Orion, and that the -most accurate way of calculating the beginning of the year -was to observe the first new moon after the morning rising -of Rigel<a id="FNanchor_900" href="#Footnote_900" class="fnanchor">[900]</a>. The Papuans limit the year by the constellation of -the Serpent, <i>manggouanija</i>; when it appears again in the -north, it is a sign that the new year is beginning<a id="FNanchor_901" href="#Footnote_901" class="fnanchor">[901]</a>. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_249"></a>[249]</span> -people of Nauru, west of the Gilbert Islands, count by moon-months. -The time that elapses until the Great Bear returns -to the same spot is reckoned as a year<a id="FNanchor_902" href="#Footnote_902" class="fnanchor">[902]</a>. The last two reports -are so condensed that it is impossible to see whether -the stars serve for the rectifying of the calendar of moons -found among these peoples, or only for the fixing of the beginning -of the year, which, as will be shewn below, may be -independent of the reckoning of months.</p> - -<p>About the regulation of the Hawaiian calendar the authorities -are not unanimous. Dibble says (p. 108) that the month -<i>welehu</i> completed the year, and the new year began with the -following month, <i>makalii</i>. The year varied between 12 and 13 -months. Each month had 30 days; however he adds that in -practice the number of days varied between 30 and 29. This -is the phenomenon familiar in other places, e. g. in Greece, -among the Bataks, etc., in which a round number of 30 days -is given to the moon-month, the real length of this being a little -more than 29½ days. Fornander (I, 119 ff.) states that this -variation, though not common, did occur, but asserts that the -year of 360 days was rectified by the intercalation of 5 days at -the end of the month <i>welehu</i>: these were <i>tabu</i> days, dedicated -to the festival of the god Lono. Similarly an old woman of -Maui stated that eight months had 30 days and four 31, and -that these additional days were called <i>na mahoe</i>, ‘the twins’<a id="FNanchor_903" href="#Footnote_903" class="fnanchor">[903]</a>. -This statement cannot be correct, since the month was strictly -lunar and must have been wholly disarranged by these intercalary -days, as is pointed out by the historian of the Sandwich -Islands, W. D. Alexander<a id="FNanchor_904" href="#Footnote_904" class="fnanchor">[904]</a>. This writer also remarks that -it is a well-established fact that the ancient Hawaiians intercalated -a month about every third year, but that the rule -governing the intercalation is unknown. Certainly there was -no such rule, but the intercalation was empirically treated, and -regulated by the appearance of the Pleiades. Such contradictory -statements as the above are due to the influence of the -European calendar, owing to which the native calendar has -early fallen into disuse. Fornander has probably mistaken a -feast for intercalary days.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_250"></a>[250]</span></p> - -<p>The treatment of the calendar among the Bataks of Sumatra -is of great interest. The calendar indeed originates in -India: the days of the months shew the familiar names of -planets in corrupted Sanskrit forms, four times repeated and -distinguished by various additions. Only the 28th and 29th or -the 29th and 30th days, as the case may be, have names of -another kind, so as to equalise the number of the days of the -moon-month. The week is therefore not shifting but is immovably -fitted into the month. The months are regulated by -Scorpio, the largest star of which is Antares. The year begins -with the new moon at the morning setting of Orion and -the contemporary morning rising of Scorpio in May. The full -moon fourteen days later then stands in the constellation Scorpio. -In the first half of the year the full moon goes farther -from Scorpio every month, and in the second half gets nearer -and nearer to it. In the Batak calendar, which has 12, sometimes -13, × 30 squares, the sign of Scorpio is registered at -the proper day, and the month is decided by it. As a means -of control the soothsayer uses a buffalo rib with 12 × 30 holes -(four times repeated), and every day he draws a string through -one hole in order to keep account of the days. It is clear -that the calendar can give no certain help in the establishing -of the month, and that the means of control must be directly -misleading, since the moon-months vary between 29 and 30 -days. For this reason the soothsayer is often uncertain in his -reckoning of the months, and refers to the natural phases in -order to correct it<a id="FNanchor_905" href="#Footnote_905" class="fnanchor">[905]</a>. Hence in his selection of days he looks -not only to the current month, but also to the preceding. Our -authority says that the surplus month is no intercalary month -in the European sense, although it is likely that to it originally -fell the task of equalising the lunar and the solar years. -This is indeed the only correct explanation. When, presumably -in the twelfth month, a following month is involved in the decision, -the thirteenth is also included so that an intercalation -takes place. If the thirteenth month is not available, the first -is taken, we are told. But an intercalation is necessary all the -same: the observation of the natural phases and of the morning<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_251"></a>[251]</span> -rising of Orion serves for the correction. And this can happen -just because the people are uncertain in the reckoning, and act -according to circumstances. The Batak calendar is a product -of decay, and is used exclusively for divination, not as a genuine -calendar<a id="FNanchor_906" href="#Footnote_906" class="fnanchor">[906]</a>; but it is of great interest to observe how the -soothsayers, since they do not possess the knowledge necessary -for a proper management of the calendar, fall back upon -primitive methods. It is significant that the indispensable thirteenth -month has often been lost: the people do not even -understand the difference between the months and the year, -and yet they cannot avoid the necessity of the intercalation.</p> - -<p>There are two historically important cases of this empirically -regulated intercalation of months, which must be dealt -with in detail, since they are much debated. The dispute has -arisen from a failure to recognise the empirical intercalation -and its workings. The one case is that of the old Arabian -calendar before Mohammed, the other that of the Babylonian -calendar.</p> - -<p>The old Arabian names of months depend in great measure, -as has been shewn already<a id="FNanchor_907" href="#Footnote_907" class="fnanchor">[907]</a>, upon the seasons. Originally -therefore the months must have been connected with the -solar year, and must have been approximately fixed in their -position by the sufficiently familiar empirical method. The same -thing is shewn by the naming of the last months from the pilgrimage -to Mecca. In pre-Mohammedan times the pilgrimages -were at the same time business journeys; trade and cult were, -as so often, united, and commercial intercourse was first made -really possible when by religious sanction a time of peace was -established during which journeys to and fro could be taken -in safety. The first month of the peace of God is <i>dhu-l-qa’da</i>, -and <i>dhu-l-hijja</i> is the month of the gathering in Mecca: the -following month, <i>safar I</i>, was also included in the time of -peace, and was therefore called <i>muharram</i>. During all three -months there were fairs: in the neighbourhood of Mecca there -was a whole succession of them, following upon each other in -<i>dhu-l-qa’da</i> and <i>dhu-l-hijja</i>; in <i>safar</i> there was a corn-market in -Yemen<a id="FNanchor_908" href="#Footnote_908" class="fnanchor">[908]</a>. The gay life of the great fair of Mecca is described<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_252"></a>[252]</span> -in detail in old Arabic sources; it seems to have drawn the people -almost more than the religious ceremonies, and first gave -Mecca its real importance. An annual fair is however dependent -upon the seasons, both on account of the journeys and for -the products bought and sold. Sprenger has already remarked -that the winter months are quite unsuitable for merchants’ -journeys to Syria, and that in the late summer it was not to be -expected that corn which had been cut at the beginning of -March should be taken in to the markets<a id="FNanchor_909" href="#Footnote_909" class="fnanchor">[909]</a>. Because of the -markets that were held in them, the months must also have -had a fixed position in the solar year. This importance of -Mecca explains why the Meccan months became so wide-spread. -The two names <i>dhu-l-qa’da</i> and <i>dhu-l-hijja</i> are formed -with <i>dhu</i>, differently from the others, and were coined at Mecca. -This leads to the conclusion that these names were innovations -occasioned by the business intercourse of that city.</p> - -<p>For the purpose of determining the time of the peace -of God and of the gathering in Mecca unity must prevail -as to the position of the months, and for this the above-mentioned -occasional correction of the position is quite inadequate. -Mohammed prescribed the strictly lunar year: by this means -the time of every month was definitely fixed, but in about -33 years the months would pass through the circle of a -whole solar year. The question is whether before Mohammed -an ordered intercalation, which he abolished, or the lunar year -existed. For although it lies in the nature of things that the -market should originally be connected with a definite time of -the year, it cannot of course be denied that later, when the -fairs had already attained this predominating position, the date -could be fixed by reference to the purely lunar year. It is certain -that in the years just before the prescription of the lunar year -by Mohammed the months were inverted in relation to the -year, so that the spring months fell in autumn and the autumn -months came in the spring<a id="FNanchor_910" href="#Footnote_910" class="fnanchor">[910]</a>.</p> - -<p>The passage in the Koran 9, 36 ff. is often adduced as -evidence that Mohammed abolished the intercalation:—“Truly -the number of the months with God is twelve months in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_253"></a>[253]</span> -book of God, on the day when He created the heavens and -the earth. Of these four (i. e. <i>rajab</i>, <i>dhu-l-qa’da</i>, <i>dhu-l-hijja</i>, <i>muharram</i>) -are holy. This is the right religion. Be not unjust -therein towards yourselves, but fight against the heathen without -distinction, since they make no distinction in fighting -against you, and know that God is on the side of the faithful. -The <i>nasî</i> is in truth an addition to unbelief (or, in unbelief), -in which the unbelievers go astray. They allow it one -year, and one year they explain it as unlawful, in order to equalise -(bring into agreement) the number of that (i. e. the months) -which God has commanded to keep holy. But they declare -lawful what God has forbidden.” It is claimed that the emphasis -laid upon the fact that there are twelve months is directed -against the intercalation, but this is no proof. The sense depends -entirely upon what is implied by <i>nasî</i>. Etymologically -the word is derived from <i>nasaa</i>, ‘to push aside, away’.</p> - -<p>On this point there has been from the earliest days of -Arabic literature a dispute which has been still further complicated -by modern hypotheses<a id="FNanchor_911" href="#Footnote_911" class="fnanchor">[911]</a>. According to one view <i>nasî</i> -is the intercalation of a month, which served to bring the -months into agreement with the solar year<a id="FNanchor_912" href="#Footnote_912" class="fnanchor">[912]</a>. Some authors -have even attempted to establish an intercalary cycle, and it -has been asserted that the intercalation was borrowed from -the Jews. This opinion may be left out of account, since the -cycles differ among themselves and are therefore invented, -while the intercalation was governed by a hereditary <i>nasî</i>-controller -from the tribe of Kinâna, who was called the <i>qalammas</i>, -i. e. ‘Sea of Wisdom’. If the intercalation is controlled -by a central authority, as e. g. in Babylonia, an intercalary -cycle is unnecessary: the central authority supplies its place.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_254"></a>[254]</span> -According to the other view the <i>nasî</i> consists in the transferring -of the holy character of one month to another, e. g. the -declaring of <i>muharram</i> as free and the pronouncing of <i>safar</i> -as holy instead of it. This view is based on the supposition -that the Arabs found a time of peace lasting for three successive -months burdensome, and in order to be able to make -predatory excursions in a holy month, and yet keep the number -of holy months unchanged, they made another month holy -instead. The treatment e. g. of the <i>karneios</i> by the Argives -and of the <i>daisios</i> by Alexander the Great<a id="FNanchor_913" href="#Footnote_913" class="fnanchor">[913]</a> was very similar. -Therefore, it is maintained, before Mohammed the year was -a purely lunar one, and Mohammed only forbade the disarrangement -of the holy period. These authorities also ascribe -the right of changing the holy month to the <i>qalammas</i>, who -at the end of the feast of pilgrims in <i>dhu-l-hijja</i> rose and in -an address to the assembly arranged the re-distribution. A -third view, according to which the feast of pilgrims was held -eleven days later every year, until after a cycle of 33 years -it came back again to the same month, is certainly incorrect, -since the feast was connected with the phases of the -moon. The theory is extracted from the comparison between -the lunar and the solar years<a id="FNanchor_914" href="#Footnote_914" class="fnanchor">[914]</a>.</p> - -<p>Several sources give the words in which the <i>qalammas</i> -made known the re-distribution: they are affected by later -views but must contain a kernel of truth, since they shew -difficulties which are not even noticed by the authorities. -According to Kalby the expression runs simply:—“The <i>safar</i> -of this year is declared holy”, or “free”; according to Ibn -Ishaq:—“O God, I declare one of the two months called -<i>safar</i>, namely the first, to be free, and I postpone the other -till next year.” What is meant by postponing <i>safar II</i> until -the next year is unexplained and unexplainable. Since the -year begins with <i>safar I</i>, and the proclamation takes place -in <i>dhu-l-hijja</i>, <i>safar II</i> already belongs to the next year. <i>Safar<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_255"></a>[255]</span> -II</i> is in itself not holy, so that here there can be no question -of a changing of the holy character of the month. But if by -the expression <i>safar safar I</i> is understood, matters become -clear. <i>Safar I</i> is doubled: <i>I a</i> is an intercalary month, and -therefore not holy, and belongs as a thirteenth month to the -current year; <i>I b</i> begins the new year and is holy. “I remove -<i>safar</i> (viz. <i>I b</i>) to next year” is an incorrect but intelligible way -of saying that the new year begins with this month. In the -<i>Qâmûs</i> the expressions runs:—“O God, I am authorised to -move the months or to leave them in their places and confirm -them, and none can blame me or put me to my defence. -O God, I declare the first <i>safar</i> to be free, and the -second holy. The same do I determine in respect of the two -<i>rajab</i>, namely <i>rajab</i> and <i>sha’ban</i>.” The first sentence, if -authentic, doubtless refers to an intercalation, since the words -are ‘move the months’, and not ‘the holy character of the -months’; but we can hardly insist so far upon the expression. -The last sentence is more conclusive. It shews, namely, that -not only was <i>safar I</i> shifted to <i>safar II</i>, but at the same -time <i>rajab</i> was moved to <i>sha’ban</i>. This is a system, not an -incidental expedient to render possible a military expedition -in a holy month. Later authorities add that the holy character -of <i>safar</i> was moved to <i>rabi I</i>, and that the process went -on from month to month until every month in the year had -at one time or another been declared holy. How this is to -be understood is shewn by the oldest report which has been -handed down to us. It comes from Modjahid, who was born -in the year 21 of the Hegira. “The heathen were accustomed -in every month of the lunar year to go on pilgrimages for -only two years.” It must be realised that in the course of a -cycle of 33 years a month of the lunar year will coincide two -to three times, according to the series, with one and the same -month of the lunisolar year, and that the months of the Mohammedan -lunar year and of the old Arabian lunisolar year, -which must once have existed, have the same names. Modjahid’s -statement can only be understood thus: that the heathen -pilgrimage was re-arranged every third year in relation to the -Mohammedan lunar months—two years is a rough approximation<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_256"></a>[256]</span> -for ‘sometimes two, sometimes three years’—because -it was to be kept in place in regard to the solar year. But -the pilgrimage took place in a definite month, and therefore -the months also belonged to a lunisolar year. If the months -of the lunisolar year are compared with those of the lunar -year confusion results, since both series have the same names. -Let us take, for example, a sentence of the distinguished -chronologist Albiruni, who represents the opinion that <i>nasî</i> -means the intercalation of a month: “The first intercalation -applied to <i>muharram</i>, in consequence <i>safar</i> was called <i>muharram</i>, -<i>rabi I</i> was called <i>safar</i>, and so on; and in this -way all the names of all the months were changed. The second -intercalation applied to <i>safar</i>; in consequence the next following -month (<i>rabi I</i>, the original <i>rabi II</i>)<a id="FNanchor_915" href="#Footnote_915" class="fnanchor">[915]</a> was called <i>safar</i>, and this -went on till the intercalation had passed through all twelve months -and returned to <i>muharram</i>.” When other writers, not so well -trained in chronology, say that the hallowing of the month -was transferred from <i>muharram</i> to <i>safar</i> and from <i>safar</i> to -<i>rabi I</i>, this means that, according to the year, the <i>safar</i> or -<i>rabi I</i> of the lunar year corresponds to the <i>muharram</i> of -the lunisolar year. When in the speech of the <i>qalammas</i>, -<i>safar I</i> and <i>rajab</i> are simultaneously shifted to the month -following in each case, this involves the shifting of the whole -series of months. A genuine intercalation therefore takes -place. The term <i>nasî</i>, ‘to push aside’, resembles the world-wide -description of the intercalation of the month. <i>Safar I</i> -is ‘forgotten’, but upon this it follows that not this month is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_257"></a>[257]</span> -holy, but the following one, which is now also called <i>safar I</i> -but corresponds to <i>safar II</i> of the strictly lunar year. The -sanctity or non-sanctity of the months was for the people the -all-important point, and the <i>qalammas</i>, who was a religious -authority, was obliged to refer to it. Hence he declared the -month as free and the following month as holy without expressing -himself, as we should have wished, in the technical -terms of chronology. The people understood him: if the month -after <i>dhu-l-hijja</i> was free, it followed that not this month but -the next was holy, the month with which the new year began, -<i>safar I</i>. The intercalation therefore involves a transference -of the sanctity of the month following the feast of pilgrims to -the next but one after the feast. Hence has arisen the misunderstanding -that the <i>nasî</i> consisted <i>only</i> in a transference of -the sanctity of the months.</p> - -<p>The tribe of Kinana, to which the <i>qalammas</i> belonged, -inhabited the district around Mecca, and the famous tribe of -the Koraish, its most distinguished branch, was supreme in -Mecca<a id="FNanchor_916" href="#Footnote_916" class="fnanchor">[916]</a>. The calendar regulation therefore took place in the -interests of Mecca and its trade, and it is quite ridiculous to -say that the sanctity of a month was transferred to another -merely in order to render possible a predatory excursion. -Besides this would make matters no better, since all the tribes -concerned would have to have peace or war in the same -months. A shifting of this nature would only be really effectual -if it offered a means of surprising an unsuspecting neighbour -in time of peace. Probability therefore also points to -the view that the <i>nasî</i> was a genuine intercalation carried -out by a person appointed for the purpose, so that the dates -of the markets and the pilgrimage might be fixed at the proper -times of the year. For this no intercalary cycle was -employed, any more than elsewhere: the empirical intercalation -sufficed, and it was made known to the people at the -feast of pilgrims, whence the knowledge spread all over. However -the entrusting of such power over the calendar to one -individual lends itself only too easily to abuses with a view to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_258"></a>[258]</span> -ends which have nothing to do with the calendar. The stock example -is afforded by the Roman pontifices at the end of the Republic. -It is therefore nothing to wonder at that the calendar should -have been disorganised during Mohammed’s stay in Mecca. -Hence also the attempts at determining the calendar from two -or three certainly known dates are vain, for when a system -is lacking or is broken up it is impossible to compute a calendar -systematically from a couple of dates. Mohammed’s action -is thus to be explained:—The misuse of the intercalation -had destroyed the dependence of the pilgrimage upon the time -of the year: Mohammed wished to create order, and did so -in radical fashion by forbidding the intercalation, the misuse -of which he saw, but the usefulness of which he failed to -recognise.</p> - -<p>It has been pointed out above that the Sumerian months -completely correspond in character to those of the primitive -peoples<a id="FNanchor_917" href="#Footnote_917" class="fnanchor">[917]</a>. The establishing of the months in their definite -places followed originally from the reference to the seasons, -not from the position in the series of months. The seasons -on their part were, as always, brought into relation to the phases -of the stars. There is indeed little information as to this -point, but what little there is is sufficient to establish it. It -is however much to be desired that specialists should pay -more attention to the matter and if possible procure more information. -The Pleiades are brought into connexion with the -annual inundations, which took place about the time of the -invisibility of these stars, i. e. between their evening setting -and morning rising<a id="FNanchor_918" href="#Footnote_918" class="fnanchor">[918]</a>. The name of the constellation Virgo -means ‘root of the sprouting wheat-stalk, or corn’, that of the -star Spica ‘proclaimer of the sprouting wheat-stalk’. These -names agree with the evening rising of this constellation, -which at the date 2,000 B. C. took place about the 28th of -February of our modern calendar, and with the morning setting, -which took place some 16 days later. Circumstances -exclude the ripening, which took place in the second half of -April.<a id="FNanchor_919" href="#Footnote_919" class="fnanchor">[919]</a> Consequently the months were also determined by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_259"></a>[259]</span> -the phases of the stars: among the names of months there is -one which points to this fact, ‘the month in which the white -star (<i>bar-zag</i>) sinks down from the culmination-point’<a id="FNanchor_920" href="#Footnote_920" class="fnanchor">[920]</a>. The -naming of the months from the stars has not been carried -through consistently, but each month, just as e. g. among the -Maoris, was fixed by one or more risings of stars. There are -several lists in which now one, now two, or even three of the -fixed stars are assigned to each of the twelve months<a id="FNanchor_921" href="#Footnote_921" class="fnanchor">[921]</a>. In -the Creation epic, Tablet V, 4 ff., we read:—“For twelve -months he set down three constellations, according to the times -of the year fashioned he the groups of stars.” Among the -Maoris all the stars suitable to the time in question are used -in the fixing of the month: in Babylonia there was probably -a gradual limitation to the stars of the ecliptic, i. e. the 12 -signs of the zodiac, the number of which points to the fact -that they owe their origin to the endeavour to fix the twelve -months astronomically<a id="FNanchor_922" href="#Footnote_922" class="fnanchor">[922]</a>. This is an important advance of -Babylonian stellar science, that the constellations of the ecliptic -should be separated from the others. Weidner, p. 21, inverts -matters when he says, with reference to a list in which, -instead of the fainter constellations of the zodiac, neighbouring -bright stars are given (e. g. Sirius instead of Cancer):—“The -system of the <i>paranatellonta</i> is also found already, i. e. the -system which allows neighbouring bright stars or constellations -to step in instead of less bright constellations of the zodiac. -But this is no longer primitive astronomy, it marks rather, as -Weissbach has already pointed out with reference to Newcomb-Engelmann, -the beginnings of a scientific astronomy.” On the -contrary, as the examples from the primitive peoples shew, in -the utilising of stars to fix a point of time or a month no notice -is originally taken of the position of the star within or -without the ecliptic, but the most easily recognisable stars and -constellations are naturally preferred, wherever they may be -situated. A list of fixed stars which determine months, including -also stars situated outside the ecliptic, is primitive;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_260"></a>[260]</span> -it is out of the question that a constellation outside the ecliptic -is referred to instead of a sign of the zodiac in the proper -sense—that in which the constellations of the zodiac are -to be regarded as the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">prius</i>. After the signs of the zodiac -have been fixed, so that a systematic duodecimal division of -the year has been obtained, the stars situated outside the -ecliptic are compared with the signs of the zodiac in order -to indicate with accuracy to which month they belong, or in -other words the system of the <i>paranatellonta</i> is found.</p> - -<p>It is indispensable to enter into the all-important question -of the intercalation, but here opinions are so directly opposed -to one another that Weidner establishes a very accurate 38-year -intercalary cycle as early as the time of the dynasty of -Ur, while Kugler denies the existence of any intercalary cycle -before the year 528 B. C.; Kugler again publishes a document -in which an intercalary rule is recognised as dating from a -time after 504 B. C.<a id="FNanchor_923" href="#Footnote_923" class="fnanchor">[923]</a>, while Weidner regards this as a copy -of a much older original. An impartial opinion can only be -arrived at by working through the material, and this is impossible -for anyone who is not an Assyriologist: I am all the -more compelled, therefore, to limit myself to suggestions and -to the comparison with primitive conditions<a id="FNanchor_924" href="#Footnote_924" class="fnanchor">[924]</a>.</p> - -<p>Where surplus months exist, there is no intercalation in -the proper sense, although the same name, e. g. the ‘harvest -month’, will recur sometimes after 12, sometimes after 13 -months, since owing to the fluctuating and unstable nature of -the naming of the months the latter are distributed according -to circumstances<a id="FNanchor_925" href="#Footnote_925" class="fnanchor">[925]</a>. This covers the difficulty. Such seems to -have been the state of affairs in the pre-Sargonic period at -Lagash. Certainly Kugler (II, 216) has tried to demonstrate -intercalary years: this is possible in the sense given above, but -actually very uncertain, since the starting-points for the arrangement -of the months are anything but certain<a id="FNanchor_926" href="#Footnote_926" class="fnanchor">[926]</a>. Only the arising -of a fixed series of months makes a genuine intercalation -possible, since as a rule the general custom is to intercalate<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_261"></a>[261]</span> -a definite month (in Babylonia, at least later, there were two -such months, <i>adarru</i> and <i>ululu</i>). The process is either an -omission of one month in the series of thirteen, or an intercalation -of one month in the series of twelve. The former -appears in Lagash in the time of Sargon, the latter in the time -of Dungi. We have found that the intercalation among the -primitive peoples takes place as need arises. If the series -of months is fixed, but the intercalation is neglected, the months -must get out of place in relation to the seasons: this can be -demonstrated in a couple of cases. So if the translation of -the name of the fourth month in the list from Lagash is correct—<i>šu-kul-na</i>, -‘sowing month’—the harvest month, <i>še-kin-kud</i>, -is the twelfth, and is therefore at a distance of eight -months instead of the five which the natural conditions shew<a id="FNanchor_927" href="#Footnote_927" class="fnanchor">[927]</a>. -Further the list at the time of Dungi shews a disarrangement of -the months as compared with the Sargonic list, the tenth month -having dropped out and the following months being now pushed -one place forwards. This difference can be explained -either by a neglect of the intercalation, or by the fluctuating -nature of the nomenclature: in the latter case there is really -no genuine intercalation.</p> - -<p>At the time of Dungi and his successors we have documentary -evidence for a number of years with intercalation.<a id="FNanchor_928" href="#Footnote_928" class="fnanchor">[928]</a> -At this date Kugler stoutly denies and Weidner supports the -existence of an intercalary cycle. Weidner says:—“If we -denote Dungi 39 (the 39th year of his reign) by I, the following -years are proved by documents to contain intercalary -months:—II, V, XI, XIV, XVI, XVIII, XX, XXIII, XXVI, -XXIX, XXXII, XXXV, XXXVIII. But between Dungi 43 and -49 there is at least one more leap-year to be added, most -probably Dungi 46, i. e. VIII. For the period of 38 years we -should then have 14 intercalary months attested. This is therefore -an intercalary system that works quite well. A 19-year -intercalary cycle however it cannot be, since in that case, -corresponding to the former part, the years XXI, XXIV, etc. -in the latter would have to be leap-years. <em>We have therefore to -assume a 38-year intercalary cycle, which in perfection far surpasses<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_262"></a>[262]</span> -that of 19 years.</em> It is the half of the well-known 76-year -cycle of Callippus.” The conclusion is unwarrantable from the -premises. For the intercalation which takes place just as need -arises keeps the months firmly in their place in the solar year, -and attains the same result as an intercalary cycle. A period -of 76 Indian years will contain just as many months as a Callippean -cycle. The only conclusive factor therefore is the -periodicity, and this is not proved. Through an accident of -tradition the leap-years are known for a period of 38 years, -and it is obvious that during these 38 years an empirical intercalation, -regularly carried out, kept the lunisolar year in order. -The evidence that even under the Hammurabi dynasty no -intercalary cycle existed is given by Kugler<a id="FNanchor_929" href="#Footnote_929" class="fnanchor">[929]</a>.</p> - -<p>But there is also direct evidence that the intercalation -took place empirically, i. e. as need arose. Ungnad has shewn -this from a comparison of the known leap-years. Best known -of all is the letter of Hammurabi to Siniddinam:—“Since the -year has a deficiency, let the previous month be entered as -Elul II. And instead of bringing the taxes on the 25th Tishritu -to Babylon, let them be brought to Babylon on the 25th -Elul II”<a id="FNanchor_930" href="#Footnote_930" class="fnanchor">[930]</a>. For the empirical correcting of the position of months -the stars are used among the primitive peoples, and so also in -Babylonia. A tablet in the British Museum<a id="FNanchor_931" href="#Footnote_931" class="fnanchor">[931]</a> gives the following -injunction:—“The constellation <i>dilgan</i> rises heliacally -in the month <i>nisan</i>. As often as this constellation remains -invisible, its month shall be forgotten”. The same injunction is -given in regard to other constellations from which months are -named. The expression that the month Nisan is to be ‘forgotten’ -reminds one of the description of the intercalary month -as the ‘lost’ or ‘forgotten’ month among certain tribes of N. -American Indians, and of the expression of the Masai. The -forgotten month is not the intercalary month in our sense, i. e. -not the second of two months that have arisen by doubling; it -is the first. This month must be passed over, not counted, -forgotten, its name must be transferred to the following month, -so that the year may run properly. The establishing of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_263"></a>[263]</span> -months by means of phases of the stars is so abundantly demonstrated -for primitive peoples in the preceding pages that -no words need be wasted in describing the method of its carrying -out. It is a method that works perfectly well but is entirely -empirical, and where recourse is had to this method we -know that the regulation by a definite intercalary cycle does -not exist. With a more extended development of the method -a still better result can be obtained, and this is the direction -that the Babylonians have taken. The regulation runs:—“If -on the first day of the month <i>nisannu</i> the constellation of -the Pleiades and the moon are together, the year shall be an -ordinary one. If on the third day of the month <i>nisannu</i> the -constellation of the Pleiades and the moon stand together, the -year shall be a full one (i. e. a leap-year)”<a id="FNanchor_932" href="#Footnote_932" class="fnanchor">[932]</a>. The meaning -and effect of this rule are explained by Schiaparelli. But this -too is an empirical rule, aimed at an empirical, not a cyclical, -intercalation. Where an intercalary cycle exists, no such rule -is needed.</p> - -<p>Since by the letter of Hammurabi it is indisputably established -that the intercalation took place not in years previously -determined but at the command of the king, those who -in spite of this would maintain the existence of an intercalary -cycle hold to the assertion that the 27-year intercalary period -was not a strictly fixed but a free cycle. In other words the -intercalation rule only runs:—“Within a period of 27 years -10 intercalary months are to be inserted, but the choice of the -leap-years is left open to the astronomer”<a id="FNanchor_933" href="#Footnote_933" class="fnanchor">[933]</a>. But this is nothing -less than an abandonment of the intercalary cycle. The purpose -of such a cycle is to render it possible to compute the -calendar beforehand for any number of years to come, and -this purpose is frustrated by a regulation of this kind. It only -says that in <em>x</em> years <em>y</em> intercalary months occur: this is not -a rule for intercalation but an empirical observation, which -readily results from a proper treatment of the empirical intercalation. -Such observations must have been made by the Babylonians.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_264"></a>[264]</span> -In a tablet published by Kugler it is said of Saturn -and of the fixed star <i>kak-si-di</i>, respectively, “ ... the period -of the visibility of Sirius amounts to 27 years. Turn back and -consider day after day,” according to Weidner, p. 73; according -to Kugler I, 47 the inscription runs, “Day by day ... shalt -thou see (the same phenomena as 59, or 27, years before).” -Both Kugler and Weidner find here a 27-year intercalary -cycle regulated by the star; the former places it before -533 B. C., the latter at a considerably earlier period. But in -accordance with what has here been said about the empirical -regulation of the intercalation by phases of the stars it follows -that there is no intercalation at all, but only the empirical -verification of the fact that the new moon and Sirius come -back after 27 years into the same mutual relationship: -this will actually be the result with an accurate treatment -of the intercalation based on the observation of this constellation.</p> - -<p>Under these circumstances it would have been an easy -matter to establish an intercalary cycle, but the demand for -this is an affair of practical life: astronomy is concerned only -with the calculation. The failure to observe this fact has led -the discussion astray. The calendar is of course the most -conservative of all human things; centuries after the establishment -of very accurate calculations of the course of the -moon and the introduction of a good intercalary cycle, the -Jews adhered to the empirical observation of the new moon, -and we know how difficult it is in modern times to introduce -any improvement into the calendar. Because in Babylon there -was a central government which could arrange the intercalation -in proper fashion, the lunisolar year was kept in order, and -in practical life there was no necessity to be able to calculate -months and days for several years in advance. The empirical -intercalation worked well, and there was no need to replace -it by an intercalary cycle. The latter is indeed a simplification -undertaken on practical grounds, an intercalating rule -being substituted for the immediate astronomical observation: -<ins class="corr" id="tn-264" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'astromony is'"> -astronomy is</ins> concerned only with the calculation and with the -further refinement of the rule. In so far as I am able to pronounce<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_265"></a>[265]</span> -upon the material Kugler is right: no cyclically regulated -intercalation existed before the Persian period; but from this -it is in no way possible to arrive at any decision as to the -position of the Babylonian astronomy. The regulation of the -months by the phases of the stars was a suggestive problem -for the astronomers, and it led to the recognition of the periodicity -of the phenomena. This is the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">prius</i>, not the desired -establishment of an intercalary cycle.</p> - -<p>A second means of fixing the months in their position -in the solar year is afforded by the regulation by the solstices -and equinoxes; but since, as will be shown in the following -chapter, the observation of these is difficult and is seldom -undertaken, a regulation of this nature is correspondingly rare. -It can be demonstrated for the Eskimos<a id="FNanchor_934" href="#Footnote_934" class="fnanchor">[934]</a>, the Kwakiutl<a id="FNanchor_935" href="#Footnote_935" class="fnanchor">[935]</a>, and -the Hopi, whose 13 ‘sun-points’ doubtless correspond to the -13 months<a id="FNanchor_936" href="#Footnote_936" class="fnanchor">[936]</a>. Of the Basuto it is said that an attempt is made -to determine the time of sowing from the moon, but that the -people commonly go wrong in their reckoning, and after much -dispute are obliged to fall back upon the climatic conditions -and the state of the vegetation as more certain marks for the -time of sowing. Intelligent chiefs, however, rectify the calendar -(i. e. the moon-months) by the summer solstice, which they -call the summer house of the sun<a id="FNanchor_937" href="#Footnote_937" class="fnanchor">[937]</a>.</p> - -<p>The risings and settings of the stars, as has been shewn -above, are brought into relation with the seasons. There is a -possibility of bringing these sidereally determined seasons into -a system. Thus the year of the Luiseño Indians of S. California -consists of 2 × 8 divisions, which are determined by the -morning rising of certain stars<a id="FNanchor_938" href="#Footnote_938" class="fnanchor">[938]</a>. This is however an isolated -case, since the reckoning by months has penetrated almost -everywhere, and both seasons and risings of stars are brought -into connexion with this. The most complete example is seen -in the months of the Maoris<a id="FNanchor_939" href="#Footnote_939" class="fnanchor">[939]</a>. Moreover the creation of such -a system was not possible among the primitive peoples, since -for the purpose of determining time they were only accustomed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_266"></a>[266]</span> -to observe a few stars, principally the Pleiades. On the other -hand the observation of the stars plays a great part in another -matter not necessarily connected with the reckoning of the -months, viz. the beginning of the year, and to this we shall -now turn our attention.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_267"></a>[267]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.<br /> -<br /> -<span class="fs70">CALENDAR REGULATION. 2. BEGINNING OF THE YEAR.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p class="drop-capy1">The question of the beginning of the year presents some -difficulties, since it is for the most part quite uncertain -what meaning is to be attached to the phrase ‘beginning of the -year’. For us the new year is the great division in the calendar, -and one which is emphasised by a special festival day -and by various rites. This is an inheritance from ancient -Rome; in particular the extremely wide-spread and popular -astrology has powerfully contributed to the importance of New -Year’s Day<a id="FNanchor_940" href="#Footnote_940" class="fnanchor">[940]</a>. In ancient Greece the New Year’s Day was of -no great importance: its position varied greatly in each of -the small states; it was little more than the day on which -the annually changing officials entered upon their terms of -office. In the case of the primitive peoples the new year need -not in itself be regarded as a very important division of the -calendar: it has however become so among more highly developed -peoples. For instance, the enumeration of the seasons -or the months must begin somewhere; for this reason a -beginning of the year must be supposed, but it is not therefore -certain that the new year acquires any special importance. -Of the inhabitants of the Torres Straits Islands Rivers -says that when asked about the seasons they more than once -began their list with <i>surlal</i>, and he is of the opinion that the -beginning of this season is for them practically the beginning -of a new year<a id="FNanchor_941" href="#Footnote_941" class="fnanchor">[941]</a>. Of the Kiwai Papuans Landtman writes to -me:—The year has no beginning, since there is no term to -describe this, and it cannot be said that one season more than<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_268"></a>[268]</span> -another marks an occasion of greater importance. The people -begin their list of months sometimes with <i>keke</i>, the first month -of the dry season, sometimes with <i>karongo</i>, which marks the -transitional period between the dry and the rainy seasons.</p> - -<p>It will be well to begin our investigation with the natural -divisions of the year. The changing seasons give several -divisions one or other of which, according to preference, can -be chosen as the beginning of the year. But this is not the case -among the agricultural peoples. Their year falls into two parts, -the period of vegetation and the time of rest intervening between -the harvest and the resumption of ploughing. There are -therefore two natural main divisions, the beginning of labour -and the conclusion of the period of vegetation, the harvest. -Both occur as the beginning of the year, the former however -more rarely, as when among the Wadschagga ‘the raising of -the plough-stick’ is also the ‘opening of the year’<a id="FNanchor_942" href="#Footnote_942" class="fnanchor">[942]</a>. More frequently -the harvest and the great festival associated with it -form the turning-point of the year. Probably however we should -rather speak of an end than of a beginning of the year, as is -remarked by one writer in regard to the Dyaks of south-east -Borneo:—For them the rice-harvest is a principal division of -the year (<i>njelo</i>). In September, at the completion of the harvest, -the year is at an end. A definite beginning, a New Year’s -Day, is unknown among them<a id="FNanchor_943" href="#Footnote_943" class="fnanchor">[943]</a>. However when the year is -reckoned continuously, beginning and end practically coincide.</p> - -<p>In the literature of comparative religion festivals of this -nature are a much-discussed problem which cannot be gone -into here, since it transgresses the limits of this investigation. -I shall give only a few selected examples in order to make -clear the relationship with the beginning of the year. Among -the Carolina Indians the feast of the first-fruits or harvest was -the most splendid of all: it appears to have ended the old -year and begun the new. It began in August when the corn-harvest -was completely over. As a preliminary all the inhabitants -provided themselves with new clothes, new pots, pans, -and other household utensils, and then collected all their old<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_269"></a>[269]</span> -clothes and other worn-out things, swept and cleaned their -houses, places of assemblage, and the whole town, and threw -clothes and refuse, together with all the remaining supplies of -food (corn etc.), on to a heap, to which they afterwards set -fire. After this they took physic, and fasted for three days, -and a general amnesty was proclaimed. On the fourth morning -the chief priest kindled fire with pieces of wood at the -public meeting-place, by which means every house in the town -was then provided with fire. Then the women went to the harvest-field, -fetched new corn, prepared it, and brought it with -pomp to the meeting-place, where the whole populace was -assembled in new clothes. Eating went on, especially among -the men, and at night they danced. The festival lasted three -days, and on the four following days visits were paid to neighbouring -towns<a id="FNanchor_944" href="#Footnote_944" class="fnanchor">[944]</a>. The New Year festival of the Konkau of -California is a funeral rite which has undergone transformation. -The ‘Dance for the Dead’ took place at the end of -August; from evening until daybreak the people danced around -a fire, into which food, strings of shell-money, and other small -articles were thrown. Our authority does not know how the -date was fixed, but the festival marked the new year, and this -opportunity was taken to wipe out all old debts and settle -accounts for the year that was to come<a id="FNanchor_945" href="#Footnote_945" class="fnanchor">[945]</a>. Among the Amazulu -the feast of the first-fruits is called the ‘New Year’. Medicine -staffs are everywhere set up in order to prevent ‘heaven’ -from entering. At the end of the year new staffs are set up -instead of the old ones; then the people know that the old -heaven of the year has passed away with the year that is -ended: the new year has its own heaven<a id="FNanchor_946" href="#Footnote_946" class="fnanchor">[946]</a>. In the neighbourhood -of Mombasa the new year is celebrated with fair regularity -in September, after the maize-harvest; for a whole week -there is dancing day and night<a id="FNanchor_947" href="#Footnote_947" class="fnanchor">[947]</a>. Among the Thonga there -are several feasts of the first-fruits, <i>luma</i>. When the Caffre -corn, <i>mabele</i>, is ripe, the wife of the chief grinds the first -grains reaped, and cooks them. The chief eats a little and -offers some to the spirits of his ancestors with the words:<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_270"></a>[270]</span> -“Here is the new year come”, and prays for fruitfulness. At -the ripening of the Caffre plum, from which a drink is extracted, -some of the drink is poured out on to the graves of -dead chiefs with the words:—“This is the new year. Let -us not fight! Let us eat in peace!” Among the Nkuma the -ceremony of the first-fruits is performed with a special kind -of pumpkin, and is called ‘eating the new year’<a id="FNanchor_948" href="#Footnote_948" class="fnanchor">[948]</a>. On the -Lower Niger, among the Owu-Waji, the year is terminated by -the feast of roasted yams, which also serves as a public -announcement that the labours of the field are to be resumed. -Homage is paid to Ifejioku, god of the harvest, in token of -gratitude for a good and fruitful year<a id="FNanchor_949" href="#Footnote_949" class="fnanchor">[949]</a>. On the Society Islands -a festival was celebrated with a great banquet, and this was -called ‘the ripening or consummation of the year’<a id="FNanchor_950" href="#Footnote_950" class="fnanchor">[950]</a>. The greatest -feast of the Dyaks is <i>dangei</i>, the celebration of the new -rice-year after the harvest; but if the harvest fails, the festival -is suspended<a id="FNanchor_951" href="#Footnote_951" class="fnanchor">[951]</a>. Among the Yoruba <i>odun</i> means year, -an annual festival celebrated in October and the time between -two such festivals<a id="FNanchor_952" href="#Footnote_952" class="fnanchor">[952]</a>.</p> - -<p>The new year is equivalent to the new harvest, the new -supplies of food which through the raising of the taboo are -blessed and made accessible. Where there are several fruits -which ripen at different times there may be several ‘new year -festivals’, as among the Thonga, but usually there is one principal -sowing-time and consequently only one festival. A festival -of this nature forms the great division of the year, and -this fact is emphasised by the ceremonies which aim at clearing -away everything old and beginning again. In this way the -change of the year acquires great significance, but this is not -universally the case.</p> - -<p>More rarely some other natural phenomenon gives rise to -the celebration of the change of the year, e. g. the appearance -of the palolo, the favourite delicacy of Samoa: but since the -palolo appears at different times near different islands, the turn -of the year varies accordingly<a id="FNanchor_953" href="#Footnote_953" class="fnanchor">[953]</a>.</p> - -<p>A festival of this nature is originally not a calendar festival,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_271"></a>[271]</span> -and only on account of its special significance does it become -of importance for the calendar: it is not a universal -phenomenon. In different districts the position of the beginning -of the year varies greatly. Among the North American -Indians many tribes began the year at the spring equinox, -others in the autumn, the Hopi with the ‘new fire’ in November, -the Takulli in January<a id="FNanchor_954" href="#Footnote_954" class="fnanchor">[954]</a>. The Kiowa began the year at -the commencement of winter, which was signalised by the -first snow-fall, or according to other statements a month earlier, -with the first cold, the Pawnee with winter, the Teton-Sioux -and the Cheyenne immediately before the winter<a id="FNanchor_955" href="#Footnote_955" class="fnanchor">[955]</a>, the -Klamath and Modok in August, after the <i>wokash</i>-harvest<a id="FNanchor_956" href="#Footnote_956" class="fnanchor">[956]</a>, the -Chocktaw of Louisiana in December<a id="FNanchor_957" href="#Footnote_957" class="fnanchor">[957]</a>, the Natchez in March, -when they celebrated a great festival<a id="FNanchor_958" href="#Footnote_958" class="fnanchor">[958]</a>. As a rule the Thompson Indians -of British Columbia count their moons beginning at -the rutting-season of the deer in November, but some begin -with the end of the rutting-season at the end of November: -others, particularly Shamans, with the rutting-season of the -big-horn sheep. Many peoples of the Lytton band begin when -the ground-hogs go into their winter dens. Many of the Lower -Thompsons begin with the rutting-season of the mountain-goats. -Some moons are called by numbers only, but those following -the tenth moon are not numbered<a id="FNanchor_959" href="#Footnote_959" class="fnanchor">[959]</a>. The Shuswap in the same -country connected the year with the same moon as the Thompson -Indians, although most of them entered their winter houses -a month earlier<a id="FNanchor_960" href="#Footnote_960" class="fnanchor">[960]</a>. Among the Hudson Bay Eskimos the year -begins when the sun has reached its lowest position at the winter -solstice<a id="FNanchor_961" href="#Footnote_961" class="fnanchor">[961]</a>. The first month of the Koryak of N. E. Asia begins -at the time of the winter solstice, and corresponds to our -December<a id="FNanchor_962" href="#Footnote_962" class="fnanchor">[962]</a>. It has already been mentioned that the East -Greenlanders also began to count their months at the winter -solstice, but later at the morning rising of Altair<a id="FNanchor_963" href="#Footnote_963" class="fnanchor">[963]</a>. It will be -seen that the beginning of the year has no common position -marked out by Nature, although we may perhaps say that it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_272"></a>[272]</span> -usually falls somewhere during the period of rest, while -the peculiar natural conditions under which the Eskimos live -make it easy to understand why their year should be begun -with the eagerly awaited return of the sun. Among many -peoples little attention seems to have been paid to the matter, -since no special prominence is given to the beginning of the -year, although lists of months are given. But where these -lists exist, and it is desired to enumerate the months, a beginning -must be made somewhere, and a fixed initial month -very easily arises.</p> - -<p>The dispute already touched upon<a id="FNanchor_964" href="#Footnote_964" class="fnanchor">[964]</a> as to the beginning -of the Israelitish year is very characteristic of the matter in -hand<a id="FNanchor_965" href="#Footnote_965" class="fnanchor">[965]</a>. It is easy to understand why no unity has been arrived -at, since the conception of the beginning of the year is -fluctuating and capable of many interpretations. When in the -oldest codes of the law it is said of the feast of in-gathering -(namely of fruit, wine, and oil) that it is to be celebrated at the -end of the year or that it marks the ‘turning’ of the year<a id="FNanchor_966" href="#Footnote_966" class="fnanchor">[966]</a>, -Dillman is right in describing this year as an economic one. -From the very beginning the feast is a feast of the end of the -year<a id="FNanchor_967" href="#Footnote_967" class="fnanchor">[967]</a>. Only as the agricultural year is extended into a complete -year does it become a feast of the turn, and finally of -the beginning, of the year.</p> - -<p>The beginning of the agricultural year, however, still does -not imply a calendar year, though certainly it furnishes occasion -for the establishment of the beginning of the year when a -calendar arises. Even in the year 600, at least in Gezer, no -fixed series of months was known<a id="FNanchor_968" href="#Footnote_968" class="fnanchor">[968]</a>, the Canaanitish months -not having been universally adopted. The old custom of -reckoning the months from an arbitrary and accidental point -of departure prevailed and long sufficed. The beginning of -the year in autumn was no calendrical division, but only the -conclusion of the agricultural year. When a calendar was -introduced, it became obvious that this beginning of the year -would also be available for the calendar. The calendar now<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_273"></a>[273]</span> -consists of moon-months, its beginning must therefore be a day -of new moon. Since the festival of harvest, according to -ancient custom, fell at the time of full moon, the festival itself -could not serve as the beginning of the year, but only the day -of new moon of the month in which it fell. This was the -seventh month, and we do in fact find indications that the first -day of the seventh month was regarded as New Year’s Day; -it was promoted to a feast day and was made known by the -blowing of trumpets<a id="FNanchor_969" href="#Footnote_969" class="fnanchor">[969]</a>. The year therefore could be reckoned -from this point, and this also was done. On the other hand -the numbered months mentioned <a href="#Page_233">above, p. 233</a>, begin in spring -with the month in which the Passover is celebrated. The beginning -of the year in spring is therefore associated with the -numbered months, and is contemporaneous with these: it is -nothing but the starting-point of this enumeration of months. -The rule for the beginning is given in Exodus XII, 2:—“This -month (i. e. the Passover month) shall be unto you the beginning -of months: it shall be the first month of the year to you.” -This reads like a prescription for a reform of the calendar, -when it is remembered that in all places the Feast of the -Passover was dated in relation to the month of ears (<i>chodesh -ha-abib</i>). That the numbered months did not arise till later -we have already seen (p. 234). The systematising tendency -which arose at the end of the kingdom of Judah, and became -ever stronger during and after the Exile, necessitated a calendar. -If this tendency was unrelated to practical life, it was -all the more closely bound up with the religious cult. Since -people were now accustomed to numbering the months, the -novelty consisted in the fixing of a calendarial beginning of -the year. This was suggested by the customary succession -of the feasts—Passover and Feast of Unleavened Bread, Feast -of Weeks, Feast of Tabernacles—and was already foreshadowed -in the fixing of the date of the Feast of Weeks by -counting the weeks from the Feast of Unleavened Bread. This -calendar can hardly have become popular, since it must have -been supplanted quite early by the Babylonian names of months,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_274"></a>[274]</span> -and the popular beginning of the year in autumn has prevailed -right down to the present day.</p> - -<p>These two beginnings to the year existed side by side, -at least for some time after the Exile, which is not surprising -in view of what has already been said about the beginning of -the year. The one is the civil beginning of the year, advanced -by the structure of the calendar, the other the beginning -of the series of months.</p> - -<p>The Jewish calendar therefore arose very late, at the -end of the kingdom of Judah; until that time the Jews were -content with a chronology which was as primitive as that of -many primitive peoples. In matters pertaining to the calendar -they have always been very conservative and backward. In -later times, too, they did not succeed in grasping the idea of -the beginning of the year as a solitary event. König quotes -on p. 644 a very significant passage from the Mishna tractate -concerning the beginning of the year:—“On the first day of -Nisan is the beginning of the year for the kings and for the -festivals. On the first day of Elul is the beginning for the -tithing of cattle. On the first day of Tishri is the beginning -for the years (i. e. the civil calendar), and for the Sabbatic -year and the Jubilee years, for the plants and the vegetables. -On the first day of the month Shebat is the beginning for -the tree-fruit.”—Four New Year’s Days, therefore.</p> - -<p>Among the Jews, therefore, ecclesiastical conditions gave -rise to a calendarial beginning of the year, which successfully -rivalled the beginning given by the agricultural year. There is -still another important type of beginning, and this depends once -more upon the observation of the stars; cp. <a href="#Page_248">pp. 248 f</a>. Where the -beginning of the agricultural labour is determined by the Pleiades, -it evidently follows that they also determine the beginning -of the year. It follows further that the year lasts not -only to the end of the period of vegetation, but also until the -next appearance of the Pleiades, and hence the sidereal year -is obtained at once with the greatest accuracy that is possible -without scientific observation. This Pleiades year is especially -common in South America, where there are no series of months, -and in Oceania.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_275"></a>[275]</span></p> - -<p>The Lengua Indians of Paraguay connect the rising of the -Pleiades with the beginning of spring, and hold feasts during -this time<a id="FNanchor_970" href="#Footnote_970" class="fnanchor">[970]</a>. The Guarani of the same country determine the -time of sowing by the observation of the Pleiades; it is said -that they used to worship this constellation, and they begin -their new year at its appearance in May<a id="FNanchor_971" href="#Footnote_971" class="fnanchor">[971]</a>. In the Amazon -valley the rising of the Pleiades coincides with the revival of -Nature, and hence the people say that everything is renewed -by these stars<a id="FNanchor_972" href="#Footnote_972" class="fnanchor">[972]</a>. The Indians of the Orinoco determined the new -year by the evening rising of the Pleiades<a id="FNanchor_973" href="#Footnote_973" class="fnanchor">[973]</a>. But still further, the -year is called by the name of the Pleiades. Certain tribes of -Venezuela reckoned the year by stars, and in fact by the -Pleiades. ‘Year’ is <i>tshirke</i>, ‘star’, a year = a star. The word -occurs in various forms among most of the Carib tribes; among -the neighbouring Caribs <i>tshirika</i> is found many times as a -translation of ‘the Pleiades’. The connexion becomes clear -in the wide-spread Carib idiom of the Guaianas: in a Galibi -dictionary ‘star’ and ‘year’ are given as <i>serica</i>, <i>siricco</i>, the -Pleiades as <i>sherick</i>, and we read in brackets: “The return of -the Pleiades above the horizon together with the sun forms -the solar year of the natives.” Among the island Caribs the -Pleiades are called <i>chiric</i>; these people reckon the years in -‘Pleiades’. Among the Arawak <i>wijua</i> means ‘Pleiades’, ‘star’ -in general, and ‘year’, since they reckon the year from the -point at which they see the Pleiades rise after cock-crow. -The Cariay of the Rio Negro call the Pleiades <i>eoünana</i> and -the year <i>aurema-anynoa</i>, which seems to be a development of -the former word. The Guarani call the Pleiades <i>eishu</i>, ‘bee-hive’, -and the year has the same name; in ordinary life however -the year is usually known as <i>roi</i>, ‘cold’<a id="FNanchor_974" href="#Footnote_974" class="fnanchor">[974]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Caffres recognise the time of sowing by the position -of the stars, especially the Pleiades, and reckon the new year -from the morning rising of the latter<a id="FNanchor_975" href="#Footnote_975" class="fnanchor">[975]</a>. Although the Amazulu -call the feast of the first-fruits the new year, they say at the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_276"></a>[276]</span> -appearance of the Pleiades: “The Pleiades are renewed, the year -is renewed”, and they begin to dig<a id="FNanchor_976" href="#Footnote_976" class="fnanchor">[976]</a>. In Bali the appearance -of the Pleiades at sunset marks the end of the year<a id="FNanchor_977" href="#Footnote_977" class="fnanchor">[977]</a>. In -Bambatana (Solomon Islands) the year is reckoned by the -Pleiades<a id="FNanchor_978" href="#Footnote_978" class="fnanchor">[978]</a>. Among the Polynesians the Pleiades year was extremely -wide-spread. The inhabitants of the Marquesas Islands -had a ten-month year, but were acquainted with a year of -twelve months, which they called by the name of the Pleiades, -<i>maka-ihi</i> or <i>mata-iti</i>, ‘the little eyes’<a id="FNanchor_979" href="#Footnote_979" class="fnanchor">[979]</a>. On Hervey Island the -new year was given by the evening rising of the Pleiades in -the middle of December<a id="FNanchor_980" href="#Footnote_980" class="fnanchor">[980]</a>. In the Society Islands there were -two seasons named after the Pleiades. The first, <i>matarii i nia</i>, -‘little eyes above’, began at the evening rising of these stars -and continued as long as they were visible in the sky in the -evening; the other <i>matarii i raro</i>, ‘little eyes under’, began -after the evening setting and extended over the time during -which the stars were not to be seen in the evening<a id="FNanchor_981" href="#Footnote_981" class="fnanchor">[981]</a>.</p> - -<p>It follows that a fixed beginning of the year does not exist -universally, and therefore is not the general norm. The beginning -of the year in our sense is the starting-point of the series of the -days of the calendar; among the primitive peoples it is the beginning -of any year, whether the complete year or the phenomena -of the time of vegetation only. There are several such -phenomena appearing side by side, so that there can also be -several beginnings to the year, e. g. several feasts of first-fruits, -as among the Thonga, the rising of the Pleiades and -the feast of the first-fruits among the Amazulu. When one -phenomenon of this kind, e. g. the corn-harvest, prevails over -the others and is perhaps brought into prominence by the -greatest festival of the year, it appears more like our New Year, -though the significance of the occasion does not depend, as -among ourselves, upon the position of the day in the calendar, -but upon the natural conditions. And when a phase of the -stars, e. g. of the Pleiades, coincides with the beginning of the -agricultural year and the renewal of Nature, the stellar (Pleiades) -year is obtained by comprising the time between one<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_277"></a>[277]</span> -rising or setting and the next. By this means we arrive at -the pure but undivided solar year. On the other hand the -phases of the stars, like the other natural phases, were needed -to determine the months, and here the result was more important.</p> - -<p>With regard to the intercalation, the equalising of the -total number of moon-months and the solar year, the problem -first arose when there had been developed a fixed series of -months which it was desired to repeat without interruption. -Then arose the necessity of introducing an occasional month -into the series of twelve months, or omitting one from the -series of thirteen, so that the months named from natural -phases might remain in their proper places. This difficulty -was first of all blended with that arising from the fluctuation -of the natural phases due to the varying climatic conditions -of different years. The expedient was crudely empirical, the -occasional leaping over or addition of a month. Gradually it -became the custom to introduce the intercalary month at a -definite point; it may also be associated with a so-called ‘vacant -period’. Where a month was named from a phase of a -certain star, the correction was given automatically by this -phase, since this month was fixed. The intercalary month obtained -its place before this month, which became the beginning -of the year, since the reckoning started with it. By this means -was given a lunisolar year which was however empirically -regulated by occasional intercalation.</p> - - -<hr class="r20" /> - -<h3 class="p2">APPENDIX: THE EGYPTIAN YEAR.</h3> - -<p>Upon the quite peculiar Egyptian time-reckoning I have -only a few remarks to make by way of addition to the clear -and convincing account of its origin given by Eduard Meyer; -as to the disarrangement of the names of months familiar to -us, which are borrowed from festivals, I must admit I am not -quite clear, but this matters little for our present purpose since -these names are more than two thousand years younger than<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_278"></a>[278]</span> -the introduction of the year. The Egyptian year consists of -three seasons—time of inundation, seed-time, and harvest—each -of four months containing thirty days each, together with -five additional days, the epagomena, standing outside the year -and theoretically not included in it. The month is therefore -the round month and the year the round year, which by multiplying -the round number of the months in the year by the -round number of days in the month gives a total of 360 (12 × 30) -days. The use of round numbers in the arithmetical application -of the calendar is familiar in all quarters of the world -and has been known at all times; it is continued in the practice -of our modern banks in calculating interest <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">à l’usance</i>. The -surprising thing is that in Egypt no notice should have been -taken of the moon, and that the month should have been -carried through as a mere numerical unity. For at the stage -of knowledge presupposed by the regulation of the calendar -the Egyptians must have known that the number of days in -the moon-month varies between 29 and 30. I am therefore -inclined to think that this form of year was first introduced as -a means of counting in administration and the making of returns, -and then by degrees established itself as the civil calendar -because the rural life was so closely dependent upon -the administration and its accounts. We may compare the -fact that the lunisolar calendar of Greece was introduced as -an ecclesiastical calendar, and succeeded in establishing itself -as the civil calendar owing to the close connexion between -the religious and the political life; but the old reckoning from -the phases of the stars persisted alongside of it. In the same -way we must suppose that in Egypt alongside of the numerical -calendar the old method of reckoning by the concrete -appearance of the moon originally persisted, but since by this -time it had lost its practical importance it vanished without -leaving any other traces than the length of the arithmetical -month (as a round number) and the name ‘month’.</p> - -<p>On the other hand it must have been intended to give to -the year the length of the solar year: the five extra days -were accordingly introduced outside the series of months. Hence -the same word <i>wepet ronpet</i> means both the first day of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_279"></a>[279]</span> -civil shifting year and also the day of the actual morning -rising of Sirius; hence too the three four-month divisions of -the shifting year are called after the seasons. The first of -these, the time of inundation, began exactly with the morning -rising of Sirius when the Nile began perceptibly to rise. Here -the Egyptians went wrong because they did not realise that -the year does not consist of exactly 365 days, but contains an -additional fraction of a day. The consequence was that the -Egyptian year got out of place in relation to the solar year, -but so slowly that no inconvenience was caused in practical -life: the linguistic difficulty, that <i>wepet ronpet</i> acquired two -different meanings and that e. g. the season called the time -of inundation might fall in the actual seed-time or harvest, -the conservative minds of the Egyptians enabled them to tolerate. -A contributing factor was the practical convenience of -the calendar. The dislocation must however very soon have -been recognised, since the actual morning rising of Sirius, so -far as we know, was always celebrated, i. e. it was a movable -feast in relation to the calendar. The error is included in -the well-known formula of the Sothic period (1461 Egyptian = -1460 Julian years).</p> - -<p>The knowledge of the closest approximation that can be -made to the correct number of days in the year, reckoning -only whole days, can only be arrived at in one of two ways, -either by the observations of the solstices and equinoxes, which -is the method adopted e. g. by the Hopi, or by means of the -rising of a star. The duration of the solar year is not reached -by way of the lunisolar year. Which of the two methods the -Egyptians adopted is not in doubt. No notice has come before -me which suggests that the Egyptians observed the position -of the sunrise or sunset on the horizon, while the stars -on the other hand were accurately observed by them. There -are calendars which give the position of the constellations in -accordance with which the hours of night were determined -and proclaimed<a id="FNanchor_982" href="#Footnote_982" class="fnanchor">[982]</a>, and in particular the morning rising of Sirius -was at all times observed and celebrated. This is primitive<a id="FNanchor_983" href="#Footnote_983" class="fnanchor">[983]</a>,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_280"></a>[280]</span> -but not so the counting of the days between two risings. The -latter process would be facilitated if the reckoning was previously -carried out in numerical months of 30 days (naturally -as a round number, not as an actual month); perhaps this was -the first stage. The calendar therefore, as Ed. Meyer has -specially pointed out, must have begun to run its course in a -year in which the rising of Sirius and New Year’s Day coincided, -i. e. it began with a Sothic period.</p> - -<p>The months within each season are numbered from I to -IV. Among primitive peoples it frequently happens that a -season gives its name to two months, which are distinguished -as the first and second, but a numbering such as that of the -Egyptian calendar is unexampled and shews once more a -desire to get away from the moon-month. The so-called ‘months’ -are rather subdivisions of the seasons.</p> - -<p>The breach—and it can be considered no less—with -the primitive time-reckoning is part negative, part positive. -Positively, the length of the solar year in whole days has been -astonishingly early recognised, but the greatest advance is in -the negative direction. The calendar has been detached from -the concrete phenomena of the heavens: thereby it acquires -a numerical character, and only so is the genuine time-reckoning -created. For in practice it is more necessary to be able -to reckon conveniently than to remain in accurate agreement -with the incommensurability of the motions of the heavenly -bodies. Hence the Egyptian calendar held good, although -its year was a shifting year and in spite of the fact that the -ideal year underlying it was a sidereal and not the actual -solar year, and the Greek astronomers reckoned by it on -account of its convenience, just as our astronomers still reckon -by the Julian calendar. The Egyptian year therefore lies at -the bottom of our year, which has been altered so as to remain -in agreement with the seasons,—this being necessary in -view of the spread of the historic sense among the people—but -has also unfortunately been spoiled in the division into -months, owing to the influence of the Roman months. The -Egyptian calendar is the greatest intellectual fact in the -history of time-reckoning; like all the greatest achievements<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_281"></a>[281]</span> -of this nature, e. g. the alphabet, it was attained through a -radical simplification, in which also practical convenience played -a great part. It should not be forgotten that astronomy and -the calendar are not identical. In matters of the calendar -practical utility is more welcome than refined astronomical -calculation.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_282"></a>[282]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.<br /> -<br /> -<span class="fs70">POPULAR MONTHS OF THE EUROPEAN PEOPLES.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p class="drop-capy1">In ancient times, and even at the present day in lands which -lie outside the path of the great leveller, civilisation, the -months taken over with the Roman calendar are not numbered -divisions of the year, the names of which are a matter of indifference, -but are concretely conceived and named as seasons. -They are, in fact, nothing but seasons, the number and duration -of which are determined by the conventional calendar. The -striving after concreteness which characterises not too highly -civilised man leads to the abolition of the obscure and unintelligible -Roman names of months, and the substitution of other -names describing the season, or more rarely taken from some -great festival falling within the month. Only the Hungarian -months are entirely named after ecclesiastical festivals<a id="FNanchor_984" href="#Footnote_984" class="fnanchor">[984]</a>. It -is also found that the Latin names are as far as possible rendered -intelligible by popular etymology.</p> - -<p>These statements are well illustrated by the names given -to the months by the Greek peasants of Macedonia. It is said -of the latter that they measure time not so much by the conventional -calendar as by the labours and the festivals characteristic -of the different seasons. Seed-time, harvest and vintage, -the feast of Saint George, the midsummer fires are some -of the notable occasions in the life of the peasant, and these -have impressed themselves upon the names of the months. -The names are:—1, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Γεννάρης</span>, derived from <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γεννοῦν</span>, also called -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μεγάλος</span> or <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τρανὸς μῆνας</span> in opposition to February, and <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κλαδευτής</span> -on account of the pruning of the vines; 2, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Φλεβά ρης</span>, ‘Vein-sweller’,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_283"></a>[283]</span> -the veins (<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">φλέβες</span>) of the earth are swollen with water -(cf. the English folk-name for this month, ‘February fill-dyke’), -or <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μικρὸς μῆνας, κουτσοφλέβαρος</span>; 3, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Μάρτης, ὁ φουσκοδενδρίτης</span>, -‘the tree-sweller’, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Γδάρτης</span>, ‘the flayer’, on account of the -bitterly cold wind; 4, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀπρίλης, Ἁγιογεωργίτης</span>, from the feast of -Saint George on the 23rd; 5, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Μάης; 6, Θεριστής</span>, harvest month; -7, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἁλωνιστής, Ἁλωνάρης</span>, threshing-floor month; 8, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Αὔγουστος</span>; -9, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Τρυγητής</span>, vintage month, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Σταυριώτης</span>, from the Feast of the -Exaltation of the Precious Cross, held on the 14th; 10, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ὀχτώβριος, -Ἁγιοδημητριάτης</span>, from the feast of Saint Demetrios on the 26th; -11, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Σποριᾶς</span>, sowing month, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἀντρεάς</span>, from the feast of Saint -Andrew on the 30th; 12, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Νικολαίτης</span>, from the feast of Saint -Nicholas on the 6th<a id="FNanchor_985" href="#Footnote_985" class="fnanchor">[985]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Albanian names of months are similar:—1, T(osk) -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ϳεννάρι</span>, G(heg) <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Καλενδούρι</span>, New Year month (<i>Kalendae</i>); 2, -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Σκουρτι</span>, i. e. ‘short’; 3, T. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Μαρσι</span>, G. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Φρουρι</span>; 4, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Πριλι</span>; 5, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Μαϳι</span>; -6, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κορρίκου</span>, harvest month; 7, T. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">(Ἀ)λονάρι</span>, ‘threshing-floor -month’ (a Greek loan-word), G. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Κϳέρσουρι</span>, probably ‘cherry -month’; 8, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Γόστι</span>; 9, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Βϳέστεα</span>, autumn month, literally ‘bare -month’, also <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">βϳέστ’ επάρε</span>, first autumn; 10, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σε Μίτρε</span>, month of -Saint Demetrius, also <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">βϳεστ’ ε δύτε</span>, second autumn; 11, T. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σε Μεχίλ</span>, -month of St. Michael, G. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σε Μερί ε Στρούγες</span>, month of -the Virgin of Struga, also <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">βϳεστ’ ε τρέτε</span>, third autumn; 12, -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">σε Νδερέ</span>, month of St. Andrew<a id="FNanchor_986" href="#Footnote_986" class="fnanchor">[986]</a>.</p> - -<p>The various Celtic series I omit<a id="FNanchor_987" href="#Footnote_987" class="fnanchor">[987]</a>, since they are very -obscure and no new material is at my disposal; I shall only -remark that they shew a mixture of distorted Latin and of -native names, the latter being taken, at least in part, from the -phenomena of the vegetation. The Basque names of months -are:—1, New Year month or black month; 2, bull or wolf -month; 3, tepid month; 4, weeding or fasting-bread month; 5, -leaf month; 6, seed-time (<em>sic!</em>), bean or barley month; 7, harvest -or wheat month; 8, month of drought; 9, fern or ear month; -10, gathering month; 11, sowing month or forest-clearing; 12, -binding up of vegetation (?). They refer therefore throughout<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_284"></a>[284]</span> -to the vegetation and to agriculture. For four months the Latin -names are also in use<a id="FNanchor_988" href="#Footnote_988" class="fnanchor">[988]</a>.</p> - -<p>I have purposely placed in the foreground these mingled -series arising in modern times, since they shew how little the -people can reconcile themselves to the unintelligible Latin -names, and how the latter are crowded out by native names which -by their relation to seasons, occupations, and festivals offer -points of reference easy to remember. The months are nothing -but seasons, the length and situation of which are regulated -by the Julian calendar.</p> - -<p>The Lithuanian and Lettish names of months refer exclusively -to natural phenomena and the occupations of agriculture. -The Lithuanian series is:—1, unexplained; 2, jackdaw -month; 3, dove month; 4, birch month, or birch water-flowing; -5, cuckoo month; 6, fallow or sowing month; 7, linden month; -8, hot month or rye-cutting; 9, autumn month; 10, leaf-fall; 11, -month of clods; 12, month of dryness (frost). The Lettish names -are:—1, winter month; 2, snow or fasting-month; 3, dove or -snow-crust month; 4, birch-sap month; 5, leaf month; 6, fallow -or blossoming month; 7, hay or linden month; 8, rye month or -dog (-days); 9, heath-blossom month; 10, autumn month; 11, -frost month; 12, wolf month or Christmas<a id="FNanchor_989" href="#Footnote_989" class="fnanchor">[989]</a>.</p> - -<p>Very similar but much more numerous and fluctuating -are the names of months among the Slavonic peoples, collected -by Miklosich along with the names of months of a number of -other peoples. Yermoloff in his great work on the popular -Russian calendar gives only a limited number of names, and -these are rarely translated: with a few exceptions these names -will be found in Miklosich. The latter writer has classified and -discussed the names under their proper headings as follows:—(1) -names taken from the vegetable kingdom, 18 in number; -(2) from the animal kingdom, 9; (3) from natural phenomena -in general, 17; (4) from periodically recurring actions, 10; (5) -from customs and festivals, 25; in addition to which there are -a few unexplained and three Latin names. Since it is my -purpose to give an idea not only of the variety of the names -but also of the fluctuating relationship with the Julian months,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_285"></a>[285]</span> -I arrange the material of Miklosich’s first four groups according -to the months, omitting isolated and uncertain names. If the -statement as to the corresponding Julian month in Miklosich -is not clear, I add a mark of interrogation. I am also indebted -to Prof. G. Kazarow of Sofia for detailed information -as to the Bulgarian names of months, and for extracts from -the Bulgarian work of Kovatschev on popular astronomy and -meteorology; these sources are referred to respectively as Kaz. -and Kov. An asterisk prefixed to the name of a month means -that the same name is given to another month also; if prefixed -to the abbreviation denoting the country, the asterisk -shews that the name is given to two different months in that -country. The names refer to:—1, <em>January</em>, *‘month of clods’, -Czech, since the hard frost turns the earth into clods; ‘ice -month’, Czech; *‘increasing of the day-light’, Old Bulg., Slovak, -Croat.; ‘cold month’, Pol., Bulg.; *‘the Cutter’, Slovak, Bulg., -Serb., which Miklosich rightly refers to the felling of trees, Yermoloff -and others less well to the piercing cold; ‘the Great -Cutter’, Bulg.; *‘kindling of the wheel’, *Bulg. (Kaz.)<a id="FNanchor_990" href="#Footnote_990" class="fnanchor">[990]</a>. 2, -<em>February</em>, ‘the Side-warmer’, Russ. (Yermoloff), <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">latera calefaciens</i>, -i. e. the time when the cattle leave their stalls in order -to warm themselves in the open (Miklosich); ‘the savage month’, -Ruthen., Pol.; *‘the dry month’, *Slovak; ‘the snowy month’<a id="FNanchor_991" href="#Footnote_991" class="fnanchor">[991]</a>; -‘wedding month’, Old Russ.<a id="FNanchor_992" href="#Footnote_992" class="fnanchor">[992]</a>; *‘the Cutter’, Old Bulg., Croat.; -‘the Little Cutter’, Bulgarian. 3, <em>March</em>, *‘birch month’, Slovak, Ruthen., -refers to the sap of the birch which now begins to flow; -*‘grass month’, *Slovak; ‘time of deceitful weather’, Bulg.? Serb.? -Old Bulg.; *‘the dry month’, Old Bulg., *Slovak, Croat.; ‘beginning -of summer’ (<i>lêtnik</i>, Kaz.). 4, <em>April</em>, *‘birch month’ (in -three different forms), *Old Bulg., Ruthen.; *‘blossoming month’, -*Croat., Ruthen., Pol.; ‘oak month’, Czech, because the oak -comes into leaf; *‘grass month’, *Slovak, *Croat., *Serb.; ‘the -Liar’, or ‘the month that deceives the grass’, Bulg., (<i>lǎžko</i>, -<i>lǎži-trev</i>, Kaz.); ‘the Fleecer’, ‘the Fleece-seller’, Bulg. (Kov.,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_286"></a>[286]</span> -cf. Greek <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">γδάρτης</span>). 5, <em>May</em>, *‘blossoming month’, Slovak, *Croat., -Czech, Bulg. (Kov.); *‘rose-blossoming month’, High Sorb.; -*‘grass month’, Old Bulg., *Slovak, *Croat., Ruthen., Czech, -Bulg.; ‘cornel month’, Sloven.; ‘maize-hoeing’, Bulg. (Kov.); -*‘cherry month’, Bulg. (Kov.); *‘cochineal month’, Bulg. (<i>červenijat</i>, -Kov.). 6, <em>June</em>, ‘bean-blossoming month’, Slovak; -*‘cherry month’, Serb., *Bulg. (Kov., cf. the Albanian July); -‘month of ears’, Slovak; *‘linden month’, Slovak, Serb., since -the linden blossoms then; *‘rose-blossoming month’, Low Sorb., -Czech; ‘Mower’, Bulg. (Kov.); ‘hay-cutting’, Bulg. (Kaz.); *‘cochineal -month’, Ruthen., Bulg., Czech, because the cochineals used -for red dye are then collected; ‘grasshopper month’, Old Bulg.; -‘milk month’, Slovak; ‘fallow month’, Slovak, High Sorb. 7, -<em>July</em>, *‘linden month’, Ruthen., Pol.; *‘cochineal month’, Old -Bulg., Pol., Czech<a id="FNanchor_993" href="#Footnote_993" class="fnanchor">[993]</a>; ‘the hot (month)’, Serb., Slovak, Bulg.; ‘hay -month’, Ruthen., Bulg., Russ.; *‘cutting month’, Czech, refers to -the hay-cutting; *‘harvest month’, Low Sorb.; ‘the Harvester’, -Bulg. (Kaz.); *‘sickle month’, Old Bulg., Slovak, Serb., Bulg. -(Kov.). 8, <em>August</em>, ‘month of ripeness’, Russ.; *‘sickle month’, -Ruthen., Czech, Pol.; *‘cutting month’, in Moravia and among -the Slovaks; ‘barley month’, Low Sorb.; *‘harvest month’, High -Sorb., Bulg. (Kaz.); ‘threshing-floor month’, Bulg. (Kov., cf. -Greek-Albanian <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἁλωνάρης</span>); ‘fruit month’, Bulg. (Kov.); *‘gadfly -month’, *Slovak, Ruthen.; ‘beginning of the lowing’ (i. e. the -rutting of the deer, <i>zarev</i>), Old Bulg.; ‘time when people are -carting’ (no doubt on account of the bringing in of the harvest), -Slovak, Serb.; ‘dryer up of the rivers’, Bulg. (Kov.). 9, <em>September</em>, -‘sowing month’, Bulg. (Kov.); ‘month of gathering’, -Bulg. (Kov.); *‘heath-plant month’, Old Bulg., Pol., Ruthen., -(Czech, July or August); *‘time when the goats rut’, *Slovak; -*‘gadfly month’, *Slovak; ‘the gloomy month’, Old Russ.<a id="FNanchor_994" href="#Footnote_994" class="fnanchor">[994]</a>; *‘month -of lowing’, ‘of rutting’, (<i>záži</i>) *Czech, (<i>rujan</i>, and kindred words) -Old Bulg., Serb., Bulg., Old Russ., Czech (earlier); ‘gathering -of the clusters’, Bulg.; ‘month of the (winter-)sowing’, Ruthen.; -‘old women’s summer’, Ruthen., Pol. (?); ‘autumn’, Russ., Slovak.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_287"></a>[287]</span> -10, <em>October</em>, *‘leaf-fall’, Old Bulg., Serb., *Bulg. (Kaz.); ‘the -yellow (month)’, Ruthen.; *‘time when the goat ruts’, *Slovak; -*‘month of the lowing’ (<i>řijen</i>), Czech (present day); ‘time of flax-preparing’ -(the name comes from a term for the waste products -of the flax), Ruthen., Pol.; ‘vine month’, Slovak, Serb.; ‘gathering -of the maize’, Bulg. (Kov.); ‘month of dirt’, Russ.; ‘the autumnal -(month)’, Bulg. (Kaz.). 11, <em>November</em>, *‘leaf-fall’, Slovak, -Ruthen., Czech, Pol., *Bulg. (Kov.); *‘time when the goat ruts’, -*Slovak; *‘month of clods’, Old Bulg., Russ.; ‘threshing month’, -Low Sorb. 12, <em>December</em>, ‘wolf month’, Czech, High Sorb. -(rutting-time of the wolves); *‘month of clods’, Slovak, Croat., -Ruthen. (?), Pol.; *‘increasing of the day-light’ (?), Serb., Russ.(?), -Czech; ‘month of the snow-storm’, Ruthen.; ‘winter month’, -Bulg. (Kov.); *‘kindling of the wheel’, *Bulg. (Kov., see above). -More rarely the festivals give their names to the months. This -is the case with Christmas, Candlemas, All Saints’ Day, the -festival of the birth of the Virgin, and the feast of the Rosalia -(= Whitsun), Slovak, Bulg. (Kaz.), and with 14 saints’ days, -e. g. <i>Martinzi</i>, November, Bulg. (Kov.). With regard to Bulg. -<i>gorêštnik</i> (= July) Kazarow writes to me: “<i>gorêšt</i> = ‘hot’; in -July the people celebrate a fire-festival of three days’ duration, -viz. the 15th, 16th, and 17th of July, <i>gorêštnici</i>”. Of the Latin -names of months only three have been borrowed:—<em>May</em> -(common), Slovak, Croat., Ruthen., Russ., Czech, Pol., Sorb.; -more rarely <em>April</em>, Old Bulg., Sorb.; and <em>March</em>, Croat., Serb., -Ruthen., Pol., High Sorb.</p> - -<p>The great majority of the names refer to natural phenomena -and country occupations. The variety of the series need -not be specially pointed out, the numerous asterisks shew the -fluctuation and variation of the nomenclature between two or even -three months. Much is explained, as is indicated by the mention -of the countries in which the names originate, by the extremely -various climatic conditions prevailing in the countries -occupied by the Slavs, and a further explanation of the variety -is to be sought in the well-known phenomenon that when the -seasons correspond only imperfectly with the months, the equalisation -is carried out sometimes with one month, sometimes -with another. It must be so, since among the same people<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_288"></a>[288]</span> -the same name describes various months. Pairs of months -are however rare: ‘the big’ and ‘the little’ <i>sêčko</i> (January and -February), Bulg.; ‘the little grass-month’ (March) and the ‘big’ -one (April or May), Slovak; the little and big ‘cochineal’ -months (June and July), Czech, distinguished in the calendar -of to-day as <i>červen</i> and <i>červenec</i> (diminutive), so that the -names have changed places; and <i>žătvar</i>, ‘reaper’ (July) and -<i>žătvarskijat</i>, ‘harvest-month’ (August), Bulgarian (Kazarow). -Here also must be placed <i>zarev</i> and cognates, Old Bulg., -Russ., Czech, which is inchoative and means ‘beginning of the -lowing (the rutting)’, and <i>rjujin</i> and cognates, Old Bulg., Slovak, -Serb., Old Russian, Czech, ‘the lowing’, i. e. the full rutting -and therefore the second rutting-month. The character -of all these names is only too obvious. Hence the fact that -the word for month is very rarely added, though it appears -in the translation. These names have proved so vigorous that -in Czech and Polish they have ousted the Latin names (with -the exception of May).</p> - -<p>In the same way I give a summary of the German -names of months, from the abundant compilations more particularly -of Weinhold and Ebner. Here too I make no claim -to completeness,—some names have been deliberately omitted—my -purpose being only to give an idea of the variety and -instability of the names. To this end I choose the forms which -are most easily intelligible.</p> - -<p>1, <em>January</em>:—bare month (the bare, naked month), *hard -month, *winter month, ice month, *wolf month, threshing month, -month of calves, ‘Great Horn’, *<i>Volborn</i>, <i>Lasmaend</i>, <i>Laumonat</i> -(the last three unexplained). 2, <em>February</em>:—last winter month, -wood month, fox month, ‘Little Horn’, <i>Hornung</i>, *<i>Volborn</i>, -<i>Rebmaend</i>, <i>Redmaend</i>, <i>Selle(maend)</i>, <i>Sporkel</i>, <i>Sprokkelmaend</i>. -3, <em>March</em>:—(first) ploughing month, drying month, *spring -month, sowing month, pruning month, vernal month, spring. -4, <em>April</em>:—second ploughing month, *spring month, grass month, -shepherds’ month, cuckoo month, the rough month (<i>Rûmaend</i>). -5, <em>May</em>:—ass month, month of joy, month of flowers, bean month. -6, <em>June</em>:—fallow month, *dog month, rose month, pasture month, -<i>Lusemaend</i> (<i>Luse</i> probably = modern German <i>Schildlaus</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_289"></a>[289]</span> -‘cochineal’), summer month, fallow. 7, <em>July</em>:—(first) *<i>Augst</i>, -hay month, *dog month; <i>Heuet</i> (hay-harvest), *<i>Arne</i> (harvest), -*cutting (i. e. of the hay). 8, <em>August</em>:—(second) *<i>Augst</i>, harvest -month, <i>Arnemaend</i>, cutting month, <i>Kochmaend</i>, month of fruit, -<i>Bîsmaend</i> (when the cattle, tormented by the heat and the -flies, run about (<i>biset</i>) the fields as if mad), *<i>Arne</i>, *cutting. -9, <em>September</em>:—second <i>Augst</i>, <i>Augstin</i>, cutting of oats, (*first) -*autumn month, *sowing month, spelt month, barley month, -boar month, *<i>Fulmaend</i>, <i>Laeset</i>, <i>Hanfluchet</i>, bean-harvest, first -autumn, over-autumn, autumn sowing. 10, <em>October</em>:—(*first or -*second) *autumn month, first winter month, *sowing month, -*slaughtering month, *<i>Folmaend</i>, <i>Aarzelmaend</i> (since the year turns -back), (second) autumn, *<i>Laupreisi</i> (leaf-fall). 11, <em>November</em>:—(*second -or third) *autumn month, *winter month, <i>Laubryszmaend</i>, -leaf month, month of rime, month of winds, month of dirt, *hard -month, *slaughtering month, <i>Smeermaend</i>, *full month, *wolf -month, acorn month, *<i>Laupreisi</i>. 12, <em>December</em>:—fourth autumn -month, (second) *winter month, *hard month, *slaughtering -month, month of bacon, *wolf month, hare month, second winter. -There are also many names borrowed from feasts and -saints’ days, such as (New) Year month and the synonymous -<i>Kalemaend</i> = Calends month (January), <i>Fassnachtmaend</i> or <i>Olle -Wiwermaend</i> (February), <i>Klibelmaend</i> (Conception of the Virgin, -March), Holy Month or Christ Month. The Latin names March, -April, May, and August have also become very popular; the -last-named has for special reasons been included in the -above list<a id="FNanchor_995" href="#Footnote_995" class="fnanchor">[995]</a>.</p> - -<p>The history of the German names of months has been -elucidated by Weinhold and for the Alemannic district by the -work of Ebner, who bases his researches upon extensive information<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_290"></a>[290]</span> -collected among the people. As early as the time -of Charlemagne a German series of months had been created -in order to bring the Julian months more closely home to the -people, so that the list was based largely upon a popular -foundation. The names are:—<i>Wintarmânoth</i>, <i>Hornunc</i>, <i>Lenzinm.</i>, -<i>Ostarm.</i>, <i>Wunnim.</i>, <i>Brâchm.</i>, <i>Hewim.</i>, <i>Aranm.</i>, <i>Witum.</i>, -<i>Windumem.</i>, <i>Herbistm.</i>, <i>Heilagm.</i> This series attained great -influence, but did not become universal; on the contrary it -was subjected to alteration under the pressure of the agricultural -terms. In spite of this early attempt at unity the German -names for the months shew once more the variety and -fluctuation with which the reader is now sufficiently familiar. -A special interest attaches to the fact that the sources make -it possible to follow how the names of months arise from the -simple terms for the seasons. On this point Weinhold says, -p. 2:—“In our sources the general statement <i>in der erne</i> -(‘in the harvest’) preponderates over the month-name <i>ernemanot</i> -(‘harvest-month’); <i>im brâchet</i> (‘in the fallow’), <i>im höuwet</i> (‘in -the hay-harvest’) hold their own alongside of <i>brâch-</i> and <i>höu-monat</i> -(‘fallow-, hay-month’), <i>im wimmot</i> (‘in the vintage’) persists, -since <i>windumemânot</i> (‘vintage-month’) had long since died out. -From the phrases <i>in der sât</i>, <i>in dem snite</i> (‘in the sowing’, ‘in -the cutting’) are painfully evolved a <i>sâtmân</i> and a <i>schnitmonat</i> -(‘sowing-, cutting-month’). We find autumn and winter as -names of months, and also the non-German <i>augst</i>, divided into -three; we can see the uncertainty with which <i>laubbrost</i> and -<i>laubrîse</i> (‘sprouting and falling of the leaves’) contract into -names of months.” Accordingly the above list shews that -alongside the names compounded with ‘month’ the simple terms -from seasons and occupations of the year are frequently found -as names for the months. March = <i>Lenz</i> (spring), June = <i>Brachet</i> -(fallow), July = <i>Heuet</i> (hay-harvest), August = <i>Arne</i> (harvest), -September = <i>Bonenarve</i>, <i>Hanfluchet</i>, <i>erst Herbst</i>, <i>Herbstsaat</i>, -<i>Überherbst</i>, <i>Laeset</i> (<i>Lesezeit</i>) (bean-harvest, hemp-gathering, -first autumn, autumn-sowing, late autumn, harvest time), -October = <i>ander Herbst</i>, <i>Herbst</i>, <i>Laupreisi</i> (second autumn, -autumn, leaf-fall), December = <i>ander Winter</i>. Of great significance -is the state of affairs found in the Alemannic sources<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_291"></a>[291]</span> -of the 14th century<a id="FNanchor_996" href="#Footnote_996" class="fnanchor">[996]</a>; side by side with the compound forms -the simple often appear, but always as definite names of -months. Towards the end of the century they then begin to -have a loose connexion with the conception ‘month’, e. g. -<i>brachot der manod</i> (‘fallow the month’). This shews the method -by which these names have become names of months, and -Ebner judges the process quite correctly when he says that -the definite names of months were only secondarily evolved -from the general time-indications. He adds:—“This observation -can often be made in the sources, viz. that alongside -of the month-name which exactly circumscribes a lunar period -(<em>sic!</em>, must be ‘a Julian month’) a simple conception of time -also appears. These simple terms, such as ‘autumn’ for September, -also appear as general time-indications, especially in -the old laws. They originally have this character, and they -shew it even to-day. Little by little they become stereotyped -into fixed names of months, and enter into association with the -conception ‘month’. In this sense as definite names of months -the simple terms live for a long time in the sources alongside -of the full terms (those with ‘month’), but in the end lose their -force as definite names of months; to-day they are in dialects -general time-indications”<a id="FNanchor_997" href="#Footnote_997" class="fnanchor">[997]</a>. There is therefore an attempt to -render popular the unfamiliar Julian divisions of the year by -giving them popularly intelligible names; Charlemagne by his -series of months had already tried to systematise the process. -The same phenomenon shews itself in the single fragment of -a Gothic calendar which has come down to us, where November -is equated to <i>fruma jiuleis</i>.</p> - -<p>The fact that the people regarded the months as seasons, -and did not clearly distinguish them from the latter as divisions -of time with a definite number of days, has sympathetically -affected those Latin names which became really popular. -When we hear of a ‘first’ and a ‘second’ May, the name is -evidently loosely regarded as a general term for the early -summer. <i>Augst</i> comes to mean simply ‘harvest’<a id="FNanchor_998" href="#Footnote_998" class="fnanchor">[998]</a>; hence July -is called ‘the first <i>Augst</i>’ and August ‘the second <i>Augst</i>’, or<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_292"></a>[292]</span> -the latter is named <i>Augst</i> and September is called <i>Ander -Augst</i>, <i>Augstin</i>, or <i>Haberaugst</i> (oat-harvest).</p> - -<p>This explanation is opposed by the statement of Tille -that in primitive Germanic times there were sixty-day divisions<a id="FNanchor_999" href="#Footnote_999" class="fnanchor">[999]</a> -from which the pairs of months have arisen, and that -the fluctuation in the names of months is due to the fact that -these divisions of time began in the middle of the Julian month<a id="FNanchor_1000" href="#Footnote_1000" class="fnanchor">[1000]</a>. -The fluctuation in the names of months is shewn by the frequent -asterisks in the above list, and the pairs of months are:—big -and little <i>Horn</i><a id="FNanchor_1001" href="#Footnote_1001" class="fnanchor">[1001]</a>, the first and second ploughing month, -the first and second May, the first and second <i>Augst</i>, or <i>Augst</i> -and <i>Augstin</i> or <i>Haberaugst</i>, and first and second autumn. -Our researches ought to make a special refutation of Tille’s -thesis unnecessary. Obviously the seasons never had a definite -number of days before they became names of months; -both phenomena find their explanation in the indeterminate -length and position of the seasons upon which the scheme of -the Julian months was superimposed. Accordingly, where -the name of the month was taken from a longer season, the -people counted three or four months with the same name. -Thus October and November are called respectively third and -last autumn month, December is fourth autumn month, February -third or last winter month.</p> - -<p>The German names of months were in great measure -genuinely popular,—their very multiplicity, which has its -roots in the life of the people, suffices to prove that—but -they have had to give way to the Latin names in spite of the -attempts made in modern times in the popular calendars, and -especially under the influence of Romanticism, to establish -them throughout. In our own day they persist in popular -usage chiefly in Switzerland.</p> - -<p>The Anglo-Saxon months are preserved in a well-known -passage of Bede<a id="FNanchor_1002" href="#Footnote_1002" class="fnanchor">[1002]</a>. I give each name with the explanation. -1, <i>giuli</i>; 2, <i>solmonað</i>: <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">mensis placentarum, quas in eo diis suis -offerebant</i>; 3, <i>hreðmonað</i>: <i>a dea illorum Hreða</i>; 4, <i>eosturm.</i>:<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_293"></a>[293]</span> -<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">a dea illorum, quae Eostre vocabatur</i>; 5, <i>þrimilci</i>: <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">quod tribus -vicibus in eo per diem pecora mulgebantur</i>; 6, <i>liða</i>; 7, <i>liða</i>: -<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">blandus sive navigabilis</i>; 8, <i>weodm.</i>: <i>mensis zizaniorum</i> (‘weeds’), -<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">quod ea tempestate maxime abundent</i>; 9, <i>halegm.</i>: <i>mensis sacrorum</i>; -10, <i>wintirfyllið</i>: <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">composito novo nonune hiemeplenilunium</i>; -11, <i>blotm.</i>: <i>mensis immolationum</i>; 12, <i>giuli</i>: <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">a conversione solis -in auctum diei</i>. Of the explanations of Bede some are obvious, -others doubtful. For instance one would rather connect February -with the word <i>sol</i> = ‘sun’, or perhaps with <i>sol</i> = ‘dirt’ -(on account of the melting of the snow), since no word <i>sol</i> = -‘cake’ is known. The goddesses Hreða and Eostre, who formerly -played a great part in mythological discussions, are now -with reason suspected as being an explanation of Bede’s. -<i>Hreðmonað</i> is ‘the rough month’<a id="FNanchor_1003" href="#Footnote_1003" class="fnanchor">[1003]</a>, <i>hreðness</i> is ‘roughness’, -especially of the weather; the name is therefore equivalent -to the second term for the same month, <i>hlyda</i> (see below). -In the case of <i>eostur</i> one might think of some lost -name of a season which, like <i>giuli</i>, was transferred to a Christian -festival. For <i>halegmonað</i> and <i>wintirfyllið</i> see below; <i>blotmonað</i> -is the slaughtering month; the explanation of <i>giuli</i> is fatally -wrong.</p> - -<p>A calendar in Bibl. Cottoniensis, assigned by Hickes to -the year 1031, has the same names, but unfortunately, on -account of damage caused by the great fire, nos. 1, 7, 9, and -12 are missing<a id="FNanchor_1004" href="#Footnote_1004" class="fnanchor">[1004]</a>. The <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Menologium Poeticum</cite><a id="FNanchor_1005" href="#Footnote_1005" class="fnanchor">[1005]</a> does not translate -all the names. The series is:—Januarius, Februarius or <i>solmonað</i>, -Martius or <i>hlyda</i>, <i>Aprelis monað</i>, Maius, Junius or <i>ærra -liða</i>, <i>Julius monað</i>, Augustus or <i>weodmonað</i>, September or <i>haligmonað</i>, -October or <i>winterfylleð</i>, November or <i>blotmonað</i>, December -or <i>ærra jula</i>. There are missing therefore, probably -not by accident, <i>eostermonað</i> and the second month of each of -the pairs. Finally I give the list compiled by Hickes:—1, -<i>æftera geola</i>; 2, <i>solmonað</i>; 3, <i>hlyda</i> or <i>hlydmonað</i> (‘the loud, -blustering month’, on account of the storms); 4, <i>easterm.</i>; 5, -<i>maiusm.</i>; 6, <i>serem.</i>, <i>midsumorm.</i>, <i>ærra liða</i>, <i>Juniusm.</i>; 7, <i>meðm.,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_294"></a>[294]</span> -ædm.</i> (hay-harvest month), <i>æftera liða</i>, <i>Juliusm.</i>; 8, <i>weodm.</i>, -<i>Augustusm.</i>; 9, <i>haligm.</i>, <i>harvæstm.</i>; 10, <i>se teoðam.</i>, <i>haligm.</i>; 11, -<i>blotm.</i>; 12, <i>midvinterm.</i>, <i>ærre geola</i><a id="FNanchor_1006" href="#Footnote_1006" class="fnanchor">[1006]</a>. Of these variants upon -Bede’s list <i>harvestm.</i>, <i>hærfestm</i>. occurs frequently and indeed is -attested from the year 1000. In Robert of Gloucester (1297 A. D.) -the word means August<a id="FNanchor_1007" href="#Footnote_1007" class="fnanchor">[1007]</a>. The two others are doubtful: they -appear in the first edition of Bosworth’s Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, -which Weinhold used, but are absent in the second, -doubtless because the sources are unknown. As far as I can -see they come from Hickes, they are missing in Hampson’s -Glossary. The Oxford Dictionary says, s. v. <i>meadmonth</i>: “an -alleged O. E. name for July”. Of <i>seremonth</i> it gives a late -example, where the word is equivalent to August<a id="FNanchor_1008" href="#Footnote_1008" class="fnanchor">[1008]</a>. It is possible -that Hickes used sources which have perished in the fire -at the Bibliotheca Cottoniensis. The form <i>searmonað</i>, so far -as I know, appears only in Bosworth, and is perhaps a normalising -of the spelling. The name ‘dry month’ (mod. Eng. ‘sear’, -‘sere’) corresponds as badly as possible to June, and is not -much more suitable for August. A satisfactory explanation -would be given if, as Prof. Ekwall proposes to me, we assume -that <i>seremonað</i> = <i>sceremonað</i>, <em>s</em> being often written for <em>sc</em> -from the 12th century onwards; the name would then mean -‘sheep-shearing month’. Fluctuation in the names of months is -seen here also: <i>haligmonað</i> means September or October, -<i>harvest-monað</i> both August and September. So far the Anglo-Saxon -months present the usual characteristics in the nomenclature, -and in the fluctuation of the names. A point worthy of -note is the agreement in name with the Gothic <i>fruma jiuleis</i> -but difference in position: this is explained by the fact that -<i>jiuleis</i>, <i>giuli</i>, <i>jul</i> is an old word for a shorter season.</p> - -<p>Bede’s further statements as to the Anglo-Saxon year are -very important and have been much disputed. He represents -it as a lunisolar year with lunar months. It began on Dec. -25th; this night the heathens called <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">modra nect, id est matrum -noctem ob causam, ut suspicamur, ceremoniarum quas in ea -pervigiles agebant</i> (“that is the night of the mothers, because,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_295"></a>[295]</span> -as we suppose, of some ceremonies which they performed in -the night”). In an ordinary year each season had three months, -in leap-year the thirteenth month was intercalated in the summer, -it was a third <i>liða</i> and a year of this kind was called -<i>annus thri-lidi</i>. Further, the year was divided into two halves, -winter and summer, of six months each, and winter began with -the month <i>wintirfyllið</i>. Here and here alone have we an -account of a heathen Germanic lunisolar year. <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">A priori</i> such -an account contains nothing surprising. Tacitus, <cite>Germ.</cite> XI, had -already stated that the Germans observed the lunar month. -The question is whether they also named the months and arrived -at a fixed series, whereby the empirical intercalation of a -month would arise of itself. In the last centuries of heathen -times they were certainly not at a lower stage of civilisation -than many other peoples in various parts of the world among -whom this form of year did arise, but the trustworthiness of -the report is far from being established by this general consideration.</p> - -<p>Bilfinger has subjected the account to severe criticism, -and on internal evidence states it to be a construction of Bede’s<a id="FNanchor_1009" href="#Footnote_1009" class="fnanchor">[1009]</a>. -The account, he says, fluctuates between the solar and the -lunar year; for instance Bede says in one place that the year -begins on December 25th, and in another that winter begins -with the lunar month <i>wintirfyllið</i>. But this is done in any -description of a lunisolar year that does not choose expressions -with pedantic accuracy. Even in modern scientific -handbooks we read e. g. that the Attic year began with the -summer solstice, which is an abbreviated and incorrect expression -for ‘at the first new moon after the summer solstice’. -The learned chronologist, Bede, has, according to Bilfinger, -elaborated his system upon the following points of departure: -the derivation of the word ‘month’ from ‘moon’, the phrase -<i>annus thri-lidi</i>, which really means ‘a year so favourable -that three sea-voyages can be made in it’, and the beginning -of the year on Dec. 25th, which is assumed by Bilfinger to -be the ecclesiastical beginning of the year on Christmas<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_296"></a>[296]</span> -Day, at that time used in England. The Anglo-Saxon names -of months, he concludes, are accordingly nothing more than -native terms for the Julian months, and therefore first became -names of months on the introduction of the Roman calendar. -The criticism is acute, but is not without its weak points. Bede -knew quite well that the Latin <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">mensis</i> is connected with <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μήν</span> -and properly means lunar month, and had a very good knowledge -of matters chronological; why then should he claim lunar -months for the Anglo-Saxons if to his knowledge only solar -months existed among them? In regard to the explanation of -<i>thri-lidi</i> we require to know from documents that two sea-voyages -were usually made in summer, and what was the goal -of these voyages that there should be only two of them. -Such evidence is not forthcoming. And further, as Prof. Ekwall -informs me, Bilfinger’s explanation is linguistically improbable. -Such a formation would presuppose a word *<i>līð</i>, -‘journey’, and no such word exists; on the other hand <i>þriliði</i>, -‘with three <i>liða</i>’, is perfectly regular<a id="FNanchor_1010" href="#Footnote_1010" class="fnanchor">[1010]</a>. Further ‘the holy month’, -<i>halegmonað</i>, cannot be explained by Christian influence, since -there is no great Christian festival in September: the origin -must be sought in the heathen cult, but is obscure. It is not -improbable that the festival of harvest was intended. However -this carries the name back to pre-Christian times. <i>Wintirfyllið</i> -means, according to Bede, ‘(first) full moon of the winter’. -With this is connected Gothic <i>fulliþ</i>, translated by ‘full moon’<a id="FNanchor_1011" href="#Footnote_1011" class="fnanchor">[1011]</a>. -By this parallel the lunar character of this month is also -proved. In opposition to Bilfinger’s theory it therefore appears -that there are a couple of facts, arising out of the months -themselves, which point to the heathen origin and lunar character -of the months.</p> - -<p>The difficulties lie elsewhere. The beginning of the year -is according to Bede Dec. 25. But where a fixed series of -twelve months exists, with a fixed intercalary month, it lies<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_297"></a>[297]</span> -in the nature of things that the month which is doubled in the -intercalation should be the beginning of the year, since this -month is regulated by a fixed point or season of the year; the -month in question is in this case <i>liða</i>, in summer. Now the -beginning of the year in the sense mentioned <a href="#Page_276">above, p. 276</a>, -does not necessarily coincide with the beginning of the series -of months. The beginning of the year in this case, however, -is on Bede’s own testimony the beginning of winter, as among -the Scandinavians. We are therefore driven to the conclusion -that Bede erroneously substituted the ecclesiastical beginning -of the year at the Christmas festival, and that the cause of -his error was the fact that at this time the heathen Anglo-Saxons -celebrated a Feast of the Mothers, which corresponded -to the Scandinavian Yule festival celebrated at the same time -of the year; whereas in reality the Anglo-Saxons, like most -peoples, had no sharply defined beginning of the year.</p> - -<p>Although, therefore, Bede’s account presents great difficulties, -they are not diminished by the assumption that the -scheme is a construction of his own. In my opinion there is -no denying the trustworthiness of the account or the probability -that the heathen Anglo-Saxons had arrived at a fixed -series of months with empirical intercalation in the summer. -But even if this was so, the case is isolated, and does not -advance our knowledge of the form of the year among the -other Germanic peoples. This only may be pointed out, that -the Icelanders inserted their intercalary week in the summer -just as the Anglo-Saxons, according to Bede, did with their -intercalary month. But since the form of the year is so entirely -different in each case, this agreement cannot be made to -support further conclusions, any more than the two cases of -agreement with the Gothic calendar.</p> - -<p>The Icelandic months, in conformity with the peculiar -arrangement of the year, do not coincide with the Julian, but -begin either shortly before or in the middle of these. The -series is:—1, <i>þorri</i>; 2, <i>Goi</i>; 3, <i>Einmánaðr</i>, because one month -is left before the beginning of summer; 4, <i>Gaukmánaðr</i> (cuckoo -month) or <i>Sáðtið</i> (seed-time) or <i>Harpa</i> (unexplained); 5, <i>Eggtið</i> -or <i>Stekktið</i> or <i>Skerpla</i> (unexplained); 6, <i>Sólmánaðr</i> (sun month)<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_298"></a>[298]</span> -or <i>Selmánaðr</i> (cowherd’s hut month); 7, <i>Miðsummar</i>, or <i>Heyannir</i> -(hay-time); 8, <i>Tvímánaðr</i>, since two months are left to -the beginning of winter, or <i>Kornskurðmánaðr</i> (barley-cutting -month); 9, <i>Haustmánaðr</i>; 10, <i>Gormánaðr</i> (slaughtering month, -<i>gor</i> is the refuse thrown away in the slaughtering); 11, <i>Frermánaðr</i> -(frost-month) or <i>Ylir</i> (cognate with <i>Yul</i>); 12, <i>Jólmánaðr</i> -(Yule-month) or <i>Hrútmánaðr</i> (ram month, on account of the -pairing of the sheep) or <i>Mörsugr</i> (‘the fat-sucker’)<a id="FNanchor_1012" href="#Footnote_1012" class="fnanchor">[1012]</a>. Some of -these names are also used to describe seasons and have been -explained <a href="#Page_74">above, p. 74</a>. With the exception of <i>þorri</i>, <i>Goi</i>, -and <i>Einmánaðr</i>, however, these months are not used in practical -life, where the reckoning is performed in weeks. In modern -times the Icelandic months have other names but keep -the same position in the year:—1, <i>Miðsvetrarm</i>. (midwinter -month); 2, <i>Föstu(in)gangsm</i>. (beginning of fasting); 3, <i>Jafnðøgram</i>. -(month of the equinox); 4, <i>Sumarm</i>. (beginning of summer); -5, <i>Farðagam</i>. (because it is the legal time for moving); -6, <i>Nottleysum</i>. (the nightless month); 7, <i>Stuttnættism</i>. (month of -the short nights) or <i>Maðkam</i>. (as in Denmark, month of worms); -8, <i>Heyannam</i>. (month of the hay-time); 9, <i>Addrattam</i>. (<i>m. necessitatum -apportandarum</i>); 10, <i>Slatrunarm</i>. (slaughtering -month), older <i>Garðlagsm</i>. (<i>m. sæpium struendarum</i>); 11, <i>Riðtíðarm</i>. -(spawning month); 12, <i>Skamdegism</i>. (month of the -short days) or <i>Jólam</i><a id="FNanchor_1013" href="#Footnote_1013" class="fnanchor">[1013]</a>.</p> - -<p>In Norway, according to Finn Magnusson<a id="FNanchor_1014" href="#Footnote_1014" class="fnanchor">[1014]</a>, January is -sometimes called <i>Thorre</i>, February sometimes <i>Thorre</i>, now -and again also <i>Gjö</i>, March sometimes <i>Gjö</i>, here and there also -<i>Krikla</i>, June <i>Gro</i> (sprouting month); I shall return <a href="#Page_302">below, p. 302</a>, -to the explanation of the variation. Weinhold gives a complete -list:—1, <i>Torre</i>; 2, <i>Gjö</i>; 3, <i>Krikla</i> or <i>Kvine</i>; 4 and 5, <i>Voarmoanar</i>; -6 and 7, <i>Sumarmoanar</i>; 8 and 9, <i>Haustmoanar</i>; 10 -and 11, <i>Vinterstid</i>; 12, <i>Jolemoane</i> or <i>Skammtid</i> (time of the -short days)<a id="FNanchor_1015" href="#Footnote_1015" class="fnanchor">[1015]</a>.</p> - -<p>Of the Danish months the learned Olaus Worm in the -17th century gives two series<a id="FNanchor_1016" href="#Footnote_1016" class="fnanchor">[1016]</a>. The months of the first series<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_299"></a>[299]</span> -are lunar months, he says, and begin with the first new moon -of the new year:—1, <i>Diur Rey</i> or <i>Renden</i>, on account of -the pairing of the animals (<i>at løbe i Rhed</i>); 2, <i>Thormaen</i>; -3, <i>Faremaen</i>, on account of the journeys; 4, <i>Maymaen</i>; 5, -<i>Sommermaen</i>; 6, <i>Ormemaen</i> (month of worms); 7, <i>Hoemaen</i> -(hay month); 8, <i>Kornmaen</i>; 9, <i>Fiskemaen</i>; 10, <i>Sædemaen</i> (seed -month); 11, <i>Pølsemaen</i> (sausage month); 12, <i>Julemaen</i>. The -intercalary month is called <i>Sildemaen</i>, ‘the late month’. The -Julian months are called:—1, <i>Glugmanet</i>; 2, <i>Blidem.</i> (the -mild month); 3, <i>Torm.</i>; 4, <i>Farem.</i>; 5, <i>Maym.</i>; 6, <i>Skærsommer</i>; -7, <i>Ormem.</i>; 8, <i>Høstm.</i>; 9, <i>Fiskem.</i>; 10, <i>Sædem.</i>; 11, <i>Slagtem.</i>; -12, <i>Christm.</i> The northern Danes and the inhabitants of Skåne -are said to call the first four months: 1, <i>Glug</i>, 2, <i>Gøje</i>, 3, -<i>Thor</i>, 4, <i>Blidel</i>. <i>Blidel</i> was until our own time in popular -use in southern Skåne, but it denoted February and in this -position it appears in Hickes<a id="FNanchor_1017" href="#Footnote_1017" class="fnanchor">[1017]</a>. The same series is found in -Finn Magnusson<a id="FNanchor_1018" href="#Footnote_1018" class="fnanchor">[1018]</a>, but with certain variants:—1, <i>Ism</i>. (ice -month); 2, <i>Dyrem.</i>; 4, <i>Faarem.</i> (sheep month); 6, <i>Sommerm.</i>; -7, <i>Madkem.</i>; 8, <i>Høm.</i>; 10, <i>Ridem.</i> (riding month); 11, <i>Vinterm.</i>; -12, <i>Julem.</i><a id="FNanchor_1019" href="#Footnote_1019" class="fnanchor">[1019]</a>. Feilberg in his well-known Dictionary of the popular -speech of Jylland gives some characteristic modern popular -names. <i>Helmisse</i> (‘holy mass’) really means All Souls’ -Day, and then an old worn-out horse, whose last strength is -exhausted in the autumn ploughing and who dies in consequence; -hence September or October obtains the name <i>helmissemåned</i>. -March is called <i>kattemåned</i>, from the pairing of -the cats, or <i>prangermåned</i> (<i>pranger</i> = ‘dealer’), because most -business is transacted then. These are evidently more in the -nature of by-names, but it is precisely names of this sort that -oust the Latin names, since they are intelligible.</p> - -<p>In the Swedish almanac, until it was modernised in the -year 1901, Swedish names stood beside the Latin. They ran:—<i>Torsmånad</i>, -<i>Göjem.</i>, <i>Vårm.</i> (spring month), <i>Gräsm.</i> (grass -month), <i>Blomsterm.</i> (month of flowers), <i>Sommarm.</i>, <i>Höm.</i> -(hay month), <i>Skördem.</i> (harvest month), <i>Höstm.</i> (autumn month),<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_300"></a>[300]</span> -<i>Slaktm.</i> (slaughtering month), <i>Vinterm.</i>, <i>Julm.</i> It is true that -these names were never used. The series has arisen from an -older one which is first attested for the year 1538. In the -latter three months have Latin names, <i>Marsmånad</i>, <i>Aprilmånad</i>, -<i>Majmånad</i>, October is named <i>Winmånad</i> (vine-month), -December <i>Christmånad</i>. These names shew that the series is -of German origin; in Sweden vines are not cultivated, and -December 24th is never called Christmas Eve but Yule Eve. -The list agrees with one given by Weinhold, p. 8, which as -early as the 15th century was common to all Germany, and -the agreement is shewn also in this point that, as is often the -case in German lists, the months 3, 4, and 5 retain their Latin -names. When it is further remembered that <i>Augst</i> means -‘harvest’, the variations will be seen to consist only in the -substitution of the old names <i>Tor</i> and <i>Göje</i> for <i>Jenner</i> and -<i>Hornung</i> and the renaming of ‘the fallow month’ (<i>Brachmonat</i>) -from midsummer, which is in Sweden a great popular festival. -The more suitable <i>Slakt-</i> and <i>Julmånad</i> were substituted for -<i>Win-</i> and <i>Christmånad</i> in 1608 by the almanac-maker Forsius: -the three Latin names were first exchanged for Swedish in -1734 by the almanac-maker Hiorter<a id="FNanchor_1020" href="#Footnote_1020" class="fnanchor">[1020]</a>. There is moreover one -Swedish name which is still very popular and which falls -outside the usual series, viz. <i>rötmånaden</i> (‘the rotten month’), -so named because it falls in the most sultry time of the summer, -when it is very difficult to keep meat and other food from -going bad. It is fixed at the time in which the sun stands in -Leo (July 22-Aug. 23; about July 13-Aug. 14, old style). -Formerly it was known as ‘the Dog-days’,—a translation -of <i>dies caniculares</i>—and the position varied considerably. -The period descends from the period of the Etesian in the -ancient Greek calendar, and it was not till the 17th century -that it was generally equated to the time during which the -sun stands in Leo<a id="FNanchor_1021" href="#Footnote_1021" class="fnanchor">[1021]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Swedish list of months is therefore largely of foreign -or learned origin. The only popular names are <i>Tor</i> and <i>Göje</i>,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_301"></a>[301]</span> -which also often occur without the addition of ‘month’. The -Icelanders have made Thorri and Goi into mythological figures<a id="FNanchor_1022" href="#Footnote_1022" class="fnanchor">[1022]</a>. -In Sweden the people have personified these names. When it -snows, Goja shakes her robe. Thor (= March), with the long -beard, entices the children outside the wall, they say in the -north of Skåne,—in the south the same thing is said of <i>Bliel</i> -(<i>Blidel</i> = February)—and then <i>Far Fäjeskinn</i> (= April) comes -and drives them in again. The latter month is conceived of -as ‘Father Sweep-skin’: but it is possible that in <i>far</i> the month-name -<i>Fare-maaned</i> (= April) appears. In Norway the names -of the same three months—<i>Thorre</i>, <i>Gjö</i>, and <i>Krikla</i>—were -the only ones in common use, and so in Iceland, <i>þorri</i>, <i>Goi</i>, -and <i>Einmánaðr</i>. The beginning of these three months was -hailed with popular celebrations both in Iceland and elsewhere -in Scandinavia<a id="FNanchor_1023" href="#Footnote_1023" class="fnanchor">[1023]</a>. And now attempts have been made to -prove that these Norwegian months are old lunar months. In -Aasen’s Norwegian Dictionary it is stated that the country -people even to-day still count and name the moons, so that -e. g. the moon which is in the heavens during the Yuletide-festival -is termed the Yule moon if it continues until the end -of the festival, the day of Epiphany: and if it does not last till -the end of this period, then the next following moon is the -Yule moon, i. e. the Yule moon is in reality the moon which -is in the heavens on the day of Epiphany. The terms and -the calculation of the following moons are regulated accordingly. -Certainly the heathen Germans must have been acquainted -with the lunar month, and the existence of the lunisolar calendar -among the Anglo-Saxons is not to be denied, but in this -case we must unreservedly agree with Bilfinger<a id="FNanchor_1024" href="#Footnote_1024" class="fnanchor">[1024]</a> that this lunar -reckoning is of Christian origin. Then in order to fix the date -of the important movable festivals the most convenient practical -means was to begin from the first new moon after the day of -Epiphany, i. e. after the Yule moon. The old rule says:—“Count -the moon which is in the sky on the day of Epiphany -as long as it lasts, and then ten days onward from the new<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_302"></a>[302]</span> -moon, and you have the <i>terminus Septuagesimæ</i>.” Hence is -derived the Swedish peasant rule:—“The moon which is in -the sky at the day of Epiphany shall be the Christmas moon, -whether it be young or old.” After this follows the <i>disting</i>-moon<a id="FNanchor_1025" href="#Footnote_1025" class="fnanchor">[1025]</a>. -On account of the ecclesiastically prescribed period -of Lent and the Easter festival it was absolutely necessary to -be able to calculate this time, and the calculation was most -simply performed in the fashion just described, although the -phenomena of the heavens did not exactly agree with the rule -of computation. The third of these moons was followed by the -Easter festival. For this reason these three months have stamped -themselves upon the minds of the people in all the Scandinavian -countries. It is because they are lunar months, and -not because they began, like the Icelandic months, in the middle -of the Julian months, that the relationship of the first three -Norwegian names of months to the Julian varies in the manner -shewn <a href="#Page_298">above, p. 298</a>. A further question, however, is the age -of the names <i>þorri</i> (<i>Tor</i>) and <i>Göje</i>. Since in spite of many -ingenious attempts these words remain etymologically unexplained, -and moreover are not borrowed, the names must -originate in an older period. What they meant before they -received their present application we do not know, but there -is nothing to shew that they are not old names of months. -There is a possibility, certainly somewhat remote, that their -use as names of months is pre-Christian, although the computation -is Christian. There would be nothing surprising in this, -if it were the case, since the Germans were acquainted with -lunar months, and they had attained a much higher stage of -civilisation than many peoples who were familiar with the -lunisolar year as regulated by empirical intercalation.</p> - -<p>A sure indication of an Old Swedish heathen reckoning -in lunar months has been acutely pointed out by Beckman<a id="FNanchor_1026" href="#Footnote_1026" class="fnanchor">[1026]</a> in -the rule, attested from the time of the Reformation, for fixing -the date of the fair at Uppsala known as the <i>disting</i>, which is -a direct continuation of the great sacrificial festival at the -heathen temple in Uppsala, the <i>disablot</i>. The rule, as has<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_303"></a>[303]</span> -already been indicated (p. 302), says that the <i>disting</i> shall be held -at the full of the moon following the Epiphany moon, and therefore -exactly two months before the Easter full moon. This -rule certainly goes back to ancient times and cannot arise -from the Christian computation of Easter, since there would be -no reason for arranging with reference to Easter the date -of a fair so long before Easter and originating in heathen -times<a id="FNanchor_1027" href="#Footnote_1027" class="fnanchor">[1027]</a>. Rather is the explanation given in the words of Tacitus, -that the Germans held their assemblies at new or full -moon, which would also apply to the great sacrificial festival -and the popular assembly of the Svear. This however -presupposes that the insertion of the intercalary month was -fixed in some way, so that no error might arise in regard to -the moon of the <i>disting</i>. After Christianity was introduced, -and with it the computation of the three moons before Easter, -the computation of the <i>disting</i>-moon was also modified in -accordance with these. A statement of Snorre<a id="FNanchor_1028" href="#Footnote_1028" class="fnanchor">[1028]</a> however causes -difficulty. Snorre says that the <i>disablot</i> was celebrated in <i>Goe</i>, -but that after the introduction of Christianity the date of the -fair was altered to Candlemas (Feb. 2). The latter statement -contradicts the rule, and is ingeniously explained by Beckman. -In the year 1219, when Snorre was staying in Sweden, the -full moon of the <i>disting</i> fell on the first of February, and -Snorre has generalised the single case. <i>Goe</i>, as has been seen -above, is the name of the month, but the Göje new moon has -been shewn to be the second after Epiphany, and therefore<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_304"></a>[304]</span> -the moon following the <i>disting</i>-moon, which is identical with -the <i>Tor</i> new moon. Herein lies an unexplained difficulty. It -is to be presumed, however, that the arrangement of the -heathen lunar months must have been different from that of -the Christian Easter moons, and that this must have been the -cause of the difference in the position of the moons. The heathen -<i>disting</i>-moon, called <i>Goe</i>, did not entirely correspond either -to the Christian <i>þorre</i> or to <i>Goe</i>: Snorre has made <i>Goe</i> equivalent -to it, otherwise it has been made equivalent to <i>þorre</i>. -The necessity of computing the Christian Easter has very often -caused the new moons to fall after the period (Yule, Tor, -Goe) from which they are named. On the contrary the <i>disting</i>-moon -is the very moon in which the <i>disting</i> is held. This is -certainly a survival of an older pre-Christian computation, -which was later fitted into the Christian computation of the -new moons before Easter, and was re-arranged accordingly.</p> - -<p>In the other Scandinavian countries also the enumeration -of the moons between Christmas and Easter was neglected after -the Reformation had made the observation of the fast superfluous, -or rather it was replaced by another: the New Year’s -Day appears as the regulating point instead of Epiphany.</p> - -<p>The Swedish almanacs of the 16th and 17th centuries -give the new moons in words, the practice ceasing in the second -half of the 17th century. In accordance with the custom -of the ecclesiastical computation the new moon is (nearly always) -named after the following month, that in which the moon -ceases: <i>Ny Göijemånat</i>, the new moon of Göje, therefore falls -in <i>Torsmånad</i> (January), and so on. Sometimes, doubtless inadvertently, -the new moon is named after the month in which it falls, -i. e. <i>Ny Göijemånat</i> falls in February. Now certain years receive -13 new moons, and therefore one intercalary moon, for which -the computers give rules. But the almanac-makers never follow -these rules. In two or three of the oldest almanacs<a id="FNanchor_1029" href="#Footnote_1029" class="fnanchor">[1029]</a> the intercalary -moon is certainly described as such<a id="FNanchor_1030" href="#Footnote_1030" class="fnanchor">[1030]</a>, but its position -in the year does not correspond to the rule of the computers: -in 1603 it is simply placed in the Julian month in which two<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_305"></a>[305]</span> -new moons fall. Otherwise the difficulty is got over by leaving -uncounted the intercalary moon or some of the new moons. -Another way out is chosen by Herlicius, 1630 and 1641, and Thuronius -of Åbo, 1660: <i>Torsmånadsny</i>, the new moon of January, is -contrary to the rule placed in January; in the further enumeration -the new moons run over into the month preceding -that after which they are named, and the thirteenth and last -new moon is again called <i>Torsmånadsny</i>, i. e. this is doubled -and serves as an intercalary moon. Here, therefore, the insertion -of the intercalary moon depends upon the position of -the new moon in relation to the beginning of the year, i. e. -to the first of January.</p> - -<p>This method has become popular, and its popularity has -been assisted by the fact that the people, through the use of -the rune-staves recording the golden numbers, were accustomed -to the calculation of the new moon. Above all the first moon -of the year (<i>nykung</i> = ‘new king’) played a very important -part. The men took off their hats and the women curtseyed -when they saw it; from it were taken oracles for the new -year. The question is whether a popular name was also given -to the new moons. Apart from the almanacs, which use the -names of months introduced into them, I find in Swedish only -one example: <i>Torretungel</i> (<i>tungel</i>, dialect for ‘new moon’)<a id="FNanchor_1031" href="#Footnote_1031" class="fnanchor">[1031]</a>. -The Danish chronologist Worm gives both a lunar and a solar -series of names of months<a id="FNanchor_1032" href="#Footnote_1032" class="fnanchor">[1032]</a>. The names are for the most -part equivalent or similar to those of the solar series, but in -the first half of the year they occupy an earlier position, which -fact certainly has something to do with the naming of the -new moons according to the usual computation. Worm expressly -states that these lunar months were still in use and began -with the first new moon of the new year.</p> - -<p>An account of connected lunar months among the East -Finns has been translated and communicated to me by Professor -Wiklund. The authority makes a man of the people -speak as follows<a id="FNanchor_1033" href="#Footnote_1033" class="fnanchor">[1033]</a>:—“The moon which is born while the -winter day is still in his house (December 18–22), or after<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_306"></a>[306]</span> -that, is the first heart- (middle-)moon. In this way the Christmas -festival sometimes falls in the first heart-moon, and then -we hope for a good harvest. But when the first heart-moon -is born late, e. g. after Twelfth Day, there is no second heart-moon -in this year, but there follow the foam-moon (so called -because the snow looks like foam), the snow-crust moon, the -melting moon, the sprouting moon, etc.... When we reckon -the moons of the year, beginning with the first heart-moon, we -sometimes get thirteen months in the year, although there are -only twelve book-months.” At first sight it is very tempting -to see in this account old Finnish moon-months regulated by -the winter solstice, as e. g. among the Siberian peoples, which -would be quite conceivable so far north. However this is not -so. The heart-moon is in the given instance doubled, i. e. it -is an intercalary moon. Now it is a familiar fact that the -intercalary month, i. e. the first of the two months with the -same name, gets in front of the regulating-point; it is therefore -‘forgotten’, and a second moon with the same name is -inserted after it. We must therefore ask:—Within what -limits, under the given conditions, will the moon fall which in -ordinary years is the heart-moon, in leap-year the second heart-moon? -The following tables give the answer: the limits begin -at the two extremes of new moon on the first and on the -twenty-ninth of January; we must of course reckon one day -for the solstice, December 21, and not the whole ‘house’.</p> - -<table class="autotable fs90" summary=""> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"></td> -<td class="tdly"></td> -<td class="tdly fs90"> Beginning<br />of the first<br />heart-moon.</td> -<td class="tdrt fs90 padr2" colspan="2">Beginning <br />of the second<br />heart-moon.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly">I. From Jan. 1.</td> -<td class="tdly"><span class="nowrap">12 moons to</span></td> -<td class="tdly">Dec. 22,</td> -<td class="tdly"><span class="nowrap">13 moons to</span></td> -<td class="tdly">Jan. 20.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"></td> -<td class="tdly">12 » »</td> -<td class="tdly">Jan. 9.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"></td> -<td class="tdly">12 » »</td> -<td class="tdly">Dec. 29,</td> -<td class="tdly">13 » »</td> -<td class="tdly">Jan. 28.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"></td> -<td class="tdly">12 » »</td> -<td class="tdly">Jan. 17.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"></td> -<td class="tdly">12 » »</td> -<td class="tdly">Jan. 5.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"></td> -<td class="tdly">12 » »</td> -<td class="tdly">Dec. 26,</td> -<td class="tdly">13 » »</td> -<td class="tdly">Jan. 24.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"></td> -<td class="tdly">12 » »</td> -<td class="tdly">Jan. 14.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"></td> -<td class="tdly">12 » »</td> -<td class="tdly">Jan. 3.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"></td> -<td class="tdly">12 » »</td> -<td class="tdly">Dec. 23,</td> -<td class="tdly">13 » »</td> -<td class="tdly">Jan. 22, etc.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly">II. From Jan. 29.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_307"></a>[307]</span></td> -<td class="tdly">12 moons to</td> -<td class="tdly">Jan. 18.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"></td> -<td class="tdly">12 » »</td> -<td class="tdly">Jan. 7.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"></td> -<td class="tdly">12 » »</td> -<td class="tdly">Dec. 27,</td> -<td class="tdly">13 moons to</td> -<td class="tdly">Jan. 25.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"></td> -<td class="tdly">12 » »</td> -<td class="tdly">Jan. 14.</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdly"></td> -<td class="tdly">12 » »</td> -<td class="tdly">Jan. 3, etc.</td> -</tr> -</table> - - -<p>The regulating-point is therefore New Year’s Day: the heart-moon, -and in leap-year the second heart-moon, begin with the -first new moon after this. This rule however makes it impossible -for the first heart-moon ever to begin before the winter -solstice. It will be found that in regard to the position of the -heart-month, and in leap-years of the first heart-month, this -regulation leads to such a position of these months as is given -in the account. The calendar is therefore not a native lunar -one, but the already mentioned adaptation of the lunar reckoning -in accordance with the new year of the Julian calendar<a id="FNanchor_1034" href="#Footnote_1034" class="fnanchor">[1034]</a>. -The Finns, who from the earliest times have owed their culture -to the Scandinavians, have taken this process from them -also, but in Finland it has not been driven out by the influences -of later civilisation, just as in Norway, which long remained -comparatively untouched by these influences, the Catholic -lunar reckoning has been preserved.</p> - -<p>The above-quoted source unfortunately does not preserve -all the names of months. A similar but somewhat different -complete list has been drawn up by Lönnrot in Karelia:—1, -heart-month; 2, heart-month; 3, foam-month; 4, tree-felling -month; 5, melting or sowing month; 6, summer month; 7, hay -month; 8, pus month (cf. the Swedish ‘rotten month’, above, -p. 300); 9, harvest month; 10, autumn month; 11, dung or dirt -month; 12, month of clods; 13, Christmas month<a id="FNanchor_1035" href="#Footnote_1035" class="fnanchor">[1035]</a>. Here too -the heart-month appears doubled.</p> - -<p>The Lapps also have taken their reckoning from the -Scandinavians: of the reckoning in weeks we have spoken -above. In Old Scandinavian times they borrowed the word <i>mānō</i>, -Lapp <i>manno</i> (moon). The Lapp word means both ‘moon’ and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_308"></a>[308]</span> -‘month’; only among the southern Lapps is there found a native -word <i>aske</i>, ‘moon’, which one dictionary also uses as a -term for ‘month’. Therefore at the time when the Lapps -adopted the word <i>manno</i> for ‘moon’ and ‘month’, the month -of the Scandinavians must have been a lunar month, and so -also among the Lapps. In some authors the form <i>mannod</i> -occurs, i. e. modern Swedish <i>månad</i>, ‘month’. The Lapp names -of months were not collected until last century. They appear -sometimes with, sometimes without, the addition ‘month’. They -are:—1, new month, new year (month), new day (month), -New Year’s Day month; 2, Göjem. (<i>knowa</i>, a loan-word therefore), -rarely *‘swan month’; 3, *‘swan month’, because the -swan comes in March, rarely <i>marasm.</i> (<i>mars</i>, loan-word), rarely -*‘crow month’; 4, *‘crow month’, on account of the coming of -these birds, rarely *‘snow-crust month’; 5, ‘(hard) *snow-crust -month’, since the surface of the snow, which melts in the day-time -in the bright sunshine, freezes at night into a hard crust, -*‘month of calves’, ‘calf month’, when the reindeer bring forth -their calves; 6, *‘month of calves’, *‘fir month’, since the sap -rises in the firs, ‘flesh month’, ‘(mid)summer month’; 7, rarely -*‘fir month’, *‘month when the reindeer has shed its hair’; 8, -called *the same, also *‘month when the hair has grown thick -again’; 9, has *the same name as 8, or *‘rutting month’ (the -rutting-time covers the end of September and the beginning -of October), or *‘month when the male reindeer are powerless’ -(after the rutting); 10, has *the same name as 9, or else -*‘rutting month’, or ‘autumn month’; 11, is also generally called -*‘month when the male reindeer are powerless’, rarely *‘Advent -month’; 12, *‘Advent month (<i>passatis(m.)</i>, <i>p.</i> means the -first Advent Sunday and the first week in Advent), ‘Yule -month’<a id="FNanchor_1036" href="#Footnote_1036" class="fnanchor">[1036]</a>. Qvigstad<a id="FNanchor_1037" href="#Footnote_1037" class="fnanchor">[1037]</a> calls the twelfth week-month of the Lapps -<i>bâse-tæbme manno</i>, ‘the month without a feast’, the thirteenth -<i>basse m.</i> or <i>juowla m.</i></p> - -<p>The Lapps were also acquainted with the ‘rotten month’ -(<i>mieska manno</i>, Swedish <i lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">rötmånad</i>)<a id="FNanchor_1038" href="#Footnote_1038" class="fnanchor">[1038]</a>. A Lapp woman mentioned -by Wiklund gave this month the position of the ninth<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_309"></a>[309]</span> -in the series, and explained it as the month in which the grass -begins to fade and rot. On the strength of this Wiklund assumes -a thirteen-month year, but the statement is inconclusive, -the ‘rotten month’ having certainly been placed erroneously -as a separate month in the series. That this is so is supported -not only by Qvigstad but also by Högström in his description -of Lapland of the year 1746, in which he speaks of thirteen -week-months of the Lapps. According to this authority -the Lapps drew their rune-calendar on seven discs of reindeer-horn, -but only one side of the seventh was written on, so that -there were 13 sides of four weeks each, which they called a -month, and so their reckoning was 13 months, he says. Wiklund -has accepted this four-week month. It is quite possible -that the Lapps called a period of four weeks a month: we -also often do the same when an approximation will serve; but -that the names of months mean periods of four weeks seems -very questionable. It would be a quite isolated case: everywhere -else the months are either the Julian or lunar months, -with which last the Lapps were acquainted, at least in ancient -times. The statement that on the basis of the reckoning by -weeks a four-week month could have arisen is certainly not -absolutely to be denied,—if this is so, it must be a secondary -and late development—but the fluctuation of the names -of months is no evidence for this. It is only the fluctuation -found everywhere when names of seasons are transformed -into names of months. Only the names of the first two months -are quite fixed, and these are either essentially or literally -loan-words: the Latin name even appears in one instance -for March. There is consequently borrowing in the case of -the three names which alone, as also among the Scandinavians, -have become really popular. If the Lapps really had thirteen -months, it might then be supposed that these, as in Denmark -and Finland, were lunar months which began at the first new -moon of the new year. But we find no trace of lunar months -in Lapland in historical times. We must therefore content -ourselves with the fact that the Lapp names of months shew -the same fluctuation as is shewn by all names taken from natural -objects or phenomena and applied to the months.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_310"></a>[310]</span></p> - -<p>This brief survey of the popular months of the European -peoples is instructive from the point of view of a comparison -with the names of months among primitive peoples. Although -the Julian months have a fixed position in the solar year, and -do not fluctuate to and fro like the lunar months, yet the -names of the months are unstable and fluctuating. This is due -to the fact that in the desire for concrete observations the -names of the seasons and of their occupations have been kept, -and the seasons have neither fixed position nor duration: these -names of months derived from natural phenomena and occupations -have not therefore in themselves the precision which -the chronological system demands. Such precision will only -be introduced by an external factor, in the one case by the -lunar months, in the other by the Julian months to which the -names of the seasons are transferred.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_311"></a>[311]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII.<br /> -<br /> -<span class="fs70">SOLSTICES AND EQUINOXES. AIDS TO THE DETERMINATION OF TIME.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p class="drop-capy1">We have seen in the foregoing pages how the phases of -Nature, with their somewhat variable dates, are everywhere -employed in the determination of time; how in the moon -there lies ready to hand a clear, stable (at least within very narrow -limits), and constant unit of time which could be turned to -account in calculating; and how out of the fusion of natural -phases and moons there arose a roughly empirical lunisolar -year. For the more accurate fixing both of the seasons and -of the months the phases of the stars are employed; these, -being dependent on the sun, keep pace with the natural year, -but, unlike the phases of Nature, are not subject to climatic -variations but are astronomically fixed.</p> - -<p>It is however possible astronomically to fix the solar year by -a second method, viz. the observation of the annual course of the -sun, especially of the solstices: the observation of the equinoxes -is a much more difficult matter. The observation of the solstices -can be performed in a way similar to that mentioned <a href="#Page_21">above, p. -21</a>, in which noon is determined by the position of the sun, -but is much more difficult to carry out and requires far more -accurate and delicate methods. Two fixed points at least are -necessary—a standing-ground and in the simplest case a -mark on the horizon; other methods are still more complicated. -An observation of the annual course of the sun, therefore, -unlike that of the stars,—which everywhere, no matter where, -can be performed immediately—demands a fixed place and -special aids to determination. It follows that the observation -of the solstices and equinoxes belongs to a much higher stage<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_312"></a>[312]</span> -of civilisation than does that of the stars. It can only arise -among a people with a fixed dwelling-place, since a race -which leads a nomadic life and changes dwellings and camps -is without the necessary fixed points of observation. After all -it is only natural—and this actually is the case—that the -observation of the course of the sun should be in use only -among certain specially gifted peoples.</p> - -<p>It is used by the Eskimos, who have a very highly developed -sense of place, and know how to make good maps. -Moreover where the sun in winter stands very low on the horizon, -and for a time altogether disappears beneath it, the conditions -are very favourable for the observation of its return. Older -authors say that by the rays of the sun on the rocks the -Eskimos can tell with tolerable accuracy when it is the shortest -day<a id="FNanchor_1039" href="#Footnote_1039" class="fnanchor">[1039]</a>; more recently we have been told of the Ammasalik -that they can calculate beforehand the time of the shortest day—and -that accurately to the day—not only from the solstitial -point, but also from the position of Altair in the morning -twilight<a id="FNanchor_1040" href="#Footnote_1040" class="fnanchor">[1040]</a>. They begin their spring when the sun rises -at the same spot as Altair<a id="FNanchor_1041" href="#Footnote_1041" class="fnanchor">[1041]</a>. This is a quite isolated, but an -accurate, determination of the course of the sun from the fixed -stars. The Hudson Bay Eskimos of Labrador recognise the arrival -of the solstices by the bearing of the sun with reference to -certain fixed landmarks<a id="FNanchor_1042" href="#Footnote_1042" class="fnanchor">[1042]</a>. The Central Eskimos must do the -same, since they are acquainted with the winter solstice and -when this and new moon coincide they omit their intercalary -month<a id="FNanchor_1043" href="#Footnote_1043" class="fnanchor">[1043]</a>.</p> - -<p>The tribes of Arizona observed the course of the sun, -more particularly to determine the dates of their religious -ceremonies, but also to decide the time of secular occupations. -Among the Zuñi the winter solstice begins when the rising sun -strikes a certain point at the south-west end of ‘Corn Mountain’, -and a great feast is then celebrated. Then the sun -moves to the north, passes the moon at <i>ayonawa yälläne</i>, and -continues round to a point north-west of Zuñi, which is called -‘Great Mountain’, where it sets consecutively for four days at<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_313"></a>[313]</span> -the same point. The last day is the summer solstice. On this -occasion also a great festival is celebrated<a id="FNanchor_1044" href="#Footnote_1044" class="fnanchor">[1044]</a>. The Hopi determine -the time for their religious ceremonies, for planting, and -for sowing by observing the points on the horizon where the -sun rises or sets. The winter ceremonies are determined by -the position of the sunset, the summer by the position of the -sunrise. The two points of the solstices are called the ‘houses’ -of the sun. There are 13 landmarks, by means of which the -seasons are determined from the ecliptic. The number suggests -that there is some connexion with the months. It would in -that case be a quite isolated example of the regulation of the -months by the observation of the sun’s position<a id="FNanchor_1045" href="#Footnote_1045" class="fnanchor">[1045]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Incas erected artificial marks. There were in Cuzco -sixteen towers, eight to the west and eight to the east, arranged -in groups of four. The two middle ones were smaller -than the others, and the distance between the towers was -eight, ten, or twenty feet. The space between the little towers -through which the sun passed at sunrise and sunset was the -point of the solstices. In order to verify this the Inca chose -a favourable spot from which he observed carefully whether -the sun rose and set between the little towers to east and -west. For the observation of the equinoxes richly ornamented -pillars were set up in the open space before the temple of -the sun. When the time approached, the shadow of the pillars -was carefully observed. The open space was circular and a -line was drawn through its centre from east to west. Long -experience had taught them where to look for the equinoctial -point, and by the distance of the shadow from this point they -judged of the approach of the equinox. When from sunrise to -sunset the shadow was to be seen on both sides of the pillar -and not at all to the south of it, they took that day as the day -of the equinox. This last account is for Quito, which lies just -under the equator. At the spring equinox the maize was -reaped and a feast was celebrated, at the autumn equinox the -people celebrated one of their four principal feasts<a id="FNanchor_1046" href="#Footnote_1046" class="fnanchor">[1046]</a>. The -months were calculated from the winter solstice.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_314"></a>[314]</span></p> - -<p>Among the Amazulu, we are told, the path of the sun in -winter is different from its summer path: for it travels northward -till it reaches a certain place,—a mountain or a forest (where -it rises and sets)—and it does not pass beyond these two -places; it comes out of its winter house; when it comes out -it goes southward to its summer place. We say that when it -quits its winter place it is fetching the summer, until it -reaches a certain mountain or tree; and then it turns northward -again, fetching the winter, in constant succession. These are -its houses; we say so, for it stays in its winter house a few -days: and when it quits that place we know that it has ended -the winter and is now fetching the summer; and indeed it -travels southward until, when the summer has grown, it enters -the summer house a few days, and then quits it again, in -constant succession<a id="FNanchor_1047" href="#Footnote_1047" class="fnanchor">[1047]</a>. The Basuto also call the summer solstice -the house of the sun, and intelligent chiefs adjust the -reckoning of the months by it<a id="FNanchor_1048" href="#Footnote_1048" class="fnanchor">[1048]</a>.</p> - -<p>For the Bismarck Archipelago the following details are -given. On the island of Vuatam there is celebrated some -time after the solstice and usually at the beginning of January—the -exact date depends on the weather—a festival the -object of which is to regulate the course of the sun and to secure -good weather. In the whole of the north-eastern part of the -Gazelle Peninsula the fact of the solstice is known, although -no festival is celebrated. When the sun had its greatest -southern amplitude it rose over Birar on St. George’s Channel. -A native magistrate, To Kakao, explained how the sun would -turn again and would finally attain its greatest northern -amplitude on the horizon when it sank between the volcanic -mountains ‘South Daughter’ and ‘Mother’. In Valaur the view -is completely cut off to the east, and so the sun is observed -at its setting, the turning-point in the south being formed by -two mountain peaks situated close together. Another southern -turning-point is furnished by still another mountain. The spot -denoting the turning-point in the Baining mountain is chosen -rather far off, and the observation is therefore not very accurate. -The solstices are brought into connexion with the variation of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_315"></a>[315]</span> -the monsoons. To Kakao said that the north-east trade-wind -blew all the time the sun was in the south (November to -February), but during the time when it was situated in a -northerly direction (May to August) the south-east monsoon -prevailed. In Valaur the south-east monsoon blows as long as -the sun sets WNW (May to August): but from November to -February, when the sun sets WSW, the north-west trade blows<a id="FNanchor_1049" href="#Footnote_1049" class="fnanchor">[1049]</a>. -The Moanu of the Admiralty Islands name the divisions of -the year according to the position of the sun. If it stands -north of the equator the division in question is called <i>morai -im paün</i> (‘war sun’), since it is during this time more particularly -that wars are carried on. When the sun stands above -the equator this division is named <i>morai in kauas</i> (‘sun of -friendship’): this is the time of peace and of mutual visits. -When the sun turns southward the colder season, <i>morai unonou</i>, -begins<a id="FNanchor_1050" href="#Footnote_1050" class="fnanchor">[1050]</a>.</p> - -<p>One would suspect that this Melanesian science, like the -knowledge of the stars, is borrowed from the Polynesians: for the -latter understood the annual course of the sun. In Tahiti the place -of the sunrise was called <i>tataheita</i>, that of the sunset <i>topa-t-era</i>. -The annual movement of the sun from the south towards the -north was recognised, and so was the fact that all these points of -the daily approach to the zenith lay in a line. This meridian -was called <i>t’era-hwattea</i>, the northern point of it <i>tu-errau</i>, and -the opposite point above the horizon, or the south, <i>toa</i><a id="FNanchor_1051" href="#Footnote_1051" class="fnanchor">[1051]</a>. -According to other sources the December solstice was called -<i>rua-maoro</i> or <i>rua-roa</i>, the June solstice <i>rua-poto</i>. The Hawaiians -called the northern limit of the sun in the ecliptic -‘the black, shining road of Kane’, and the southern limit ‘the -black, shining road of Kanaloa’. The equator was named ‘the -bright road of the spider’ or ‘the road to the navel of Wakea’, -equivalent to ‘the centre of the world’<a id="FNanchor_1052" href="#Footnote_1052" class="fnanchor">[1052]</a>. How the Polynesians -came to recognise the tropics and the equator is unfortunately -unknown, but certainly they did it like other peoples -by observing the solstices and equinoxes at certain landmarks.</p> - -<p>That the Greeks also recognised the solstices by means<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_316"></a>[316]</span> -of the observation of certain landmarks may be gathered from -a passage in Homer. In the Odyssey Eumaeus says of his native -land: “A certain island Syrie ... above Ortygia, where the -sun turns”<a id="FNanchor_1053" href="#Footnote_1053" class="fnanchor">[1053]</a>. Wherever Syrie lay, even though in the realm of -fable, the idea is that it lies in the direction of the spot at -which the sun at its turning rises or sets. It therefore serves -as a landmark, it is ‘the house of the sun’. Hesiod is so familiar -with the winter and summer solstices that he reckons time -from them in days<a id="FNanchor_1054" href="#Footnote_1054" class="fnanchor">[1054]</a>.</p> - -<p>A much discussed question is whether the ancient Germans -were acquainted with the solstices and equinoxes, an assumption -which must be adopted by anyone who regards the Yule -festival as a solstitial festival. Their acquaintance with these -points has been denied and with this view I myself have concurred<a id="FNanchor_1055" href="#Footnote_1055" class="fnanchor">[1055]</a>. -After my researches in primitive time-reckoning, -however, I can no longer maintain this opinion for the later -heathen times of the north. For it has been shewn that -primitive peoples—and especially those living far north, e. g. -the Eskimos—observed the solstices well from certain points on -the horizon. Now it has already been seen that the northern -peoples observed the times of day in the same manner<a id="FNanchor_1056" href="#Footnote_1056" class="fnanchor">[1056]</a>, and -this observation was also extended to the annual course of -the sun. It is said, for example, that autumn lasts from the -equinox until the sun sets in <i>eyktarstað</i>, i. e. the position in -which it stands in the <i>eykt</i><a id="FNanchor_1057" href="#Footnote_1057" class="fnanchor">[1057]</a>; and that south of Iceland and Greenland -the sun at the time of the shortest days inhabits <i>eyktarstað</i> -and <i>dagmálastað</i> (that is to say at 9 a. m.)<a id="FNanchor_1058" href="#Footnote_1058" class="fnanchor">[1058]</a>. The evidence, -it is true, comes down from Christian days: but the method -of determining time is of native origin and certainly goes back -into heathen times. Hence it should not be denied that, although -nothing of the kind has transpired, the solstices and -equinoxes might have been approximately determined in the -same way, and it may be that the regulation of the calendar -profited by this.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_317"></a>[317]</span></p> - -<p>Any other day of the year can be fixed by observation -in the same way, though the observation of the solstices is probably -the oldest. As late as the beginning of the 19th century -this method was adopted in Norway as a check to the prime-staff. -On certain farms there was a definite stone, buried in -the earth, to which the people repaired for these observations. -They noticed when the sun rose and shone out above certain -mountain peaks, or when its last rays touched this or that -summit. They also observed the length of the shadow on the -face of a cliff, or noted when it touched the brow of a mountain -or a certain stone. Thence they were able to give the -important days of the year, e. g. the festival of St. Paul or -Candlemas. Our authority says that the observation was very -inaccurate, so that the Christmas Day of the people might fall -on January 2. But it was not so bad as that, since they still -followed the old style. The sun-mark for the first summer -day (April 14) agreed with the 23rd of April<a id="FNanchor_1059" href="#Footnote_1059" class="fnanchor">[1059]</a>.</p> - -<p>Agricultural peoples in particular have developed various -methods of this kind. The rice-cultivating peoples of the -East Indies use various methods in order to determine the -important time of sowing. Of the observation of the stars we -have already spoken<a id="FNanchor_1060" href="#Footnote_1060" class="fnanchor">[1060]</a>. Among the Kayan of Sarawak an old -priest determines the official time of sowing from the position -of the sun by erecting at the side of the house two oblong -stones, one larger and one smaller, and then observing the -moment when the sun, in the lengthening of the line of connexion -between these two stones, sets behind the opposite hill. -The sowing-day is the only one determined by astronomical -methods. In other respects the time-reckoning is a more or -less arbitrary one and is dependent on the agriculture<a id="FNanchor_1061" href="#Footnote_1061" class="fnanchor">[1061]</a>. Of -the hollows in a block of stone at Batu Sala, in the river-bed -of the upper Mahakam, it is said that they originated in the -fact that the priestesses of the neighbouring tribes used formerly -to sit on the stone every year in order to observe when -the sun would set behind a certain peak of the opposite -mountain. This date then decided the time for the beginning -of the sowing<a id="FNanchor_1062" href="#Footnote_1062" class="fnanchor">[1062]</a>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_318"></a>[318]</span></p> - -<p>In the first example we have artificially erected marks -instead of the usual natural landmarks: compare also the towers -at Cuzco. The pillars of Quito were a kind of gnomon, an instrument -of immense importance for the scientific astronomy -and accurate time-determination of antiquity. In this case the -observation was much simplified on account of the situation -just below the equator. The method is used again in Borneo, -where it is very important to determine the right time for -sowing the seed, and the approach of the short dry season -before it in which the timber from the clearings must be dried -and burnt. The Kenyah observe the position of the sun. -Their instrument is a straight cylindrical pole of hardwood, -fixed vertically in the ground and carefully adjusted with the -aid of plumb-lines; the possibility of its sinking deeper into -the earth is prevented. The pole is a little longer than the -outstretched arms of its maker and stands on a cleared space -by the house, surrounded by a strong fence. The observer has -further a flat stick on which lengths measured from his body -are marked off by notches. The other side has a larger number -of notches, of which one marks the greatest length of the -midday shadow, the next one its length three days after it has -begun to shorten, and so on. The shadow is measured every -midday. As it grows shorter after reaching its maximal length -the man observes it with special care, and announces to the -village that the time for preparing the land is near at hand<a id="FNanchor_1063" href="#Footnote_1063" class="fnanchor">[1063]</a>. -In Bali and Java the seasons are determined by the aid of a -gnomon of rude construction, having a dial divided into twelve -parts<a id="FNanchor_1064" href="#Footnote_1064" class="fnanchor">[1064]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Kayan use a somewhat different method. The weather-prophet -lets in a beam of light through a hole in the roof of -his chamber in the long-house, and measures the distance of -the patch of light from the point vertically below the hole. -Thus they obtain a measurement similar to that given by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_319"></a>[319]</span> -shadow on a sun-dial<a id="FNanchor_1065" href="#Footnote_1065" class="fnanchor">[1065]</a>. Still more elaborate is the method -used by some of the Klementan by which time is determined -from the position of a star. A tall bamboo vessel is filled -with water and then inclined until it points directly towards -a certain star. It is set upright again, and the level of the -water left in the vessel is measured. In order to determine -the seed-time the vessel is provided with an empirically given -mark at a certain height, and when the level of the water -coincides with the mark after the inclining of the vessel towards -the star, it is the time for sowing<a id="FNanchor_1066" href="#Footnote_1066" class="fnanchor">[1066]</a>. The writers omit to say that -the observation must take place at a certain time of day, e. g. -morning or evening twilight. Then it becomes possible to -determine the season by the height of the star above the -horizon.</p> - -<p>All this is neither primitive nor native. In Bali and Java -the Brahmin and Islamite priests observed the sun-dial, and -from there the practice came to Borneo. Where the idea of using -a vessel of water for measurement originated I am unable to -determine, but it is much too refined to be a primitive invention. -The only genuinely primitive method is the observation -of the annual course of the sun and the solstices by the -aid of certain landmarks on the horizon. This method is found -in all parts of the world, but only among certain peoples. It -has never attained real importance for the regulation of the -calendar: the development of the calendar to greater accuracy -proceeds by the indirect way of the lunisolar time-reckoning.</p> - -<p>By way of appendix a few notices of the aids used in -calculating may be collected. They are almost always quite -simple—knots in a string, the tally, or the joints of the body.</p> - -<p>The use of the tally in counting the years has already been -dealt with above<a id="FNanchor_1067" href="#Footnote_1067" class="fnanchor">[1067]</a>; this use is certainly later, each stick attaining -so to speak an individual life. It is otherwise with the -counting of the days, where the question usually is to determine -the number of days which will elapse before an assembly -or some other undertaking previously agreed upon, so that all -may arrive together. The same reckoning may also occasionally -serve a second purpose.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_320"></a>[320]</span></p> - -<p>The Peruvian <i>quipos</i> mark the culminating-point of the -method of counting by knots in a cord. Something similar -existed among the Nahyssan of Carolina. Time was measured -and a rude chronology was arranged by means of knots of -various colours. This system proved so convenient in dealing -with the Indians that it was adopted for that purpose by a governor -of South Carolina<a id="FNanchor_1068" href="#Footnote_1068" class="fnanchor">[1068]</a>. When a chief of the Miwok of California -decides to hold a dance in his village, he dispatches -messengers to the neighbouring rancherias, each bearing a -string wherein is tied a number of knots. Every morning -thereafter the invited chief unties one of the knots, and when -the last one is reached, they joyfully set forth for the dance—men, -women, and children<a id="FNanchor_1069" href="#Footnote_1069" class="fnanchor">[1069]</a>. Sticks serve the same purpose. -Once when the Natchez and the Chocktaw wished to attack -the French in Louisiana, each tribe received a bundle of sticks, -one of which was to be withdrawn and destroyed each day, -so that they might strike their blows at the same time<a id="FNanchor_1070" href="#Footnote_1070" class="fnanchor">[1070]</a>. The -Pawnee used the tally for counting nights, months, and years, -but had advanced so far as to employ picture-writing in doing -so. * means day or sun, × star or night, ☾ moon, month<a id="FNanchor_1071" href="#Footnote_1071" class="fnanchor">[1071]</a>. This -is the forerunner of the Indian picture-calendar already mentioned<a id="FNanchor_1072" href="#Footnote_1072" class="fnanchor">[1072]</a>.</p> - -<p>According to Barrow the Caffres assist their memories -by means of a tally, although this authority did not himself find -this custom among them; but the Hottentot servants of the -colonists, among whom were several Caffres, used this method -in counting the number of the cattle earned<a id="FNanchor_1073" href="#Footnote_1073" class="fnanchor">[1073]</a>. Among the -Wagogo if it was desired to count the days, e. g. in connexion -with the sitting of a court of justice, as many knots -were tied in a string as there were nights to elapse before -this date. In Nigeria palm-nuts are used in counting<a id="FNanchor_1074" href="#Footnote_1074" class="fnanchor">[1074]</a>, just as -in southern Brazil the years are counted by means of acajou -nuts<a id="FNanchor_1075" href="#Footnote_1075" class="fnanchor">[1075]</a>, and as the tribes of Bolivia count with grains of maize<a id="FNanchor_1076" href="#Footnote_1076" class="fnanchor">[1076]</a>. -The Baganda, in order to keep in mind the days of the month, -tie knots in a piece of plant-fibre and afterwards count the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_321"></a>[321]</span> -knots<a id="FNanchor_1077" href="#Footnote_1077" class="fnanchor">[1077]</a>. In New Guinea the months were counted by means -of notches cut in trees: the New Zealanders are said to have -added every month a little piece of wood or a small stone to -a heap<a id="FNanchor_1078" href="#Footnote_1078" class="fnanchor">[1078]</a>.</p> - -<p>In the Nicobars notched sticks in the form of a scimitar-blade -are in use. They have notches on the edge and on the -flat, the former denote months, the latter the days of the -waning and waxing moon. They are used e. g. in finding out -when a child of the owner learned to walk. The Shompen -take a piece of bamboo and make as many bends in it as -they mean to reckon days<a id="FNanchor_1079" href="#Footnote_1079" class="fnanchor">[1079]</a>. The Negritos of Zambales in -order to count the days make knots in a cord of <i>bejuco</i> and -cut off one of these knots every day<a id="FNanchor_1080" href="#Footnote_1080" class="fnanchor">[1080]</a>. On the Solomon Islands -also knotted cords are used for the same purpose<a id="FNanchor_1081" href="#Footnote_1081" class="fnanchor">[1081]</a>. The -counting is particularly necessary for the celebrating of the -great feast of the dead at the proper time. The eating the -death, <i>gana matea</i>, begins with the burial; they eat first, as -they say, ‘his graves’, after that they eat ‘his days’—the -5th, 10th, and after that every ten up to the hundredth, and -it may be, in the case of a father, wife, or mother, even so -far as the thousandth. For counting the days, so that the -guests from distant villages may arrive on the proper days, -they use cycas fronds, one in the hands of each party, on -which the appointed days are marked by the pinching off or -turning down of a leaflet as each day passes<a id="FNanchor_1082" href="#Footnote_1082" class="fnanchor">[1082]</a>. According to -another authority the moons are counted. At the coming of -the young moon after the death of a man either a knot is -made in a thread or a notch is cut in a piece of wood. Up -to thirty moons are then counted. The object is to calculate -the time up to the great funeral wake of dead chiefs. For -young people it takes place from 20 to 30 months afterwards, -for old people after 10 months, for an unimportant person as -soon as 3 or 4 months afterwards<a id="FNanchor_1083" href="#Footnote_1083" class="fnanchor">[1083]</a>. In Nauru, west of the -Gilbert Islands, knots were tied in a string when days were -to be counted, e. g. the 15 days of the confinement of a -woman<a id="FNanchor_1084" href="#Footnote_1084" class="fnanchor">[1084]</a>.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_322"></a>[322]</span></p> - -<p>Only seldom is it mentioned that the months are counted -on the fingers, although obviously this must often happen; the -Klamath and the Modok used to do so formerly<a id="FNanchor_1085" href="#Footnote_1085" class="fnanchor">[1085]</a>. Certain -very primitive peoples use not only fingers and toes but -also other parts of the body in counting. The day of an -assembly is determined in this fashion by an Australian tribe -which in words can seldom count more than four. The people -touch various parts of each other’s bodies—the wrist, the -arm, the head—each of which stands for a special day, until -the intended day is reached. Thus two or more groups can -accurately determine the lapse of time and can meet on the -day agreed upon<a id="FNanchor_1086" href="#Footnote_1086" class="fnanchor">[1086]</a>. The curious names of months of the -Tunguses of the Sea of Okhotsk<a id="FNanchor_1087" href="#Footnote_1087" class="fnanchor">[1087]</a> are similarly to be explained, -as is shewn by the method of counting the year used by the -Yukaghir. They call the year <i>n-e’ -malgil</i>, which means ‘all -the joints’. The reckoning of the months by the joints is done -in the following manner. They bend the third row of phalanges -of the fingers on both hands, and put them together. The -line of the joining they call July. Then the knuckles of the -second row of phalanges on the right hand will be August. -The joints between the phalanges and metacarpals represent -September; the wrist-joint is October; the elbow-joint is November; -the shoulder-joint, December; between the head and -the backbone will be January; the shoulder-joint on the left -arm will be February; the elbow-joint, March; the wrist-joint, -April; the joint between the fingers and the palm, May; and -the knuckles of the second row of phalanges on the left hand, -June<a id="FNanchor_1088" href="#Footnote_1088" class="fnanchor">[1088]</a>.</p> - -<p>These examples may suffice. The subject is monotonous -and is of little importance for the calendar, since the days -are counted independently of the latter, beginning at an arbitrary -starting-point. The counting that is important for the calendar -is that according to the days of the lunar month, but in this -the primitive peoples hold to the concrete phenomenon of the -moon. The habit of reckoning in this fashion may however -be partly responsible for the fact that among certain peoples<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_323"></a>[323]</span> -every day of the month has not been given a name, but the -days are counted from certain points of departure, such as -new moon, full moon, etc. Very rarely do we meet with a -genuinely calendrical use of the tally. The Wa-Sania of East -Africa, who as subjects of the Galla and later since the invasion -of the Somali have been exposed to all kinds of civilising -influences, make a notch for each day, and at the end -of the month the stick is laid aside and a new one comes into -use<a id="FNanchor_1089" href="#Footnote_1089" class="fnanchor">[1089]</a>. Similarly at the southern end of Lake Nyassa pieces -of wood strung on a cord are used in counting the days of -the month that have passed<a id="FNanchor_1090" href="#Footnote_1090" class="fnanchor">[1090]</a>.</p> - -<p>The Kiwai Papuans count the months by means of little -sticks, which are tied into two bundles corresponding to the -two seasons of the year. One end is pointed, the other oblique, -and when a month has passed, the stick corresponding -to it is turned round. The stick belonging to the month <i>keke</i> -is provided with a top-knot and feather, that of <i>karongo</i> -has a mark cut in it and a top-knot like that of <i>keke</i>, but no -feather<a id="FNanchor_1091" href="#Footnote_1091" class="fnanchor">[1091]</a>.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_324"></a>[324]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII.<br /> -<br /> -<span class="fs70">ARTIFICIAL PERIODS OF TIME. FEASTS.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p class="drop-capy1">In the more fully developed calendar there are not seldom -found periods of time which are reckoned without reference -to any of the factors given by Nature. Such are, for -example, our months, which, though historically arising from -the lunar month, are now only periods of time with a definite -number of days, independent of the moon. Such also is our -shifting seven-day week, which, chiefly through the agency -of Mohammedanism, has also been widely extended among -peoples of a lower stage of development. These artificial periods, -arising often from a natural period which for purposes -of the calendar has been detached from its natural basis, -belong to a highly developed stage of time-reckoning. Only -among certain comparatively far-advanced, semi-primitive -peoples does an artificial period of the simplest kind first -appear, and then only one, the market-week, the origin of -which it is very easy to understand.</p> - -<p>The market-week appears in two widely separated districts—in -West Central Africa, and in certain of the East -Indian islands. Among the Bakongo the markets are four, -viz. <i>konzo</i>, <i>nkenge</i>, <i>nsona</i>, and <i>nkandu</i>. These have given -their names to the four days that comprise the Congo week. -All the markets held on a certain day all over the Lower -Congo are called <i>konzo</i>, all on the next day <i>nkenge</i>, etc. -These markets are held at different places, e. g. all the <i>konzo</i> -markets are held on different sites from all the markets held -on the three successive days, and are so arranged that one -in four will be within two or three miles of a town, the next -day’s market may be ten miles away from the first town, but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_325"></a>[325]</span> -near some other town or towns, the next from 15 to 20 miles, -the next perhaps 25 miles away from the first town. Thus -every village has at least one market during the week within -a reasonable distance of its doors. In order to describe the -markets the place-names are sometimes added, e. g. <i>nsona -Ngungu</i>. Each market has its special wares<a id="FNanchor_1092" href="#Footnote_1092" class="fnanchor">[1092]</a>. The Babwende -have the same names<a id="FNanchor_1093" href="#Footnote_1093" class="fnanchor">[1093]</a>. Three Bantu tribes of the Congo -State have the four-day week, but in certain cases with different -names; one of the days is market-day<a id="FNanchor_1094" href="#Footnote_1094" class="fnanchor">[1094]</a>. This is a very -practical arrangement, which must gradually have regulated -itself. There are also greater markets which are held every -eight days<a id="FNanchor_1095" href="#Footnote_1095" class="fnanchor">[1095]</a>—a doubling of the period, therefore. The same -is the case among the Edo-speaking peoples, among whom the -week is everywhere a recognised period of time, and is, properly -speaking, 4 days long, this being the interval between -the two markets at any given spot. Occasionally, as in the -Ida district, eight-day markets are found, but the names applied -to the intervening days clearly shew that a four-day week was -the primary one. One of the four days is commonly known -as the rest-day, and on this day men frequently stop at home, -though farm-work is not absolutely forbidden. Women, on the -other hand, go to market as usual<a id="FNanchor_1096" href="#Footnote_1096" class="fnanchor">[1096]</a>. Among the Ibo-speaking -peoples the names of the four days are <i>eke</i>, <i>oye</i>, <i>afo</i>, and -<i>nkwo</i>. These are the same names as those of the Bini, but -<i>afo</i> and <i>oye</i> are in the inverted order; it is idle to speculate -on the origin of the names<a id="FNanchor_1097" href="#Footnote_1097" class="fnanchor">[1097]</a>. In Loango the four days are -variously named, but principally they are called <i>nssona</i>, <i>nduka</i>, -<i>ntono</i>, <i>nsilu</i>, which names are also often applied to the open -spaces where markets are held on the days in question; <i>nssona</i> -corresponds to our Sunday<a id="FNanchor_1098" href="#Footnote_1098" class="fnanchor">[1098]</a>, i. e. it is a day of rest.</p> - -<p>The Yoruba have, besides the market-week, a longer one -of 16 (or 17) days. Of these two periods Ellis says:—The -Yoruba week consists of five days, and six of them are supposed -to make a lunar month, which however always begins with the -new moon. (This is therefore the familiar round number.) The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_326"></a>[326]</span> -days are:—1, <i>ako-ojo</i>, the first day, day of general rest, -considered unlucky; the temples are swept and water is brought -in procession for the use of the gods. No business of importance -is ever undertaken on this day. 2, <i>ojo-awo</i>, ‘day of -the secret’, sacred to Ifa. 3, <i>ojo-Ogun</i>, 4, <i>ojo-Shango</i>, 5, -<i>ojo-Obatula</i>, i. e. the name of a god, added to the word ‘day’. -Each of these four days is a day of rest for the followers of -the god to which it is dedicated, and for them only, but <i>ako-ojo</i> -is a day of rest for all. Markets are held every fifth day -in different townships, but never on the <i>ako-ojo</i>. From this -custom has arisen another mode of computing time, namely -by periods of 17 days, called <i>eta-di-ogun</i> (‘three less than -twenty’). This is the outcome of the Esu societies, the members -of which meet every fifth market-day. The first and fifth -market-days are counted in, and thus the number 17 is obtained. -For instance, supposing the second day of a month to be a -market-day, the second market would fall on the 6th, the third -on the 10th, the fourth on the 14th, and the fifth on the 18th. -The fifth market-day, on which the members meet, is counted -again as the first of the next series. These clubs are so -common that the 17-day period has become a kind of auxiliary -measure of time<a id="FNanchor_1099" href="#Footnote_1099" class="fnanchor">[1099]</a>. The account contains an inward contradiction. -Ellis enumerates five days and says that the market -is held every fifth day, but when he reckons the days again -below, the periods are four-day periods. We must probably -assume that the word <i>ako-ojo</i> is applied to one of the four -days, denoting it to be a day of rest, and that Ellis, when he -says that the market is held every fifth day, is counting inclusively -according to the linguistic usage of the natives, as -the Greeks also did. This is the opinion of another authority, -who writes as follows:—Some say the Yoruba week is -composed of four days, and some of five. This same mystification -recurs in the number of days said to complete one -of their months. Some say there are sixteen and others seventeen -days in a month. The natives rest on the fifth day, -that is to say, having counted four days, they really rest on -the first day of the next week, counting that day as one. So<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_327"></a>[327]</span> -in their next great division of time they say that they rest on -the seventeenth day, which is a great market-day, and this is, -of course, the first day of what is their second so-called month. -Fourteen of these months complete the ancient Yoruba so-called -year of 224 days<a id="FNanchor_1100" href="#Footnote_1100" class="fnanchor">[1100]</a>.</p> - -<p>But there are also periods of time of other durations. -The Adeli of the hinterland of Togo divide the lunar month -into five weeks of six days<a id="FNanchor_1101" href="#Footnote_1101" class="fnanchor">[1101]</a>; unfortunately the brief account -tells us nothing of the nature of this six-day week. The Tshi-speaking -peoples usually reckon time in periods of 40 or 42 -days, every fortieth or forty-second day being a festival termed -the great <i>adae</i>, 18 or 20 days after which is the little <i>adae</i>. The -great <i>adae</i> is always celebrated on a Sunday, and the little -<i>adae</i> on a Wednesday<a id="FNanchor_1102" href="#Footnote_1102" class="fnanchor">[1102]</a>. Once again the statements are not -clear. If the last condition must be absolutely fulfilled, the -period of the great <i>adae</i> must always embrace 42 days and -the little <i>adae</i> must fall 18 days after it. The natives consider -the number 40 particularly lucky and always endeavour to -connect it with some important event<a id="FNanchor_1103" href="#Footnote_1103" class="fnanchor">[1103]</a>. The probable explanation -is that 40 is used as a round number instead of 42. -But among the Edo-speaking peoples also, at one point in -Northern Nigeria, a twenty-day month seems to be used<a id="FNanchor_1104" href="#Footnote_1104" class="fnanchor">[1104]</a>. The -former mode of reckoning is connected with the seven-day -week adopted by the Tshi-speaking peoples, though this, in -order that it may cover the lunar month, is reckoned in a -curious fashion so that each week consists of 7 days 9 hours; -each so-called day is therefore somewhat longer than the natural -day and consequently also begins at a different hour of -the natural day. Hence the two <i>adae</i> also begin at different -hours of the day. The same curious reckoning is found among -the Gã-tribes. This mode of computation is a far from primitive -refinement, the real object of which is the fitting of the -seven-day week into the lunar month, the natural day however -being abandoned. There is connected with it a strong day-superstition. -The first day of the ‘week’ is rest-day, and that -on which the new moon falls is an absolute rest-day, the following<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_328"></a>[328]</span> -being days of rest only for certain trades, e. g. the -second for the fishermen, the third for the agriculturalists<a id="FNanchor_1105" href="#Footnote_1105" class="fnanchor">[1105]</a>. -It is clear that the only period which can pass as native is -the four-day market-week, with its development the 16-day -period, and perhaps also the too little known 6-day week.</p> - -<p>In Java, Bali, and Sumatra there is a five-day market-week -called <i>pasar</i>, in Bali also a four-day <i>tjaturwara</i><a id="FNanchor_1106" href="#Footnote_1106" class="fnanchor">[1106]</a>; alongside -of these the seven-day week is in use. But wherever -among heathen tribes a ‘week’ is spoken of, this is always the -market-week<a id="FNanchor_1107" href="#Footnote_1107" class="fnanchor">[1107]</a>. In Java and Bali the <i>pasar</i>-week is combined -with the 7-day week in divisions of 35 days. Six of these -periods form a <i>wuku</i>, a kind of year of 210 days. Besides -these there are still other divisions, which are of importance -for the sooth-sayers. The non-Islamite Lampong of Sumatra -combine the <i>pasar</i>-week with the lunar month, which is counted -as 30 days<a id="FNanchor_1108" href="#Footnote_1108" class="fnanchor">[1108]</a>. We have here nothing to do with the -highly developed time-reckoning of those peoples that drew -up their systems under Indian and Islamite influence. This -five-day week has a very extensive use in Further India: we -meet it in Tonkin, in the Lao states of northern Siam, in Upper -Burma among the Shan; further in Celebes and in certain -parts of New Guinea. In the Malay Peninsula there is a five-day -period for the determination of lucky and unlucky days. -In other parts of New Guinea and in the Gazelle Peninsula of -New Pommern the market takes place every third day. Of -market-days in Polynesia there are unfortunately only uncertain -accounts<a id="FNanchor_1109" href="#Footnote_1109" class="fnanchor">[1109]</a>.</p> - -<p>In ancient Mexico a market was held every fifth day at -every important place, just as in Africa on different days in -neighbouring districts; the day was a rest-day, and with the -market games and amusements were associated. This five-day -market-week appears also in other parts of Central America. -The Muysca of Bogota in Columbia, on the other hand, held -markets every third, and the Inca peoples every tenth, day, -when the country-folk ceased from labour, assembled in the towns,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_329"></a>[329]</span> -and engaged in traffic and games<a id="FNanchor_1110" href="#Footnote_1110" class="fnanchor">[1110]</a>. These three- and ten-day -periods are said to be brought into connexion with the month; if -this statement be correct, they are not continuous periods, and the -market-day must sometimes have been pushed out of place in -order to secure the agreement with the moon; but the certainty -cannot be ascertained.</p> - -<p>The market-week exists therefore, as we should expect, only -among peoples with a more fully developed commerce and trade. -The rule attains greater importance for the time-reckoning -only when, as in the East Indies, it is introduced into an already -existing calendarial system. In Africa larger divisions of time -have arisen on the basis of it, and in one case, that of the Yoruba, -the agricultural year has been thus divided. The market-weeks, -however, may also occur independently, alongside of -the calendar, like the Roman <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">nundinae</i>, which were held every -eighth day and took their name (from <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">novem</i>) from the inclusive -reckoning.</p> - -<p>The question of the Israelitish sabbath is complicated -and has been much discussed as a point of connexion with -the Babylonian civilisation. In Babylonia one day in the month -was called <i>shabattu</i>, and the seventh day was specially distinguished. -The statement that there the seven-day week existed, -but as a fixed subdivision of the month, is often heard, but is -an invention. I borrow the material from Landsberger’s section -on the month in religious worship. A cylinder of Gudea already -mentions a festival of the opening of the month in Lagash, -festivals in honour of the goddesses Bau and Nina are celebrated -in special new-moon houses. At all times, and later -too, the day of the new moon is a great festival-day. At the -time of the dynasty of Ur, under the empire of Khammurabi, -and later, sacrifices were offered on the fifteenth day, the day -of full moon. This is called <i>shabattu</i>, which word in the time -of Assurbani-pal also denotes the full-moon day without any -religious implication. We also find at the time of the -dynasty of Ur occasional sacrifices on the day of the ‘going -to sleep’, i. e. of the disappearance of the moon. These are -the three days marked out by the great phases of the moon.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_330"></a>[330]</span> -According to them the month is divided into two halves. A -Babylonian peculiarity is that the seventh day of the month, -as at the time of the dynasty of Ur and under the empire of -Khammurabi, becomes a day of special sacrifices. It is called -<i>sibutu</i>, ‘the seventh’, cp. Assyrian <i>sibittu</i>, ‘seven’ (fem.). The -1st, the 7th, and the 28th are therefore of religious importance; -for a similar emphasising of the 21st testimony is as yet lacking; -instead of the 14th we have the 15th. Later, after ancient -Babylonian times, the 7th becomes a day of taboo, the number -7 is made an unlucky number, and the schematic series 1, 7, -14, 21, 28, and 19 of the following month is formed (30 + 19 -= 49 = 7 × 7). Hence the 14th is also sometimes designated -as the day of full moon. Thus, for example, in the Creation -epic, tablet 5, vv. 12 ff.:—“At the beginning of the month -shine in the land. Beam with thy horns, to make known -six days. On the seventh day halve thy disc. On the fourteenth -day thou shalt reach the half of the monthly (growth);” -in what follows the indications of the days are unfortunately -missing. It is clear that the septenary division has not arisen -from the phases of the moon, but on the contrary the phases -of the moon have been arranged in accordance with the -septenary scheme. They might also be arranged according to -a quintuple scheme. Thus the tablet III R 55, no. 3<a id="FNanchor_1111" href="#Footnote_1111" class="fnanchor">[1111]</a>:—“Sin -at his appearance from the first to the fifth day, five days, is -crescent,—Anu; from the sixth to the tenth day, five days, he -is kidney,—Ea; from the eleventh to the fifteenth, five days, -he covers himself with the shining royal cap.” It is significant -of the phases of the moon that have arisen on genuinely primitive -grounds that, since they are originally concrete, they do -not divide themselves into symmetrical groups of days. Here -the numerical scheme has been at work, and this cannot -be referred to the phases, since these give no other naturally -grounded divisions than the halves of the month.</p> - -<p>The derivation of the Israelitish sabbath from Babylonia -therefore offers two difficulties:—1, in regard to the word, -Babylonian <i>shabattu</i> means the day of full moon, in fact the -fifteenth day of the lunar month, and Hebrew <i>shabbat</i>, so far<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_331"></a>[331]</span> -as we know, the seventh day of a period that is shifting in relation -to the lunar month; 2, in regard to the period of time, in -Babylonia the septenary scheme is a fixed division of the lunar -month; among the Israelites it is, so far as we know, shifting, -continuous, and independent of the lunar month.</p> - -<p>I have emphasised the phrase ‘so far as we know’ since -in reality our sole knowledge in this direction of the Israelitish -times before the Exile is that a festival and rest-day called -the sabbath existed: of its nature we know nothing. The -earliest evidence we have of it is the story of one of the -miracles of Elisha<a id="FNanchor_1112" href="#Footnote_1112" class="fnanchor">[1112]</a>, from which it appears that the adherents -of the prophet were accustomed to gather round him on this -day and at new moon, doubtless since both were rest-days. -In the same way sabbath and new moon are mentioned -together as festival days in Amos VIII, 5, Hosea II, 11, Isaiah -I, 13. The writers during and after the Exile are the first to -mention the sabbath as the seventh day of a continuous seven-day -week. It has at that time the character of an ascetic rest-day, -where the rest is not a joy but a duty.</p> - -<p>Any further advance can only be made by way of hypothesis. -Thus the sabbath of the times before the Exile was either, -as later, the last day of a seven-day period that was shifting -in relation to the lunar month, or else it was something different. -Both statements are hypotheses. And if it was something -different we are driven to a still further hypothesis in order -to decide what it was. The suggestion most in favour is that -it was the day of full moon. The sabbath is said to be the -second principal day of the course of the moon simply because -sabbath and new moon are always mentioned together in the -days before the Exile. But this obviously proves nothing. It -has further been stated that the sabbath must be a fixed day -of the lunar month, since otherwise it would sometimes -coincide with the day of new moon; but evidently the expression -‘new moon and sabbath’, however formally interpreted, -does not in itself exclude such a coincidence. Further -sabbath and <i>shabattu</i> are the same word, and consequently a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_332"></a>[332]</span> -second hypothesis is that ‘sabbath’ as well as <i>shabattu</i> means -the day of full moon. The proof is only binding if the word -in itself must mean ‘full moon’; the etymology however is -disputed, so that it gives no help. It is not difficult to establish -a general fundamental sense which will fit in both with the -festival-day of full moon and of the seven-day period.</p> - -<p>On the ground of the researches here carried out, however, -we may put a question a satisfactory answer to which is demanded -by the hypothesis just mentioned:—How is it possible -for a period which forms a fixed subdivision of the lunar month -to become detached from the moon and be made into an independent -period shifting in relation to the lunar month? And -there will still be a preliminary question to get rid of, viz. -how has the septenary period arisen from the day of full moon, -the 15th day of the month? The answer will be, I suppose, -that the 14th, not the 15th, was taken as the day of full moon -and that Babylonian influence introduced the septenary division, -so that the name of one of the septenary days, the 14th, has -been carried over to the rest. But since in the legislation of -the Exile the great festivals were appointed for the 15th, it -is clear that this day, and not the 14th, was at that time taken -as the day of full moon. The question whether any late -Babylonian speculation in numbers may have exercised a determinative -influence upon the Jewish legislation must be decided -by experts. From the unsatisfactory answer to the preliminary -question I return to the main question. A shifting reckoning -of this kind can only be understood chronologically as a -breaking away from the concrete phenomena of Nature, -an incomplete calculation being established instead of the -empirical observation, as was the case, for instance, with -the Egyptian shifting year, put in place of the solar year, and -bringing with it months of thirty days in the place of lunar -months. Now the Israelites have always had the lunar month. -That a day determined by the moon should be detached from -the living lunar month and made into a shifting seven-day -week is quite incomprehensible and entirely without analogy. The -Babylonian septenary days do not help us here, since they always -remained days of the lunar month. In the light of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_333"></a>[333]</span> -foregoing investigations into primitive chronology such a process -would be a sheer miracle.</p> - -<p>It remains therefore to regard the creation of the seven-day -week as an act of pure volition on the part of the makers -of the refined exilian legislation, who took the name of the -ancient sabbath, a festival-day of uncertain position, and applied -it to the seventh day of a shifting period. And this is -equally difficult either to prove or disprove. It is seldom -found that a new creation proceeds entirely from nothing, and -no analogy to the shifting seven-day period is anywhere to be -met with—except in one case to be mentioned presently, -the market-week. Especially in matters chronological would -it appear that the Jewish legislation did not radically break -with antiquity, but systematised and cultivated already existing -tendencies, if we may judge by the few points of departure -handed down from the earlier period; hence the numbered -months, hence the fixing of the great festivals on the day of -full moon. We are speaking here not of the changed religious -character of the sabbath, but of the chronological question. -If therefore fundamental grounds are lacking for the creation -of a shifting seven-day period by the legislation of the Exile, -we must cling to the other hypothesis, viz. that in pre-exilian -times also the sabbath was the seventh day of a shifting period, -which the legislation has transformed in its own fashion.</p> - -<p>But if the shifting sabbath is old, the question arises -whether analogous periods exist in primitive time-reckoning. -Certainly they do, and they are periods of a quite definite nature,—the -market-weeks. There are market-weeks of three, four, -five, six, eight, and ten days: that seven does not appear in any -example must therefore be an accident. The market-week is -spread over the whole earth at a more advanced stage of -civilisation. The market-day is a rest-day, since the people go -to the market: since they rest and gather together it is therefore -a festival day. So also with the Roman <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">nundinae</i>, on -which no public meetings were held and the schools were -closed. The dispute of Roman scholars as to whether the -<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">nundinae</i> were religious festival-days or business-days is significant<a id="FNanchor_1113" href="#Footnote_1113" class="fnanchor">[1113]</a>.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_334"></a>[334]</span> -Since the market-day is a day of rest, however, it is -also, as in West Africa, made a taboo day on which work is -forbidden. The connexion between the market and religion is -universal and appears particularly clearly in heathen Arabia<a id="FNanchor_1114" href="#Footnote_1114" class="fnanchor">[1114]</a>. -It is true that no market-day is attested for ancient Canaan, -but even in pre-Israelitish times the land was already covered -with towns, so that the conditions for regular markets were -the same as in ancient Greece and Rome. From post-Biblical -times at least three great annual markets are known; one was -held at the terebinth of Hebron, which was at the same time -the object of a cult. In Midrash it is allowed to visit a heathen -yearly market at the half-holidays of the Passover and -of the feast of Tabernacles<a id="FNanchor_1115" href="#Footnote_1115" class="fnanchor">[1115]</a>. Since the day was a rest-day, -the command for rest might gradually, through a new interpretation, -be applied to the original purpose of the market, viz. -trade. In Amos VIII, 5 the traders complain:—“When -will the new moon be gone, that we may sell corn? And the -sabbath, that we may set forth wheat? making the ephah -small,” etc., but the command for the absolute sabbath’s rest -was certainly not carried out at that time, nor yet in the time -of Jeremiah<a id="FNanchor_1116" href="#Footnote_1116" class="fnanchor">[1116]</a>; after the overthrow of the Jewish monarchy the -trade of the markets on the sabbath revived, if indeed it had -ever perished. Nehemiah, three centuries after Amos, has to -give the injunction:—“ ... and if the peoples of the land bring -ware or any victuals on the sabbath day to sell, that we -would not buy of them on the sabbath, or on a holy day<a id="FNanchor_1117" href="#Footnote_1117" class="fnanchor">[1117]</a>,” -and the breach of this law is sternly reprimanded:—“In -those days saw I in Judah some treading wine-presses on the -sabbath, and bringing in sheaves, and lading asses therewith; -as also wine, grapes, and figs, and all manner of burdens, -which they brought into Jerusalem on the sabbath day.... There -dwelt men of Tyre also therein, which brought in fish, and -all manner of ware, and sold on the sabbath unto the children -of Judah, and in Jerusalem.” Nehemiah reproves the nobles:—“Did -not your fathers thus, and did not our God bring all<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_335"></a>[335]</span> -this evil upon us, and upon this city?”, and he has the gates -shut and guarded when it grows dark before the sabbath. -When, notwithstanding this, the merchants once or twice encamped -outside the walls on the sabbath, he drove them away -with threats<a id="FNanchor_1118" href="#Footnote_1118" class="fnanchor">[1118]</a>. At this time work was performed and trade -carried on on the sabbath, though certainly it does not follow -that the sabbath was the principal market-day of the week: -we are speaking of a large town, where no doubt there -was a market every day. But it would be quite in keeping -if in smaller matters the sabbath had once been the proper -market-day.</p> - -<p>The work of Webster culminates in an attempt to explain -the sabbath. The author brings together abundant material for -the practice of assigning certain taboos to certain days, partly -notable days in the experience of human life, such as birth, -death, etc., and partly those regularly recurring days which are -dependent on superstitious and religious ideas. Among these -days are found both the market-day and the days of the principal -phases of the moon,—the day of new moon, in a lesser -degree the day of full moon, and further also the days of the -darkness, of the moon’s invisibility. He rightly distinguishes -the continuous Israelitish week from the ‘unlucky days’ of the -Babylonians, but is nevertheless of the opinion that the sabbath -is really the day of full moon, which in this character was -overlaid with certain taboos and has become independent of -the moon. How this separation was effected, Webster does -not explain: he merely makes the statement. He has not felt -the decisive difficulty, which lies just in this point, because he -has not attacked the problem from its chronological side. -There is no reason to suppose that the day of full moon could -become detached from the genuine lunar month, and such -a process would seem still more strange since the day of -new moon remained a genuine new-moon day. On the other -hand the development of market and rest-day into a day of -taboo is everywhere natural, and is attested in the above -examples from Africa; this taboo character was emphasised<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_336"></a>[336]</span> -and inculcated by the late Jewish and exilian legislation in -opposition to the old festive merry-making. The new-moon -day, which had fallen out of the scheme, was at the same -time rejected and proscribed. The suggestion that the sabbath -arose from the market-day is certainly only a hypothesis, since -a definite market-day is not demonstrated for Canaan; but it -has the advantage of remaining within the limits of primitive -time-reckoning, which knows no other continuous periods than -the market-weeks.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>Festivals and time-reckoning are from the beginning -inseparably bound together. Some of the former have already -been dealt with, e. g. the festivals of the new moon, the full -moon, and the beginning and end of the year. It remains -briefly to sketch the development of this connexion and to -illustrate it with a few examples. A detailed discussion would -lead us too far away from the main theme into the domain of -the history of religion. How many pages have been written -about the New Year festival alone!</p> - -<p>The connexion between festivals and time-reckoning is -grounded in the fact that both are originally dependent on the -phases of Nature. Festivals are already held at definite times -of the year by peoples who know nothing of a proper time-reckoning, -e. g. the much-discussed Intichiuma ceremonies of -the aborigines of Australia. They are closely associated with -the breeding of the animals and the flowering of the plants with -which each totem is respectively identified, and as the object -of the ceremony is to increase the number of the totemic -animal or plant, it is most naturally held at a certain season. -In Central Australia the seasons are limited, so far as the -breeding of animals and the flowering of plants is concerned, -to two—a dry one of uncertain and often great length, and -a rainy one of short duration and often irregular occurrence. -The latter is followed by an increase in animal life and exuberance -of plant growth. In the case of many of the totems -it is just when there is promise of approach of the good season -that it is customary to hold the ceremony. The exact time<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_337"></a>[337]</span> -is fixed by the <i>alatunja</i> (the chief of the local group)<a id="FNanchor_1119" href="#Footnote_1119" class="fnanchor">[1119]</a>. The -ripening of a plant which is an important article of food is -often accompanied by certain ceremonies by which the eating -of the fruit is first made lawful. These so-called sacrifices of -the first-fruits, which have been touched upon above<a id="FNanchor_1120" href="#Footnote_1120" class="fnanchor">[1120]</a>, are therefore -dependent upon a definite natural phase, and there may -be several of them in the course of the year.</p> - -<p>At seed-time a festival is celebrated in order to secure -the good growth of the seed. The Bahau of Borneo, who -have the agricultural year<a id="FNanchor_1121" href="#Footnote_1121" class="fnanchor">[1121]</a>, celebrate two great festivals, one -at the sowing (<i>tugal</i>, from <i>nugal</i>, ‘to sow’), and one after harvest, -the festival of the new rice-year, <i>dangei</i>, which however -is not held if the harvest has failed; it is the climax of the -year. At both festivals the people gorge themselves to the -full, rice being given even to the animals. But during the -period of growth also the plants need protection and blessing, -various plants require and obtain different festivals, so that a -cycle of agricultural festivals arises<a id="FNanchor_1122" href="#Footnote_1122" class="fnanchor">[1122]</a>. The southern tribes of -the Malay Peninsula celebrate three great agricultural festivals -in the year, one after the transplanting of the young rice-plants, -another after the formation of the fruit, and a third after the -harvest<a id="FNanchor_1123" href="#Footnote_1123" class="fnanchor">[1123]</a>. As an example of a fully developed festival-cycle -of this kind I give the festivals of the Bontoc Igorot, with -which should be compared the section on the agricultural year -of this tribe<a id="FNanchor_1124" href="#Footnote_1124" class="fnanchor">[1124]</a>. After the conclusion of the time when rice-seed -is put in the germinating beds, <i>pa-chog</i>, the festival <i>po-chang</i> -is held, after the transplanting of the rice the festival <i>chaka</i> -(held on Feb. 10 in 1903), and after that an unexplained -festival <i>su-wat</i>; on the day on which the first ‘fruit-heads’ -have shown themselves on the growing rice there is the -festival <i>ke-eng</i>, and on the following day <i>tot-o-lod</i>; <i>sa-fo-sab</i>, -before the beginning of harvest, introduces the harvest. At -the end of the rice-harvest and the beginning of the period -called <i>li-pas</i> (‘no more rice-harvest’) <i>lislis</i> is celebrated; at the -time of the planting of camotes <i>loskod</i>; in the same division<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_338"></a>[338]</span> -of the year, called <i>bali-ling</i>, the festival <i>o-ki-ad</i>, when black -beans are planted. Finally at the end of this division we -have <i>ko-pus</i>, a three day’s rest, just before the work of -rice-culture is begun again<a id="FNanchor_1125" href="#Footnote_1125" class="fnanchor">[1125]</a>. An African example from the -neighbourhood of the Lower Niger will shew how in this -agrarian festival-cycle other feasts arise which may in part -be older. The cycle consists of the following festivals:—1, -sacrifices and adoration to the great spirit or creator, always -made in anticipation of the new crop, to ensure that -it is good; 2, communion of first-fruits, a festival to the house-hold -gods; 3, communion of the new yam; 4, the feast of -hunters; 5, <i>ofala</i>, a celebration to Ofo, god of justice and -right, in honour of the public appearance of the king; 6, -the <i>crumbo</i>, or remnants of yam, reserved for the king only; -7, the feast of roast yam at the close of the year, the termination -of this marking the end of the native year and the -feast also serving as a form of public notice that farming has -to recommence. This is a festival in honour of <ins class="corr" id="tn-338" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Ifejiohu, god'"> -Ifejioku, god</ins> of the crops, as a token of gratitude on the part of the community -for a fruitful and prosperous year. It is usual for the -king to give a month’s notice before each ceremony takes -place<a id="FNanchor_1126" href="#Footnote_1126" class="fnanchor">[1126]</a>.</p> - -<p>A pastoral people may also have a well-developed festival-cycle -marking the points of the year which are important -for their herds. I quote as an example the main festivals of -the Reindeer Koryak of Eastern Siberia. There is a ceremony -on the Return of the Herd from the summer pastures, when -the first snow covers the ground. In spring, when the fawning -period is over and the reindeer have lost their antlers, -the fawn festival is celebrated. The fire in the house is put -out and a new one started by means of the sacred fire-board. -Some tribes pile up the antlers of the slaughtered reindeer. -Other festivals are observed:—1, when the sun marks the -approach of summer after the winter solstice: a sacrifice is -then offered to the sun; 2, in the month of March, when the -does commence to fawn: a sacrifice is offered to The-One-on-High;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_339"></a>[339]</span> -3, in spring, when the grass commences to sprout and -the leaves appear on the trees; 4, when mosquitoes put in -their appearance—reindeer are then slain as an offering to -The-One-on-High, lest the mosquitoes scatter the herd<a id="FNanchor_1127" href="#Footnote_1127" class="fnanchor">[1127]</a>.</p> - -<p>Here the development is simple and clear, but not so -among many peoples where agriculture or the raising of -cattle does not occupy so important a place. The Maidu of -northern California have four seasons and four festivals founded -by the hero Oankoitupeh:—‘the open air festival’ in the -spring, ‘the dry season festival’ about the first of July, ‘the -burning to the dead’ about the first of September<a id="FNanchor_1128" href="#Footnote_1128" class="fnanchor">[1128]</a>, and ‘the -winter festival’ about the last of December<a id="FNanchor_1129" href="#Footnote_1129" class="fnanchor">[1129]</a>. The connexion -with the seasons is clear, but we do not even know whether -the names are of genuine native origin. This example clearly -shews that the great difficulty lies in the fact that the real -nature of the festivals is unknown. But often where detailed -accounts of a festival exist, the original reason for it becomes -obscured in the course of the development, so that the original -connexion between festival and season cannot be established. -This is especially the case with peoples among whom -the religious life has had an especially strong development.</p> - -<p>A phenomenon peculiar to the peoples of the far North -is that the winter is the time of the festivals. The summer -is the good season, when supplies for the winter must be collected; -it is therefore a very busy time, when each family -has to work for itself and has no leisure for festivals. The -winter is the time of rest, in which the people live on the -supplies already collected; they naturally crowd closer together, -and have much leisure, which is used for religious ceremonies -and for games. Hence the winter is the time of the -religious ceremonies among the Eskimos, the Tlinkit, and -other Indians of N. W. America<a id="FNanchor_1130" href="#Footnote_1130" class="fnanchor">[1130]</a>, and hence the Yule festival<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_340"></a>[340]</span> -celebrated in the winter becomes the greatest festival of the -Scandinavian peoples<a id="FNanchor_1131" href="#Footnote_1131" class="fnanchor">[1131]</a>.</p> - -<p>When a festival takes place, people assemble together -who often have to come long distances. We have spoken -above<a id="FNanchor_1132" href="#Footnote_1132" class="fnanchor">[1132]</a> of the devices adopted in order to ensure that the day -of an appointed non-periodic festival shall not be missed. Periodically -recurring festivals, which are connected with a natural -phase or some occupation, particularly if this is agricultural, -are determined as to time, but not accurately. Hence -it is already found among the Central Australians that the -exact day is fixed by the chief. Such festivals, appointed -within certain limits assigned by Nature, are found also among -peoples with a fixed calendar, e. g. the Roman <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">feriae conceptivae</i>. -Significantly enough, these are agricultural festivals -which, on account of the change of position of the lunisolar -year in relation to the natural year, could not well be regulated -by the former. But where a calendar exists, this is the -given means of regulating the festival dates so that preparations -can be made and the people can assemble at the right -time. In the natural and agricultural years the festivals are -in the proper sense <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">conceptivae</i>; the question is properly to -find a means of accurately fixing the day within the short -periods given by Nature. This purpose is served by the calculation -from the moon. The moon herself has her festivals, -especially that of the new moon and, though more seldom, -that of the full moon<a id="FNanchor_1133" href="#Footnote_1133" class="fnanchor">[1133]</a>. Thus the festival times are regulated -by the moon. In itself any suitable day of the month can be -appointed as a feast-day, but custom and superstition cause -certain days to be preferred. Thus the day of new moon, -since it was often already a feast-day in itself, was bound to -be preferred. The Natchez of Louisiana, for instance, celebrated -at each day of new moon a feast which took its name -from the animals and plants which the preceding month had -principally brought forth, but the greatest festival was that -held at the new moon of the first month.<a id="FNanchor_1134" href="#Footnote_1134" class="fnanchor">[1134]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_341"></a>[341]</span></p> - -<p>It is a very wide-spread idea that things which are to -prosper and grow should be undertaken during the time of the -waxing moon, and that anything begun when the moon is on -the wane will dwindle and die. Hence the proper time for a -festival is the bright half of the moon, and especially the time -at which the moon has attained her full shape. It is not only -on account of the fair light which costs them nothing that the -negroes dance on the nights of full moon. In Dahomey the -festivals take place at the full of the moon, and the days are -determined by the native government<a id="FNanchor_1135" href="#Footnote_1135" class="fnanchor">[1135]</a>. In Burma all religious -festivals with the exception of the New Year festival, the date -of which is regulated in a special manner, take place at the -time of full moon<a id="FNanchor_1136" href="#Footnote_1136" class="fnanchor">[1136]</a>. Throughout Australia, Tasmania, and -Melanesia the festivals begin either at full or new moon<a id="FNanchor_1137" href="#Footnote_1137" class="fnanchor">[1137]</a>.</p> - -<p>In regard to the Israelitish festivals, the antiquity and -great importance of the new moon festival has already been -pointed out<a id="FNanchor_1138" href="#Footnote_1138" class="fnanchor">[1138]</a>. The Jews here follow a wide-spread custom. -Whether they, like many other peoples, also preferred the -time of full moon for their festivals, is a more difficult question. -A fixed day for the Passover and Feast of Unleavened -Bread and for the Feast of Tabernacles is first prescribed during -and after the Exile, the last-named on the fifteenth day -of the seventh month, the Feast of Unleavened Bread on the -fifteenth day of the first month, and the Passover on the -evening of the day before (the fourteenth of the first month)<a id="FNanchor_1139" href="#Footnote_1139" class="fnanchor">[1139]</a>. -The only other information we have from ancient times as to -the date of the Feast of Tabernacles is contained in the earlier -name ‘Feast of Vintage’; it was celebrated after the conclusion -of the fruit-harvest and vintage. In regard to the -Feast of Unleavened Bread—since it is with this chiefly that we -have to do, not with the preliminary Feast of the Passover -associated with it, which was a feast of a different nature—the -order of the Yahwist runs ‘at the time appointed in the month -Abib’<a id="FNanchor_1140" href="#Footnote_1140" class="fnanchor">[1140]</a>; as a motive is adduced the fact that the Jews came<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_342"></a>[342]</span> -out from Egypt in this month. The Deuteronomist<a id="FNanchor_1141" href="#Footnote_1141" class="fnanchor">[1141]</a> transfers -this to the preliminary festival. The time therefore, like that -of the Feast of Vintage, is determined by an event in agriculture, -but at the same time by the moon. Linguistically -<i>chodesh</i> can here mean ‘new moon’; in that case we could -also translate ‘at the time appointed after the new moon of -Abib’; but since the sense ‘month’ is so old and the original -sense ‘new moon’ appears unequivocally only where monthly -new moon festivals are in question<a id="FNanchor_1142" href="#Footnote_1142" class="fnanchor">[1142]</a>, it seems reasonable to -translate the word here simply by ‘month’. Now it is often -stated that the festive seasons both of the Unleavened Bread -and of the Feast of Vintage were regulated purely by natural -circumstances: the former was celebrated when the first -ears ripened, and the latter when the fruit-harvest was at -an end, each according to local conditions. But the Feast -of Vintage at least was a general festival even in Canaanitish -days<a id="FNanchor_1143" href="#Footnote_1143" class="fnanchor">[1143]</a>, and <i>moed</i> properly means ‘determined, appointed -time’. It was therefore not accidental circumstances but -a rule that in early times called the people together to -the festival. Chronological regulation is proved by the name -of the festival of harvest (<i>chag haq-qazir</i>), ‘Feast of Weeks’, -<i>chag shabuot</i> in the Yahwist<a id="FNanchor_1144" href="#Footnote_1144" class="fnanchor">[1144]</a>. The regulation by the weeks, -however, is late and artificial in comparison with that by -the moon.</p> - -<p>Now if we know what part was played by the time of -full moon in the festivals of other peoples, and indeed for the -agrarian peoples also, in spite of the differences in date resulting -from the observation of the time of full moon, it seems -always probable that the regulation of post-exilian times for -the fifteenth originated in an old tradition in accordance with -which the time of full moon was specially favoured for the feast. -Earlier the date was not so accurately observed; the time of -full moon was prescribed so that those who were prevented from -celebrating the Feast of the Passover at the proper time might -do so on the fourteenth of the following month<a id="FNanchor_1145" href="#Footnote_1145" class="fnanchor">[1145]</a>. Unfortunately -the date of the passage in I Kings (XII, 32), according to which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_343"></a>[343]</span> -Jeroboam celebrated the Feast of Tabernacles on the 15th day -of the eighth month, is doubtful; if the passage is old, it -affords valuable evidence that the time of full moon was the -proper time for holding agrarian festivals<a id="FNanchor_1146" href="#Footnote_1146" class="fnanchor">[1146]</a>.</p> - -<p>Among the Greeks all the ancient festivals with the exception -of the feasts of Apollo, which always took place on -the seventh of the month, were concentrated in the period -shortly before and during full moon<a id="FNanchor_1147" href="#Footnote_1147" class="fnanchor">[1147]</a>. The selection of days -is organically connected with the lunar reckoning, and the -superstition of days has arisen independently among different -peoples. As an example the sacrifices of the Toba Batak of -Sumatra may serve. At the felling of a tree for house-building -sacrifices must be offered during the waxing moon; this is in -general the favourable time, since everything undertaken then -increases with the moon. The huntsman sacrifices to his god -at noon-tide about the time of new moon, the fisherman at -noon while the moon is waxing; before a military expedition -a certain sacrifice is offered (preferably in the early morning) -at the time of full moon, and another at the waxing moon<a id="FNanchor_1148" href="#Footnote_1148" class="fnanchor">[1148]</a>.</p> - -<p>This superstition, which involves the accurate knowledge -and observation of the days, and the injunction, to which great -religious importance is attached, to celebrate the festivals on the -proper days, lead to the result that the time-reckoning, which -arose in the first place from the events and necessities of practical -life, has among certain peoples passed completely under -the influence of religion and has been further developed from -ecclesiastical standpoints in the service of the religious cult.</p> - -<p>There are however other ways of exactly fixing a day, -viz. by observation of the stars and of the solstices and -equinoxes. The former method is hardly ever used directly -as a means of determining religious dates, and this fact is -very significant for the practical character of the observation -of the stars. No religious ideas are associated with the -phases of the stars, although star-myths innumerable are related.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_344"></a>[344]</span> -The reason is not easy to discover. A contributory factor -may be that although the observation of the stars is wide-spread, -it is yet not a matter which concerns every man, and -also that the stars always give only a single point of time and -do not form cyclical periods within the year, though on the -other hand they are intimately connected with the phases of -the natural year and with agriculture. The principal reason -may be conjectured to be that the reckoning of months, on -account of its connexion with the popular festival seasons and -with the selection of days, has been from the beginning chiefly -carried out with a view to religious considerations.</p> - -<p>It is only among certain peoples that the observation of -the solstices and equinoxes plays any great part, and that consequently -the religious importance of the sun is also great. But -the festivals of the solstices and equinoxes, recurring at regular -intervals in the course of the year, are far from being able to -compare with those of the phases of the moon. It has already -been mentioned that the Eskimos were able accurately to -observe the winter solstice<a id="FNanchor_1149" href="#Footnote_1149" class="fnanchor">[1149]</a>. At this time, about the 22nd of -December, they held a festival to rejoice over the return of -the sun and the good hunting weather. They collected together -from all over the country in great parties, entertained one -another in the best possible manner, and when they had gorged -themselves to the full they got up to play and to dance<a id="FNanchor_1150" href="#Footnote_1150" class="fnanchor">[1150]</a>. -Certain Indian peoples have made quite a special custom -of the observation of the solstices and equinoxes. Thus for -instance did the Inca people, but they had lunar months also, -and even the great festival of the sun in December was regulated -by the days of the lunar month<a id="FNanchor_1151" href="#Footnote_1151" class="fnanchor">[1151]</a>. The Zuñi determine -the festival times by the observation of thirteen different positions -of the sun on the horizon, but they have also lunar months, -five of which are named from natural phases, and six from -colours borrowed from certain rites<a id="FNanchor_1152" href="#Footnote_1152" class="fnanchor">[1152]</a>. The ceremonies are -therefore still distributed among the months, and the most obvious -explanation is that the observation of the thirteen positions of -the sun really serves to determine the thirteen months, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_345"></a>[345]</span> -with them the times of the rites. The old Mexican calendar -seems to have no connexion with the moon, but in Ginzel’s -opinion this does not exclude the possibility of an earlier -development on the basis of a relationship with the course of -the moon<a id="FNanchor_1153" href="#Footnote_1153" class="fnanchor">[1153]</a>. In any case the regulation of the festivals by the -positions of the sun is a comparatively isolated separate development -among certain peoples; the regulation by the moon, on -the contrary, is found all over the world.</p> - -<p>Because the calendar is principally looked upon as the -concern of religion, the months appear in such close association -with the festivals held in them that it is sometimes found that -the relationship to the phases of Nature falls into the background. -Among peoples who have no names of months, like -the Greeks of the Homeric period, or among those who name -only some of them, it may therefore happen that the months -become named from the festivals or perhaps that such names -supersede those which refer to natural phases. Thus, as has -been mentioned above, six months of the Zuñi year are named -from the colours of the prayer-sticks. Of the Inca months one -is named from a moon festival, two from provincial festivals, -and one from the great sun festival; the rest take their names -from the occupations of agriculture<a id="FNanchor_1154" href="#Footnote_1154" class="fnanchor">[1154]</a>. Of the tribes of Bolivia -it is stated that their knowledge of the calendar is not -according to days, but according to the principal festivals<a id="FNanchor_1155" href="#Footnote_1155" class="fnanchor">[1155]</a>. -In Africa two examples have been given<a id="FNanchor_1156" href="#Footnote_1156" class="fnanchor">[1156]</a>, those of the Hausa -states and the Edo-speaking peoples. In the Babylonian calendar -the names of months derived from festivals spread more and -more, at the expense of names of other kinds<a id="FNanchor_1157" href="#Footnote_1157" class="fnanchor">[1157]</a>. The phenomenon -is therefore comparatively rare and is found only among -peoples who have a highly developed religious cult, and even -in the examples here given the process is not consistently -carried out.</p> - -<p>Consistency is found only in one case, the calendar of -ancient Greece, and is all the more striking since in the hundreds -of varying calendars of the town-states no names which -do not refer to festivals have been with certainty demonstrated;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_346"></a>[346]</span> -the few calendars with numbered months are of more recent -origin<a id="FNanchor_1158" href="#Footnote_1158" class="fnanchor">[1158]</a>. The certain conclusion is that the Greek calendar -was entirely regulated from the point of view of the religious -cult. Where on the other hand the place of the lunisolar year -is taken by another reckoning, it is found that the lunar reckoning -is still used in the establishing of certain festivals, as -for instance in Bali<a id="FNanchor_1159" href="#Footnote_1159" class="fnanchor">[1159]</a>, and by the Christians in the matter of -Easter and the festivals depending thereon.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_347"></a>[347]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XIV">CHAPTER XIV.<br /> -<br /> -<span class="fs70">THE CALENDAR-MAKERS.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p class="drop-capy">As long as the determination of time is adjusted by the -phases of Nature which immediately become obvious to -everyone, anybody can judge of them, and should different -people judge differently there is no standard by which the -dispute can be settled, because the natural phases run into -one another or are at least not sharply defined. The accuracy -in determination demanded by time-reckoning proper is -therefore lacking. Accuracy becomes possible as a result of -the observation of the risings of stars, and this observation -begins even at the primitive stage, but it is not a matter that -concerns everyone. It requires a refined power of observation -and a clear knowledge of the stars, so that the heavens can -be known. This is especially the case with the commonest -observations, those of the morning rising and evening setting. -The observer must be able to judge, by the position of the -other stars, when the star in question may be expected to -twinkle for a moment in the twilight before it vanishes. The -accuracy of the time-determination from the stars depends therefore -upon the keenness of the observation. In this the individual -differences of men soon come into play, along with a -regular science which introduces the learner to the knowledge -of the stars and its uses. Thus Stanbridge reports of the natives -of Victoria that all tribes have traditions about the stars, -but certain families have the reputation of having the most -accurate knowledge; one family of the Boorung tribe prides -itself upon possessing a wider knowledge of the stars than<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_348"></a>[348]</span> -any other<a id="FNanchor_1160" href="#Footnote_1160" class="fnanchor">[1160]</a>. An account has been given above<a id="FNanchor_1161" href="#Footnote_1161" class="fnanchor">[1161]</a> according -to which an old chief instructed the young people of the tribe -in the knowledge of the stars and the occupations which these -announce. Of the Torres Straits tribes Rivers says:—When -the rising of a star is expected, it is the duty of the old men to -watch; they rise when the birds begin to call and watch until -daybreak. As in the case of <i>kek</i> (Achernar, the most important -star), so also probably in the case of other important -stars and constellations the appearance of certain other stars -is a sign that the star expected will soon appear. For <i>kek</i> -the stars in question are two named <i>keakentonar</i>; when they -appear on the horizon at dawn, it is known that in a few -days <i>kek</i> will shew himself, and the observation becomes -especially keen. The setting of a star is observed in the -same way<a id="FNanchor_1162" href="#Footnote_1162" class="fnanchor">[1162]</a>.</p> - -<p>By the phases of the stars both occupations and seasons -are regulated, and thus a standard is furnished by which to -judge, and a limit is set to the indefiniteness of the phases of -Nature. An old missionary relates of the Orinocese that it is -incredible how confused their minds become if they neglect -to observe the signs which make known the approach of winter; -they may then say in winter that one or two months are -yet wanting, and in the height of summer they sometimes -spread the report among their countrymen that the winter -will soon be upon them; the evening setting of the Pleiades -announces the coming of winter and therefore affords a means -of correcting the time-reckoning<a id="FNanchor_1163" href="#Footnote_1163" class="fnanchor">[1163]</a>.</p> - -<p>The moon strikes the attention of everyone and admits -of immediate and unpractised observation; at the most there -may sometimes be some doubt for a day as to the observation -of the new moon, but the next day will set all right. -But because the months are fixed in their position in the natural -year through association with the seasons, the indefiniteness -and fluctuation of the phases of Nature penetrate into -the months also, and are there even increased, for the reasons -stated above. Cause for doubt and disagreement is given, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_349"></a>[349]</span> -problem of the regulation of the calendar arises. Hence in -the council meetings of the Pawnee and Dakota it is often -hotly disputed which month it really is. So also the Caffres -often become confused and do not know what month it is; -the rising of the Pleiades decides the question. The Basuto -in determining the time of sowing are not guided by the lunar -reckoning, but fall back upon the phases of Nature; intelligent -chiefs however know how to correct the calendar by the -summer solstice<a id="FNanchor_1164" href="#Footnote_1164" class="fnanchor">[1164]</a>.</p> - -<p>The differences in intelligence already make themselves -felt at an early stage, and are still more plainly shewn when -we come to a genuine regulation of the calendar. Some of -the Bontoc Igorot state that the year has eight, others a -hundred months, but among the old men who represent the -wisdom of the people there are some who know and assert -that it has thirteen<a id="FNanchor_1165" href="#Footnote_1165" class="fnanchor">[1165]</a>. The further the calendar develops, the -less does it become a common possession. Among the Indians, -for example, there are special persons who keep and interpret -the year-lists illustrated with picture-writings, e. g. the -calendrically gifted Anko, who even drew up a list of months<a id="FNanchor_1166" href="#Footnote_1166" class="fnanchor">[1166]</a>. -It is very significant that even where a complete calendar -does exist, it will be found that this is not in use to its fullest -extent among the people. The Masai days of the month have -already been given<a id="FNanchor_1167" href="#Footnote_1167" class="fnanchor">[1167]</a>; but the nomenclature of the days is not -so popular throughout that any Masai on any day could determine -that day with perfect accuracy. Only the following -days and groups of days are in regular use:—The 1st day, -as the beginning of the counting and of the brightness of the -moon (<em>sic!</em>), the 4th as the new moon, the 10th as the final day -of the first decade, the 15th as the final day of the moon’s -brightness, the 16th as the beginning of the dark half of the -month, the 17th as the chief of the unlucky days, 18–20 as -<i>es sobiain</i>, the 20th as the final day of the second decade, -21–23 as <i>nigein</i>, the 24th as the beginning of ‘the black -darkness’, and from the 24th on to the disappearance of the -moon. Of these days the 4th, 10th, 17th, 24th, and 1st are<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_350"></a>[350]</span> -especially common. The people therefore count in a more -concrete fashion than those who are learned in the calendar.</p> - -<p>It follows that the observation of the calendar is a special -occupation which is placed in the hands of specially experienced -and gifted men. Among the Caffres we read of -special ‘astrologers’<a id="FNanchor_1168" href="#Footnote_1168" class="fnanchor">[1168]</a>. Among the Kenyah of Borneo the determination -of the time for sowing is so important that in -every village the task is entrusted to a man whose sole occupation -it is to observe the signs. He need not cultivate rice -himself, for he will receive his supplies from the other inhabitants -of the village. His separate position is in part due to -the fact that the determination of the season is effected by -observing the height of the sun, for which special instruments -are required. The process is a secret, and his advice is always -followed<a id="FNanchor_1169" href="#Footnote_1169" class="fnanchor">[1169]</a>. It is only natural that this individual should -keep secret the traditional lore upon which his position depends; -and thus the development of the calendar puts a still -wider gap between the business of the calendar-maker and the -common people.</p> - -<p>Behind the calendar stand in particular the priests. For -they are the most intelligent and learned men of the tribe, -and moreover the calendar is peculiarly their affair, if the -development has proceeded so far that value is attached to -the calendar for the selection of the proper days for the religious -observances. We are not told that the Kenyah who -has charge of the calendar is a priest, but among the Kayan -(also of Borneo) it is a priest who determines the seed-time -from the observation of the ecliptic, and on the upper Mahakam -a priestess<a id="FNanchor_1170" href="#Footnote_1170" class="fnanchor">[1170]</a>. In Bali the Brahmins, in Java the village -priests, determine the seasons by observing a crude sun-dial<a id="FNanchor_1171" href="#Footnote_1171" class="fnanchor">[1171]</a>. -Of the Tshi-speaking peoples it is said that the priests keep a -reckoning of the time, using different methods for the purpose, -and make known the approach of the annual festivals<a id="FNanchor_1172" href="#Footnote_1172" class="fnanchor">[1172]</a>. Among -the Hausa the priests determine the time of the festivals -according to the position of the moon<a id="FNanchor_1173" href="#Footnote_1173" class="fnanchor">[1173]</a>; here also the months<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_351"></a>[351]</span> -are named after the festivals. To a very general extent it is -true among peoples like the Indians of Arizona, where the -religious ceremonies are the centre of the life of the tribe, -that the priests are the calendar-makers. Among the Hopi the -priests determine from the observation of the solstices and -equinoxes the time for the religious ceremonies and for the -agricultural labours<a id="FNanchor_1174" href="#Footnote_1174" class="fnanchor">[1174]</a>. Among the Zuñi the priest of the sun -is alone responsible for the calendar. He takes daily observations -of the sunrise at a petrified tree-stump east of the -village, which he sprinkles with meal when he offers his matins -to the rising sun. When the sun rises over a certain point -of the Corn Mountain he informs the elder brother Bow priest, -who notifies a certain religious body, the members of this society -come together and the great feast of the winter solstice -is then celebrated. The summer solstice and its festival are -determined in similar fashion<a id="FNanchor_1175" href="#Footnote_1175" class="fnanchor">[1175]</a>.</p> - -<p>Among the priests there is formed a special class whose -duty it is to make observations and keep the calendar in order. -Among the Hawaiians ‘astronomers (<i>kilo-hoku</i>) and priests’ -are mentioned<a id="FNanchor_1176" href="#Footnote_1176" class="fnanchor">[1176]</a>; they handed down their knowledge from -father to son; but women, <i>kilowahine</i>, are also found among -them<a id="FNanchor_1177" href="#Footnote_1177" class="fnanchor">[1177]</a>. Elsewhere the nobles appear alongside of the priests; -thus in Tahiti it is the nobles that are responsible for the -calendar, in New Zealand the priests. In the latter country -there is said to have been a regular school, which was visited -by priests and chiefs of highest rank. Every year the assembly -determined the days on which the corn must be sown -and reaped, and thus its members compared their views upon -the heavenly bodies. Each course lasted from three to five -months<a id="FNanchor_1178" href="#Footnote_1178" class="fnanchor">[1178]</a>.</p> - -<p>For Loango it is reported that the king’s star-gazers -apparently took observations from a little wood; further that -they sometimes knew how to arrange matters to suit their -own convenience, for they gave out (probably when the sky<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_352"></a>[352]</span> -was clouded) that the moon was several days old, and thus -gained a couple of hours for the rising of Sirius and could -postpone the dreaded thirteenth month until the end of the -next year<a id="FNanchor_1179" href="#Footnote_1179" class="fnanchor">[1179]</a>. In these districts, where a strong day-superstition -prevails, external influence is doubtless probable, but the account -is significant in that it speaks for an artificial retardation -of the calendar. Such a manipulation is characteristic of the -professed calendar-maker.</p> - -<p>The king himself also takes charge of the calendar. The -Inca observed the solstices in person, and was assisted in so -doing by the cleverest of his people; the priests assembled to -determine the equinoxes<a id="FNanchor_1180" href="#Footnote_1180" class="fnanchor">[1180]</a>. The calendar of the Society Islands -was fixed by King Pomare and his family<a id="FNanchor_1181" href="#Footnote_1181" class="fnanchor">[1181]</a>. That the Inca appeared -in a priestly office for this purpose is certain; that -Pomare did the same is doubtful, since European influence has -no doubt been brought to bear upon this case.</p> - -<p>The examples just given are not numerous, and this corresponds -to the actual state of affairs, since we have here to -do with the treatment of a genuine calendarial science by -certain peoples,—only at a quite undeveloped stage can questions -of the time-reckoning be dealt with in a deliberative -assembly—and our researches are concerned with primitive -peoples. The end which the calendar-maker has in view is -the establishing of an ordered series of days marked out into divisions, -the series being kept in place by certain fixed points, -and recurring cyclically. First of all the regulation of the -lunisolar calendar is his principal task, and it is one which -everywhere takes the chief place. For this purpose the calendar-maker -must become accurately acquainted with the course of -the sun and with the stars. Here the four solstices and equinoxes -are distinguished by their recurrence at tolerably regular -intervals of time; the stars however cannot of themselves be -brought into a system with equal intervals of time, but are -only applied to such a system in order to fix it. Hence it -follows that the observation of the solstices and equinoxes has,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_353"></a>[353]</span> -at least in single cases, been erected into a calendric system, -but the observation of the stars not so—except in Babylon—although -they also are observed, so that they come to be accurately -known, and the planets are even discovered, e. g. by the -Polynesians. The calendar and practical life become to some -degree separated from each other; the first lays the principal -emphasis upon the correct ordering of the series of days, -which is of especial importance on religious grounds for the -selection of days and the fixing of the right day for the religious -observances; in practical life, however, the point of chief -importance is to determine the times when the various occupations -may be begun and sea-voyages undertaken, both of which -depend upon the solar year, and for this the stars afford the -best aid. Hence it happens that sometimes the reckoning by -the stars appears, as one more profanely determined, in a -certain opposition to the lunisolar reckoning, which has a more -religious character. This happened in ancient Greece, where -the stars served for the time-reckoning of sailors and peasants -while the lunisolar calendar was developed and extended -under sacral influence; the festival calendar, which was regulated -and recorded by the moon, became the official civil calendar. -It was only later that the stellar calendar was systematically -brought under the influence of the fully developed -astronomy and of the Julian calendar.</p> - -<p>In sailing, the stars afford to the primitive sea-faring -peoples the only means of finding their way when the land -can no longer be seen. From the necessities of sea-faring the -greatly advanced knowledge of the stars possessed by the South -Sea peoples has arisen; this is because practical ends are -served not by a priestly wisdom, but by a profane. Nevertheless -the knowledge of the stars is a secret which is carefully guarded -in certain families, and kept from the common people—as -is reported of the Marshall Islands<a id="FNanchor_1182" href="#Footnote_1182" class="fnanchor">[1182]</a>. Among the Moanu -of the Admiralty Islands it is the chiefs who are initiated by -tradition into the science of the stars<a id="FNanchor_1183" href="#Footnote_1183" class="fnanchor">[1183]</a>. On the Mortlock -Islands, where the science of the stars is very highly developed, -there was a special astronomical profession; the knowledge<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_354"></a>[354]</span> -of the stars was a source of respect and influence, it -was anxiously concealed, and only communicated to specially -chosen individuals<a id="FNanchor_1184" href="#Footnote_1184" class="fnanchor">[1184]</a>. Only a few can determine the hours of -night by the stars. The Tahitian Tupaya, who accompanied -Cook on his first voyage, was a man of this kind, specially -distinguished for his nautical knowledge of the stars<a id="FNanchor_1185" href="#Footnote_1185" class="fnanchor">[1185]</a>. The -elements of the science, however, seem to have been pretty -generally known, and from the Caroline Islands comes a curious -account of a general instruction therein. It was first -mentioned by the Spanish missionary Cantova in the year -1721, and was later confirmed by Arago. In every settlement -there were two houses, in one of which the boys were instructed -in the knowledge of the stars, and in the other the -girls; only vague ideas were imparted, however. The teacher -had a kind of globe of the heavens on which the principal -stars were marked, and he pointed out to his pupils the direction -which they must follow on their various journeys. One -native could also represent on a table by means of grains of -maize the constellations known to him<a id="FNanchor_1186" href="#Footnote_1186" class="fnanchor">[1186]</a>. This is a nautical, -non-priestly astronomy, which has really little to do with calendarial -matters in general, although as a matter of fact in -the Carolines and the Mortlock Islands it has led to the naming -of all months from constellations, and therefore to a -systematic sidereal regulation of the calendar<a id="FNanchor_1187" href="#Footnote_1187" class="fnanchor">[1187]</a>.</p> - -<p>On the other hand the priests also have observed the -stars and used their stellar science principally for sooth-saying, -as e. g. in Hawaii and in Babylonia. But neither does this -lead to any improvement of the calendar, since the religion -must keep to the existing lunisolar calendar, although in one -case of the most far-reaching importance the astrology arose -from it. The improving of the calendar, the object of which -must be, after the full development of the lunisolar, to return -to the solar calendar, in order that the calendar may be better -adapted to the needs of practical life, becomes henceforth the -task of the lay scientific astronomer.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_355"></a>[355]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XV">CHAPTER XV.<br /> -<br /> -<span class="fs70">CONCLUSION.</span></h2> -</div> - -<h3>1. SUMMARY OF RESULTS.</h3> - - -<p class="drop-capy1">T<em>he concrete nature of the time-indications.</em> Any genuine -system of time-reckoning must admit of numerical treatment, -i. e. it must consist of divisions of which the length is strictly -limited and which, when they belong to the same order, are -as far as possible of the same length. A numerical conception -is abstract and not primitive; even the power of counting is -little developed among primitive peoples in general, and among -the lowest peoples it is extremely limited. Counting is abstract, -the primitive man clings to the concrete phenomena of the -outer world. In matters of chronology, therefore, he finds his -way not by counting but by referring to the concrete phenomena -the recurrence of which in definite succession experience -has taught him to expect. The first time-indications are therefore -not numerical but concrete. Their character clearly appears -e. g. when ‘a sun’ is said for ‘day’, and ‘a sleep’ for ‘night’; -the hours of day are denoted by the concrete phenomena of -the twilight, dawn, sunrise, etc., and the equally concrete -position of the sun or the occupations of the day. The lunar -month is usually called ‘a moon’, and its days are denoted by -the phases and position of the moon. The year is originally -neither a period of time nor the circle of the seasons (which -is first gradually developed under the influence of agriculture -in particular), but the produce of the year: e. g. it embraces -the time between sowing and harvest, and is often not a -complete year in our sense. Only gradually does the year -develop into the period of time that elapses between a season<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_356"></a>[356]</span> -and the recurrence of the same season, or more rarely between -a phase of a star and the return of the same phase. -From the latter period the genuine solar year has arisen. The -seasons are composed of occupations and of climatic and other -natural phenomena, and still preserve this concrete relationship -and are therefore not definitely limited in duration. This relationship -is also extended to the moons, which for their determination -are not numbered but are brought into connexion -with a natural phase and named accordingly, so that the twelve -to thirteen months of the year can be fixed as regards position -and succession. Even the Julian months, as they were introduced -among less cultivated peoples such as the ancient -Germans, the Slavs, etc., could not keep their names, since -these had no intelligible meaning or reference to a concrete -phenomenon; in order to provide for this the months were -re-christened with indigenous names which are of the same -kind as those given by the primitive peoples to their lunar -months. Or else, but much more seldom, the Latin name -acquired the concrete significance of a season. The years also -are not numbered, but are named from an important event, -so that their succession follows from the historical succession -of events, a method of denoting the year which prevailed -throughout antiquity in the <i>limmu</i>, archon, and consular -years, etc.</p> - -<p><em>Discontinuous and ‘aoristic’ time-indications.</em> The starting-point -for the time-reckoning is therefore afforded by the concrete -phenomena of the heavens and of surrounding natural -objects, and the succession of these, fixed as it is by experience, -serves as a guide in the chronological sequence. These -phenomena extend over periods which are very dissimilar -to one another and are individually of varying length; they -cross and overlap in some cases, in others they leave gaps. -The time-indications are not directly connected with each -other, but this connexion is achieved by the phenomena in -question. Hence the indications are not circumscribed by one -another, but the phenomena as such are regarded. The latter -are not conceived of as divisions of time of a definite length; -they do not appear as parts of a larger whole, limited on both<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_357"></a>[357]</span> -sides by their connexion with other divisions of time. The -conception of continuity, the immediate fusion of the chronological -phenomena into one another, is lacking: the time-indications -are discontinuous. We may speak, although not quite -correctly, of a discontinuous time-reckoning. We think, for -example, of the abundant sub-division of the times of day in -the morning and evening, and the small number of sub-divisions -in the night and day-time, of the many very unequal seasons -which encroach upon one another and overlap. General measures -for shorter periods of time are therefore not given by the time-indications -proper, but are derived from actions or occupations, -e. g. the time needed to traverse a well-known piece of road. -When a systematising of these time-indications takes place, e. g. -in the matter of the seasons, where only those of practical -importance are rendered prominent and are circumscribed, -there arise divisions of very unequal length, which are hardly -suitable for a genuine time-reckoning.</p> - -<p>The times of day are often given by reference to the -position of the sun. In northern countries, where the length of -the daily course of the sun varies so greatly, points on the -horizon are sought out as an aid. Both these methods of indicating -the times of day may seem to afford a foundation for a -continuous reckoning, but this is not the case, since they always -refer only to the position of the sun at the immediate moment: -they are—to adopt a grammatical term—‘aoristic’. The discontinuity -is further shewn in the fact that it is only later and in an imperfect -fashion that the complete day and the year are joined -together in continuous circles. Day and night were combined -so late into the period of the complete day of 24 hours that -most languages are without a proper word to express this idea. -In the same way the reckoning was often long carried out in -half-years, winters and summers, or the years were of shorter -duration than the solar year (agricultural years, etc.).</p> - -<p>The means of accurately determining the times and occupations -of the year is afforded by the phases of the stars, -which always recur at the same time of the year or at a time -subjected to only slight variations due to the conditions of observation. -A time-indication from phases of stars is properly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_358"></a>[358]</span> -of the discontinuous and ‘aoristic’ order, since a definite phase -of a star belongs theoretically to a certain day and practically -is also kept within very narrow limits. It is only with -great difficulty and some violence that the phases of the stars -can be systematised,—and that at a far-advanced stage: signs -of the zodiac, moon-houses—since they are distributed very -unequally over the year, this being due more particularly to -the limitation in practice to certain specially prominent stars.</p> - -<p><em>The pars pro toto counting of the periods.</em> The regular -recurrence of the periods at once impresses itself upon the notice -of man: he may also feel the necessity of counting the periods. -As he always directs his attention to the single phenomenon -in itself, and not to its duration as given by the limitations -imposed by other phenomena, so he does not reckon the periods -of time as a continuous whole, but only counts an isolated -phenomenon recurring but once in the same period. When he -has seen ten harvests, he is ten years old: when nine new -moons have risen after conception, the nine months of -pregnancy are at an end: whoever has slept six nights on the -way has undertaken a six days’ journey. As counting-points -the times of rest—the nights and the winters—are especially -employed. Linguistically this method of counting still exists, -as when in most languages the complete day of 24 hours is -expressed by the word ‘day’, which also means day opposed -to night, or as in the Hebrew word for month, which really -means ‘new moon’. Popularly and in the language of poetry -this usage is still farther extended.</p> - -<p>It is significant of the deep-rooted tendency to the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars -pro toto</i> method of counting that when peoples who are at a -less developed stage adopt such a continuous unit of time as -our seven-day week, they do not regard it as a unity, but put -the part for the whole. Weeks have been introduced into the -Society Islands, and the word <i>hebedoma</i> has there been adopted -to denote a week; it is however less frequently used by the -people than the word ‘sabbath’. When a native wishes to say -that he has been absent for six weeks on a journey, he usually -says six sabbaths or a moon and two sabbaths<a id="FNanchor_1188" href="#Footnote_1188" class="fnanchor">[1188]</a>. Some of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_359"></a>[359]</span> -Islamite Malays of Sumatra count periods of time in Sundays, -others in Fridays, others again in market-days<a id="FNanchor_1189" href="#Footnote_1189" class="fnanchor">[1189]</a>; these are therefore -the Christian, the Islamite, and the native methods of -reckoning weeks that here appear, but still the counting is -performed by the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i> method. The Old Bulgarian -word <i>nedelja</i> really means ‘day without work’, Sunday, but has -come to mean ‘week’<a id="FNanchor_1190" href="#Footnote_1190" class="fnanchor">[1190]</a>.</p> - -<p><em>The continuous time-reckoning</em> arises neither from the -daily course of the sun—which indeed is a unit but has no -natural sub-divisions—nor yet from the year, the consistent -length of which is at first concealed by the variation of the -natural phases. Moreover the year, though sub-divided, is divided -into parts (the seasons) which are indefinite and fluctuating -in their number, duration, and limits. The only natural -phenomenon which from the very beginning meets the demands -of the continuous reckoning is the moon. It is a fact -of importance that the course of the moon from the first appearance -of the new moon to the disappearance of the old is so short -a period that it may be surveyed even by the undeveloped -intellect. The decisive factor however is that not only is the -lunar month in itself a limited and continuous period of fixed -length, but it has also a natural sub-division into parts of equal -length, viz. days, each of which is clearly distinguishable -from its predecessor and successor by the shape of the moon -and its position in the sky at sunrise and sunset. However -these phases and positions also are at first described -concretely, and not numbered. The months, like other periods -of time, are counted by the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro toto</i> method in new -moons, or commonly in ‘moons’, as the days are counted -in suns. This is in itself a shifting mode of reckoning, which -proceeds from an arbitrarily chosen incidental point. With -primitive man’s undeveloped faculty of counting it can only -embrace a few months; the months of pregnancy, which -are so frequently counted, form a period which is quite sufficiently -long.</p> - -<p><em>Empirical intercalation of months.</em> When a month not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_360"></a>[360]</span> -lying in the immediate past or future is to be indicated, the -concrete mode of reckoning comes to the fore in this case -also, and since a month covers a period of time which is relatively -long enough for the natural conditions seen in it to be -clearly distinguishable from those of the preceding and following -months, the month is named after these natural conditions, -i. e. it takes the name of a season. But this is not done -without confusion, for both seasons and months fluctuate in -reference to their position in the solar year, and the seasons -are not limited in length and duration, and still less do they -cover the months. Since any season and any natural phenomenon -may be used to determine a month, it follows that the -number of names of months is at first quite an arbitrary and -uncertain matter, and is far greater than that of the months -of the year. Linguistic custom leads to a natural selection in -which the names describing phenomena of special importance -are preferred. Thus a fixed series of months arises; and since -the year contains more than twelve and less than thirteen -lunar months, the series sometimes consists of twelve, sometimes -of thirteen months. The period thus arising is nothing -else than the lunisolar year, since the months through their -connexion with the seasons are bound up with the annual -course of the sun. The problem then arises how to make the -lunar months fit into the solar year. Practically the difficulty -first appears in a disguised form; primitive man has no conception, -or at most only an extremely vague idea, of the -length of the solar year. If the months are allowed to follow -one another in their traditional order the connexions with the -phases of nature are soon put out of gear, which never happened -so long as the relationship was occasional and fluctuating. -This defect must be corrected. When the series has -thirteen months, a month soon falls behind the natural phenomenon -from which it takes its name: one month must therefore -be omitted. This is the extracalation of a month. When -the series has twelve months, a month soon gets in front of -the natural phenomenon from which it takes its name. Then -the month is ‘forgotten’, i. e. it is regarded as non-existent, -and its name is given to the following month, from which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_361"></a>[361]</span> -point the series once more runs on correctly for some time. -This is the intercalation of a month. The necessity for the -omission or intercalation is recognised in the first place from -the natural phases: their fluctuation makes matters still worse. -Hence there often arise hot disputes as to which month it -really is, i. e. really, theoretically speaking, as to the inter- or -extracalation of a month. A fixed order arises in this intercalation -or omission when its arrangement is entrusted to the -priests, a body of officials, or even to a single person appointed -for the purpose, as among the ancient Semitic peoples -and in Loango.</p> - -<p>Since the seasons are regulated by the phases of the -stars, the months can also be named after these phases and -regulated by them, and a very accurate and practical means -of regulation is thus afforded. When a phase of a star does -not appear in the month to which it gives its name, the month -is ‘forgotten’, the next month brings round the phase in question, -and takes its name. A series of twelve months is here -assumed; in the series of thirteen the phase of the star appears -too early, consequently the month-name which is in the series is -crowded out by the following month-name, which is derived from -the name of the star in question. Cases of doubt seldom arise -here, since they can only occur in the exceptional instance when -the phase of the star falls on the border-line between two months.</p> - -<p>By means of a properly treated empirical intercalation -of this nature the series of months could be kept in fair agreement -with the phases of nature, and also, especially when the -phases of the stars were used as an aid, with the solar year. -Where, as in Babylonia, the sense of the observation of the -heavens was developed, there thus arose a fruitful problem -for the rudimentary and still quite empirical astronomy, viz. -that the astronomical points of regulation for the arrangement -of the lunar months within the solar year had to be determined -by more and more refined observation. So accurate -an empirical regulation must keep the intercalation in very -good order, as it did in Babylonia as early as the time of -Dungi in the latter part of the third millennium B. C. Meanwhile -there must have arisen of itself the knowledge that in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_362"></a>[362]</span> -a certain number of years a certain number of intercalations -always fell; the simplest relationship is three intercalary months -to eight years. The intercalation might then very well have -been cyclically regulated, but there was no reason for departing -from ancient custom, since the old method worked well and -there was no need to be able to calculate the calendar for a -long period in advance. This is in practice seldom necessary—how -often, for instance, is it necessary to-day to determine -years beforehand the position of Easter?—but for scientific -astronomy it is a necessity to be able thus to calculate in -advance. Hence it agrees very well with the flourishing of -the theoretical astronomy in the time of the Persians that an -intercalary cycle should be introduced about the year 528 B. C.</p> - -<p>Seasons and months may also be regulated by points of -the annual course of the sun; but these are difficult to observe, -and for their observation landmarks, and therefore a -fixed dwelling-place, are required. Even then it is only the -two solstices that are accessible to primitive observation, and -this is specially easy in northern latitudes only. Hence the -solstices and equinoxes play a comparatively unimportant part -in the history of time-reckoning.</p> - - -<h3 class="p2">2. THE GREEK TIME-RECKONING<a id="FNanchor_1191" href="#Footnote_1191" class="fnanchor">[1191]</a>.</h3> - -<p>I pass on finally to speak of the Greek time-reckoning. -The problem is here not only the independent appearance of -a time-reckoning which is in all respects genuinely continuous, -but also the cyclical regulating of the intercalation.</p> - -<p>In the Homeric poems the time-reckoning stands at a -primitive stage, and is indeed lower than among many barbaric -peoples. Very few natural times of day are recognised, -the days are counted by dawns, according to the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">pars pro -toto</i> method. Four larger seasons are known, but also smaller -ones, e. g. attention is paid to the birds of passage. Certain -phases of stars are known, and also the solstices<a id="FNanchor_1192" href="#Footnote_1192" class="fnanchor">[1192]</a>. The lunar<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_363"></a>[363]</span> -months are counted, e. g. the months of pregnancy<a id="FNanchor_1193" href="#Footnote_1193" class="fnanchor">[1193]</a>, but not -named; the day of new moon is celebrated. In Hesiod the -same time-reckoning appears further developed, a fact which -is due partly to the nature of the contents of his poem, partly -to its later date; in particular, phases of stars and smaller -seasons are frequently mentioned, and it is a great advance that -the days are numerically reckoned; they are counted in one -case from the solstice, and further the days of the month are -counted, sometimes in half-months, sometimes in decades.<a id="FNanchor_1194" href="#Footnote_1194" class="fnanchor">[1194]</a> -In the appendix of the <em>Days</em> an exceedingly strong day-superstition -shews itself.</p> - -<p>When history begins, the Greek time-reckoning as we -know it appears: it is a lunisolar year with named lunar months, -in which the intercalation is cyclically regulated, so that in a -period of eight years (Oktaeteris) a month is three times intercalated, -viz. in the 3rd, 5th, and 8th years. This appearance -of an ordered form of year and a cyclical intercalation -is completely unprepared for. We miss that association of -the months with the seasons and the naming after these which, -as the preceding investigations have shewn, alone gives rise -to an empirical intercalation. The investigation of primitive -time-reckoning has led to the perception that herein lies the -crucial point of the problem of the origin of the Greek time-reckoning. -In my opinion the Greek calendar cannot be explained -from premisses originating in the country itself, and -therefore cannot have arisen of itself in Greece.</p> - -<p>The regulation of the Greek calendar has throughout a -sacral character. The idea of the selection of lucky or unlucky -days prevails not only in superstition but also in the -official religious cult. Most of the old festivals fall, according -to universal custom, either during or shortly before the time -of full moon; the festivals of Apollo form an exception and -are all celebrated on the 7th, those of his twin sister Artemis -being held on the preceding day, the 6th. The names of -months appear in sharp contradistinction to the world-wide -method of nomenclature in that they all, in so far as they are<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_364"></a>[364]</span> -explainable, are derived from festivals. Several hundred names -are known from the various states of the mother country and -the colonies, and among these there is only a single exception to -the rule just stated, viz. <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Ἁλιοτρόπιος</span>, i. e. the solstice month, -which belongs to later times, besides a few unexplained names, -such as <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Γεῦστος, Δίνων</span>; numbered months were first created -among the leagues of states of the period after Alexander the -Great, in order to introduce a means of common understanding -such as was necessitated by the multiplicity of the local calendars. -These cases are all quite isolated and cannot disturb the rule.</p> - -<p>The inference that may be drawn in regard to the months -from their names and from the ordering of the religious cult -is further established by other matters in regard to the cyclical -intercalation. The eight-year intercalary cycle cannot be distinguished -from the <i>Ennaeteris</i> period (so called according to -the Greek inclusive method of reckoning, the eight-year period -according to our method of expression) of certain festivals. -Such festivals are only known at Delphi, where three of them -were held (Charila, Stepterion, Herois). The great Pythian games -themselves were originally held every eighth year, and then, -after the first holy war (probably in the year 582, from which -the Pythiads were counted), every fourth year. Since eight -years seemed too long an interval, the period was halved in -order to secure a more frequent celebration, and the Isthmian -and Nemean games were even held every second year, i. e. -the period was divided into four. The Olympiad reckoning will -go still farther back, if the traditional starting-point, the year -776 B. C., is to be accepted. However the authenticity of the -older portion of the list of Olympian victors has been sharply -disputed, though the criticism certainly seems to have weakened -a little quite recently. But a peculiarity attaches to this festival, -viz. that it is celebrated alternately in one of the two -consecutive months, Apollonios and Parthenios<a id="FNanchor_1195" href="#Footnote_1195" class="fnanchor">[1195]</a>. This can only<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_365"></a>[365]</span> -be explained as follows:—The Oktaeteris has 99 months. -Originally the Olympic festival was not fixed according to the -calendar, but the date was simply arranged by the numbering -of the months of the Oktaeteris, in which the first half of the -Oktaeteris was given 50 months and the second 49. In the -calendarial Oktaeteris, on the other hand, there is an intercalation -once in the first half and twice in the second, i. e. -the first four years have 49 months and the next four 50; -hence it follows that when the old custom was to be preserved -in regard to the date, the month of the festival necessarily -varied in the given manner. When the chronological arrangement -of the Olympic games was introduced, the Oktaeteris calendar -therefore was not known, but only the Oktaeteris period.</p> - -<p>The introduction of the calendar was effected in the form -of the establishment of <i>fasti</i> for festivals and religious cult, in -which the periodically recurring notable events of the cult, -viz. sacrifices and festivals, were noted down in calendrical -succession and in some cases also described. Fragments of -these <i>fasti</i> from later times have in several cases come down -to us, and similar <i>fasti</i> formed part of the legislation of Solon. -Solon in the year 594 arranged the sacral <i>fasti</i> of Athens, and -with them the calendar. That he was the first to introduce -the calendar cannot be stated; there is no evidence to shew -that the specific peculiarities of the Athenian calendar were -introduced by him. The evidence is however valuable as a -<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">terminus ante quem</i>. Plato in his <cite>Laws</cite> prescribes that the -legislation shall arrange the festivals according to the decrees -of Delphi. Here, as elsewhere in the <cite>Laws</cite>, he returns to the -general Greek custom. The <i>fasti</i> were therefore arranged -under the superintendence of Delphi, and Solon also had -certainly done the same, for he stood in other respects in -close connexion with Delphi. In addition to which Geminos -mentions “the commandment of the laws and the oracular decrees, -to sacrifice in three ways, i. e. monthly, daily, yearly”. At -a later period also, those who superintended the calendar were -men learned in sacral matters. Thus the seer Lampon, at the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_366"></a>[366]</span> -time of the Peloponnesian War, brought forward a proposal for -the intercalation of a month; he was an <i>exegetes</i> and perhaps -even <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πυθόχρηστος</span>.</p> - -<p>From all this it follows that it was the necessity for the -regulation of the religious cult that first created the calendar -in Greece. The succession of days in the year was in the first -place arranged in the form of sacral <i>fasti</i>, and this arrangement -was followed by the official civil calendar, while the -peasants and sailors kept to the reckoning by phases of the stars. -All indications—especially the above-mentioned festivals of -Delphi, the dictum of Plato, etc.—seem to shew that this regulation -originated at Delphi; not that it was actually enjoined by the -oracle, but the necessity for the regulation was aggravated -there, and its performance was therefore supported and superintended. -Only in Delphi could the requisites for the carrying -out of such a work be found united. It is the business of the -oracle to maintain peace with the gods, and this is above all -achieved through the proper cult, in which the dates are of -the greatest importance, no less important indeed than the -expiation of murder and the veneration of the heroes. In the -<i>pylagorai</i> and <i>hieromnemones</i>, who met twice a year for deliberation, -and in the <i>exegetai</i> there was a circle closely connected -with Delphi, each member of which could spread in his own -state the ideas he there imbibed<a id="FNanchor_1196" href="#Footnote_1196" class="fnanchor">[1196]</a>. Certain states maintained -special officials who fostered the connexion with Delphi, such -as the Pythioi of Sparta, the <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐξηγηταὶ πυθόχρηστοι</span> of Athens. -And, above all, it is only thus that the consistently sacral -character of the Greek calendar and names of months in general -can be satisfactorily explained.</p> - -<p>There remains something to be added, viz. that, as has -been remarked above, all the festivals of Apollo of which the -date is known—and they are not few in number—fall on -the 7th, on which day also the birth of the god was celebrated -at Delphi and elsewhere. It is clear that this is a -definitely intended regulation. Otherwise, too, Apollo is the -patron of the reckoning in months. Even in Homer the day<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_367"></a>[367]</span> -of new moon is a feast of Apollo, and later, as <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Νεομήνιος</span>, i. e. -new-moon god, he receives sacrifices on the first of each month. -The initial day of the third decade was also dedicated to him, -for which reason he was called <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">Εἰκάδιος</span>. He is without a rival -in his importance for the selection of days, which is dependent -upon the reckoning in months.</p> - -<p>Now, according to the data given above, the cyclical -intercalation was introduced before the beginning of the 6th -century, most probably in the 7th; at most, on the strength of -Hesiod and of Homer (who in the Odyssey knows only the -beginning of the development, viz. Apollo as the god of the -new-moon festival), we may go back to the 8th. But it has -already been pointed out that in Greece the preliminary conditions -for the arising of even the empirical intercalation, and -much more of the cyclical, are lacking. Whence then has the -latter come? This is the real enigma in connexion with the -problem of the origin of the Greek time-reckoning. In my -opinion the question can only be answered in one way: it has -come from without, from the east, and originally from Babylonia. -Here we are met with the difficulty that an intercalary -cycle was not introduced into Babylonia before the 6th century. -But, as we have already remarked, the knowledge that in -eight years the lunar months could be brought by the intercalation -of three months to fit into the solar year must have -been reached long before, through a regular administration of -the intercalation, although in Babylonia, where the intercalation -was managed by a central authority, there was no reason for -erecting this knowledge into a rule. In Greece matters were -quite different. The land was split up into a great number of -little states in one of which it might often happen that there -was no one who could properly manage an empirical intercalation. -And even if there were, the empirical intercalation -must soon have led to variations in all these different states, -and hopeless confusion must have arisen. Since Delphi was -not a central court which could look after the intercalation, -there must be established, if order was to be created,—and -the whole movement started with this idea—a cycle which -should be binding in the future.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_368"></a>[368]</span></p> - -<p>It seems to me a well-authorised view that the god -Apollo came to Greece from Asia, and even apart from this -there is reason to suppose that in the religion of Apollo there -is a Babylonian element, viz. the prevailing importance of the -seventh day of the month in the cult of the god. A similar -preference for the seventh day of the month is seen again in -the <i>shabattu</i>. And in point of fact it is originally only the seventh -day that is brought into prominence, the other <i>shabattu</i> being -a later development from this<a id="FNanchor_1197" href="#Footnote_1197" class="fnanchor">[1197]</a>; most of the Apollo festivals -were rites of expiation and purification, and the <i>shabattu</i> also -are distinguished as such. The calendar also shews a second -trace of connexion with Asia Minor. Besides Apollo there is -only one deity, Hecate, that is closely connected with the calendar -and the superstition of the days of the month, and it has -been proved that this goddess too originated in Asia Minor<a id="FNanchor_1198" href="#Footnote_1198" class="fnanchor">[1198]</a>.</p> - -<p>When the intercalary cycle was introduced from the East -about the 7th century it did not come alone, but formed part -of a mighty stream of civilisation which poured into Greece -from the East at an early period. This is shewn e. g. in art, -where all the styles formed under Oriental influence displace -and transform the native geometrical style in vase-painting -and the minor arts. Even in astronomy Oriental influence can -be demonstrated. Astronomical science begins with Thales, who -foretold the famous eclipse of the sun on May 28, 585 B. C. -According to one isolated notice he also concerned himself -with the lunisolar calendar. But the Ionian astronomy has -a Babylonian foundation; evidences of this are the division of -the day into 12 hours, and the signs of the zodiac, of which at -least three can be shewn to be of Babylonian origin, and one -is an Old Ionic transformation of a Babylonian original. But, -it is said, the way from Ionia to the mother country is long, -and the development of the mother country is in arrears. -But even with Delphi the Ionians had early connexions; we -may remember Croesus of Lydia. In the sixth century the eastern -Greeks established splendid treasure-houses at Delphi, and long<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_369"></a>[369]</span> -and intimate connexions must have preceded buildings of this -nature. All the necessary conditions for the development assumed -can therefore be demonstrated, as well as can be expected -from the scanty nature of our sources for this period.</p> - -<p>The introduction of the cyclical regulation of the calendar -has again introduced problems of far-reaching significance for -scientific astronomy, though now upon a higher plane. The -eight-year cycle was inaccurate, the problem was to find a -more exact one, and how fruitful this problem became is shewn -by such names as Meton and Kallippos. This difficulty prepared -the way for the emancipation of the time-reckoning from the -fetters of the religious cult.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_370"></a>[370]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="ADDENDUM">ADDENDUM TO <a href="#Footnote_336"><ins class="corr" id="tn-370" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'P. 78 NOTE 1'"> -P. 78 NOTE 2</ins></a> (P. 80).</h2> -</div> - - -<p class="p1">Prof. Beckman has kindly pointed out to me that according -to Are’s <cite lang="is" xml:lang="is">Islendingabók</cite>, ch. 7 (<i lang="is" xml:lang="is">þá vas þat mælt et næsta sumar -áþr i lǫgum, at menn scyllde svá coma til alþinges, es X vicor -være af sumre, en þangat til quómo vico fyrr</i>), the Althing in -the year 999 A. D. was decreed for the time when ten (instead -of nine) weeks of the summer had passed, i. e. it was postponed -until a week later in the calendar. The reason for this is undoubtedly -that the calendar (the week-year), and with it the Althing, -had contrived to antedate itself a little more than a week -in relation to the natural year, after Torsten Surt’s reform of -the calendar had been introduced about the year 965. Here -therefore we have an example of the empirical and occasional -correction of the Icelandic calendar which was postulated above.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_371"></a>[371]</span><br /></p> - -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="LIST_OF_AUTHORITIES">LIST OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED.</h2> -</div> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>C.N.A.E., <cite>Contributions to North American Ethnology</cite> (U. S. Geographical and -Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region). Washington, 1890—93.</p> - -<p><cite lang="da" xml:lang="da">Edda Sæmundar hins fróda</cite> III. Copenhagen, 1828. (Specimen calendarii -gentilis by Finn Magnusson, pp. 1044 ff.).</p> - -<p>E.S.P., <cite>Ethnological Survey Reports</cite> (of the Philippine Islands). Manilla, -1904–08.</p> - -<p><cite>Handbook of American Indians</cite> = Smiths. Bull. 30.</p> - -<p>Jesup Exp., <cite>The Jesup North Pacific Expedition</cite>, edited by F. Boas in Memoirs -of the American Museum of Natural History. New York and Leiden, -1896 ff.</p> - -<p>J.R.A.I., <cite>Journal of the R. Anthropological Institute of Great Britain</cite>.</p> - -<p><cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Loango Expedition</cite>, vol. III: 2, by E. Peschuel-Loesche. Stuttgart, 1907.</p> - -<p>R.T. Str., <cite>Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to the Torres -Straits</cite>, IV. Cambridge, 1912. (Chap. XI, “Science”, pp. 218 ff.).</p> - -<p>Smiths. Bull., <cite>Bulletin of the Smithsonian Institute</cite>, Bureau of Ethnology.</p> - -<p>Smiths. Rep., <cite>Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology to the Secretary -of the Smithsonian Institute</cite>.</p> - -<p>Stud. Tegn., <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Studier tillegnade Esaias Tegnér</cite> den 13 Januari 1918. Lund, 1918.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>Abbott, G. F., <cite>Macedonian Folk-lore</cite>. Cambridge, 1903.</p> - -<p>Adriani, N., en Kruijt, A. C., <cite lang="nl" xml:lang="nl">De Bare’e-sprekende Toradja’s</cite>. ’s-Gravenhage, -1912–14.</p> - -<p>Alberti, J. C. L., <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Kaffern auf der Südküste von Afrika</cite>. Gotha, 1815.</p> - -<p>Andree, R., <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Plejaden im Mythus und in ihrer Beziehung zum Jahresbeginn -und Landbau</cite>, Globus 64, 1893, 362 ff.</p> - -<p>Arcin, A., <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La Guinée française</cite>. Paris, 1907.</p> - -<p>Backer, L. de, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">L’Archipel indien</cite>. Paris, 1874.</p> - -<p>Barrett, W. E. H., <cite>Notes on the Customs and Beliefs of the Wa-Giriama -etc., British East Africa</cite>. JRAI, 41, 1911, 20 ff.</p> - -<p>—, <cite>Notes on the Wa-Sania</cite>. Ibid., pp. 29 ff.</p> - -<p>Bartram, W., <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Reisen durch Nord- und Süd-Karolina u. s. w., das Gebiet der -Tscherokesen, Krihks und Tschaktahs</cite>, German Translation. Berlin, 1793.</p> - -<p>Baumann, O., <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Durch Masailand zur Nilquelle</cite>. Berlin, 1894.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_372"></a>[372]</span></p> - -<p>Beckman, N., <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Distingen</cite>. Stud. Tegn., pp. 200 ff.</p> - -<p>Beckman, N., og Kålund, Kr., <cite lang="da" xml:lang="da">Alfræði islenzk</cite>. Copenhagen, 1914–6. The -introduction (with Roman pagination) by Beckman.</p> - -<p>[Beverley, R.], <cite>The History of Virginia</cite>. 2nd ed., London, 1722.</p> - -<p>Bezold, C., <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Astronomie, Himmelsschau und Astrallehre bei den Babyloniern</cite>. -Sitz.-ber. der Akad. d. Wiss. Heidelberg, phil.-hist. Kl. 1911, Nr. 2.</p> - -<p>Bilfinger, G., <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Untersuchungen über die Zeitrechnung der alten Germanen</cite>. -Program, Stuttgart: I Das altnordische Jahr, 1899, II Das germanische -Julfest, 1901.</p> - -<p>—, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die antiken Stundenangaben</cite>. Stuttgart, 1888.</p> - -<p>—, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Der bürgerliche Tag</cite>. Stuttgart, 1888.</p> - -<p>—, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Zeitmesser der antiken Völker</cite>. Program, Stuttgart, 1886.</p> - -<p>—, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die babylonische Doppelstunde</cite>. Program, Stuttgart, 1888.</p> - -<p>Bleek, W. H. I., <cite>A Brief Account of Bushman Folk-lore</cite>. London, 1875.</p> - -<p>Bleek, W. H. I., and Lloyd, L. C., <cite>Specimens of Bushman Folk-lore</cite>. London, -1911.</p> - -<p>Boas, F., <cite>The Central Eskimo</cite>. Smiths. Rep. 6, 1884–5, 399 ff.</p> - -<p>—, <cite>The Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island</cite>. Jesup Exp., vol. V, part II.</p> - -<p>Bogoras, W., <cite>The Chukchee</cite>. Jesup Exp., vol. VII.</p> - -<p>Boll, F., <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sphaera</cite>. Leipsic, 1903.</p> - -<p>Brandeis, Antonie, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Ethnographische Beobachtungen über die Nauru-Insulaner</cite>. -Globus 91, 1907, 73 ff.</p> - -<p>Brenner, J. v., <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Besuch bei den Kannibalen Sumatras</cite>. Würzburg, 1894.</p> - -<p>Brown, G., <cite>Melanesians and Polynesians</cite>. London, 1910.</p> - -<p>Burrows, G., <cite>The Land of the Pigmies</cite>. London, 1898.</p> - -<p>Bushnell, D. I., Jun., <cite>The Choctaw of Bayou Lacomb, St. Tammany Parish, -Louisiana</cite>. Smiths. Bull. 48, 1909.</p> - -<p>Bülow, H. von, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Kenntnisse und Fertigkeiten der Samoaner</cite>. Globus 72, 1897, -237 ff.</p> - -<p>—, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Beobachtungen aus Samoa zur Frage des Einflusses des Mondes auf -terrestrische Verhältnisse</cite>. Globus 93, 1908, 249 ff.</p> - -<p>Callaway, C., <cite>The Religious System of the Amazulu</cite>, 1870. Publications of -the Folk-lore Society 15, 1884.</p> - -<p>Carver, J., <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Voyage dans les parties intérieures de l’Amérique septentrionale</cite>. -Yverdon, 1784.</p> - -<p>Caussin de Perceval, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoire sur le calendrier arabe avant l’islamisme</cite>. -Journal asiatique IV<sup>me</sup> sér., 1, 1843, 342 ff.</p> - -<p>Celsius, M., <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Computus ecclesiasticus</cite>. Uppsala, 1683.</p> - -<p>Chamisso, A. v., <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Reise um die Welt in den Jahren 1815–18</cite>. Leipsic, 1842.</p> - -<p>Chervin, A., <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Anthropologie bolivienne</cite>. Paris, 1908.</p> - -<p>Christian, F. W., <cite>The Caroline Islands</cite>. London, 1899.</p> - -<p>Clark, W. P., <cite>The Indian Sign Language</cite>. Philadelphia, 1885.</p> - -<p>Claus, H., <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Wagogo</cite>. Baessler-Archiv, Beiheft 2, Leipzic, 1911.</p> - -<p>Codrington, R. H., <cite>The Melanesians. Studies in their Anthropology and -Folk-Lore</cite>. Oxford, 1891.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_373"></a>[373]</span></p> - -<p>Cole, H., <cite>Notes on the Wagogo of German East Africa</cite>. JRAI, 32, 1902, 305 f.</p> - -<p>Columbus, F., <cite lang="it" xml:lang="it">Historie del Signor Don Fernando Colombo</cite> etc., in Churchill’s -Collection of Voyages II, 1704, 557 ff.</p> - -<p>Conradt, L., <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Das Hinterland der deutschen Kolonie Togo</cite>. Petermanns Geogr. -Mitteilungen 42, 1896, 11 ff.</p> - -<p>Coquilhat, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Sur le Haut-Congo</cite>. Paris, 1888.</p> - -<p>Cranz, D., <cite lang="da" xml:lang="da">Historie von Grönland</cite>. Barby, 1765.</p> - -<p>Crawfurd, J., <cite>History of the Indian Archipelago</cite>. Edinburgh, 1820.</p> - -<p>Dalman, G., <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Aramäische Dialektprobe</cite>. Leipzic, 1896.</p> - -<p>Dalsager, L., <cite lang="da" xml:lang="da">Grønlandske Relationer</cite>. Det Grønlandske Selskabs Skrifter II, -Copenhagen, 1915.</p> - -<p>Dennett, R. E., <cite>Nigerian Studies</cite>. 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Hilprecht Anniversary Volume, -Leipsic, 1909.</p> - -<p>Wellhausen, J., <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels</cite>. 3rd ed., Berlin, 1886.</p> - -<p>—, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Reste arabischen Heidentums</cite>. 2nd ed., Berlin, 1897.</p> - -<p>—, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Vakidi’s Kitab al Maghazi</cite> (Muhammed in Medina). Berlin, 1882.</p> - -<p>Westermann, D., <cite>The Shilluk People</cite>. Berlin, 1912.</p> - -<p>Wheeler, G. C., <cite>Sketch of the Totemism and Religion of the People of the Islands -in the Bougainville Straits</cite>. Archiv f. Religionswiss. 15, 1912, 24 ff.</p> - -<p>Wiklund, K. B., <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Om lapparnes tideräkning</cite>. Meddelanden från Nordiska -Museet, 1895–6. Stockholm, 1897, 1 ff.</p> - -<p>Wilken, G. A., <cite lang="nl" xml:lang="nl">Handleiding voor de vergelijkende Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië</cite>. -Leiden, 1893.</p> - -<p>Wilson, C. T., <cite>Peasant Life in the Holy Land</cite>. London, 1906.</p> - -<p>Winkler, J., <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Der Kalender der Toba-Bataks auf Sumatra</cite>. Zeitschr. f. Ethnologie -45, 1913, 436 ff.</p> - -<p>Wirth, A., <cite>The Aborigines of Formosa</cite>. The American Anthropologist 10, -1897, 357 ff.</p> - -<p>Wollaston, A. F. R., <cite>Pygmies and Papuans</cite>. London, 1912.</p> - -<p>Worm, Olaus, <cite lang="da" xml:lang="da">Fasti Danici</cite>. Hafniæ, 1642.</p> - -<p>Yermoloff, A., <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Der landwirtschaftliche Volkskalender</cite> (der Russen). Leipsic, -1905.</p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_382"></a>[382]</span><br /></p> -<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="INDEX">INDEX.</h2> -</div> - -<div class="blockquotx"> - -<p> -<br /> -Acronychal risings and settings, <a href="#Page_5">5</a><br /> -<br /> -Age, classes of, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">ignorance of, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">relative, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Agricultural cycles of seasons, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">festivals, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">year, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Anglo-Saxon seasons, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">months and year, <a href="#Page_292">292</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Apollo, festivals of, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">and the Greek calendar, <a href="#Page_366">366</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Arabic lunisolar year, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">month-names, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">names for days of the month, <a href="#Page_165">165</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Astrology, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">origin of, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Astronomers, primitive, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_351">351</a><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Babylonian designation of years, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">intercalation, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">months, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Beginning of the year, see <a href="#NEW">New Year</a>.<br /> -<br /> -Bilfinger on the Icelandic week-year, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, n. 1;<br /> -<span class="pad1">on the Anglo-Saxon year, <a href="#Page_295">295</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Birds of passage, <a href="#Page_46">46</a><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Calendar, Greek star-c., <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">Indian picture-writing c., <a href="#Page_103">103</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Calendar-makers, <a href="#Page_347">347</a><br /> -<br /> -Canaanitish month-names, <a href="#Page_233">233</a><br /> -<br /> -Constellations, <a href="#Page_114">114</a><br /> -<br /> -Continuous time-reckoning, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a><br /> -<br /> -Counting, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">aids in, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">of days, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">of months, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a></span><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Dagsmǫrk, <a href="#Page_21">21</a><br /> -<br /> -Dawn = day, <a href="#Page_13">13</a><br /> -<br /> -Day, of 24 hours, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">limits of, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">solar, stellar, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">as unit of time-reckoning, <a href="#Page_3">3</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Day, times of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">expressions for, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">indications of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Days, counting of: in dawns, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">in days, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">in nights, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">in sleeps, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">in suns, <a href="#Page_12">12</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Decades, <a href="#Page_168">168</a><br /> -<br /> -Delphi, influence on the calendar, <a href="#Page_365">365</a><br /> -<br /> -Dieteris, <a href="#Page_1">1</a><br /> -<br /> -Disting, <a href="#Page_302">302</a><br /> -<br /> -Dry and rainy seasons, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">two, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></span><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Easter, computation of, <a href="#Page_301">301</a><br /> -<br /> -Ebb and flow, <a href="#Page_39">39</a><br /> -<br /> -Egyptian designation of years, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">year, <a href="#Page_277">277</a></span><br /> -<br /> -End of the year, <a href="#Page_268">268</a><br /> -<br /> -Ennaeteris, <a href="#Page_364">364</a><br /> -<br /> -Epiphany moon, <a href="#Page_301">301</a><br /> -<br /> -Eponyms, <a href="#Page_107">107</a><br /> -<br /> -Equinoxes, observation of, <a href="#Page_313">313</a><br /> -<br /> -Extracalation, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Fasti, Greek, <a href="#Page_365">365</a><br /> -<br /> -Feriae conceptivae, <a href="#Page_340">340</a><br /> -<br /> -Festivals, agricultural and new year, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">cycles of, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">months named after, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">regulated by the moon, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">by the solstices, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">by the stars, <a href="#Page_133">133</a></span><br /> -<br /> -First-fruits, <a href="#Page_269">269</a><br /> -<br /> -Full moon, celebration of, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">the time of festivals, <a href="#Page_342">342</a></span><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Germanic division of the year, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">month-names, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">seasons, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Gestures indicating days, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;<br /> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_383"></a>[383]</span><span class="pad1">time of the day, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Gezer, calendar of, <a href="#Page_235">235</a><br /> -<br /> -Gnomon, <a href="#Page_20">20</a><br /> -<br /> -Greek division of the month, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">expressions for times of the day, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">observation of the solstices, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">of the stars, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">seasonal points, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">seasons, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">calendar, <a href="#Page_362">362</a></span><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Half-years, reckoning in, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a><br /> -<br /> -Hammurabi, letter of, <a href="#Page_263">263</a><br /> -<br /> -Heliacal risings and settings, <a href="#Page_5">5</a><br /> -<br /> -Hesiod, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a><br /> -<br /> -Homer, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a><br /> -<br /> -Hour, origin of, <a href="#Page_43">43</a><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Icelandic (cp. Scandinavian) designation of times of the day, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">months, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">seasons, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">week-year, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Indo-European expressions for times of the day, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">notion of the year, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">seasons, <a href="#Page_71">71</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Intercalary cycle, Babylonian, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">Greek, <a href="#Page_363">363</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Intercalation (cp. month, intercalary,) cyclical, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">in Greece, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">empirical, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">origin of, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">pre-Mohammedan, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">regulated by the solstices, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">by the stars, <a href="#Page_247">247</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Israelitish festivals at full moon, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">intercalation, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">months, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">new year, <a href="#Page_272">272</a></span><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -King in charge of the calendar, <a href="#Page_352">352</a><br /> -<br /> -Knots, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a><br /> -<br /> -Kugler on Babylonian intercalation, <a href="#Page_260">260</a><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Landmarks indicating times of the day, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">for observation of solstices and equinoxes, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Latin expressions for times of the day, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">star-names, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Lunar month, see <a href="#MON">Month</a>.<br /> -<br /> -Lunar months of European peoples, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Markets, in Arabia, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">in Canaan, <a href="#Page_334">334</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Market-week, <a href="#Page_324">324</a><br /> -<br /> -Measures of time, <a href="#Page_42">42</a><br /> -<br /> -Monsoons, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a><br /> -<br /> -<a id="MON"></a> -Month, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">division of, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">halving of, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">tripartite division of, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">quarters of, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">intercalary, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">of the Wadschagga, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">lunar, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">number of days in, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">sidereal, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">synodic, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Month-names, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">from festivals, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">from seasons and occupations, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">from stars, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">absence of, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">multiplicity of, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">old Greek, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">pairs of, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">popular European, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">variability of, <a href="#Page_221">221</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Months, counting of, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">numbering of, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">series of, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">incomplete, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">Semitic, <a href="#Page_226">226</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Moon (cp. full moon, new moon) course of, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">invisibility of, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">phases of, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">smaller phases, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">position of, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">time counted by, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Mountains as landmarks, <a href="#Page_21">21</a><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Nasi, <a href="#Page_253">253</a><br /> -<br /> -New moon, celebration of, <a href="#Page_151">151</a><br /> -<br /> -New moons, counting in, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a><br /> -<br /> -<a id="NEW"></a> -New Year, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">Egyptian, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">festivals of, <a href="#Page_268">268</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Night, parts of, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">times of, indicated by the stars, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Nights, counting in, <a href="#Page_13">13</a><br /> -<br /> -‘Noon-line’, <a href="#Page_21">21</a><br /> -<br /> -Nundinae, <a href="#Page_333">333</a><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Oktaeteris, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a><br /> -<br /> -Olympiads, <a href="#Page_364">364</a><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Pars pro toto counting, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">of days, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">of weeks, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">of years, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Picture-writings, <a href="#Page_103">103</a><br /> -<br /> -Planets, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_384"></a>[384]</span><br /> -<br /> -Plant as sun-dial, <a href="#Page_19">19</a><br /> -<br /> -Pleiades the, as indicating seed-time, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">special significance of, <a href="#Page_129">129</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Pleiades-year, <a href="#Page_275">275</a><br /> -<br /> -Priests as calendar-makers, <a href="#Page_350">350</a><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Qalammas, <a href="#Page_253">253</a><br /> -<br /> -Quarters of the moon, <a href="#Page_170">170</a><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Rainy and dry seasons, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">two, <a href="#Page_62">62</a></span><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Sabbath, <a href="#Page_329">329</a><br /> -<br /> -Scandinavian (cp. Icelandic, Swedish) divisions of the day, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">observation of solstices, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">seasons, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">week-reckoning, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Schools of astronomy, <a href="#Page_354">354</a><br /> -<br /> -Seasonal points, <a href="#Page_46">46</a><br /> -<br /> -Seasons, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">cycles of, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">number: two, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad2">two or three, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad2">three, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad2">four or five, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad2">six, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">s. and months, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">regulation of, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">subdivision of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Sea-voyages, stars a guide to, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a><br /> -<br /> -Shabattu, <a href="#Page_329">329</a><br /> -<br /> -Shadow, time of day reckoned according to, <a href="#Page_19">19</a><br /> -<br /> -Shifting method of time-reckoning, <a href="#Page_8">8</a><br /> -<br /> -Solstices, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">festivals regulated by, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">months regulated by, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">observation of, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Stars, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">festivals regulated by, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">a guide to sea-voyages, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">months named after, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">new year determined by, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">omens of weather, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">risings and settings of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">other phases, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">time of the night, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">time of the year indicated by, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Summer and winter, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a><br /> -<br /> -Summer day, the, <a href="#Page_81">81</a><br /> -<br /> -Sun = day, <a href="#Page_13">13</a><br /> -<br /> -Sun (cp. solstices and equinoxes), seed-time indicated by, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">time of day indicated by the position of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Swedish (cp. Scandinavian) lunar months, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">month-names, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">quarter-years, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></span><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Tally, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a><br /> -<br /> -Tetraeteris, <a href="#Page_1">1</a><br /> -<br /> -Tille on the division of the Germanic year, <a href="#Page_77">77</a><br /> -<br /> -Time-indications, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">concrete, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">discontinuous and ‘aoristic’, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Time-reckoning, methods of, <a href="#Page_8">8</a><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Units of time-reckoning, <a href="#Page_3">3</a><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Weather, stars as omens of, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a><br /> -<br /> -Webster on the sabbath, <a href="#Page_335">335</a><br /> -<br /> -Week, seven-day, <a href="#Page_333">333</a><br /> -<br /> -Week-year, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a><br /> -<br /> -Weidner on Babylonian intercalary cycles, <a href="#Page_259">259</a><br /> -<br /> -Weinhold on the Germanic seasons, <a href="#Page_76">76</a><br /> -<br /> -Wind-seasons, greater, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">shorter, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Winter and summer, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">w. the time of festivals, <a href="#Page_339">339</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Winter day, the, <a href="#Page_81">81</a><br /> -<br /> -Winters, years counted in, <a href="#Page_9">9</a><br /> -<br /> -<br /> -Year, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">agricultural, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">Egyptian, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">incomplete, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">stellar, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">stellar, of primitive peoples, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">tropic, <a href="#Page_4">4</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Years, counting of, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;<br /> -<span class="pad1">designation of y. after events, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</span><br /> -<span class="pad1">after rulers etc., <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></span><br /> -<br /> -Yule-moon, <a href="#Page_301">301</a><br /> -</p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"></div> -<div class="footnotes"><h2 class="p4 nobreak">FOOTNOTES:</h2> - - -<div class="p2 footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> In Swedish (or German) I should use the word <i lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">punktnell</i> to denote -this mode of time-reckoning, since the calculation is based upon a <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">punctum</i>, -a single point, not upon the whole unit of time. Unfortunately the word -‘punctual’ has quite another sense in English.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> Snouck Hurgronje, I. 201.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> Jochelson, <cite>Yukaghir</cite> p. 42.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> Jenks, p. 219.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> Schoolcraft, II, 129.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> <em>Ibid.</em> I, 57 B.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> Haddon, p. 303.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> Ling Roth, p. 133.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> See further Usener, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Götternamen</cite>, p. 289. E. g. Pindar, <cite>Ol.</cite> XIII, 37, -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀελίῳ ἀμφ’ ἑνί</span> (‘in one day’), Euripides, <cite>Helena</cite> 652, <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἡλίους δὲ μυρίους μόγις διελθών</span> -(‘with difficulty passing through thousands of suns’), and in a sacred regulation -<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐᾶσαι οὕτως ἔστε κα τρεῖς ἅλιοι γένωνται</span> (‘to leave so until three suns have -passed’), Blinkenberg, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die lindische Tempelchronik</cite>, p. 38, Part D, 1. 72, (Bonn, -1915) etc. In Latin still more frequently, e. g. Silius, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Punica</cite>, III, 554, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Bis -senos soles, totidem per vulnera saevas emensi noctes, etc.</cite></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> Il. XXI v. 80 <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἠὼς δέ μοί ἐστιν ἥδε δυωδεκάτη ὅτ’ ἐς Ἴλιον εἰλήλουθα</span>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> Il. XXIV v. 413 <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δυωδεκάτη οἱ ἠως κειμένῳ</span>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> Otherwise, but in my opinion erroneously, -G. Bilfinger, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Der bürgerliche Tag</cite>, p. 35.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> Tacitus, <cite>Germ.</cite> 11, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">nec dierum -numerum sed noctium computant</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> Schrader, II. 235; Ginzel, I, 243; A. Fischer, p. 744.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> Fornander, I, 122.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> Taylor, p. 364.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> Ellis, <cite>Polyn. Res.</cite>³ I, 88.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> Mathias G., p. 210.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> Skeat and Blagden, I, 393.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> Claus, p. 38.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> Cole, p. 323.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> Cranz, I, 239.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> Heckewelder, p. 523.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> Dunbar, p. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> Swanton, p. 339.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> Mooney, p. 365.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> Riggs, p. 165.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 111.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> Powers, p. 77.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> Carver, p. 177.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> Radloff, p. 308.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> Spencer and Gillen, <cite>Centr. Austr.</cite>, pp. 25 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> Schrader, II, 235.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> Spencer and Gillen, <cite>Centr. Austr.</cite>, pp. 25 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> Radloff, p. 308.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> Partridge, p. 244.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> Velten, p. 353.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> Claus, p. 38.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> <cite>Loango Exp.</cite>, III: 2, 140.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> Hammar, p. 156.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> Merker, p. 153.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> Schulze, p. 373.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> Foa, p. 119.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> Alberti, p. 69.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> Fabry, p. 223.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> Oliveau, p. 343.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> Spencer and Gillen, <cite>Across Austr.</cite>, II, 270.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> Jenks, p. 219.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> Hose, p. 169.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> Wilken, p. 200.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> Crawfurd, I, 287 f.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> Marsden, <cite>Sumatra</cite>, p. 194.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> Haddon, p. 303.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> Forster, pp. 441 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 111.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> Krause, p. 339.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> Crawfurd, I, 287.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> Merker, p. 153.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> Velten, p. 333.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> Mansfeld, p. 244.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> Stannus, p. 288.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> Wegener, p. 146.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> Skeat and Blagden, I, 393.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὅταν ᾖ δεκάπουν τὸ στοιχεῖον, λιπαρῷ χωρεῖν ἐπὶ δεῖπνον</span>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> G. Bilfinger, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeitmesser</cite>, p. 19; art. <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Horologium</cite> in Daremberg and Saglio, -<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Dictionnaire des Antiquités</cite>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> Paul, III, 447. See further Finn Magnusson.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Arkiv för Nord. Filologi</cite>, 23, 1907, pp. 259 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> Drake, p. 276.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> Hose, p. 169.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> Spencer and Gillen, <cite>Northern Tribes</cite>, p. 25; Spencer, pp. -444 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> MacCaulay, p. 525.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> Fewkes, p 260.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 111.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> Beverley, p. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> <em>Ibid.</em> p. 182.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> <cite>Handbook</cite>, p. 189.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> Du Pratz, I, 223.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> Mooney, p. 365.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> Hill Tout, p. 155.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> Gilij, II, 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> Molina, pp. 139 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> Hammar, p. 156.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> Gutmann, p. 241.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> Weeks, <cite>JRAI, 39</cite>, p. 417.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> Koelle, p. 284.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> Westermann, p. 105.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> Ellis, <cite>Yoruba</cite>, p. 150.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> Merker, p. 153.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> Hollis, <cite>Masai</cite>, p. 332.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> Roscoe, <cite>JRAI, 32</cite>, p. 71.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> Roscoe, <cite>Baganda</cite>, p. 38.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> Junod, <cite>Thonga</cite>, II, 282.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> Schulze, p. 373.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> Man, pp. 336 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> Nieuwenhuis, I, 317.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> Maass, pp. 511 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> Crawfurd, I, 287.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> Snouck Hurgronje, I, 199 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> Snouck Hurgronje, I, 200 n. 2; translator’s note.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> Thurnwald, p. 334.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 346.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> Brown, p. 332.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> Fornander, I, 121.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> Malo, pp. 33 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> Forster, pp. 441 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> Wegener, pp. 146 ff.; Ellis, <cite>Pol. -Res.</cite>³, I, 89. The former quotes the latter from the first edition, but Ellis l. c. -leaves out the translation of the concrete terms for the times later than noon, -and fills up the period from 7 a. m. to 6 p. m. with modern terms, e. g. -‘about 7’, ‘8 a. m.’ etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> Mathias G., pp. 210 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> Brown, p. 348.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> Velten, p. 333.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> Nieuwenhuis, I, 318.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> Gutmann, p. 241.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> Hollis, <cite>Nandi</cite>, p. 96.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> Crawfurd, I, 287.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> Cp. <a href="#Page_27">above, p. 27</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> <a href="#Page_24">Above, pp. 24</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> Roscoe, <cite>Bantu</cite>, p. 140.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> ‘As the sun turned over to the unyoking of the oxen’.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> Feist, p. 262.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> Hollis, <cite>Nandi</cite>, pp. 96 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> Sibree, pp. 69 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἔσσεται ἢ ἠὼς ἢ δείλη ἢ μέσον ἦμαρ</span>—Il. XXI, 111.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εὗδον παννύχιος καὶ ἐπ’ ἠῶ καὶ μέσον ἦμαρ</span>—Od. VII, 288.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὄφρα μὲν ἠὼς ἦν καὶ ἀέξετο ἱερὸν ἦμαρ</span>—Od. IX, 56.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἦμος ... φάνη ... Ἠὼς</span>—Od. IV, 431.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἦμος δ’ ἠέλιος μέσον οὐρανὸν ἀμφιβεβῃκη</span>—Od. IV, 400.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πᾶσαν δ’ ἠοίην μένομεν ... ἔνδιος δ’ ὁ γέρων ἦλθ’ ἐξ ἁλός</span>—Od. IV, 447–50.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">δείελον ἦμαρ</span>—Od. XVII, 606.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a> Od. I, 422.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἦμος δ’ οὔτ’ ἄρ πω ἠὼς ἔτι δ’ ἀμφιλύκη νύξ</span>—Il. VII, 433.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἅμ’ ἠοῖ</span>—Il. VII, 331, -Od. XVI, 2; <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἅμα δ’ ἠοῖ φαινομένηφιν</span>—Il. XI, 685; Od. IV, 407.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a> Il. VIII, 538; Od. I, 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἠέλιος δ’ ἀνόρουσε λιπὼν περικαλλέα λίμνην οὐρανὸν εἰς πολύχαλκον, -ἵν’ ἀθανάτοισι φαείνοι</span>—Od. III, 1 f.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οὔθ’ ὁπότ’ ἂν στείχῃσι πρὸς οὐρανὸν -ἀστεροέντα, οὔθ’ ὅτ’ ἂν ἂψ ἔπὶ γαῖαν ἀπ’ οὐρανόθεν προτράπηται</span>—Od. XI, 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εὖτε γὰρ ἠέλιος φαέθων ὑπερέσχεθε γαίης</span>—Il. XI, 735.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἠέλιος μὲν -ἔπειτα νέον προσέβαλλεν ἀρούρας, ἐξ ἀκαλαρρείταο βαθυρρόου Ὠκεανοῖο -οὐρανὸν εἲς ἀνιών</span>—Il. VII, 421 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">μέμβλωκε μάλιστα ἦμαρ</span>—Od. XVII, 190.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">εἶσ’ ὑπὸ γαῖαν</span>—Od. X, 191.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐν δ’ ἔπεσ’ Ὠκεανῷ λαμπρὸν φάος ἠελίοιο ἕλκον νύκτα μέλαιναν</span>—Il. VIII, 485.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a> Od. XXII, 318.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἦμος δ’ ἠέλιος μετενίσσετο βουλυτόνδε</span>—Il. XVI, 779; Od. IX, 58.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">[141]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὥς οἱ ἐναργὲς ὄνειρον ἐπέσσυτο νυκτὸς ἀμολγῷ</span>—Od. IV, 841.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">[142]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἦμος -δὲ δρυτόμος ἀνὴρ ὡπλίσσατο δεῖπνον ... ἐπεί τ’ ἐκορέσσατο χεῖρας τάμνων -δένδρεα μακρά</span>—Il. XI, 86.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">[143]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἦμος δ’ ἐπὶ δόρπον ἀνὴρ ἀγορῆθεν ἀνέστη -κρίνων νείκεα πολλά</span>—Od. XII, 439.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">[144]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀγορῆς πληθυούσης</span>—Herod. IV, -181; even in a Delphian sacred decree, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Syll. inscr. graec.</cite>³ 257; <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">περὶ ἀγορὰν -πλήθουσαν</span>—Xen., <cite>Anab.</cite> II, 1, 7; <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀγωρῆς πληθώρη</span>—Herod. II, 173.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">[145]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">πρὶν ἀγορὰν πεπληθέναι</span>—Pherekr., <cite>Autom.</cite> 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">[146]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀγορῆς διάλυσις</span>—Herod. III, 104.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">[147]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀλλ’ ἴομεν· μάλα γὰρ νὺξ ἄνεται, ἐγγύθι δ’ ἠώς. ἄστρα δὲ δὴ προβεβήκε, παροίχωκεν -δὲ πλέων νὺξ τῶν δύο μοιράων, τριτάτη δ’ ἔτι μοῖρα λέλειπται</span>—Il. X, 251.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">[148]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἦμος δὲ τρίχα νυκτὸς ἔην, μέτα δ’ ἄστρα βεβήκει</span>—Od. XII, 312, -and XIV, 483.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">[149]</a> Od. XIII, 93.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">[150]</a> <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">cum a curia inter rostra et graecostasin prospexisset -solem; a columna Maenia ad carcerem inclinato sidere supremam pronuntiavit, -sed hoc serenis tantum diebus</i>—Pliny, <cite>Nat. Hist.</cite>, VII, 214.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">[151]</a> G. Bilfinger, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Stundenangaben</cite>, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeitmesser</cite>. <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Hora sexta</i> is, for example, 6 o’clock, -not the sixth hour. It seems to me as though <em>hora</em> refers to the hour-line.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">[152]</a> Bilfinger, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Stundenang.</cite>, p. 131; Ginzel, III, 89.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">[153]</a> <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">ea hora qua incipit homo hominem posse cognoscere</i>, XXV, 6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">[154]</a> <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">cum aperit esse pullorum cantus</i>, XXXVI, 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">[155]</a> <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">de pullo primo</i>, XXXV, 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">[156]</a> Crantz, I, 294.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">[157]</a> p. 55.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="label">[158]</a> Wegener, p. 147.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="label">[159]</a> Ellis, <cite>Pol. Res.</cite>³, I, 89.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="label">[160]</a> Malo, p. 49.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="label">[161]</a> Wegener, p. 146; cp. <a href="#Page_29">above, p. 29</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="label">[162]</a> Fornander, I, 121.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="label">[163]</a> Mooney, <cite>Rep.</cite>, p. 365.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="label">[164]</a> Merker, p. 153.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="label">[165]</a> Westermann, p. 105.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="label">[166]</a> Hammar, p. 156.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="label">[167]</a> Schulze, p. 373.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="label">[168]</a> Malo, p. 33.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="label">[169]</a> Cp. <a href="#Page_28">above, p. 28</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="label">[170]</a> Schulze, p. 373.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="label">[171]</a> Merker, p. 153.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="label">[172]</a> See <a href="#Page_40">below, p. 40</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="label">[173]</a> Forster, p. 441.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="label">[174]</a> Mathias G., p. 210.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="label">[175]</a> Gutmann, p. 241.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="label">[176]</a> Crawfurd, p. 271.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="label">[177]</a> Velten, p. 333.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="label">[178]</a> Wilken, p. 200.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="label">[179]</a> Ellis, <cite>Yoruba</cite>, p. 150.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180" class="label">[180]</a> Oliveau, p. 343.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181" class="label">[181]</a> Forster, p. 441.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182" class="label">[182]</a> Wegener, p. 148.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183" class="label">[183]</a> Dibble, p. 107.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184" class="label">[184]</a> Malo, p. 33.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185" class="label">[185]</a> Nordenskjöld, <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Indianlif</cite>, p. 273.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186" class="label">[186]</a> Holm, <em>10</em>, 142, or <em>39</em>, 85 and 106.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187" class="label">[187]</a> Egede, p. 131.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188" class="label">[188]</a> Drake, pp. 277 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189" class="label">[189]</a> Paul, III, 447; cp. <a href="#Page_21">above, p. 21</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190" class="label">[190]</a> See <a href="#Page_36">above, p. 36</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191" class="label">[191]</a> Sibree, pp. 69 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192" class="label">[192]</a> Mansfeld, p. 244.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193" class="label">[193]</a> Snouck Hurgronje, I, 201.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194" class="label">[194]</a> Brown, p. 332.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195" class="label">[195]</a> Cp. Bilfinger, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Der bürgerliche Tag</cite>, pp. 198 ff., and my <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Entstehung</cite>, p. 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196" class="label">[196]</a> Bilfinger, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Doppelstunde</cite>; for the other side see Boll, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sphaera</cite>, pp. 311 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197" class="label">[197]</a> Ginzel, III, 93 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198" class="label">[198]</a> Matthews, p. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199" class="label">[199]</a> Hesiod, <cite>Op.</cite>, v. 448.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200" class="label">[200]</a> Athenaeus, VIII, p. 360 C; for modern swallow-processions and songs -see Abbot, p. 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201" class="label">[201]</a> Baumeister, <cite>Denkm. des klass. Alt.</cite>, III, p. 1985, fig. -2128.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202" class="label">[202]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">αἵτ’ (γέρανοι) ἐπεὶ οὖν χειμῶνα φύγον</span>—Il. III, 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203" class="label">[203]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὄρνιθος φωνήν, Πολυπαίδη, ὀξὺ βοώσης ἤκουσ’, ἥτε βροτοῖς ἄγγελος ἦλθ’ ἀρότου ὡραίου</span>—Theognis, -vv. 1197 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204" class="label">[204]</a> Aristoph., <cite>The Birds</cite>, translated by J. H. Frere, vv. 709 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205" class="label">[205]</a> Cranz, I, 293.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206" class="label">[206]</a> Wilson, p. 297.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207" class="label">[207]</a> Stow, p. 112.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208" class="label">[208]</a> Roscoe, <cite>Bantu</cite>, p. 140.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209" class="label">[209]</a> Gilij, II, 20 ff.; ch. VII.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_210" href="#FNanchor_210" class="label">[210]</a> Howitt, p. 432.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_211" href="#FNanchor_211" class="label">[211]</a> Brown, p. 332.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_212" href="#FNanchor_212" class="label">[212]</a> Thurnwald, p. 342.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_213" href="#FNanchor_213" class="label">[213]</a> Mooney, <cite>Rep.</cite>, p. 367.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_214" href="#FNanchor_214" class="label">[214]</a> Ellis, <cite>Pol. Res.</cite>³, I, 352.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_215" href="#FNanchor_215" class="label">[215]</a> Heckewelder, p. 525.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_216" href="#FNanchor_216" class="label">[216]</a> Junod, <cite>Thonga</cite>, p. 20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_217" href="#FNanchor_217" class="label">[217]</a> Junod, <cite>Ronga</cite>, pp. 196 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_218" href="#FNanchor_218" class="label">[218]</a> Grabowsky, p. 102.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_219" href="#FNanchor_219" class="label">[219]</a> Sibree, p. 57.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_220" href="#FNanchor_220" class="label">[220]</a> Dieffenbach, II, 122 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_221" href="#FNanchor_221" class="label">[221]</a> Sechefo, p. 931.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_222" href="#FNanchor_222" class="label">[222]</a> Matthews, p. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_223" href="#FNanchor_223" class="label">[223]</a> Schiefner, p. 196.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_224" href="#FNanchor_224" class="label">[224]</a> Homfray, p. 62.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_225" href="#FNanchor_225" class="label">[225]</a> Turner, p. 202.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_226" href="#FNanchor_226" class="label">[226]</a> Dalsager, pp. 54 ff.; cp. Cranz I, 293 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_227" href="#FNanchor_227" class="label">[227]</a> See <a href="#Page_66">below, pp. 66 ff</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_228" href="#FNanchor_228" class="label">[228]</a> <cite>R. T. Str.</cite>, pp. 226 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_229" href="#FNanchor_229" class="label">[229]</a> Cp. <a href="#Page_57">below, p. 57</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_230" href="#FNanchor_230" class="label">[230]</a> <a href="#CHAPTER_VI">Below ch. VI</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_231" href="#FNanchor_231" class="label">[231]</a> <cite>Handbook</cite>, p. 189.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_232" href="#FNanchor_232" class="label">[232]</a> Schoolcraft, II, 129.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_233" href="#FNanchor_233" class="label">[233]</a> Fewkes, <cite>21</cite> p. 19.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_234" href="#FNanchor_234" class="label">[234]</a> Stevenson, p. 108.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_235" href="#FNanchor_235" class="label">[235]</a> Bushnell, p. 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_236" href="#FNanchor_236" class="label">[236]</a> Spencer and Gillen, <cite>Centr. Austr.</cite>, p. 25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_237" href="#FNanchor_237" class="label">[237]</a> Gilij, II, 14; von den Steinen, <em>Globus</em>, p. 244.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_238" href="#FNanchor_238" class="label">[238]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 245.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_239" href="#FNanchor_239" class="label">[239]</a> Krause, p. 339.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_240" href="#FNanchor_240" class="label">[240]</a> Claus, p. 38.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_241" href="#FNanchor_241" class="label">[241]</a> Hollis, <cite>Nandi</cite>, p. 94.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_242" href="#FNanchor_242" class="label">[242]</a> <cite>Loango Exp.</cite> III: 2, 139.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_243" href="#FNanchor_243" class="label">[243]</a> Torday and Joyce, <em>35</em>, p. 413; <em>36</em>, pp. 47 and 295.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_244" href="#FNanchor_244" class="label">[244]</a> Mansfeld, p. 244.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_245" href="#FNanchor_245" class="label">[245]</a> Ellis, <cite>Tshi</cite>, p. 215.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_246" href="#FNanchor_246" class="label">[246]</a> Hobley, <cite>Akamba</cite>., p. 53.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_247" href="#FNanchor_247" class="label">[247]</a> Cp. <a href="#Page_88">below, p. 88 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_248" href="#FNanchor_248" class="label">[248]</a> Wilken, p. 197; cp. below p. 70.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_249" href="#FNanchor_249" class="label">[249]</a> Maass, p. 514.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_250" href="#FNanchor_250" class="label">[250]</a> Fornander, I, 118 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_251" href="#FNanchor_251" class="label">[251]</a> Sheldon Dibble, p. 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_252" href="#FNanchor_252" class="label">[252]</a> Malo, pp. 53 and 57, note 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_253" href="#FNanchor_253" class="label">[253]</a> Forster, p. 436.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_254" href="#FNanchor_254" class="label">[254]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 371.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_255" href="#FNanchor_255" class="label">[255]</a> von Bülow, <em>72</em>, p. 239.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_256" href="#FNanchor_256" class="label">[256]</a> Brown, p. 347.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_257" href="#FNanchor_257" class="label">[257]</a> Stair, p. 37.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_258" href="#FNanchor_258" class="label">[258]</a> Jenks, p. 219.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_259" href="#FNanchor_259" class="label">[259]</a> Oliveau, p. 343.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_260" href="#FNanchor_260" class="label">[260]</a> Erdland, p. 21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_261" href="#FNanchor_261" class="label">[261]</a> Landtman, communicated by letter.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_262" href="#FNanchor_262" class="label">[262]</a> Meier, pp. 708 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_263" href="#FNanchor_263" class="label">[263]</a> Hale, p. 105.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_264" href="#FNanchor_264" class="label">[264]</a> Hastings, p. 132.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_265" href="#FNanchor_265" class="label">[265]</a> Skeat and Blagden, I, 393.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_266" href="#FNanchor_266" class="label">[266]</a> Nelson, p. 234.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_267" href="#FNanchor_267" class="label">[267]</a> Bushnell, p. 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_268" href="#FNanchor_268" class="label">[268]</a> Hill Tout, <em>34</em>, 33.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_269" href="#FNanchor_269" class="label">[269]</a> Teit, <cite>Thompson</cite>, pp. 238 f.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_270" href="#FNanchor_270" class="label">[270]</a> Teit, <cite>Shuswap</cite>, p. 517.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_271" href="#FNanchor_271" class="label">[271]</a> <cite>Handbook</cite>, p. 189.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_272" href="#FNanchor_272" class="label">[272]</a> Powers, p. 294.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_273" href="#FNanchor_273" class="label">[273]</a> Mooney, <cite>Rep.</cite>, p. 370.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_274" href="#FNanchor_274" class="label">[274]</a> Riggs, p. 165.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_275" href="#FNanchor_275" class="label">[275]</a> Dunbar, p. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_276" href="#FNanchor_276" class="label">[276]</a> Schoolcraft, II, 129.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_277" href="#FNanchor_277" class="label">[277]</a> Molina, pp. 319 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_278" href="#FNanchor_278" class="label">[278]</a> Beverley, p. 181.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_279" href="#FNanchor_279" class="label">[279]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_280" href="#FNanchor_280" class="label">[280]</a> Mooney, <cite>Rep.</cite>, p. 366.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_281" href="#FNanchor_281" class="label">[281]</a> Cp. <a href="#Page_73">below, p. 73</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_282" href="#FNanchor_282" class="label">[282]</a> <a href="#Page_72">Below pp. 72 ff</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_283" href="#FNanchor_283" class="label">[283]</a> Wiklund, p. 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_284" href="#FNanchor_284" class="label">[284]</a> Drake, p. 278.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_285" href="#FNanchor_285" class="label">[285]</a> Jochelson, <cite>Yukaghir</cite>, p. 42.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_286" href="#FNanchor_286" class="label">[286]</a> Claus, p. 38.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_287" href="#FNanchor_287" class="label">[287]</a> Johnstone, p. 266.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_288" href="#FNanchor_288" class="label">[288]</a> Barrett, p. 35.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_289" href="#FNanchor_289" class="label">[289]</a> Merker, p. 155.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_290" href="#FNanchor_290" class="label">[290]</a> Hollis, <cite>Masai</cite>, pp. 333 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_291" href="#FNanchor_291" class="label">[291]</a> Spieth, p. 312 and note.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_292" href="#FNanchor_292" class="label">[292]</a> Ellis, <cite>Yoruba</cite>, p. 151.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_293" href="#FNanchor_293" class="label">[293]</a> <cite>Loango Exp.</cite>, III: 2, 139.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_294" href="#FNanchor_294" class="label">[294]</a> Hammar, p. 156.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_295" href="#FNanchor_295" class="label">[295]</a> Gutmann, p. 240.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_296" href="#FNanchor_296" class="label">[296]</a> Roscoe, <cite>Bantu</cite>, p. 139.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_297" href="#FNanchor_297" class="label">[297]</a> Weeks, p. 308.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_298" href="#FNanchor_298" class="label">[298]</a> Sibree, pp. 53, 57.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_299" href="#FNanchor_299" class="label">[299]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 77.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_300" href="#FNanchor_300" class="label">[300]</a> Schulze, p. 369.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_301" href="#FNanchor_301" class="label">[301]</a> Irle, p. 224.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_302" href="#FNanchor_302" class="label">[302]</a> Nisbet, II, 288.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_303" href="#FNanchor_303" class="label">[303]</a> Malo, p. 60, n. 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_304" href="#FNanchor_304" class="label">[304]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 58, n. 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_305" href="#FNanchor_305" class="label">[305]</a> Ellis, <cite>Polyn. Res.</cite>³, I, 87.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_306" href="#FNanchor_306" class="label">[306]</a> Taylor, pp. 361 ff., 364 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_307" href="#FNanchor_307" class="label">[307]</a> Du Bois, p. 165.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_308" href="#FNanchor_308" class="label">[308]</a> MacDonald, p. 64.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_309" href="#FNanchor_309" class="label">[309]</a> Dennett, pp. 130 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_310" href="#FNanchor_310" class="label">[310]</a> Westermann, p. 103.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_311" href="#FNanchor_311" class="label">[311]</a> von den Steinen, <cite>Globus</cite>, p. 245.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_312" href="#FNanchor_312" class="label">[312]</a> Hastings, p. 69.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_313" href="#FNanchor_313" class="label">[313]</a> Wilken, p. 199.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_314" href="#FNanchor_314" class="label">[314]</a> Nieuwenhuis, I, 161.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_315" href="#FNanchor_315" class="label">[315]</a> Jenks, pp. 219 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_316" href="#FNanchor_316" class="label">[316]</a> The figures in brackets represent the number of days as given by -Wilken. See below.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_317" href="#FNanchor_317" class="label">[317]</a> Crawfurd, I, 297 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_318" href="#FNanchor_318" class="label">[318]</a> Wilken, p. 197.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_319" href="#FNanchor_319" class="label">[319]</a> D’Enjoy; Ginzel, I, 467. The latter begins the list with the commencement -of spring and gives dates. The number of days is in each case -taken from d’Enjoy.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_320" href="#FNanchor_320" class="label">[320]</a> <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Hiems et ver et aestas intellectum et vocabula habent, autumni perinde -nomen et bona ignorantur</i>—Tac., <cite>Germ.</cite>, ch. 26; Schrader, II³, 223 ff.; -Feist, p. 265.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_321" href="#FNanchor_321" class="label">[321]</a> Fragm. 76 Bergk.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_322" href="#FNanchor_322" class="label">[322]</a> <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De sign. temp.</cite>, 21, 44, 48.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_323" href="#FNanchor_323" class="label">[323]</a> Roscher, p. 84; the limits according to Galen, XVII A, 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_324" href="#FNanchor_324" class="label">[324]</a> Thibaut, pp. 10 ff.; Ginzel, I, 315.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_325" href="#FNanchor_325" class="label">[325]</a> Weinhold, <cite>Mon.</cite>, pp.2 ff.; cp. I. Aasen, <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Norsk Ordbog</cite>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_326" href="#FNanchor_326" class="label">[326]</a> Vigfusson, I, 431.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_327" href="#FNanchor_327" class="label">[327]</a> <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">In der brache, in der zwibrache, in der herbst-sat, -in der erne, im houwet, im hanfluchet, ze afterhalme und houwe, in -der bonenarne, im brâchet, im wimmot, in der sât, im dem snite, laubbrost, -laubrîse, haberschnitt, habererndte.</cite> Tille, p. 10; cp. below, ch. XI.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_328" href="#FNanchor_328" class="label">[328]</a> Cp. <a href="#Page_78">below pp. 78 ff</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_329" href="#FNanchor_329" class="label">[329]</a> <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De temp. rat.</cite>, ch. 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_330" href="#FNanchor_330" class="label">[330]</a> <cite lang="gem" xml:lang="gem">Im rîs und im lôve, im rûwen und im blôten, bî strô und bî grase.</cite></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_331" href="#FNanchor_331" class="label">[331]</a> Grimm, I, 74.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_332" href="#FNanchor_332" class="label">[332]</a> Pfannenschmid, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Germanische Erntefeste</cite>, Hanover, 1878, maintains that -the quadripartite division was developed alongside of the tripartite, and bases -his statement on a study of the principal festivals.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_333" href="#FNanchor_333" class="label">[333]</a> <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Om en nordisk årstredelning</cite>, p. 248. I cannot however agree with -the author in the direction indicated by the sub-title of his essay: “Is a trace -of an old Germanic tripartite division of the year to be observed in our popular -festivals?”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_334" href="#FNanchor_334" class="label">[334]</a> <a href="#Page_73">Above, p. 73</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_335" href="#FNanchor_335" class="label">[335]</a> For exceptions see Bilfinger, I, 8 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_336" href="#FNanchor_336" class="label">[336]</a> Bilfinger has brought forward -his opinion with great penetration and wide learning, but his reasoning -cannot stand before a searching criticism such as that amassed by -Ginzel, III, 58 ff., and Brate, <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Nordens äldre tideräkning</cite>, Program of the -Södermalm College, Stockholm, 1908, pp. 17 ff., and in particular developed -and more profoundly based by Beckman, <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Alfræði</cite>, Intro. pp. 1 ff.; cp. an article -by the same author in the Norwegian periodical <cite lang="no" xml:lang="no">Maal og Minne</cite>, 1915, p. 198. -I might content myself with a simple reference to Beckman, since I agree -with him on all important points, but as his article is written in Swedish -and is therefore probably inaccessible to many, I add the following note which -in the main was written long before it now appears, originally in connexion -with my studies in the primitive history of the Christmas festival, worked out -in the year 1914.</p> - -<p>In point of fact it seems as though the objection which Bilfinger in -his study of the Yule-tide festival, II, 120, note, makes against the criticism -of Finnur Jonsson has not been answered (before Beckman): the objection -is that no notice is taken of the fundamental idea of Bilfinger’s work on the -Old Icelandic year—the cardinal point around which his whole demonstration -revolves—viz. the relation of the Old Icelandic calendar to the calculation -of Easter. Granting that the still heathen Icelanders or Norwegians -knew the week (the Germanic peoples took over the week while yet in their -heathen period, see my <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Studien zur Vorgeschichte des Weihnachtsfestes</cite>, -Archiv f. Religionswiss., 19, 1918, p. 118) and made use of it in counting -time, and that they later learnt approximately to know the length of the year—which -is very easily conceivable in view of their lively intercourse with other -nations—we have the elements out of which their calendar was developed, viz. -the week and the year. To these must be added the old-established divisions -of the year, summer and winter, which, on account of their importance for -civil life, were introduced as fixed periods of time into the calendar. As a -result of the adjusting of the reckoning in weeks to the year of 365, in leapyear -366, days, there arose a week-year with periodic interpolations of an embolimic -week. This of necessity agrees with Bilfinger’s so-called ‘mean -Easter year’, since both are constructed out of the same elements, it being -assumed only that the week-days of the one calendar correspond to those of -the other, and this is the case, since the week came to Iceland from the -south. Bilfinger is not correct in calling (I, 71) the shifting Easter period -a fragment of a week-year: in so doing he shuts his eyes to what he -himself terms the quinary factor, i. e. that Easter Sunday falls varyingly on -one of the five Sundays between March 22 and April 25 (the other days of -the Paschal term being fixed accordingly). This fact, as has long ago been -observed, makes the Easter period a fragment of a lunisolar year. A further -development would lead to a lunisolar year that also took into account the -reckoning in weeks. Bilfinger’s view of the matter is that the Icelanders for -the sake of convenience eliminated the quinary factor from the Easter reckoning -by taking the mean Easter Thursday as a fixed point of departure -instead of letting the calendar follow the actual variation of this day: this -roundabout method is unnecessary since the same result is arrived at by -basing a system of time-reckoning on the year and the week. The aim of -the Icelandic calendar, according to Bilfinger, was to fix the beginning of -summer, a legally very important term. If this was the object in view it -was, as Brate remarks (p. 21), not attained, for this day, Thursday of the -week April 9–15, may fall in the Passion week so that it becomes useless -for all business purposes. This proves on the contrary that the fixing of the -beginning of summer is pre-Christian.</p> - -<p>The last objection to Are’s account of the introduction of the Icelandic -calendar, which Finnur Jonsson and Brate have allowed to stand, must also fall. -According to Are the cyclical interpolation of a week was introduced by Torsten -Surt about 960 A. D., while previously the year had 52 weeks, i. e. 1¼ days -too few. Bilfinger objects that such a year is unthinkable, since in the course -of 40 years it must anticipate itself by 50 days, and therefore in 292 years -must have run through the whole circle of the seasons: the mid-winter festival -must therefore for one generation have fallen in summer. Theoretically -the objection is valid, but in practice not so (cp. the Egyptian shifting year), -and the old calendars are administered practically. In the effort to arrive at -an embolimic cycle mistakes are at first made, and the agreement with the -solar year is once more brought about by means of intercalations irregularly -introduced for practical reasons. How the ancient Roman calendar was treated -we know: by the end of the Republic it had become thoroughly disorganised -as a result of intercalations made for political purposes. Moreover the Roman -year with its average length of 366¼ days was from the beginning not -a whit better than the year of 364 days ascribed by Are to the Icelanders -before Torsten Surt. We learn from inscriptions that in Athens still more -irregular intercalations were made during the last decades of the 5th century. -Such intercalations are the ruin of any system, but chronology must work with -a system, and this fact often blinds the eye of the chronological student to -the irregularity in the practical treatment of the calendar. Irregular intercalations -of this kind are not indeed attested for Iceland, but it is evident that -they must always appear of themselves in a defective calendar. The possibility -of a treatment of this kind existed, since the spokesman of the laws -had to proclaim publicly every year to the assembled people in the Althing -notices about the calendar for the following year, among which the announcement -of the intercalation held a special place. In these arguments I -find myself in agreement with Beckman: I also agree with his statement as -to the gradual increase in accuracy in the formation of the Icelandic week-calendar -under the influence of the ecclesiastical calendar.</p> - -<p>We conclude then that the cardinal points of the Icelandic calendar, -which recur throughout Scandinavia and fall about three weeks behind the -equinoxes or the solstices, are not of Christian origin: the agreement with -what Bilfinger terms the ‘mean Easter Thursday’ is accidental. The date -is due to climatic conditions. A contributory factor may have been the -circumstance that mid-winter and midsummer fall just at the places where a -shortening or lengthening of the day becomes observable.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_337" href="#FNanchor_337" class="label">[337]</a> Småland and neighbouring provinces. Communicated by Dr. von Sydow.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_338" href="#FNanchor_338" class="label">[338]</a> This practice has passed into the Lapp language: <i>kess idja</i> = week of -the summer nights, <i>talvidja</i> = the winter nights. Wiklund, pp. 16 and 20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_339" href="#FNanchor_339" class="label">[339]</a> <i lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Þá skylldi blóta i móti vetri til árs, enn at miðjum vetri blóta til -gróðrar; hit þriðja at sumri, þat var sigrblót</i>—<cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Heimskringla</cite>, Ynglingasaga, -ch. 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_340" href="#FNanchor_340" class="label">[340]</a> See e. g. <a href="#Page_70">above, p. 70</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_341" href="#FNanchor_341" class="label">[341]</a> Coquilhat, p. 367.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_342" href="#FNanchor_342" class="label">[342]</a> Maass, p. 314. The names are those of the Arabic -letters and also denote the years of an eight-year cycle, the years of -which are said to be characterised by similar weather. The people are Islamite -Malays. Astrology and the calendar have strongly influenced Sumatra -and in particular Java; primitive modes of thought however recur under the -surface.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_343" href="#FNanchor_343" class="label">[343]</a> Brown, p. 331.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_344" href="#FNanchor_344" class="label">[344]</a> Thurnwald, p. 346.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_345" href="#FNanchor_345" class="label">[345]</a> <em>Ibid.</em></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_346" href="#FNanchor_346" class="label">[346]</a> Routledge, p. 40.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_347" href="#FNanchor_347" class="label">[347]</a> Hale, p. 105.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_348" href="#FNanchor_348" class="label">[348]</a> Hastings, p. 132.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_349" href="#FNanchor_349" class="label">[349]</a> Swoboda, p. 22.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_350" href="#FNanchor_350" class="label">[350]</a> Brown, p. 331.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_351" href="#FNanchor_351" class="label">[351]</a> Skeat and Blagden, I, 393.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_352" href="#FNanchor_352" class="label">[352]</a> De Backer, p. 406.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_353" href="#FNanchor_353" class="label">[353]</a> Hagen, p. 154.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_354" href="#FNanchor_354" class="label">[354]</a> Brown, p. 347.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_355" href="#FNanchor_355" class="label">[355]</a> Parkinson, p. 378.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_356" href="#FNanchor_356" class="label">[356]</a> Cp. p. 57.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_357" href="#FNanchor_357" class="label">[357]</a> <a href="#Page_55">Above, p. 55</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_358" href="#FNanchor_358" class="label">[358]</a> <cite>Loango Exp.</cite>, III: 2, 139.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_359" href="#FNanchor_359" class="label">[359]</a> Roscoe, <cite>Baganda</cite>, pp. 37 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_360" href="#FNanchor_360" class="label">[360]</a> Id., <cite>Bantu</cite>, p. 72.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_361" href="#FNanchor_361" class="label">[361]</a> Schiefner, pp. 191 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_362" href="#FNanchor_362" class="label">[362]</a> See <a href="#Page_75">above, p. 75</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_363" href="#FNanchor_363" class="label">[363]</a> Schiefner, pp. 198, 201 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_364" href="#FNanchor_364" class="label">[364]</a> Wirth, p. 211.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_365" href="#FNanchor_365" class="label">[365]</a> Hale, pp. 106, 170.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_366" href="#FNanchor_366" class="label">[366]</a> Mathias G., p. 211.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_367" href="#FNanchor_367" class="label">[367]</a> Dennett, pp. 136 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_368" href="#FNanchor_368" class="label">[368]</a> Adriani and Kruijt, II, 264.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_369" href="#FNanchor_369" class="label">[369]</a> Maass, p. 512.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_370" href="#FNanchor_370" class="label">[370]</a> Evans, <cite>JRAI, 42</cite>, p. 395.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_371" href="#FNanchor_371" class="label">[371]</a> Mommsen, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Röm. Chronologie</cite>², pp. 47 ff.; -bibliography in Ginzel II, 221 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_372" href="#FNanchor_372" class="label">[372]</a> Schulze, p. 369.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_373" href="#FNanchor_373" class="label">[373]</a> Fabry, p. 224.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_374" href="#FNanchor_374" class="label">[374]</a> Jenks, p. 219.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_375" href="#FNanchor_375" class="label">[375]</a> Roscoe, <cite>Bantu</cite>, p. 140.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_376" href="#FNanchor_376" class="label">[376]</a> Grabowsky, p. 102.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_377" href="#FNanchor_377" class="label">[377]</a> Spieth, p. 311.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_378" href="#FNanchor_378" class="label">[378]</a> Junod, <cite>Thonga</cite>, II, 282.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_379" href="#FNanchor_379" class="label">[379]</a> Foa, p. 120. -In these districts there are two seed-times and two harvests in the year.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_380" href="#FNanchor_380" class="label">[380]</a> See <a href="#CHAPTER_X">below ch. X</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_381" href="#FNanchor_381" class="label">[381]</a> Schulze, p. 369.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_382" href="#FNanchor_382" class="label">[382]</a> Musil, p. 256.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_383" href="#FNanchor_383" class="label">[383]</a> Kisak Tamai, p. 97.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_384" href="#FNanchor_384" class="label">[384]</a> von den Steinen, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Globus</cite>, p. 246, n. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_385" href="#FNanchor_385" class="label">[385]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 245: the last detail -quoted from C. de Rochefort, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Hist. naturelle et morale des Iles Antilles</cite>, -Rotterdam, 1663, p. 56.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_386" href="#FNanchor_386" class="label">[386]</a> Beverley, p. 181.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_387" href="#FNanchor_387" class="label">[387]</a> Grimm, I, 85; Weinhold, -<cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Jahrt.</cite>, p. 12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_388" href="#FNanchor_388" class="label">[388]</a> von den Steinen, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Globus</cite>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_389" href="#FNanchor_389" class="label">[389]</a> Mathias G., p. 211.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_390" href="#FNanchor_390" class="label">[390]</a> Weeks, <cite>JRAI, 39</cite>, 129.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_391" href="#FNanchor_391" class="label">[391]</a> Schrader, II³, 227; Feist, p. 266.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_392" href="#FNanchor_392" class="label">[392]</a> Cranz, I, 293.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_393" href="#FNanchor_393" class="label">[393]</a> Nelson, p. 234.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_394" href="#FNanchor_394" class="label">[394]</a> Mooney, <cite>Rep.</cite>, p. 366.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_395" href="#FNanchor_395" class="label">[395]</a> Dunbar, p. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_396" href="#FNanchor_396" class="label">[396]</a> Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 111.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_397" href="#FNanchor_397" class="label">[397]</a> Carver, p. 175.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_398" href="#FNanchor_398" class="label">[398]</a> Powers, p. 77.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_399" href="#FNanchor_399" class="label">[399]</a> Mallery, <em>4</em>, p. 99.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_400" href="#FNanchor_400" class="label">[400]</a> Hill Tout, pp. 34, 33.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_401" href="#FNanchor_401" class="label">[401]</a> von den Steinen, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Globus</cite>, p. 245.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_402" href="#FNanchor_402" class="label">[402]</a> Weeks, <cite>Bakongo</cite>, p. 308.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_403" href="#FNanchor_403" class="label">[403]</a> <cite>Handbook</cite>, p. 189.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_404" href="#FNanchor_404" class="label">[404]</a> MacCauley, p. 524.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_405" href="#FNanchor_405" class="label">[405]</a> Sechefo, p. 932, note 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_406" href="#FNanchor_406" class="label">[406]</a> Stannus, p. 288.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_407" href="#FNanchor_407" class="label">[407]</a> Wilson, p. 297.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_408" href="#FNanchor_408" class="label">[408]</a> Musil, p. 227.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_409" href="#FNanchor_409" class="label">[409]</a> Read, p. 64.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_410" href="#FNanchor_410" class="label">[410]</a> Schrader, II³, 227; Feist, pp. 266 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_411" href="#FNanchor_411" class="label">[411]</a> De la Vega, I, 199.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_412" href="#FNanchor_412" class="label">[412]</a> Johnstone, p. 266.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_413" href="#FNanchor_413" class="label">[413]</a> Lane’s Dictionary, s. v.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_414" href="#FNanchor_414" class="label">[414]</a> Adriani and Kruijt, II, 263 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_415" href="#FNanchor_415" class="label">[415]</a> Fornander, I, 124; cp. 119.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_416" href="#FNanchor_416" class="label">[416]</a> Ellis, <cite>Pol. Res.</cite>³, I, 87.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_417" href="#FNanchor_417" class="label">[417]</a> Codrington, p. 349.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_418" href="#FNanchor_418" class="label">[418]</a> Prellwitz, in <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Festschr. für Friedländer</cite>, pp. 382 -ff.; Türk, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Hermes, 31</cite>, 1896, pp. 647 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_419" href="#FNanchor_419" class="label">[419]</a> See <a href="#Page_89">p. 89</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_420" href="#FNanchor_420" class="label">[420]</a> Stannus, p. 288.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_421" href="#FNanchor_421" class="label">[421]</a> Johnstone, p. 266.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_422" href="#FNanchor_422" class="label">[422]</a> Landtman, communicated by letter.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_423" href="#FNanchor_423" class="label">[423]</a> <cite>R. T. Str.</cite>, p. 225.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_424" href="#FNanchor_424" class="label">[424]</a> Fabry, p. 224.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_425" href="#FNanchor_425" class="label">[425]</a> Thomas, <cite>Edo</cite>, p. 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_426" href="#FNanchor_426" class="label">[426]</a> Foa, p. 120.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_427" href="#FNanchor_427" class="label">[427]</a> Schulze, p. 369.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_428" href="#FNanchor_428" class="label">[428]</a> Kisak Tamai, p. 97.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_429" href="#FNanchor_429" class="label">[429]</a> Reed, p. 64.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_430" href="#FNanchor_430" class="label">[430]</a> Mathias G., pp. 211 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_431" href="#FNanchor_431" class="label">[431]</a> Thomson, I, 198.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_432" href="#FNanchor_432" class="label">[432]</a> Hammar, p. 156.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_433" href="#FNanchor_433" class="label">[433]</a> <a href="#Page_108">Below, p. 108</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_434" href="#FNanchor_434" class="label">[434]</a> Ellis, <cite>Pol. Res.</cite>³, I, 86.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_435" href="#FNanchor_435" class="label">[435]</a> Hollis, <cite>Masai</cite>, pp. 261 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_436" href="#FNanchor_436" class="label">[436]</a> Holland, p. 234.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_437" href="#FNanchor_437" class="label">[437]</a> Johnstone, <cite>JRAI, 32</cite>, p. 266.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_438" href="#FNanchor_438" class="label">[438]</a> Adriani and Kruijt, II, 263 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_439" href="#FNanchor_439" class="label">[439]</a> Nicolovius, p. 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_440" href="#FNanchor_440" class="label">[440]</a> von Brenner, p. 195.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_441" href="#FNanchor_441" class="label">[441]</a> Hose and McDougall, II, 214.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_442" href="#FNanchor_442" class="label">[442]</a> Cranz, I, 293; Dalsager, p. 55; Egede, p. 132.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_443" href="#FNanchor_443" class="label">[443]</a> Alberti, p. 68.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_444" href="#FNanchor_444" class="label">[444]</a> Drake, p. 279.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_445" href="#FNanchor_445" class="label">[445]</a> Schulze, p. 369.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_446" href="#FNanchor_446" class="label">[446]</a> Roscoe, <cite>JRAI, 32</cite>, p. 72; cp. id., <cite>Baganda</cite>, p. 37.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_447" href="#FNanchor_447" class="label">[447]</a> Sprenger, pp. 137 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_448" href="#FNanchor_448" class="label">[448]</a> Ginzel, I, 251.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_449" href="#FNanchor_449" class="label">[449]</a> Claus, p. 39.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_450" href="#FNanchor_450" class="label">[450]</a> Merker, p. 156.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_451" href="#FNanchor_451" class="label">[451]</a> Irle, pp. 222 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_452" href="#FNanchor_452" class="label">[452]</a> Heckewelder, pp. 525 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_453" href="#FNanchor_453" class="label">[453]</a> Dunbar, p. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_454" href="#FNanchor_454" class="label">[454]</a> Mooney, <cite>Siouan Tribes</cite>, p. 32.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_455" href="#FNanchor_455" class="label">[455]</a> Mallery, <em>4</em>, p. 88.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_456" href="#FNanchor_456" class="label">[456]</a> Russel, p. 36.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_457" href="#FNanchor_457" class="label">[457]</a> King, p. 215.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_458" href="#FNanchor_458" class="label">[458]</a> Cp. King, pp. 95, 130, 143, 144.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_459" href="#FNanchor_459" class="label">[459]</a> Kugler, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sternd.</cite> II: 1, pp. 153 ff.; Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Gesch.</cite>, I: 2², 331, -together with the bibliography there given.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_460" href="#FNanchor_460" class="label">[460]</a> Thureau-Dangin, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journal asiatique, -14</cite>, 1909, p. 337.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_461" href="#FNanchor_461" class="label">[461]</a> King, pp. 146, 95.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_462" href="#FNanchor_462" class="label">[462]</a> Kugler, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Sternd.</cite>, II, 236 ff.; King <em>passim</em>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_463" href="#FNanchor_463" class="label">[463]</a> King, p. 190.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_464" href="#FNanchor_464" class="label">[464]</a> Ed. Meyer, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Gesch.</cite>, I, 2², 31 and 148, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Chronol.</cite> pp. 185 ff., -and elsewhere.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_465" href="#FNanchor_465" class="label">[465]</a> See <a href="#Page_91">above, pp. 91 ff</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_466" href="#FNanchor_466" class="label">[466]</a> See <a href="#Page_129">pp. 129</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_467" href="#FNanchor_467" class="label">[467]</a> Landtman, communicated by letter.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_468" href="#FNanchor_468" class="label">[468]</a> Il. XXII, 25 ff. translated by P. S. Worsley.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_469" href="#FNanchor_469" class="label">[469]</a> Cp. my article in <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. f. Religionswiss., 14</cite>, 1911, p. 429.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_470" href="#FNanchor_470" class="label">[470]</a> Od. XI, 17; XII, 380; see <a href="#Page_35">above, p. 35</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_471" href="#FNanchor_471" class="label">[471]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἀστέρ’ ὀπωρινῷ ἐναλίγκιον. ὅστε μάλιστα -λαμπρὸν παμφαίνῃσι λελουμένος Ὠκεανοῖο</span>—II. V, 5: ‘bathed in the Ocean’, -since Sirius at his rising emerges like the sun from the ocean.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_472" href="#FNanchor_472" class="label">[472]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οὔλιος ἀστὴρ παμφαίνων</span>—II. XI, 62.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_473" href="#FNanchor_473" class="label">[473]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ὀψὲ δυόντα Βοώτην</span>—Od. V, 272.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_474" href="#FNanchor_474" class="label">[474]</a> Il. XVIII, 489; Od. V, 275.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_475" href="#FNanchor_475" class="label">[475]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">οὐδέ οἱ ὕπνος ἐπὶ βλεφάροισιν ἔπιπτεν Πληιάδας -τ’ ἐσορῶντι καὶ ὀψὲ δύοντα Βοώτην ἄρκτον κ. τ. λ.</span>—Od. V, 271 ff., translated -by A. S. Way.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_476" href="#FNanchor_476" class="label">[476]</a> Il. XVIII, 486.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_477" href="#FNanchor_477" class="label">[477]</a> Od. XIII, 93.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_478" href="#FNanchor_478" class="label">[478]</a> <cite>Op.</cite>, vv. 528 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_479" href="#FNanchor_479" class="label">[479]</a> vv. 414 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_480" href="#FNanchor_480" class="label">[480]</a> Pfeiffer, pp. 1 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_481" href="#FNanchor_481" class="label">[481]</a> Alcaeus, fr. 28a Matth.:—<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τέγγε πλεύμονα ϝοίνῳ· τὸ -γὰρ ἄστρον περιτέλλεται</span>. Cp. Theognis vv. 1039 f.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_482" href="#FNanchor_482" class="label">[482]</a> Aeschylus, <cite>Agam.</cite>, vv. 4 ff., translated by E. Thring.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_483" href="#FNanchor_483" class="label">[483]</a> Schol. Aesch. -<cite>Prom.</cite>, 457; Soph. <cite>Palam.</cite>, fr. 399 N<sup>2</sup>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_484" href="#FNanchor_484" class="label">[484]</a> Aesch., <cite>Prom.</cite>, 453 ff., translated by -R. Whitelaw.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_485" href="#FNanchor_485" class="label">[485]</a> Soph., <cite>Oed. Rex</cite>, v. 113,—<span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἐξ ἦρος εἰς ἀρκτοῦρον ἑκμήνους -χρόνους</span>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_486" href="#FNanchor_486" class="label">[486]</a> Gundel, pp. 99 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_487" href="#FNanchor_487" class="label">[487]</a> Rehm.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_488" href="#FNanchor_488" class="label">[488]</a> Sprenger, pp. 162 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_489" href="#FNanchor_489" class="label">[489]</a> Bogoras, II, 307 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_490" href="#FNanchor_490" class="label">[490]</a> Egede, pp. 131 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_491" href="#FNanchor_491" class="label">[491]</a> Holm, <em>10</em>, 142, and 39, 106 and 85.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_492" href="#FNanchor_492" class="label">[492]</a> Schiefner, p. 204.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_493" href="#FNanchor_493" class="label">[493]</a> Swanton, p. 427.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_494" href="#FNanchor_494" class="label">[494]</a> Carver, p. 253.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_495" href="#FNanchor_495" class="label">[495]</a> Heckewelder, p. 527.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_496" href="#FNanchor_496" class="label">[496]</a> Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 110.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_497" href="#FNanchor_497" class="label">[497]</a> Gatschett, p. 666.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_498" href="#FNanchor_498" class="label">[498]</a> Dorsey and Swanton, p. 203.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_499" href="#FNanchor_499" class="label">[499]</a> Du Bois, pp. 162 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_500" href="#FNanchor_500" class="label">[500]</a> Columbus, p. 635.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_501" href="#FNanchor_501" class="label">[501]</a> von den Steinen, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zentralbras.</cite>, pp. 359 ff., 436, 513.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_502" href="#FNanchor_502" class="label">[502]</a> Krause, p. 340.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_503" href="#FNanchor_503" class="label">[503]</a> Teschauer, pp. 734 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_504" href="#FNanchor_504" class="label">[504]</a> Nordenskiöld, <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Indianlif</cite>, p. 273, <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Indianer och hvita</cite>, p. 173.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_505" href="#FNanchor_505" class="label">[505]</a> Ehrenreich, pp. 44 f., 72.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_506" href="#FNanchor_506" class="label">[506]</a> Molina, pp. 319 f.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_507" href="#FNanchor_507" class="label">[507]</a> Spieth, p. 557.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_508" href="#FNanchor_508" class="label">[508]</a> Thomas, <cite>Ibo</cite>, p. 127.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_509" href="#FNanchor_509" class="label">[509]</a> Arcin, p. 394.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_510" href="#FNanchor_510" class="label">[510]</a> Weeks, <cite>Bakongo</cite>, pp. 293 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_511" href="#FNanchor_511" class="label">[511]</a> Weeks, <cite>JRAI, 39</cite>, pp. 417 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_512" href="#FNanchor_512" class="label">[512]</a> Westermann, p. 104.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_513" href="#FNanchor_513" class="label">[513]</a> Claus, p. 39.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_514" href="#FNanchor_514" class="label">[514]</a> Junod, <cite>Thonga</cite>, II, 285.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_515" href="#FNanchor_515" class="label">[515]</a> <cite>Loango Exp.</cite>, III: 2, pp. 135 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_516" href="#FNanchor_516" class="label">[516]</a> Schulze, pp. 367 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_517" href="#FNanchor_517" class="label">[517]</a> Bleek, p. 108.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_518" href="#FNanchor_518" class="label">[518]</a> Rivers, pp. 593 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_519" href="#FNanchor_519" class="label">[519]</a> Skeat and Blagden, II, 724.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_520" href="#FNanchor_520" class="label">[520]</a> Hose and MacDougall, II, 213 f., 139.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_521" href="#FNanchor_521" class="label">[521]</a> Many names of stars are given, e. g. -by Ridley and MacPherson, others by Kötz, pp. 30 ff. I give only a few -examples; cp. also pp. <a href="#Page_131">131 ff</a>. and <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_522" href="#FNanchor_522" class="label">[522]</a> Spencer and Gillen, <cite>Central Australia</cite>, pp. 565 f., <cite>North. Tribes</cite>, pp. -628 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_523" href="#FNanchor_523" class="label">[523]</a> Strehlow, I, 19 f., 21 f., 24; II, 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_524" href="#FNanchor_524" class="label">[524]</a> Howitt, pp. 431 f.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_525" href="#FNanchor_525" class="label">[525]</a> Parker, pp. 95 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_526" href="#FNanchor_526" class="label">[526]</a> Ridley, p. 274.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_527" href="#FNanchor_527" class="label">[527]</a> Brough-Smyth, I, 433, quoted by Kötz, p. 37.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_528" href="#FNanchor_528" class="label">[528]</a> See <a href="#Page_139">below, pp. 139 ff</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_529" href="#FNanchor_529" class="label">[529]</a> <cite>R. T. Str.</cite>, p. 219.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_530" href="#FNanchor_530" class="label">[530]</a> Rivers, <cite>Mel.</cite>, I, 173.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_531" href="#FNanchor_531" class="label">[531]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, II, 552, quoting Parkinson, p. 376, from the statement of a native Moanu.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_532" href="#FNanchor_532" class="label">[532]</a> Thurnwald, pp. 340 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_533" href="#FNanchor_533" class="label">[533]</a> Codrington, p. 348.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_534" href="#FNanchor_534" class="label">[534]</a> Forster, p. 442.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_535" href="#FNanchor_535" class="label">[535]</a> Wegener, p. 148.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_536" href="#FNanchor_536" class="label">[536]</a> Erdland, pp. 24 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_537" href="#FNanchor_537" class="label">[537]</a> von Bülow, <em>72</em>, p. 238.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_538" href="#FNanchor_538" class="label">[538]</a> See further Kötz, pp. 43 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_539" href="#FNanchor_539" class="label">[539]</a> Mathias G., pp. 209 f.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_540" href="#FNanchor_540" class="label">[540]</a> Wegener, p. 148.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_541" href="#FNanchor_541" class="label">[541]</a> Brandeis, p. 78.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_542" href="#FNanchor_542" class="label">[542]</a> Forster, p. 442.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_543" href="#FNanchor_543" class="label">[543]</a> Fornander, I, 127, note 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_544" href="#FNanchor_544" class="label">[544]</a> Dibble, p. 107.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_545" href="#FNanchor_545" class="label">[545]</a> Taylor, p. 363.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_546" href="#FNanchor_546" class="label">[546]</a> Pp. <a href="#Page_211">211 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_547" href="#FNanchor_547" class="label">[547]</a> Christians, pp. 388 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_548" href="#FNanchor_548" class="label">[548]</a> Hale, p. 68.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_549" href="#FNanchor_549" class="label">[549]</a> See <a href="#Page_123">pp. 123</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, -<a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_550" href="#FNanchor_550" class="label">[550]</a> On this special point Andree -has collected much material, which has been considerably augmented by Frazer.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_551" href="#FNanchor_551" class="label">[551]</a> Bleek and Lloyd, I, 338 f.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_552" href="#FNanchor_552" class="label">[552]</a> Schulze, p. 367.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_553" href="#FNanchor_553" class="label">[553]</a> Parker, p. 95; cp. <a href="#Page_122">above, p. 122</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_554" href="#FNanchor_554" class="label">[554]</a> McKellar, quoted by Frazer, p. 307; cp. Ridley, p. 279; <a href="#Page_144">below, p. 144</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_555" href="#FNanchor_555" class="label">[555]</a> Strehlow, pp. 9 and 19 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_556" href="#FNanchor_556" class="label">[556]</a> Stanbridge, in MacPherson, pp. 71 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_557" href="#FNanchor_557" class="label">[557]</a> Brough-Smyth, in Kötz, p. 43.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_558" href="#FNanchor_558" class="label">[558]</a> Dawson, quoted by Frazer, p. 308.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_559" href="#FNanchor_559" class="label">[559]</a> Bogoras, II, 307.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_560" href="#FNanchor_560" class="label">[560]</a> L’Heureux, <cite>JRAI, 15</cite>, 301.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_561" href="#FNanchor_561" class="label">[561]</a> Wilson, quoted by Andree, p. 364; McClintock, quoted by Frazer, p. 311.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_562" href="#FNanchor_562" class="label">[562]</a> Fewkes, quoted by Frazer, p. 312.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_563" href="#FNanchor_563" class="label">[563]</a> Koch-Grünberg, II, 203 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_564" href="#FNanchor_564" class="label">[564]</a> Teschauer, pp. 734 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_565" href="#FNanchor_565" class="label">[565]</a> von den Steinen, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Globus</cite>, p. 245.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_566" href="#FNanchor_566" class="label">[566]</a> Cp. above p. 49.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_567" href="#FNanchor_567" class="label">[567]</a> Gilij, II, 21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_568" href="#FNanchor_568" class="label">[568]</a> Grubb, quoted by Frazer, p. 309.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_569" href="#FNanchor_569" class="label">[569]</a> De Angelis; Frazer, p. 309.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_570" href="#FNanchor_570" class="label">[570]</a> Nordenskiöld, <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Indianer och hvita</cite>, pp. 173, 113.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_571" href="#FNanchor_571" class="label">[571]</a> Id., <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Indianlif</cite>, p. 169.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_572" href="#FNanchor_572" class="label">[572]</a> Frazer, p. 310, with references.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_573" href="#FNanchor_573" class="label">[573]</a> Moffat, quoted by Frazer, p. 316.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_574" href="#FNanchor_574" class="label">[574]</a> Kidd: Frazer, p. 116.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_575" href="#FNanchor_575" class="label">[575]</a> McCall Theal: Frazer, p. 316.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_576" href="#FNanchor_576" class="label">[576]</a> Callaway, p. 39.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_577" href="#FNanchor_577" class="label">[577]</a> Junod, <cite>Thonga</cite>, II, 286.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_578" href="#FNanchor_578" class="label">[578]</a> Stannus, p. 289.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_579" href="#FNanchor_579" class="label">[579]</a> Hobley, <cite>JRAI, 41</cite>, 442.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_580" href="#FNanchor_580" class="label">[580]</a> Hollis, <cite>Masai</cite>, pp. 275 ff.; cp. below, pp. <a href="#Page_201">201 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_581" href="#FNanchor_581" class="label">[581]</a> <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Globus, 82</cite>, 1902, p. 177.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_582" href="#FNanchor_582" class="label">[582]</a> Winterbottom, quoted by Frazer, p. 318.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_583" href="#FNanchor_583" class="label">[583]</a> Weeks, <cite>Bakongo</cite>, pp. 293 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_584" href="#FNanchor_584" class="label">[584]</a> See <a href="#Page_93">above, p. 93</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_585" href="#FNanchor_585" class="label">[585]</a> Weeks, <em>39</em>, p. 129.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_586" href="#FNanchor_586" class="label">[586]</a> <cite>Loango Exp.</cite>, III: 2, pp. 135 and 138.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_587" href="#FNanchor_587" class="label">[587]</a> Arcin, p. 394.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_588" href="#FNanchor_588" class="label">[588]</a> St. John, I, 213 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_589" href="#FNanchor_589" class="label">[589]</a> Schaank, quoted by Andree, p. 364.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_590" href="#FNanchor_590" class="label">[590]</a> Hose -and McDougall, I, 109; II, 139, 213.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_591" href="#FNanchor_591" class="label">[591]</a> Hose, <cite>JRAI, 23</cite>, p. 168.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_592" href="#FNanchor_592" class="label">[592]</a> Schaank, quoted by Andree, p. 364.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_593" href="#FNanchor_593" class="label">[593]</a> Nieuwenhuisen, quoted by Frazer, p. 315.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_594" href="#FNanchor_594" class="label">[594]</a> Marsden: Frazer, p. 315.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_595" href="#FNanchor_595" class="label">[595]</a> von Spreeuwenberg: Frazer, p. 313.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_596" href="#FNanchor_596" class="label">[596]</a> Neuhauss: Frazer, p. 313.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_597" href="#FNanchor_597" class="label">[597]</a> Haddon: Frazer, <em>ibid.</em></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_598" href="#FNanchor_598" class="label">[598]</a> Haddon, p. 303.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_599" href="#FNanchor_599" class="label">[599]</a> <cite>R. T. Str.</cite>, pp. 218 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_600" href="#FNanchor_600" class="label">[600]</a> Landtman, pp. 482 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_601" href="#FNanchor_601" class="label">[601]</a> Codrington, p. 348.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_602" href="#FNanchor_602" class="label">[602]</a> Brown, p. 332.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_603" href="#FNanchor_603" class="label">[603]</a> Parkinson, pp. 377 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_604" href="#FNanchor_604" class="label">[604]</a> Wheeler, p. 37.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_605" href="#FNanchor_605" class="label">[605]</a> Guppy, quoted by Frazer, p. 313.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_606" href="#FNanchor_606" class="label">[606]</a> Thurnwald, pp. 340 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_607" href="#FNanchor_607" class="label">[607]</a> Codrington, p. 348.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_608" href="#FNanchor_608" class="label">[608]</a> Christians, pp. 388 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_609" href="#FNanchor_609" class="label">[609]</a> von Bülow, <em>72</em>, p. 238; the author expresses -himself erroneously, as if it were a case of the entrance of a planet into a -constellation, instead of the position of a fixed star.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_610" href="#FNanchor_610" class="label">[610]</a> Pfeiffer, pp. 1 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_611" href="#FNanchor_611" class="label">[611]</a> See -<a href="#Page_130">above, pp. 130 f</a>., <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_612" href="#FNanchor_612" class="label">[612]</a> G. Schmidt, quoted by Frazer, p. 317.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_613" href="#FNanchor_613" class="label">[613]</a> Ridley, p. 279.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_614" href="#FNanchor_614" class="label">[614]</a> Parker, pp. 95 ff.; cp. <a href="#Page_131">above, p. 131</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_615" href="#FNanchor_615" class="label">[615]</a> Ridley, p. 273.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_616" href="#FNanchor_616" class="label">[616]</a> Manning, p. 168; cp. Frazer, p. 308.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_617" href="#FNanchor_617" class="label">[617]</a> Reuterskiöld, pp. 72 and 119.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_618" href="#FNanchor_618" class="label">[618]</a> <a href="#Page_112">Above, p. 112</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_619" href="#FNanchor_619" class="label">[619]</a> Weeks, <cite>Bakongo</cite>, pp. 293 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_620" href="#FNanchor_620" class="label">[620]</a> Hollis, quoted by Frazer, p. 317.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_621" href="#FNanchor_621" class="label">[621]</a> Nordenskiöld, <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Indianer och hvita</cite>, p. 173.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_622" href="#FNanchor_622" class="label">[622]</a> Abbot, p. 70.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_623" href="#FNanchor_623" class="label">[623]</a> Nordenskiöld, <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Kulturhist.</cite>, p. 219.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_624" href="#FNanchor_624" class="label">[624]</a> The Caffres—Alberti, p. 68; probably -also among the ‘wild’ Kubu of Sumatra—Hagen, p. 155.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_625" href="#FNanchor_625" class="label">[625]</a> Partridge, p. 244.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_626" href="#FNanchor_626" class="label">[626]</a> Oliveau, p. 343.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_627" href="#FNanchor_627" class="label">[627]</a> von Bülow, <em>93</em>, 251.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_628" href="#FNanchor_628" class="label">[628]</a> Spieth, p. 311.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_629" href="#FNanchor_629" class="label">[629]</a> Sechefo, <em>4</em>, p. 931.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_630" href="#FNanchor_630" class="label">[630]</a> <a href="#Page_158">Below, pp. 158 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_631" href="#FNanchor_631" class="label">[631]</a> Macdonald, p. 291.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_632" href="#FNanchor_632" class="label">[632]</a> Sechefo, p. 932.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_633" href="#FNanchor_633" class="label">[633]</a> Thomas, <cite>Ibo</cite>, p. 127.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_634" href="#FNanchor_634" class="label">[634]</a> Schoolcraft, II, 177.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_635" href="#FNanchor_635" class="label">[635]</a> Roscoe, <cite>Bantu</cite>, p. 140.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_636" href="#FNanchor_636" class="label">[636]</a> Spieth, p. 556.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_637" href="#FNanchor_637" class="label">[637]</a> Stannus, p. 288.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_638" href="#FNanchor_638" class="label">[638]</a> MacCaulay, p. 525.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_639" href="#FNanchor_639" class="label">[639]</a> Thurnwald, p. 331.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_640" href="#FNanchor_640" class="label">[640]</a> See further Frazer, IV: 2, 140 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_641" href="#FNanchor_641" class="label">[641]</a> Howitt, p. 428.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_642" href="#FNanchor_642" class="label">[642]</a> Hanserak, p. 44.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_643" href="#FNanchor_643" class="label">[643]</a> Musters, p. 203.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_644" href="#FNanchor_644" class="label">[644]</a> Carver, p. 175.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_645" href="#FNanchor_645" class="label">[645]</a> Du Pratz, II, 354 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_646" href="#FNanchor_646" class="label">[646]</a> Seligmann, p. 193.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_647" href="#FNanchor_647" class="label">[647]</a> Wollaston, p. 132.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_648" href="#FNanchor_648" class="label">[648]</a> Thurnwald, pp. 332 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_649" href="#FNanchor_649" class="label">[649]</a> Bleek and Lloyd, I, 415.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_650" href="#FNanchor_650" class="label">[650]</a> Livingstone, p. 235.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_651" href="#FNanchor_651" class="label">[651]</a> Junod, <cite>Thonga</cite>, I, -51; II, 283.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_652" href="#FNanchor_652" class="label">[652]</a> Roscoe, <cite>Bantu</cite>, p. 139 f.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_653" href="#FNanchor_653" class="label">[653]</a> Gutmann, p. 238.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_654" href="#FNanchor_654" class="label">[654]</a> Thomas, <cite>Ibo</cite>, p. 127.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_655" href="#FNanchor_655" class="label">[655]</a> Stow, p. 112.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_656" href="#FNanchor_656" class="label">[656]</a> Foa, p. 120.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_657" href="#FNanchor_657" class="label">[657]</a> <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. f. Anthropol., 12</cite>, 1913, p. 152.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_658" href="#FNanchor_658" class="label">[658]</a> Møller, p. 50.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_659" href="#FNanchor_659" class="label">[659]</a> Strabo, III, 4, 16 (p. 164).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_660" href="#FNanchor_660" class="label">[660]</a> <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Coeunt, nisi quid fortuitum et subitum inciderit, certis diebus, -cum aut inchoatur luna aut impletur: nam agendis rebus hos auspicatissimum -initium credunt</i>—Tac., <cite>Germ.</cite>, XI.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_661" href="#FNanchor_661" class="label">[661]</a> With this section cp. Webster, ch. V, <cite>Lunar Superstitions and Festivals</cite>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_662" href="#FNanchor_662" class="label">[662]</a> Spencer, p. 456.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_663" href="#FNanchor_663" class="label">[663]</a> Cp. <a href="#Page_160">below, p. 160</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_664" href="#FNanchor_664" class="label">[664]</a> Homfray, p. 61.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_665" href="#FNanchor_665" class="label">[665]</a> Man, p. -337.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_666" href="#FNanchor_666" class="label">[666]</a> Heckewelder, p. 527.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_667" href="#FNanchor_667" class="label">[667]</a> Reed, p. 64.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_668" href="#FNanchor_668" class="label">[668]</a> Hambruch, p. 57.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_669" href="#FNanchor_669" class="label">[669]</a> Krause, p. 339.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_670" href="#FNanchor_670" class="label">[670]</a> Schulze, p. 370.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_671" href="#FNanchor_671" class="label">[671]</a> Spencer, p. 333.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_672" href="#FNanchor_672" class="label">[672]</a> Spencer and Gillen, <cite>Centr. Austr.</cite>, p. 565.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_673" href="#FNanchor_673" class="label">[673]</a> Junod, -<cite>Thonga</cite>, II, 283.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_674" href="#FNanchor_674" class="label">[674]</a> Cp. <a href="#Page_150">above, p. 150</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_675" href="#FNanchor_675" class="label">[675]</a> Spieth, p. 556.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_676" href="#FNanchor_676" class="label">[676]</a> Skeat and Blagden, II, 660.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_677" href="#FNanchor_677" class="label">[677]</a> Jenks, p. 219.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_678" href="#FNanchor_678" class="label">[678]</a> Scheerer, p. 158.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_679" href="#FNanchor_679" class="label">[679]</a> Brown, p. 332.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_680" href="#FNanchor_680" class="label">[680]</a> Thurnwald, pp. 330 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_681" href="#FNanchor_681" class="label">[681]</a> Ray, in <cite>R. T. Str.</cite>, p. 225.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_682" href="#FNanchor_682" class="label">[682]</a> von den Steinen, p. 358.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_683" href="#FNanchor_683" class="label">[683]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 435.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_684" href="#FNanchor_684" class="label">[684]</a> Nieuwenhuis, I, 317.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_685" href="#FNanchor_685" class="label">[685]</a> Adriani, quoted by Winkler, p. 440.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_686" href="#FNanchor_686" class="label">[686]</a> Adriani and Kruijt, II, 264 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_687" href="#FNanchor_687" class="label">[687]</a> von Krämer, I, 356 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_688" href="#FNanchor_688" class="label">[688]</a> Malo, pp. 54 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_689" href="#FNanchor_689" class="label">[689]</a> Fornander, I, 120 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_690" href="#FNanchor_690" class="label">[690]</a> Fornander, p. 126.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_691" href="#FNanchor_691" class="label">[691]</a> Mathias G., p. 211.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_692" href="#FNanchor_692" class="label">[692]</a> <ins class="corr" id="tn-692" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Treager'"> -Tregear</ins>, <cite>JRAI, 19</cite>, p. 114.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_693" href="#FNanchor_693" class="label">[693]</a> Forster, pp. 439 ff.; <ins class="corr" id="tn-693" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'cp. Treagear'"> -cp. Tregear</ins>, <cite>Maori Dictionary</cite>, App. A.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_694" href="#FNanchor_694" class="label">[694]</a> The -names of the days (Ellis, <cite>Polyn. Res.</cite>³, I, 88) are very similar to those of -Tahiti; cp. also Wegener, p. 147, n. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_695" href="#FNanchor_695" class="label">[695]</a> Collected by Christians, pp. 387 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_696" href="#FNanchor_696" class="label">[696]</a> These expressions give the time -of day, cp. <a href="#Page_150">above, p. 150</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_697" href="#FNanchor_697" class="label">[697]</a> Hollis, <cite>Nandi</cite>, pp. 95 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_698" href="#FNanchor_698" class="label">[698]</a> Ginzel, I, 243.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_699" href="#FNanchor_699" class="label">[699]</a> Boas, p. 648.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_700" href="#FNanchor_700" class="label">[700]</a> Radloff, -p. 308.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_701" href="#FNanchor_701" class="label">[701]</a> Wirth, p. 364.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_702" href="#FNanchor_702" class="label">[702]</a> Claus, p. 38.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_703" href="#FNanchor_703" class="label">[703]</a> Hagen, pp. 154 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_704" href="#FNanchor_704" class="label">[704]</a> <a href="#Page_158">Above, p. 158</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_705" href="#FNanchor_705" class="label">[705]</a> Merker, p. 156, n. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_706" href="#FNanchor_706" class="label">[706]</a> The twice-recurring verse <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">τοῦ μὲν φθίνοντος -μηνὸς τοῦ δ’ ἱσταμένοιο</span> in Homer, <cite>Od.</cite> XIV, 162 and XIX, 307; Hesiod, <cite>Op.</cite>, -v. 780. Cp. my <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Entstehung</cite>, pp. 27 and 30 f.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_707" href="#FNanchor_707" class="label">[707]</a> <a href="#Page_188">Below, pp. 188</a> and <a href="#Page_206">206 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_708" href="#FNanchor_708" class="label">[708]</a> Stevenson, p. 108.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_709" href="#FNanchor_709" class="label">[709]</a> Ellis, <cite>Yoruba</cite>, p. 144.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_710" href="#FNanchor_710" class="label">[710]</a> Merker, pp. 154 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_711" href="#FNanchor_711" class="label">[711]</a> Hesiod, <cite>Op.</cite>, v. 773.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_712" href="#FNanchor_712" class="label">[712]</a> See my remarks in <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. -f. Religionswiss., 14</cite>, p. 432.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_713" href="#FNanchor_713" class="label">[713]</a> Barrett, p. 35.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_714" href="#FNanchor_714" class="label">[714]</a> Stannus, p. 288.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_715" href="#FNanchor_715" class="label">[715]</a> Gutmann, pp. 238 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_716" href="#FNanchor_716" class="label">[716]</a> Merker, pp. 154 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_717" href="#FNanchor_717" class="label">[717]</a> De Backer, p. 407; for the Andamanese cp. <a href="#Page_155">above, p. 155</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_718" href="#FNanchor_718" class="label">[718]</a> See the passage from a Babylonian Creation epic quoted by Boll -in Pauly-Wissowa’s <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Realcykl. der klass. Altertumswiss.</cite>, VII, 2551.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_719" href="#FNanchor_719" class="label">[719]</a> Mausser, p. 222.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_720" href="#FNanchor_720" class="label">[720]</a> Compare the corresponding Chukchee months cited by Bogoras, -below p. 220.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_721" href="#FNanchor_721" class="label">[721]</a> Jochelson, <cite>Koryak</cite>, p. 428.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_722" href="#FNanchor_722" class="label">[722]</a> Jochelson, <cite>Yukaghir</cite>, p. 41.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_723" href="#FNanchor_723" class="label">[723]</a> Nelson, pp. 234 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_724" href="#FNanchor_724" class="label">[724]</a> Boas, <cite>Eskimo</cite>, pp. 644 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_725" href="#FNanchor_725" class="label">[725]</a> Dalsager, pp. 54 ff.; cp. Cranz, I, 293 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_726" href="#FNanchor_726" class="label">[726]</a> Schiefner, p. 204.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_727" href="#FNanchor_727" class="label">[727]</a> Swanton, <cite>Tlingit</cite>, pp. 425 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_728" href="#FNanchor_728" class="label">[728]</a> <ins class="corr" id="tn-728" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Teit, Shushwap'"> -Teit, <cite>Shuswap</cite></ins>, pp. 517 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_729" href="#FNanchor_729" class="label">[729]</a> Teit, <cite>Thompson</cite>, pp. 237 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_730" href="#FNanchor_730" class="label">[730]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, pp. 238 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_731" href="#FNanchor_731" class="label">[731]</a> Teit, <cite>Lillooet</cite>, pp. 223 f.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_732" href="#FNanchor_732" class="label">[732]</a> Boas, <cite>Kwakiutl</cite>, pp. 412 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_733" href="#FNanchor_733" class="label">[733]</a> Hill Tout, <cite>JRAI, 34</cite>, p. 34.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_734" href="#FNanchor_734" class="label">[734]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, pp. 334 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_735" href="#FNanchor_735" class="label">[735]</a> Cp. the lists from the Yakuts p. 179 and the Tunguses p. 178.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_736" href="#FNanchor_736" class="label">[736]</a> Hale, pp. 210 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_737" href="#FNanchor_737" class="label">[737]</a> Hastings, p. 66.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_738" href="#FNanchor_738" class="label">[738]</a> De la Potherie, II, 331.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_739" href="#FNanchor_739" class="label">[739]</a> Carver, pp. 175 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_740" href="#FNanchor_740" class="label">[740]</a> The translator quotes Loskiel, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Gesch. der -Mission der evangelischen Brüder unter die Indianer in Nordamerika</cite>, Barby, -1789.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_741" href="#FNanchor_741" class="label">[741]</a> Heckewelder, p. 524.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_742" href="#FNanchor_742" class="label">[742]</a> Jenks, <cite>Wild Rice</cite>, pp. 1089 f.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_743" href="#FNanchor_743" class="label">[743]</a> Riggs, <cite>Dict.</cite>, s. v. <em>wi</em>, ‘moon’.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_744" href="#FNanchor_744" class="label">[744]</a> Clark, p. 16.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_745" href="#FNanchor_745" class="label">[745]</a> Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 111.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_746" href="#FNanchor_746" class="label">[746]</a> Mooney, <cite>Kiowa</cite>, pp. 368 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_747" href="#FNanchor_747" class="label">[747]</a> Dunbar, p. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_748" href="#FNanchor_748" class="label">[748]</a> Gatschet, p. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_749" href="#FNanchor_749" class="label">[749]</a> Beverley, p. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_750" href="#FNanchor_750" class="label">[750]</a> Clark, p. 372.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_751" href="#FNanchor_751" class="label">[751]</a> Matthews, p. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_752" href="#FNanchor_752" class="label">[752]</a> MacCauley, p. 524.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_753" href="#FNanchor_753" class="label">[753]</a> Bushnell, -p. 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_754" href="#FNanchor_754" class="label">[754]</a> Du Pratz, II, 354 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_755" href="#FNanchor_755" class="label">[755]</a> Fewkes, <em>15</em>, p. 256.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_756" href="#FNanchor_756" class="label">[756]</a> Stevenson, p. 108.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_757" href="#FNanchor_757" class="label">[757]</a> <cite>Handbook</cite>, p. 189, from Cushing.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_758" href="#FNanchor_758" class="label">[758]</a> Russel, p. 36.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_759" href="#FNanchor_759" class="label">[759]</a> Hastings, p. 69.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_760" href="#FNanchor_760" class="label">[760]</a> E. g. Garcilasso de la Vega, I, 200.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_761" href="#FNanchor_761" class="label">[761]</a> Chervin, -p. 229; Nordenskiöld, <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Kulturh.</cite>, p. 219.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_762" href="#FNanchor_762" class="label">[762]</a> Gilij, II, 233.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_763" href="#FNanchor_763" class="label">[763]</a> Krause, p. 339.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_764" href="#FNanchor_764" class="label">[764]</a> Schulze, p. 370.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_765" href="#FNanchor_765" class="label">[765]</a> Sechefo, <em>4</em>, 931 ff., <em>5</em>, 71 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_766" href="#FNanchor_766" class="label">[766]</a> Macdonald, <cite>JRAI, 19</cite>, p. 291.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_767" href="#FNanchor_767" class="label">[767]</a> Junod, <cite>Ronga</cite>, II, 284 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_768" href="#FNanchor_768" class="label">[768]</a> Irle, p. 224.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_769" href="#FNanchor_769" class="label">[769]</a> François, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Nama und -Damara</cite>, Magdeburg, 1895, p. 185 f., quoted from Ginzel, II, 142.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_770" href="#FNanchor_770" class="label">[770]</a> <cite>Loango Exp.</cite>, III: 2, 139.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_771" href="#FNanchor_771" class="label">[771]</a> Burrows, p. 56. The land extends from -23° W. long., and runs eastwards to the Nile at the most northerly point -of the Congo Free State.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_772" href="#FNanchor_772" class="label">[772]</a> Westermann, pp. 103 and 299.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_773" href="#FNanchor_773" class="label">[773]</a> Hobley, <cite>Akamba</cite>, pp. 52 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_774" href="#FNanchor_774" class="label">[774]</a> Barret, <cite>JRAI, 41</cite>, p. 35.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_775" href="#FNanchor_775" class="label">[775]</a> Cole, p. 323.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_776" href="#FNanchor_776" class="label">[776]</a> Hollis, <cite>Nandi</cite>, pp. 94 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_777" href="#FNanchor_777" class="label">[777]</a> Gutmann, pp. 239 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_778" href="#FNanchor_778" class="label">[778]</a> Mischlisch, p. 127.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_779" href="#FNanchor_779" class="label">[779]</a> Thomas, <cite>Edo</cite>, p. 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_780" href="#FNanchor_780" class="label">[780]</a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Etudes ethnogr., Rev. de -Madag.</cite>, août 1904, p. 148 f.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_781" href="#FNanchor_781" class="label">[781]</a> <cite>Antan. Annual</cite>, 1886, p. 237.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_782" href="#FNanchor_782" class="label">[782]</a> Grandidier, pp. 384 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_783" href="#FNanchor_783" class="label">[783]</a> Newbold, II, 356 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_784" href="#FNanchor_784" class="label">[784]</a> von Bremer, p. 233.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_785" href="#FNanchor_785" class="label">[785]</a> Nieuwenhuis, I, 317.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_786" href="#FNanchor_786" class="label">[786]</a> Ginzel, I, 422 ff.; Friederich, p. 87.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_787" href="#FNanchor_787" class="label">[787]</a> Forbes, p. 429.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_788" href="#FNanchor_788" class="label">[788]</a> Cp. Landtman, p. 482. My additions are in brackets.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_789" href="#FNanchor_789" class="label">[789]</a> See <a href="#Page_57">above, p. 57</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_790" href="#FNanchor_790" class="label">[790]</a> <a href="#Page_218">Below, pp. 218 ff</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_791" href="#FNanchor_791" class="label">[791]</a> Christians, pp. 389, 394.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_792" href="#FNanchor_792" class="label">[792]</a> Christians, p. 393, after Kubary.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_793" href="#FNanchor_793" class="label">[793]</a> Kubary, pp. 107 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_794" href="#FNanchor_794" class="label">[794]</a> Hale, p. 68.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_795" href="#FNanchor_795" class="label">[795]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, pp. 391 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_796" href="#FNanchor_796" class="label">[796]</a> Meineke, p. 105.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_797" href="#FNanchor_797" class="label">[797]</a> Cp. pp. <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_798" href="#FNanchor_798" class="label">[798]</a> Thomson, I, 198, Taylor, p. 362. The list is Taylor’s: Thomson’s is -not so full, and is distinguished from the other in assigning a later position -to the phases of the vegetation; it must therefore come from a more southerly -district.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_799" href="#FNanchor_799" class="label">[799]</a> Martin, II, Vocabulary, s. v. <em>mahina</em>, ‘moon, month’.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_800" href="#FNanchor_800" class="label">[800]</a> Ellis, <cite>Polyn. Res.</cite>³, I, 86.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_801" href="#FNanchor_801" class="label">[801]</a> Forster, pp. 438 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_802" href="#FNanchor_802" class="label">[802]</a> Fornander, I, 125.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_803" href="#FNanchor_803" class="label">[803]</a> von Bülow, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Globus, 72</cite>, p. 239; G. Turner, <cite>A hundred years ago and -long before</cite>, London, 1884, makes the same statement, Krämer (I, 356) differs -very little from it; cp. also Hale, pp. 169 ff. A quite different list is to be -found in a work inaccessible to me—Pratt and Frazer, <cite>Some Folk-songs -and Myths from Samoa</cite>, R. Soc. of New S. Wales, XXIII, 1891, p. 121. It -is worth noting that here two names of months are said to mean a demon, -another a forest spirit.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_804" href="#FNanchor_804" class="label">[804]</a> Lister, p. 53.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_805" href="#FNanchor_805" class="label">[805]</a> Dibble, pp. 24 ff.; Fornander, I, 119.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_806" href="#FNanchor_806" class="label">[806]</a> Haddon, p. 303; so also <cite>R. T. Str.</cite>, p. 225.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_807" href="#FNanchor_807" class="label">[807]</a> Spencer and Gillen, <cite>Centr. Austr.</cite>, p. 25.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_808" href="#FNanchor_808" class="label">[808]</a> Spencer, p. 444.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_809" href="#FNanchor_809" class="label">[809]</a> Codrington, pp. 349 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_810" href="#FNanchor_810" class="label">[810]</a> Brown, pp. 331 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_811" href="#FNanchor_811" class="label">[811]</a> Bogoras, I, 51 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_812" href="#FNanchor_812" class="label">[812]</a> <a href="#Page_182">Above, p. 182</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_813" href="#FNanchor_813" class="label">[813]</a> Jenks, p. 219.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_814" href="#FNanchor_814" class="label">[814]</a> Mooney, <cite>Kiowa</cite>, p. 368.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_815" href="#FNanchor_815" class="label">[815]</a> <a href="#Page_193">Above, p. 193</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_816" href="#FNanchor_816" class="label">[816]</a> Above, -p. 183.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_817" href="#FNanchor_817" class="label">[817]</a> Forster, p. 371.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_818" href="#FNanchor_818" class="label">[818]</a> <a href="#Page_190">Above, p. 190</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_819" href="#FNanchor_819" class="label">[819]</a> <a href="#Page_195">Above, p. 195</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_820" href="#FNanchor_820" class="label">[820]</a> <a href="#Page_192">Above, p. 192</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_821" href="#FNanchor_821" class="label">[821]</a> <a href="#Page_180">Above, p. 180</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_822" href="#FNanchor_822" class="label">[822]</a> Thomas, <cite>Ibo</cite>, I, 127.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_823" href="#FNanchor_823" class="label">[823]</a> Mathias G., p. 211.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_824" href="#FNanchor_824" class="label">[824]</a> <a href="#Page_210">Above, pp. 210 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_825" href="#FNanchor_825" class="label">[825]</a> <a href="#Page_178">Above, pp. 178</a>, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_826" href="#FNanchor_826" class="label">[826]</a> <a href="#Page_176">Above, p. 176</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_827" href="#FNanchor_827" class="label">[827]</a> <a href="#Page_193">Above, pp. 193 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_828" href="#FNanchor_828" class="label">[828]</a> <a href="#Page_192">Above, p. 192</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_829" href="#FNanchor_829" class="label">[829]</a> <a href="#Page_195">Above, p. 195</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_830" href="#FNanchor_830" class="label">[830]</a> Dubois, p. 165.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_831" href="#FNanchor_831" class="label">[831]</a> <a href="#Page_193">Above, p. 193</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_832" href="#FNanchor_832" class="label">[832]</a> <a href="#Page_200">Above, p. 200</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_833" href="#FNanchor_833" class="label">[833]</a> <a href="#Page_174">Above, p. 174</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_834" href="#FNanchor_834" class="label">[834]</a> The explanations given by Muss-Arnolt are known to me only through -Ginzel, I, 117 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_835" href="#FNanchor_835" class="label">[835]</a> The respective explanations are from Kugler, II: 1, pp. 176 ff., and -Thureau-Dangin.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_836" href="#FNanchor_836" class="label">[836]</a> Hrozný, pp. 85 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_837" href="#FNanchor_837" class="label">[837]</a> I Kings, Chap. VI and VIII.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_838" href="#FNanchor_838" class="label">[838]</a> Dillman, p. 926, König, p. 612 ff., and elsewhere.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_839" href="#FNanchor_839" class="label">[839]</a> <a href="#Page_204">Above, p. 204</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_840" href="#FNanchor_840" class="label">[840]</a> Schiaparelli, <cite>A. Test.</cite>, p. 139.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_841" href="#FNanchor_841" class="label">[841]</a> König, p. 636.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_842" href="#FNanchor_842" class="label">[842]</a> Wellhausen, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Proleg.</cite>, p. 110.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_843" href="#FNanchor_843" class="label">[843]</a> See <a href="#Page_272">below, pp. 272 ff</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_844" href="#FNanchor_844" class="label">[844]</a> Finally discussed by Marti.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_845" href="#FNanchor_845" class="label">[845]</a> I Kings VI, vv. 1, 37, and 38; VIII, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_846" href="#FNanchor_846" class="label">[846]</a> Exod. II, 2, Moses’ mother -‘hid him three months’.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_847" href="#FNanchor_847" class="label">[847]</a> i. e. ‘month of the days’, Deut. XXI, 13, II Kings -XV, 13.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_848" href="#FNanchor_848" class="label">[848]</a> Deut. XXXIII, 14.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_849" href="#FNanchor_849" class="label">[849]</a> <a href="#Page_151">Above, p. 151</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_850" href="#FNanchor_850" class="label">[850]</a> I have examined the passages -by the aid of Mandelkern’s Concordance and the analysis of sources in -Kautzch’s translation of the Bible: for the numbered months cp. also Wellhausen, -<cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Proleg.</cite>, p. 110.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_851" href="#FNanchor_851" class="label">[851]</a> I Sam. XX.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_852" href="#FNanchor_852" class="label">[852]</a> First in the somewhat later narrative -of Elisha, II Kings IV, 23; then in Amos VIII, 5; Isaiah I, 13; XLVII, 13; -LXVI, 23, etc.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_853" href="#FNanchor_853" class="label">[853]</a> Num. XXIX, 6; XXVIII, 11, 14,</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_854" href="#FNanchor_854" class="label">[854]</a> I Sam. XX, 28, ‘the morrow after -the new moon’.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_855" href="#FNanchor_855" class="label">[855]</a> First the Yahwist, Ex. XXXIV, 18, and his reviser, XIII, -4 ff.; XXIII, 15; XXXIV, 18; further the Deuteronomist, XVI, 1, and in Ex. -XII, 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_856" href="#FNanchor_856" class="label">[856]</a> Judges XI, 37 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_857" href="#FNanchor_857" class="label">[857]</a> One month: Lev. XXVII, 6; Num. III, (often); IX, 22; -XVIII, 16; XXVI, 62; I Kings IV, 7, 27; V, 14 (in the history of Solomon); -several months: I Sam. XXVII, 7 (the old History of the Kings); II Sam. II, 11; -V, 5; VI, 11; XXIV, 8, 13; I Kings XI, 16; II Kings XV, 8; Deut. XXIII, 31; -XXIV, 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_858" href="#FNanchor_858" class="label">[858]</a> The Elohist, Gen. XXIX, 14; the Yahwist, Num. XI, 20; Jud. -XIX, 2; XX, 47.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_859" href="#FNanchor_859" class="label">[859]</a> See <a href="#Page_272">below, pp. 272 ff</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_860" href="#FNanchor_860" class="label">[860]</a> Enumerated by Ginzel, I, 240; cp. Wellhausen, -<cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Reste</cite>, p, 94, note 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_861" href="#FNanchor_861" class="label">[861]</a> Wellhausen, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Reste</cite>, pp. 96 (with note 1), 97.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_862" href="#FNanchor_862" class="label">[862]</a> Cranz, I, 293, Dalsager, p. 54; cp. Holm, <em>10</em>, p. 141, and <em>39</em>, p. 105, -respectively.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_863" href="#FNanchor_863" class="label">[863]</a> <a href="#Page_185">Above, pp. 185 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_864" href="#FNanchor_864" class="label">[864]</a> Mallery, <em>4</em>, p. 99; cp. Riggs, <cite>Grammar</cite>, p. 165.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_865" href="#FNanchor_865" class="label">[865]</a> Dunbar, p. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_866" href="#FNanchor_866" class="label">[866]</a> Macdonald, p. 291.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_867" href="#FNanchor_867" class="label">[867]</a> Friederich, p. 88.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_868" href="#FNanchor_868" class="label">[868]</a> <a href="#Page_250">Below, p. 250</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_869" href="#FNanchor_869" class="label">[869]</a> Winkler, p. 439.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_870" href="#FNanchor_870" class="label">[870]</a> Nieuwenhuis, I, 317.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_871" href="#FNanchor_871" class="label">[871]</a> Maes, p. 627.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_872" href="#FNanchor_872" class="label">[872]</a> Thomas, <cite>Ibo</cite>, I, 127.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_873" href="#FNanchor_873" class="label">[873]</a> Beverley, p. 181.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_874" href="#FNanchor_874" class="label">[874]</a> Jochelson, <cite>Yukaghir</cite>, p. 42.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_875" href="#FNanchor_875" class="label">[875]</a> Jochelson, <cite>Koryak</cite>, p. 428.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_876" href="#FNanchor_876" class="label">[876]</a> <a href="#Page_241">Above, p. 241</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_877" href="#FNanchor_877" class="label">[877]</a> Matthews, p. 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_878" href="#FNanchor_878" class="label">[878]</a> Carver, p. 175.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_879" href="#FNanchor_879" class="label">[879]</a> <a href="#Page_262">Below, p. 262</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_880" href="#FNanchor_880" class="label">[880]</a> <a href="#Page_201">Above, pp. 201 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_881" href="#FNanchor_881" class="label">[881]</a> Hollis, p. 334.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_882" href="#FNanchor_882" class="label">[882]</a> Ginzel II, 41, 44.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_883" href="#FNanchor_883" class="label">[883]</a> Dalman, p. 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_884" href="#FNanchor_884" class="label">[884]</a> Boas, <cite>Eskimo</cite>, pp. 644 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_885" href="#FNanchor_885" class="label">[885]</a> Boas, <cite>Kwakiutl</cite>, pp. 412 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_886" href="#FNanchor_886" class="label">[886]</a> Dunbar, p. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_887" href="#FNanchor_887" class="label">[887]</a> Ellis, <cite>Pol. Res.</cite>³, I, 86.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_888" href="#FNanchor_888" class="label">[888]</a> <a href="#Page_184">Above, p. 184</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_889" href="#FNanchor_889" class="label">[889]</a> Dubois, p. 165.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_890" href="#FNanchor_890" class="label">[890]</a> <a href="#Page_197">Above, pp. 197</a> and <a href="#Page_199">199</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_891" href="#FNanchor_891" class="label">[891]</a> <a href="#Page_211">Above, pp. 211 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_892" href="#FNanchor_892" class="label">[892]</a> <a href="#Page_210">Above, p. 210</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_893" href="#FNanchor_893" class="label">[893]</a> <a href="#Page_208">Above, p. 208</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_894" href="#FNanchor_894" class="label">[894]</a> Petrus Martyr, <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">De nuper sub D. Carolo repertis insulis</cite>, Basileae, -1521; quoted by Ginzel, I, 446, note 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_895" href="#FNanchor_895" class="label">[895]</a> <cite>Loango Exp.</cite>, III: 2, 138.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_896" href="#FNanchor_896" class="label">[896]</a> Macdonald, p. 291.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_897" href="#FNanchor_897" class="label">[897]</a> Friederich, p. 86.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_898" href="#FNanchor_898" class="label">[898]</a> Taylor, p. 362.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_899" href="#FNanchor_899" class="label">[899]</a> Thomson, I, 198.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_900" href="#FNanchor_900" class="label">[900]</a> <ins class="corr" id="tn-900" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Treagear, p.'"> -Tregear, p.</ins> 114.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_901" href="#FNanchor_901" class="label">[901]</a> De Backer, p. 407.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_902" href="#FNanchor_902" class="label">[902]</a> Brandeis, p. 78.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_903" href="#FNanchor_903" class="label">[903]</a> Malo, p. 59.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_904" href="#FNanchor_904" class="label">[904]</a> Quoted by Malo, p. 59, note 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_905" href="#FNanchor_905" class="label">[905]</a> <a href="#Page_242">Above, p. 242</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_906" href="#FNanchor_906" class="label">[906]</a> Winkler, pp. 436 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_907" href="#FNanchor_907" class="label">[907]</a> <a href="#Page_237">Above, pp. 237 ff</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_908" href="#FNanchor_908" class="label">[908]</a> Wellhausen, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Reste</cite>, pp. 88, 99.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_909" href="#FNanchor_909" class="label">[909]</a> Sprenger, p. 144.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_910" href="#FNanchor_910" class="label">[910]</a> Wellhausen, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Reste</cite>, p. 96; <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Vakidi</cite>, pp. 17 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_911" href="#FNanchor_911" class="label">[911]</a> I cannot go further into this, but refer to Ginzel, I, 243 ff., though -he has far from exhausted the subject. Wellhausen’s treatment (l. c.) is -suggestive but too dogmatic, and he leaves the <em>nasî</em> out of account. More -recently Moberg has examined in detail the Arabian traditions: for particulars -of his researches I refer to his paper, <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Den muhammedanska traditionen -i fråga om an-nasî</cite>, St. Tegn., pp. 465 ff. His conclusion is that originally -<em>nasî</em> was partly the term for the insertion of the intercalary month, and -also probably the name of the intercalary month itself.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_912" href="#FNanchor_912" class="label">[912]</a> For quotations -see Sprenger, pp. 145 ff., also Albiruni, in Ginzel I, 245.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_913" href="#FNanchor_913" class="label">[913]</a> See my <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Entstehung etc.</cite>, p. 47.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_914" href="#FNanchor_914" class="label">[914]</a> Sprenger’s hypothesis that the pre-Mohammedan -Arabians had the lunar year but that the feast of pilgrims was -held before the full moon preceding the spring equinox is also false: for the -names of months shew that the feast was connected with a definite month.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_915" href="#FNanchor_915" class="label">[915]</a> I give here the English translation of Sachau, p. 73, which adds <em>rabi I</em> -in brackets as an explanation. I am indebted to Prof. Moberg for the literal -translation of the passage:—“The first <em>nasî</em> fell in the <em>muharram</em>, and <em>safar</em> -was called by this name and <em>rabi I</em> by the name <em>safar</em>, and from this they -let the months revolve in the series. The second <em>nasî</em> fell in <em>safar</em>, and the -month following that (<em>rabi I</em>: Sachau) was again called <em>safar</em>, and so on, -until the <em>nasî</em> had run through all twelve months and came back again to -<em>muharram</em>.” As a result of the first intercalation <em>rabi I</em> became <em>safar</em>, -therefore <em>rabi II</em> = <em>rabi I</em>, after the second the names are pushed another -stage forwards, therefore the original <em>safar</em> = after the first intercalation -<em>rabi I</em>, after the second <em>rabi II</em>. I have added a reference to the original -situation.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_916" href="#FNanchor_916" class="label">[916]</a> Caussin, p. 349.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_917" href="#FNanchor_917" class="label">[917]</a> <a href="#Page_226">Above, pp. 226 ff</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_918" href="#FNanchor_918" class="label">[918]</a> Kugler, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Erg.</cite>, p. 153.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_919" href="#FNanchor_919" class="label">[919]</a> Kugler, I, 35 ff., II, 88 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_920" href="#FNanchor_920" class="label">[920]</a> <a href="#Page_227">Above, p. 227</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_921" href="#FNanchor_921" class="label">[921]</a> Kugler, I, 228 ff., <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Erg.</cite>, p. 169.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_922" href="#FNanchor_922" class="label">[922]</a> The connexion of the -number of the 12 signs of the zodiac with the months has often been contested, -but in my opinion erroneously.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_923" href="#FNanchor_923" class="label">[923]</a> Kugler, <ins class="corr" id="tn-923" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Erg., 131'"> -<cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Erg.</cite>, p. 131</ins>; cp. also Weissbach, pp. 281 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_924" href="#FNanchor_924" class="label">[924]</a> For a general -view I refer to Bezold’s essay.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_925" href="#FNanchor_925" class="label">[925]</a> Cp. <a href="#Page_243">above, p. 243</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_926" href="#FNanchor_926" class="label">[926]</a> See Landsberger, pp. 44 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_927" href="#FNanchor_927" class="label">[927]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 30, note 4.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_928" href="#FNanchor_928" class="label">[928]</a> Kugler, II, 187 ff.; Weidner, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Memnon, 6</cite>, 65 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_929" href="#FNanchor_929" class="label">[929]</a> Kugler, II, 248 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_930" href="#FNanchor_930" class="label">[930]</a> Kugler, II, 253, and elsewhere: the passage is -often quoted.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_931" href="#FNanchor_931" class="label">[931]</a> Schiaparelli, <cite>Bab.</cite>, p. 229.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_932" href="#FNanchor_932" class="label">[932]</a> Schiaparelli, <cite>Bab.</cite>, p. 230.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_933" href="#FNanchor_933" class="label">[933]</a> Weidner, p. 73; for the 27-year period -in question see <a href="#Page_264">below, p. 264</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_934" href="#FNanchor_934" class="label">[934]</a> <a href="#Page_183">Above, p. 183</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_935" href="#FNanchor_935" class="label">[935]</a> <a href="#Page_188">Above, p. 188</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_936" href="#FNanchor_936" class="label">[936]</a> <a href="#Page_313">Below, p. 313</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_937" href="#FNanchor_937" class="label">[937]</a> Casalis, quoted by Frazer, p. 117.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_938" href="#FNanchor_938" class="label">[938]</a> Dubois, p. 165.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_939" href="#FNanchor_939" class="label">[939]</a> <a href="#Page_211">Above, pp. 211 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_940" href="#FNanchor_940" class="label">[940]</a> See my article <cite lang="la" xml:lang="la">Kalendæ Januariæ</cite>, Arch. f. Religionswiss., <em>19</em>, 1918, in -particular pp. 68 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_941" href="#FNanchor_941" class="label">[941]</a> <cite>R. T. Str.</cite>, p. 226.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_942" href="#FNanchor_942" class="label">[942]</a> <a href="#Page_202">Above, p. 202</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_943" href="#FNanchor_943" class="label">[943]</a> Grabowsky, p. 102.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_944" href="#FNanchor_944" class="label">[944]</a> Bartram, p. 483.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_945" href="#FNanchor_945" class="label">[945]</a> Powers, p. 438.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_946" href="#FNanchor_946" class="label">[946]</a> Callaway, pp. 406, 413.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_947" href="#FNanchor_947" class="label">[947]</a> Johnstone, p. 266.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_948" href="#FNanchor_948" class="label">[948]</a> Junod, <cite>Thonga</cite>, I, 368 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_949" href="#FNanchor_949" class="label">[949]</a> Leonard, pp. 434 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_950" href="#FNanchor_950" class="label">[950]</a> Ellis, <cite>Polyn. Res.</cite>³, I, 351.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_951" href="#FNanchor_951" class="label">[951]</a> Nieuwenhuis, I, 161.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_952" href="#FNanchor_952" class="label">[952]</a> Ellis, <cite>Yoruba</cite>, p. 150.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_953" href="#FNanchor_953" class="label">[953]</a> von Bülow, p. 239.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_954" href="#FNanchor_954" class="label">[954]</a> <cite>Handbook</cite>, p. 189.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_955" href="#FNanchor_955" class="label">[955]</a> Mooney, <cite>Kiowa</cite>, pp. 366 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_956" href="#FNanchor_956" class="label">[956]</a> Gatschet, p. 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_957" href="#FNanchor_957" class="label">[957]</a> Bushnell, p. 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_958" href="#FNanchor_958" class="label">[958]</a> Du Pratz, II, 354 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_959" href="#FNanchor_959" class="label">[959]</a> Teit, <cite>Thompson Indians</cite>, p. 237.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_960" href="#FNanchor_960" class="label">[960]</a> Teit, <cite>Shuswap</cite>, p. 518.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_961" href="#FNanchor_961" class="label">[961]</a> Turner, p. 202.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_962" href="#FNanchor_962" class="label">[962]</a> Jochelson, <cite>Yukaghir</cite>, p. 428.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_963" href="#FNanchor_963" class="label">[963]</a> Holm, <em>10</em>, p. 141, and <em>39</em>, p. 105.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_964" href="#FNanchor_964" class="label">[964]</a> <a href="#Page_234">Above, p. 234</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_965" href="#FNanchor_965" class="label">[965]</a> See Dillmann, pp. 914 ff., König, pp. 624 ff., and the -authorities there cited.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_966" href="#FNanchor_966" class="label">[966]</a> Exod. XXIII, 16, XXXIV, 22.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_967" href="#FNanchor_967" class="label">[967]</a> Cp. <a href="#Page_268">above, p. 268</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_968" href="#FNanchor_968" class="label">[968]</a> See <a href="#Page_234">above, p. 234</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_969" href="#FNanchor_969" class="label">[969]</a> Lev. XXIII, 24.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_970" href="#FNanchor_970" class="label">[970]</a> Grubb, p. 139.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_971" href="#FNanchor_971" class="label">[971]</a> Liebstadt, quoted by Frazer, p. 309.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_972" href="#FNanchor_972" class="label">[972]</a> Teschauer, p. 736.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_973" href="#FNanchor_973" class="label">[973]</a> Gumilla, quoted by Frazer, p. 310; cp. Gilij, <a href="#Page_49">above, p. 49</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_974" href="#FNanchor_974" class="label">[974]</a> von den Steinen in <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Globus</cite>, from old sources difficult of access and in part in -manuscript.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_975" href="#FNanchor_975" class="label">[975]</a> Kidd, quoted by Frazer, p. 116.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_976" href="#FNanchor_976" class="label">[976]</a> Callaway, p. 397.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_977" href="#FNanchor_977" class="label">[977]</a> Friederich, p. 86.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_978" href="#FNanchor_978" class="label">[978]</a> Thurnwald, p. 342.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_979" href="#FNanchor_979" class="label">[979]</a> Mathias G., p. 211.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_980" href="#FNanchor_980" class="label">[980]</a> Ellis, <cite>Polyn. Res.</cite>³, I, 312.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_981" href="#FNanchor_981" class="label">[981]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 87; Wegener, p. 147.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_982" href="#FNanchor_982" class="label">[982]</a> Ed. Meyer, <cite>Chron.</cite>, p. 20.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_983" href="#FNanchor_983" class="label">[983]</a> Cp. <a href="#Page_248">above, pp. 248 f</a>., and especially the -Pleiades year, pp. <a href="#Page_274">274 ff</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_984" href="#FNanchor_984" class="label">[984]</a> Grimm, p. 105.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_985" href="#FNanchor_985" class="label">[985]</a> Abbot, pp. 11 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_986" href="#FNanchor_986" class="label">[986]</a> von Hahn, II, 111.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_987" href="#FNanchor_987" class="label">[987]</a> Grimm, pp. 101 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_988" href="#FNanchor_988" class="label">[988]</a> Grimm, p. 104.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_989" href="#FNanchor_989" class="label">[989]</a> Grimm, pp. 98 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_990" href="#FNanchor_990" class="label">[990]</a> <i>koložeg</i>, also December. The name cannot be taken as referring to -the disc of the sun; popularly it is said that once it was so cold during this -month that the people had to burn even their waggons in order to warm -themselves.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_991" href="#FNanchor_991" class="label">[991]</a> Yermoloff, p. 54.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_992" href="#FNanchor_992" class="label">[992]</a> According to Yermoloff, p. 428, October.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_993" href="#FNanchor_993" class="label">[993]</a> The Czechs have for some centuries distinguished <i>červen</i> and <i>červenec</i> -as June and July respectively, or also:—‘the little <em>č</em>.’ = June, ‘the great -<em>č</em>.’ = July.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_994" href="#FNanchor_994" class="label">[994]</a> Yermoloff, p. 394.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_995" href="#FNanchor_995" class="label">[995]</a> The much-disputed name <em>Hornung</em> is rightly explained by Bilfinger, -<cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bes. Beil. des Staats-Anzeigers f. Württemberg</cite>, 1900, pp. 193 ff. It describes -the month as ‘the one that has been curtailed of its rights’ (cf. Icel. <i>hornungr</i>), -since it has fewer days than the others: cf. the Flemish term <i>het kort mandeken</i>. -The same writer, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zts. f. deutsche Wortforschung 5</cite>, 1903, pp. 263 ff., -satisfactorily explains <i>Sporkel</i> as the month in which the vines are pruned; -the name <i>Rebmonat</i> has the same sense. Further he conjectures that as -November is the slaughtering month and <i>Louwmaend</i> (= January) is the tanning -month, <i>Sellemaend</i> takes its name from the sale of the hides.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_996" href="#FNanchor_996" class="label">[996]</a> Ebner, p. 9.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_997" href="#FNanchor_997" class="label">[997]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 5.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_998" href="#FNanchor_998" class="label">[998]</a> Weinhold, <cite>Mon.</cite>, pp. 31 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_999" href="#FNanchor_999" class="label">[999]</a> <a href="#Page_77">Above, p. 77</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1000" href="#FNanchor_1000" class="label">[1000]</a> Tille, pp. 19 and 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1001" href="#FNanchor_1001" class="label">[1001]</a> This pair is evidently to be -explained otherwise: cp. Bilfinger, <a href="#Page_289">above, p. 289</a>, <a href="#Footnote_995">note 1</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1002" href="#FNanchor_1002" class="label">[1002]</a> Beda, <cite>De temp. -rat.</cite>, c. 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1003" href="#FNanchor_1003" class="label">[1003]</a> This interpretation however involves the difficulty that <i>hreðe</i> is usually -written without <em>h</em> (Ekwall).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1004" href="#FNanchor_1004" class="label">[1004]</a> Hampson, I, 422 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1005" href="#FNanchor_1005" class="label">[1005]</a> <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Bibl. der angelsächs. -Poesie, herausgeg. v. C. W. M. Grein</cite>, II, Göttingen, 1858, pp. 1 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1006" href="#FNanchor_1006" class="label">[1006]</a> Hickes, I, 215.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1007" href="#FNanchor_1007" class="label">[1007]</a> The quotations are given in the Oxford Dictionary; -see further Hampson, II, 194.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1008" href="#FNanchor_1008" class="label">[1008]</a> Aubrey, <cite>Rom. Gentilisme</cite>, 1686–7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1009" href="#FNanchor_1009" class="label">[1009]</a> Bilfinger, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Unters.</cite>, II, 125 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1010" href="#FNanchor_1010" class="label">[1010]</a> <i>Lið</i>, ‘ship’, <i>liða</i>, ‘seafarer’ have short <em>i</em> and could not give <i>þriliði</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1011" href="#FNanchor_1011" class="label">[1011]</a> F. Kluge, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Nominale Stammbildungslehre</cite>, 2nd ed., 1899, p. 66. The word is -used in <cite>Coloss.</cite> II, 16, and translates Greek <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">νεομηνία</span>; this word really means -‘new moon’, but in later Greek any festival. Hence it is not very surprising -that Ulfilas should have put ‘full moon’ for <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">νεομηνία</span>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1012" href="#FNanchor_1012" class="label">[1012]</a> Bilfinger, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Unters.</cite>, I, 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1013" href="#FNanchor_1013" class="label">[1013]</a> Worm, p. 48; Finn Magnusson in <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Edda</cite> III, -1044 ff., whence the translations are taken.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1014" href="#FNanchor_1014" class="label">[1014]</a> <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Edda</cite> III, 1044 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1015" href="#FNanchor_1015" class="label">[1015]</a> Weinhold, -<cite>Mon.</cite>, p. 23, without giving source.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1016" href="#FNanchor_1016" class="label">[1016]</a> Worm, pp. 43 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1017" href="#FNanchor_1017" class="label">[1017]</a> Hickes, I, 215, written <em>Blindemanet</em>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1018" href="#FNanchor_1018" class="label">[1018]</a> <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Edda</cite> III, 1044 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1019" href="#FNanchor_1019" class="label">[1019]</a> Hickes, -<em>loc. cit.</em>, has as variants 1, <i>Ism.</i>, 10, <i>Riidm.</i>, 11, <i>Winterm.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1020" href="#FNanchor_1020" class="label">[1020]</a> The history of the Swedish list of months is dealt with in detail -by the present writer in the essay <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">De svenska månadsnamnen, Stud. Tegn.</cite>, -pp. 173 ff., to which the reader is referred for the documents.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1021" href="#FNanchor_1021" class="label">[1021]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, pp. 177 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1022" href="#FNanchor_1022" class="label">[1022]</a> Bilfinger, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Unters.</cite>, I, 32.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1023" href="#FNanchor_1023" class="label">[1023]</a> Weinhold, <cite>Mon.</cite>, pp. 38 and 58; Axel Olrik, -<cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeitschr. des Vereins f. Volkskunde, 20</cite>, 1910, p. 57.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1024" href="#FNanchor_1024" class="label">[1024]</a> <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Unters.</cite>, I, 49 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1025" href="#FNanchor_1025" class="label">[1025]</a> Celsius, pp. 211, 65.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1026" href="#FNanchor_1026" class="label">[1026]</a> Beckman, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Stud. Tegn.</cite>, pp. 200 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1027" href="#FNanchor_1027" class="label">[1027]</a> Beckman, <em>loc. cit.</em>, tries to prove the heathen origin of the computation -of the <i>disting</i> and its independence of the Easter reckoning by the statement -that the former follows the phenomena of the heavens, the latter the -rule of computation, which may lead to a different result. Unfortunately this -conclusion cannot be considered too binding, since for the people in general, -who knew nothing about this rule,—how late in medieval times the rune-staves -appeared we do not know, but certainly not at the beginning of the -Middle Ages—it was still absolutely necessary to determine in some degree -the time of fasting and the Easter time. And if the absolutely correct calculation -could not be made, it was still better than nothing to have one that -was at least approximate and easy to make. The fact that the moon of -fasting was calculated from the phenomena of the heavens is expressly stated -in the rule as given <a href="#Page_301">above, p. 301</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1028" href="#FNanchor_1028" class="label">[1028]</a> Saga of Saint Olaf, ch. 76.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1029" href="#FNanchor_1029" class="label">[1029]</a> Olaus Andreae and Gerardus Erici, 1600; Petrus Gisæus, 1603.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1030" href="#FNanchor_1030" class="label">[1030]</a> <i>Ny inkombling</i> = ‘new-comer’, ‘intruder’.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1031" href="#FNanchor_1031" class="label">[1031]</a> Celsius, p. 111.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1032" href="#FNanchor_1032" class="label">[1032]</a> See <a href="#Page_299">above, p. 299</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1033" href="#FNanchor_1033" class="label">[1033]</a> J. Häyhä, III, 101 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1034" href="#FNanchor_1034" class="label">[1034]</a> There can here be no question of the Catholic regulation of the -moons by the Epiphany Day, since if this were assumed the first heart-moon -could not begin earlier than Dec. 27, and would therefore not come within the -winter solstice, as the account says it must.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1035" href="#FNanchor_1035" class="label">[1035]</a> Schiefner, p. 217.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1036" href="#FNanchor_1036" class="label">[1036]</a> Wiklund, pp. 5 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1037" href="#FNanchor_1037" class="label">[1037]</a> <cite>Act. soc. scient. fennicae, 12</cite>, 1883, p. 166.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1038" href="#FNanchor_1038" class="label">[1038]</a> See <a href="#Page_300">above, p. 300</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1039" href="#FNanchor_1039" class="label">[1039]</a> Cranz, I, 293; Dalsager, p. 54.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1040" href="#FNanchor_1040" class="label">[1040]</a> Holm, <em>10</em>, p. 141; <em>39</em>, p. 105.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1041" href="#FNanchor_1041" class="label">[1041]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, 142, 104.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1042" href="#FNanchor_1042" class="label">[1042]</a> Turner, p. 202.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1043" href="#FNanchor_1043" class="label">[1043]</a> <a href="#Page_246">Above, p. 246</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1044" href="#FNanchor_1044" class="label">[1044]</a> Stevenson, pp. 108 ff., cf. 148 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1045" href="#FNanchor_1045" class="label">[1045]</a> Fewkes, pp. 256 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1046" href="#FNanchor_1046" class="label">[1046]</a> Garcilasso de la Vega, I, 199 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1047" href="#FNanchor_1047" class="label">[1047]</a> Callaway, p. 395.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1048" href="#FNanchor_1048" class="label">[1048]</a> Casalis, quoted by Frazer, p. 117.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1049" href="#FNanchor_1049" class="label">[1049]</a> Meier, pp. 706 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1050" href="#FNanchor_1050" class="label">[1050]</a> Parkinson, p. 378.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1051" href="#FNanchor_1051" class="label">[1051]</a> Forster, p. 436.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1052" href="#FNanchor_1052" class="label">[1052]</a> Fornander, p. 127.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1053" href="#FNanchor_1053" class="label">[1053]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">νῆσός τις Συρίη ... Ὀρτυγίης καθύπερθεν, ὅθι τροπαὶ ἠελίοιο</span>—Od. -XV, 403.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1054" href="#FNanchor_1054" class="label">[1054]</a> Hesiod, <em>Op.</em>, 564 and 663 respectively.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1055" href="#FNanchor_1055" class="label">[1055]</a> Cf. my <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Årets folkliga fester</cite>, p. 157.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1056" href="#FNanchor_1056" class="label">[1056]</a> <a href="#Page_21">Above, pp. 21 f</a>.; so also Ginzel, III, 57.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1057" href="#FNanchor_1057" class="label">[1057]</a> Snorre’s Edda, I, 150; cf. <a href="#Page_21">above, p. 21</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1058" href="#FNanchor_1058" class="label">[1058]</a> <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Flateyjarbók</cite>, I, 539.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1059" href="#FNanchor_1059" class="label">[1059]</a> Riste, pp. 6 and 8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1060" href="#FNanchor_1060" class="label">[1060]</a> <a href="#Page_137">Above, pp. 137 ff</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1061" href="#FNanchor_1061" class="label">[1061]</a> Nieuwenhuis, I, 317.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1062" href="#FNanchor_1062" class="label">[1062]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, I, 160.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1063" href="#FNanchor_1063" class="label">[1063]</a> Hose and McDougall, I, 106 ff.; unfortunately I have not had access -to the work of Hose quoted by Frazer on p. 314, n. 3, <cite>Various Modes of -computing the Time for Planting among the Races of Borneo</cite>, Journal of -the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, no. 42, Singapore, 1905.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1064" href="#FNanchor_1064" class="label">[1064]</a> Crawfurd, I, 300 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1065" href="#FNanchor_1065" class="label">[1065]</a> Hose and McDougall, p. 108.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1066" href="#FNanchor_1066" class="label">[1066]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, I, 109; II, 139.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1067" href="#FNanchor_1067" class="label">[1067]</a> p. 104.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1068" href="#FNanchor_1068" class="label">[1068]</a> Mooney, <cite>Siouan Tribes</cite>, p. 32.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1069" href="#FNanchor_1069" class="label">[1069]</a> Powers, p. 352.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1070" href="#FNanchor_1070" class="label">[1070]</a> Du Pratz, III, 237 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1071" href="#FNanchor_1071" class="label">[1071]</a> Dunbar, p. 1.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1072" href="#FNanchor_1072" class="label">[1072]</a> <a href="#Page_104">Above, p. 104</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1073" href="#FNanchor_1073" class="label">[1073]</a> Alberti, p. 68.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1074" href="#FNanchor_1074" class="label">[1074]</a> Claus, p. 38.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1075" href="#FNanchor_1075" class="label">[1075]</a> <a href="#Page_93">Above, p. 93</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1076" href="#FNanchor_1076" class="label">[1076]</a> Chervin, p. 229.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1077" href="#FNanchor_1077" class="label">[1077]</a> Roscoe, <cite>Baganda</cite>, p. 42.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1078" href="#FNanchor_1078" class="label">[1078]</a> Kötz, p. 21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1079" href="#FNanchor_1079" class="label">[1079]</a> Swoboda, p. 22.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1080" href="#FNanchor_1080" class="label">[1080]</a> Reed, p. 64.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1081" href="#FNanchor_1081" class="label">[1081]</a> Codrington, p. 353.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1082" href="#FNanchor_1082" class="label">[1082]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 272.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1083" href="#FNanchor_1083" class="label">[1083]</a> Thurnwald, p. 331.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1084" href="#FNanchor_1084" class="label">[1084]</a> Brandeis, p. 78.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1085" href="#FNanchor_1085" class="label">[1085]</a> Gatschet, p. 17.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1086" href="#FNanchor_1086" class="label">[1086]</a> Thomas, <cite>Austr.</cite>, p. 27.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1087" href="#FNanchor_1087" class="label">[1087]</a> <a href="#Page_178">Above, p. 178</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1088" href="#FNanchor_1088" class="label">[1088]</a> Jochelson, <cite>Yukaghir</cite>, pp. 40 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1089" href="#FNanchor_1089" class="label">[1089]</a> Barrett, p. 35.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1090" href="#FNanchor_1090" class="label">[1090]</a> Stannus, p. 288.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1091" href="#FNanchor_1091" class="label">[1091]</a> Landtman, communicated by letter.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1092" href="#FNanchor_1092" class="label">[1092]</a> Weeks, <cite>Bakongo</cite>, pp. 199 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1093" href="#FNanchor_1093" class="label">[1093]</a> Hammar, p. 156.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1094" href="#FNanchor_1094" class="label">[1094]</a> Torday and Joyce, <em>35</em>, 413; <em>36</em>, 47 and 277.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1095" href="#FNanchor_1095" class="label">[1095]</a> Weeks, p. 200.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1096" href="#FNanchor_1096" class="label">[1096]</a> Thomas, <cite>Edo</cite>, I, 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1097" href="#FNanchor_1097" class="label">[1097]</a> Thomas, <cite>Ibo</cite>, I, 127.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1098" href="#FNanchor_1098" class="label">[1098]</a> <cite>Loango Exp.</cite>, III: 2, 139.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1099" href="#FNanchor_1099" class="label">[1099]</a> Ellis, <cite>Yoruba</cite>, pp. 142 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1100" href="#FNanchor_1100" class="label">[1100]</a> <a href="#Page_90">Above, p. 90</a>; Dennett, pp. 133 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1101" href="#FNanchor_1101" class="label">[1101]</a> Conradt, p. 15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1102" href="#FNanchor_1102" class="label">[1102]</a> Ellis, <cite>Tshi</cite>, p. 216.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1103" href="#FNanchor_1103" class="label">[1103]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 219.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1104" href="#FNanchor_1104" class="label">[1104]</a> Thomas, <cite>Edo</cite>, I, 18.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1105" href="#FNanchor_1105" class="label">[1105]</a> Ellis, <cite>Yoruba</cite>, p. 149.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1106" href="#FNanchor_1106" class="label">[1106]</a> Wilken, p. 199.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1107" href="#FNanchor_1107" class="label">[1107]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, p. 200.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1108" href="#FNanchor_1108" class="label">[1108]</a> Ginzel, -I, 414 ff.; Crawfurd, I, 289 ff., Wilken, pp. 197 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1109" href="#FNanchor_1109" class="label">[1109]</a> References in Webster, -pp. 103 ff., where also will be found more about the African market-days.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1110" href="#FNanchor_1110" class="label">[1110]</a> Garcilasso de la Vega, I, 6 and 35; Webster, pp. 119 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1111" href="#FNanchor_1111" class="label">[1111]</a> Quoted from Hehn, p. 114.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1112" href="#FNanchor_1112" class="label">[1112]</a> II Kings, IV, 23.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1113" href="#FNanchor_1113" class="label">[1113]</a> Macrob., I, 16, 28 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1114" href="#FNanchor_1114" class="label">[1114]</a> <a href="#Page_251">Above, pp. 251 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1115" href="#FNanchor_1115" class="label">[1115]</a> W. Backer, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Zeitschr. -f. d. altest. Wiss., 29</cite>, 1909, 148 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1116" href="#FNanchor_1116" class="label">[1116]</a> Jerem. XVII, 21 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1117" href="#FNanchor_1117" class="label">[1117]</a> Nehem. X, 31.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1118" href="#FNanchor_1118" class="label">[1118]</a> Nehem. XIII, 15 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1119" href="#FNanchor_1119" class="label">[1119]</a> Spencer and Gillen, <cite>Nat. Tribes</cite>, pp. 169 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1120" href="#FNanchor_1120" class="label">[1120]</a> P. 336.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1121" href="#FNanchor_1121" class="label">[1121]</a> <a href="#Page_68">Above, p. 68</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1122" href="#FNanchor_1122" class="label">[1122]</a> Nieuwenhuis, I, 161.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1123" href="#FNanchor_1123" class="label">[1123]</a> Martin, p. 290.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1124" href="#FNanchor_1124" class="label">[1124]</a> <a href="#Page_68">Above, pp. 68 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1125" href="#FNanchor_1125" class="label">[1125]</a> Jenks, pp. 206 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1126" href="#FNanchor_1126" class="label">[1126]</a> Leonard, pp. 434 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1127" href="#FNanchor_1127" class="label">[1127]</a> Jochelson, <cite>Koryak</cite>, pp. 86 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1128" href="#FNanchor_1128" class="label">[1128]</a> Cp. <a href="#Page_269">above, p. 269</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1129" href="#FNanchor_1129" class="label">[1129]</a> Powers, p. 305.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1130" href="#FNanchor_1130" class="label">[1130]</a> Cp. Mauss, <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Essai sur les variations saisonnières des sociétés Eskimos, L’année -sociologique, 9</cite>, 1904–5, pp. 96 ff. That the time of freedom from work -should become a festival time is obvious and is simpler than Mauss seems -to think; the point deserved noting among other peoples also.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1131" href="#FNanchor_1131" class="label">[1131]</a> Cp. my <cite lang="sv" xml:lang="sv">Årets folkliga fester</cite>, p. 161.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1132" href="#FNanchor_1132" class="label">[1132]</a> Pp. <a href="#Page_320">320 ff</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1133" href="#FNanchor_1133" class="label">[1133]</a> <a href="#Page_151">Above, pp. 151 ff</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1134" href="#FNanchor_1134" class="label">[1134]</a> Du Pratz, II, 354 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1135" href="#FNanchor_1135" class="label">[1135]</a> Foa, p. 120.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1136" href="#FNanchor_1136" class="label">[1136]</a> Nisbet, II, 287.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1137" href="#FNanchor_1137" class="label">[1137]</a> Kötz, p. 21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1138" href="#FNanchor_1138" class="label">[1138]</a> P. 331; cp. the handbooks, -and Förster’s essay.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1139" href="#FNanchor_1139" class="label">[1139]</a> Lev. XXIII, 5, 6, and 34; cp. Ezekiel XLV, 21 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1140" href="#FNanchor_1140" class="label">[1140]</a> Exod. XXXIV, 18, XXIII, 15, <i>le moed chodesh ha-abib</i>; cp. Exod. XIII, 4 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1141" href="#FNanchor_1141" class="label">[1141]</a> XVI, I.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1142" href="#FNanchor_1142" class="label">[1142]</a> <a href="#Page_235">Above, pp. 235 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1143" href="#FNanchor_1143" class="label">[1143]</a> Judges IX, 27; XXI, 19 f.; Nowack II, 151.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1144" href="#FNanchor_1144" class="label">[1144]</a> Exod. XXXIV, 22.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1145" href="#FNanchor_1145" class="label">[1145]</a> Numbers IX, 11 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1146" href="#FNanchor_1146" class="label">[1146]</a> Perhaps Solomon also celebrated the dedication of the Temple and the -Feast of Tabernacles in the same month: Nowack, II, 151, n. 2.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1147" href="#FNanchor_1147" class="label">[1147]</a> Cp. my -article in <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Arch. f. Religionswiss., 14</cite>, 1911, p. 441, and my <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Entstehung etc.</cite>, -p. 33.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1148" href="#FNanchor_1148" class="label">[1148]</a> Warneck, pp. 350 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1149" href="#FNanchor_1149" class="label">[1149]</a> <a href="#Page_312">Above, p. 312</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1150" href="#FNanchor_1150" class="label">[1150]</a> Cranz, p. 229.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1151" href="#FNanchor_1151" class="label">[1151]</a> <a href="#Page_196">Above, pp. 196</a> and <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1152" href="#FNanchor_1152" class="label">[1152]</a> <a href="#Page_195">Above, pp. 195</a> and <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1153" href="#FNanchor_1153" class="label">[1153]</a> Ginzel, I, 436.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1154" href="#FNanchor_1154" class="label">[1154]</a> <a href="#Page_196">Above, p. 196</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1155" href="#FNanchor_1155" class="label">[1155]</a> Chervin, p. 229.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1156" href="#FNanchor_1156" class="label">[1156]</a> <a href="#Page_204">Above, pp. 204 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1157" href="#FNanchor_1157" class="label">[1157]</a> <a href="#Page_228">Above, pp. 228 ff</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1158" href="#FNanchor_1158" class="label">[1158]</a> Cp. my <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Entstehung etc.</cite>, pp. 51 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1159" href="#FNanchor_1159" class="label">[1159]</a> Friederich, p. 88.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1160" href="#FNanchor_1160" class="label">[1160]</a> Brough-Smyth, I, 432, quoted by Kötz, pp. 26 f.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1161" href="#FNanchor_1161" class="label">[1161]</a> <a href="#Page_132">Pp. 132 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1162" href="#FNanchor_1162" class="label">[1162]</a> <cite>R. T. Str.</cite>, p. 224.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1163" href="#FNanchor_1163" class="label">[1163]</a> Gilij, II, 21.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1164" href="#FNanchor_1164" class="label">[1164]</a> <a href="#Page_241">Above, p. 241</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1165" href="#FNanchor_1165" class="label">[1165]</a> Jenks, p. 219.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1166" href="#FNanchor_1166" class="label">[1166]</a> <a href="#Page_103">Above, pp. 103 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1167" href="#FNanchor_1167" class="label">[1167]</a> <a href="#Page_169">Above, pp. 169 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1168" href="#FNanchor_1168" class="label">[1168]</a> Macdonald, p. 291.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1169" href="#FNanchor_1169" class="label">[1169]</a> Hose and McDougall, pp. 106 ff.; cp. <a href="#Page_318">above, p. 318</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1170" href="#FNanchor_1170" class="label">[1170]</a> <a href="#Page_318">Above, pp. 318</a> and <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1171" href="#FNanchor_1171" class="label">[1171]</a> Crawfurd, I, 300 f.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1172" href="#FNanchor_1172" class="label">[1172]</a> Ellis, <cite>Tshi</cite>, p. 216.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1173" href="#FNanchor_1173" class="label">[1173]</a> Mischlich, p. 127.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1174" href="#FNanchor_1174" class="label">[1174]</a> Fewkes, pp. 258 ff.; cp. <a href="#Page_313">above, p. 313</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1175" href="#FNanchor_1175" class="label">[1175]</a> Stevenson, p. 108 f.; cp. <a href="#Page_312">above, p. 312</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1176" href="#FNanchor_1176" class="label">[1176]</a> W. D. Alexander, quoted by Malo, p. 59, n. 7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1177" href="#FNanchor_1177" class="label">[1177]</a> Bastian, quoted by Kötz, p. 62.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1178" href="#FNanchor_1178" class="label">[1178]</a> White, quoted by Kötz, p. 63.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1179" href="#FNanchor_1179" class="label">[1179]</a> <cite>Loango Exp.</cite>, III: 2, 138, note; cp. <a href="#Page_248">above, p. 248</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1180" href="#FNanchor_1180" class="label">[1180]</a> <a href="#Page_313">Above, p. 313</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1181" href="#FNanchor_1181" class="label">[1181]</a> <a href="#Page_212">Above, pp. 212 f</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1182" href="#FNanchor_1182" class="label">[1182]</a> Erdland, pp. 16 ff.; cp. <a href="#Page_126">above, p. 126</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1183" href="#FNanchor_1183" class="label">[1183]</a> Parkinson, p. 377.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1184" href="#FNanchor_1184" class="label">[1184]</a> Kubary, p. 62.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1185" href="#FNanchor_1185" class="label">[1185]</a> Forster, p. 441; cp. <a href="#Page_125">above, p. 125</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1186" href="#FNanchor_1186" class="label">[1186]</a> Kötz, p. 64.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1187" href="#FNanchor_1187" class="label">[1187]</a> <a href="#Page_210">Above, p. 210</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1188" href="#FNanchor_1188" class="label">[1188]</a> Ellis, <cite>Pol. Res.</cite>³, I, 89 ff.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1189" href="#FNanchor_1189" class="label">[1189]</a> Maass, p. 512.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1190" href="#FNanchor_1190" class="label">[1190]</a> Feist, p. 262.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1191" href="#FNanchor_1191" class="label">[1191]</a> With this section compare my <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Entstehung etc.</cite>, where a fuller discussion -and authorities are given.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1192" href="#FNanchor_1192" class="label">[1192]</a> <a href="#Page_33">Above, pp. 33 ff</a>., <a href="#Page_46">46 f</a>., <a href="#Page_72">72 f</a>., <a href="#Page_110">110 ff</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1193" href="#FNanchor_1193" class="label">[1193]</a> <span lang="grc" xml:lang="grc">ἠλιτόμηνος</span>, Il. XIX, 118.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1194" href="#FNanchor_1194" class="label">[1194]</a> <a href="#Page_313">Above, pp. 313</a> and <a href="#Page_167">167</a>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1195" href="#FNanchor_1195" class="label">[1195]</a> Fotheringham in his interesting paper on Cleostratus (<cite>Journ. of Hell. -Studies, 39</cite>, 1919, 177) tries to explain this alternation by the intercalation; -if a month was intercalated the games would be transferred from Parthenios -to Apollonios. This is in my opinion impossible. The Greek feasts were bound -up with the months, which were named from some of them; this association -prevented a feast from being transferred to a month with another name, i. e. -the feast was fixed with reference to the name of the month, not to its number.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1196" href="#FNanchor_1196" class="label">[1196]</a> Axel W. Persson, <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Die Exegeten und Delphi</cite>, Lunds Universitets -Årsskrift, vol. 14, 1918, Nr. 22.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1197" href="#FNanchor_1197" class="label">[1197]</a> <a href="#Page_330">Above, p. 330</a>. My statement in <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, 14</cite>, -1911, pp. 435 and 448 n. 1, is to be tested by this. It agrees exactly.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1198" href="#FNanchor_1198" class="label">[1198]</a> See my <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Griechische Feste</cite>, p. 397.</p> - -</div> -</div> - - - - -<div class="transnote pg-brk"> -<a name="TN" id="TN"></a> -<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p> - -<p>Names beginning with Mc or Mac sometimes had a space before the rest -of the name, for example <span class="nowrap">‘Mac Pherson’</span>; this space has been removed.</p> - -<p>Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been -corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within -the text and consultation of external sources.</p> - -<p>Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, -and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.</p> - -<p> -<a href="#tn-toc">Table of Contents</a>: ‘P. 78 NOTE 1’ replaced by ‘P. 78 NOTE 2’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-48">Pg 48</a>: ‘nights in sucession’ replaced by ‘nights in succession’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-73">Pg 73</a>: ‘<i>grishna</i>, hot season’ replaced by ‘<i>grishma</i>, hot season’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-184">Pg 184</a>: ‘goose moonth’ replaced by ‘goose month’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-207">Pg 207</a>: ‘lakabutik kiik’ replaced by ‘lakubutik kiik’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-242">Pg 242</a>: ‘to accomodate their’ replaced by ‘to accommodate their’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-264">Pg 264</a>: ‘astromony is’ replaced by ‘astronomy is’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-338">Pg 338</a>: ‘Ifejiohu, god’ replaced by ‘Ifejioku, god’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-375">Pg 375</a>: ‘London [1841]’ replaced by ‘London (1841)’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-377">Pg 377</a>: ‘Meineke, C. E.’ replaced by ‘Meinicke, C. E.’.<br /> -<a href="#tn-380">Pg 380</a>: ‘Vega, Garcilasso’ replaced by ‘Vega, Garcilaso’.<br /> -<br /> -<a href="#ADDENDUM">Addendum</a>: ‘P. 78 NOTE 1’ (Footnote 335) replaced by ‘P. 78 NOTE 2’ (Footnote 336).<br /> -<br /> -<a href="#Footnote_692">Footnote 692</a>: ‘Treager’ replaced by ‘Tregear’.<br /> -<a href="#Footnote_693">Footnote 693</a>: ‘cp. Treagear’ replaced by ‘cp. Tregear’.<br /> -<a href="#Footnote_728">Footnote 728</a>: ‘Teit, <cite>Shushwap</cite>’ replaced by ‘Teit, <cite>Shuswap</cite>’.<br /> -<a href="#Footnote_900">Footnote 900</a>: ‘Treagear, p.’ replaced by ‘Tregear, p.’.<br /> -<a href="#Footnote_923">Footnote 923</a>: ‘<i>Erg.</i>, 131’ replaced by ‘<i>Erg.</i>, p. 131’.<br /> -</p> -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PRIMITIVE TIME-RECKONING ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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