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diff --git a/old/64768-0.txt b/old/64768-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 904be73..0000000 --- a/old/64768-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,17021 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Primitive Time-reckoning, by Martin Persson -Nilsson - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Primitive Time-reckoning - A study in the origins and first development of the art of - counting time among the primitive and early culture peoples - -Author: Martin Persson Nilsson - -Release Date: March 09, 2021 [eBook #64768] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Turgut Dincer, John Campbell and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was - produced from images generously made available by The Internet - Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PRIMITIVE TIME-RECKONING *** - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. - - Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have - been placed at the end of the book. - - A decimal fraction of a second, printed in very small font in the - original book, is denoted by =equalsigns=, for example 9.=34= secs. - - A superscript is denoted by ^x or ^{xx}, for example N^2 or IV^{me}. - In the Footnotes a reference to a second or third edition of a book - is denoted by ² or ³, for example: Schrader, II³. - - This book has many Greek words, which should display correctly on - most devices. Some other less common characters are also used. These - will display on this device as - ð eth character - Þ thorn character - ǫ o with ogonek - ȱ o with dot and macron - å a with ring above - ă a with breve - ā ī ō a, i, o with macron - ǎ č ř š ž a, c, r, s, z with caron - - Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book. - - - - - SKRIFTER UTGIVNA AV - - HUMANISTISKA VETENSKAPSSAMFUNDET I LUND - - ACTA SOCIETATIS HUMANIORUM LITTERARUM LUNDENSIS - - - I. - - _MARTIN P. NILSSON_ - PRIMITIVE TIME-RECKONING - - - - - PRIMITIVE TIME-RECKONING - - A STUDY IN THE ORIGINS AND FIRST DEVELOPMENT - OF THE ART OF COUNTING TIME AMONG - THE PRIMITIVE AND EARLY - CULTURE PEOPLES - - BY - - MARTIN P. NILSSON - - PROFESSOR OF CLASSICAL ARCHÆOLOGY AND ANCIENT HISTORY - IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LUND - SECRETARY TO THE SOCIETY LETTERS OF LUND - MEMBER OF THE R. DANISH ACADEMY - - [Illustration] - - - LUND, C. W. K. GLEERUP - LONDON, HUMPHREY MILFORD PARIS, EDOUARD CHAMPION - OXFORD, UNIVERSITY PRESS LEIPZIG, O. HARRASSOWITZ - 1920 - - - - - LUND 1920 - BERLINGSKA BOKTRYCKERIET - - - - - PREFACE. - - -Although in the present study I devote only a few pages to the Greek -time-reckoning, and am engaged for the most part in very different -fields, yet the work has arisen from a desire to prepare the way for -a clearer view of the initial stages of the Greek time-reckoning. -In the course of my investigations into Greek festivals I had from -the beginning been brought up against chronological problems, and -as I widened the circle so as to include the survivals of the -ancient festivals in the Middle Ages, more particularly in connexion -with the origin of the Christmas festival, I was again met by -difficulties of chronology, this time in regard to the earlier -Germanic time-reckoning. In the year 1911 I published in _Archiv für -Religionswissenschaft_ an article on the presumptive origin of the -Greek calendar circulated from Delphi. These preliminary studies -led to my taking over myself, in the projected Lexicon of the Greek -and Roman Religions, the article on the calendar in its sacral -connexions. This article was worked out in the spring of 1914. In it -the emphasis was laid not on the historical chronological systems, -which have little to do with religion, but on the question of -origins, in which religion plays a decisive part. In order to arrive -at an opinion it was not enough to work over once more the extremely -scanty material for the origin of the Greek time-reckoning; I had -to form an idea from my hitherto somewhat occasional ethnological -reading as to how a time-reckoning arose under primitive conditions, -and what was its nature. This idea obviously required broadening -and correcting by systematic research. The war, which suspended the -continuation of the Lexicon at its very beginning, gave me leisure -to undertake this more extensive research. Certainly it has also -imposed some limitations on the work, since I could not make use of -the rich libraries of England and the Continent but had to be content -with what was offered by those of Sweden and Copenhagen. But I am -not disposed to regret this limitation too deeply. The material here -reproduced will probably strike many readers as being copious and -monotonous enough, and the numerous books of travels and ethnological -works which I have ransacked, often to no profit, seem to hold out -little prospect that anything new and surprising will come to light. -In this conviction Webster’s work has strengthened me. - -In two or three instances I have derived material of great value -from personal communications. For very interesting details of the -time-reckoning of the Kiwai Papuans I am indebted to Dr. G. Landtman -of Helsingfors, and Prof. G. Kazarow of Sofia has sent me valuable -information as to the Bulgarian names of months. Dr. C. W. von Sydow -of Lund has communicated to me details of the popular time-reckoning -in Sweden. - -An exhaustive examination of all the material obtainable would -doubtless lead to a more exact conception of the details of primitive -time-reckoning. Above all, large districts with similar peculiarities -in time-reckoning could be more accurately defined. The Arctic -regions form a district of this nature. South America again differs -characteristically from North America; Africa, the East Indian -Archipelago, and the South Sea Islands all have their peculiarities. -The borrowings which have undoubtedly taken place on a very large -scale would be at least in part pointed out. This working up of the -material is however the task of the ethnological specialist; my -object is simply and solely to attain the above-mentioned goal of a -general foundation. - -The observation of chronological matters varies greatly in the -ethnographical literature; I have gone through many books without -result, and in other cases my gains have often been small. It is only -in quite recent times that attention has been paid with any great -profit to this side of primitive life. Among the English authors -Frazer has drawn up a list of ethnological questions (printed in the -_Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 18_, 1889, pp. 431 -ff., and also separately), paying due attention to time-reckoning, -which has had a lasting and happy result, as can be seen especially -in many papers in the _JRAI_ of succeeding years. - -Of the works of my predecessors only one has had any more elaborate -aims--the ninth chapter of Ginzel’s handbook, which deals with the -time-reckoning of the primitive peoples, divided up according to the -different parts of the world. The significance of the time-reckoning -of the primitive peoples for the history of chronology seems to -have been only gradually grasped by the author in the course of -his work, since it is not until after he has touched occasionally -upon the question of primitive time-reckoning in the course of -his account of the chronological systems of the Oriental peoples -that he inserts the chapter in question between the latter and the -chapters on the chronology of antiquity. Ginzel has in many respects -a sound view of the nature of primitive time-reckoning, and makes -many pertinent remarks, but on the whole his treatment, as is not -seldom the case, is lacking in exactness and depth. I have gratefully -made use of the material collected by him, going back, wherever -possible, to the original sources. Of other previous works must be -mentioned the essays of Andree and Frazer on the Pleiades,--the -latter especially distinguished by its author’s usual extensive -acquaintance with the sources and by its abundance of material--and -the dissertation of Kötz upon the astronomical knowledge of the -primitive peoples of Australia and the South Seas, an industrious -work which however only touches superficially upon the problems here -dealt with, and in regard to the lunisolar reckoning adopts the view -of Waitz-Gerland:--“We can here discover nothing accurate, since -these peoples have conceived of nothing accurately” (p. 22). I think -however that we may fairly say that this is to estimate too meanly -the possibility of our knowledge. Hubert’s paper, _Étude sommaire de -la représentation du temps dans la religion et la magie_, is composed -throughout in the spirit of the neo-scholastic school of Durkheim. -The present work, on the other hand, is based upon facts and their -interpretation. - -The book was ready in the spring of 1917, but could not be published -on account of the war. Later I have only inserted a few improvements -and additions. As I was putting the finishing touches to my work, -there came into my hands, after a delay due to the circumstances of -the time, the _Rest Days_ of H. Webster, whose _Primitive Secret -Societies_ has gained him fame and honour. This work deals in detail -with a subject akin to mine, but not from the calendarial and -chronological standpoint here adopted. Only upon the origin of the -lunisolar calendar does the author make a few general remarks (pp. -173 ff.), which however do not advance the subject very far. In the -chapters entitled _Market Days_, _Lunar Superstitions and Festivals_, -_Lunar Calendars and the Week_ he has brought together abundant -material which also concerns some of the phenomena treated by me; -part of this information will not be found here, since it is compiled -from sources inaccessible to me. For the same reason, because I -could not collate it for myself, I have not thought it advisable to -introduce this material into my book, especially since it adds no new -principle of knowledge and does not affect the conclusions I have -drawn. Moreover anyone who wishes to go farther into these matters -must in any case approach Webster’s careful work. - -For the popular month-names of the European peoples I have made -use of the well-known extensive collections of Grimm, Weinhold, -Miklosisch, etc. In this chapter my object has not been to make -contributions to our knowledge of the popular months, but only to -bring out, by means of numerous examples, the parallel between the -popular names of the Julian months and the names of the lunar months -among the primitive peoples. More isolated and disputed names are -therefore omitted, and the names are given chiefly in translation. I -have made only one exception, namely in the case of the Swedish lunar -months, which really hardly belong to my subject since they are a -popular development from the ecclesiastical calendar of the Middle -Ages. I hope however to be excused for this, in the first place on -patriotic grounds, and secondly because little attention has hitherto -been paid to the matter. In another place I have dealt fully with the -Swedish names of months, which are in the majority of cases not of -popular origin. - -I have made out a list of authorities so that in the foot-notes -reference may be made simply to the name of the author; where an -author is represented by two or more works, the work in question is -denoted by an abbreviation. This list is to be regarded not as an -exhaustive bibliography, but merely as an aid to the quotations. -Where so many quotations have been made it has been thought advisable -not to use inverted commas, except in a few special cases. The fact -that the quotations are nevertheless given as far as possible in -the author’s own words must be held to excuse a certain apparent -inconsistency in the use of tenses. - -Since I was obliged to include in my work the preliminary stages -of the time-reckoning of the culture peoples, I had to deal with -languages with which I was altogether unfamiliar, or only imperfectly -acquainted. I have therefore often availed myself of the expert -advice which has been readily given me by friends and colleagues. -For help in the complicated questions belonging to the domains of -the Semitic languages and Anglo-Saxon respectively I am especially -indebted to my colleagues Professors A. Moberg and E. Ekwall. For -occasional advice and information I have to thank Docent Joh. -Pedersen of Copenhagen (for the Semitic languages), Prof. Emil Olson -of Lund, and Prof. H. Lindroth of Gothenburg (for the Scandinavian), -and Docent S. Agrell of Lund (for the Slavonic). - -The English translation is the work of Mr. F. J. Fielden, English -Lector in the University of Lund, who has also read the proof-sheets. -I am greatly obliged to him for his conscientious performance of a -lengthy and by no means easy task. - - Lund, _May_ 1920. _Martin P. Nilsson._ - - - - - CONTENTS. - - PAGE - - PREFACE V - - INTRODUCTION 1 - - Foundation of the inquiry--Units of time-reckoning--Risings - and settings of the stars--Phases of climate, of plant and - animal life--Modes of time-reckoning. - - CHAPTER I.--THE DAY 11 - - The day of 24 hours not primitive--Counting of days or - nights--_Pars pro toto_ reckoning--Indications of the sun’s - position--Indications by means of marks etc.--Names for the - parts of the day--Names derived from occupations--Lists of - names--Homeric expressions--Greek and Latin expressions-- - Parts of the night--Night measured by the stars--Measures - of time. - - CHAPTER II.--THE SEASONS 45 - - Seasonal points--Small seasons--Winter and summer--Dry and - rainy seasons--Wind-seasons--Four or five seasons-- - Sub-division of seasons--Greater seasons--Cycles of seasons - --Agricultural cycles of seasons--Artificially regulated - cycles of seasons--Indo-European seasons--Seasons of the - Germanic peoples--The division of the Germanic year--The - Scandinavian division of the year--The old Scandinavian - week-year--Smaller wind-seasons. - - CHAPTER III.--THE YEAR 86 - - Half-years--Shorter years--The empirical year--_Pars pro toto_ - reckoning--The period of the vegetation and the year-- - Ignorance of age--Relative age--Designation of years after - events--Series of years designated after events--Designation - of years in Babylonia and Egypt. - - CHAPTER IV.--THE STARS 109 - - Inaccuracy of time-reckoning--The stars in Homer--Observation - of the stars by the Greeks and Romans--Star-lore: N. America - --S. America--Africa--India--Australia--Oceania--Indication - of time from the stars--Observation of the stars: Bushmen - --Australia--N. America--S. America--Africa--East Indian - Archipelago--Torres Straits--Melanesia--Polynesia--The stars - as causes and omens of the weather. - - CHAPTER V.--THE MONTH 147 - - The moon--Counting of months and their days--Indications of - the position of the moon--Salutations to the new moon-- - Celebration of the full moon--Other phases--The greater - phases of the moon--Further phases--Days named after the - phases of the moon--Groups of days named after the phases - of the moon--Days counted from the greater phases--Decades-- - African systems--The quarters of the moon. - - CHAPTER VI.--THE MONTHS 173 - - Series of months: N. Asia--Siberia--Eskimos--N. America--S. - America--Africa--East Indian Archipelago--Torres Straits-- - Oceania. - - CHAPTER VII.--CONCLUSIONS 217 - - Imperfect counting of the moons--Connexion between moons and - seasons--Multiplicity and absence of names of months--Pairs - of months. - - CHAPTER VIII.--OLD SEMITIC MONTHS 226 - - 1. _Babylonia._ Sumerian months--Akkadian months--Babylonian - etc. months--2. _The Israelites._ Canaanitish months-- - Israelitish months--New moon and months--3. _The - pre-Mohammedan Arabs._ Arabian months. - - CHAPTER IX.--CALENDAR REGULATION. 1. THE INTERCALATION 240 - - Incomplete series of months--Uncertainty as to the month-- - Difficulties in reckoning months--Empirical intercalation-- - The Jews--Correction of the months by the stars--Correction - of the Batak year--The pre-Mohammedan intercalation--The - Babylonian months and the stars.--The Babylonian intercalation - empirical--Correction of the year by the solstices and - the stars. - - CHAPTER X.--CALENDAR REGULATION. 2. BEGINNING OF THE YEAR 267 - - Uncertainty as to the beginning of the year--New Year - feasts--Beginning of the year--The Israelitish New Year-- - The Pleiades year--. _Appendix_: The Egyptian year. - - CHAPTER XI.--POPULAR MONTHS OF THE EUROPEAN PEOPLES 282 - - Month-names: Albanian--Basque--Lithuanian--Lettish-- - Slavonic--German--Anglo-Saxon months--The Anglo-Saxon - lunisolar year--Scandinavian month-names--Old Scandinavian - lunar months--Later Swedish moon-months--Finnish - moon-months--Lapp months. - - CHAPTER XII.--SOLSTICES AND EQUINOXES. AIDS TO THE - DETERMINATION OF TIME 311 - - Observation of the solstices and equinoxes--Observation of - the equinoxes by the Scandinavians--Seed-time determined by - the observation of the sun--Devices for counting days, etc. - - CHAPTER XIII.--ARTIFICIAL PERIODS OF TIME. FEASTS 324 - - The market-week in Africa--Greater periods in Africa--The - market-week in Asia--America--Rome--_Shabattu_ and sabbath-- - Origin of the sabbath--The sabbath a market-day--Festivals - and seasons--Cycles of festivals--Regulation of the festivals - by the moon--Full moon the time of festivals--Festivals - determined by the course of the sun--Months named after - festivals. - - CHAPTER XIV.--THE CALENDAR-MAKERS 347 - - Calendrical observations by certain gifted persons--The - priests as calendar-makers--Sacral and profane - calendar-regulation. - - CHAPTER XV.--CONCLUSION 355 - - 1. _Summary of results._ The concrete nature of - time-indications--Discontinuous and ‘aoristic’ - time-indications--The _pars pro toto_ counting of the - periods--The continuous time-reckoning--Empirical - intercalation of months--2. _The Greek time-reckoning._ - Early Greek time-reckoning--The Oktaeteris and the - months--Sacral character of the Greek calendar--Influence - of Apollo and Delphi--Babylonian origin of the Greek - calendar-regulation. - - ADDENDUM TO P. 78 NOTE 2 370 - - LIST OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED 371 - - INDEX 382 - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - - -The ancient civilised peoples appear in history with a -fully-developed system of time-reckoning--the Egyptians with the -shifting year of 365 days, which comes as nearly as possible to the -actual length of the year, counting only whole days and neglecting -the additional fraction; the Babylonians and the Greeks with the -lunisolar, varying between twelve and thirteen months and arranged -by the Greeks from the earliest known period of history in the -cycle of the _Oktaeteris_. It has always been clear that these -systems of time-reckoning represent the final stage of a lengthy -previous development, but as to the nature of this development -the most daring hypotheses have been advanced. Thus, for example, -eminent philologists and chronologists have believed the assertion -of Censorinus, Ch. 18, and have supposed that the _Oktaeteris_ was -preceded by a _Tetraeteris_, even by a _Dieteris_. It may indeed at -once be asserted that such a hypothesis lacks intrinsic probability. -To account for the early development hard facts are needed, and -unfortunately these, especially in the case of the Greeks, are -extremely few. Where they are required they must be sought elsewhere. - -Setting aside all ingenious but uncertain speculations, our only -practicable way of proceeding is by means of a comparison with -other peoples among whom methods of time-reckoning are still in -the primitive stage. This is the ethnological method which is so -well-known from the science of comparative religion, but the claims -of which have been so vigorously contested upon grounds of no small -plausibility. Fortunately this dispute need not be settled in order -to prove the validity of the comparative method for an investigation -into the origin and development of methods of reckoning time. The -gist of the dispute may be expressed as follows:--The ethnological -school of students of comparative religion assumes that the -intellect of the natural man can only master a certain quite limited -number of universal conceptions; from these spring more and more -abundantly differentiated and complicated ideas, but the foundation -is everywhere the same. Hence our authority for comparing the -conceptions of the various peoples of the globe with one another in -order to lay bare this foundation. The opponents of the school deny -the existence of these fundamental conceptions, and maintain that the -points of departure, the primitive ideas of the various peoples, may -be as different as the peoples themselves, and that therefore we are -not authorised in drawing general conclusions from the comparison or -from the fundamental conceptions themselves. - -In the matter of the indication and reckoning of time, however, we -have not to do with a number of conceptions which may be supposed -to be as numerous and as various as we please. At the basis lies -an accurately determined and limited and indeed small number of -phenomena, which are the same for all peoples all over the globe, and -can be combined only in a certain quite small number of ways. These -phenomena may be divided into two main groups: (1) the phenomena of -the heavens--sun, moon, and stars--and (2) the phases of Nature--the -variations of the climate and of plant and animal life, which on -their side determine the affairs of men; these, however, depend -finally upon one of the heavenly bodies, viz. the sun. The claim that -the comparative ethnological method can be justified only when we are -dealing with a narrowly circumscribed number of factors is therefore -here complied with, owing to the very nature of the subjects treated. -The comparative method does not shew how things have happened in a -special case in regard to one particular people: it only indicates -what _may_ have happened. But much is already gained if we can -eliminate the impossibilities, since from the complete result of the -development, no less than in other ways, we may obtain a certain -basis for our deductions. - -For the investigation of primitive methods of time-reckoning no -special astronomical or other technical knowledge is needed: in fact, -such knowledge has rather played a fatal part by causing attention -to be paid exclusively to the system of time-reckoning and leading -to constant attempts to discover older and more primitive systems. -_A priori_, indeed, we might venture to state that a system is -always based upon previous data: unsystematic indications of time -precede the system of time-reckoning. These modest beginnings have -been obscured from view by the prejudice in favour of the systematic -technical and astronomical chronology. The only absolutely necessary -thing is a clear idea of the apparent motions of the heavenly bodies, -i. e. the sun, the moon, and the most important of the fixed stars, -and of the phases of the climate and the life of animals and plants, -which give the units of the time-reckoning. - -For a statement of the course and phases of the heavenly bodies and -the units of the time-reckoning given by these I refer to the article -mentioned in the preface, the pertinent sections of which are here -quoted:-- - -“_The units of the time-reckoning_ are given by the motions of the -heavenly bodies (expressed according to the Ptolemaic system), and -the more intimately these enter into the life of man, the more -important do they become. For this reason only those units which -depend upon the sun have asserted themselves in our calendar, those -depending upon the moon having been dropped, except for the movable -paschal term, which has been kept on religious grounds. The units -are the year, the month, and the day. Other units more convenient -for time-reckoning play no part in the arrangement of the calendar -since they are without importance for practical life. _The day_ (= -24 hours, νυχθήμερον) is determined from the apparent motion of the -heavenly bodies about the earth, which is caused by the rotation of -the earth on its axis; but since the sun also, on account of the -annual revolution of the earth about it, runs through the zodiac -in an opposite direction to its daily movement and completes the -circle of the ecliptic in a year, a day will be a little longer than -a complete rotation of the earth. Or to put it otherwise:--The time -between two successive upper culminations of a star, i. e. between -the moments at which the star passes through the meridian-line of -one and the same place (= attains the zenith), represents an axial -rotation: that is a _stellar day_. The time between two successive -culminations of the sun is, on account of the annual motion of the -sun (really that of the earth), 3 min. 56.=5= secs. longer than -a stellar day: that is a _solar day_. The number of stellar days -in a year is greater by one day than the number of solar days. The -stellar day does not follow the variations of light and darkness -and therefore does not enter into the calendar. The difference -between the actual solar day, which is of slightly varying length, -and the mean solar day abstracted from it for the purposes of our -clock-regulated time-reckoning has no significance for antiquity. -The second unit determined by the sun is the _year_, the period of a -revolution of the earth about the sun. In relation to the apparent -motion of the sun it may be defined as the time which the sun takes -to come back again to the same fixed star. This is a _stellar_ or -_sidereal year_, the length of which amounts to 365 days 6 hrs. 9 -min. 9.=34= secs. The _tropic year_ is the time which the sun -takes to come back to the crossing point of the equator, viz. the -vernal equinox. This is the natural year. Its length varies a little; -it is about 20 minutes shorter than the stellar year. The _lunar_ -or _moon-month_ is determined from the visible phases of the moon. -This term will be used only when it is necessary to make an express -distinction between the lunar and our Roman month; the latter is a -conventional subdivision of the year which has nothing to do with -the moon, and has the name ‘month’ only because it historically -arose from the lunar month and in its duration comes fairly near -the latter. But when in relation to antiquity--apart from Rome -and Egypt--we speak of months, lunar months are as a rule to be -understood. The moon revolves around the earth twelve times a year -and a little more: consequently it moves backwards in the zodiac -much more rapidly than the sun. The interval between two successive -moments at which the moon culminates at the same spot at the same -time as one and the same star is a _sidereal month_ (cp. the sidereal -year); its length is 27 days 7 hrs. 43 min. 11.=42= secs., but -it does not follow the phases of the moon and is therefore of no -consequence for the calendar. The phases of the moon are dependent -upon the position of the moon in relation to the sun and the earth. -When the three bodies are in a straight line (or rather in a plane -perpendicular to the plane of the ecliptic) in such a way that the -earth is in the middle, the side of the moon turned towards the -earth is completely illuminated and we have full moon: when the moon -is in the middle, the side turned towards the earth is completely -overshadowed, and that is new moon. In between lie the separate -phases of the waxing and waning moon. The _synodic month_ is the -interval between two new moons and comprises on an average 29 days 12 -hrs. 44 min. 2.=98= secs. This is the true lunar month: other -varieties of month are of no importance for us. - -"_The risings and settings of the stars._ It has already been -remarked that the sun in the course of a year runs through the -zodiac backwards, so that one particular star culminates 3 min. 56 -secs. earlier every day. Hence it is evident that if we indicate -the exact interval of time between the culmination of the sun and -that of one particular star, or name the star with which the sun -precisely culminates, we can determine the day of the solar year. -This is the principle of one method of computing time which was very -common among ancient and primitive peoples, but has entirely dropped -out of use in modern times owing to our paper calendar. The stars -are so to speak the stationary ciphers on the clock-face and the -sun is the hand. In practice we naturally have to do not with the -invisible culmination of the stars but with the position of the sun -and certain neighbouring stars on the edge of the horizon, whereby -the matter becomes more complicated on the astronomical side. For -this observation the so-called circumpolar stars are singled out, -that is to say the stars situated so near the pole that they do not -set (e. g. the Great Bear). If the star rises or sets simultaneously -with the rising of the sun, this is called the _true cosmic rising_ -or _setting_. If the star rises or sets simultaneously with the -setting of the sun, this is termed the _true acronychal rising_ or -_setting_. These risings and settings of the star are not visible, -since the sun hides them by its light: the rising and setting are -perceptible only when the star stands at some distance from the sun, -i. e. only the so-called apparent rising and setting are practically -observable. We have already seen that the sun every day drops nearly -4 minutes behind a certain star. Assuming that sun and star rise -simultaneously on one day (true cosmic rising), then after a few days -have passed--the period varying somewhat according to the latitude -of the place of observation, the time of the year, the size and -place of the star--there will come a day on which the star rises so -early that it is visible in the morning twilight, immediately before -the sun appears. This is the _heliacal_ or _morning rising_. From -this day the star will rise earlier and earlier, and will therefore -remain visible for a longer and longer period. In the course of half -a year, commonly a little sooner or later, the time of rising will -have been pushed so far back that it will take place in the evening -twilight; when it is pushed still farther back the rays of the -setting sun eclipse the star and its rising is no longer visible. -The last visible rising of the star in the evening twilight is the -_apparent acronychal_ or _evening rising_. After a few more days the -star goes so far back that it rises at the very moment in which the -sun sets--the true acronychal rising. The rising, which is advanced -constantly further into the light of day, is no longer visible, -but on the other hand we now see the setting of the star. If it is -assumed that the star is situated on the western horizon, i. e. sets, -when the sun is on the eastern horizon, i. e. rises--and incidentally -it is to be noted that this position, when the star is not situated -in the ecliptic, may be divided by an interval of a larger or smaller -number of days from the opposite position, viz. star on the eastern, -sun on the western horizon--this is the true cosmic setting. The star -moves forward, i. e. its setting takes place earlier in the morning, -and after a few days it will be noticed in the morning twilight -immediately before it sets, and this is the first visible setting in -the morning twilight, the _apparent cosmic_ or _morning setting_. -From this day the setting moves further and further forward into -the night and approaches the evening twilight. At length it will be -so near sunset that the star no longer sets in the night but in -the evening twilight. The last visible setting of the star in the -evening twilight is the _heliacal_ or _evening setting_. After a few -days the star has approached still nearer to the sun: both set at -the same moment, the true cosmic setting. If the star stands in the -ecliptic, the true cosmic setting coincides in date with the true -cosmic rising, otherwise these are divided by a greater or smaller -number of days (see above). As the star moves on, a heliacal rising -follows again, and so on. Between the day of the heliacal setting and -that of the heliacal rising the star is invisible, since it stands so -near the sun that it is eclipsed by the sun’s rays. It has already -been remarked that we can determine the day of the year by indicating -the true rising and setting of a star at a certain spot. As far -as the apparent rising and setting are concerned this indication -can only be approximate, since the visibility of a star depends on -several variable factors--the size of the star (because a smaller -star, in order to be visible, must move farther from the sun than a -brighter one), the transparency of the atmosphere, the keenness of -vision of the observer, the geographical latitude of the place of -observation (since the farther north or south the sun is, the more -slowly, because more obliquely, will it sink below the horizon). In -this latter respect, for instance, there is a perceptible difference -between Rome and Egypt. Only an approximate indication of time, -therefore, can be derived from the rising and setting of the stars”. - -The phases of the climate and of plant and animal life cannot -be particularly described, since they naturally vary so much in -different countries. It can only be remarked that though they depend -upon the course of the sun, yet in certain cases, owing to the -special climatic conditions of the individual years, they may be -to some extent advanced or retarded, and further that the climatic -phenomena of many parts of the earth, especially in the Tropics -but also in the Mediterranean countries, recur with a far greater -regularity than in our northern climes, which are subject to such -uncertain weather. Instances are the trade-winds and monsoons, the -dry and the rainy seasons. - -Upon the above-mentioned units the system of time-reckoning will be -based. The days are joined into months and the months into years; -only more rarely are the seasons interposed as regular units of time. -The system is like a chain the links of which run into one another -without gaps: each link is equivalent, or as nearly as possible -equivalent, to every other link of the same class, and therefore need -only be given a name and counted, not necessarily conceived in the -concrete, although this is not excluded. This is the only genuine -system, a system of _continuous time-reckoning_, which excludes -all gaps in the chain and all links of indeterminate length. The -relation between the larger and the smaller units may be treated in -various ways, chiefly on account of the fact that the smaller units -do not divide exactly into the larger. Sometimes the smaller units -may be fitted into the larger as subdivisions of the latter, so that -they constitute the links of the chain formed by the larger unit. -The inequality referred to shews then that the units vary to some -extent in number or size (year of 365 or 366 days, of 12 or 13 lunar -months, lunar month of 29 or 30 days). In that case the beginnings -of the larger unit and of the first of the smaller units coincide. -Thus in our year New Year’s Day and the first day of the first month -coincide, but the length of the months varies somewhat. This is an -inheritance from the lunisolar year, in which also New Year’s Day -and the first day of the first month coincided and the length of -the month varied between 29 and 30 days, but in addition the year -varied between 12 and 13 months. This mode of reckoning, in which the -smaller units are contained in the larger as subdivisions of them, -will be termed the _fixed_ method. - -But where the smaller units do not exactly divide into the larger, -both may also be counted independently of one another without being -equalised. A case in point is our week, which is reckoned without -reference to the year, so that every year begins with a different day -of the week. This method of reckoning we shall term the _shifting_ -method. It is less systematic than the fixed method, and we shall -therefore expect to find it play a greater part in earlier times than -at the present day. - -The system of time-reckoning, the continuous counting of the -time-units, represents the final point of the development. It is -our object to investigate the preceding stages, both systematic -and unsystematic. Certain important ideas which frequently recur -must however first be clearly set down. The _time-reckoning_ in the -proper sense of the term is preceded by _time-indications_ which -are related to concrete phenomena of the heavens and of Nature. -Since these indications depend upon the concrete phenomenon, their -duration fluctuates with the latter, or rather the duration does -not stand out by itself but the phenomenon as such is exclusively -regarded: the time-indication is not durative, like the link in any -system of time-reckoning, but indefinite, or, to borrow a grammatical -term, aoristic. And setting aside these finer distinctions we also -find that the phenomena to which the time-indications are related -are of fluctuating and very unequal duration. Since the duration -is indeterminate and fluctuating, and the time-indications are -not limited one by the other but overlap and leave gaps, they -cannot be numerically grouped together. Here we ought really to -speak not of a time-_reckoning_ in the proper sense, but only of -time-_indications_. But since the word ‘time-reckoning’ has become -naturalised, this method may be described as the _discontinuous_ -system of time-reckoning, because the time-indications do not stand -in direct relation to other time-indications but are related only to -a concrete phenomenon, and through that to other time-indications, -so that they are of indeterminate length and cannot be numerically -grouped together. - -If the number of dawns, suns, autumns, or snows that has passed since -a certain event took place, or will elapse before a certain event is -to take place, be indicated, the time that has passed or is to pass -will be defined, because the dawn or the sun recurs once in the day, -and an autumn or a snow, i. e. winter, once in the year. This is the -oldest mode of counting time. It is not the units as a whole that are -counted, since the unit as such had not yet been conceived, but a -concrete phenomenon recurring only once within this unit. It is the -_pars pro toto_ method so extensively used in chronology, and by this -name we shall call it[1]. - -Since it must now be regarded as the natural course of development -that the systematic has gradually arisen out of the unsystematic, and -that the indication of concrete phenomena following one another in -the regular succession of Nature has preceded the abstract numerical -indication of time offered by our calendars, the origin of the -time-reckoning must be sought not in any one system, however simple, -but in the discontinuous or _pars pro toto_ time-indications which -are related to concrete phenomena. - -Our task is now to make clear the nature of these discontinuous and -_pars pro toto_ time-indications, since from them proceeds, as order -is ever evolved out of chaos, the continuous time-reckoning, the -calendar. - - - - -CHAPTER I. - -THE DAY. - - -For primitive man the day is the simplest and most obvious unit of -time. The variations of day and night, light and darkness, sleeping -and waking penetrate at least as deeply into life as the changes -following upon the course of the year, such as heat and cold, -drought and rainy seasons, periods of famine and plenty. But for -the primitive intellect the year is a very long period, and it is -only with difficulty and at a later stage that it can be conceived -and surveyed as a whole. Day and night, on the other hand, are -short units which immediately become obvious. Their fusion into a -single unit, the day of 24 hours, did not take place till later, for -this unit as we employ it is abstract and numerical: the primitive -intellect proceeds upon immediate perceptions and regards day and -night separately. - -Evidence for this fact is furnished by most languages, which are as a -rule without any proper term for day and night together, the circle -of 24 hours. In writing English one sadly misses the Swedish _dygn_, -which has exactly the required significance. The German _Volltag_ is -an artificial and not very happy compound. The Greeks also formed a -learned and rare (though good) compound, νυχθήμερον. The usual method -is to make use of a term according to the _pars pro toto_ principle. -This principle, which we meet here at the outset and shall come -across more and more frequently in the course of the following pages, -is of great importance for the development of time-reckoning since it -shews how the original time-indication is discontinuously related to -a concrete phenomenon, and only slowly and at a later period develops -into a continuous numerical unit of time. - -To describe the period of 24 hours, regarded as a single unit for -purposes of calculation, most modern and also the ancient tongues -employ the term that denotes its light part, i. e. ‘day’ etc. -Primitive peoples have no term to express this idea and must describe -the period by means of expressions equivalent to ‘day and night’, -e. g. ‘sun-darkness’ (Malay Archipelago)[2], ‘light and darkness’ -(Yukaghir in N. E. Asia)[3]. The day is sometimes described by the -concrete phenomenon which it brings, namely the sun. The Bontoc -Igorot of north Luzon have the same word for sun as for day, _a-qu_, -and the time is reckoned in suns[4]. The Comanche Indians reckon the -days in ‘suns’[5], and in an Indian hieroglyph from the northern -shores of Lake Superior the duration of a three days’ journey -described is expressed by three circles, i. e. three suns[6]. The -western tribe of the Torres Straits reckons time in ‘suns’, i. e. -days[7]. We may compare the well-known primitive idea that the sun -originates afresh for every new day. The same thing is found in the -language of signs. La Billardière in the year 1800 relates of the -very low Tasmanians, now long since extinct, that they had some idea -of regulating time by the apparent motion of the sun. In order to -inform him that they would make a journey in two days, they indicated -with their hands the diurnal motion of the sun and expressed the -number two by as many of their fingers. This, he asserts, is the only -reference that can be found to any knowledge of the movements of the -heavenly bodies[8]. So also according to Homfray the natives of the -Andamans describe a day by making a circle with the right arm, i. e. -a revolution of the sun. We may compare the indication of the time -of day by pointing with the hand to the position of the sun, with -which we shall shortly have to deal. It is not improbable that the -designation of the day by means of an indication of the course of the -sun arose in the first place from the indication of the position of -that planet. The same method of expression is found in the classical -languages as a poetic or hierarchical archaism[9], and also in -medieval Latin. But ἥλιος, _sol_, is also used to denote the yearly -revolution of the sun, i. e. a year, and the year is denoted by φάος, -_lux_. Still more striking and more significant for the discontinuous -method of reckoning is the Homeric use of ἠώς, ‘dawn’, instead of -day, e. g. “this is the twelfth dawn since I came to Ilion”,[10] -“this is the twelfth dawn he lies so”,[11] and elsewhere. Aratus -follows the Homeric use[12]. The nature of this _pars pro toto_ -reckoning will be further explained in the chapter dealing with the -year. - -The counting of the days from the dawns is unique, and the counting -from the day-time is comparatively rare: the Indo-European peoples -of olden times, and indeed most of the peoples of the globe, count -the days from the nights. For this it will be sufficient to quote -Schrader’s statement:--“Moreover it can hardly be necessary to -give evidence for this well-known custom of antiquity. In Sanskrit -a period of 10 days is called _daçarâtrá_ (:_râtrî_ = ‘night’); -_nîçanîçam_, ‘night by night’ = ‘daily’. ‘Let us celebrate the old -nights (days) and the autumns (years)’, says a hymn. In the Avesta -the counting from nights (_xsap_, _xsapan_, _xsapar_) is carried out -to a still greater extent. As for the Germanic peoples, among whom -Tacitus had already observed this custom,[13] we constantly find -in ancient German legal documents such phrases as _sieben nehte_, -_vierzehn nacht_, _zu vierzehn nachten_. In English _fortnight_, -_sennight_ are in use to-day. That the custom existed among the Celts -is proved by Caesar, _De Bell. Gall._ VI, 18, _spatia omnis temporis -non numero dierum, sed noctium finiunt_ (‘they define all spaces of -time not by the number of days but by the number of nights’). The -Arabians have the same practice. They say ‘in three nights’, ‘seventy -nights long’, and date e. g. ‘on the first night of Ramadan’, ‘when -two nights of Ramadan have gone’, or ‘are left’[14].” - -For primitive and barbaric peoples the evidence is equally abundant. -The Polynesians in general counted time in nights. Night is _po_, -to-morrow is _a-po-po_, i. e. the night’s night, yesterday is -_po-i-nehe-nei_, the night that is past[15]. The New Zealanders, in -former times, had no names for days, but only for nights[16], and -so with the inhabitants of the Sandwich Islands--and the same is -certainly true of the Polynesians as a whole, since they describe -the ‘days’, or rather the nights, by the phases of the moon. The -Society Islanders reckon in nights; to the question ‘How many days?’ -corresponds in their tongue ‘How many nights?’[17] So also do the -inhabitants of the Marquesas[18]. In the Malay Peninsula periods -exceeding a fraction of a day are reckoned in nights[19]. Among the -Wagogos of German East Africa the phases of the moon and the number -of nights serve as more exact determinations of time. The third night -after the appearance of the moon, for example, is the day following -the third night after the moon’s appearance[20]. Sometimes they -say ‘day and night’ when they wish to describe the full day of 24 -hours. Occasionally they say that they have worked so many days, -with reference to the day-time only[21]. Except in the case of this -tribe I have found no notes on the African peoples; little attention -seems to have been paid to the point in their case. But the material -for America abounds. The Greenlanders reckon in nights[22], though -certainly we are not told how those who live north of the Polar -Circle reckon in summer. So do the Indians of Pennsylvania[23], -the Pawnees, who often made use of notches cut in a stick or a -similar device for the computation of nights or even of months and -years[24], and the Biloxi of Louisiana[25]. Usually however the night -is denoted not by this word but by ‘sleep’, ‘sleeping-time’. Of the -Kiowas it is expressly stated[26] that they reckon the length of a -journey in ‘darks’, _kon_, i. e. nights, and not in ‘sleeps’. If -the question of the distance of any place arises the answer is ‘so -many darks’. It may even be doubted whether ‘sleep’ is not sometimes -translated ‘night’ by the reporters. The Dakotas say that they will -return in so many nights or sleeps[27]. Among the Omahas the night -or sleeping time marked the division of days, so that a journey -might be spoken of as having taken so many sleeps[28]. The Hupas of -Arizona[29], the tribes of the North-East[30], and the Kaigans of -the North-West[31] also reckon in sleeps. This mode of reckoning -is therefore the common one, that of the Comanches in suns is an -exception. Finally the natives of Central Australia also count time -in ‘sleeps’[32]. - -To reckon in nights is therefore the rule among the primitive -Indo-European peoples, the Polynesians, and the inhabitants of North -America. For Asia, which however is not so important for primitive -time-reckoning on account of the old and far-reaching influence -of civilisation in that continent, for Africa, and for S. America -evidence is wanting or is forthcoming only in isolated instances. -The reason probably is that in these continents also time is -really reckoned in nights, and our informants have not noticed the -agreement. This however is an _argumentum ex silentio_. Be that as it -may, the fact remains that at least half the globe reckons the days -in nights. - -The current explanation of this striking fact is given by Schrader -thus:--“Since the chronometer of primitive times is the moon and not -the sun, the reason for counting in nights instead of days becomes -almost self-evident”[33]. This statement is _a priori_ not perfectly -correct, inasmuch as there is and can have been no people that has -not observed the daily course of the sun as well as the monthly -phases of the moon: as chronometer neither of the two bodies is -older than the other. The difference lies in the development of the -time-reckoning. In point of fact an inner connection seems to exist -between the counting of the days in nights and the designation of -the days, or rather the nights, of the month according to the phases -of the moon, to which we recur further on. Even such low races as -the tribes of Central Australia already have names for the phases of -the moon, from which they reckon time[34], but unfortunately we are -not told how many. The Polynesians have very elaborately developed -these, so that every day has its separate name. The Wagogos also use -the phases of the moon as indications of time. The Arabs speak of ten -phases of the moon, combining three days under each name. The Indians -know the phases of the moon, but seem to have named and made use of -them only roughly: the only tribe that possesses a list of the names -of the days of the moon-month is the Kaigans[35], and unfortunately -this list is incomplete. Moreover there are no indications that the -primitive Indo-European peoples distinguished the phases of the moon -otherwise than roughly. The finer distinction and nomenclature of the -moon-phases, so that in the end each day comes to have its separate -name, is clearly a very far advanced special development: the use of -the word ‘night’ to express the period of 24 hours is much older. A -causal connection, such as Schrader and others have maintained, must -lie in the fact that the period of 24 hours is named after the phases -of the moon and consequently the day itself is reckoned in nights. -But this is only a comparatively isolated and advanced development, -against which must be set the fact that the Indians and so primitive -a people as the Australians use not the word ‘night’ but ‘sleep’, -which has nothing to do with the moon. - -The explanation must therefore be sought elsewhere, and is one -which also applies to the use of the word ‘winter’ for year etc. -Primitive man knows only concrete indications of time, and in -reckoning prefers to use a concrete and clearly visible point of -reference. The complete day of 24 hours is unknown to him and so he -_must_ reckon according to the principle of _pars pro toto_, and as -a matter of fact it is possible to reckon just as well from a part -of the whole as from the whole itself, provided that the part chosen -is one that only recurs once every day. The day itself, with its -various occupations, offers no such point of reference unless the -reckoning is based upon the daily appearance of the sun, which is -also actually done in certain cases. However in the daily course of -the sun, as we have already seen, two features, its duration and the -changing position of the sun, stand out prominently: but it is easier -to reckon from points than from lengths, which divert the attention -from the number. Now the sleeping-time is necessarily bound up with -each day, yet it has no separate parts, or acquires them only later -among certain peoples. The time between going to sleep in the evening -and waking in the morning appears as an undivided unit, a point. -It offers for reckoning a convenient basis in which no mistake or -hesitation is possible such as can occur in the various occupations -that fall within the period computed. The method of reckoning -in nights is merely an outcome of the necessity for a concrete -unmistakable time-indication: it is a typical example of the _pars -pro toto_ principle and time-reckoning, which, on the psychological -grounds just mentioned are especially favoured in the counting. - -For the indication of a point of time within the day the reference -to the course of the sun is the means that lies nearest to hand, -and the indication can indeed be given quite concretely by means -of a gesture in the direction of the heavens. This language of -signs is especially common in Africa. The Cross River natives of -Southern Nigeria indicate the time by pointing to the position in -the heavens which the sun occupies at that time of the day[36]. When -someone asked a Swahili what time it was, he answered, “Look at the -sun”, although this tribe knew other ways of indicating time[37]. -The Wagogo in order to shew the time of day indicate with the hand -the position of the sun in the heavens[38]. In Loango the people -indicate the time satisfactorily enough from the motion of the sun, -in divisions of two hours, by dividing the vault of the sky with -outstretched arm, often using both arms as indicators[39]. Moreover -most peoples have descriptive expressions for parts of the day, as -for instance the inhabitants of the Lower Congo[40], the Masai of -East Africa, who estimate the time of day from the position of the -sun[41], and the Hottentots, who express with certainty and clearness -both points and duration of time by referring to the position of the -sun[42]. In Dahomey the natives tell the hours by means of the sun; -they say that the sun is here or there, in order to give the time -of day[43]. The Caffres are able to give the exact time of day by -pointing with outstretched arm to the spot at which the sun appears -at the time they wish to indicate. So, for example, when the Caffre -wishes to shew that he will come at two o’clock in the afternoon of -the next day, he will say, “I will be here to-morrow, when the sun -is there”,--pointing to the position occupied by the sun at 2 p. -m.[44]. The Waporogo of German East Africa estimate the divisions -of the day from the position of the sun, which they indicate with -outstretched arm. When the arm is vertically raised, that means 12 -o’clock noon, and the other hours of the day they are able to give -with a sure instinct by means of a greater or lesser inclination -of the arm towards the body, corresponding to the position of the -sun[45]. In other parts of the world we find the same thing. Thus in -the New Hebrides the hours of the day are indicated by pointing with -the finger to the altitude of the sun[46]. If a native of Australia -is asked at what time anything took place or is going to take place, -his answer will take the form of pointing to the position which the -sun occupied or will occupy in the sky at that particular time[47]. -The Bontoc Igorot of Luzon point to the heavens in order to indicate -the position the sun occupied when a particular event occurred[48]. -The Kanyans of Sarawak, if asked at what time anyone will arrive, -point to the sun and say, “When the sun stands there”[49]. In the -Dutch East Indies the time of day is given from the position of the -sun[50]. The inhabitants of Java divide the day into ten natural but -vague and unequal subdivisions, and for astrological purposes the -day of 24 hours is divided into five parts. They also determine the -time of day by the length of the shadow and by the working-time, but -the most common method is by pointing to the situations of the sun -in the heavens, when such and such an event took place[51]. In order -to indicate the time the natives of Sumatra also point to the height -in the sky at which the sun stood when the event of which they are -speaking occurred[52]. The natives of the western tribe of the Torres -Straits, though they have learned to tell the time from the clock, -also know how to give it very accurately by observing the height of -the sun[53]. The Tahitians determine the six parts of their day from -the sun’s altitude[54]. Among the Omaha Indians the sun indicates -the time of day. A motion towards the zenith meant noon, midway -between the zenith and the west, afternoon, and midway towards the -east, forenoon[55]. The Karaya of Central Brazil divide up the day -according to the position of the sun. Indications of time are given -by pointing with the hand to the place occupied by the sun at the -time in question[56]. - -This method of indicating the time of day is quite satisfactory, -especially in the tropics and for primitive needs, and only more -rarely does it give place to other methods, the chief of which is -the observation of the length of shadows. The Javanese know this -latter method but do not often use it. In their old writings we find -a traveller described as setting out on his journey or arriving at -the end of it when his shadow was so many feet long[57]. The Masai -usually estimate the time of day from the position of the sun, but -more rarely from the length of the shadows[58]. When the shadow -measures nine feet, the Swahili say, “It is 9 o’clock (_sic!_)”[59]. -To indicate the time of day or to represent a distance the Cross -River natives use the length of shadows. They have however in most -of their houses a curious species of sun-dial, a plant about 50 cm. -high, with violet-white flowers. The flowers gradually begin to open -at sunrise, by noon they are wide open, and they gradually close -again between noon and sunset. One of these plants is placed in every -garden and enclosed within little stones[60]. To the south of Lake -Nyassa the time of day is reckoned either from the position of the -sun or from the length of the shadow thrown by a stick, _nthawe_[61]. -The Society Islanders among their numerous expressions for the time -of day include two which have reference to shadows, ‘the shadow -as long as the object’, ‘the shadow longer than a man’[62]. The -Benua-Jahun, a primitive tribe of the Malay Peninsula, indicate the -progress of the day by the inclination of a stick. Early morning is -represented by pointing a stick to the eastern horizon. Placed erect -it indicates noon, inclined at an angle of about 45° to the west it -corresponds nearly with three o’clock, and so on[63]. This practice -is doubtless connected with the common use of a stick in the Indian -Archipelago for observations of time, and is by no means primitive. -The ancient Athenians seem to have indicated time by measuring off -with the foot the length of the shadow cast by their bodies upon the -level ground before them as they stood. At all events the length of -shadows served to indicate time, cp. Aristophanes, _Ekkles._, 652, -“when the staff is ten feet, to go perfumed to dinner”[64]. The -gnomon which, according to Herodotus II, 109, the Greeks borrowed -from the Babylonians was an upright stick the shadow of which was -measured: it was also an important instrument for astronomical -observations[65]. Here however we are already at a highly developed -stage and know nothing about the origins. - -The indication of time from the position of the sun is really only -satisfactory in the tropics, where the sun always stands very high -and the length of its daily course is not exposed to too great -variation. Where the sun is much lower in winter than in summer, -and the length of the day varies greatly at different times of the -year, the method ceases to be practicable. If descriptive expressions -of one kind or another are not resorted to, other means must be -found. Above all it is important to determine the fixed point which -divides the day into two parts, i. e. noon. In the living-room of the -houses of the Scanian peasants, which were always built ‘according -to the sun’, i. e. facing east and west, there was in the southern -window-sill, beside the middle shaft of the frame, a line which was -called the ‘noon-line’. When the shadow of the shaft fell parallel -with this line it was noon. This device is not exactly primitive, -since windows in the room, more particularly in the wall, belong -to a quite advanced stage of civilisation. But on the other hand -such customs as the determination of noon and other moments of -the day from the position of the sun above certain points on the -horizon--elevations and hills--are old. In Iceland the divisions of -the day were, and still are, determined from the visible course of -the heavenly bodies. The people imagined that the sun in the course -of a day and a night ran through the eight equal regions of the -heavens (_ættir_, sing. _ætt_). The time of day was determined from -the position of the sun above the horizon by the selection in every -house of certain outstanding points within the range of vision to -serve as ‘day-marks’ (_dagsmǫrk_, sing. -_mark_)--where these were -lacking, small piles of stones were erected for the purpose--so that -when the sun stood above one of these marks a certain time of day -was given. The most important times thus determined were _rismál_ or -_miðr morgin_ (6 a. m.), _dagmál_ (9 a. m.), _hádegi_ (12 o’clock -noon), _míðmundi_ (1.30 p. m.), _nón_ (undoubtedly originally -called _undorn_ and also _eykt_, 3 p. m.), _miðr aptann_ (6 p. m.), -and _nattmál_ (9 p. m.). These indications in hours are however -only approximate, since the time varies according to the position -of the place in question[66]. The word _eykt_ really designates -any of these approximately three-hour divisions; but since the -length of the day varies enormously so far north, the business of -everyday life leads to an attempt at systematising, e. g. _rismál_ -= ‘the time of rising’. The spot which the sun has reached at one -of these divisions is therefore called _dagmálastað_, _nónstað_, -_eyktarstað_ etc. This mode of determining time must be old since -it is also found in Scandinavia, where it has given names to many -mountain-peaks. In Baedeker I have only noticed:--_Middagsfjället_ -in Jämtland, _Middagshorn_ in Norangdal, _Middagshaugen_ in -Aardal, Sogn, _Middagsnib_ in Oldendal in the Nordfjord district, -_Middagsberg_ on the Nærøfjord in Sogn, _Nonsnib_ above Loen Water -in Nordfjord, _Solbjørgenut_ in the Nærøfjord, Sogn. From Fritzner’s -Old Norwegian Lexicon (s. v. _eyktarstað_) I take:--_Durmaalstind_, -_Rismaalsfjeld_, _Nonsfjeld_, _Natmaalstinden_, _Middagsfjeld_ in -Tromsö ‘amt’ and in Finnmarken, _Eyktargnipa_ and _Undornfjeld_ -in Mule Syssel in Iceland; the peak of the latter lies in the -_nonstað_. Such names are common in Norway. In Sweden there are -further:--_Middagsberget_ in Dalecarlia = Gesundaberget, just south -of Mora; the name is found again in Härjedalen, in addition to -_Nonsberget_, _Nonsknätten_ and _Middagshognan_. Lidén[67] instances -similar names in S. Sweden and in England, and also those formed -with _mosse_, ‘swamp’, _vik_, ‘bay’, and _åker_, ‘field’. It is easy -to understand why _middag_, ‘noon’, everywhere predominates as a -nomenclator. The Lapps also indicate time by the position of the sun -in relation to the surrounding natural objects[68]. - -The gestures may be accompanied by descriptive expressions, as among -the negroes, or replaced by them, which seems to be the rule among -other peoples. The latter practice offers the further advantage of -being available in the night-time, when it is necessary to mention -a point of time after dark. The Kayans denote the time of day by -pointing to the position of the sun, but for morning and evening -they also use the expressions ‘when the sun has risen’ or ‘set’[69]. -Expressions for the most important divisions, sunrise and sunset (= -morning and evening) and noon, are found among all peoples. Even the -tribes of Central and Northern Australia have words e. g. for evening -and for morning before sunrise[70]. The richness of the terminology -however varies exceedingly. The Indians divide the day into three -or four rough divisions only. The Seminole of Florida divided up -the day by terms descriptive of the positions of the sun in the sky -from dawn to sunset[71]: unfortunately we are not told what these -words were or how many of them existed. Among the Hopi of Arizona -there is every evidence that the time of day was early indicated by -the altitude of the sun[72]. The Omahas know no smaller divisions -of the day than morning, noon, and afternoon, to which certainly -must be added the transitional periods of sunrise and sunset[73]. -The Occaneechi of Virginia measure the day by sunrise, noon, and -sunset[74]. The Algonquins of the same province mention the three -times of the rise, power, and lowering of the sun[75]. Many tribes -however had four divisions[76], e. g. the Natchez of Louisiana, who -divided the day into four equal parts: half the morning, until noon, -half the afternoon, until evening[77]. But there is also a richer -terminology, e. g. the Kiowa words for dawn (‘first-light’), sunrise -(lit. ‘the-sun-has-come-up’), morning (lit. ‘full-day’), noon, -earlier afternoon until about 3 o’clock, late afternoon, evening -(lit. ‘first-darkness’)[78]; and in particular among the Statlumh -of British Columbia: dawn (‘it-just-comes-day’), early morning -(‘just-now-morning’), morning light (‘just-see-things’), full light -(‘just-now-day’), sunrise (‘outside-sun’), early morning (midway -between sunrise and noon), noon (up till about 2 p. m.), middle of -the afternoon, about 4 p. m., ‘three-fourths-of-the-day-have-gone’, -‘sun-sitting-down’, ‘the-sun-gone’,’evening-creeping-up-the-mountain’ -(this refers to the line of shadow on the eastern mountains), -‘reached-the-top’, i. e. the line of the shadows, twilight, -‘getting-dark’, night, darkness, pitch dark[79]. - -Of the Indians of S. America little is reported. -‘The-sun-is-perpendicular’ was the expression for noon on the -Orinoco[80]. The Indians of Chile had words for morning twilight, -dawn, morning, noon, afternoon, evening, evening twilight, night, and -midnight[81]. - -The terminology for the parts of the day is especially rich -in Africa, a fact which is connected with the refinement of -the observation of the sun’s position resulting from the -custom of indicating this by a gesture in the direction of the -heavens. Such simple indications as those of the Babwende for -noon, ‘the-sun-over-the-crown-of-the-head’, and for midnight, -‘the-silence-of-the-land’[82], are rare. A number of elaborate -time-indications are as a rule employed. The Wadschagga say at six -o’clock in the morning ‘the sun rises’, at twelve o’clock ‘the -sun rests on his cushion’ (like a tired porter), from twelve to -one ‘the sun goes straight on’, about two it ‘bows’, about six it -‘falls down’, or ‘spreads its arms out’, like a man in the act of -falling[83]. The terms used by the Bangala are:--about 2 a. m., -the lying fowl; 3, the lying bird; 4, the first fowl; 4-5, the sun -is near; 5, not translated; 5.=30=-6, the dawn; 6, the sun is -come; 6.=15=-7, _ntete_; 12 noon, 2-3, 3-4, not translated; 6, -the fowls go in, or the sun enters, or the sun darkens; 6.=30=, -twilight finishes; 11-12, one set of the ribs or one side of a -person, meaning that a person turns from lying on one side over on -to the other; 12 midnight, second division or second half[84]. In -Bornu the expressions for the time of day are formed by the aid of -the word _dinia_ = ‘world’, ‘universe’, ‘sky’. From about 4 to 5 ‘the -world cuts the aurora’; at 6 ‘the world is light’; at 12 ‘the sun -is in the centre of the world’. Afterwards follow ‘it is evening’, -twilight, night, midnight. Since the people are Mohammedans they -also have expressions for the hours of prayer[85]. The expressions -used by the Shilluk of the White Nile are translated[86]:--“The -first morning, twilight becomes visible, morning dawn, morning, -the earth is morning (it is morning)--the difference here is not -evident--noon, the sun is in the zenith, the sun begins to sink -(afternoon), it is afternoon, the sun is setting, the sun has set, it -is night, at night, midnight.” The Yoruba divide the day into early -morning, morning or forenoon, noon (when the day is ‘perpendicular’), -shadow-lengthening or afternoon, evening or twilight[87]. The -Masai distinguish the following parts of the day:--at 4 a. m. -it is ‘not-yet-early’; at 5 it is ‘early’; somewhat later come -dawn, twilight (about 5.=30=, ‘the-sun-is-still-far-off’), -and sunrise (‘the-sun-shews-himself-a-little’ or ‘rises’). -From 8 to 10 it is ‘still-early’, towards 11 they say -‘the-sun-is-not-yet-perpendicular-overhead’, at 12 -‘the-sun-is-perpendicular-overhead’. The afternoon is usually -expressed by ‘the-shadow-is-turned-round’. This phrase is often -used for the period from 3 to 5 p. m. In particular, 12-2 = -‘the-sun-is-broken’, 2-4 = ‘afternoon-now’, 4-6 is evening, 5 = -‘the-sun-goes-down’, sunset glow = ‘the-twilight-follows-the-sun’. -With the coming of darkness begins the _tapa_, which lasts until 8 -o’clock, when the people usually go to rest[88]. Another authority -gives the following list:--Evening, when the cattle return to the -kraal just before sunset; night-fall, or the hour for gossip, before -the people go to bed about 8 o’clock; then night, midnight, and the -time when the buffaloes go to drink (about 4 a. m.), this latter is -the hour before the sun rises; then ‘the blood-red period’ or ‘the -time when the sun decorates the sky’, this is the hour when the -first rays of the sun redden the heavens; after that morning, when -the sun has risen. There are also hours called ‘the-sun-stands-(or -is-)opposite-to-one’ (midday), and ‘the-shadows-lower-themselves’ -(1-2 p. m.)[89]. The Nandi, north-east of the Victoria Nyanza, divide -the day into six parts with separate names: 5-6 a. m., 6-9 a. m., -9 a. m.-2 p. m., 2-6 p. m., 6-7 p. m., night. They have moreover a -highly developed terminology for the hours of the day, to which we -shall return later. The Baganda distinguish the following times of -day:--night, midnight, cock-crow, early dawn, morning, ‘little sun’ -(early morning from 6 to 9), full or broad daylight (9-2), midday, -afternoon, evening[90]. The lower classes sometimes reckon from the -meal-times, breakfast at 7 a. m., dinner at noon, and supper at 6 -p. m. Women engaged in rough work in the gardens spoke of the time -at which such and such an event took place as that of the first or -second pipe, the first marking an interval of rest at 8 a. m., the -second being smoked when work ceased at 10 a. m.[91]. The expressions -for the times of day among the Thonga of South Africa have been -translated and explained as follows:--“The dawn is called _nipandju_; -then come _tlhabela sana_, the time when the rays of the sun (_sana_) -are piercing; _hisaka sana_, when they are burning; _nhlekani_, the -middle of the sky, or _shitahataka_, the maximum point of heat; -then _ndjenga_ or _lihungu_, the afternoon; the time when the sun -goes down (_renga_); _ku pela_ or _ku hlwa_, when it reaches the -horizon; and _inpimabayeni_, the twilight, literally ‘the time when -you do not easily recognise strangers coming to your village because -it grows dark’”[92]. It is remarkable here that many indications -are given from the increasing heat and not from the position of -the sun. The Hottentots distinguish morning and evening twilight, -morning brightness, i. e. the time of clear day shortly before -sunrise (the native name is given because about dawn it is usually -most perceptibly cold), and evening brightness, ‘the red twilight’. -‘Little children’s twilight’ was in some places the name given to -the time of the first noticeable diminution of light after sunset, -in accordance with the belief that at this hour most children were -born. Afternoon and morning were only approximate. A distinction -was made between evening and late evening, which extended till long -after sunset[93]. The author just quoted remarks that in this case -one is struck by the fact that while the limits of day and night -are elaborately marked out, of the hours of day itself only noon is -brought into prominence. The same is the case with most peoples who -possess a more highly developed terminology of this nature, and the -circumstance is perfectly natural, since the concrete differences -in the phenomena of light and of the heavens become so great and so -easily visible during the transition from day to night and night -to day. As soon as the sun has risen a little in the heavens these -differences consist chiefly in the position of the sun and in the -increasing heat. Here the language of signs is really more expressive. - -The aboriginals of the Andaman Islands have terms for the following -times of day:--dawn, the time between this and sunrise, sunrise, -the time between sunrise and 7 a. m., morning (three different -expressions), noon, the time from noon to 3 p. m., from 3 to 5, -from 5 to sunset, sunset, twilight, from night-fall to midnight, -midnight[94]. In Busang (the common commercial language of the -Bakau) as spoken by the Mendalam Kayan of Borneo the different times -of day are named:--_dow_ (day) _bekang_ (open, split) = 6 a. m.; -_dow njirang_ (to shine) _mahing_ (powerful) = about 9 a. m.; _dow -negrang_ (upright) _marong_ (real) = about 12 noon; _dow njaja_ -(great) = about 4 p. m.; _dow lebi_ (little) = about 6 p. m.[95] -The terms used by the Islamite Malayans of Sumatra are mingled -with Arabic loan-words, which I indicate by (Ar.):--6 a. m. (Ar.) -dawn, 9 ‘half of the rising’, 11 ‘close to noon’, 12 ‘middle of -the day’, 12-1 p. m. (Ar.), 1-3 ‘mid-descent’, 3 ‘the time of the -long sinking’, 4 (Ar.) afternoon, 5.=30= ‘time of twilight’, 6 -(Ar.) sunset, 8 (Ar.) evening[96]. The Javanese speak of morning, -forenoon, noon, afternoon, fall of the day, sunset, evening[97]. The -Achenese of Sumatra, who have a fully developed calendar influenced -by Arabic, keep the old names for the times of day but with Arabic -words and the Moslem hours of prayer intermingled. About 6 a. m. = -with the breaking forth of the sun; 7-7.=30= = the sun a pole -high, referring to the poles used in propelling craft; 9 = rice -time, i. e. meal time; 10 = the loosening of the ploughing-gear; -11 = the approaching of the zenith; 12 = the zenith; 12.=30= -= the falling from the zenith; 1.=30=-2 = the middle of the -period devoted to obligatory noon-day prayers; 3 = the last part -of this; 3.=30= = the beginning, 4.=30=-5 = the middle, -and 5.=30= = the last part of the time of afternoon prayers; -6 = sunset; 7.=30= = evening, especially referring to the -time of commencement of the evening prayer; then come midnight and -the last third of night, 3 a. m. = the single crowing of the cock, -4-4.=30= = the continuous crowing of the cocks, nearly 5 = the -streaks of dawn[98]. For the Malays of the Peninsula the following -list is given:--just before dawn = before the flies are astir; -after sunrise = the heat begins; about 8 a. m. = when the dew dries -up; about 9 = when the sun is half-way above. Then follow:--when -the plough rests; noon = just noon, right in the middle, when -the shadows are round; afternoon = when the day turns back; about -1.=30= p. m. = after (Friday) prayer; about 3 = when the -buffaloes go to water; about 10 = when the children have gone to -sleep[99]. - -The natives of the Solomon Islands have a rich terminology. In -Buin the following degrees of brightness in the daylight are -distinguished:--4 a. m., ‘it gradually begins to get light’; 5, -‘the brightness is coming on’; 6, ‘the sun shews himself’; 7, ‘it -is getting sun’, ‘the sun is there’; 10, ‘the sun is over the -side-rafters of the roof’ (i. e. not yet quite overhead); 12 noon, -‘the sun has come overhead’; 2 p. m., ‘with westerly inclination’, -‘turning’; 3.30, ‘it has come to the tying of the knot’ (on the -Gazelle Peninsula they say of this time ‘the sun has sat down to -glow’); 5, ‘darkness is drawing near’; 6, ‘it has begun to get -dark’; 7, ‘it has grown dark’[100]. Moreover there are words and -expressions which mean ‘middle of the heavens’, ‘the sun is over the -ridge’, ‘the sun stands below 70° from the horizon’, ‘the sun is -on the entrance-beam’[101]. A feature of special note here is that -the houses (which must all be built facing the same direction) and -their parts serve as aids in indicating time. The inhabitants of New -Britain (Bismarck Archipelago) divided up the day according to the -position of the sun, and had words for sunrise, noon, afternoon, the -time of the declining sun, nearly sunset, sunset, and presumably some -others[102]. - -The Polynesians mingle the time-indications based on the position -of the sun with others which are derived from the life of men and -nature. We are told that the Hawaiian day was divided into three -general parts, 1, breaking the shadows, 2, the plain, full day, -3, the decline of the day. But this must be completed by what -follows:--The lapse of night, however, was noted by five stations: -1, about sunset; 2, between sunset and midnight; 3, midnight; 4, -between midnight and sunrise; 5, sunrise[103]. A native Hawaiian -writes:--“When the stars fade away and disappear, it is _ao_, -daylight; when the sun rises, day has come, _la_; when the sun -becomes warm, morning is past; when the sun is directly overhead -it is _awahea_, noon; when the sun inclines to the west in the -afternoon, the expression is _wa ani ka la_. After that come evening, -_ahi-ahi_ (_ahi_, fire), and then sunset, _napoo ka la_, and then -comes _po_, the night, and the stars shine out”. Other expressions -are translated:--‘there comes a glimmer of colour on the mountains’, -‘the curtains of night are parted’, ‘the mountains light up’, ‘day -breaks’, ‘the east blooms with yellow’, ‘it is broad daylight’[104]. - -These are, poetically regarded, very fine examples of the rich -terminology for the time of transition between night and day. -In Tahiti the day has six divisions which are fairly accurately -determined by the height of the sun. Names are given for midnight, -midnight to daybreak, daybreak, sunrise, the time when the sun begins -to be hot, when it reaches the meridian, evening before sunset, the -time after sunset[105]. The names for the times of day among the -Society Islanders were particularly well developed. For the day -there were two expressions according to its extension either from -morning to evening twilight or from the rising to the setting of -the sun. No division into regular periods was known, nor any means -of establishing these; nevertheless the islanders distinguished a -varying number of points of time, according to recurring physical -changes, at unequal distances from each other. Thus:--the time of -cock-crow, the first breaking of clouds, twilight, the stirring -of the flies, the time at which a man’s face can be recognised, -daylight, the dipping forward of the sun’s edge, sunrise, the sun -above the horizon, the rays broadening over the land, the rays -falling on the crown of the head, the same a little oblique, the -shadow as long as the object, the same longer than the man, the -sun near the horizon, sunset, the time at which the houses are -lit up, twilight, night, midnight[106]. For the Marquesas are -given:--daybreak, twilight, dawn, (‘the day or the red sky, the -fleeing night’), broad day--bright day from full morning to about ten -o’clock--, noon (‘belly of the sun’), afternoon (‘back part of the -sun’), evening (‘fire-fire’, the same expression as in Hawaii, i. -e. the time to light the fires on the mountains or the kitchen fire -for supper)[107]. The Samoans divided the day into first dawn, dawn, -cock-crowing, day-break, the time when the bird _iao_ was heard (_i_ -= call, _ao_ = day-break), morning, the time to feed the tame pigeons -(about 9 a. m.), the sun upright (= noon), half-way down (about 3 p. -m.), sunset. After that the night was divided into:--the crying of -the cricket (about 20 minutes after sunset), fire-lighting (about -half-an-hour later), the extinguishing of the lights (about 9 p. m.), -midnight, and _tulna o pa ma ao_, ‘the standing together of night and -day’[108]. - -Indications of this nature are convenient only in countries in which -the sun is neither too often nor too long hidden by clouds. When the -sun is hidden the inhabitants have to manage as best they can. A -very interesting statement in this connection is made by a Swahili -native. In rainy days his tribe observed the crowing of the cock. At -the first cock-crow they knew that it was 5 or 6 a. m.; when the cock -failed to crow all sense of a division of time was lost to them[109]. - -The phenomena of Nature afford little basis for the naming of -the times of day, since there is hardly one of them which recurs -regularly every day at a definite time, with the exception of -cock-crow, which is in great favour as an indication of the time -before sunrise. Other exceptional cases are such names as that -mentioned for the Society Islands, ‘the stirring of the flies’; one -given for the Mahakam Kayan of Borneo, _tiling_ (a cricket which -is only to be heard at sunset) _duan_ (to sing)[110]; a couple of -expressions of the Wadschagga, ‘the cry of the partridge’ in the -evening, ‘the turning of the smoke down the mountain’[111]; and one -of the Nandi, ‘the elephants have gone to water’[112]. But a people -which devotes itself to cattle-rearing or to agriculture may borrow -from its regular daily occupations expressions for the times of -day. Thus the Mahakam Kayan, besides the above-mentioned name for -late afternoon and the term for noon (_beluwa dow_, ‘half-day’), -have an expression for about 4 p. m.--_dow uli_, i. e. ‘the time of -the home-coming from work in the fields’. The Javanese are strongly -influenced by civilisation and have, especially for astrological -purposes, a fully developed chronological system; not seldom, -however, the times of day are given in relation to the rural labour. -So they say ‘when the buffalo is sent to the pastures’, ‘when the -buffalo is brought back from the pastures’ or ‘is housed’ etc.; but -for the time of the occurrence of any event the position of the sun -is usually indicated[113]. The Achenese and the Malays of Sumatra -have an expression exactly corresponding to the Greek βουλυτός[114]. -The Wadschagga have expressions for the position of the sun, but -also others[115], among which may be mentioned ‘the first going of -the oxen to the pastures in the morning’. This kind of terminology -seems to have been developed into a system among the Banyankole, -a cattle-raising tribe of the Uganda Protectorate. The day is -divided up in the following way:--6 a. m., milking-time; 9 a. m., -_katamyabosi_, not translated; 12 noon, rest for the cattle; 1 p. m., -the time to draw water; 2 p. m., the time for the cattle to drink; 3 -p. m., the cattle leave the watering-place to graze; 4 p. m., the sun -shews signs of setting; 5 p. m., the cattle return home; 6 p. m., the -cattle enter the kraal; 7 p. m., milking-time[116]. This terminology -is of especial interest since it remains in various Indo-European -languages as a relic of antiquity, and affords a hitherto little -observed piece of evidence for the life of antiquity which agrees -well with others. Compare Sanskrit _sagavás_, the time when the cows -are herded together; βουλυτός, the time when the oxen were unyoked -in the Homeric phrase ἦμος δ’ ἠέλιος μετενίσσετο βουλυτόνδε[117]; -and Irish _im-buarach_, morning, ‘at the yoking of the oxen’. With -rest or meal-times are associated Old High German _untorn_, ‘noon’, -the time of the mid-day rest, Sanskrit _abhipitvam_, ‘evening’, and -Lithuanian _piëtus_, ‘noon’, which goes back to Sanskrit _pitus_, -‘meal-time’[118]. - -Time-indications of various kinds are, as we have seen, used -alongside of one another; when they are fully employed a very highly -organised terminology for the times of day may be arrived at. The -names for the times of day among the Nandi seem almost artificial:--2 -a. m., the elephants have gone to the waters; 3, the waters roar; -4, the land (sky) has become light; 5, the houses are opened; -5.=30=, the oxen have gone to the grazing-ground; 6, the sheep -have been unfastened; 6.=30=, the sun has grown; 7, it has -become warm; 7.=30=, the goats have gone to the grazing-ground; -9, the goats have returned from the grazing-ground; 9.=30=, -the goats sleep in the kraal; 10, the goats have arisen, the oxen -have returned; 10.=30=, the oxen sleep; 11, untie the cattle, -i. e. let the calves get their food, the goats feed; 11.=30=, -the oxen have arisen; 12 noon, the sun has stood upright, the goats -sleep in the wood; 12.=30=, the goats have drunk water; 1 p. -m., the sun turns, i. e. goes towards the west, the cattle have -drunk water; 1.=30=, the drones hum; 2, the sun continues to go -towards the west, the oxen feed; 3, the goats have been collected; 4, -the oxen drink water for the second time, the goats have returned; -4.=30=, the goats sleep; 5, the eleusine grain has been cleaned -for us, take the goats home, shut up the calves; 5.=30=, the -goats have entered the kraal; 6, the sun is finished, the cattle have -returned; 6.=15=, milk (sc. the cows); 6.=45=, neither man -nor tree is recognisable, cattle-fold doors have been closed; 7, the -heavens are fastened; 8, the porridge is finished; 9, those who have -drunk milk are asleep; 10, the houses have been closed; 11, those who -sleep early wake up; 12, the middle of the night[119]. - -As a last example I give the most detailed list of all, from the -neighbourhood of Antananarivo, the capital of Madagascar. The -times given are naturally to be taken on the average. 12 midnight, -centre of night or halving of night; 2 a. m., frog-croaking; 3, -cock-crowing; 4, morning also night; 5, crow-croaking; 5.=15=, -bright horizon, glimmer of day, reddish east; 5.=30=, the -colours of cattle can be seen, dusk, diligent people awake, early -morning; 6, sunrise, day-break, broad daylight; 6.=15=, dew -falls, the cattle go out; 6.30, the leaves are dry (i. e. the dew -disappears); 6.=45=, the hoar-frost disappears, the day chills -the mouth (this applies only to the two or three winter months); 8, -advance of the day; 9, (the sun is) over (at a right angle with) the -purlin; 12 noon, over the ridge of the roof.--In the forenoon the -position of the sun nearly square with the eastern purlin of the roof -marked about 9 o’clock; and as noon approached, its vertical position -about the ridge-pole, or at least its reaching the meridian, clearly -indicated 12 o’clock. In regard to the terms for the afternoon we -must bear in mind that the houses in former times were always built -with their length running north and south and with the single door -and window facing the west; the sunlight coming in after midday at -the open door by its gradual progress along the floor gave a fairly -accurate measure of time. The house therefore served, as among the -Dyaks, as a kind of sun-dial.--12.=30= p. m., day taking hold -of the threshold; 1, peeping in of the day (into the room), day less -one step; 1.=30=--2, slipping of the day, decline of the day, -afternoon; 2, (the sun) at the rice-pounding place (i. e. the sunbeam -falls on the rice mortar), at the house-post (there were in the house -three posts supporting the ridge: in the southern one there were -notches, _jinja andry_, from which the advance of the sunlight and of -the day was observed); 3, at the place of tying the calf (as the rays -reached the one of the posts to which the calf was tied at night); 4, -at the sheep- or poultry-pen; 4.=30=, the cow newly calved comes -home; 5, the sun touching (i. e. when the declining sunshine reached -the eastern wall of the house); 5.=30=, the cattle come home; -5.=45= sunset flush; 6, sunset (lit. ‘sun dead’); 6.=15=, -the fowls come in; 6.=30=, dusk, twilight; 6.=45=, the edge -of the rice-cooking pan is obscure; 7, people begin to cook rice; 8, -people eat rice; 8.=30=, finished eating; 9, people go to sleep; -9.=30=, everyone in bed; 10 gun-fire; 12, midnight[120]. - -Finally I collect the Homeric expressions for the parts of the day. -They are far from being so elaborately organised as the examples -quoted above, and many are incidental periphrases; the terminology is -still at its beginnings. Its character is quite primitive also in the -juxtaposition of terms of different kinds. The day is divided into -the familiar three parts. ‘It will be a dawn, or an afternoon, or a -noon when I am to be killed’, says Achilles[121]. The meaning of ἠώς, -‘dawn’, is also extended so that the word can denote forenoon or at -least morning. Cp. the following phrases:--‘I slept the whole night -and to the dawn and to the noon’,[122] ‘as long as it was dawn and -the holy day increased’[123]; of this the phrase already quoted, ‘as -the sun turned over to the unyoking of the oxen’, is the counterpart. -In this sense appears also the derivative ἠοίη. When Menelaus wishes -to surprise the Old Man of the Sea he goes to the seashore ‘as the -dawn appeared’[124]: the Old Man is said to come ‘as the sun ascends -the middle of the heavens’[125]. Thus ‘we waited the whole dawn’ -until ‘the Old Man came up from the sea at noon’[126]. The afternoon, -in which the suitors amuse themselves with dance and song, is also -called eventide[127]; when evening, ἕσπερος, comes, they go home to -sleep[128]. Besides these larger divisions smaller ones were also -indicated, e. g. the morning twilight, ‘when it was not yet dawn -but still the twilight of the ending night’[129]. Before dawn there -appears the morning star, ἑωσφόρος, Il. XXIII, 226, Od. XIII, 93. -ἠώς, ‘dawn’ in the proper sense of the word, is often used as a -time-indication, sometimes in the well-known periphrastic expressions -of Il. XI, 1, XIX, 1, Od. V, 1. XXIII, 347, XXII, 197, sometimes -alone, e. g. ‘at dawn’, ‘at the appearance of dawn’[130]. Sunrise -is always indicated by verbal and often periphrastic expressions, -simply by ἀνιέναι, ‘rise’[131], further ‘the sun, leaving the fair -sea, rose into the all-brazen heaven to shine for the immortal ones’ -etc.[132], and ‘neither as he ascends to the starry heaven nor as -he again turns back to the earth from the heavens’[133], similarly -Od. XII, 380 ff., Il. XI, 735 ‘as long as the shining sun rose above -the earth’[134], and Il. VII, 421 ff. ‘the sun thereafter once -more struck the fields, ascending in the heavens from the deep and -soft-flowing ocean’[135]. The expression can therefore also include -the time immediately following after sunrise, but is not applied to -the whole period of the sun’s ascension, i. e. the forenoon. The -culmination of the sun is mentioned in Od. IV, 400 (cp. above) and -in Il. VIII, 68. The decline of the day is thus described, ‘the day -was for the greater part gone’[136]; for the sinking of the sun see -Od. XI, 18, XII, 381 (cp. above), and the already quoted expression -‘the sun turned over to the unyoking of the oxen’. Sunset (Il. -XVII, 454, XVIII, 241, Od. II, 388) is described by the common word -δύνειν, ‘set’, or by ‘goes under the earth’[137], or ‘the bright -light of the sun sank down in the ocean, drawing after himself the -dark night’[138]. The evening star has the same name as evening, -ἕσπερος[139]. The Homeric Greeks therefore do not seem to have -observed the position of the sun in any but the most general fashion. -We may add certain indications taken from the business of daily life. -The word βουλυτός (cp. above p. 31) appears in the twice-recurring -verse ‘as the sun turned over to the unyoking of the oxen’[140]. -It is not the sun but the ploughman that unyokes the oxen: the -word has therefore become established as a chronological _terminus -technicus_ which is significant on account of its antiquity. About -the expression ἐν νυκτὸς ἀμολγῷ there has been much dispute. It -occurs:--Il. XI, 173 and XV, 324, where lions surprise a herd, XXII, -28, in the simile of the morning rising of Sirius, 317, of the -shining forth of the evening star, Od. IV, 841 ‘so clear appeared -the dream to her’[141]: it is a well-known fact that we dream for -the most part shortly before waking. The sense ‘beginning or end -of night’ is therefore fully confirmed. As for the etymology I do -not hesitate to pronounce in favour of that lying nearest to hand, -viz. ἀμέλγειν, ‘to milk’, and therefore ‘milking-time’. Compare the -terms of the Banyankole for early morning at 6 o’clock and evening -at 7--‘milking-time’--and those of the Nandi: 6 p. m. ‘the sun is -over, the cattle have come back’; 6.=15=, ‘milk’ (sc. the -cows). That only these two expressions have settled into _termini -technici_ admits of a not unimportant conclusion in regard to -antiquity. The meal-hour as an indication of time occurs Il. XI, -86, ‘when a wood-cutter prepares his meal after having fatigued his -arms by felling large trees’[142], and Od. XII, 439, ‘when a man -rises from the market-place to go home to the meal after having -judged many quarrels’[143],--in the latter instance in connexion -with the market. This time-indication was destined to have a great -future as the social life of the Greeks developed. Phrases such as -the following are of common occurrence:--‘when the market-place is -full’[144], ‘before the market-place has filled itself’[145], ‘the -breaking up of the assembly of the market-place’[146], etc. The night -was divided into the familiar three parts (although the expression -μέση νύξ, ‘middle of the night’, first occurs in the smaller Iliad) -and was judged according to the position of the stars:--‘Let us go, -for the night draws close to an end and the dawn is near. The stars -are far gone. The greater part of night is gone, the two parts, only -the third part remains’[147]; ‘when it was the third part of the -night and the stars had passed’[148]. The morning star serves as a -time-indicator at the nocturnal home-coming of Odysseus[149]. - -The Latin expressions I merely copy from Censorinus, Ch. 24, and -insert in brackets the additions made by Macrob., _Sat._ I, 3, 16 -ff. _Tempus quod huic_--i. e. _nox media--proximum est vocatur de -media nocte (media noctis inclinatio), sequitur gallicinium, cum -galli canere incipiunt, dein conticinium, cum conticuerunt; tunc -ante lucem, et sic diluculum, cum sole nondum orto iam lucet. -Secundum diluculum vocatur mane cum lux videtur sole orto, post -hoc ad meridiem, tunc meridies, quod est medii diei nomen, inde -de meridie (inde--i. e. a meridie--tempus occiduum), hinc suprema -... post supremam sequitur vespera ante ortum scilicet_--this must -be before the appearance of the star--_eius stellae, quam Plautus -vesperuginem ... appellat_. There are also _ortus_ and _occasus -solis_, _crepusculum_. This terminology is poor and applies almost -exclusively to the daylight. In ancient Rome the edifices of the -Forum are said to have served as sun-dials. A servant of the consul -proclaimed noon “when the sun peeped between the Rostra and the -Graecostasis; when the sun sank from the Maenian column to the prison -he proclaimed evening, but only on clear days”[150]. With the advance -of civilisation the Greek terms for the twelve hours of the day, each -of which varied in length according to the time of the year, became -customary, a fact which is connected with the spread of sun- and -water-clocks[151]. Hence arises in the Middle Ages the terminology -derived from the daily mass (_hora canonica_)[152]. In daily life -there was often a recurrence to primitive methods. I borrow a few -examples of a quite primitive character from the early medieval tract -_Peregrinatio Aetheriae_:--‘the hour when people can recognise each -other’[153], ‘when the crow of cocks begins’[154], ‘from the first -cock-crow’[155], etc., but also _hora tertia_, _quinta_, _sexta_ -(noon). - -An obviously isolated method is the determination of the times of day -from the daily twice-recurring ebb and flow of the tides; the method -is also very unsuitable, since the period of a complete tide is 12 -hours 25 minutes, so that the two periods together exceed the day by -nearly an hour. In fact the Eskimos of Greenland are the only people -who reckon by the tides. They divide up the day according to ebb and -flow, although they must always reckon differently on account of the -variations of the moon[156]. Dalsager[157] also points this out and -remarks that their reckoning cannot last for two consecutive days, so -that they have to make a fresh division every day. The rudiments of -this method are however seen among some of the tribes of Polynesia. -Immediately after the above-quoted divisions of the day among the -Society Islanders are mentioned “the longer periods before noon and -midnight during which the sea rises, and the others following these, -in which it falls”[158], and “night or the light quite gone, when the -sea begins to flow towards the land, about 11 at night”[159]. The -Hawaiians called the rising of the tide by such names as the rising, -big, full, and surrounding sea; when the water neither rose nor fell -it was called the standing sea; the ebbing sea they spoke of as the -parted, retiring, and defeated sea[160]. - -The night is the time of complete darkness and rest, and therefore -the frequently mentioned expression, ‘sleeping-time’, corresponds to -night. Seldom is the whole time during which the sun remains below -the horizon to be understood by it. On the Society Islands there -were two expressions for day according to its extension from morning -to evening twilight or from sunrise to sunset[161]. The Hawaiian -judge, Fornander, follows this mode of speech when he distinguishes -five periods of night, (1) about sunset, (2) between sunset and -midnight, (3) midnight, (4) between midnight and sunrise, and (5) -sunrise[162]. For the times between sunset and night-fall and between -night and sunrise there is a rich terminology which has already been -illustrated. During the night itself time-indications are for obvious -reasons scanty. Often the only point distinguished is midnight, e. -g. by the Kiowa[163], the Masai[164], the Shilluk[165]; ‘the silence -of the land’ among the Babwende[166], ‘the back of night’ among -the Hottentots[167], ‘the time of sleep’ among the Hawaiians[168]. -Hence arises of itself a threefold division in which the periods of -night before and after midnight are distinguished, as e. g. by the -Hawaiians[169]. The usual method is to start from the day, i. e. the -limit of the day, and then to proceed on both sides in the direction -of midnight, as in the late evening of the Hottentots, which extends -till long after sunset[170], and the ‘not yet early’ and the _tara_ -(beginning at dusk and extending till the time of rest) among the -Masai[171], etc. The Tahitians are credited with six divisions of the -day and as many of the night, this more accurate division of night -being of course determined by the stars[172]; the only expressions -reported however are those for midnight and the time from midnight -to daybreak[173]. On the Marquesas Islands the first night-watch -was ‘the hour of ghosts’; the advanced night was termed ‘black -night’, and midnight ‘great sleep’; the last watch of night was ‘the -coming of day’[174]. The Wadschagga have three night watches:--the -awakening in the evening, that in the middle (midnight), and that in -the morning twilight[175]. The Javanese have night, midnight, and -waning of night[176]. Where the cock is kept, its crow serves as a -sign that the night is drawing to an end, as for instance among the -Swahili[177], and in the Dutch Indies[178]; the Yoruba distinguish -other cock-crowings, such as ‘the cock opening the way’, i. e. the -first cock-crowing, ‘the time of the cock-crowing immediately before -sunset’[179]. Quite exceptional however is the device ascribed to the -inhabitants of the New Hebrides. In order to denote the hours of the -night they make a gesture in the direction of the spot where the sun -would be at the corresponding hour of day[180]. - -There is only one means of accurately indicating the times of night, -and that is by the observation of the stars. Many peoples judge from -the position of the morning-star the time that has yet to elapse -before sunrise: but this cannot always be done, and in any case the -method is only of use in the early morning. But the fixed stars -are always there. The difficulty however arises that every day the -stars gain about four minutes on the sun; the stars must therefore -be accurately known, and the observer must either be acquainted with -their positions at definite times of the year or else be constantly -choosing a new star as his chronometer. Not many peoples have got -so far as that. Although the science of astronomy was very well -developed among the Polynesians, we are told of the Tahitians that to -distinguish the hours of night by means of the stars was a science -with which very few of them were acquainted[181]. On the Society -Islands the advance of night was determined from the stars[182]; and -so in Hawaii, with as great accuracy as the hours of the day from -the sun[183]. “When the Milky Way passes the meridian and inclines -to the west, people (in Hawaii) say ‘the fish has turned’”[184]. -Among the Indians of South America the knowledge of the stars is very -wide-spread. E. Nordenskjöld, who visited the border districts where -Brazil, Bolivia, and the Argentine meet, says repeatedly that the -stellar heavens are the Indian’s clock and compass. When sitting in -their huts they can, without looking out, indicate the positions of -the more important constellations in the sky. If one is out with an -Indian at night he will point to Orion or some other constellation -and shew how far it will have moved on before the end of the journey -is reached[185]. The Eskimos of Greenland, when it is dark, indicate -the time from _nelarsik_ (Vega)[186], or from the Pleiades[187]. -Among them the observation of the stars is uncommonly well developed. -The Lapps, who have to tend their reindeer during the long winter -nights, determine the course of time by certain stars. _Sarvon_ is -the largest star in the heavens: when in winter it stands in the -middle of the sky it marks midnight; it is called the night-clock -of the Lapps. The Great Dog, the Old Man, and the Old Woman are -three stars that pursue _sarva_. They rise when the people go to -sleep, and set a little before daybreak. They ascend the heavens -obliquely in front of _sarva_, in the morning they dip downwards. -Another authority states that _sarva_ is the Great Bear; the first -couple of stars in it are the Old Man and the Old Woman, the second -the Dog and the Elk. The reindeer herdsman decides from it how far -night is advanced, and when he may expect to be relieved. _Lovosj_ -or _suttjenes_ is the name given to the Pleiades. The constellation -indicates midnight, when the weather is good. A fable tells how this -constellation saved a servant who had been driven out by his master -into the great cold of a winter night. The young men wish the maidens -to tend the reindeer by night and say:--“Go and kiss the _suttjenes_ -young men”, but the maidens answer:--“Go yourselves and kiss the -_suttjenes_ maidens”[188]. Of the old Icelanders Kålund writes:--“At -night the moon and certain stars, especially the Pleiades, afford -them the same aid” (i. e. as the signs of day)[189]. The Homeric -Greeks--at least in a general fashion--also judged of the advance of -night by the position of the stars[190]. This more accurate method -is therefore peculiar to a few primitive peoples specially gifted in -astronomy. - -From the investigation of the modes of naming and reckoning the day -and its parts it follows for primitive time-reckoning in general -that the time-indications refer to concrete phenomena, and therefore -either they indicate a point of time or, if they are related to -periods, these periods are of different and fluctuating length. They -are accordingly of no use in calculating, they cannot simply be added -together even when a number of such periods together make up the -period of a complete day, i. e. they are fundamentally discontinuous. -When several days are to be counted the _pars pro toto_ method is -used: instead of the whole day a part is counted. Within the day -two phenomena chiefly recur with such unfailing constancy as to be -of use in counting: they are the daily reviving sun and the night or -sleeping-time. The word for sun is often the same as that for day. -Within the day fall a number of occupations which chiefly turn the -attention to its length and varying phenomena, and this is the case -also with the sun itself, for the varying position of the sun in the -heavens affords the most usual mode of indicating the time of day. -For the counting a point of time is best suited, or, which comes to -the same thing, a unit without subdivisions, a blank period. This -is the reason why the counting by ‘sleeps’ or nights predominates. -On the same grounds the quite isolated _pars pro toto_ counting -of the days from the dawns in Homer may be explained. To indicate -the duration of time primitive peoples make use of other means, -derived from their daily business, which have nothing to do with -time-reckoning; in Madagascar ‘rice-cooking’ often means half an -hour, ‘the frying of a locust’ a moment[191]. The Cross River natives -say:--‘The man died in less than the time in which maize is not yet -completely roasted’, i. e. less than about 15 minutes; ‘the time in -which one can cook a handful of vegetables’, i. e. an hour[192]. The -Malays, the Javanese, and the Achenese use the following expressions -for a period of time:--a blink of the eyes (literally), the time -required for chewing a quid of _sirih_ (about 5 minutes), the time -required for cooking a _kay_ of rice (about half an hour), for -cooking a _gantang_ of rice (about an hour and a half), half a day, a -‘sun-dark’, i. e. a complete day and night[193]. The natives of New -Britain (Bismarck Archipelago) measure the time between sunset and -the moon-rise by the smouldering of a torch or the time occupied in -cooking yams, taro, or wild taro. Short divisions of time were also -expressed by comparative terms, e. g. the throwing of a stick for a -short distance, ‘a woman’s crossing’, or the distance a woman would -paddle[194]. Very often duration of time is indicated by reference -to the time needed to traverse a well-known piece of road between -two places. Examples are superfluous. But all these indications of -periods of time are found among more developed peoples: the primitive -peoples pay little or no attention to them. - -Both in the case of the day and in that of the other time-units this -clinging to a natural basis long proved a hindrance to a rational -system of time-reckoning, which could only be achieved by breaking -away from natural phenomena. For there are no fixed natural limits -of day, but if morning and evening, or still more clearly sunrise -and sunset, are chosen as the limits, these must change every day -and the days will vary in length. Here the midnight period proved of -assistance, since it facilitated the establishing of a fixed point -of divergence. This was done in Rome, and the practice had its root -in daily life, where in order to indicate the time of occurrence of -events which took place in the night-time the calculation was pushed -forwards on both sides towards midnight, until this became the limit -of divergence. It is however an artificial epoch that must be found -by calculation[195]. - -In the second place the hour of antiquity is a twelfth part of -the whole time of daylight, and this duodecimal division was also -transferred to the night, which had commonly been divided into four -watches according to the practice borrowed from military life. This -hour therefore varied in length according to the time of the year. -The inconvenience of a varying division of this nature must have -made itself felt in daily life, although in the south it was not so -insupportable as it must have been in the north. It rendered the -construction of the clock difficult, and above all was impracticable -for scientific astronomy. Hence alongside of it appeared even in -antiquity the hour of constant length or the double hour, viz. a -twelfth or a twenty-fourth part respectively of the complete day. The -double hour, notwithstanding Bilfinger’s assertion to the contrary, -arose in Babylon (_kasbu_), and is connected with the duodecimal -division of the zodiac[196]. This hour of constant length was not -generally adopted until very late: the varying hour remained almost -up to the end of the Middle Ages. Our modern hour has only been in -general use since about the 14th century, when it was first spread by -the construction of the striking-clock[197]. Its convenience for the -business of practical life and the construction of the clock together -secured the victory of the hour as 1/24th of the day, originally a -numerical and astronomical division. A condition for its use was the -fusion of day and night into one unit, since as long as these were -kept separate the constant hour could not thrive. Both the complete -day and its regular divisions however only won their way after a very -long time, because men were unwilling to depart from the natural -basis in time-reckoning. The substitution of the artificial for the -natural time-reckoning has also, as far as the day is concerned, -created a rational system of reckoning which has borrowed from the -natural system only one feature, viz. the average length of the -complete day. - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -THE SEASONS. - - -The year is for us a numerical quantity of 365 or 366 days. But we -speak of the year in two senses, first as the calendar year beginning -on New Year’s Day, and secondly as the current year, a period of the -same number of days beginning at one chosen day, as for instance in -giving a person’s age. The word ‘year’ may however also represent the -highest chronological unit even independently of the seasons, as in -the case of the Egyptian shifting year of exactly 365 days, and the -Islamite lunar year of 354. These however are exceptional cases. At -the basis lies the natural year conditioned by the course of the sun -and by the natural phases dependent thereon, which penetrate closely -into the life of man. This connexion has necessitated the agreement -of the numerical year with the sun, whence arises a situation very -inconvenient for reckoning, namely that years of a varying number of -days have to be accepted, since the natural year does not contain a -whole number of days. - -The year as a numerical quantity is only the tardily attained summit -of development, and the connexion with the natural year has always -been so strongly felt that, except in certain cases such as the -Egyptian and Islamite years, the chronological year has had to adjust -itself accordingly. Here also we see the point of departure, the -natural phenomena which are in the end dependent upon the course -of the sun, such as the variation between heat and cold, verdure -and snow, rainy season and drought, the blooming and withering of -vegetation, between the different trade-winds or monsoons, between -abundance and scarcity of food. With these and similar concrete -phenomena the time-reckoning is from its origin bound up, and is -at first discontinuous, i. e. it fixes the attention solely on the -phenomena in question, and not on the year as a whole. The fusion -of the various seasons into the circle of the year is arrived at -only by degrees: the year is at first counted by the _pars pro toto_ -method. The process is therefore similar to that already found in the -discussion of the day. - -It must be granted as a premise to our investigation that when we -speak of ‘seasons’ not only the larger divisions of the year are -to be understood by the word--those which alone of all the natural -epochs of the year are current among us to-day--but also smaller -divisions which might perhaps be called seasonal points; for instance -the times of cherry-blossoming and hop-picking are also seasons. -Such short--often very short--seasons are not distinguished in -any important feature from the longer: the difference only arises -from the longer or shorter duration of the phenomena in question. -The Hidatsa Indians describe any period thus marked by a natural -occurrence, be it long or short, the hot season or the season of -strawberries, by the same word, _kadu_, ‘season’, ‘time’ (of the -occurrence), and the longer seasons include shorter[198]. - -We begin with these shorter seasons since they are more foreign to -us: to primitive man however they are of extreme importance, since in -the absence of a regular calendar they afford the only means he knows -of determining the shortest periods of the natural year, in so far as -they are connected with this. A time-determination of this nature is -important not so much for giving the date of any occurrence as for -establishing beforehand the time of certain occupations, e. g. sowing -or a festival. - -The classical instance is afforded by the peasants’ maxims of -Hesiod. The cry of the migrating cranes shews the time of ploughing -and sowing[199]. If one sows too late, the crop may still thrive -if Zeus sends rain upon it on the third day after the cuckoo has -called for the first time in the leaves of the oak (486). Before -the appearance of the swallow, the messenger of spring, the vines -should be pruned (568). But when the snail climbs up the plants -there should be no more digging in the vineyards (571). When the -thistle blossoms and the shrill note of the cicada is to be heard, -summer has come, the goats are at their fattest, and the wine is at -its best (582). The sea can be navigated when the fig-tree shews at -the end of its branches leaves which are as big as the foot-prints -of the crow (679). Especially well-known and beloved as a sign that -the hard winter was over was the swallow: evidence is afforded by -the famous procession of the Rhodian swallow-youths[200], and by a -vase-decoration clearly expressing the delight felt at the appearance -of the herald of Spring[201]. The observation of the birds of passage -was very useful for this kind of time-determination: Homer already -knows it, ‘when the cranes flee the winter’, he says[202], so also -Theognis: “I hear, son of Polypais, the voice of the shrill-crying -crane, even her who to mortals comes as harbinger of the season for -ploughing”[203]. Aristophanes makes his birds boast of it:-- - - “All lessons of primary daily concern - You have learnt from the Birds, and continue to learn. - Your best benefactors, and early instructors, - We give you the warning of seasons returning. - When the Cranes are arranged, and muster afloat - In the middle air, with a creaking note, - Steering away to the Libyan sands, - Then careful farmers sow their lands; - The crazy vessel is hauled ashore, - The sail, the ropes, the rudder, and oar - Are all unshipped, and housed in store. - The shepherd is warned, by the Kite reappearing, - To muster his flock, and be ready for shearing. - You quit your old cloak at the Swallow’s behest, - In assurance of summer, and purchase a vest”[204]. - -Similar time-determinations from natural phenomena are still not -entirely neglected by the modern peasant. In Bohuslän (W. Sweden) the -sowing-time was at hand when the swallow had come, it was the right -sowing-time when the juniper flowered. In northern Scania (S. Sweden) -the barley was to be sown when the hawthorn was in bloom. Older -people could not give their birthdays but only knew that they were -born e. g. at the rye- or potato-harvest, when the cattle were first -driven out to pasture (in the spring), etc. My father knew quite -well that his birthday was the fifth of September, but when anyone -asked him when he was born he would generally answer: ‘When they pick -hops’. The Eskimos said that such and such a person was born when -eggs were collected or seals caught[205]. From modern Palestine a -bond is quoted in which a sum of money was to be paid when next the -_fakûs_ (a kind of cucumber) was ripe[206]. - -We return to the primitive peoples and give first a few examples -in which a natural phenomenon serves as the sign of the beginning -of one of the longer divisions of the year or of some occupation, -generally agriculture. Of the Bushmen we are told that they paid -particular attention to the time at which the first thunder-storm -broke. They hailed it with great joy since they counted it a sure -sign that summer had commenced. In the midst of their excessive -rejoicing they tore in pieces their garments of skins, threw them -into the air, and danced for several nights in succession. The Garieb -Bushmen made great outcries accompanied with dancing and playing -upon their drums[207]. The Banyankole of Uganda used the euphorbia -trees to guide them as to the nearness of the rainy season: when -these trees began to shoot out new growth they knew that the rains -were near[208]. The Indians of the Orinoco took great pains to -determine the approach of the rainy season, as Gilij relates in a -chapter entitled: _De segni, che precedon l’inverno_[209]. The signs -were:--The scream of the Araguato monkeys at midnight or at the -approach of day; the sudden bursting into blossom of certain trees; -the swelling of the brooks, which almost dry up in summer but swell -a few days before the rainy season; the yams which in summer have -lost their leaves suddenly grow green again when the rainy season -is at hand; finally the heliacal setting of the Pleiades. The tribe -of the Bigambul in S. E. Australia reckon the seasons from the -blossoming of certain trees. _Yerra_, for example, is the name of a -tree that blossoms in September: this time of the year is therefore -called _yerrabinda_. The apple-tree blossoms at Christmas time, -which is called _nigabinda_. The iron-bark tree blossoms about the -end of January, and this time is called _wobinda_. The height of -summer however is named by them ‘the time when the ground burns the -feet’: at this time no trees blossom[210]. The natives of New Britain -(Bismarck Archipelago) determine the planting-season from the buds -of certain trees and from the position of certain stars[211]. In Alu -(Solomon Islands) one division of the year is determined from the -bloom on the almond, another from the Pleiades[212]. The time for the -sun-dance of the Kiowa Indians is determined by the whitening of the -down on the cotton-plant[213]. One of the annual festivals of the -Society Islands is regulated by the blossoming of the reed[214]. - -Instances are numerous in which phenomena like those mentioned -by Hesiod serve as signs for agricultural labour. The Indians of -Pennsylvania say that when the leaf of the white oak, which comes out -in spring, is as large as a mouse’s ear it is time to plant maize: -they note that the whippoorwill has come by then, and is constantly -fluttering round them calling out his Indian name _wekolis_ in order -to remind them of planting-time, just as if he were saying ‘_hacki -heck_’, ‘go and plant maize’[215]. Among the Thonga the period in -July when the warm weather begins is called _shimunu_, ‘the little -heat’: the mahogany and sala trees become covered with leaves, -certain flowers blossom. Winter has passed away, soon the summer -will come. When the Thonga woman notes these signs she picks up her -hoe and sets off for the hills or the marshes to make the fields -ready. In January comes _nwebo_, the time for the first ears of maize -to ripen[216]. Among the Ba-Ronga January is _nuebo_, the time of -the first ripe ears: great pains are taken to keep away the birds -from the _sorgho_ fields, and therefore one period is known as ‘the -time when the birds are driven away’[217]. When a certain mushroom -named _kulat bantilong_ appears in large quantities the Dyaks of S. -E. Borneo regard it as a sign that the time for rice-planting has -come[218]; among the Malgassi the blossoming of the shrub _Vernonia -appendiculata_ in November is regarded in the same way[219]. In -New Zealand plants and birds which appear at regular seasons give -signs of the approach of the time to begin agricultural labours. Two -kinds of migratory cuckoo, _Cuculus piperatus_ and _nitens_, which -appear at Christmas-time on the coasts, mark the period of the first -potato-harvest. The flowering of the beautiful _Clematis albida_ -reminds the people to dig over the soil for the planting of potatoes, -which is done in October[220]. According to the communication of a -native, the Basutos reckon time by the changing of the seasons, the -birth-times of animals, the annual variation and growth of plants, -but also by the stars and the moon[221]. The most curious method is -one common among the Hidatsa Indians, who reckon from the development -of the buffalo calf _in utero_[222]. Such signs may also serve to -mark off the longer seasons: the Tunguses begin summer with the time -when the grayling spawns, and winter with the time when the first -good squirrel is caught[223]. - -The examples hitherto given are only single instances intended -to make clear the manner and signification of this method of -indicating time. Similar starting-points for reckoning are afforded -the whole year through, and as their times are fixed in regard to -each other, they may form a sort of calendar. The statements made -for the extremely primitive Andamanese give a very characteristic -circle of occupations throughout the year, though here we have to -do not with names of seasons but with the phenomena and business -of the year, which our authority gives according to the European -calendar. January: much honey; two kinds of wild fruit ripen and are -gathered. February: two other kinds of wild fruit, also a tuber; -the inhabitants of the coastal districts catch the dujong and also -a few turtles; the older folk make out of bark turtle-nets, cables, -and lines for harpoons. March: still another two kinds of wild fruit -ripen, wild honey is abundant. April: many visits of neighbouring -tribes; fruit is scanty, there is only one kind ripe, the honey is -finished, the bread-fruit has not yet ripened. From May to August -the ripe bread-fruit forms the principal food. In June many cases of -death occur since the men in their boar-hunting expeditions in the -forest sleep without shelter. In August certain white caterpillars -which live in the decaying tree-trunks are a favourite dish. From -August to October boats are built. In November the people are -particularly merry. The turtle-catch is productive, the weather is -pleasantly cool, there is little rain, and shelter is not necessary. -Different tribes visit one another and feast and dance together[224]. - -How upon such a foundation a number of seasons may be built up is -shewn by a comparison with an instructive account referring to -the Eskimos of the Ungava district of Labrador. The seasons have -distinctive names and are again sub-divided into a great number of -shorter seasons. There are more of these during the warmer weather -than in winter. The reason is obviously that the summer offers so -many changes, and the winter so few. The chief events are the return -of the sun, always a sign of joy to the people, the lengthening -of the day, the warm weather in March when the sun has attained -sufficient height, the melting of the snow, the breaking up of the -ice, the open water, the time of birth of various seals, the advent -of exotic birds, the nesting of gulls, eider, and other native birds, -the arrival of white whales and the whaling season, salmon fishing, -the ripening of salmon-berries and other species of edibles, the time -of reindeer crossing the river, the trapping of fur-bearing animals, -and hunting on land and water for food. Each of these periods has its -special name applied to it, although several may overlap each other. -The appearance of mosquitoes, sandflies, and horseflies is marked by -dates anticipated with considerable apprehension of annoyance[225]. -The Eskimos of Greenland reckon from the winter solstice five moons -until the time when the nights become so bright that it is impossible -to reckon any longer from the moon. Then they reckon by the -increasing size of the young of the eider-duck and by the ripening of -berries, or along the sea-coast by the departure of the tern and the -fatness of the seals; when the reindeer shed the velvet from their -horns they know that it is time to move into the winter houses[226]. - -These smaller seasons have seldom developed into an annual cycle -otherwise than among some agricultural peoples[227], unless they -have been fitted into the larger seasons. This is the case with -the western tribes of the Torres Straits, who also determine the -seasons from the stars. In the counting of the seasons they commonly -begin with _surlal_ (mid-October to the end of November). This name -is given to the turtles when copulating: while in this state they -float on the sea and are readily caught. The constellation known as -the Shark arises. Everything is dried up, the yams are ripe. The -sounding of the first thunder is the sign for planting yams. _Raz_ -(December to February) is described as ‘the time of death’, i. e. -the season when the leaves die down. The first part of this season -is called in Mabuiag _duau-urma_, ‘the falling of the cashew nuts’. -There is an interval of fine weather and the wind is shifty: this -coincides with Christmas-time. This is the time when the yams which -have been planted begin to sprout. In Muralug this period is called -_malgui_, which is the exact equivalent of our word ‘spring’. -The next division is called _dob_, ‘the last of growing things’, -or _kusikuki_, ‘medusae of the north-west’, the latter name being -due to the large numbers of jelly-fish that float on the sea. The -runners of the yams now grow. The time immediately after this is -called _purimugo_, in Muralug _apagap_ or _keme_. The longer season -following _raz_ is _kuki_, (March to May), the time when strong winds -blow intermittently from the north-west, accompanied by deluges -of rain, and the time of the damp heat. The appearance of the -constellation _dogai kukilaig_ (Altair, together with β, γ _aquilae_) -heralded the beginning of this season. It has the sub-divisions -_kuki_, _kupa kuki_, and _gugad arai_. The dry season, _aibaud_, -forms the remaining part of the year. The south-west wind, _waur_, -blows steadily: for this reason the first part of this period is -known as _waur_ and perhaps merits a distinctive name as much as -_raz_. It is marked by the appearance of the constellation _magi -Dogai_ (Vega with β, γ _lyrae_). Food is abundant and festivals are -celebrated. The divisions of _aibaud_ are _sasiwaur_ (‘child’, i. e. -lesser south-east), _piepe_, _tati waur_ (‘father’, i. e. greater -south-east), and _birubiru_, a bird which at this time migrates from -New Guinea to Australia[228]. - -The Kiwai Papuans who dwell on the opposite coast of New Guinea -have the same star myths as the inhabitants of the Torres Straits -Islands: for them, however, no smaller but only two greater seasons -are mentioned[229]; on the other hand they have months[230]. The -smaller seasons have clashed with the reckoning by moons, and have -surrendered their names to describe the latter. They have therefore -in great measure become merged in the counting of the months, which -will be dealt with later. The greater seasons on the other hand, on -account of their length, could not be merged in the reckoning by -months, and these have therefore everywhere remained. The number of -the longer seasons varies considerably, and is of course connected -not only with the climatic conditions but also with the fundamental -phenomena which for one reason or another attract attention; a -larger season may also be divided into two or three smaller ones. - -It may be taken for granted that all peoples outside the tropics, -even where it has not been thought necessary expressly to mention -the fact, know the two larger divisions of the year, the warmer -and colder seasons. Where the plants die in winter and the trees -lose their leaves, or where the snow covers the ground, this -great difference becomes especially pronounced and determines the -whole mode of life: but even in the sub-tropical regions it is -obvious enough. To it corresponds in many parts of the tropics and -sub-tropical zones the natural division into a dry and a rainy -season. For the division into the summer period of vegetation and -winter with its snow and ice it is superfluous to give examples: -the above-quoted description of the year of the Labrador Eskimos -is a typical instance. Swanton and Boas state that certain Indian -tribes of N. W. America divide the year into two equal parts of six -months each, summer extending from April to September, and winter -from October to March[231]. The Comanches reckon by the cold and the -warm seasons[232]. I give a few instances from districts in which -a winter of this nature does not exist. Among the Hopi of Arizona -the year has two divisions--there seems to be no equivalent to our -four seasons--which may be termed the periods of the named and the -nameless months: the former is the cold period, the latter is the -warm. They may also be called the greater and the lesser periods, -since the former begins in August and ends in March[233]. The Zuñi -of western New Mexico also divide the year into two periods of six -months each[234]. The Chocktaw of Louisiana have the same number of -seasons[235]. The natives of Central Australia have names for summer -and winter[236]. - -In the tropics there is often only one rainy and one dry season, -with two divisions of the year corresponding to these. On the -Orinoco there are summer and winter, i. e. the dry and the rainy -seasons. In Maipuri the dry season is called _camoti_, ‘the glowing -splendour of the sun’, and the rainy season _canepó_. Among the -Tamanacho winter is called _canepó_, ‘rain’, ‘rainy season’, summer -is _vannu_, ‘crickets’, since these insects chirp incessantly to -the end of the season[237]. The Tupi have expressions for dry and -rainy seasons but not for the year as a whole. The Bakairi reckon -by the semesters of the dry and the rainy seasons[238]. The Karaya -of Central Brazil reckon the year from one fall of the river to -another. They thereby distinguish two seasons, the dry season when -they live on the sand-banks, and the rainy season when they live on -the upper banks of the river[239]. The Wagogo of E. Africa divide the -year into two halves: _kibahu_, the dry season, about May-October, -and _kifugu_, the rainy season, November to April[240]. So also -the Nandi: _iwotet_, rainy season, March-August, and _kement_, dry -season, September-February[241]; further the tribes of Loango[242], -the Bantu tribes of the Congo State[243], and the Cross River negroes -of the Cameroons[244]. The Tshi-speaking peoples divide the year into -two periods: the smaller _hohbor_, from May to August, and the larger -from September to April[245]. Among the Akamba the year consists -of two rainy seasons separated by two dry periods: _ambua anzwa_, -_ambua ua_[246]. Where this natural division prevails, however, the -half-year is often put in the place of the year[247]. - -The Javanese have a dry and a rainy period which include six of their -seasons[248], and so have the Islamite Malays of Sumatra[249]. The -Polynesians divide the year throughout into two greater periods. -Their seasons were in general two, the rainy season or winter, and -the dry season or summer, but varied according to the situation of -the particular group of islands north or south of the equator. On -the Society Islands they embraced the months of May-November and -November-May respectively. On the Sandwich Islands the rainy season, -_hooilo_, lasted from about Nov. 20 to May 20, the dry season, _kau_, -from May 20 to Nov. 20[250]. We shall find later that both seasons -were named and regulated according to the visibility or invisibility -of the Pleiades. Other writers also give information for Hawaii. -When the sun moved towards the north, the days were long, the trees -bore fruit, and the heat was prevalent: it was summer; but when -the sun moved towards the south, the nights became longer and the -trees were without fruit: it was winter[251]. _Kau_ was the season -when the sun was directly overhead, when daylight was prolonged, -the trade-wind prevailed, days and nights alike were warm, and the -vegetation put forth new leaves. _Hooilo_ was the season when the -sun declined towards the south, the nights grew longer, days and -nights were cool, and the herbage (lit. vines) died away: each had -six months. On Kauai Island the seasons were called _mahoe-mua_ -and _mahoe-hope_[252]. In Tahiti the bread-fruit can be gathered -for seven months, for the other five there is none: for about two -months before and after the southern solstice it is very scarce, but -from March to August exceedingly plentiful. This season is called -_pa-uru_ (_uru_ = ‘bread-fruit’)[253]. The recurring scarcity of -bread-fruit shewed the changes in the course of the year, but the -Pleiades afforded a surer limit[254]. In Samoa one authority gives -the wet season, ending in April, and the dry season, which comes to -an end with the palolo fishing in October[255]; another _vaipalolo_, -the palolo or wet season from October to March, and _toe lau_, when -the regular trade-winds blow, embracing the other months[256]; a -third the season of fine weather--in which however much rain falls in -some localities--and the stormy season, when it rains heavily[257]. -The importance of agriculture is so great that the seasons in -following it may sometimes depart from the changes of the climate. -The Bontoc Igorot have two seasons which however do not mark the wet -and dry periods, as might be expected in a country where these two -periods occur: _cha-kon_ is the season of rice or ‘palay’ growth and -harvesting, _ka-sip_ the remaining portion of the year[258]. In -the New Hebrides the year is divided into two parts, the periods of -yam-planting and harvesting[259]. - -In certain localities the atmospheric conditions are such that two -divisions of the year may be distinguished according to the winds, -as for instance in the Marshall Islands, where there are the months -of calm and the months of squalls[260]. More commonly two seasons -are given by the variation of the monsoons, as on the island of -Bali, east of Java: in each case there were six homonymous months. -The Kiwai Papuans have _uro_, the comparatively dry season of the -south-east monsoon (April-December), and the time of the prevailing -north-west wind, _hurama_, a period of alternating calms, storms of -wind and rain, and thunder[261]. A native judge from the island of -Vuatam in the Bismarck Archipelago remarked that the north-west trade -blew throughout the time when the sun was southerly, that is from -November to February, but during the time in which the sun moved in a -northerly direction, May to August, the south-east monsoon prevailed. -On Valam it is said that the south-east monsoon blows as long as the -sun sets WNW, i. e. from May to August: from the month of November -to February, when it sets WSW, the north-west trade blows[262]. In -Rotuma or Granville Island near the equator periods of six months are -reckoned. The west wind, which blows from October to April, serves -to distinguish these two periods, although it does not affect the -vegetation[263]. The people of the Nicobar Islands reckon by the -south-west monsoon (November to April)[264]. The Benua-Jahun of the -Malay Peninsula distinguish the half-year of the north monsoon and -that of the south monsoon[265]. - -It would seem that the whole year might easily arise through the -fusion of these two larger periods: that this is not the case will be -shewn in the following chapter. - -These half-years are as a rule well defined, but the natural -conditions upon which they depend are subject to fluctuation, and -in particular there are transitional periods the position of which -cannot be certainly decided. Moreover smaller characteristic periods -arise within the larger, and hence more seasons appear. Elsewhere the -natural conditions are such that they directly lead to more than two -seasons, e. g. where there are two different rainy seasons in the -year. From these circumstances it becomes plain that a fluctuation -between a larger or smaller number of seasons is possible, and -indeed it often actually occurs. The seasons that adhere to natural -phenomena are never clearly defined like a division of the calendar: -the limits are uncertain, different seasons may be merged into one -another or in part overlap one another, as has been shewn in the case -of the Eskimos of Labrador. - -Among the Eskimos of the Behring Strait the year is often divided -into four seasons corresponding to the usual occupations, but these -divisions are indefinite and irregular in comparison with the -reckoning by months[266]. Of the Indians in general it is said that -as a rule four seasons are recognised and have specific names applied -to them (apart from the tribes that have two). In many cases however -the latter may split up both summer and winter into two subdivisions: -this is stated e. g. for the Chocktaw of Louisiana[267]. The -Siciatl of British Columbia however have three: spring, summer, and -winter[268]. The Thompson Indians of the same province group their -months into five seasons, winter beginning with the first snow that -stays on the ground, and lasting until its disappearance from the -valleys, generally the 2d, 3d, and 4th months, spring beginning with -the disappearance of the snow, and embracing the period of frequent -Chinook winds, 5th and 6th months, summer 7th, 8th, and 9th months, -early autumn (Indian summer) 10th and 11th months, and late fall -which takes up the rest of the year[269]. The neighbouring tribe of -the Shuswap recognise five seasons exactly corresponding to those of -the Thompson Indians[270]. - -The natural phenomena from which the seasons are determined and -named vary according to the geographical latitude, the nature of -the country, and the mode of life, i. e. according as the tribe -lives by hunting or by agriculture. Certain writers state that the -Indians of Virginia divided the year into five seasons: the budding -of spring, the earing of corn or ‘roasting-ear time’, summer or ‘the -highest sun’, corn-gathering or ‘fall of the leaf’, and winter[271]. -The Maida of northern California say that the seasons--the rainy -season, the leafy season, the dry season, and the season of -falling leaves--were instituted by Kodoyampeh, the Creator[272]. -The Kiowa distinguished only four seasons: _saigya_ or _säta_, -considered to begin at the first snowfall; _asegya_, spring (the -etymology of the word is unknown, a more recent name is _son-pata_, -‘grass-springing’), which begins when grass and buds sprout and the -mares foal; _paigya_, summer (_pai_, ‘sun’), which begins when the -grass has ceased to sprout and lasts until fires become necessary in -the _tipis_ at night; _paongya_, autumn (the thickening of the coat -or fur, _pa_, of the buffalo and other animals), sometimes called -‘the time when the leaves are red’, begins when the leaves change -colour[273]. It is to be noted that these seasons must be of very -different length. In the same way the Dakota reckon five months each -for winter and summer and only one month each for spring and autumn, -but it is expressly mentioned that this reckoning is not strictly -followed[274]. The Pawnee divided the year into a warm and a cold -period, and also into the four seasons, each of which however was -normalised to three months[275]. The account of the Comanches is -somewhat indefinite: they have no computation of time beyond the -seasons, which are reckoned by the rising height of the grass, the -fall of the leaves, and the cold and the hot season. They very seldom -reckon in new moons[276]. They have the four seasons therefore. The -Indians of Chile have words for our four seasons[277]. - -The above-mentioned names of the five seasons are those of the -Algonquins of Virginia[278]; the Occaneechi of the same district -call them:--the budding or blossoming, the ripening, midsummer, -harvest or fall, winter[279]. Certain agricultural tribes of the -east divided autumn into early autumn, when the leaves change -colour, and late autumn, when they fall, but denoted the two periods -by entirely different names[280]. Agriculture is responsible for -the adding of a fifth season to the four arising from the warm and -the cold periods and the times of transition between these[281]. -But other transitional periods between the longer seasons also -arise independently[282]. The Lapps have names for the four -ordinary seasons, but their language also contains compounds like -‘spring-winter’, i. e. late winter,--a compound also known in Swedish -(_vår-vinter_)--and ‘autumn-summer’, i. e. late summer[283]. The -Lapps of Västerbotten divide the year into _sjeunjestie_, the dark -period, and _tjuoikestie_, the bright period. They also have four -seasons:--_dalvie_, winter, from the freezing of the lakes till the -melting of snow; _geira_, spring, time of snow-melting and spring -floods; _gese_, summer, from the time when the earth becomes visible -to the fading of the grass; _tjatj_, autumn, from this time until the -lakes begin to freeze again. The Lapps speak also of _talve-qvoutel_, -mid-winter, _kese-qvoutel_, midsummer, and _tjaktje-kese_, late -summer[284]. - -The Yukaghir of N. E. Sibiria use more often the names of periods or -the seasons of the year than the names of the months. They have six -seasons. The limits of these seasons can hardly have corresponded in -former times to fixed dates. Being at present baptized, they reckon -the seasons of the year according to the Greek-Orthodox holidays; -and thus we have the following seasons:--1, _puge_, summer, from St. -Akulina to Mary’s Day, 13th June to 8th September; 2, _nade_, autumn, -from the 8th of September to St. Michael’s Day, 8th of November; 3, -_cieje_, winter, from the 8th of November to Purification, 2d of -February; 4, _pore_, first spring, from Purification to St. George’s -Day, 23d of April; 5, _cille_, the second spring, from the 23d of -April to the beginning of snow-melting, usually to St. Nicholas’ -Day, 9th of March; the name denotes the icy surface forming during -the night on the snow, after having melted during the day, and is -also given to a month; 6, _conjile_, the third spring, from the -snow-melting period to St. Akulina’s Day[285]. - -Africa offers good examples of the fluctuation and further -sub-division of the seasons. The Wagogo of East Africa divide the -year into the dry season, about May to October, and the rainy season, -November to April. In the latter they further distinguish the little -rainy season, _songola_, November and December, and the greater -one, _itika_, about February and March[286]. In the neighbourhood -of Mombasa the great rains begin in April and last approximately -for a month, _mwaka_ or _masika_: _mchoo_ is a week in August, and -_vuli_ a fortnight in November, with showers. Beyond the seasons the -natives have little idea of the lapse of time[287]. The Wa-Sania of -British East Africa have three periods of four months each, _gunu_, -_adolaia_, and _huggaia_, but no explanation whatever of these names -is given[288]. The Masai divide the rainy season into three periods, -and also have four seasons of three months each:--(1) _ol dumeril_, -the time of the lesser rains, preceding that of the great rains. The -latter fall in (2) _en gokwa_, named after the Pleiades, which at -that time _rise_ low on the _western_ horizon (_sic!_). Then follows -(3) _ol airodjerod_, the season of the gentle after-rains, and then -(4) _ol ameii_, the time of hunger and drought[289]. Hollis begins -the list with the months of the showers, and calls the season of the -great rains _l’apaitin le-’l-lengon_, ‘the months of plenty’, stating -that the latter season, in which the setting of the Pleiades takes -place in the evening, is called from these _loo-’n-gokwa_[290]. Among -the Ewe tribes the year has three periods:--_adame_, March to June; -_keleme_, July to October; _pepi_, November to February. In the first -two much rain falls, so that work in the fields is greatly hindered. -Inland the year begins in March with the yam-sowing, and ends in -February. The three principal seasons include four months each. -Inland _keleme_ also includes another period, _masa_, September and -October, the second maize-sowing. Hence the name ‘masa-corn’. _Pepi_ -is the harmattan time, in which fall yam-harvesting, grass-drying, -and hunting[291]. The Yoruba divide the year into the dry season, the -season of the harmattan wind, and the rainy season, the last-named -being further divided into the time of the first rains and that of -the last rains or ‘little rainy season’[292]. In Loango a dry and -a rainy season of about 6 months each are distinguished. In many -districts there is also a third season, _tschimuna_, the time of the -ripening of favourite fruits etc., and the hot seasons are then often -simply called _bimuna_[293]. - -Where two rainy seasons separated by dry seasons occur, a fuller -division of the year presents itself. The Babwende have five -seasons:--_ntombo_, from the first rains at the end of September or -beginning of October to the ceasing of the great rains at the end of -January; _kianza_, the lesser dry season, to the beginning of the -great rains in February; _ndolo_, the latter part of the rainy season -up to _sivu_, the dry season, which begins in June; and _mbangala_, -in August and September, when the grass withers and is burnt up[294]. -The Wadschagga count:--the great rainy season, 4 months; the time -of dew, 2 months; the season of heat, about 2 months; the so-called -lesser rainy season, 1-2 months; the great heat, about 3 months[295]. -The seasons of the Banyankole are determined by the rains. The longer -period is termed _kyanda_ and usually has six months: the lesser, -_akanda_, has four, and there are two months called _itumba_. During -the six months very little rain falls, then come a few days of rain -followed by four months of dry weather, and after that two other -months of rain[296]. A very striking example of the crossing and -overlapping of the seasons is afforded by the Bakongo. They have -_sivu_, the cold season, at the beginning of the dry season which -commences about May 15; _mbangala_, the dry season with little or -no dew, July to the middle of October, including also _mpiaza_, the -grass-burning season, second half of July, August, and September; -_masanza_, early light rains, latter part of October, November, and -December; _nkianza_, short dry season, most of January and the early -part of February; _kundi_, _nsafu_, fruit season, end of February to -May, including _kintombo_, heavy rains, March, April, and _nkiela_, -the time when the rains cease, from the beginning to the middle of -May[297]. - -In the inland districts of Madagascar, in the neighbourhood of -Antananarivo, there are properly only two seasons, a hot rainy -period from the beginning of November to the end of April, and -a cold dry period during the other months. However four seasons -are distinguished:--_lohataona_, ‘head of the year’, September -and October, when the rice is planted and a few showers fall; -_fahavaratra_, ‘the thunder-time’, from the early part of November -to the end of February or into March; _fararano_, ‘the last rains’, -from the beginning of March to the end of April; and _ririnina_, -‘time of bareness’, when the grass becomes dry, June to August. -Rice is planted twice, first before the end of October and again in -November or December; the first crop is ripe in January or early -in February, the second about April; the two crops however are not -clearly distinguished and together last about four months[298]. One -name for winter is _maintang_, ‘the earth is dry’[299]. - -The Hottentots seem to keep in view the vegetation rather than the -climate. Their seasons are four in number. First, early spring. When -with increasing warmth, independently of the rain-fall, trees and -bushes break into leaf, and in good years winter or early spring -rains have revived the grass, spring or blossoming-time has come; it -begins in August and ends in October. The following season, which -in the upland Damara dialect is called ‘the sun-time’, embraces the -first half of the hot period in which, when the year is good, the -so-called lesser rains fall. If these are wanting, or, as is usually -the case, are scanty, the land is for the most part desolate, without -grass or herbage. This time of drought is described by the same -word as the drought itself: it prevails from October to December -inclusive. The season upon the productiveness of which the welfare of -the Hottentots in the main depends may be called the pasture-season: -it includes the period of the greater rains and the time immediately -after this, when the fodder has not yet lost its freshness. It -fills, loosely speaking, the period January-April, and constitutes -summer and early autumn. Winter, or the cold season, May to August, -embraces two-thirds of autumn and the first half of winter[300]. The -Herero also have four seasons:--spring (from September onwards), -summer, autumn or the rainy season, and winter[301]. - -In Burmah there are three seasons, though certainly they are -regulated by the months: the cold season, the hot season, and the -rainy season[302]. The Polynesians usually have two long seasons, but -three are not unheard of. A native of the island of Molokai, in the -Sandwich group, states that there the year was divided into three -seasons:--_maka-lii_, _kau_, and _hoo-ilo_. _Maka-lii_ was so called -because the sun was then less visible, being obscured by clouds, and -the days were shortened. _Kau_ was so termed because tapa could then -safely be spread out to dry. _Hoo-ilo_ meant ‘changeable’[303]. The -two main seasons are called _kau_ and _hoo-ilo_. It is to be observed -however that in a notice from Hawaii they are called _hoo-ilo_ and -_maka-lii_[304]. This shews that the number is not fixed. On the -Society Islands besides the two seasons regulated by the Pleiades -there were also three seasons: (1) _tetau_, autumn or season of -plenty, the harvest of bread-fruit, commencing with December and -continuing until _faahu_, which corresponded to January and a part -of February, the time of the most frequent rains, comprising three -months; (2) _te tau miti rahi_, the season of high sea, November to -January; (3) _te tau poai_, the longest season, winter, the season -of drought and scarcity of food, which usually extended from July to -October[305]. It will however be seen that these seasons do not fill -up the year, and that the second partly covers the first. Their names -are taken from different phenomena of Nature. The New Zealanders -distinguish four seasons:--spring, _te aro aro_, _mahaua_, _te toru_, -‘the time of growth’, both _toru_ and _aro aro_ signify ‘the shooting -or springing forth of plants’, _mahaua_ is the season of warmth; -summer, _raumati_, _waru_, _rehua_,--_raumati_ means ‘dead leaves’, -and the summer is so called because all the trees with one exception -are evergreen and shed their leaves in summer; autumn, _ngahura -matiti_; winter, _hotoke_, _puanga_, the season when the earth is -damp and gives forth her worms, which were formerly highly prized as -food[306]. The seasons are regulated by the stars, _puanga_ is the -great winter star, _rehu_ the great summer star. - -The names of the greater seasons are therefore taken for the most -part from the varying phases of the climate, but very often refer -also to the phenomena of natural life accompanying these. The -climatic phases, on account of their fluctuating duration and their -limited number, afford no means of distinguishing and naming a -greater number of smaller seasons: the phases of plant and animal -life may be used as an equivalent and are much better adapted to this -purpose, especially when to them are added the regular occupations of -agriculture. In the above examples terms referring to natural life -have already been found mingled with those borrowed from the climate. -Where the seasons are numerous this is always the case: direct -references to the climate may even be entirely lacking. These facts -shew moreover that between the largest and smallest seasons there -exists no difference in the main: they pass into one another without -interruption through a series of intermediate stages. Such smaller -seasons may be run together into the circle of the year; but this -seldom occurs, since the ordinary reckoning according to lunar months -has absorbed the smaller seasons, which, on account of their varying -and indeterminate length, are inconvenient for reckoning, whereas the -regular and definite length of the months makes them easy to reckon. -It is however sometimes the case. - -The Indians in general have lunar months named from natural -occurrences, but not so the Luiseño of Southern California. According -to P. S. Sparkman in his unpublished Dictionary of their language -the Luiseño year was divided into 8 periods, each of which was -again divided into two parts, distinguished as ‘large’ and ‘small’ -or ‘lean’. These divisions did not represent periods of time but -merely indicated when certain fruits and seeds ripened, grass began -to grow, and trees came into leaf in the valley or on the mountain. -The native names are given but are unfortunately not translated. Du -Bois, to whom we are indebted for this information, names the parts -‘months’ (in inverted commas), and adds that the names are all taken -from the physical features of different seasons. _Tausunmal_, about -August, means that everything is brown and sear. _Tovukmal_ refers to -the little streams of water washing the fallen leaves. _Tasmoimal_ -means that the rain has come and grass is sprouting. In _nemoimal_ -the deer grow fat. The ‘months’ are marked by the rising of certain -stars. The seasons have here developed into a regular calendrical -cycle[307]. - -In reality this cycle is in no way distinguished from the succession -of seasons given above: it has only been improved and regulated. This -happens more particularly under the influence of agriculture; one can -speak of an agricultural year the seasons of which are determined -and named in accordance with agriculture. Of the Fanti of the Gold -Coast it is said that they divide the year, according to the changes -of the climate, into nine parts with distinct names, beginning with -the harmattan wind in January and ending with the small tornadoes -in December[308]. The periods however are related to agriculture, -as appears from a detailed description for the countries around the -Niger. The end of the rainy season and the beginning of the dry -(about November) forms a kind of season by itself, and is called -_odun_ (year). The farmers go on weeding their farms to give the -crops of their second harvest a chance. The dry season is divided -into two sections of two months each. During the day it is very -hot. The cold wind blowing from the east is called _harmattan_ by -Europeans, _oye_ by the natives. The second crops of corn, beans, -and guinea-corn are now gathered. The land is cleared for the next -season’s crops, and the bush already felled is burnt. This is also -the fishing season. The dry season (_erun_) continues for the next -two months, but during the latter part of the second month the -rumbling of thunder is heard and small rains fall. The preparation of -the ground is continued and yam-planting begins. The rainy season -may be divided into two parts separated by a little dry season: the -first section consists of five lunar months of rain, the latter of -two lunar months, one nearly dry month intervening. The first two -months of this section of the rains are called _asheroh ojo_: it -is the tornado season. At the beginning of this season ground-nuts -and the first crop of corn are planted. In the next two months the -rain-fall reaches its maximum. Towards the end of the second month -it becomes possible to eat new corn. The main crop however is left -standing in the fields until it becomes quite dry, which happens when -the next season, the little dry season, sets in. This sub-division of -the rainy season is called _ago_, probably because the corn has grown -tall during the last month. The season called _awori_ consists of one -month of rain and the little dry season. The first crop of yams, the -corn, the ground-nuts, and the gourds are gathered in. Before long -the rains have ceased, the seed for the second crop of corn is sown. -The two following months are called the _arokuro_ season, and like -the first two months of the rains they are tornado months. Bushes -are felled in order to prepare the land for next year’s sowing, and -weeding is continued[309]. The months mentioned are lunar months. -An interesting feature is that the names of the seasons do not -altogether coincide with the natural divisions of the climate, as the -following comparison clearly shews:--_odun_, end of rains, beginning -of dry season; _erun_, dry season I, II, 4 months; _asheroh ojo_, -season of rains (tornadoes), 2 months; _ago_, rainy season, maximum, -2 months; _awori_, 1 month rain and little dry season; _arokuro_, -season of rains (tornadoes), 2 months. The deviations are brought -about, as the description shews, by the business of agriculture. - -The Shilluk know the months but also divide the year into the -following nine seasons:--_yey jeria_, about September, harvest of red -dura; _anwoch_, about October, end of the harvest, people are waiting -for white dura to ripen; _agwero_, about November-December, harvest -of white dura begins; _wudo_, December to January, harvest of white -dura continues; _leu_, January-February, the hot season, _dodin_, -about March, in these two there is no work in the fields; _dokot_, -about April, ‘mouth of rain’, beginning of the rains; _shwer_, about -May-July, time for planting red dura; _doria_, about July-September, -beginning of harvest[310]. A similar but more indefinite mode -of reckoning seems to exist among the Bakairi of S. America, of -whom it is said that they reckon by dry and rainy seasons, and -also distinguish ‘months’ not by the moon but quite vaguely by -the rain and the heat and the phases of the maize-culture[311]. -Their months are given as follows:--‘hardest rain’, about January; -‘less rain’, February; ‘rain ceases’, March; ‘it (the weather) -becomes good’, April; ‘wood-cutting’, May and June; July, nameless; -‘end-of-the-day-time’, August; ‘the rain is coming’, September and -October; ‘the maize ripens’, November; December, nameless[312]. - -The agricultural year is most clearly defined among the -rice-cultivating peoples of the Indian Archipelago, by whom the -seasons are determined according to the state of the rice. It is -said, for example, in speaking of an event, that it happened at the -blossoming or harvesting of the rice[313]. Among the Bahau, a Dyak -tribe of Borneo, the year is divided into eight periods according -to the various kinds of labour carried on in the rice-field:--the -clearing of the brushwood (to prepare the fields for cultivation), -the felling of the trees, the burning of the wood felled, the -sowing or celebration of the seed-time festival, the weeding, the -harvest, the conclusion of the harvest, the celebration of the new -rice-year[314]. The Bontoc Igorot, as has been mentioned, divide the -year into two parts, the period of rice-culture and the other period. -There are however other periods which vary in different villages as -regards name, number, and duration, but are everywhere called after -the characteristic occupations that follow one another in the course -of the year. Eight of these together make up the calendar, and seven -of them have to do with the rice-cultivation. Each period receives -its name from the occupation which characterises its beginning, and -keeps this name until the beginning of the next period, even when -the occupation that characterised it had ceased some time before. To -_cha-kon_ belong:--(1) _i-na-na_, the first period in the year, the -time, as it is said, of no more work in the rice sementeras, when -practically all the fields are prepared and transplanted; in 1903 -it began on Feb. 11 and it lasts about 3 months, continuing until -the time of the first rice-harvest in May, in 1903 till May 2; (2) -_la-tub_, the time of the first harvests, lasts about four weeks and -ends about June 1; (3) _cho-ok_, the time when most of the rice is -harvested, fills about 4 weeks, in 1903 till July 2; (4) _li-pas_, -the season of ‘no more palay-harvest’, lasts for about 10 or 15 days. -To the half-year _ka-sip_, belong:--(5) _ba-li-ling_, which takes -its name from the general planting of camotes and is the only one -of the calendar periods not named from the rice industry: it lasts -about 6 weeks, or nearly to the end of August; (6) _sa-gan-ma_, the -time when the sementeras which are to be used as seed-beds for the -rice are put into condition, the earth being turned three several -times, lasts about 2 months: on Nov. 15, 1902 the seed was just -peeping from the kernels; the seed is sown immediately after the -third turning of the earth, which thus ended early in November; (7) -_pa-chog_, the period of seed-sowing, begins about Nov. 10; although -the seed-sowing does not last many days, the period continues for 5 -or 6 weeks; (8) _sa-ma_, the last period, in which the sementeras are -prepared for receiving the young plants, and in which these seedlings -are transplanted from the seed-beds, lasts nearly 7 weeks, from about -Dec. 20 to Feb. 10. The Igorot often say e. g. that an event occurred -in _la-tub_ or will take place in _ba-li-ling_; they therefore keep -these periods in mind just as a European thinks of some particular -month in which an event has happened[315]. The greatly varying length -of the periods is once more to be noted, and also the fact that a -vacant season is made into a period (see e. g. under (7)), it being -necessary to fill in the gaps so that the circle shall be continuous. - -How such seasons and the year formed out of them may be developed -under the influence of the improved calendar into periods of -definite numbers of days is shewn by the Javanese peasant calendar -which is still used in Bali and Java. The year is an embolimic -year of 360 days and is divided into 12 periods of unequal length. -These are:--_koso_, 41 days; _karo_, 23; _katigo_, 24; _kapat_, 24 -(25)[316]; _kalimo_, 26 (27); _kanam_, 41 (43); _kapitu_, 41 (43); -_kawolu_, 26 (in leapyear 27); _kasongo_, 25; _kasapuluh_, 25 (24); -_dasto_, 23; _sodo_, 41. The first ten of these names are the ordinal -numerals of the Javanese vernacular, the last two, according to -Wilken, are corruptions of Sanskrit words. In Bali the year begins -with the eleventh season (April), in Java with the winter solstice. -The different divisions correspond to the following occupations -and natural events:--1, the falling of the leaves, burning of dry -grass, and cutting of trees for the cultivation of mountain rice; 2, -beginning of vegetation; 3, blossoming of wild plants, planting of -yams and other secondary crops; 4, rutting season, high winds, the -rivers swell; 5, preparations for rice-planting; 6, ploughing and -rice-sowing; 7, rice is planted, the canals are repaired; 8, rice -grows and flowers; 9, the seeds form in the rice-plants; 10, rice -turning yellow; 11, the rice-crop is ripe, harvest begins; 12, cold -weather begins, the harvest is finished and the rice housed. This is -almost literally translated from the language of the natives[317]. -Wilken gives to certain periods a different number of days (see note -1); according to him the year has 365 days, but every fourth year is -a leapyear with 366 days. The calendar was regulated in 1855 by Pakoe -Boewånå III, naturally according to the Gregorian calendar: hence -the variation from Crawfurd’s statements. This is the only instance -of an attempt to bring a natural calendar into agreement with the -demands of a modern one; it is however unpractical and inconvenient -on account of the varying length of the divisions. It is still used -in eastern Java and in the Tengge mountains[318]. - -In China, besides the lunisolar type of year, there is a division -of the year into 24 parts, the names of which correspond to the -climatic phenomena but are also borrowed from the phenomena of -natural life. They are:--rain-water, 15 days; moving of snakes, 15 -days; spring equinox, 15 days; pure brightness, 15 days; sowing-rain -and dawn of summer, together 31 days; little fruitfulness (Ginzel) or -little rainy season (d’Enjoy), corn in the beard, together 31 days; -summer solstice, 16 days; beginning of heat, 16 days; great heat, -signs of autumn, together 31 days; end of heat, white dew, together -31 days; cold dew, 15 days; autumn equinox, 15 days; hoar-frost, -15 days; signs of winter, 15 days, beginning of snow, great snows, -together 29 days; winter solstice, 15 days; little cold, 15 days; -great cold, 15 days; dawn of spring, 15 days[319]. Of this division -Ginzel says that among the Chinese the seasons are expressed by -a division of the ecliptic: they are therefore astronomical, the -Chinese have no special names for the physical seasons. In former -times they took the length of the astronomical year to be 365¼ -days, and assumed an equal period for the course of the sun in the -ecliptic; but they afterwards learnt to calculate the beginning of -the divisions directly. It would be surprising however not to find -underlying the present divisions old seasons which the astronomical -knowledge has drawn within its scope, and which have thus been -systematically developed and regulated. To decide the matter would -require special knowledge which the present writer does not possess. -It is to be noted moreover that the periods are connected in pairs, -the odd numbers (according to Ginzel’s scheme) are called _tsie_, the -even _k’i_, the joint name being _tsie-k’i_. - -As far as the Indo-European period is concerned it seems now to -be agreed that there were then three seasons: for only the roots -occurring in the words _hiems_, _ver_, and _summer_ recur in a -greater number of the Indo-European languages. The much criticised -statement of Tacitus about the Germans is therefore corroborated: -“They know and name winter and spring and summer, but are ignorant -of the name and the goods of harvest”[320]. Spring however is not -equivalent to the other two seasons, for Indo-European antiquity -certainly also divided the year into two parts, the cold and the -warm seasons. The question whether the primitive Indo-European tribe -had two or three seasons is therefore pointless, and that this is so -will be readily understood by anyone who has become familiar with -the overlapping and the instability of the seasons of the primitive -peoples. The same phenomenon repeats itself in the addition of a -fourth season. The Greeks complete the circle of the year with the -three seasons winter, spring, and summer (χειμών, ἔαρ, θέρος), but in -Homer the fruit-harvest, ὀπώρη, already appears with the pretensions -of an independent season. Alkman has these four[321]. The principle -of nomenclature is however different: the first three names are -derived from climatic phenomena, ὀπώρα from the fruit-harvest. Now -since four climatic periods are naturally to be distinguished--cold, -warmth, and two transitional periods--the logical consequence is that -the fourth season should also be referred to the climate, and indeed -to the still unnamed period of transition between summer and winter. -This period however does not coincide with ὀπώρα, but follows it. -The latter term is therefore corrected to φθιν- or μετόπωρον; the -ὀπώρα naturally persists as the fruit harvest, and Theophrastus[322] -counts it in addition to the other four and thus gets five seasons. -The same thing seems to have happened in the case of the Latin -_autumnus_, although the process cannot be demonstrated. If the -small seasons are included the circle may be still further extended. -Thus the pseudo-Hippocratean treatise Περὶ ἑβδομάδων[323] gives -seven seasons:--1, seed-time, σπορητός, from the early rising of the -Pleiades to the winter solstice; 2, winter, until the late rising -of Arcturus; 3, tree-planting, φυταλιά, up to the spring equinox; -4, spring; 5, summer, from the early rising of the Pleiades up to -that of Sirius; 6, fruit-harvest, ὀπώρα, until the early rising of -Arcturus; 7, autumn. This arrangement is certainly affected by the -septenary system which pervades the treatise, but is founded on a -popular basis: the smaller seasons, which otherwise pass into the -greater, are given an independent position by the side of these. -The system has not prevailed, it is true, but it affords a typical -example of the instability of the seasons. - -Exactly the same process recurs in the Indian seasons. The natural -division of the North Indian year is into three periods--a warm, a -rainy, and a cold season. Three corresponding seasons are the most -usual in the Vedic period, and these are still the popular divisions -in the Punjab. Later two transitional periods are interpolated, -one of an autumnal character between the rainy season and the cold -season, and a warm period between the cold season and the hot. -These five seasons often occur in the Brahmanas. The well-known six -seasons--_vasanta_, spring; _grishma_, hot season; _varsha_, rainy -season; _śarad_, autumn; _hemanta_, winter; _śiśira_, cool season: -the cold season is divided into two periods--are the result of a -systematic comparison with the months, the latter being distributed -in pairs among the seasons. By this arrangement the rainy season is -the loser, since it embraces at least three months. There is also -a second sexpartite division of the year, not indeed mentioned in -the Vedic literature but better corresponding to the course of the -seasons, in which the rainy season is divided into two periods[324]. - -The splitting up of the seasons persists to this day among the -Germanic peoples; but a systematising of these small seasons is only -found when they are referred to the Julian months. This point will be -dealt with below, in chapter XI. The phenomenon is known to me from -my own native district. The word _höst_, ‘autumn’, still persists -there in the old literal sense of harvest, mowing, and indeed -_höhösten_ is particularly the hay-harvest. Hence the designation of -the autumn season as _höst_ is felt to be insufficiently accurate -and the term is replaced by _efterhöst_, literally ‘after-harvest’, -late autumn. Between summer and _efterhöst_ appears the _skyr_ -(dialect for _skörd_), the harvest, as a fifth season; sometimes -there is added a sixth season, _sivinter_, late winter. Little -attention has been paid to this phenomenon, though it is common -enough. The periods of the rural occupations in particular give -rise to such terms. Any period of this nature is described by the -old Swedish word _and_ (_ann_), now obsolete except in dialects. -For the other districts I add from the Dialect Dictionary of -Rietz:--_hobal_, the period on the one hand between the tillage in -spring and the hay-harvest, and on the other between the hay- and -the corn-harvest, the former period being the greater, the latter -the small _hobal_. Elsewhere the word has the form _hovel_, summer -being divided into _hoveln_, _mellan-anna_ and _ann_ (which is here -used pregnantly to mean harvest). Compounds with _and_ are _vår-_, -_säs-_, _gödsel-_, _hö-_, _slått-_, _skår-_, _skyr-_ and _sädes-and_ -(periods of spring, sowing, manuring, hay, hay-harvest, harvest, -corn). The North Frisians of Amrum and Föhr for instance mark events -by the periods _um julham_ (‘at Christmas’), _um wosham_ (‘in early -spring’), _pluchleth_ (ploughing-time), _meedarleth_ (hay-harvest), -_kaarskörd_ (corn-reaping). In Norway there are current as general -time-indications:--fishing-time (_fiskja_), springtime (_voarvinna_ -or _voaronn_), ploughing-time (_plogen_ or _plogvinna_), midsummer -(_haavoll_ or _haaball_), ‘between time’, i. e. between ploughing and -hay-making, (_mellonn_), early summer (_leggsumar_), haymaking-time -(_høyvinna_, _høyonn_, or _slaatt_), harvest-time (_haustvinna_ or -_skurd_), ‘shortest-days-time’ (_skamtid_)[325]. In Iceland, where -the sheep-farming is the principal industry, we find:--Lamb-weaning -time or Pen-tide, _stekk-tid_, in May; Parting-tide, _fra-faerar_, -when the sheep are driven to the hills; Market-tide, _kaup-tid_, -when all purchases for the year are made; Home-field hay-time -and Out-field hay-time (July and August); Folding-tide, _rettir_ -(September), when the sheep are driven off the hill pastures into -folds to be separated into flocks and marked. Again from wild -birds and eider-ducks one calls the spring Egg-tide. The fisherman -uses such seasons as _ver-tid_, Fishing-tide; of these there is -a spring, an autumn, and a winter fishing-month. Flitting-days, -_fardagar_, come in the spring, and _skil-dagar_ in summer, when -servants leave.[326] In the old German laws and elsewhere similar -time-indications are common, e. g. at plough-time, at the second -plough-time, at autumn-sowing, at harvest, at hay-making time, at -hemp-gathering, after harvest and hay-making, at the bean-harvest, at -plough-time, at the grape-harvest, at sowing-time, at harvest-time, -fall of the leaves, sprouting of the leaves, oat-cutting or -harvest[327]. In Anglo-Saxon a similar expression occurs in a law of -King Vihtraed in the year 696, _sexton dæge rugernes_ (rye-harvest). -These periods are in themselves indefinite, they fail to achieve a -definite length or quite fixed position in the year. Where they do -so, this is due to the comparison with the Julian months, of which -more later. - -However over the number of the seasons among the Germans or, what has -often been regarded as the same thing,--and this is an evidence of -the false methods by which the problem has been attacked--over the -German division of the year, a long and vigorous dispute has been -carried on. That the year was divided into two parts, summer and -winter, is well known. I refer to the Scandinavian half-years[328], -to the testimony of Bede[329] that the Anglo-Saxons reckoned six -months for winter and six for summer, and to the German expressions -for a year: ‘in bareness and in leaf’, ‘bare and leaf-clad’, -‘in straw and in grass’[330]. No less a scholar than J. Grimm -has cast doubt on the statement of Tacitus that the Germans had -only three seasons, but later he withdrew his doubts in view of -the consideration that the Germans at the time of Tacitus were -acquainted with grain-culture but not with fruit-culture, and that -the word autumn, harvest, referred to the fruit and vine-harvests -and therefore naturally did not appear among the Germans of that -time[331]. In view of the linguistic phenomenon mentioned above, p. -71, it seems now to be agreed that the account of Tacitus is in -the main correct. Weinhold has given the treatment of the question -its direction. According to him the tripartite division to which -reference has been made crowded out the older division into two -parts, the points of division, he maintains, doubtless coinciding -in the first instance with the three _Lauddinge_ or _ungebotene -Gerichte_ (regular courts), which are found as early as the time -of Charlemagne. The beginnings of the four seasons--determined -from saints’ days--in February, May, August, and November are of -foreign origin: on the other hand the quadripartite division of -the year, arising from the fact that mid-winter and midsummer were -added to the beginning of winter and summer as interpolations in the -time-reckoning, is German. This Weinhold tries to prove from the -popular festivals associated with these dates. The attempt however is -a complete failure. No season begins with any of the solstices, on -the contrary these fall right in the middle of a season. His thesis -rests on an erroneous conception of the festivals, viz. that they are -in general calendar-festivals. Under primitive conditions a festival -(the harvest-home in particular) may certainly conclude a division of -time and may thus also indicate the beginning of a new season, but -as a rule the festivals, though regulated by the calendar, are not -so ordered that they coincide with the beginning of a season. We are -therefore not authorised in drawing conclusions as to the beginning -of a division of the year from the existence of an old festival. -Support has been lent to the idea of Weinhold by the fact that in -later times the beginnings of the seasons were indicated by festivals -and saints’ days. The fact of the matter is that the common medieval -calendar was composed of a series of festivals and saints’ days from -among which suitable and well-known days were chosen in the dating -of the beginnings of the seasons also. For the general understanding -it was necessary throughout to bring in popular saints’ days[332]. -Tille attacks Weinhold very sharply but remains throughout under the -influence of the method indicated by the latter: his work, however, -has its good points, inasmuch as it refers to economic conditions, -agriculture, the payments of rent, etc. The bipartite division, he -asserts, is primitive Indo-European, the tripartite is of foreign -(Egyptian) origin: both existed for a long time side by side. This -fact is explained by an old sexpartite division of the year, since -the six seasons could be run together either in twos or in threes. -The beginnings of the half-years are given by natural phenomena, -those of the three annual divisions are placed by Tille at March -13, July 10, and Nov. 11, old style: in the north on account of the -climatic conditions they are pushed back a month. Hammarstedt[333] -remarks very pertinently that the beginning of winter in November, -in the north in October, belongs to the reckoning in half-years, and -that hence arises the absurdity that Tille has to give Feb. 10 as the -date for the beginning of spring in the north. But to assign Dec. 13 -with Hammarstedt as the beginning of one of the three seasons agrees -just as little with the natural seasons of the year. - -The principal error lies in the systematising, the seasons being -regarded as periods of a definite number of days. This is not the -case even to-day, and still less was it so, as we have seen, among -primitive peoples. Still more clearly does the same error of method -appear in Tille’s assumption of a sexpartite division of the year, -or of sixty-day periods, as they are expressly termed. He refers -to the six old Indian seasons, which are a comparatively late and -artificial product called forth by the adoption of the names of the -seasons in the reckoning by months[334], and to the pairs of months -of the Syrian and Arabian calendar. He regards as 60-day divisions -not only the smaller seasons mentioned above, p. 75, the duration of -which was originally no less indefinite than it is to-day, but also -the Germanic pairs of months, which owe their origin to an adaptation -of the Roman months (for this see below, ch. XI). The 60-day periods -are so far from being primitive that they first took their origin -under the influence of the reckoning in months. - -In Iceland there still exists a curious calendar, the ‘week-year’. -The year is divided into two halves, _misseri_; the people reckon in -so many _misseri_, not years; it consists of _whole_ weeks, in the -ordinary year 52 (= 364 days), in leapyear 53 (= 371 days). Until -midsummer (or mid-winter) they reckon forwards, so many weeks of -summer or winter have elapsed, after that backwards, so many weeks -of summer (winter) remain[335]. Bilfinger in a penetrating study -has tried to shew that this curious calendar is an outcome of the -ecclesiastical calendarial science of the Middle Ages. He does not -however prove his case: rather, the calendar, as tradition shews, -reaches far back into heathen times[336]. - -The reckoning in weeks was once common to all Scandinavia. The -Lapps have special names for every week of the year, borrowed from -festivals and saints’ days falling within the weeks; they have -therefore taken from the Scandinavians the reckoning in weeks and -adapted it to the uses of a primitive time-reckoning. From the -same source they have also derived the special significance of the -summer night (April 14, Tiburtius) and of the winter night (Oct. 14, -Calixtus), from which also two weeks are named. The system is better -preserved in certain parts of South Sweden[337]. The people count -in _räppar_, quarter-years--in Öland they are called _trettingar_, -thirteenths, i. e. 13 weeks--beginning with the _räppadagar_: these -are Lady Day, Midsummer Day, Michaelmas Day, and Christmas Day, old -style. Just as in Iceland, they reckon backwards, not however in the -same quarters as there, but in the quarters before Midsummer and -Christmas: in the other two quarters they count forwards. In northern -Scania I have met with a relic of the same type of reckoning, the -‘number of weeks’ (_ugetalet_), which begins on April 6 (Lady Day, -old style), and is reckoned backwards as far as the thirteenth week. -The duration of both rural occupations and natural phenomena is -determined in so many weeks. As the starting-point of this reckoning -in weeks the four great festivals which come nearest to the four -points of the solstices and equinoxes are chosen. There can be no -doubt that these have made their appearance under the influence of -the Christian calendar instead of the four Old Scandinavian points -of division of the year. The people call Calixtus’ day (Oct. 14) -the first day of winter, and Tiburtius’ day (April 14) the first -day of summer; many rune-staves have this division of the year, and -almost all describe the former by a tree without leaves, the latter -by a tree in leaf. They fall in the same weeks as the initial days -of winter and summer in Iceland, which vary there on account of the -peculiar arrangement of the calendar. In Scandinavia, however, they -have been transformed into fixed days under the influence of the -Julian calendar. - -It is a natural conclusion that the reckoning in weeks had its origin -in the use of the rune-staff. Since the week-day letters on these -are repeated the whole year through, the weeks offered an easy means -of reckoning. This conclusion is certainly correct, but still we -may venture to ask why the week-day letters were admitted into the -national calendar by the North especially, and why the reckoning in -weeks should be adopted in popular use only there. The reason can -only be that the counting in weeks was already in use before the -rune-staff was introduced. This mode of counting, which in Iceland -had been developed into a curious form of year, was in Scandinavia -adapted to the Julian calendar and remained bound up with this. The -leap-week was therefore unnecessary. The old basis is however still -preserved in the points of departure, the summer and winter nights. -It is the same system as the Icelandic, built up on the week and the -year, but differently modified: the idea of any borrowing cannot be -entertained. The basis of this calendar, therefore, was once common -to all Scandinavia, and the calendar must go back to heathen times. - -Under the influence of the popular lay astrology the week was early -spread among the Germanic peoples: on it and on an approximate -knowledge of the length of the year, such as could easily be -acquired in the lively intercourse with Christian lands during the -Viking period, the system of the Icelandic calendar is built up. An -indigenous element however appears, the half-year reckoning, and -indeed the great probability is that the limitation of the half-year -to a fixed number of days was first achieved as a result of this -systematising of the calendar. Winter and summer, like all natural -seasons, had at first no fixed limits. The quarters arose in the -course of the reckoning, the people counting forwards in the first -half of the half-year and backwards in the other half. The middle -points of the half-year, mid-winter and midsummer, fell where both -reckonings met. This agrees with the popular objection to high -numbers. The Germanic tribes of the south, in accordance with their -milder climate, commonly reckoned five months for winter. In the -north the dead season is longer, about six months, and this fact has -contributed to the half-year reckoning which, as has already been -remarked, is widely characteristic of northern peoples. That the -limits between both seasons were unstable and could be moved forward -according to circumstances is in my opinion shewn by the names of the -initial days of the half-year--_sumarmál_ (plural) and _vetrnaetr_, -‘the winter nights’. Where a definitely determined day is in question -the plural is out of place: it is used to describe a period, for -instance _jol_ (plur.) denotes Christmas-time[338]. - -With the two opening days of the calendar and the one division in -the middle are often combined the three great sacrificial feasts, -the autumn festival at the winter nights, the Yule festival at -mid-winter, and the spring festival at the summer nights. It is -true that the first of these festivals, which was celebrated at the -beginning of a period of rest after the completion of the harvest -and agricultural labour, denoted, as such festivals often do, the -conclusion of the old year and the beginning of the new. That it was -fixed for a definite day cannot be demonstrated any more than that -the festival of victory in spring, celebrated before the Vikings -went forth on their voyages, fell exactly on the summer night. On -the contrary the time probably varied according to circumstances: -the expression of Snorre lacks calendarial accuracy and remains -indefinite:--“They should sacrifice against the winter to get a -good year, and at mid-winter sacrifice for germination; the third -sacrifice in summer, and this was a sacrifice of victory”[339]. In -historical times the Yule festival is regulated by the Christian -calendar; Snorre says that in heathen times it was celebrated -at the _hökku_ night, but of this we have no certain knowledge. -Things happened as in the Middle Ages and later: after a calendar -has arisen the festivals are regulated by this, but they are not -calendar-festivals, and in reconstructing the scheme of the calendar -from the festivals very great caution must be exercised. - -Our conclusion is that the Germanic seasons, like the seasons in -general, were not in themselves definitely limited divisions of time, -and that alongside of the greater seasons smaller ones arose without -there being any numerical determination of the relationship between -the two. Seasons only become divisions consisting of a definite -number of days when in the regulation of the calendar they are taken -over as calendar divisions, as winter and summer were in Scandinavia. -Where a calendar has arisen directly out of the seasons, the -divisions, like the seasons, are of varying length[340]. This also -shews that the Germanic seasons first attained a definite number of -days through the calendar-regulation introduced from abroad. Further, -when a calendar existed, the beginning of the seasons could be given -with reference to this: the day varied according to circumstances, -but the choice was limited in this manner, viz. that only a popular -festival or saint’s day was appropriate as a distinguishing day. -Here also, therefore, the calendar was the starting-point for the -regulation of the seasons. A division of the year in the more -accurate sense also first arose through the regulation of the -calendar, since, owing to the method of calculation, the middle -days of the half-year divisions became distinguishing days in -the calendar. When the calendar came, the old festivals were also -regulated by it. - -By way of supplement two or three curious exceptional cases may be -noted. A completely isolated instance is offered by the Bangala of -the Upper Congo, who count in lunar months, and, since there is no -dry season, reckon for longer periods by the rise of the rivers[341]. -In the monsoon districts however it is frequently a peculiarity to -distinguish the seasons by the winds. Of Sumatra it is reported:--The -principal seasons are named after the quarters of the heavens from -which the wind blows. At the time when we were in Taluk, April to -mid-June, the south monsoon was blowing; the east, the west, and -the north monsoons also come under consideration for the seasons. -Moreover the people also distinguish a dry and a rainy period. The -seasons 4. _tahun djin_, 5. _tahun wou_, 6. _tahun sai_ were regarded -as falling within the rainy period, while the dry season set in -with 1. _t. ali_, and continued with 2. _t. dal awal_, and 3. _t. -dal akhir_. In the two seasons 7. _t. ha_ and 8. _t. ‘am_ dry and -wet weather alternate[342]. In New Britain (Bismarck Archipelago), -between the two greater seasons of the south-east and the north-west -monsoons, each consisting of 5 months, there were two smaller -intermediate seasons of one month each, the period of variable winds -and the period of calm[343]. In Songa (Vellalavella), one of the -Solomon Islands, various seasons are distinguished according to the -direction of the wind:--the time of the west wind, _nanano_; the -time of the almond-ripening, _tovarauru_ (the time of the north -wind); _rari_, the time of the south wind--during this period calm -prevails at night but there is wind in the day-time; _sassa nanamo_, -time of the east wind; _mbule_, time of calm, lasting about a -month. After _mbule_ follow _tovaruru_, lasting about 2 months, and -_sassa nanamo_, one month. In Lambutjo the matter is still further -complicated. The following winds are distinguished:--south wind, -west wind, good wind at the time of almond-ripening, lasting about -one month. Further the east wind, strong or quite weak with squalls, -not good. Three months afterwards comes the west wind, lasting about -2-3 months. After the east wind a south-west wind, very strong, at -that time one cannot sail on the sea: it often comes 5 months after -the east wind. After the south-west wind a SE wind, lasting only 1-2 -weeks. Then strong E wind, lasting 1-2 months, during which time -navigation in canoes is impossible. Then again a time of ‘clear -water’, i. e. calm, lasting two months. After this, S wind, NW wind, -and NE wind. Each of these lasts only a short time, altogether they -occupy 3-4 months. Then begins a lighter E wind, lasting 3-4 weeks. -Then about one month of light W wind, then again stronger E wind for -1-2 months. Afterwards S wind for 1½-2 months, lighter SE wind for -1-2 weeks, and then again stronger E wind for 2-3 months. At the time -of the west wind there is much rain, at the time of the east wind -much sunshine[344]. It is very interesting to see how accurately -primitive peoples observe Nature, but these are not indications -of time. On the Gazelle Peninsula it has been observed that when -the SE monsoon blows the sun comes up in the east, and when the NW -monsoon blows it rises in the south: the wind comes from the opposite -direction to that in which the sun rises[345]. - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE YEAR. - - -Following the practice of my authorities I have often in the -foregoing pages made use of the expression that the year is ‘divided’ -into so many parts. From a genetic stand-point this expression is -incorrect, because the time-indications, which relate to a concrete -phenomenon of Nature, are older than the year, and, since they are -connected only with the single phenomenon, are discontinuous or even -indefinite. Only through their union does the complete year arise. -Every natural year however offers on the whole the same phenomena -following one another in definite succession, and thus the circle -of the year has its prototype in Nature herself. Nevertheless -the uniting of the different seasons into a complete year only -takes place gradually by means of a selection, systematising, -and regulation of the seasons. It must be carried out according -to a principle--we shall see that this is as a rule the lunar -reckoning--but the occupations of agriculture also serve as a handle. -The present chapter will shew how the uniting of the seasons into -the year is only a late and incomplete development, how originally -the year does not exist as a numerical quantity, the _pars pro -toto_ counting being resorted to, and finally how the years are not -reckoned as members of an era but are distinguished and fixed by -concrete events. - -The difficulty of struggling through to the conception of the year -is exemplified by certain peoples who know two seasons but reckon -in half-years without joining them together. Naturally this happens -in the rare case in which there is very little difference--or none -at all--between the two halves of the year. Thus of the Akikuyu of -British East Africa it is reported:--The equatorial year has no -winter or summer. Its passage is marked by two wet seasons, which -occur in what are our spring and autumn. The planting is done in -all cases at the first commencement of the rains, and harvesting as -soon as the crop has ripened after the cessation of the rain. There -are therefore two seed-times and two harvests in twelve months, and -when the native speaks of a year he means six months[346]. This is -very natural, since by ‘year’ a vegetation-period is often to be -understood: the half-year reckoning however also appears where a -difference between the two seasons does exist. In Rotuma or Granville -Island the inhabitants reckon in periods of six months or moons. The -west monsoon, which blows from October to April, doubtless serves -to distinguish these seasons: otherwise the difference between the -seasons is hardly perceptible, the island lying near the equator. The -half-years each contain six months, to which the same names are given -in both halves[347]. The people of the Nicobars reckon in monsoon -half-years, _shom-en-yuh_, the SW monsoon, _sho-hong_, blowing from -May to October, and the NE monsoon, _ful_, from November to April, -so that two of these form one of our years[348]. The half-years are -also said to contain seven months each[349]: in reality they must -vary between 6 and 7 months, as the year varies between 12 and 13. In -New Britain (Bismarck Archipelago) there are monsoon years of five -months: the two intervening periods of the variable winds and of the -calms, each lasting one month, are not counted[350]. It is said that -the Benua-Jahun of the Malay Peninsula have no other division of the -year than the natural one of the north and south monsoons, each of -which they call a ‘wind-year’, _satahun angni_; however a word for -year, _sa taun_, is also ascribed to them[351]. In Bali the year is -divided into two seasons or monsoons, each of which includes six -months; since the months of both halves have the same names it is -evident that originally only half-years existed[352]. The greatest -unit of time among the Orang Kubu of Sumatra is the six-month -_mussim_ (season), which is of Malay origin[353]. The Samoans have a -name for a period of twelve months, but they formerly reckoned years -of six months (_tau-sanga_); each of these corresponded to one of the -two six-month periods, the palolo or rainy season and the monsoon -season[354]. The Moanu of the Admiralty Island name the division of -the year according to the position of the sun. When it stands north -of the equator, the season in question is named _morai in paiin_ (sun -of war), since wars are chiefly fought in this season. When it stands -over the equator, the season is called _morai in houas_ (sun of -friendship), the season of friendship and mutual visits. When the sun -turns towards the south, the cooler season begins[355]. Of the Kiwai -Papuans of the islands in the delta of the Fly River in New Guinea, -Torres Straits, Landtman writes to me that he cannot say if the -people are clear whether they reckon in years or in half-years[356]. -The former supposition is really only supported by the fact that they -are aware that the same natural conditions recur after the lapse of -the two half-years. There is no word for year. On the whole it may -be said that they count only the months, and hardly conceive of so -great a unit as the year, nor even (at least not everywhere) of the -half-year, although there may be a hint of this in special cases. - -Not seldom the dry and the rainy seasons are counted without being -combined into a year. This is expressly stated of the Tupi of Brazil -and certainly applies also to the Bakairi[357]. In Loango there are -dry and rainy seasons, and in many districts a third season also, the -fruit-ripening. Commonly the people reckon by the two main seasons. A -centenarian is therefore fifty years old[358]. In Uganda there are in -the course of twelve months two rainy and two dry seasons, although -there is hardly a month in which no rain falls at all. The rainy -season from February to June is called _togo mukazi_, since the rain -then falls without much thunder: the second, from August to November, -is called _dumbi musaja_, because of the thunder and the frequent -deaths from lightning. The dry season about December is more intense -than that about June. However the year, _mwaka_, is composed of one -rainy season together with the following dry season, and consists of -six moons or months[359]. Their year, corresponding to a half-year, -consists of five moons, and a sixth in which it rains[360]. In north -Asia the common mode of reckoning is in half-years, which are not to -be regarded as such but form each one separately the highest unit -of time: our informants term them ‘winter year’ and ‘summer year’. -Among the Tunguses the former comprises 6½ months, the latter 5, but -the year is said to have 13 months; in Kamchatka each contains six -months, the winter year beginning in November, the summer year in -May; the Gilyaks on the other hand give five months to summer and -seven to winter. The Yeneseisk Ostiaks reckon and name only the seven -winter months, and not the summer months[361]. This mode of reckoning -seems to be a peculiarity of the far north: the Icelanders reckoned -in _misseri_, half-years, not in whole years, and the rune-staves -divide the year into a summer and a winter half, beginning on April -14 and October 14 respectively. But in Germany too, when it was -desired to denote the whole year, the combined phrase ‘winter and -summer’ was employed, or else equivalent concrete expressions such as -‘in bareness and in leaf’, ‘in straw and in grass’[362]. - -‘Years’ with less than twelve months are to us the strangest of -phenomena. The Yurak Samoyedes and probably the Tunguses of the Amur -reckon eleven months to the year, the Kamchadales only ten, of which -one is said to be as long as three[363]. The natives of southern -Formosa reckon about eleven months to the year[364]. The inhabitants -of Kingsmill Island, which lies under the equator, reckon periods -of ten months, which are numbered but, in contradistinction to the -other examples, are reckoned in cycles[365]. In the Marquesas 10 -months formed a year, _tau_ or _puni_, but the actual year, i. e. the -Pleiades year, was also known[366]. - -The Yoruba reckon in 16-day divisions. Fourteen of these form -their old year, of 224 days, i. e. in former times attention was -paid to the rainy season only. The first thunder was the signal -for the fishers and hunters to come back to their huts and begin -farming again.[367] The Toradja of the Dutch East Indies reckon in -moon-months: two to three months however compose a vacant period in -which they do not trouble about time-reckoning[368]. The Islamite -Malays of Sumatra distinguish _tahun basar_, the great year, or -_tahun musin_, the year of the seasons, both reckoned as 12 months, -from _tahun padi_, the rice-year, which among them counts only eleven -months[369]. The Dusun of British North Borneo have two methods -of reckoning their longest divisions of time. If the native be a -hill-man he will reckon by the _taun kendinga_ or the hill-_padi_ -season, six months from planting to harvest, if a plain-dweller by -the _taun tanau_ or wet _padi_ season, 8 to 9 months[370]. This -incomplete year is therefore a vegetation year in which the vacant -period of no work is simply passed over. In this manner may be -explained the much discussed ten-month year of the Romans[371], if -it really depends upon old tradition and is not a mere creation of -spurious learning. It is not a cyclical year like ours: a complete -explanation will be given below in the investigation of the manner in -which the years were counted. - -It is true indeed of most primitive peoples, as is said of the -Hottentots, that they are well acquainted with the conception (_sic!_ -I should have said rather: the concrete phenomenon) of the year, -_guri-b_, as a single period of the seasonal variation, but do not -reckon in years in this sense[372]. That is to say the year is by -them empirically given but not limited in the abstract: above all -it is not a calendarial and numerical quantity. Of the Waporogo it -is said:--Somewhat more difficult (than the times of day) is the -conception of the year. Only older, more intelligent people have a -clear idea of it, the sowing-time and the rainy seasons constituting -their points of reference. But they too can only reckon up a few -years (though they certainly do this by counting the seasons, cp. -below, p. 92), and for the great mass of the people the conception -of the year does not exist[373]. The Bontoc Igorot has no idea of -a cycle of time greater than a year, and in fact it is the rare -individual who thinks in terms of a year[374]. The length of the year -consequently varies. Among the Banyankole it begins with the first -heavy rains and lasts until the next heavy rains, so that a year may -be longer or shorter by a few days: it is a matter of no consequence -whether it is a week or even three weeks that are taken off or added -to the length[375]. - -With the agricultural year it is just the same. For the Dyaks of -Borneo the rice-harvest is a main division of the year (_njelo_); -in September after the conclusion of the harvest the year is at -an end; a definite beginning, a New Year’s Day, is unknown[376]. -The translation of a Ho text runs:--“When the inhabitants of the -interior begin to cultivate the yam-fields they begin a new year: -when the yams are dug up and the dry grass is burnt away, a year -has passed”[377]. Among the Thonga the notion of the year (_lembe_, -_dji-ma_) is extremely vague: the year begins at two different -periods, that of tilling and that of harvesting the first-fruits. -They do not make any difference between a lunar and a solar -year[378]. A very significant account comes from Dahomey. The word -for year does not denote any definite number of months: the sense is -rather ‘to plant maize and eat, to plant it again and harvest it’. At -the end of the harvest the year also is at an end[379]. - -Here therefore we have a natural year quite concretely and -empirically given. Chronologically it is of no use nor indeed is it -used: what method is resorted to will be shewn below. Attention must -first be called, however, to an important point. The purely natural -year is a circle which has no natural division, i. e. no beginning or -end, the seasons following upon each other immediately; not so the -agricultural year, which has both beginning and end. Here therefore -there is a natural point of division, a new year, which appeared in -some of the examples just given, and this is an extremely important -point for time-reckoning. The vacant period between harvest and -sowing presents some difficulty, and so both of these periods can be -used as the beginning, as is done among the Thonga: otherwise the -beginning of the year varies considerably, just because it can be -arbitrarily determined[380]. - -The contradiction between length or duration of time and -time-reckoning evidently here becomes apparent. The counting is -not performed by means of these fluctuating empirical years, but -the _pars pro toto_ method is employed, the years are counted by -a season. As soon as it is said that some event took place at a -definite time of the previous year, or will take place at some point -in the following year, a counting of the years is thereby implied, -although for an enumeration of this kind the conception of the year -is not necessary. When it is said that something happened at the -previous harvest, or will happen at the next dry season a counting of -the years is no less implied, although seasons are reckoned instead -of years, i. e. the _pars pro toto_ method is used. Thus it is, in -fact, with all primitive and many highly developed peoples, and that -not only when an event that took place at a definite time is spoken -of, but also where the number of years alone is in question: in -the latter case the reckoning is only performed from a favourite, -conventionally selected season. The statement made for the Hottentots -is significant for the kind of reckoning just mentioned. They -keep in mind the age of their cattle from the calving and lambing -periods[381]. Similarly we are told of the modern Arabians that the -female camel is covered for the first time when she is four _rabi_ -old (_rabi_ = the pasture-season in spring, when the camel foals), so -that she foals in the fifth rabi[382]. - -As a basis for the counting either a longer or a shorter season may -serve, or indeed any popular natural phenomenon of regular annual -occurrence. Thus of the Chinhwan of Formosa it is stated that they -have no calendar: they only know that a new year has come when -a certain flower blooms again[383]. The Paez of Columbia have a -word _enzte_, ‘fishing, summer, year’, since a great fishing is -only engaged in once a year, in January or February[384]. In the -language of the Tupi of S. Brazil the year is always called _akayú_, -cashew-tree, which blossoms once a year, and produces a much-prized -reniform stone-fruit which is also often used in the preparation of -wine: the word also means ‘season’. This tree bears fruit only once -a year, whence it comes that the Brazilians reckon their age by the -stones, laying aside one for each year, and keeping them in a small -basket reserved for this purpose[385]. The Algonquin of Virginia -reckoned in _cohonks_, winters; the name refers to the wild geese, -and shews that these have come back to them so many times[386]. -In medieval Swiss charters time is often reckoned in _louprisi_, -‘leaf-fall’; _dri_, _nün louprisi_ = when the leaves have fallen -three, nine times, etc.[387]. - -In a later section on the beginning of the year we shall find -that the appearance of a certain constellation, in particular the -Pleiades, gives the signal for the beginning of the agricultural -labour, whence is developed the importance of this date as the -opening of the year. The time between two like appearances of the -same constellation, e. g. between two heliacal risings, is a year. -In this manner the name of the constellation itself can come to -denote ‘year’. In many parts of S. America the same word means both -‘Pleiades’ and ‘year’[388]. The inhabitants of the Marquesas call the -year of 12 months, as distinguished from the 10-month fruit-year, -by the name of the Pleiades, _mata-iti_[389]. How easily this comes -to pass is shewn by a statement made for the Bangala of the Upper -Congo. The culmination of the constellation _kole_ gave the principal -planting-season. This was so familiar to the natives that the -informant used the word _kole_ as equivalent to the word ‘year’[390]. -This is in its very nature a _pars pro toto_ designation, since it -refers to an annually recurring phase of the stars. - -More often the years are reckoned by one of the greater seasons. -It is a well-known fact that in Old Norse generally, in Gothic, and -often in Old German and Anglo-Saxon time was reckoned in winters. We -find traces of the same practice in Greek (χίμαρος, ‘a one-year-old -goat’, from the same root as χειμών, winter) and in Latin (_bimus_, -_trimus_ = ‘of two, three years’, from _hiems_): poets often reckon -in _hiemes_[391]. It is almost the rule among all peoples who live -under a climate that has a winter with snow and ice. The Ostiaks -reckon in winters, and so do the Eskimos of Greenland[392] and of the -Behring Straits[393], and the N. American Indians in general, for -instance the Kiowa[394], the Pawnee[395], and the Omaha[396]. The -common method of reckoning is not by the season, ‘the cold time’, but -by the concrete phenomenon that distinguishes it, viz. the snow. So -with the tribes of the N. W. interior[397], the Hupa[398], and the -Dakota, who say that a man is so many ‘snows’ old, or that so many -‘snow-seasons’ have passed since an occurrence[399]. The Siciatl of -British Columbia reckon either by summers, ‘fine seasons’, or by -winters, ‘snows’[400]. For the Algonquin see p. 93. In the tropics to -reckon by the cold season is rare: the Guarini of Paraguay however -reckon in _roi_, i. e. ‘seasons of coolness’, ‘winters’[401], and the -Bakongo occasionally by _sivu_, the cold season, though more often by -_mou_, ‘season’[402]. The reason for the reckoning of the years in -winters is the same as that for the counting of the days in nights. -Winter is a time of rest, an undivided whole, which practically -becomes equivalent to a single point: it is therefore more convenient -for reckoning than summer, which is filled up with many different -occupations. In the south of N. America, in the states on the Gulf of -Mexico, where the snow is rare and the heat of summer is the dominant -feature, the term for year had some reference to this season or to -the heat of the sun[403], e. g. among the Seminole of Florida the -name for the year was the same as that used for summer[404]. Here the -summer is the time of rest, but in Slavonic also time is reckoned in -summers (_leto_ = ‘summer’, plural = ‘years’). We may compare here -the English expressions ‘a maiden of 18 summers’, etc. The reckoning -in springs is only exceptional. The Basuto word _selemo_ means -‘spring, ploughing-time, year’[405]. At the southern end of Lake -Nyassa time is reckoned by ‘rains’, i. e. rainy seasons[406]. - -Ever since the principal food of man has been the produce of -fruit-trees or the corn, the fruit- and corn-harvests and the whole -period of vegetation in general have been of decisive importance for -his well-being. We have already seen how this circumstance has left -its mark upon the indications of the seasons, and in the same way -the second most important method of counting years is to reckon by -harvests or vegetation-periods. The fellahs of Palestine still do -this. Their usual method is to reckon from one harvest to another, -or, as they put it, ‘from threshing-floor to threshing-floor’[407]. -In modern Arabia rents are hardly ever reckoned for a whole year, but -only until the next spring, _rabi_, when the young animals are sold, -or, as by the fellahs, until the next threshing-time, _bedar_, when -the farmer can realise upon his corn[408]. The Negrito of Zambales -determine the year by the planting or harvesting season, but their -minds rarely go back farther than the last season[409]. In Bavaria -in the Middle Ages the years used to be reckoned in autumns. The -ceremonial reckoning in the Sanskrit ritual texts is in autumns, -Sanskrit _çarad_, ‘autumn’[410]. The subjects of the Incas had a word -_huata_, ‘year’, which as a verb meant ‘_attacher_’: but the lower -classes reckoned in harvests[411]. This is also done in the district -around Mombasa[412]. The Arabs sometimes reckon the years as e. g. 40 -_charif_, _charif_ being the time of the date-harvest[413]. - -We have already spoken of the rice-year in the East Indian -Archipelago as a combination of the agricultural seasons; the period -of vegetation of the rice also serves, although seldom, for the -counting of the year. Among the Toradja the time needed for a plant -to come to its full development up to maturity is called _ta’oe_, and -_santa’oe_ accordingly means ‘a year ago’. _Sampae_ is the rice-year -of six months, but _santa’oe_ has practically the same meaning, -since the rice is the most important cultivated plant. In general, -however, the word is seldom used as a time-indication, but the years -are reckoned by well-known events (on this see below, pp. 99 ff.); -nevertheless expressions like the following are heard:--_santa’oe -owi_, ‘when last year’s rice-crops still stood on the field’, -_roeanta’oe owe_, ‘two harvests ago’[414]. In the South Sea Islands -the bread-fruit is the most important article of food: the people, -as we have seen, know a time of abundance of food and a time of -scarcity. We are told:--The Malay word for ‘year’ is _taun_ or -_tahun_. In all Polynesian dialects the primary sense of _tau_ is ‘a -season’, ‘a period of time’. In the Samoan group _tau_ or _tausanga_, -besides the primary sense of season, has the definite meaning of ‘a -period of six months’, and conventionally that of ‘a year’, as on the -island of Tonga. Here the word has the further sense of ‘the produce -of a year’, and derivatively ‘a year’. In the Society group it simply -means ‘season’. In the Hawaiian group, when not applied to the -summer season, the word keeps its original sense of ‘an indefinite -period of time’, ‘a life-time, an age’, and is never applied to the -year: its duration may be more or less than a year, according to -circumstances[415]. So far our authority. It seems however to be -questionable whether the original sense is not the concrete ‘produce -of the seasons’, rather than the abstract ‘period of time’. It is -significant that on the Society Islands the bread-fruit season is -called _te tau_, and the names of the other two seasons, _te tau miti -rahi_ and _te tau poai_, are formed by adding to this name[416]. - -Of great significance are the accurate reports for the Melanesians. -They have no conception of the year as a definite period of time. The -word _tau_ (a Polynesian loan-word), or _niulu_, which corresponds -most nearly to ‘year’, signifies a season, and so (now) the space of -time between recurring seasons. Thus the yam has its _tau_ of five -moons, from the planting--when the erythrina is in flower--until the -harvest, after the palolo has come and gone. The bread-fruit has its -_tau_ during the winter months: bananas and cocoa-nuts have no _tau_, -since they always bear fruit. The notion of the year as the time from -yam to yam, from palolo to palolo, has been readily received, but it -is very doubtful if such a conception is anywhere purely native[417]. -The Melanesians are only interested in the concrete phenomena of the -year, and not in time-reckoning as such, and therefore do not in -practice combine the period from yam-planting to harvest with that -from harvest to planting to form a year. When it is pointed out, -however, it is quite clear to them that this is a single period of -the variation of the seasons. The Polynesians have themselves noted -this fact, and accordingly the sense of the word _tau_ has been -extended from ‘season’ to ‘year’. - -Whether the conception of the year was known in the Indo-European -period is not certain: it is however significant that all the words -for ‘year’ of which the etymology is fairly certain either refer -to the produce of the year--as ὥρα and its cognates, and also the -word ‘year’ itself, Old Scand. _ár_--or else come from the _pars pro -toto_ counting of the year. Thus the Slavonic _leto_ means ‘summer’ -and ‘year’. Sanskrit _çarad_ means ‘autumn’: that the corresponding -Avestic _sared_ means ‘year’ is explained by the fact that the -years were reckoned in autumns. The Greek ἐνιαυτός is unexplained, -but in Homer, in the law of Gortyn, and in the inscription of the -Labyades it has also the little observed sense of ‘anniversary’[418], -which may be the original sense. Further evidence of the lack of an -acquaintance with the conception of the year is afforded by the fact -that the Germanic peoples render it by periphrases like ‘winter and -summer’, etc.[419]. - -The _pars pro toto_ counting of the year from shorter or longer -seasons does not however extend beyond the years immediately -following or preceding. It is stated of the tribes living at the -southern end of Lake Nyassa that the years are reckoned in ‘rains’ up -to three or four years: everything beyond that is _kale_, ‘some time -ago’[420]. In the district around Mombasa, in periods not exceeding -five years, the date is usually fixed by the number of harvests -which have been gathered[421]. In general the primitive peoples -reckon only where an immediate practical interest requires them to do -so. The Kiwai Papuans have no word for year, but only for the monsoon -periods: they cannot as a rule state how many years have elapsed -since a certain event, but only whether it took place recently or -long ago[422]. The inhabitants of the islands of the Torres Straits -never count years[423]. Individuals belonging to tribes at a low -stage of civilisation keep no account of their own age. Among the -Waporogo no one can say how old he is[424]. The Edo-speaking tribes -have a calendar, but an enquiry as to the age of a man or the -number of years since a given event will meet with no answer, or a -random one[425]. In Dahomey no negro has the slightest idea of his -age[426]. The Hottentots have no interest in their own age, but are -interested in that of their cattle, which they reckon by the calving -and lambing periods[427]. Few of the Chinhwan of Formosa know their -age[428]. The Negritos of Zambales have no idea of their age[429]. -No Marquesas Islander, no Oceanian in general, can give either his -own age or the time of any event[430]; even the Maoris do not know -their age, although they know that the man of forty years is older -than the man of thirty[431]. The statements here made obviously refer -to the absolute age of a man, not to the relative age; for either it -is immediately seen or else easily remembered from childhood who is -older and who younger. The Babwende, for instance, never know how old -they are, but do know quite well who is the oldest[432]. Since the -relative age is thus known, the age of the people and the time of -events can be determined by reference to the speaker’s own relative -age or to that of someone else. On the same page as that from which -the above quotation for the Marquesas Islands is taken, it is stated -that in order to determine the time of any event the people indicate -how tall a person was, or how long his beard was, at the time when -the event took place. The Indians of Pennsylvania temporarily -determined an event by referring to their own age at the time of its -occurrence[433]. - -From these indications of relative ages there arises of itself a -familiar chronological expedient usually found at the point where -history begins, viz. the reckoning by generations, which is common -e. g. among the Polynesians[434] and in the older Greek historians. -Among the Masai an elaborate system for classifying ages has -exceptionally developed. The circumcision takes place in four-year -periods with intervals of three and a half years. The circumcisions -are known alternately as ‘right-hand’ and ‘left-hand’. Those who -have been circumcised at the same time have a special name, such as -‘those who fight openly or by day’, ‘those who are not driven away’, -etc.; one ‘right-hand’ and one ‘left-hand’ period combine to form a -generation. The ‘those-who-fight-openly’ period is a ‘right-hand’ -period, and those who belong to it were circumcised in 1851-5; the -‘those-who-are-not-driven-away’ period is a ‘left-hand’, and its -members were circumcised in 1859-63. The two periods or ages together -form a generation composed of persons born from 1834-1850. Each age -has three divisions, first those known as ‘the big ostrich feathers’, -secondly those called ‘the helpers’, and thirdly those known as ‘our -fleet runners’[435]. It is evident that an excellent basis for the -determination of relative time is hereby given. With time-reckoning -_per se_ the system is not concerned. - -Common bases for reckoning are afforded by important and striking -events which have been impressed upon everyone and are present to all -men’s minds: through their relation to the age of some person they -serve as a guide to the chronology. The Aino, for example, do not -count the days, but always refer to events; if it is asked how old -anyone is, the answer will be that he was born after the catching -of the very big fish, or perhaps in the year when there was so much -snow[436]. Here once more we see how concrete time-indications always -precede the abstract numerical counting of time. And where numbers -are known they are not willingly used, but the year is referred -to as one distinguished by a certain noteworthy event, instead of -being regarded as a member of a series. From a year of this kind the -natives can only reckon for a few years at most in either direction. -Where there are many such noteworthy years the time-relationship is -so far recognised that the succession of the events is known, and -perhaps in certain cases also forms the basis of calculation. - -In the neighbourhood of Mombasa wars, famines, the arrival of white -men form epochs of this kind: it is impossible to detect the age -of any adult[437]. It is mentioned that the Toradja of the Dutch -East Indies sometimes reckon nearly approaching events or events -of recent occurrence by the rice-sowing: dates at a more distant -past are indicated by mentioning events of most note, such as -the death of a great man, an epidemic of small-pox, an important -military expedition, a conclusion of peace, the payment of a tax, -etc. The people do not reckon their own age, but count that of their -children, saying: “When he was born I had my rice-field there, the -next year there”, and so on[438]. It is amusing and at the same -time instructive to note that precisely the same mode of reckoning -was found in Scania at the beginning of the last century. It was a -very common thing, says a well-known authority on the folk-lore of -this district, for a peasant, when asked how old e. g. his little -girl was, to give some such answer as: “She must be four years old, -for she is the same age as my brown mare, and she was born when our -southern field was a grazing meadow”[439]. - -The Batak of Sumatra think that a small-pox epidemic returns at -intervals of from nine to twelve years, and make use of this belief -in reckoning time. On questioning a chief, says a traveller, how old -his house was, I was told: “It has existed only for two small-pox -epidemics”, by which he meant that it was somewhat more than 24 years -old[440]. In Borneo there have occurred two eclipses of the sun -during the last half-century. The first of these served as a fixed -date in relation to which other events were dated[441]. - -The Eskimos of Greenland knew up to about the twentieth year how -many winters a person had lived, but beyond that they could not -go. Sometimes however they used as epochs from which to calculate -_pellesingvoak_, ‘the little priest’, i. e. the arrival of Egede -in the country, or the arrival or departure of other well-known -Europeans, or the founding of Godthaab and other colonies; they would -say that this or that person was born at the coming or departure of -such and such a person, or when eggs were collected, seals caught, -etc.[442]. - -The Caffres rarely give the proper length of past or future periods -of time, and when they do so the period is never of more than a -few months’ duration. Otherwise it is their custom to determine -the date at which this or that event took place by reference to a -contemporaneous event of greater importance[443]. - -The Lapps of Västerbotten reckon their age by the reindeer, e. g. -when this or that _aldo_ (= female with calf) was born. Formerly they -never went farther back in counting than the previous year. When they -had to give the date of an important event they referred to the time -at which some specially fine female reindeer was born[444]. - -The Hottentots, as has been said, have no interest in their own age, -but keep in mind that of their cattle from the calving and lambing -periods. When they wish to date back somewhat farther, well-known -events such as the outbreak of cattle-plague, hostilities with -neighbouring tribes or with the whites, immigrations, etc. furnish -them with satisfactory general indications from which, coupling them -in particular cases with the birth of their children or the stature -of these at the time, they can arrive at a date[445]. - -Where the political development has advanced so far that a stable -monarchy exists, the succession of rulers offers an excellent means -of chronological orientation, and within every reign certain years -can be distinguished by special events. But this brings us to the -beginning of history, and I desist from following the subject -further. One example only:--The Baganda reckon by the reigns of the -kings and by certain wars in one particular reign. They say ‘It was -in the reign of such a king’, or ‘I was still in arms when such and -such a war was fought in so and so’s reign’[446]. - -Where no reigns furnish a system of chronological reckoning, the -concrete references may be systematised until each year is named -and distinguished by a definite event. This was the practice of -the Arabians before Mohammed. Mohammed is said to have been born -in the year of the elephant, or, according to other sources, some -years after the year in which the viceroy of Yemen marched against -Mecca with an army in which there were elephants[447]. Another year -is called the year of treason or outrage, because certain garments -which a Himjarite king had sent that year to Mecca were stolen, -whence arose a conflict at the feast of pilgrims, in which the young -Mohammed is said to have taken part[448]. - -The Wagogo count the years by important events, e. g. ‘the year -when the cattle died’, or ‘two years after the building of Boma -(Kilimatinde Station)’[449]. The Masai do not count the years, but -rather denote them by referring to the most important events that -took place in them, e. g. a murrain, a drought, the death of the -chief, an expedition particularly rich in booty, etc.[450]. A fully -developed calendar of this nature is possessed by the Herero, and -has been published from the year 1820[451]. I give a few years as -examples:--1820, _ojo_ (= year of the) _tjekeue_: from the name -of the Matabele chief who in 1820 came to Okahandja with a white -peace-ox and made peace with Katjamuaha. 1842, _ojohange_, ‘year of -peace’, the Nama and Herero made peace. 1843, _ojomaue_, ‘year of the -stones’: the Herero as the slaves of Jonker Africander had to build -for him a stone wall; or _ojovihende_, ‘year of the stakes’: the -Herero had to build a palisade around Jonker’s dockyard. 1844, 1845, -_ojomukugu_ or _ojombondi_, ‘year of vomiting, of nausea’: the Nama -had poisoned Katjamuaha, and the latter vomited and purged. And so on -up to 1902 inclusive. There are lacking only the years 1854, 1855, -and, significantly, 1891, 1895, 1899, and 1900, towards the end: the -reckoning fails under growing European influence. Several years have -two descriptions, e. g. 1844 and 1845 (see above); these and 1887-8 -are run together, the latter as the ‘year of the red murrain among -the cows’. - -The same mode of reckoning appears, strongly developed and fixed -by the aid of picture-writing, among the Indians of N. America. -Heckewelder says of the Indians of Pennsylvania:--“They reckon -larger intervals of time by some noteworthy event, e. g. a very -severe winter, a very deep snow-fall, an unusual inundation, a -general war, the building of a new town by the whites, etc. Thus I -have heard more than fifty years ago:--‘When their brother Miqaon -talked to their fathers they were so old or so tall, they could -catch butterflies or hit a bird with an arrow’. Of others I have -heard that they were born in the hard winter (1739-40), or could -then do this or that, or already had grey hair. When they could not -refer directly to any such distinguishing epochs they would say: -‘So many winters after that’”[452]. This method of reckoning seems -to have existed among the Pawnee at an initial stage. Sometimes -they referred to a year that had been marked by some important -event, e. g. a failure of crops, unusual sickness, a disastrous -hunt: this was referred to as a year by itself, but after only a -few years’ remove this mark became indistinct and faded away[453]. -Among the Dakota and the Kiowa detailed descriptions were given in -picture-writings, which are well-known and have been published, for -the Dakota by Mallery and for the Kiowa by Mooney. They are painted -on buffalo hide, later also on paper, and represent in painting -the history of the tribe. They were executed by a specially gifted -Indian and were handed down from father to son. When worn out and -obliterated by use they were renewed. In winter they were often -produced before the fire, and the events recounted. Everyone knew -them, however, so that anybody could shew when he was born or when -his father died, and some also knew the meaning of the pictures. -Four copies belonging to the Dakota are known, which go back to -1800, 1786, 1775, and the mythical period, respectively. Every year -is denoted by a picture, without distinction between winter and -summer. Some of the terms used are:--1794-5, the ‘Long-Hair-killed’ -winter; 1817-8, the ‘Chozé-built-a-house-of-dead-logs’ winter; -1818-9, the ‘small-pox-used-them-up-again’ winter; 1821-2, ‘the -star (meteor)-passed-by-with-a-loud-noise’ winter; 1825-6, the -‘many-Yanktonais-drowned’ winter (through an inundation); 1833-4, -the ‘storm-of-stars’ winter (so called from the abundance of -shooting-stars), etc. Four Kiowa calendars are known, one of which -is arranged in months, of which it gives 37; two of the others refer -to the years 1833-93, one to the years 1864-93. In the first each -month is indicated by the crescent of the moon, and above is the -picture characteristic of the month. The Kiowa annual calendars are -clearer than the Dakota in that they indicate winter by a thick -black stroke signifying that the vegetation has died, and summer by -the medicine lodge with its figures, which form the central feature -of the religious ceremonies of the summer. Above and by the side of -these signs are the pictures, giving the principal events of the -seasons, so that the reckoning of the year becomes the history of the -tribe. The Indians however were also acquainted with simpler modes of -reckoning. Among the Nahyssan of S. Carolina time was measured and a -rude chronology arranged by means of strings of leather with knots of -various colours, like the Peruvian _quipos_[454]. The Dakota use a -circle as the symbol of time, a smaller one for a year and a larger -one for a longer period: the circles are arranged in rows, thus: ȱȱȱ -or o-o-o[455]. The Pima of Arizona make use of a tally. The year-mark -is a deep notch across the stick. The records of early years are -memorised, and there are a few minor notches to aid in recalling -them. The year-notches are alike, yet when a narrator was asked to go -back and repeat the story for a certain year he never made a mistake. -Taking the stick in his hand, he would rake his thumb-nail across the -year-notch and begin:--‘This notch means etc.’[456]. - -The development is clear. Often an important event has been -impressed upon the memory and now serves as a landmark from which -the few years that it is possible to count are reckoned. Such events -multiply, and when their succession is known, a longer period can be -mastered. Finally the process is systematised, so that every year -has its event (necessarily even if it be an unimportant one), and -is named from that: hence the reckoning of the years becomes also -the history of the people. This kind of time-reckoning is really -used by every one of us. Whoever looks back over his past life sees -chiefly the more important events, not the dates of the years, and -to these he joins the more peripheral events and so finds his way in -the labyrinth of memory. But we mark the events by the dates, and -thereby obtain an estimation of the course of time, which is the last -acquisition of the human mind in this domain. The mode of reckoning -in question penetrates deeply among the culture peoples. - -The same method of distinguishing the years from one another was -employed in ancient Babylonia, in the days of the Sumerian kingdom -of Ur in the second half of the third millenium B. C., and also -later under the first dynasty in Babylon, and was only replaced by -the reckoning according to the years of the king’s reign under the -dominion of the Kassites[457]. For our historical knowledge of the -events these so-called ‘year-formulae’ are of extreme importance. -They vary in each case according to the towns, and shew that these in -some respects maintained an independent position. The adoption of the -year-formulae of the main locality implies the complete subjugation -of the town[458]. No trace of an era or any reckoning by the years -of the reign is to be found. Only the king’s accession to the throne -is utilised for distinguishing the years, the first complete year of -his reign (not the year of accession, therefore,) being described as -the year of King X. As marks of the other years the most important -national events in the domain of the religious cult and of politics -are almost universally employed. Only exceptionally is the year named -after some violent natural catastrophe. Rather, it is a striking -fact that in none of the 66 year-formulae hitherto discovered is -there any mention of an eclipse of the sun, or a comet or meteor. -If no important event has occurred, the year is described as the -one following such and such a year, e. g. the year 49 of king Dungi -is called ‘the year in which the temple of X. was built’; year 50 -= ‘the year following that in which the temple of X. was built’; -year 51 = ‘the year following that in which the temple of X. was -built, the year after this’. We see the clumsy method used in order -to avoid counting, instead of simply saying ‘the second year after -etc.’: so firmly is the concrete description adhered to. These -year-formulae were however used for the dating of documents, and not -simply, as among the primitive peoples with whom we have hitherto -been concerned, for the retaining of past events in the memory. Hence -arises the difficulty that often an event of such importance that -the year can be named after it does not occur until well on into the -year, that is, the event from which the year is named does not take -place until a greater or smaller part of the year has already passed -by. Until the event takes place indications of the kind already -mentioned, having reference to the preceding year, are employed, e. -g. the year 17 of Dungi = ‘the year after that in which the ship -of Belit (was launched)’; when a noteworthy event happens it gives -its name to the year: thus the same year is ‘the year in which the -god Nannar was brought from Kar-zi-da into his temple’. Hence arise -twofold descriptions, and they are indeed necessary in this kind -of designation when events of the current year are to be dated by -the year. An example containing a political event is the year 36 -of Dungi = ‘the year after that in which Simuru was destroyed’, or -‘the year in which Simuru was destroyed for the second time’. It -is characteristic to count the destructions of a town but not the -years[459]. During the reign of Rimsin of Larsa, a contemporary of -Hammurabi, the years begin to be run together into an era: there are -many datings from the capture of Isin, up to thirty years after that -event,[460] and so under the second king of the first Babylonian -dynasty five years were reckoned after the taking of Kazallu[461]. -So also under the first dynasty of Babylon the years were described -by occurrences, by events in the religious and political life, -especially religious acts and buildings of the kings, by wars, -and lastly by natural catastrophes, especially inundations of the -country[462]. Dates given by events of a previous year are also -found. At that period however the year-formula seems to have been -given at the New Year’s Day and therefore to have been determined -beforehand: when important historical events occurred, the year was -given a new name from these[463]. - -In the older period of Egyptian history each year of the king’s reign -is described by an official name borrowed from the festivals--e. -g. those of the king’s accession, of the worship of Horus, of the -sowing, of the birth of Anubis--from buildings, wars, and the -censuses for purposes of taxation. Gradually the simple counting of -the years of the reign appears alongside of these names, and from -the end of the old empire completely supplants the former method -even in official dates. The years however are not calendar years, -but begin with the day of the king’s accession: they therefore -offer the disadvantage of running from different dates according -to this. At certain periods however the reigns, as in Babylon, -were counted only from the first New Year’s Day. Of an era there -is only a single example[464]. The Egyptians also began with the -concrete descriptions, but passed over, at least within the separate -reigns, to the counting of years which is so much more suitable -for a survey of the course of time. The Assyrian designation of -the year after eponyms, _limmu_, the Greek after archons, ephors, -and other eponymous officials, the Roman after consuls etc. are no -different. For a people with a fully developed political life and -annually changing supreme officials the latter naturally offer a -means of distinguishing the years; the life was too regular and too -well-established for events of such a decisive nature that they -could impress themselves upon the memory of everyone and become -available for time-reckoning to be able to happen to the whole people -in smaller intervals of time. Here however the system shews a weak -point. It is very difficult to keep an arbitrary series of many -names in its right order without confusing the names, and only very -few persons can do it. The system therefore did not provide that -survey over the whole course of time which the awakening historical -sense rendered more and more necessary. So men were led to the only -practical method, that of simply counting the years and marking them -by figures, by which means everyone without more ado became quite -clear as to the dates of earlier or later events, whether these -were expressed in olympiads, in _ab urbe condita_ etc., or in the -countless local eras of antiquity. It was long before it was seen -that the starting-point is a matter of indifference, and that the -only essential is that all should use the same starting-point. In -this respect the old reckoning in epochs long continued to influence -the minds of men. - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE STARS. - - -The time-indications from the phases of the climate and of Nature are -only approximate: they themselves, like the concrete phenomena to -which they refer, are subject to fluctuation. Even in the tropics, -where the regularity of the climatic changes is greater than in our -latitudes, the beginning of the rains, the dry season, or monsoons -may be to some extent advanced or retarded. In the temperate zones -the fluctuations are very perceptible. In the year in which I write -this (1916) the corn harvest has been delayed by nearly a month, not -only on account of bad weather in harvest-time but also owing to the -unusually low temperature of the past summer. Even the townsfolk -notice that the days are shorter and the weather is colder than -is usual at the time of harvest. Further, incidents of plant and -animal life--e. g. the blossoming of certain trees and plants, the -arrival of the migratory birds--vary somewhat in different years. -In general primitive man takes no notice of these variations: the -Banyankole, for instance, are indifferent as to whether the year is -one or even three weeks longer or shorter, i. e. whether the rainy -season opens so much earlier or later[465]. The days are not counted -exactly, but the people are content with the concrete phenomenon. -More accurate points of reference are however especially desirable -for an agricultural people, since, although the right time for sowing -can be discerned from the phenomena and general conditions of the -climate, yet a more exact determination of time may be extremely -useful. The possibility of such a determination exists--and that at a -far more primitive stage than that of the agricultural peoples--in -the observation of the stars, and especially in the observation of -the so-called ‘apparent’ or, more properly, visible risings and -settings of the fixed stars, the importance of which has already been -explained (pp. 5 ff.) The observation of the morning rising and the -evening setting is extraordinarily wide-spread, but other positions -of the stars, e. g. at a certain distance from the horizon, are also -sometimes observed[466]. The Kiwai Papuans also compute the time -of invisibility of a star. When a certain star has sunk below the -western horizon they wait for some nights during which the star is -‘inside’; then it has ‘made a leap’, and shews itself in the east in -the morning before sunrise[467]. - -Any reader of the classics will be familiar with the risings and -settings of the stars: Virgil, for example, mentions them often. -With him however they are pre-eminently a traditional ornament of -poetic style: the richest sources are the peasants’ rules of Hesiod, -in which the stars are mentioned as time-indications along with -phenomena of plant and animal life, and appear just as frequently as -the latter, often in combination with them. But Homer not only knows -several stars but is also acquainted with the rising and setting. A -much quoted passage in the Iliad runs:-- - - “Him first king Priam saw with his old eyes, - As o’er the plain he lightened, dazzling bright, - Like to the star that doth in autumn rise, - Whose radiant beams, pre-eminent to sight, - Shine with their fellow stars at noon of night: - Orion’s Dog we mortals call its name: - Sign is it of much ill, thought clear its light, - And mighty fever brings to man’s poor frame: - So, as he ran, the brass upon his breast did flame”[468]. - -The lines refer to the morning rising of Sirius at the beginning -of the fruit-harvest, which about 800 B. C. took place on the 28th -of July (Julian). A modern reader, thinking only of the splendour -of the star as it shines in the sky at night, entirely fails to -understand the darker and more fateful side of the simile. Only -when it is realised that the time of the morning rising of Sirius -is the time of the greatest heat and sickness, a period believed -to be induced by the rising of this star at the beginning of the -fruit-harvest, is the right idea obtained. Like Sirius appearing in -the sky in the morning twilight of later summer, Achilles stands out -upon the battle-field, eclipsing all others and bringing destruction -to the Trojans[469]. A difficulty has been found in the passage in -that Sirius at his rising is only just visible and therefore does -not shine in his brightest splendour. But Sirius is for the poet the -typical brightest fixed star, just as he speaks of the heavens as -‘starry’ even when the sun is ascending in them[470]. On every day -of the _opōre_ Sirius rises higher and shines more brightly--one -must not think only of the actual first rising, the first day of -the star’s appearance. Hence the star becomes the symbol of the -_opōre_, ὀπωρινὸς ἀστήρ[471]. Since it is a star of evil omen it is -also called ‘the disastrous-shining star’[472]. A star-setting is -implied in the words ‘the late-setting Arcturus’[473]. The ‘late’ -refers to the fact that the circle which Arcturus describes in the -heavens is great, since he stands so far north. Here belongs also the -observation that the Great Bear alone of the (greater) stars does not -dip down into the ocean[474]. The stars further serve as a guide to -navigation[475]:-- - - “And treacherous sleep ne’er fell on the eyes that were watchful - still, - For he kept the Pleiads in front, and the Herdman, who slowly - doth gain - His rest, and the Bear,--they are wont to call it moreover - the Wain: - Ever turning at bay, doth it glare on Orion’s falchion-gleam, - And alone it hath no share in the baths of the Ocean-stream:-- - For Calypso, the Goddess divine, had bidden him still to keep - Over his left that sign as he fared on the face of the deep”. - -The Pleiades, the Hyades, and Orion are also mentioned, but not -in any special connexion with the indication of time[476]. The -morning-star helps to determine time on a night journey[477]. - -Hesiod says that at the time when the thistle blooms and the cricket -chirps Sirius burns heads and knees[478], and that when the late -autumn rains come men feel relieved, since the star Sirius is not -passing over their heads for so long a time but uses the night -more[479]. Commentators of classical times have indeed here taken -Sirius to mean the sun. But wrongly; for Sirius, whose rising -introduces the time of greatest heat, is for the Greeks the cause of -the heat, just as the Pleiades are for the Australians, and as all -stars are held to be the causes of those climatic changes which are -connected with any of their risings or settings[480]; when Sirius -rises earlier, i. e. remains in the heavens for some hours during -the night-time, the heat declines. The other passages are:--vv. 564 -ff., evening rising of Arcturus (60 days after the winter solstice, -Feb. 24, Julian), followed by the coming of the swallow, messenger -of spring, before this time the vines should be pruned; vv. 597 ff., -the winnowing of the harvested corn at the morning rising of Orion -(July 9); vv. 609 ff., when Orion and Sirius are in the middle of the -heavens and the dawn sees Arcturus (morning rising Sept. 18), it is -the time of the vine-harvest; vv. 615 ff., at the (morning) setting -of the Pleiades (Nov. 3), of the Hyades, and of Orion (Nov. 15) it is -time to think about sowing; vv. 619 ff., when the Pleiades, fleeing -from Orion, fall into the sea, storms rage, and the ship should be -drawn up on land. Alcaeus says:--“Drink wine, for the star (viz. -Sirius) revolves”[481]. - -The time-indications from the stars are therefore much older in -Greece than the lunisolar calendar, and always existed alongside -of the latter--which was of a religious and civil character--as -the calendar of peasants and seamen, who must hold to the natural -year and its seasons. The watchman who speaks the prologue of the -_Agamemnon_ of Aeschylus says:-- - - “ ... On elbow bent, watching, as ’twere a dog, - I mark the stars in nightly conclave meet. - And those bright constellations, without peer, - Lords paramount in heaven, that winter bring - And summer in their train for mortal men, - Right well I know them as they come and go”[482]. - -The discovery of star-observation and of its use in time-reckoning -and navigation is ascribed to the heroes Prometheus and Palamedes. -The latter is regarded by the tragic poets as the founder of all the -elements of intellectual culture, and so also of the science of the -stars[483]. And Prometheus, who glories in having brought to men -every advance in civilisation, includes therein the knowledge of the -risings and settings of the stars:-- - - “Of winter’s coming no sure sign had they, - Nor of the advent of the flowery spring, - Of fruitful summer none: so fared through each, - And took no thought, till that the hidden lore - Of rising stars and setting I unveiled”[484]. - -Later, the phases of the stars have become so familiar to everyone -that Sophocles can say, ‘a time of six months from spring to -Arcturus’, i. e. the morning rising of Arcturus on Sept. 18[485]. - -Whether the Romans made use of time-indications from the stars before -they borrowed them from the Greeks is uncertain; in any case they -had their own names for some constellations:--_vesperugo_, _iubar_ -= _lucifer_, the evening star, _septentriones_ or _iugulae_, the -Great Bear, _vergiliae_, the Pleiades. _Suculae_, the Hyades, and -_canicula_, the Dog-star, are translations of the corresponding Greek -names[486]. - -At a later period the risings and settings of the stars, together -with the climatic phenomena accompanying them or believed to -accompany them, were brought into a calendar, which was then arranged -according to the signs of the zodiac, or later according to the -months of the Julian or Egyptian solar year. The Greek lunisolar -year was unsuitable for the purpose, since it varied in reference to -the sun and the stars. How both were adjusted to practical needs is -shewn by the remains of two stone calendars found at Milet. On the -stone are inscribed the risings and settings of the stars, arranged -according to the signs of the zodiac: by the side of these are holes -into which little tablets containing the days of the lunisolar -calendar could be fitted, these tablets being arranged according to -the relation of every lunisolar year to the solar one[487]. - -The Arabians also carefully observed the stars, and many of their -proverbs couple the risings of the stars with natural events[488]. -Since these constellations are the so-called lunar stations their use -here is not primitive, but must have been added on to a primitive -usage. The Pleiades were observed throughout their course, and about -most of the positions which they take up mnemonic verses were made. -Mohammed swears by the setting Pleiades in the 53rd chapter of the -Koran. - -We return once more to the primitive peoples. It may be well first to -show by a few examples how far they were acquainted with the stars -and saw in them images of terrestrial things. The Chukchee give names -to the most important constellations. Among divinities are reckoned -‘the Motionless Star’ or ‘the Nail-star’ or ‘the Pole-stuck Star’, -the Pole-star, ‘the Front Head and the Rear Head’, Arcturus and Vega, -and _pchittin_, a part of Aquilo. Orion is an archer with a crooked -back, who has shot a copper arrow, Aldebaran, against a ‘group of -women’, the Pleiades. His wife is Leo, ‘the Standing Woman’. Capella -is a reindeer-buck which is tied behind the sledge of a man driving -with two reindeer; a fox approaches from the side. Six of the stars -of the Great Bear are men throwing with slings, the seventh is a fox -gnawing at a pair of antlers. The Twins are two elks running from -two hunters who are driving two reindeer-teams. Corona is the paw -of the Polar Bear. Delphinus is a seal, Cassiopeia represents five -reindeer-bucks standing in the middle of a river[489]. - -The Eskimos of Greenland have a good knowledge of the stars. The -Great Bear is a reindeer, or the little stool on which they fasten -their ropes and harpoons, Aldebaran is the eye of the bull, the twins -are the breast-bone of the heavens, the belt of Orion is composed -of three ‘scattered ones’--Greenlanders who were taken up into the -sky and could not find their way back--Sirius has a man’s name, the -Pleiades are to be regarded as baying hounds with a bear among them, -Cygnus as three kayaks which have been out seal-hunting. Venus is -the follower or man-at-arms of the sun. When one planet crosses the -path of another it is a wife and a concubine who have one another by -the hair, or else it is a visit of two stars[490]. By the Ammasalik -names are given to Vega (‘the Foot of the Lamp’), which, like the -moon, is the brother of the sun, to the Great Bear, the Pleiades -(‘the Barkers’), the belt of Orion, and Aldebaran; Jupiter is the -mother of the sun[491]. Among the Konyag of the island of Kodiak, off -the south coast of Alaska, two months are named after the risings -of the Pleiades and Orion respectively[492]. Of the Thlinkit it is -said that few constellations or stars appear to have been named -by them: those to which names are given are ‘the Great Dipper’, -which by night used to serve as a guide, the Pleiades (_sculpin_), -‘Three-men-in-a-line’ (probably the belt of Orion), Venus as the -morning star (‘Morning-round-thing’), and Jupiter (?) as the evening -star (‘Marten-month’ or ‘Marten-moon’). If the morning star comes up -above a mountain south-east of Sitka, it means bad weather, if well -over in the east, good weather[493]. Otherwise the North American -Indians have paid less attention to the stars: but it is exaggerated -to say[494] that the sum-total of their astronomical knowledge was -the ability to point to the Pole-star from which they took their way -when they travelled at night, which however they did unwillingly. -The tribes of Pennsylvania had names for a few stars, and observed -their motions: the Pole-star shewed them by night the direction they -must take in the morning[495]. The Omaha called the Pole-star ‘the -Not-moving-star’, the Pleiades were called by an old name, ‘the -Deer’s Head’; this name, which had a religious significance, was -not commonly used, the popular name being ‘Little-duck’s-foot’. The -Great Bear was ‘the Litter’, Venus ‘Big-Star’[496]. For the Klamath -are mentioned only the three stars in the belt of Orion[497], for -the Biloxi and Ofo ‘Stars-all-heads’ (?) (three large stars near -the Pleiades), ‘Stars-in-circle’ (the Pleiades), and ‘Big Star’, -the morning star[498]. The Luiseño of southern California name the -most important stars. The associated stars form much larger groups -than those common among us. The stars were chiefs among the first -people. Those most frequently mentioned are Antares and Altair. -Arcturus is the right hand of Antares, it rises before the latter -and announces his coming, the other stars around Antares are his -suite. Other chiefs are Spica, Fomalhaut, and the Pole-star. Orion -and the Pleiades are always mentioned together; the latter were -seven sisters, pursued by Aldebaran. The Diegueño constellations are -altogether different from the Luiseño, and are based upon totally -different ideas: it has not been possible however to obtain an -accurate account of them[499]. Of the natives of Guadeloupe it was -reported at their discovery:--In other places they merely reckon -the day by the sun and the night by the moon; these women however -reckoned by other stars, and said that when the Great Bear rose or a -certain star stood in the north it was time to do this or that[500]. - -The Indians of South America have observed the stars in much greater -detail. The descriptions of von den Steinen are well known, in -particular for the Bakairi of Central Brazil. Orion is a large frame -on which manioc is dried, the larger stars are the tops of posts, -Sirius is the end of a great cross-beam supporting the frame from -the side. The Pleiades are a heap of grains of meal that have -fallen out at the side: a larger mass, ‘the father of the heap’, -is Aldebaran. Capella is a little capsule such as the Bakairi wear -in their ears, two other stars of Auriga are the ear-rings of the -Kayabi, the feathers of which are stuck backwards. One star, probably -Procyon, is an ear-piercer, or more properly the hole bored in the -ear. Castor and Pollux are the holes of a great flute. Canopus has -no name. The Southern Cross is a bird-snare on a twig, and the two -large stars of the Centaur represent two canes belonging to it. In -the snare a _mutum cavallo_ (_crax_) was taken, and this could be -seen in a dark patch of the Milky Way close beside. A Sokko heron -with a little basket full of fish corresponds approximately to the -stars of Pisces and Argo. The Scorpion is a drag-net for children, -the Milky Way is a huge drum-stick, and the holes in it (the dark -spots) are observed and explained by stories. The Paressi have a -name for the Southern Cross, above which they see an ostrich whose -figure is to be recognised in a dark spot of the Milky Way: other -animals are also found in the sky. To the Bororo the Southern Cross -represents the toes of a great ostrich, the Centaur a leg belonging -to them, Orion is a Jabuti turtle and in the parts verging on to -Sirius a cayman, the Pleiades are the bunches of blossom on the -angico tree. The name of Venus was not translatable[501]. The Karaya -of Central Brazil knew many constellations, and drew some of them -in our informant’s sketch-book. The Southern Cross, for example, is -a ray (the fish), the two stars of the Centaur above it represent -an ostrich, upon which a jaguar, Scorpio, is leaping[502]. Of the -natives of Brazil in general it is stated that there is hardly a -single important constellation which does not explain to them some -event, or represent some idea in connexion with things that happen -upon the earth, though they certainly have no heroes to set in them. -Myths of Orion, of the Pleiades, and of Canopus were related[503]. E. -Nordenskiöld has repeatedly visited the border districts between the -Argentine, Bolivia, and Brazil. Of the Chané and Chiriguano Indians -he says that they do not give names to many constellations, but -they know them very well. The part of the Milky Way lying nearest -to the Southern Cross is called the Ostrich Way, the Southern Cross -together with a few neighbouring stars is the head of the ostrich, -and the two largest stars of the Centaur are its collar. Orion with -his sword is called ‘Birds-meet-each-other’, another constellation -is ‘the Roe-buck’s Horn’, still another ‘the Tapir’; the Pleiades -are the most important constellation, they are called _yehu_, but -the natives do not know the meaning of the name. Venus is called -_coemilla_, ‘morning’. The Guarayu call Orion ‘the Black Vulture’; at -his side lies a heap of snake’s bones (the sword). The Southern Cross -with the stars around it is an ostrich, the two large stars of the -Centaur are a roe-buck, the Great Bear is a road, a cluster of stars -in the south is ‘the Eel’s Nest’. The Pleiades are called _piangi_, -a word of unknown meaning; when, on their return after their period -of invisibility, they are surrounded by a circle, it is a good omen: -if the circle is missing, all men will die. Venus is called ‘the -Big Star’[504]. The Karai tribes called α, β Centauri the ostrich’s -feet, the body is the neighbouring ‘coal-pit’ (the dark spot of the -Milky Way), the Southern Cross is a fresh-water ray, the Pleiades -are a flock of parakeets, Orion is the burning roça, the tail of -the Scorpion is called _unze_. The Ipurina of Rio Purus call Orion -a beetle, the Pleiades a serpent, the Hyades a turtle, the Cross -forest-folk[505]. In a Chilean word-list there are words for star, -constellation, the Pleiades, Orion, planet, Venus[506]. - -In Africa the comparatively more civilised negro Tribes seem to have -paid less attention to the stars than the more primitive tribes of -the south. The Ho tribe considers the stars to be the children of the -moon: it recognises and names the most important constellations, the -morning star (‘the Clucking Hen’), and the stool-bearer of the moon, -a star always situated in the vicinity of that planet. The Milky -Way is composed of stars forming a cord[507]. Of the Ibo-speaking -tribes we are told that they seem to be singularly incurious about -heavenly bodies and occurrences; however names were got for the -following constellations:--The Pleiades (‘Hen and Chickens’), the -belt of Orion (‘Three and Three’), for the Great Bear two names not -translated were given, Venus (‘the Wise-Man-who-can-talk’)[508]. In -French Guinea η _ursae_ is an ass, and the little star above it is a -thief pursued by the six other stars, members of the tribe to which -the stolen animal belongs. For other peoples the Great Bear is the -star of the camel, Cassiopeia is that of the ass, the Pleiades have -the name ‘murmur’, i. e. a confused thing. Jupiter (?), the companion -and guardian of the moon, is held in particular veneration. The -marabout in the morning awaits the rising of Venus, and announces by -cries, or sometimes by blows on a gong, the hour of prayer. Everyone -has his good and bad stars, which the magician takes carefully into -account[509]. The intrusion of astrology is not striking, since the -people are Mohammedans, while the names of the constellations must -be of native origin. The Bakongo call the three stars in Orion’s -belt ‘the Dog’, ‘the Palm-rat’, and ‘the Chief Hunter’; Venus is -the wife of the moon. The people think that the rain comes from the -Pleiades, who are regarded as the ‘Caretakers-who-guard-the-rain’, -and if, at the beginning of the rainy season, this constellation is -clearly seen, they expect a good rainy season, i. e. rain for their -farms without superabundance[510]. The Bangala call the Pleiades a -group of young women; five stars in Lepus, _kole_, are a man with -head, hands, and feet; the belt of Orion represents three rowers; -five stars in Orion are bundles of thunder and lightning; the evening -star also has a name. From the appearance of the Milky Way they draw -conclusions as to the lack or abundance of rain; when it is bright -and clear there will be much rain[511]. Ten star-names of the Shilluk -are given, but only two are translated: the Pleiades are ‘the Hen’, -and ‘Three Stars’ is Uranus (_sic!_). Venus and a fore-runner of -Venus are known[512]. The Wagogo know the Milky Way, the Pleiades, -and the belt of Orion; the western star of the last-named is to them -a boar, the middle star is the dog, and the eastern the hunter[513]. -Of the Thonga it is further stated that the stars play a remarkably -small part in their ideas. Venus is the best known, the Pleiades is -the only constellation with a name; they have no notion whatever -of constellations, their mind seems not to have tried to group the -stars, or to have seen figures of animals or objects in the sky[514]. -In Loango the following constellations are distinguished:--the false -Southern Cross (‘the Turtle’), the Scorpion (‘the Serpent’), the -Pleiades (‘Ants’), Orion (‘the Fish’), his belt (‘the Line of the -Hunter’, who leads a dog), Sirius (‘the Rain-star’). The natives are -aware that certain stars move; Jupiter is called ‘the Great Star’, -Venus as the evening star is the wife of the moon, as a morning star -she is the liar, spy of the moon, or false moon, illusory moon[515]. - -Far greater knowledge is possessed by the Hottentots, who know the -planets accurately. Venus is ‘the Fore-runner of the sun’, or the -star at whose rising men run away (i. e. from illicit intercourse), -Mercury ‘the Dawn-star’, or the star that comes when the udders of -the cows (which are milked morning and evening) are filled again: -as an evening star he is not observed. Venus as an evening star is -recognised to be the same celestial body as the morning star, and -is called ‘the Evening Fugitive’, since it does not remain long in -the sky. Jupiter is known, but is sometimes identified with Venus; -when however he is seen in ‘the middle of the sky’ he is called -‘the Middle Star’. The six stars of the belt and sword of Orion are -grouped together as ‘the Zebras’: δ, ε, ζ are three fugitive zebras -against the middle one of which the hunter ι shoots his arrow θ -and _c_. The Pleiades, on account of their thick cluster of stars, -are called by a name derived from a verb meaning ‘assemble’, or -are otherwise known as ‘the Rime-star’. The Milky Way is called -‘(glowing) Embers’, the Magellanic Clouds ‘Embers’ in the dual. Of -single fixed stars our author heard only Sirius called by a name, -‘the Side-star’[516]. The Bushmen divide the stars into night-stars -and dawn-stars: of the latter they relate very fine and complicated -myths, such as that of the connexion between ‘the Dawn’s Heart’ -(Jupiter) and a neighbouring star, his daughter (Regulus or α -_leonis_). Achernar is ‘the Star-digging-stick’s-stone’, or ‘the -Digging-stick’s-stone of Canopus’; the Pointers to the Southern Cross -are three male lions; α, β, γ _crucis_ are lionesses; Aldebaran is -a male hartebeest, α Orion is a female hartebeest, Procyon a male -eland, Castor and Pollux his wives, the Magellanic Clouds a steinbok, -Orion’s sword three male tortoises hung upon a stick, his belt three -female tortoises so hung[517]. - -The Toda of S. India know the Pleiades, Orion’s sword (‘the -Porcupine-star’), the Great Bear, and Sirius, and relate about them -myths which are probably borrowed from the neighbouring Badaga[518]. -The pagans of the Malay Peninsula know the evening and the morning -stars, and the stars of the astrological seasons (_sic!_), or the -Pleiades[519]. In the Indian Archipelago the observation of the -Pleiades as a sign of the arrival of the season for sowing is very -common. Of the Kayan of Borneo it is stated that though they do not -observe the stars or their movements for practical purposes, they -are familiar with the principal constellations, and have fanciful -names for them and relate mythical stories about the personages they -are supposed to represent. The Klementan call Pegasus ‘the padi -store-house’, the Pleiades are ‘a well’, the constellation to which -Aldebaran belongs is ‘a pig’s jaw’, Orion is a man whose left arm is -missing[520]. - -The natives of Australia have a rich stellar mythology[521]. The -evening star has its name and its myths. The Pleiades are women who -in the Alcheringa period lived at Intitakula: this is believed by -all the tribes whom our authority studied. Orion they regard as an -emu, and the stars in general as camp-fires of natives who live in -heaven. As a general rule, however, the natives appear to pay very -little attention to the stars in detail, probably because these -enter very little into anything which is connected with their daily -life, more especially with their food-supply. By the northern Arunta -and the Kaitish the Magellanic Clouds are supposed to be full of -evil magic, which sometimes comes down to earth and chokes men and -women in their sleep[522]. According to another author acquainted -with the Arunta the Pleiades are seven maidens who had danced at -the circumcision ceremony and then ascended into heaven. Two stars -in the neighbourhood of the Magellanic Clouds are called ‘the two -Gland-poison Men’: the Clouds are the smoke of their fires; the dark -patch in the Milky Way is an article of adornment (_ngapatjinbi_), -the Southern Cross ‘an eagle’s foot’. The morning star is also -known[523]. The tribes of S. E. Australia give names to many stars -and group some of them together in constellations, among which are -the sons of Bunjil. The Wiiambo thought that the stars were once -great men. The Southern Cross is an emu, Mars an eagle, another star -is a crow. The Pleiades, according to the Wotjo-baluh, are some -women, _corona australis_ is ‘the Laughing Jackass’, a small star in -Argo is ‘the Shell Parakeet’[524]. - -A very high stage of development in stellar science and mythology -is reached among the Euahlayi tribe of the north-west district of -New South Wales; anyone interested in the catasterisms of ancient -mythology should read the full account given for this tribe. Venus -is called ‘the Laughing Star’--the reason for her laughter is a -coarse jest--, the Milky Way is an overflow of water. The stars -are fires which the spirits of the dead have lit in their journey -across the sky, and the dusky haze--i. e. presumably the dark patches -without stars, which interest primitive peoples as much as the stars -themselves--is the smoke of the fires. A waving dark shadow which -you will see along the Milky Way is a crocodile. Two dark spots -in Scorpio are devils who try to catch the spirits of the dead; -sometimes they come down to earth and make whirlwinds. The Pleiades -are seven sisters, ice-maidens; two have been dulled because a man -caught them and tried to melt the ice off them: they succeeded in -escaping to heaven, but do not shine so brightly as their sisters. -The sword and belt of Orion are boys who on earth loved and followed -the Pleiades, but after death were turned into stars. In order to -remind people of them the Pleiades drop down some ice in the winter, -and it is they who make the winter thunderstorms. Castor and Pollux -are two hunters of long ago. Canopus is ‘the Mad Star’: he went -mad on losing his loves. The Magellanic Clouds are ‘the Native -Companions’, mother and daughter, pursued by Wurrawilberoo. ‘The -Featherless Emu’ is a devil of water-holes, who goes every night to -his sky-camp, ‘the Coal-pit’, i. e. the dark spot beside the Southern -Cross. Corvus is a kangaroo, the Southern Crown an eagle-hawk, the -Cross the first spirit-tree, a huge _yaraon_ which was the medium -for the translation to the sky of the first man who died on earth. -The white cockatoos which used to roost in the branches of this tree -followed it and became the Pointers[525]. - -Ridley has obtained from the former chief of the Gingi tribe a long -series of star-names. Especially noteworthy for the observation -of the risings is the following. The Northern Crown is called -_mullion wollai_, ‘the Eagle’s Nest’, when it stands exactly -north on the meridian. Altair rises, and is called _mullion-ga_, -‘Eagle-in-action’, the eagle springs up to guard his nest. Later Vega -rises, and is also called _mullion-ga_. The ‘holes’ are also well -known. The dark spot at the foot of the Cross (the _zuu_ tree) is -called an emu, the bird sits under the tree[526]. Elsewhere the star -at the head of the Cross is an opossum fleeing from a pursuer--the -‘hole’ between the fore-feet of Centaurus and the Cross[527]. - -As to the stellar science of the Melanesians we are very variously -informed. The tribes of the Torres Straits have a richly developed -mythology and observation of the stars[528]. They distinguish the -planets from the fixed stars, at least they notice that Venus does -not twinkle[529]. The Banks Islanders never travel by night, and -consequently do not use the stars in navigation; in consequence of -this, says our authority, no definite information about the names -of stars or constellations could be obtained. A native gave a few -names, but could not point out the stars which they were said to -denote[530]. The Moanu of the Admiralty Islands understand the moon -and the stars, but the Matankor know neither stars nor moon[531]. -A statement such as this must be received with great reserve, -especially when it comes from a native of another tribe. In any case -it would constitute an exception, since extremely primitive tribes -know the stars quite well, the natives of New Britain and of the -Solomon Islands even very well. The Pleiades and _corona borealis_ -play an important part (cp. below, p. 141). The former are called in -Lambutjo _kiasa_, on the Gazelle Peninsula ‘the People-at-the-feast’, -and on Bambatana and Alu the year is reckoned according to them: the -Crown is called in Lambutjo ‘the Fisher’, in Buin ‘Taro-leaf-greens’, -on the Gazelle Peninsula ‘the Thornback’. Further star-names -are:--for the Hyades in Buin ‘Earth-rat’, in Lambutjo _kapet_, a -large net for deep water, on the Gazelle Peninsula _kakapepe_, a kind -of small fish, the star in the middle of the constellation is called -‘Hog-fish’. Cygnus is called in Buin ‘Hog-bearer’, in Lambutjo ‘the -Three Men’. ‘The Dog’ or ‘Shark’ is a large star ‘that pursues the -Fishes’. Many myths are told of the stars[532]. Another authority -remarks that the natives of the Solomon Islands are more concerned -about the stars than the eastern Polynesians, perhaps because of -their longer sea-voyages. The possibility of influence from the -astronomically learned Polynesians must also probably be entertained. -The people of Santa Cruz and the Reef Islands excel all others in -their practical astronomy. The natives of Banks Island and the -northern New Hebrides content themselves with distinguishing only the -Pleiades, by which the approach of the yam-harvest is marked, and -with calling the planets _masoi_ from their roundness, as distinct -from _vitu_, ‘star’. In Florida the early morning star is called -‘the Quartz-pebble-for-setting-off-to-sea’: when it rises later, -however, it is ‘the Shining-stone-of-light’. The Pleiades are ‘the -Company of Maidens’, Orion’s belt is ‘the War-canoe’, the evening -star ‘Listen-for-the-oven’ because the daily meal is taken as evening -draws on. All stars are called dead men’s eyes. At Saa the Southern -Cross is a net with four men letting it down to catch palolo, and -the Pointers are two men cooking what has been caught--because the -palolo appears when one of the Pointers rises above the horizon. -The Pleiades are called ‘the Tangle’, the Southern Triangle is -‘Three-men-in-a-canoe’, Mars is ‘the Red Pig’[533]. - -The Polynesians are very learned in astronomy, and their bold -and wide sea voyages have helped to make them so, since in these -the stars are their principal guide. The Tahitian, Tupaya, who -accompanied Cook on his first voyage, could always point out to him -the direction in which Tahiti lay[534]. When the Society Islanders -put to sea in the evening, as was most commonly the case in their -voyages, one constellation, preferably the Pleiades, was chosen -as a point to steer by[535]. A detailed report is given for the -Marshall Islands:--In the journey from atoll to atoll the course of -the boat is commonly directed from a certain passage, island, or -promontory to a passage or promontory of the atoll to be reached. -Above this spot stands the star that gives the direction. It is the -sailor’s business to know for how many hours a star can serve him -as compass, so that immediately after the apparent turning of the -star from east to west he may choose another. Of great interest -also is the idea of the connexion between the atmospheric and other -phenomena and the stars. Certain periods of bad weather recur every -year with tolerable regularity, so that the sailors attribute them -to the immediate influence of the stars. When, for instance, at 4 -o’clock in the morning--at which time the signs of the weather are -observed--the stars stand just above the eastern horizon, they stop -up the east, so to speak, and prevent the free passage of the wind. -But if the pernicious star in question is at the given time 20° or -30° above the horizon, there is enough space between star and horizon -for the wind to be released. This strong wind will last until another -influential star arises under the first. This lower star acts like -a wind-chute placed against an open hut. The strength of the wind -is therefore reduced. This explains why every storm is followed by -a wind favourable for sailing. For example when Spica is 20° above -the horizon a violent storm is developed, but this only lasts until -Arcturus some time later becomes visible on the eastern horizon. -The most important of the stars that bring bad weather are Spica, -Arcturus, Antares, the claw of the Scorpion, Altair, Delphinus, β, -μ, λ and γ, ξ, π _Pegasi_. With the rising of Cassiopeia the time of -calms begins. Jedada (γ, ζ, π _aquilae_) ‘disembowels the heavens’. -Altair is regarded as a bad fellow. When he rises in the east before -dawn it is commonly a time when food supplies have run low, so -that quarrels arise: only when he rises higher and the hot season -(June-August) brings plenty of food, do reconciliation and goodwill -return. Of ‘King Jäbro’, the Pleiades, long myths are related: -when they emerge from the horizon joy prevails, but tears are shed -when they vanish again into the west[536]. The knowledge of the -stars was often a carefully guarded secret, but through prevailing -European influence it has now fallen entirely into decay. In Samoa -it is now an exception for a native to know the name of this or that -constellation, since an islander engaged in the fishing trade can -only indicate and name this or that star if it marks the beginning of -some important native occupation[537]. - -The Polynesian material for star-names is exceedingly abundant, and -can here only be represented in outline, so as to give some idea how -far astronomy may advance at this stage of civilisation[538]. The -Marquesas Islanders know and name a great number of constellations -and separate stars, e. g. ‘the Little Eyes’ (the Pleiades), ‘the -Rudder’ (Orion’s belt)[539]. Constellations mentioned as being -known to the Society Islanders are:--the Pleiades, Orion’s belt, -Sirius (‘Big Star’), the Magellanic Clouds (the upper and lower -‘Haze’), the Milky Way (‘the Long-blue-cloud-eating-shark’), -Venus, called sometimes ‘Day-star’ or ‘Herald-of-the-morning’, -and sometimes ‘Taurna-who-rises-at-dusk’, Mars (‘the Red Star’), -Jupiter, and Saturn[540]. The people of Nauru, west of the Gilbert -Islands, observe the stars, chiefly the Pleiades, Orion, Sirius, -and the morning and evening stars[541]. For the Marshall Islands -see above, p. 125. For Tahiti names are given for Venus, Jupiter, -Saturn, the Pleiades (‘Star-of-the-nest’), Sirius (‘Big Star’), -and the belt of Orion, and it is further stated that many other -stars are known by separate names[542]. The Hawaiians had names for -many constellations, and they also knew the five planets[543]. An -apparently distinguished native astronomer, named Hoapili, stated -that he had heard from others (Europeans?) that there was one more -travelling-star, but he had never observed it, and was acquainted -only with the five[544]. The Maoris had names for all the principal -stars and for a great number of constellations. The most important -of the latter is ‘the Canoe of Tamarereti’, which consists of the -following parts:--the three stars of Orion’s belt form the stern, -_matariki_ (the Pleiades) is the prow, _te toke o te waka_ is the -mast, the Southern Cross is the anchor, and the two Pointers are the -cables. Further, Orion’s belt is called ‘the Elbow of Maui’; the -Scorpion is ‘the House-of-Te-Whiu-and-his-slaves’; _Waka mauruiho_ -and _Waka mauruake_ are the husbands of _Hurike_ and _Angake_, and -their daughters are _Tioreore_ and _Tikatakata_, the two Magellanic -Clouds, whose husbands are _Taikeha_ and _Ninikuru_. By the position -of the Magellanic Clouds the natives think they can tell from what -quarter the wind will blow. One constellation is called ‘the Garment -of Maru’, which he let fall as he ascended into heaven. Unfortunately -the names corresponding to our star-map are not given, and I have -omitted many which are not translated[545]. Some stars are mentioned -below in the account of the Maori calendar of months[546]. - -The Micronesians know the stars well; long lists of star-names come -from the Carolines. 18 names are given for Ponape, among them names -for the Pleiades, the Southern Cross, and the Magellanic Clouds; -from Lamotrek come 24, e. g. ‘the Leather-jacket-fish’ (the Southern -Cross), ‘the Broom’ (Ursa Minor), ‘the Virile Member’ (Aldebaran), -‘the Body-of-the-animal’ (Sirius), ‘the Centre-of-the-house’ -(Arietes), ‘the Two Eyes’ (Scorpio), ‘the Fowling-net’ (Corona), -‘the Tail-of-the-fish’ (Cassiopeia), etc.; from Mortlock 23, e. -g. (Ursa Minor) _fusa-makit_, ‘the Seven Mice’, or it may mean -‘the Star-that-changes-its-position’ (_sic!_), Leo, ‘the Rat’, -the Southern Cross (perhaps), ‘the Shark’, Delphinus and Cygnus, -‘the Bowl-in-the-midst-of-Sota’, Sirius, ‘the Animal’, Orion and -Aldebaran, ‘The Branch-of-the-tree’, not identified, ‘the Fish-net’; -from Yap 25, unidentified[547]. The Fijians on the other hand knew -little about the stars. They had no names even for the most important -constellations. The evening and morning stars were known, under the -names of ‘Marking-day’ and ‘Marking-night’, but the natives did not -distinguish between the planets and the fixed stars. Their ignorance -is ascribed to the fact that they never undertake voyages beyond -the limits of their groups, and are bad navigators in the technical -sense, although good sailors[548]. - -Stellar science and mythology are therefore wide-spread among the -primitive and extremely primitive peoples, and attain a considerable -development among certain barbaric peoples. Although this must -be conceded, some people are apt to think that the determination -of time from the stars belongs to a much more advanced stage: -it is frequently regarded as a learned and very late mode of -time-reckoning. Modern man is almost entirely without knowledge of -the stars; for him they are the ornaments of the night-sky, which at -most call forth a vague emotion or are the objects of a science which -is considered to be very difficult and highly specialised, and is -left to the experts. It is true that the accurate determination of -the risings and settings of the stars does demand scientific work, -but not so the observation of the visible risings and settings. -Primitive man rises and goes to bed with the sun. When he gets up at -dawn and steps out of his hut, he directs his gaze to the brightening -east, and notices the stars that are shining just there and are soon -to vanish before the light of the sun. In the same way he observes -at evening before he goes to rest what stars appear in the west at -dusk and soon afterwards set there. Experience teaches him that these -stars vary throughout the year and that this variation keeps pace -with the phases of Nature, or, more concretely expressed, he learns -that the risings and settings of certain stars coincide with certain -natural phenomena. Here, therefore, there lies ready to hand a means -of determining the time of the year, and one which is indeed much -more accurate than a method depending on a reference to the phases -of Nature. However it would seem as if this mode of indicating time -would require a greater knowledge of the stars, such as only few -peoples possess,--as if it would constantly be necessary to observe -a fresh star for each of the smaller divisions of time. This is not -the case, since, as appears from statements already made, for the -purpose of determining the seasons a star may be observed when it is -stationed at other positions in the sky than on the horizon, e. g., -very conveniently, at its upper culmination, but other positions, -expressed by us in so many degrees above the horizon, may also serve. -Just as the advance of the day is discerned from the position of -the sun, so the advance of the year is recognised by the position -of certain stars at sunrise and sunset. Stars and sun alike are -the indicators of the dial of the heavens. A determination of this -kind, however, is not so accurate as that from the heliacal risings -and settings. Hence the latter pass almost exclusively or at least -pre-eminently under consideration wherever, as in Greece, a calendar -of the natural year is based upon the stars: sometimes however the -upper culmination (μεσουράνημα) is also given. Finally the stars can -also be observed at other times of night than just before sunrise -or after sunset[549]: the Marshall Islanders, for instance, were -accustomed to observe the signs of the weather at 4 a. m. With the -lack of a means of accurately telling the time such an observation is -very uncertain and unpractical, and is therefore seldom found. - -In order to determine the time of certain important natural phenomena -it is therefore sufficient to know and observe a few stars or -constellations with accuracy and certainty. The Pleiades are the most -important[550]. It has been asked why this particular constellation, -consisting as it does of comparatively small and unimportant stars, -should have played so great a part, and the answer given is chiefly -that its appearance coincides (though this is true of other stars -also) with important phases of the vegetation. This is correct, but -something else must be added. To create constellations in which -terrestrial objects, animals, and men are arbitrarily seen requires -no inconsiderable degree of imaginative power. The Pleiades however -form themselves into a group without any aid from the imagination, -and can without difficulty be recognised as such. It is because they -are easy to recognise immediately that the observation of these stars -plays so important a part. A similar case is that of the Magellanic -Clouds, which, where they are visible, belong to the best known -phenomena of the heavens, and we may also compare the dark starless -patches which so largely occupy the attention of primitive peoples, -although neither of these two phenomena is used in determining time, -since neither can be observed at the favourable moment, viz. the -twilight. - -An account of the Bushmen shews how extremely primitive peoples may -also observe the risings of the stars, may connect them with the -seasons, and--which is indeed somewhat rare--may even worship them. -The Bushmen perceive Canopus; they say to a child:--“Give me yonder -piece of wood that I may put (the end of) it (in the fire), that I -may point it burning towards grandmother, for grandmother carries -Bushman rice; grandmother shall make a little warmth for us; for she -coldly comes out; the sun shall warm grandmother’s eye for us”. About -the same time as Canopus, Sirius appears, and a similar ceremony -takes place. Sirius comes out: the people call to one another:--“Ye -must burn (a stick) for us (toward) Sirius.” They say to one another: -“Who was it that saw Sirius?” One man says to the other: “One -brother saw Sirius.” The other man says to him: “I saw Sirius.” The -other man says to him: “I wish thee to burn a stick for us towards -Sirius, that the sun may shining come out for us, that Sirius may -not coldly come out.” The other man says to his son: “Bring me the -piece of wood yonder, that I may put it in the fire, that I may burn -it towards grandmother, that grandmother may ascend the sky, like -the other one”, i. e. Canopus. The child brings him the piece of -wood, he holds it in the fire. He points it burning towards Sirius, -he says that Sirius shall twinkle like Canopus. He sings; he points -to them with fire that they may twinkle like each other. He throws -fire at them[551]. Canopus and Sirius appear in winter, hence the -cold is connected with them. The ceremony just described is obviously -a warming-incantation. It is said also that it will make the stars -rise higher, for the higher they stand above the eastern horizon -at sunrise and the more brightly they twinkle, the more nearly -winter draws towards an end. The Hottentots connect the Pleiades -with winter. These stars become visible in the middle of June, that -is in the first half of the cold season, and are therefore called -‘Rime-stars’, since at the time of their becoming visible the nights -may be already so cold that there is hoar-frost in the early morning. -The appearance of the Pleiades also gives to the Bushmen of the Auob -district the signal for departure to the _tsama_ field[552]. - -The Euahlayi tribe also connect the Pleiades with the cold: they call -the stars ‘the Ice-maidens’, imagine them to be covered with ice, -and say that in winter they let ice drop on the earth and also cause -the winter thunderstorms[553]. Another tribe danced in order to win -the favour of the Pleiades; the constellation is worshipped by one -body as the giver of rain, but should the rain be deferred, instead -of blessings curses are apt to be bestowed on it[554]. The Arunta -say that the Pleiades are seven maidens who ascended into heaven, -but after many wanderings came back to Okaralyi, where they again -gathered _ugokuta_ fruit and danced in the women’s dance. During -this period the Pleiades are not to be seen in the sky, i. e. it is -the time between the evening setting and the morning rising. Here -therefore the constellation is connected with a phase of Nature, and -the whole is mythologically explained. According to another Arunta -myth the Pleiades are maidens who had danced at a circumcision -ceremony. After they had taken part in all the ceremonies in which -to-day the assistance of women is still requisite at this festival, -they went back to their native district, whence they ascended to -heaven and are now to be seen as the Pleiades. Not without reason -did the circumcision most frequently take place at the season when -the Pleiades rise at evening in the east and remain in the sky -all night long (this is the case in the summer months), so that -this prominent constellation was regarded as a spectator of the -festivities connected with the rite[555]. The Pleiades therefore -serve to determine the time of the feast, and this circumstance is -again invested with a myth. A tribe of Western Victoria connected -certain constellations with the seasons. The Pleiades are young -maidens playing to a corroboree-party of young men, represented by -the belt and sword of Orion. Aldebaran, ‘the Rose-crested Cockatoo’, -is an old man keeping time for the dancers. This group corresponds -with the months of November and December. As the year advances -Castor and Pollux appear: they are two hunters who pursue and kill -a kangaroo, Capella. The Mirage is the smoke of the fire at which -the kangaroo is cooked by the successful hunters. Those two groups -set forth the period of the summer. The breaking up of a prolonged -drought is thus explained:--Berenice’s Hair, which culminates in -March, is a tree with three big branches. When a shower of rain has -come, every drop is nevertheless sucked up by the dusty earth. A -small cavity formed at the junction of the three branches has however -retained a little water, and here it is imagined some birds drink. -The winter stars are Arcturus--who is held in great respect since -he has taught the natives to find the pupae of the wood-ants, which -are an important article of food in August and September--and Vega, -who has taught them to find the eggs of the _mallee_-hen, which are -also an important article of food in October. The natives also know -and tell stories of many other stars[556]. Another authority states -that they can tell from the position of Arcturus or Vega above the -horizon in August and October respectively when it is time to collect -these pupae and these eggs[557]. An old chief of the Spring Creek -tribe in Victoria taught the young people the names of the favourite -constellations as indications of the seasons. For example when -Canopus at dawn is only a very little way above the eastern horizon, -it is time to collect eggs; when the Pleiades are visible in the -east a little before sunrise, the time has come to visit friends and -neighbouring tribes[558]. - -The Chukchee form out of the stars Altair and Tarared in Aquila a -constellation named _pchittin_, which is believed to be a forefather -of the tribe who, after death, ascended into heaven. Since this -constellation begins to appear above the horizon at the time of the -winter solstice, it is said to usher in the light of the new year, -and most families belonging to the tribes living by the sea bring -their sacrifices at its first appearing[559]. - -Among the N. American Indians the determination of time from -constellations is rare. The Blackfeet Indians regulate their most -important feasts by the Pleiades, a feast is held about the first -and the last day of the occultation of these stars. It includes two -sacred vigils and the solemn blessing and planting of the seed, and -is the opening of the agricultural year[560]. According to another -legend of the same tribe, the Pleiades are seven children who -ascended into heaven because they had no yellow hides of the buffalo -calves. Therefore the Pleiades are invisible during the time when the -buffalo calves are yellow (the spring). But when these turn brown, in -autumn, the lost children can be seen in the sky every night[561]. -Among the Tusayan Indians of Arizona the culmination of the Pleiades -is often used to determine the proper time for beginning a sacred -nocturnal rite[562]. - -The S. American Indians have much greater knowledge of the stars, and -in consequence frequently connect stellar phenomena, especially those -of the Pleiades, with phases of Nature. In north-west Brazil the -Indians determine the time of planting from the position of certain -constellations, in particular the Pleiades. If these have disappeared -below the horizon, the regular heavy rains will begin. The Siusi -gave an accurate account of the progress of the constellations, -by which they calculate the seasons, and in explanation drew three -diagrams in the sand. No. 1 had 3 constellations:--‘a Second Crab’, -which obviously consists of the three bright stars west of Leo, ‘the -Crab’, composed of the principal stars of Leo, and ‘the Youths’, i. -e. the Pleiades. When these set, continuous rain falls, the river -begins to rise, beginning of the rainy season, planting of manioc. -No. 2 had 2 constellations:--‘the Fishing-basket’, in Orion, and -_kakudzuta_, the northern part of Eridanus, in which other tribes -see a dancing-implement. When these set, much rain falls, the water -in the river is at its highest. No. 3 was ‘the Great Serpent’, i. e. -Scorpio. When this sets there is little or no rain, the water is at -its lowest[563]. The natives of Brazil are acquainted with the course -of the constellations, with their height and the period and time of -their appearance in and disappearance from the sky, and according -to them they divide up their seasons. In the valley of the Amazon -it is said that during the first few days of the appearance of the -Pleiades, while they are still low, birds, and especially fowls, -roost on low branches or beams, and that the higher the constellation -rises the higher the birds roost also. These stars bring cold and -rain: when they disappear the snakes lose their poison. The canes -used for arrows must be cut before their appearance, or else the -arrows will be worm-eaten. The Pleiades disappear, and appear -again in June. Their appearance coincides with the renewal of the -vegetation and of animal life. Hence the legend says that everything -that has appeared before the constellation will be renewed, i. e. its -appearance marks the beginning of spring[564]. The Bakairi reckoned -by natural phases, but were also well acquainted with astronomical -signs, and spoke of certain constellations which reappeared at the -beginning of the dry season: they referred to stars in the vicinity -of Orion, ‘the Manioc-pole’[565]. The Tamanaco of the Orinoco -called the Pleiades ‘the Mat’. They recognised the approach of -winter from the signs of Nature[566], but also from the fact that -the Pleiades at sunset were not too far distant from the western -horizon: the evening setting falls at the beginning of May[567]. -The Lengua Indians of Paraguay connect the beginning of spring with -the rising of the Pleiades, and at this time celebrate feasts which -are generally of a markedly immoral nature[568]. The Guarani of -the same country recognised the time of sowing by the observation -of the Pleiades[569]. The Guarayu call the Pleiades _piangi_; when -they disappear the dry season begins, and when Orion is no longer -visible a period of cold dew begins. The Chacobo of north-eastern -Bolivia regulate the time of sowing by the position of the Pleiades -in relation to the spot where the sun rises[570]. The Chané and -Chiriguano do the same. When the Pleiades rise above the horizon very -early in the morning, the time for sowing has come: it is important -for this to be finished before the rainy season sets in[571]. Still -further tribes, for which I refer to Frazer, relate myths about the -Pleiades, worship them, and celebrate feasts at their appearance. So -did the inhabitants of ancient Peru, who called the Pleiades ‘the -Maize-heap’[572]. It might probably be thought that the observation -of the Pleiades has spread from this ancient civilised people among -the inhabitants of S. America, but it is of so primitive a character -that it rather appears to have been one of the rudiments of the -astronomical knowledge of the people of the Incas. - -In Africa also the observation of the stars, and above all of the -Pleiades, is wide-spread. In view of the dissemination of this -knowledge all over the world it is making a quite unnecessary -exception to state that it came into Africa from Egypt. Moreover -this assertion does not correspond with the facts, since among the -Egyptians Sirius, and not the Pleiades, occupied the chief place. The -observation of the appearance of Canopus and Sirius we have already -found highly developed among the Bushmen, that of the Pleiades among -the Hottentots. The Bechuana of Central S. Africa are directed by the -positions of certain stars in the heavens that the time has arrived -in the revolving year when particular roots can be dug up for use, -or when they may commence their labours of the field. This is their -_likhakologo_ (‘turnings’ or ‘revolvings’), at what we should call -the spring-time of the year. The Pleiades they call _selemela_, which -may be translated ‘cultivator’ or ‘the precursor of agriculture’ -(from _lemela_, ‘to cultivate _for_’, and _se_, a pronominal prefix, -distinguishing these stars as the actors). When the Pleiades assume -a certain position in the heavens it is the signal to commence -cultivating their fields and gardens[573]. The Caffres determine -the time of sowing by observing the Pleiades[574]; the Bantu -tribes of S. Africa regard their rising shortly after sunset as -indicating the planting-season[575]. The Amazulu call the Pleiades -_isilimela_, which has the same meaning as the Bechuana name, since -they begin to dig up the soil when the Pleiades appear. The people -say: ‘_isilimela_ dies and is not seen’, and at last, when winter is -coming to an end, it begins to appear, one of its stars first and -then three, until, continuing to increase, it becomes a cluster of -stars and is perfectly clearly seen when the sun is about to rise. -Then they say: ‘_isilimela_ is renewed’, ‘the year is renewed’, and -they begin to dig[576]. Among the Thonga the Pleiades are the only -constellation which bears a name--_shirimelo_; it rises in July and -August, when tilling is resumed[577]. At the southern corner of Lake -Nyassa the rising of the Pleiades early in the evening gives the sign -to begin the hoeing of the ground[578]. The Kikuyu of British East -Africa say that this constellation is the mark in the heavens to -shew the people when to plant their crops: they plant when it is in -a certain position early in the night. A dancing-song begins:--“When -the Pleiades meet the moon, the people assemble etc.”[579] The Masai -know whether it will rain or not according to the appearance or -non-appearance of the Pleiades, and the last month of the period -of the great rains, in which their evening setting falls, is named -after them. When they are no longer visible the people know that the -great rains are over, and they are not seen again until the following -season--the season of showers--has come to an end. The Masai call -the sword of Orion ‘the Old Men’, and his belt ‘the Widows’ who -follow them[580]. - -To the Isubu in Kamerun the constellations, which they combine -in certain groups, shew the course of the seasons; such -constellations are e. g. _tole a nyou_, the _tole_ of the -elephants, in contradistinction to _tole a moto_, the _tole_ of -men; another is ‘the Orphans’. These are summer signs, they are -all found in the eastern part of the sky[581]. In Sierra Leone -the proper time for planting is shewn by the position in which -the Pleiades are to be seen at sunset: the Bullom do not observe -or name any other stars[582]. The Bakongo associate these stars -with the rainy season: the rain comes from them, they are called -‘the Caretakers-who-guard-the-rain’[583]. When the constellation -_kole_[584] reaches the meridian, the Bangala plant more than at any -other time, because the rains, though not infrequent, are then fairly -certain[585]. In Loango Sirius is called ‘the Rain-star’, since as -long as he is visible the rains persist. Alongside of him Orion is -regarded as a sign of the rainy season[586]. In French Guinea the -people know that when the winter constellations appear above the -horizon, indicating that the end of the rains has come, it is the -time of harvest[587]. - -In the Indian Archipelago the observation of the Pleiades is the most -general and frequent means of determining the time for tillage. Hence -these stars are mythologically regarded as the originators of the -rice-culture. The Dyaks of Sarawak say that Si Jura on a sea-voyage -once found a fruit-tree with its roots in the sky and the branches -hanging downwards. He climbed up into it, and since his comrades -sailed away, he was obliged to climb on and on until he reached -the roots and found himself in a strange land--the country of the -Pleiades. There Si Kira received him kindly, and invited him to eat. -“Those little maggots?” replied Si Jura. Si Kira answered:--“They -are not maggots, but boiled rice”, and he explained to his guest -how the rice was cultivated and reaped, and then let him down by a -long rope near to his father’s house. Si Jura taught the Dyaks how to -cultivate rice, and the Pleiades themselves tell them when to farm; -according to the position of these stars in the heavens, morning and -evening, they cut down the forest, burn, plant, and reap[588]. In -another legend the Pleiades are six chickens which the hen follows, -invisible; formerly there were seven, and at that time men did not -know of rice, but lived on the products of the forest. One of the -chickens had come down to earth, where men gave it to eat: it would -not eat, however, but brought them a fruit with three husks, in which -there were contained three kinds of rice, that would ripen in four, -six, and eight months respectively. The hen was angry, and wished to -destroy both men and the chicken: the former were saved by Orion, but -only six chickens were left. During the time in which the Pleiades -are invisible, the hen is brooding, but the cuckoo calls as long as -they are visible[589]. The Sea-Dyaks determine the time of sowing by -observing the Pleiades. Some tribes determine the approach of the -time of rice-sowing from the observation of the stars. The Kayan of -Borneo know the most important constellations, although they do not -observe them and their motions with a practical end in view[590]. -However one of the joint authors just quoted says in another place -that although the Kayan more usually determine the time of sowing -by the observation of the sun, yet both they and many other races -in Borneo sow the rice when the Pleiades at daybreak appear just -above the horizon[591]. When the time to clear fresh land in the -forest draws near, a wise man is appointed to go out before dawn and -watch for the Pleiades. As soon as they are seen to rise while it is -still dark, the people know that the time has come to begin work, -but not until they are at the zenith before dawn is it considered -desirable to burn the fallen timber and sow rice. The Dyaks begin -the rice-planting when the Pleiades reach the same position at about -3 or 4 o’clock in the morning as the sun reaches at 8 o’clock. Old -and experienced men are on the watch to determine the spot exactly. -Then a feast begins[592]. The natives of Nias, an island to the south -of Sumatra, assemble to till their fields when the Pleiades appear, -and regard it as useless to do so before that time[593]. In Sumatra -also the time for sowing was determined in this way. The Batak of the -middle of the island regulate their various agricultural operations -by the position of Orion and the Pleiades. The Achenese of the north -know that the sowing-time has come when the Pleiades rise before -the sun, at the beginning of July[594]. In northern Celebes the -rice-fields are prepared for cultivation when the Pleiades are seen -at a certain height above the horizon[595]. The Kai of German New -Guinea say that the time for labour in the fields has come when the -Pleiades are visible above the horizon at night: the Bukaua of the -same country also follow the Pleiades[596]. When the natives of the -Torres Straits Islands see the Pleiades on the horizon after sunset, -they say that the new yam-time has come[597]. The western tribes of -these straits have names for many stars, which are largely grouped -into constellations. The seasonal appearances of certain stars or -constellations were noted, and their rising regulated particular -dances, and also, as our authority thinks, the planting of yams and -sweet potatoes[598]. - -Accurate information for these tribes is given by Rivers in the -Reports of the Expedition to the Torres Straits. The most important -constellations are ‘the Shark’ (= the Great Bear together with -Arcturus) and _corona borealis_. Still larger is _Tagai_. This -constellation represents a man, Tagai (= Centaurus, Lupus), standing -in the prow of a canoe (Scorpio); in the stern sits Kareg (Antares). -Tagai holds in his left hand (the Southern Cross) a fishing-spear, -in his right (Corvus) some _kupa_-fruit. Below the canoe is a -sucker-fish, consisting of a part of Scorpio. _Naurwer_ are ‘the -Brothers’--Vega the elder, and Altair the younger--who in their -outstretched arms are holding sticks (β, γ _lyrae_, β, γ _aquilae_). -In Mabuiag this constellation is called _Dogai_. Our Delphinus is -called ‘the Trumpet-shell’, _kek_ is probably Achernar. Others I -omit. The most important star was _kek_, whose rising indicated not -only the beginning of many ceremonies but also the planting-season. -The risings and settings of the stars were observed, and certain -rites and agricultural occupations regulated thereby. In Badu it -was said that when only the tail of the Shark is above the horizon, -the north-west wind begins to blow ‘a little bit’: when the tail -has gone down altogether, the people begin to plant yams, and when -the Shark comes up again, yams, sweet potatoes, and bananas are -ripe. The stars also help to determine the seasons. A native of -Mabuiag gave the following list of the stars relating to the season -called _aibaud_:--_kek_ comes up, he is the sign for everything to -be done: ‘start meeting’, i. e. at the feasts the holding of which -is dependent upon plentiful supplies of food; _gil_, _usal_ (the -Pleiades): at this time the ovaries of the turtles enlarge; _pagas_ -and _dede_ (Betelgeuze); _utimal_; _wapil_. Towards the end of the -season the Shark becomes visible, and then the pigeon migrates from -New Guinea to Australia, as does the _birubiru_-bird when _gitulai_ -(the Crab) appears. It is expressly noted that when the people speak -of the rising or setting of a constellation or star at a certain -season, they have in mind the time of the year when the star or -constellation in question first appears or disappears on the horizon -at daybreak. Of Tagai a catasterism is related which at the same time -has reference to the phenomena of the seasons at the appearance of -the stars in question. On a fishing expedition the crew stole the -water from him and Koang. They therefore killed them and said:--“Usal -(the Pleiades), you go to New Guinea side, when you come up there -will be plenty of rain. Utimal, you go to New Guinea side, you have -to bring rain. Kwoior, when you come up over Mangrove Island just -before the south-east monsoon sets in, there will be rain in the -morning. Then the wind will shift and it will rain in the afternoon, -and you, Kek, will come up in the south between Badu and Moa and it -will be cold weather. When you go round this way and when you come -up, then the yams and sweet potatoes will ripen. You all have work -to do”[599]. A similar story is told of the Kiwai Papuans, who have -for the most part the same star-names and call most of their months -after stars: the Shark is also implicated in this story. When the -fin sets, there is more wind and high-water; when the tail sets, -more high-water; when the head rises, the copulating-season of the -turtles commences. Another myth tells how Javagi got angry and threw -Karongo up into heaven, where he and his three-pronged spear became -the constellation Antares[600]. - -The Melanesians of Banks Island and the northern New Hebrides are -also acquainted with the Pleiades as a sign of the approach of -the yam-harvest[601]. The inhabitants of New Britain (Bismarck -Archipelago) are guided in ascertaining the time of planting by the -position of certain stars[602]. The Moanu of the Admiralty Islands -use the stars as a guide both on land and at sea, and recognise the -season of the monsoons by them. When the Pleiades (_tjasa_) appear at -night-fall on the horizon, this is the signal for the north-west wind -to begin. But when the Thornback (Scorpio) and the Shark (Altair) -emerge as twilight begins, this shews that the south-east wind is at -hand. When ‘the Fishers’ Canoe’ (Orion, three fishermen in a canoe) -disappears from the horizon at evening, the south-east wind sets in -strongly: so also when the constellation is visible at morning on -the horizon. When it comes up at evening, the rainy season and the -north-west wind are not far off. When ‘the Bird’ (_canis major_) is -in such a position that one wing points to the north but the other is -still invisible, the time has come in which the turtles lay eggs, and -many natives then go to the Los-Reys group in order to collect them. -The Crown is called ‘the Mosquito-star’, since the mosquitoes swarm -into the houses when this constellation sets. The two largest stars -of the Circle are called _pitui an papai_: when this constellation -becomes visible in the early morning, the time is favourable for -catching the fish _papai_[603]. The natives of the Bougainville -Straits are acquainted with certain stars, especially the Pleiades; -the rising of this constellation is a sign that the _kai_-nut is -ripe: a ceremony takes place at this season[604]. On Treasury Island -a grand festival is held towards the end of October, in order--so far -as could be ascertained--to celebrate the approaching appearance of -the Pleiades above the eastern horizon after sunset. In Ugi, where of -all the stars the Pleiades alone have a name, the times for planting -and taking up yams are determined by this constellation[605]. In -Lambutjo the year is reckoned according to the position of the -Pleiades. When they are in the east, it is said that ‘they are -waiting’, when at the zenith, ‘they stand in the middle’, when in -the west, they are ‘bowed down’. When they stand low, the turtles -come up on land: the people say that they ‘go to play’, i. e. it is -the pairing season. When the Pleiades are high overhead, the white -men celebrate Christmas. When they ‘come up anew’, the people go -to look for fish. At that time ‘the Fishes’ are in the water. ‘The -Fishes’ (_corona borealis_) dip down when the Pleiades come up. When -‘the Fishes’ are in the sky, there are no fish in the water. In both -Alu and Lambutjo one division of the year is reckoned by the return -of the Pleiades, another by the almond-ripening. On the Gazelle -Peninsula the time for good fishing is the time of the appearance -of the Pleiades: at this time the fishing-nets are spread out. It -is said that ‘the Thornback’ (Pisces) and ‘the People-at-the-feast’ -(the Pleiades) must not see each other; the former constellation -is called _galial_ (‘fishes’), which at this time are not to be -eaten[606]. On the island of Saa, one of the Solomon Islands, the -Southern Cross is the net with four men letting it down to catch -palolo, and the Pointers are two men cooking what is caught, since -the palolo first comes when one of the Pointers appears above the -horizon[607]. In the list of star-names given for the Carolines there -are also references to the seasons. In Ponape _le-poniong_ is seen -at the time of the variable winds. In Lamotrek Corvus is called ‘the -Viewer-of-the-taro-patches’, since he is visible during the taro -season; the name of Arcturus is formed from _ara_, ‘to conclude’, -and _moi_, ‘to come’, and the star is so called because his rising -indicates the end of the north-east winds, which bring visiting -parties to the island; the appearance of Capella means heavy gales -and bad weather[608]. - -Among the astronomically learned Polynesians time-estimations -according to stars play an important part: most of these however -belong to the chapters on the months and the year. In Samoa it is at -present an exception if an old fisherman can indicate and name this -or that star which at its entrance into this or that constellation -(_sic!_) announces the beginning of an abundant _bonino_-catch, -the immediate return of the South Sea herring, the _atuli_, to -its accustomed spawning-grounds, or some other similar event of -importance in the life of the natives[609]. - -When the stars indicate this or that event, the primitive mind, as -so often happens, is unable to distinguish between accompanying -phenomena and causal connexion; it follows that the stars are -regarded as authors of the events accompanying their appearance, -when these take place without the interference of men. So in ancient -Greece the expressions (a certain star) ‘indicates’ (σημαίνει) -or ‘makes’ (ποιεῖ) certain weather were not kept apart, and the -stars were regarded as causes of the atmospheric phenomena[610]. A -similar process of reasoning is not seldom found among primitive -peoples, and a few instances have already been given, such as -the warming-incantation of the Bushmen against Canopus and -Sirius, the name given to the Pleiades among the Bakongo (‘the -Caretakers-who-guard-the-rain’), and the belief that the rain comes -from them, the myth of the Euahlayi tribe that the Pleiades let ice -fall down on to the earth in winter and cause thunderstorms, in -other words send the rain, and the belief of the Marshall Islanders -that the various positions of certain stars cause storms or good -winds[611]. The same idea is very clearly seen in the account of -the Hottentots given by a missionary of the 17th century[612]. At -the return of the Pleiades the natives celebrate an anniversary: as -soon as the stars appear above the eastern horizon the mothers lift -their little ones in their arms, run up to some eminence, and shew to -them these friendly stars, and teach them to stretch out their hands -towards them. The people of the kraal assemble to dance and sing -according to the old custom of their ancestors. The chorus is always: -“O Tiqua, our father above our heads, give rain to us that the fruits -(bulbs etc.), _uientjes_, may ripen and that we may have plenty of -food: send us a good year!” - -The natives of Australia (perhaps of Victoria), according to an old -account, worship the heavenly bodies and think that natural causes -are governed by certain constellations. They have names for these, -and sing and dance to win the favour of the Pleiades, which are -worshipped by one group as the giver of rain; should the rain be -deferred, curses instead of blessings are bestowed on them[613]. -The Euahlayi tribe thinks that the Pleiades bring frost and winter -thunderstorms, and that the Milky Way by its change of position -brings rain[614]. An old native, chief of the Gingi tribe, when the -rain would not stop, turned to the souls of his dead friends in the -Milky Way with certain charms, until they made the rain cease. The -Milky Way is regarded as a stream with fertile banks[615]. - -These facts being so, there is nothing strange in an account which -unfortunately comes from a writer whose evidence in other respects -is open to grave doubt. We are told that Andy, a native of New -South Wales, found the statement that the sun is the source of heat -ridiculous, and said:--“If the sun makes the warm weather come in -summer-time, why does he not make the winter warm, for he is seen -every day?” The influence which produces heat, in the belief of -the natives, accompanies the Pleiades. When these are visible at a -certain altitude above the horizon, it is spring, _begagewog_; when -they rise to their highest altitude, it is summer, _winuga_; when -in autumn they sink down again towards the horizon, it is _domda_ -(‘autumn’); in winter they are barely visible or are lost to view -altogether; it is then winter (_magur_), and cold. The ordinary -stars have no kind of influence on the seasons, but simply the -Pleiades[616]. The account agrees very well with what is otherwise -known of the stellar science of the Australians, and is perfectly -credible. A precisely similar story comes from the other side of -the globe. At the beginning of the 18th century, when the Lapps -were still heathens, one of the questions which a missionary among -these people put to them about their gods was:--“Have you prayed -the Pleiades to warm the weather?” In accordance with this a Lapp -myth relates that a servant driven out on a very cold night by -a cruel master was saved by the Pleiades. One of the Lapp names -for these stars, which evidently points to this idea, is ‘the -Sheep-skins’[617]. The Greeks had the same belief in Sirius as the -cause of the summer heat.[618] - -From this belief in the stars as causes of the natural phenomena -it is but a short step to attempt to draw from the manner of their -appearance conclusions as to the kind of phenomenon caused by them. -To the Bakongo the Pleiades are the guardians of the rain, and when -they are clearly to be seen at the beginning of the rainy season -the people expect a good season, i. e. sufficient but not too much -rain[619]. The Nandi of British East Africa know by the appearance -or non-appearance of the Pleiades whether they may expect a good -or a bad harvest[620]. The Guarayu of S. America believe that when -the Pleiades at their reappearance are surrounded by a circle, it -is a good omen: but if this circle is wanting, all must die[621]. -In Macedonia the Pleiades are called ‘the Clucking or Brooding -Hen’ (ἡ κλωσσαριά); their setting announces the advent of winter, -and from the accompanying conditions omens are drawn as to the -quantity of the forthcoming crop and the fertility of the cattle. -If the constellation sets in a cloudy sky, this portends a rich -harvest[622]. Similar weather-rules and prognostications are found -in abundance in modern European folk-lore and in the so-called -peasants’ calendars. The origin in the popular astrological beliefs -of antiquity is usually taken for granted. It is true that astrology, -especially under Mohammedan influence, has penetrated very deeply -even among little civilised peoples such as the negroes of Central -Africa and the Malays of the Indian Archipelago; but I see no cogent -reason for finding in the above-mentioned world-wide examples of -a belief in the influence of the stars upon natural phenomena any -influence of that astrology which derives from ancient Babylon. -Rather do these myths and traditions seem to afford an analogy to -the initial stages of the Babylonian astrology, and to shew that the -whole vast system of astrology had its root in primitive thinking. -And the Babylonian prognostications from stars and sky remained, -until a very late period, quite primitive. These observations cannot -be followed up further: astrology and its origins lie outside the -limits of the present study. - -It has been shewn, then, that even among the most primitive peoples -of the globe the stars are known, observed, considered, and used for -the determination of time--the Pleiades, indeed, first and foremost, -but other constellations as well; of the not nearly so frequent -determination of the advance of night from the motions of the stars -we have already spoken in chapter I. There is however a difference -that should not be neglected between this method of determining time -and the time-indications from natural phases. So far as I have been -able to discover, the stars are never used in a narrative, i. e. -where the date of any familiar event is to be given, but only where -practical rules for the constantly recurring occupations and labours -are concerned, and also for the festivals. The method therefore does -not apply to the historical event in the wider sense, but only to the -reiterated event the recurrence of which is empirically known. The -consciousness of a fixed and constant order is therefore impressed -upon the mind of primitive man much more powerfully by the eternal -revolution of the constellations than by the variation of the -seasons. - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE MONTH. - - -The course of the sun determines the variation between day and night, -and causes the natural phases of the year. From the position of the -sun the times of the day can be given with ease and certainty, but -not so the seasons of the year,--to the exceptions I shall recur -in chapter XII. From the fixed stars the hours of the night can be -determined, and still more frequently are the seasons regulated by -them. But this kind of time-determination necessarily refers to -points of time, and not to periods. Only for one or two days has the -star the position which serves for the determination of time. No -division of the year into parts can be carried out by this method, -the most that can be done is to regulate the already existing -divisions by it. - -As well as the sun and the fixed stars the moon appears in the -heavens. It does not entirely vanish before the sunlight like the -fixed stars, in the night-time its light eclipses that of the smaller -stars. Its shape, the strength of its light, and the time of its -appearance vary quite perceptibly from day to day. As long as the -human race has existed, man’s attention must have been drawn to the -moon. The course of the moon, thanks to the rapid revolution of the -planet round the earth, forms a shorter unit, which steps in between -day and year. The shorter interval of time defined by it, unlike the -too lengthy period of the year, is easily kept in mind and taken in -at a glance. This unit has further its peculiar characteristics. -In the first place it has nothing to do with the natural phases -conditioned by the course of the sun: it is in fact incommensurable -with the seasons. In the second place it immediately obtrudes -itself into notice as a unit. The time-reckoning according to the -moon is in its nature continuous. One moon follows another with a -short interruption, to which at first little attention is paid: for -compared with the 27-28 days in which the moon can be seen in the sky -the 1-2 days in which it is invisible are little noticed. The phases -of the moon represent a gradual waxing and waning, a continuous -development. The principle of continuous time-reckoning is therefore -suggested by the moon, in opposition to the time-indications from -natural phases and from the stars. - -The observation of the moon is often said to be the oldest form -of time-reckoning. This statement involves a certain danger, viz. -the overlooking of the fact that the time-indications from natural -phases and from the stars--as I hope has been shewn above--are just -as primitive and must be just as old. But if by time-reckoning the -continuous principle and measure of time are implied the statement -is in that sense true. The moon is indeed the first chronometer, and -this fact is due to the nature of its concrete appearance, which -draws attention to the duration, and not to the point, of time. -And this, as always, is the starting-point: practically everywhere -the month as a unit of enumeration or a measure is denoted by the -same word as the moon. The linguistic distinction between ‘moon’ -and ‘month’ only follows at a stage which primitive peoples still -living have not yet reached. All peoples know the moon and use it for -time-reckoning. Of the S. American Indians, who observe the stars so -well, it is stated that the month is everywhere the natural division -of time[623]. - -While the human mind therefore arrives only gradually at the -conception of the year, the month is already given by the natural -phenomenon. Consequently it is only to be expected that it should -be expressly stated that the revolution of the moon determines the -greatest measure of time[624], and that we should find peoples who -can count reckoning by months and not by years. Thus, for example, -it was often said in southern Nigeria: “I sold this canoe to him -eight moons ago”[625]. As in the counting of the years a well-known -event is used as a starting-point, so it is also with the months. -In the New Hebrides they said:--“Two moons have gone since this or -that event took place”[626]. But this principle has not prevailed -in the counting of the months, since it gives too many months in -the course of one human life, and since the months are drawn into -another connexion, to which the following chapter is devoted. Only -in one case is a reckoning of this nature common, viz. in pregnancy. -Examples are superfluous, but I give at least one:--The Samoan woman -looks at the moon and expects the beginning of menstruation at a -quite definite position of that planet, each woman naturally having -a different position of the moon in view. If menstruation does not -take place then, she perceives that she is pregnant, and expects her -confinement after ten moon-months[627]. - -No attention is paid at first to the number of days in the month: -many primitive peoples cannot even count so far as thirty. A -significant passage in a Ho text originating from a native -runs:--“The months are reckoned from the moon (the same word is used -for both), which stands in the sky. When the moon appears, remains -long in the heavens, and then again for a short time is invisible, -we say that a month has just gone. We know nothing about the number -of days constituting a month. When we see the moon and then it is -lost again a month has gone”[628]. A native Basuto says that little -regard is paid as to counting the number of days in any month, -since the bulky moon itself fills up the deficiency[629]. When men -begin to count the days great uncertainty at first prevails: in -Buin, for example, the statements vary between 15 and 31 days[630]; -the Caffre month is said to have 25 days. Apparently only the time -during which the moon is visible is at first counted. So it is said -of the Caffres that they count the month from the phases of the -moon during its visibility, and that the days of its invisibility -are not counted: the moon has gone to sleep[631]. For the Basuto -on the other hand only expressions for the two days of the moon’s -invisibility are mentioned: the first, ‘the moon has gone into -the dark’, the second, ‘the moon is greeted by the apes’, since -this animal can see the moon sooner than man[632]. The Ibo-speaking -peoples also reckon only 28 days to the month[633], and so do the -Dakota[634]. It is only natural that the days of the darkness should -soon be included, so that the following month follows directly upon -the preceding; many peoples say, like the Banyankole, that the -month lasts 29 days: for 28 days the moon is visible, and for one -day hidden[635]. As always, therefore, the concrete phenomenon is -the starting point. Here, however, not only the varying shape of -the moon, not only its phases, are taken into account, but also, as -in the case of the sun and the stars, its position in the sky. On -the analogy of the rising and setting of the stars the new moon can -be described as the evening setting, the full moon as the evening -rising or morning setting, and the disappearing of the moon as the -morning rising of that planet. A description of this nature, of -course without the above scientific terminology, does occur, but in -isolated instances. In the above-mentioned Ho text a further passage -runs:--“When the moon appears and comes nearer, we say ‘it stands -overhead’. After this it stands in the middle (of the sky). When the -moon does not rise until after night-fall we say that it ‘stands on -the edge (of the sky)’. When it does not rise until very long after -night-fall we say ‘it shines unto day-break’. When the moon is once -more on the wane, it will not be long before another appears.” Other -expressions are:--‘the moon falls upon the forest’, i. e. stands low -on the horizon, ‘it sleeps in the open air’, when it is in the sky -at day-break[636]. At the south of Lake Nyassa the day of the month -is denoted by indicating the position of the moon in the sky at -day-break[637]. Of the Seminole of Florida it is reported that the -months seem to be divided simply into days, and that the latter are, -at least in part, described by reference to the successive positions -of the moon in the sky at sunset. When our informant asked a native -how long he would remain at his present camp, he answered by pointing -to the new moon in the west, and sweeping his hand from west to east -to the spot where the moon would be when he should go home. He meant -to answer, “About ten days hence”[638]. - -To indicate the day by the position of the moon in the sky is however -exceptional, and it is just as exceptional for descriptions of the -day according to the position of the moon to be consistently carried -out. The Ewe tribes also have expressions which refer to the shapes -of the moon. These different shapes have in general attracted most -attention, and serve for time-reckoning. At first the phases of -the moon are distinguished only roughly, but greater and greater -refinement of observation is ever being attained, until every day of -the moon’s revolution is described by a name, and the names not only -refer to the phases of the moon but also indicate its position in the -sky. - -Among the different phases of the moon’s light two stand out with -especial prominence--the first appearance of the crescent of the new -moon in the evening twilight, and the full moon. Both events are -joyfully greeted and celebrated among many peoples, in particular the -appearance of the new moon, the full moon also, but not so often. -The explanation of this fact must partly lie in the circumstance -that the full moon does not suddenly appear like the new moon, but -fills its disc gradually, so that the days of full moon are more -numerous, instead of being one exactly determined day like the day -of the new moon. Hence there may be a counting of the months in new -moons instead of a continuous reckoning in moons, as when the natives -of the Solomon Islands count the months which must elapse before the -funeral feast by making a notch in a stick or a knot in a rope at the -appearance of the new moon[639]. - -The hailing of the new moon with joy is wide-spread[640]. The Dieri -of Australia relate that there was once no moon, so that the old men -held a council and a Mura-mura gave them the moon; in order that they -might know when to hold their ceremonies, he gave them a new moon at -certain intervals[641]. Heathen Eskimos in West Greenland celebrate -at every new moon a feast with a performance of the sorceror, an -extinguishing of lamps, and the barter of women[642]. The Patagonians -welcome the new moon by patting their heads and murmuring an -incantation[643]. Certain tribes of North America at the eagerly -expected appearance of the new moon uttered loud cries and stretched -out their hands towards it[644]. The Natchez of Louisiana at every -new moon celebrated a feast which took its name from the principal -fruits reaped in the preceding moon, or from the animals that were -usually hunted then[645]. In the villages of Port Moresby (British -New Guinea) the people at the first sight of the new moon give a -prolonged somewhat shrill cry which is taken up by all and repeated -in chorus: there is no mention of any time-reckoning[646]. On the -southern side of Dutch New Guinea we learn that the first sight of -the new moon was signalised by a short sharp bark rather than a -shout. Several times on the day following the first sight of the new -moon our authority noticed that a spear decorated with white feathers -was exposed in a conspicuous place in the village. The author states -that he is unable to say whether this custom had any connection with -the calendar[647]. In Buin at the appearance of the quarter (_sic!_) -of the new moon the people immediately utter the ‘war-cry’, ‘so that -the new moon may not break the cocoa-nuts’. When the new moon comes -up, the people of Buin trill with their under-lip, plucking at it -with the forefinger and at the same time sending out a high note -(‘_a_’). In Lambutjo the people howl and strike themselves on the -mouth with their hands, at the same time uttering ‘_a_’, so that a -kind of quacking is heard. On the Gazelle Peninsula the natives put -their forefingers in their mouths and trill a high ‘_u_’, the result -being a gurgling noise[648]. - -The same custom recurs in Africa. When the Bushmen catch sight of -the new moon they pray:--“Young Moon! Hail, Young Moon, hail, hail, -Young Moon! Young Moon, speak to me, hail, hail, Young Moon! Tell -me of something! Hail, hail! When the sun rises, Thou must speak to -me, that I may eat something. Thou must speak to me about a little -thing, that I may eat. Hail, hail, Young Moon!”[649]. The Bechuana -watch most eagerly for the first glimpse of the new moon, and when -they perceive the faint outline after the sun has set deep in the -west, they utter a loud shout of _kua!_ and vociferate prayers to -it, e. g. “Let our journey with the white man be prosperous!”[650]. -The Ba-Ronga always greet the apparition of the new moon with -cheers. The first person who sees it shouts _kengelekezee_ (_kenge_ -= ‘half-moon shaped’), and this exclamation is repeated from one -village to another. According to a Nkuma informant the day of the -new moon is _shimusi_, a day of rest. The appearance of the crescent -was carefully examined. If the horns were turned towards the earth, -this shewed that there was nothing to fear, the dangers of the month -had been poured out. If the opposite was the case, it shewed that -the moon was full of weapons and misfortunes[651]. As soon as the -new moon is seen, the Banyankole of Uganda come out of their huts -and clap their hands. Everyone lights a fire in front of his hut and -lets it burn for four days continuously. A number of royal drums are -brought out and beaten without cessation for four days[652]. The -Wadschagga climb a hill in order to see the crescent properly, and -pray at its appearance:--“One, two, three, four (the day of the new -moon is reckoned as the fourth day of the month), give me peace, give -me food, send me blessing, and drive want far away. O my moon, break -him (my enemy) neck and throat!” Since in the evening so many curses -are uttered, this day is also termed an evil day. Its peculiarities -decide the character of the whole month. For this reason no one -should go to rest on this evening hungry or only half-satisfied, or -else he will be hungry the whole month long. The master of the house -admonishes his wife:--“Day of the moon! Honour the moon, and go in -quest of food for the children, that they may not go to sleep hungry -every day.” On this day no legal business is done and no debts are -paid. But whoever can manage to get his debt paid on that day will -have luck and his possessions will increase[653]. This custom is of a -highly developed order and exactly resembles the well-known ancient -Roman and modern New Year superstition, in which moreover the new -moon also plays a prominent part; one can hardly avoid suspecting -foreign influence. At Nibo when the new moon comes out they salute it -with:--“_u-u_, don’t let disease catch me, or a bad moon!”; the Ibo -celebrate a children’s festival at the time of the new moon[654]. - -The full moon also gives rise to special feasts: half Africa dances -in the light of the nights of full moon. The Bushmen, for example, -never neglected the dance at the time of the new and full moon. -Dancing began with the new moon and was continued at the full -moon[655]. In Dahomey the festivals take place at full moon, the -days being fixed by the native government[656]. This is also the -case elsewhere. The people of Timor on the night of the full moon -dance from night-fall till sunrise: the dancing songs are principally -of an erotic character[657]. On the Nicobars at new and full moon -feasts were celebrated in which great quantities of an intoxicating -beverage prepared from the juice of the cocoa-palm were drunk[658]. -The Celtic Iberians of ancient Spain assembled outside their gates on -the nights of full moon and celebrated a feast and danced in honour -of an unknown god[659]. Who can help thinking here of the well-known -words of Tacitus about the Germans?--“Their meetings are, except -in case of chance emergencies, on fixed days, either at new moon -or full moon: such seasons they believe to be the most auspicious -for beginning business”[660]. A fact is here mentioned to which we -shall recur below, viz. that the feasts and religious festivals are -often celebrated during the time of full moon. This is due not only -to the full light of the moon but also to the world-wide idea that -everything which is to prosper belongs to the time of the waxing -moon, and above all to the days when it has reached its complete -phase[661]. - -New moon and full moon, therefore, by the religious significance -attached to them, prove themselves to have been the two phases which -were first observed. It is certainly no mere accident that in a -word-list of an Australian tribe, the Kakadu of North Territory, -only terms for new moon and full moon exist (_malpa nigeri_ and -_mirrawarra malpa_ respectively)[662]. Starting from these two -phases, the whole period of the moon can be divided into two halves, -formed by the waxing and the waning moon. The phases are the same -in both halves, but follow one another in the inverse order. Hence -they can be described by the same word, with an additional word for -the half of the month: but this is only vouched for in one instance, -viz. for the Mendalam Kayan of Borneo[663]. On the other hand this -division is extremely common, especially among more highly developed -peoples, in the counting of the days of the month, to which I return -below. Quite primitive peoples cannot count so far as 15, or do so -only with difficulty: instead of this they distinguish still further -phases of the moon. - -In the next place the crescent of the wasting moon is added, so -that three phases are given: waxing, culmination, and waning. -Thus the Andamanese call the new moon _ogur-lo-latika_, the full -moon _ogur-dah_, and the waning moon _ogur-boi-kal_[664]. Another -writer gives different names, no doubt for another tribe:--New -moon = ‘moon-baby-small’, first quarter = ‘moon-big’, full moon -= ‘moon-body’, last quarter = ‘moon-thin’[665]. The literal -translation shews however that this author wrongly makes these -phases equivalent to our quarters; the full moon and the third -quarter are not identical. In reality, besides the full moon, two -phases are distinguished during the time of the waxing moon, and -only one when the moon is on the wane. The Indians of Pennsylvania -distinguish by special names the new, the round (i. e. the full), and -the waning moon: the last-named they call the half-round moon[666]. -The Negritos of Zambales have periods corresponding to the phases -of the moon: the new moon they call _bay’-un bu’-an_, the full moon -_da-a’-na bu’-an_, the waning moon _may-a’-mo-a bu’-an_[667]. In -Wuwulu and Aua there were words for the full moon, the waxing and -the waning moon, and for the time of the moon’s invisibility[668]. -This last is not a phase in the proper sense: as soon as it was -recognised, however, it was natural that it should be introduced as -equivalent to the phases and should thus complete the circle of the -month. - -In regard to the further development of the phases it is to be noted -that this does not as a rule take place with any regularity, but the -phases are more specialised during the period of the waxing than in -that of the waning moon. The Karaya of Central Brazil were overjoyed -to note the first appearance of the crescent. Apparently five phases -of the moon are distinguished, for which our authority obtained the -following names from an Indian:--First crescent, _ahandu loita_; not -yet quite full moon, _ahandu laläli_; full moon, _djulum läaläli_; -last crescent, _ahandu aluläna_; new moon, _ikona_. Of these _ahandu -laläli_ denotes a phase between half and full moon: ‘there are two -moons’. Probably the bright and the dark moon are meant. This was -confirmed for other Indians, but without its being possible to obtain -any accurate account, says our authority. The theory however fits -badly, since the earth-light disappears in the second quarter, but is -very prominent in the first. The people however were themselves not -clear as to the succession of the phases, they gave different orders -and often corrected themselves[669]. - -The Hottentots call the just emerging, hardly yet perceptible -crescent by a name which means ‘unripe’ and is also used to denote a -premature fruit. The slender shining crescent, in which the moon as -it were ‘revives’, is called by a name with that significance. The -first two quarters have two names common to both of them, ‘the moon -which becomes great or old’, and ‘the moon which becomes wise’. In -the last quarter only the slender crescent is distinguished: it is -called ‘the dying moon’[670]. In exceptional cases no name for the -full moon is given, but we can hardly conclude that such a name -was wanting. An Australian tribe of the North Territory calls the -full moon _igul_, the half-moon _idadad_, and the crescent of the -new moon _wurdu_[671]. The terminology in Central Australia is far -richer:--_atninja quirka utnamma_ = new moon, _a. q. iwuminta_ = -half-moon, _a. urterurtera_ = three-quarter moon, _a. aluquirta_ = -full moon[672]. No terms whatever are given for the waning moon, but -that they were entirely lacking is doubtful, though it is also to be -doubted whether terms for the half and three-quarter moon cannot also -be applied to the waning moon. It should be noted that in Central -Australia, as the words shew, the new and the full moon are the -original phases. - -The observation and naming of the phases of the moon long remain -quite unsystematic. The names are mingled with terms arising -from other circumstances. Of the Thonga of S. E. Africa it is -reported:--When the first quarter appears, the moon is said to -_thwasa_, a Zulu word which corresponds to _tjhama_ in Thonga, and is -very much used in the terminology of possessions. Eight days later -it is said to _basa_, to be white or brilliant; full moon is said -to _sima_ or _lata batjongwana_, to put the little children to bed, -because when it rises it finds them already sleeping on their mats. -The wane is called _kushwela dambo_, the moon is then found by the -rising sun to be still in the sky, not having yet dipped below the -horizon. When at last it disappears, it is _munyama_, the obscurity, -the moon is said to _fa_, to have died[673]. The position of the -moon in the sky is also taken into consideration, but not to such -an extent as among the Ewe tribes[674]; the latter however are also -acquainted with another terminology. Full moon is called ‘the moon -fits’, i. e. nothing of it is wanting, new moon ‘the moon is dead’. -In the first quarter and at the half-moon they say: ‘the moon is half -round’ or ‘falls upon the wood’, i. e. stands low on the horizon; -shortly before full moon ‘the moon is about to become complete’, ‘is -on the increase’; after the full moon ‘the moon is about to wane’; -three days after full moon ‘the moon has cheated some people’, since -it leaves in the lurch those who wish to play in the evening; in -the last quarter ‘the moon is like the tail of the cock’ or ‘sleeps -in the open’, since it stands in the sky at day-break[675]. For -the pagan races of the Malay Peninsula words are given for the new -moon, the crescent of the moon, the half-moon, the end of the waning -moon, no moon[676]. The Bontoc Igorot of Luzon describe three phases -between full moon and the waning moon, and three between new moon and -full moon, eight altogether therefore, and have special names for -them, but rarely make use of them in time-reckoning[677]. The Nabaloi -have other words for the same phases, and also one for the moon -showing a rim of light[678]. The natives of New Britain (Bismarck -Archipelago) observed the phases of the moon (_kalang_), and had -separate terms for them, e. g. ‘moon not visible’, ‘first quarter -of the moon (_sic!_)’, ‘nearly full moon’ (in which they hunted for -the land-crabs), full moon, ‘beginning to wane’, ‘moon when seen -in the morning’, etc. They also measured time between sunset and -moon-rise by the ‘smouldering of a torch’, the time occupied in -cooking yams, taro, and wild taro[679]. In Buin the crescent as it -becomes visible is first called _rubui_, ‘the pupil (of the eye) is -dead’, since the whole moon is often to be seen as a dark disc when -the crescent is first formed. Later they say _motoguba_, ‘a hook is -made’. Still later, _nobele_, ‘a piece’, ‘a bit’. When the moon’s -disc is full, _mairen_, ‘it is ripe’ or ‘old’, and _roukeu_, ‘it -is equal’, i. e. full. When the moon begins to wane, it is called -_ingom_, ‘puffed out’. The ‘puffing out’ becomes weaker, and now the -moon will die, _ekio buagi_. Throughout the period of the waning moon -the expression used is _buan-gubio-eiraubi_, ‘it is on the point of -passing away to die’. During the period of the waxing moon they say -_(ekio) duabegubi-eiraubi_, ‘(the moon) is about to pass away to the -sun(light)-making’. During the time of new moon they say _mamarabui_, -‘the great kobold is dead’, or _ekio buaguro_, ‘the moon is dead’. -When it appears again they say _ekio rukui_, ‘the moon again makes -pupils’, i. e. is in the sky. From the appearance of the moon until -the time of new moon they reckon 25 days. The number however is not -always the same, but is variously given as 30-31 days or sometimes -as only 15. It must be supposed that thick clouds often hinder the -observation. The natives count from the rising of the moon[680]. -Of the tribes of the Torres Straits we are told:--In Mabuiag the -following descriptions of the phases of the moon are used:--_dang -mulpal_, ‘tooth-moon’, since the crescent at its first appearance is -described as unmarried: a little later the moon is called _kisai_, -and termed young. The half-moon is _ipi laig_, ‘married person’; the -moon in the third quarter is described as _kazi laig_, ‘person with -child’, and is regarded as having one child, i. e. presumably as -being pregnant; the full moon is _badi_, which is said to mean ‘big -one married’. In Mer the crescent of the moon when first observed was -called _aketi meb_, the moon in the first quarter was _meb digemli_, -in the third _meb zizimi_, almost full _eip meb_, and full moon _giz -meb_[681]. - -Among the tribes of Central Brazil (the Bakairi), as also elsewhere, -the phases of the moon have found mythological expression. The moon -is represented as a shuttle-cock; the phases start from the full -moon. First a lizard comes and takes hold of it, on the second day an -armadillo, and then a Giant armadillo, whose thick body soon quite -covers the yellow feathers[682]. The phases are similarly explained -among the Paressi[683]. - -In regard to the more accurate determination of the days of the -moon-month up to the point when each day has its separate name, it -is possible to proceed in two ways, either to develop more and more -elaborately the concrete descriptions from the phases and positions -of the moon, until every day thus takes its name from the shape or -the position of the moon, or else simply to number the days. The -simple counting and numbering of all the days of the month from the -new moon up to 29 or 30 is the most abstract method, and it is only -found among the most highly developed peoples. Commonly a mixed -system obtains, such, for instance, as that of the Romans, so that -within the month, from the starting-points offered by the phases, the -days of a certain smaller division are counted, or a short phase is -distinguished by means of adjectives in the first, the second, and -even the third day of the phase. - -The following may serve as an example of a purely concrete system. -Among the Mendalam Kayan of Borneo the different days of the period -of the moon’s visibility have the following names in the Busang -language (the common commercial tongue of the Bukau):--_njina_ (see) -_dang_ (pretty well); _matau_ (eye) _dang_; _lekurdang_; _butit_ -(belly) _halab_ (tetrodon, a trunk-fish) _ok_ (little); _butit -halab aja_ (big); _keleong_ (body) _paja ok_; _keleong paja aja_; -_beleling_ (edge) _dija_; and _kamat_ (full moon). The days following -have the same names, but in the inverse order, and with the addition -of _uli_, i. e. to go home. The days of the moon’s invisibility -are not reckoned[684]. The days mentioned amount to only 2 × 8; -others must therefore be lacking, or do the names given apply to -moon-phases of more than one day’s duration? The author’s wording -seems to contradict this. The Batak of Sumatra describe the days by -the names of the planets (borrowed from the Sanskrit), repeated four -times. To distinguish one from another they make use of additions -some of which may probably be referred to original Batak terms[685]. -A complete system exists among the Toradja of the Dutch East Indies, -in connexion with a fully developed day-superstition such as so often -accompanies the moon-month. On certain days, here distinguished by -an asterisk, it is forbidden to work in the fields: other work is -however permitted. *1, _eo mboeja_, ‘day of the moon’, from the -evening on which the crescent of the moon was first seen. 2 to 9 have -no special names: they are called altogether _oeajoeeo_, ‘the eight -days’; the people count _ka’isanja oeajoe_, ‘the first of the eight’, -or _oejoeënja_, ‘the beginner’, then the second, the third, etc., and -so on up to _kapoesanja oeajoe_, ‘the end of the eight’. 10, _woeja -mbawoe kodi_, ‘the little pig moon’. *11, _woeja mbawoe bangke_, -‘the great pig moon’; there is a danger that the pigs may break -into the fields. *12, _taoe koi_, 13, _taoe bangke_, ‘the little’ -and ‘the great man moon’; 14, _kakoenia_, from _koeni_, ‘yellow’ -(among the To Pebato _sompe_, ‘lying’, i. e. on the horizon). *15, -_togin enggeri_, from _gengge_, ‘to run to and fro’ (of animals -seeking food), i. e. one is annoyed by those who run to and fro. -*16, _pombarani_, ‘the burner’, since the moon in the morning shines -on the house-door; or more rarely _pombontje_. 17 to 20, _wani_, -‘dark’. 21, _merontjo_, among the To Pebato _wani of kapoesa mbani_, -the last dark day. *22, _kawe_, ‘to wink’, 23-25, the second, third, -and last _kawe_. *26, _toe’a marate_, ‘the long tree-trunk’ (trunk -of a felled tree). 27, _toe’a rede_, ‘the short stump’, in the east -_ojonja saeo_, ‘with a day in between’, i. e. until the vanishing -of the moon. 28, _polioenja_, ‘passing’, i. e. the moon goes past -the sun. 29, _soea_, ‘going inside’, ‘inside’, because the moon is -then completely inside. Every second month has 30 days; the *30th is -called _soea ma’i_, the _soea_ ‘on this side’, the second _soea_. The -days are named from the position of the moon at sunrise, since only -the agricultural day is of any importance[686]. - -In Micro- and Polynesia this kind of terminology is best developed. -In Samoa the period of the new moon has few names; the new moon is -called _masina pupula_, the nights after this--when a little of -the moon is once more visible--_mu’a mu’a_. On the other hand the -days up to and after the full moon have separate names, and are of -importance on account of the palolo, which is then eagerly sought -after. Full moon, _masina ’atoa_, ‘full’; 1, night after full moon, -_masina le’ale’a_; 2, _masina fe’etelele_; 3, _masina atatai_, the -sea sparkles at the rising; 4, _fana’ele’ele_, according to Stair -‘paling tide’; 5, _sulutele_, the _mali’o_-crab is caught with -torches (_sulu_), according to Stair _poolesa_, night of the _lesa_; -6, _masina mauna_, according to Stair _popololoa_, ‘long nights’; -7, _masina mauna_; 8 (the first palolo-day), _usunoa_, ‘wandering -about aimlessly’, also called _salefu_, since foam (_lefu_) appears -as the first sign of the palolo; 9, _masina motusaga_ (second -palolo-day), _motu_ ‘fragile’, _saga_ ‘continuing’; 10, _tatelego_, -great palolo-day, which may also begin on the 9th, _ta_ = to fish; 11 -(new moon), _masina punifaga_, ‘only a little covered’; 12, _masina -tafaleu_, ‘little cut away’; 13, _masina tafaleu_. The crescent -shortly before new moon is called _masina fa’atoaoina_[687]. - -In Hawaii the system was very elaborately developed. The month had -thirty days; 17 of these had compound names (_inoa huhui_), and 13 -had simple names (_inoa pakahi_). These names were given to the -different nights to correspond with the phases of the moon. There -were three phases--_ano_--, marking the moon’s increase and decrease -of size, (1) the first appearance of the new moon in the west at -evening, (2) the time of full moon when it stood directly overhead -(lit. over the island) at midnight, (3) the period when the moon -was waning, when it shewed itself in the east late at night. It was -with reference to these three phases of the moon that names were -given to the nights that made up the month[688]. In former times -there is said to have been a division of the month into periods of -ten days, corresponding to the increase, the full, and the decline -of the moon[689]. The names of the nights were:--1, _hilo_, ‘to -twist’, because the part then seen was a mere thread; 2, _hoaka_, -‘crescent’; 3, _kukahi_; 4, _kulua_; 5, _kukolu_; 6, _kupua_; 7, -_olekukahi_; 8, _olekulua_; 9, _olekukolu_; 10, _olekupau_. When -the sharp points were lost in the moon’s first quarter, the name of -that night was 11, _huna_, ‘to conceal’; the next, on its becoming -gibbous, was 12, _mohalu_; 13, _hua_, ‘egg’; and when its roundness -was quite obvious, 14, _akua_, ‘God’. The nights in which the moon -was full or nearly so were:--15, _hoku_; 16, _marealaui_; 17, -_kolu_. The night in which the moon’s decrease became perceptible -was called 18, _laaukukahi_. As it continued to diminish the nights -were called:--19, _olaaukulua_; 20, _laaupau_; 21, _olekukahi_; 22, -_olekulua_; 23, _olepau_; 24, _kaloakukahi_; 25, _kaloakulua_; 26, -_kaloapau_; when the moon was very small, 27, _mauli_; the night in -which it disappeared, 28, _muku_. This is Dibble’s list (pp. 24 ff.). -Fornander (p. 126) counts in the same way up to 26, _kaloapau_, and -then continues, 27, _kaue_; 28, _lono_; 29, _mauli_; 30, _muku_. Malo -gives the same names as Dibble, with the following additions:--The -15th night had two names. If the moon set before daylight it was -called _hoku palemo_, ‘sinking star’, but if, when daylight came, -it was still above the horizon, it was called _hoku ili_, ‘stranded -star’. The second of the nights in which the moon did not set until -after sunrise (the 16th) was called _mahealaui_. When the moon’s -rising was delayed until after the darkness had set in, it was called -17, _kulua_, and the second of the nights in which the moon made its -appearance after dark was 18, _laau-ku-kahi_; the moon had now waned -so much as again to shew sharp horns. The night when the moon rose at -dawn of day was _kane_ (the 27th), and the following night, in which -the moon rose only as the day was breaking, _lono_ (the 28th). When -the moon delayed its rising until daylight had come, it was called -_mauli_ (the 29th), ‘fainting’, and when its rising was so late that -it could no longer be seen for the light of the sun, it was called -_muku_ (the 30th), ‘cut off’. Thus were accomplished the thirty days -and nights of the month. A bare list of the thirty names of the days -is given for the Marquesas[690]. Alongside of these a bipartite -division of the month is mentioned--the moon arriving, and the moon -about to be extinguished[691]. In New Zealand there are various lists -of the nights of the moon. The month is also sometimes divided into -halves according to the waxing and waning moon[692]. - -I give the Tahitian names in order to point out that here, as also -in Hawaii, some days in the middle of both halves of the month have -the same names, which are distinguished from the next following by -additions the sense of which is unfortunately not always given. -Thus:--1, _tirreo_; 2, _tirrohiddi_; 3, _o-hatta_; 4, _ammi-amma_; 5, -_ammi-amma-hoi_; 6, _orre-orre_; 7, _orre-orre-hoi_; 8, _tamatea_; 9, -_huna_; 10, _orabu_; 11, _maharru_; 12, _ohua_; 13, _mahiddu_; 14, -_ohoddu_; 15, _marai_; 16, _oturu_; 17, _ra-au_; 18, _ra-au-hoi_; 19, -_ra-au-haddi_; 20, _ororo-tai_; 21, _ororo-rotto_; 22, _ororo-haddi_; -23, _tarroa-tahai_; 24, _tarroa-rotto_; 25, _tarroa-haddi_; 26, -_tane_; 27, _oro-mua_; 28, _oro-muri_; 29, _omuddu_ (28 and 29 -together _matte-marama_, on the Society Islands they say during these -days that the moon is dead)[693]. In the islands just mentioned the -names of three successive days are often formed from _mua_, ‘fore’, -_roto_, ‘in the middle’, and _muri_, ‘hinder’[694], and in the -Carolines names of the days are similarly combined in groups. From -these lists it becomes plain how the names of the separate days have -been first worked out from the phases of the moon. When only 29 names -are given, the thirtieth day occurring only in every other month has -evidently been left out. This must be the case, because the month -always begins with the new moon. We further possess lists of the days -of the month for the Mortlock Islands, and some for the Carolines, -Ponape, Yap, Uleai, Lamotrek[695]; the lists for Lamotrek, Uleai, -and the Mortlock Islands differ only in the dialect. It is to be -noted that in some cases the month falls into smaller subdivisions, -as in Ponape, where it begins after the full moon and consists of -three periods:--1, _rot_, ‘darkness’, i. e. nights when there is -no moon, 13 days; 2, _mach_, new moon, 9 days, which are numbered -consecutively; 3, _pul_, the time of full moon, 5 days. Three days -are therefore lacking (the time of invisibility?). In Yap 1, _pul_, -new moon, 13 days; 2, _botrau_, full moon, 9 days; 3, _lumor_, -‘darkness’, 8 days. - -The very fully developed system of the Nandi is curious in that not -the phase but the time of the moon’s rising chiefly gives the name of -the day. 1, ‘the tanners have seen the moon’; 2, ‘the moon is white’ -or ‘new’; 3 and 4, ‘the moon has cast a light’; 5 and 6, ‘the moon -has become warm’; 7 and 8, ‘the moon has leisure’; 9 and 10, ‘the -herdsmen play in the moonlight’; 11 and 12, ‘the moon is high in the -evening’; 13, ‘the moon turns’; 14, ‘the moon has accompanied the -goats to the kraal’[696]; 16 (full moon), ‘the moon has passed along -(the heavens)’; 17, (morning) ‘the birds have driven away the moon’, -(evening) ‘the moon has disappeared for a short while’; 18, ‘the -moon has commenced to rise late’; 19 to 21, ‘the moon is late’; 22, -‘the moon has climbed up’ (i. e. stands high in the heavens in the -morning); 23 to 25, ‘the moon is late up above’; 26 and 27, ‘the moon -has turned’ (i. e. goes towards the west); 28, ‘the moon is nearing -death’; 29, ‘the people discuss the moon’ (discuss whether it is -dead), or ‘the sun has murdered the moon’; 30, ‘the moon is dead’, -or ‘the moon’s darkness’[697]. - -An example of the naming of smaller groups of days after the -phases of the moon is afforded by the old Arabian names for the -nights of the month[698]. The nights are grouped in threes, and -are called:--1-3, _ghurar_, ‘the bright ones’; 4-6, _nufal_, ‘the -overlapping nights’ (?); 7-9, _tusa’_, ‘the nine’; 10-12, _‘ushar_, -‘the ten’; 13-15, ‘the white nights’, lit. _‘ajjam al-lajālī l-bidi_, -‘the days of the white nights’, the time of full moon; 16-18, -_dura’_, ‘the white nights with black heads’, since the moon does -not rise until the night; 19-21, _zulam_, ‘the dark nights’; 22-24, -_hanadis_ or _duhm_, ‘the very dark nights’; 25-27, _da’ādī’_, -perhaps after _mihaq_; 28-30, _mihaq_, from _mhq_, ‘to extinguish’. -The time of the moon’s invisibility, _mihaq_, consists of the -following days:--1, _ad-da’dja_, ‘the black one’; 2, _as-sirār_, -from _srr_, ‘to be hidden’; 3, _al-falta_, ‘sudden event’, ‘attack’. -According to some this last name is used only on the night before, -according to others after, a holy month. This looks like an attempt -to regulate the insertion of the 30th day. - -Hitherto we have observed the division of the month into small and -the smallest phases of the moon, in which three or at most four -days have the same name, and are numbered in order that they may -be distinguished. Other peoples count the days beginning at the -principal moon-phases. The Central Eskimos can determine the days of -the month very accurately from the age of the moon[699], the terms -are unfortunately not given. So also for the Kaigan of N. W. America -names of the nights reckoned from the phases of the moon are quoted; -unfortunately only very confused and inaccurate information could -be obtained, and only 14 names are given:--1, new moon; 2, ‘second -sleep’, etc., up to 9, full moon or ‘great moon’, the third night -after which is ‘the first night after the full moon’[700]. For the -inhabitants of southern Formosa the bare and therefore almost useless -statement is made that they reckon according to the age of the -moon[701]. Of the Wagogo of what was formerly German East Africa we -are told that the phases of the moon and the numbers of the nights -serve as more accurate determinations of time. For instance, the -third night after the next appearance of the moon will be the day -following the third night after the moon’s appearance, and therefore -the fourth of a month, since the crescent is visible exactly on the -first day of a month[702]. Unfortunately we are not told what phases, -other than the new moon, serve as starting-points for the reckoning. -The same remark applies to an account for Sumatra. The Central -Sumatran Expedition has proved that names for days of the week and -for months are unknown among the Rawa and the Djambi Kubu of Djipati -Mando. The people count by the phases of the moon, and say e. g. the -1st, 2nd, 3rd day of the moon[703]. - -These accounts are unfortunately of little use, since they say too -little about the method of the counting. Even when a complete list -of the days or nights of the month does seem to be forthcoming (the -Wagogo, the Kubu), it generally happens that the counting proceeds -from several starting-points, so that the month is divided up into -smaller divisions. This is natural, since primitive peoples not only -possess small capacity for counting but also prefer to keep the -concrete phenomenon in view. It has already been pointed out that -the counting frequently begins at the two most prominent phases, -the new and the full moon; by this means the month is divided into -the two corresponding halves of the waxing and the waning moon, or -in respect of the appearance or non-appearance of the moon in the -evening and early night into the light and the dark halves. The -difference between these halves follows from direct observation of -nature, and they are therefore known even to peoples which do not -count the days, e. g. the inhabitants of Buin[704], the Germanic -tribes, and others. In Swedish the distinction between _ny_ and -_nedan_, i. e. the time of the waxing and of the waning moon, is -still known. The Masai, besides a full list of the days of the month, -have a second reckoning according to the light and the dark halves -of the month[705]. The Hindus and the civilised peoples of S. E. Asia -reckon in the same way: of these systems of time-reckoning the Hindu -has exercised a powerful influence. Avesta shews the same reckoning. -In the old Gallic calendar of Coligny each month is divided into -two sharply distinguished halves. The Romans indeed, in the form of -their calendar known to us, reckoned so many days before the Kalends -(the first day of the month), the Nones (the 5th or 7th), and the -Ides (the 13th or 15th), but before their calendar settled into -its curious and quite irrational historic form the _Kalendae_ must -have been the day of the new moon, which was publicly proclaimed, -and the _Idus_ the day of full moon. The _Nonae_ are secondary: the -word simply means the ninth (day), i. e. before the Ides, which -position the day occupies in the inclusive reckoning employed. The -Greek reckoning in decades is well-known, but in earlier times a -bipartite division of the month appears. Homer divides the month into -ἱστάμενος and φθίνων (‘rising’ and ‘fading’), Hesiod once mentions a -‘thirteenth day of the rising moon’[706]. - -We have seen above how to the phases of the new and the full moon -that of the waning moon is added as a third. When the gradual -development of the moon is regarded--as is done when numbers are -used--and not the particular shape of it appearing on a certain -day, we also get three periods, since between the waxing and the -waning occurs the full moon, and this, although not in the strictest -sense, lasts longer than a day, and unlike the waxing and the waning -moon remains in the sky the whole night long. The time of full moon -therefore appears as a third independent period between the waxing -and the waning. The impulse to a tripartite division hereby given -clashed with the decimal system of enumeration of most peoples; as -a rule the counting was suspended at the basal series of numbers. -In this manner we may account for the not uncommon phenomenon that -only ten months are numbered, the two others being called by special -names[707]. Thus arises the division of the month into three decades, -in which however the last decade may vary between 9 and 10 days. - -The division into decades is not so common as the halving of the -month. The Zuñi of Arizona divide the month into three decades, each -of which is called a ‘ten’[708]. The Ahanta of the western Gold Coast -divide the moon-month into three periods, two of ten days each, the -third--which lasts until the new moon appears--of about 9½ days (more -correctly, no doubt, varying between 9 and 10 days). The Sofalese of -East Africa must have done the same, since de Faria says that they -divided the month into 3 decades and that the first day of the first -decade was the feast of the new moon[709]. The Masai, who number -either the days of the whole month consecutively or the days of its -two halves, nevertheless give special prominence to the initial days -of the decades (alongside of other notable days), and call them -_negera_[710]. - -Among the Greeks the division into decades displaced the older -bisection. Of the names of the decades the first and third refer to -the concrete form of the moon: μὴν ἱστάμενος, older ἀεξόμενος[711], -literally ‘the appearing, waxing moon’, and μὴν φθίνων, ‘the waning -moon’. For originally μήν must here have had the sense of ‘moon’ -which the etymology suggests. The second decade was called μὴν μεσῶν, -‘the month at the middle’: the epithet shews that μήν here means -‘month’, and not ‘moon’. This name is therefore younger than the two -others, which must once have been used to describe the two halves of -the month, and do so still in Homer[712]. - -The custom of reckoning on the fingers or on a notched stick has -doubtless lent assistance to the counting of the days of the month. -The Wa-Sania make a notch in a stick for every day, and when the -month is ended they put this stick aside and begin a new one[713]. At -the southern corner of Lake Nyassa the days are counted by means of -pieces of wood threaded on a string[714]. A complete enumeration of -the days however only exists among highly developed peoples who have -discarded a more concrete time-reckoning in favour of an abstract -system, just as the civilised peoples of modern Europe abandoned -the Roman system of time-reckoning, which was still often used in -the Middle Ages (though indeed it had long since departed from its -concrete basis), in favour of a simple enumeration of the days of the -month. - -Finally a couple of curious East African reckonings of the days of -the month are to be mentioned, although they are not primitive but -have a lengthy development behind them. A common feature of both is -that the day of the new moon is already the fourth day, so that the -counting of the days begins with the moon’s invisibility, which can -hardly have been the original practice. The Wadschagga divide the -month into four parts the days of which are numbered, the first and -third parts consisting of ten days each, and the second and fourth -of five days each. Accordingly they begin to count the new moon at -‘the fourth day, which brings the moon’, the day on which the slender -delicate crescent of the moon first reappears after sunset: for the -rites of this day see above, p. 153. On the fourth day of the second -division (the eleventh after new moon) they say that ‘the moon turns -to the back of the house’: when twilight falls it is already seen -beyond the culmination-point. The fourth day of the third division -(the 16th after new moon) is called ‘the day that brings the moon -up from below’ (i. e. from the eastern horizon), where ‘it appears -like a pot’; the fourth day of the last division is called ‘the four, -which dismisses the moon’, and the first of the first division, when -the moon vanishes, ‘the one, which floats away the moon so that it -is no longer visible’: it ‘tramples into pieces the days of the -God’[715]. The natural phases of the moon therefore make themselves -felt in spite of the counting. With this, as is so often the case, -is connected a fully developed superstition concerning the days of -the month. The Masai in ordinary life reckon their moon-months as -consisting of 30 days, and number the days from 1 to 30 or 29. -Besides this there is a second way of counting which begins at -the 16th and reckons the days of darkness (_en aimen_). Further, -special prominence is given to certain days and groups of days, -e. g. to the 4th, the new-moon day, hence called also _ertaduage -duo olaba_, ‘the moon is to be seen’, to the 15th, _ol gadet_, i. -e. the rising moon ‘looks over’ to the sun which has not yet set, -and to the concluding day, the _eng ebor olaba_, ‘the brightness -of the moon’, but especially to the days of the dark half of the -month, _en aimen_. The 16th is called _ol onjori_, ‘the greenish -day’, the 17th, _ol onjugi_, ‘the red’, 18 to 20, _es sobiaïn_, 21 -to 23, _nigeïn_, 27 etc., _en aimen nerok_, ‘the black darkness’. -The people also emphasise the concluding days of the decades[716]. -The natural foundation afforded by the phases of the moon therefore -appears very clearly: the only noteworthy feature is that the days of -the moon’s invisibility are included in the division which is called -‘the brightness of the moon’. An outside influence must no doubt be -assumed. Among the Masai also the selection of lucky and unlucky days -is common. - -The starting-points in the counting of the days of the month also -afford evidence for the question as to which phases of the moon -are the oldest, and were already utilised for this purpose. Both -the methods of counting and the phases themselves are based upon a -bisection or trisection of the month: to this were then added other -phases, originally quite unsystematically. Among us the quarters -of the moon are common; but of their use among primitive peoples -I have found only a single instance. Of the Papuans of the Indian -Archipelago it is stated that they divide the month into four parts -according to the phases of the moon: _paik baleo_, the new moon, -_paik jouwar_, the first quarter, _paik plejif_, the waning of the -moon, and _paik imar_, the old moon[717]. It must not, of course, be -taken for granted that these phases are of equal length, as ours are. - -That the quadripartite division of the month should be practically -non-existent among primitive peoples is easily to be understood in -view of the considerations already mentioned. Unlike the halving it -is not based upon any very clearly distinguishable phases, nor is -there in the phases any such suggestion of a quadripartite division -as is offered for a tripartite. The shape of the moon on the 8th or -the 22nd day differs very little from that of the previous and the -following days, and does not constitute a turning-point like the -full moon. From the phases of the moon no quadripartite division can -arise: the brightest phase of all, the full moon, has an unnatural -position in such a division. It can only be understood as a halving -of the halves of the month, and this presupposes that the moon’s -variation in light is regarded as a unity and divided into parts. The -primitive peoples however start not with the abstract unity but with -the concrete phases, proceeding at first quite unsystematically, and -only subsequently combining them into a system. The quadripartite -division therefore is in its very nature a numerical system. That it -has penetrated so profoundly into our natures that even ethnological -scholars and travellers are not always able to get away from it, is -due to the connexion with the seven-day week, which is regarded as a -division of the month, and also to the fact that we so seldom take -any notice of the concrete phenomena of the heavens. - -The quadripartite division must therefore be described as not -original (the case is different when the time of the moon’s -invisibility is added as a fourth phase to the three already -mentioned). To the best of my knowledge it appears first in -Babylonia[718], and gains ground together with the _sabattu_, i. -e. the appointing of every seventh day of the month as tabooed: it -has become common among us on account of the seven-day week, which -was conceived as a division of the month. In reality the tripartite -division is also the natural one, since it arises from the concrete -phenomenon of the moon, and not from any division of the month -into parts consisting of a certain number of days. Here the full -moon takes its proper place, which it misses in the quadripartite -division. The limitation of the divisions to a definite number of -days is secondary throughout. - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE MONTHS. - - -The (moon-)month has originally nothing to do with the year and the -seasons: this must be clearly and definitely recognised. The months -may be reckoned independently of the year; nothing hinders us from -counting up to twenty or a hundred months. But most peoples, before -they have developed a definite system of time-reckoning, can count -no farther than ten at most, and in the time-reckoning the counting -is of course always the latest and most abstract stage. Such an -enumeration of the months may commence at any point of the year and -be continued _ad libitum_; in relation to the year it is not fixed -but shifting. Both series, the years and the months, are enumerated -without reference to one another, as our days of the week in relation -to the year, the days of the week falling on different dates in -different years. - -The month however is a shorter period easy to survey, and such -divisions are necessary in order to split up the too long period of -the year. In itself the month has nothing to do with the year, nor -does it exactly fit into the year (12 × 29½, about 355 days). It is -impossible to combine the months with the year without doing violence -to the one or the other. The time-reckoning of the modern civilised -peoples has chosen this latter expedient. The month has become a -conventional sub-division of the year; it is quite independent of -the moon, and keeps as reminders of its origin only its name and a -length approximating to that of the moon’s revolution. This has come -about because the moon, unlike the sun and the seasons depending -thereon, has no immediate influence upon the events and occupations -of our lives. We have therefore come back from the reckoning in -moons to the purely solar year. It was quite otherwise with the -primitive peoples, whose time-reckoning was so concrete. For them -the moon afforded the only fixed measure of the duration of time: -its appearance impressed itself firmly upon the mind. These peoples -therefore, even at an advanced stage of development, have tried to -adjust the year by the moon, which could only be done by adopting -years of varying length, of 12 and 13 months respectively. How -this lunisolar reckoning has arisen, it will be the object of the -following chapters to investigate. I begin by setting forth the -somewhat copious material for series of months. - -For the peoples of North Asia I have hitherto been able to make -hardly any statements: the works are for the most part written in -Russian, and are for that reason inaccessible to me. For the names of -months, however, abundant material is accessible. - -The names given to the months by the Voguls, with variants -from the districts of Tawda, Konda, and middle and lower Loswa -(tributary of the Irtysh), are, beginning from Sept./Oct.:--1, -little autumn-hunting month, little autumn, autumn month; 2, great -autumn-hunting month, month of the naked trees, snow month; 3, -winter month; 4, month of light (lengthening of the days), winter -month; 5, ski month, the little winter month, wind month; 6, month -of the thawing snow-crust; 7, month of thaw, spawning month or -month of corn-sowing; 8, sap-in-firs month, ploughing month; 9, -sap-in-birches month; 10, middle-of-summer month; 11, month of the -young razor-bills, month of young water-fowl; 12, elk-running month. -According to Ahlqvist the midsummer month is distinguished as greater -or smaller. There must therefore, as is so often the case, be 13 -months. Three months, nos. 7, 9, and 11, seem to have no special -names in the Tawda district, but this is not very surprising[719]. - -Schiefner in particular has collected extremely full and detailed -lists of the names of the months among the various races of Siberia. -These lists I here reproduce. - -The Tchuvashes have the following thirteen months:--1, thank-offering -month, beginning in the middle of November; 2, very steep month; -3, month of little steepness; 4, spring month; 5, free month; 6, -sowing month; 7, summer month; 8, the maidens’ month; 9, hay month; -10, sickle month; 11, flax month; 12, threshing-floor month; 13, -grave-post month. The maidens’ month, which is said to owe its name -to the custom of celebrating marriages at that time, is also called -‘fallow-land month’; the ‘free’ month is so called because in it no -work is done in the fields; the ‘grave-post’ month takes its name -from the feast of the dead, which is then celebrated on the graves, -with gifts of every kind. - -The Ugric Ostiaks have 13 months:--1, spawning month, about April; -2, pine sap-wood month; 3, birch sap-wood month; 4, salmon-weir -month; 5, month of hay-harvest; 6, ducks-and-geese-go-away month; -7, naked tree month (falling of the leaves); 8, pedestrian month, -since men go home on foot while the ice still remains; 9, month in -which men go on horseback; 10, great, 11, little winter-ridge month; -12, wind month; 13, month of crows. Another list gives the following -months:--1, month in which the Obi dies (?), i. e. freezes; 2, month -in which tribute is imposed; 3, month of the little snow-crust, or -first spring month; 4, month of the great snow-crust; 5, month of -the unstable ice; 6, month when the syrok (a kind of salmon) comes; -7, middle-of-summer month; 8, cloudberry month; 9, month in which -the track (the road) of the Obi freezes, or first autumn month; 10, -month in which the Obi freezes; 11, month of the short days or of the -deceptive feet or of the dog’s feet; 12, month in which the tribute -is levied--only twelve months, therefore, but the list shews many -variants and does not seem to be in its right order, compare e. g. -months 1 and 10, referring to the same natural phenomenon, which in -the nature of things is impossible. - -The Yeneseisk Ostiaks:--1, summer month, about May; 2, not -translated; 3, month when the ducks moult; 4, month when the garrot -moults; 5, month in which the _njelma_ is caught with great nets; -6, month in which the willow loses its foliage; 7, winter month; 8, -month in which the earth freezes; 9, reindeer-rutting month; 10, -little month; 11, great month; 12, eagle month; 13, squirrel month, -in which the striped squirrel comes out of its nest. The Yeneseisk -Ostiaks of the Sym are said to count only seven winter months, not -the summer months. They are:--1, month in which the earth freezes; -2, reindeer-rutting month; 3, the little, 4, the great month; 5, -eagle month; 6, squirrel month; 7, spawning month, in which the pike -spawns. Another list gives:--1, fall-of-the-leaf month; 2, month in -which the earth begins to freeze; 3, dog month, in which the dogs -pair; 4, the little, 5, the great month; 6, eagle month; 7, squirrel -month; 8, spawning month; 9, month in which the Ostiaks set traps to -catch sturgeon; 10, summer month, when the grass becomes green; 11, -middle-of-summer month; 12, month in which the grass turns yellow, or -month of the white grass-tips; 13, autumn month. - -The Tatars of the Minusinsk district of the Yeneseisk government:--1, -the mild, easy month, or forest-month, since the people go hunting, -about September; 2, little cold; 3, great cold; 4, the mottled month, -bald patches of earth appear among the snow; 5, severe cold; 6, high, -when the sun moves high above the horizon; 7, when the birds fly out -in spring; 8, they (i. e. the days) increase; 9, the red month; 10, -(perhaps) little drought; 11, birch-bark month, when birch-bark is -collected; 12, grass month; 13, harvest month. There are also some -variants which are not translated. - -The Karagasses, who live next to the Minusinsk Tatars:--1, 1/5-4/6, -month of the low grass; 2, 4/6-2/7, birch-bark month, in which -birch-bark is collected, this being used for the summer houses; 3, -2/7-30/7, month in which the lily-bulb is red, i. e. blossoms; 4, -30/7-27/8, month in which the lily-bulb is dug up; 5, 27/8-24/9, -hammer month, when the cedar is tapped with the hammer in order to -shake down the ripe cones with the nuts; 6, 24/9-22/10, reindeer-buck -rutting month; 7, 22/10-19/11, sable month, when people begin to trap -sables; 8, 19/11-17/12, month of the long rest, such as is taken -during the short days; 9, 17/12-15/1, month of frost; 10, 15/1-12/2, -great frost-month; 11, 12/2-12/3, snow-shoe month, when over the -deep but rotting snow deer and elks are hunted in snow-shoes; 12, -12/3-9/4, month when the snow becomes sticky; 13, 3/4-7/5, month in -which people hunt with dogs; this is the time when, owing to the -night-frosts, a crust forms on the snow, which is not strong enough -to bear deer and elks. The dates given by the author can at most be -applied only to one definite year. - -The Buriats, from the new year:--1, month in which the brooks freeze; -2, when the winter stores are seen to; 3, roe moon; 4, deer moon; 5, -sheep moon; 6, when the ice breaks; 7, spring moon; 8, grass moon; -9, bulb moon; 10, milk moon; 11, milch moon; 12, when after-math -comes; 13, when it ripens; the first month is also called the white -month. The Nishne-Udinsk Buriats:--1, roe month, since in this month -horns grow on the roe; 2, deer month, when the deer is caught; 3, -ram month, when the sheep pair; 4, month of the red ridge of land, -when the snow melts and the mountains become red; 5, fish-spawning -month; 6, leek month; 7, the wild month, so called on account of the -fierce heat; 8, roe month, when the roes pair; 9, deer month, when -the deer pair; 10, squirrel month, since this animal is then caught; -11, the little sable month, sables are caught; 12, nest month, since -the animals, on account of the cold, creep into their dens and nests. -Only twelve months, therefore, as also among the Tunkinsk Buriats, -for whom are translated only:--1, the white month; 2, the red -mountain-ridge; 5, the wild month; 11, roe month; 12, deer month. - -The year of the Tunguses is divided into summer and winter. The names -of the months are:--Summer: 1, _ilaga_ (fly, gnat), in this the -leaves and the early blossoms come out; 2, _ilkun_, is the proper -flowering moon; 3, _irin_ (from _irim_, to ripen), the wild fruit -grows ripe; 4, _serula sanni_ (perhaps _sonnaja_, cervical vertebra), -in this month the red deer pair; 5, _hukterbi_, brings the red deer -new hair. Winter: 1, _okti_ (perhaps _okto_, road), when the first -snow falls: immediately after that the minever is good; 2, _mira_ -(shoulder-joint), has the shortest days; 3, _giraun_ (suggests -_giramda_, bone), has days of noticeably increasing length; 4, _okton -kira_ (time of the road), when the sables are covered; 5, _tura_ -(perhaps _turaki_, jackdaw), when the cormorants come; 6, _schonka_, -when the ice becomes porous; 7, the beginning of the _tukun_, in -which the rivers become clear: the last part of this period belongs -to the summer year. Our informant, Georgi, speaks of thirteen months, -but only gives the above twelve names. Schiefner conjectures that he -has counted _tukun_ twice, or else has run two months together. For -the Tunguses of the Sea of Okhotsk only twelve months are enumerated, -and of these are translated:--1, grass month; 3, fish-and-horse -month; 4, ripening month (?); 5, wrist; 6, elbow; 7, shoulder-joint; -8, atlas; nos. 5 to 11 are named from the joints of the human frame, -5-8 following out a suggestion of an ascending, 9-11 that of a -descending order; the name of the twelfth month perhaps means the -back. This is only one method of reckoning: a hint of it is already -found in the preceding list. For the Tunguses of the lower Amur -twelve months are reported, of which nos. 7-10 are simply numbered -and the other names are not explained. - -Another traveller could only discover eleven months among the -Tunguses of the Amur, possibly only because of the defective memory -of his informants. But a year of eleven months is said to exist among -the Samoyedes of Yurak. The months are:--1, month of leaf-fall, about -August; 2, reindeer-rutting month; 3, the dark month; 4, sand month, -when the winds drive the snow along like sand; 5, the calm month, no -storms; 6, the good month, the weather is favourable for trapping -animals; 7, eagle month; 8, geese month or month of calves; 9, month -of inundations; 10, spring month, literally _wuenui-jiry_, _wuenui_ -is said of fish when they come up-stream in great shoals; 11, the -great month, since the days (or the month) are very long. - -The Ostiak Samoyedes have 12 months:--1, leaf-fall month, about -August; 2, month with the long days, or month when the earth freezes; -3, month of the short days; 4, tax month, month when the tax (i. e. -the deer) is caught, or thumb month, since the women, on account of -the shortness of the days, can make only the thumb of a glove; 5, -mid-winter month; 6, month of crows, the crows come; 7, eagle month; -8, month in which the summer animals arrive; 9, month in which the -fish spawn; 10, month in which there is water in the little brooks; -11, month in which fish are dried; 12, _njelma_-month. Another list -of Samoyede months from the Bolshemelsk tundra runs, beginning at our -New Year:--1, middle month, or the cold breaks an axe, must doubtless -be ‘axe-handle month’, the axe-handle splits with the cold; 2, month -of return, when the sun has turned back to summer, or hornless month; -3, eagle month; 4, fish month, when people begin to fish in the -lakes; 5, month of calves, in which the reindeer-does calve; 6, geese -month, the geese begin to moult during the latter days of this month; -7, fledged month, the geese after moulting are again in a condition -to use their wings; 8, maliz month, when the skins obtained from the -reindeer are turned into malizes (an undergarment), or the reindeer -rub the velvet off their horns; 9, reindeer-rutting month, or -sea-fish month, from the catching of the _omulj_; 10, hunting month; -11, the first dark month, in which in the far north the sun does not -rise; 12, the great month of darkness. - -Further, the Yakuts have only twelve months:--1, spawning month; 2, -month of pines, the people collect pine-bark which is afterwards -dried and ground into meal; 3, grass month; 4, hay-fork month, or -the fourth month; 5-10 numbered; 11, the month in which the foals -are shut up in the day-time and are kept from the mares, so that the -latter can be milked; 12, month in which the ice floats away. - -So also the Itälmen of Kamchatka:--Summer year, beginning in May: -1, wood-cock month, from the arrival of the wood-cock; 2, cuckoo -month; 3, summer month; 4, moonlight month, since people begin to -fish in the moonlight; 5, leaves and plants begin to wither and fall -away; 6, titmouse month, the porus-titmouse appears. The winter year -begins with:--7, nettle month, the nettles are gathered and hung up -to dry; 8, ‘I am rather cold’; 9, ‘touch me not’: it is considered a -crime to drink in this month from springs and brooks with the mouth -or with hollow sticks: it must be done with great wooden spoons or -with shells; 10, ladder month, the ladder leading to the balagans -becomes very brittle owing to the cold; 11, vent-hole month, since -the snow around the vent-hole thaws and the earth again appears; -12, water-wagtail month, when these birds arrive. Two other lists -for Kamchatka contain only ten months. Near the Kamchatka River the -names are:--1, sin-purifying month; 2, axe-handles break owing to the -frost; 3, beginning of the heat (_sic!_); 4, the day becomes long; -5, month of the snow-crust; 6, redfish month; 7, whitefish month; 8, -_kaiko_-fish month; 9, the great whitefish month; 10, month of the -falling leaves, said to last as long as three of our months. Among -the northern Kamchadales the names are:--1, month of the freezing of -the rivers; 2, hunting month; 3, sin-purifying month; 4, axe-handles -burst; 5, time of the long day; 6, birth-time of the sea-beavers; -7, birth-time of the seals; 8, birth-time of the tame reindeer; 9, -birth-time of the wild reindeer; 10, beginning of the fishing. The -winter year begins in November, the summer year in May. - -For the Gilyaks two lists are given, each with twelve months. That -for the Amur estuary has two or three variants for some months. The -following are translated:--1, month in which a kind of salmon spawns -(?), or harpoon month (?); 2, month in which another species of -salmon is caught; 3, little month; 4, great month, or month in which -another kind of salmon is caught; 5, moulting-month; 6, half-year -month (?); 8, year month; 9, eagle month; 10, snow-shovel month. On -the island of Sachalin:--3, fish-and-squirrel month; 4, little month; -5, great month; 10, eagle month; 11, snow-shovel month. - -The Aino of the Kurile Islands:--1, long days; 2, the snow melts; 3, -coalmouse month; 4, sea-gull’s eggs month; 5, guillemot’s eggs month; -6, foddering month; 7, salmon-catching month; 8, month when the birds -grow fat, or bird-snaring month; 9, the grass withers, or month when -the grass is withered; 10, month of the short days; 11, winter month; -12, the-snow-fills-up. - -The Aleuts begin the year in March:--1, the foremost, or the time -when people gnaw belts; 2, the period when people gnaw belts for the -last time, or the time when one is out there (outside the house); 3, -month of flowers; 4, young-of-animals month; 5, month when the young -animals are fat; 6, the warm month; 7, month in which hair grows, -when the feathers and coats of animals grow thick; 8, hunting-month; -9, the month after hunting-month; 10, sea-lion month, when these -animals are caught; 11, the great month, which is longer than any of -the others; 12, cormorant month, when this bird is caught in nets. - -Unfortunately the attention paid to these names has not been extended -to the word which means ‘month’. It would be valuable to know if -the same word means ‘moon’: if so, it would be clearly proved that -a moon-month is in question. Except in the lists for the Minusinsk -Tatars and the Tunguses the names end with the same word, which is -translated ‘month’, and in one case (the Buriats) ‘moon’, but this is -doubtless a peculiarity due to the authority; however, isolated names -are interspersed which have not this concluding word, as appears -also from the above translations. The number of days indicated in -the list pp. 176 f. suits only to moon-months. Upon the whole we are -authorised in concluding that we have to do with genuine moon-months. -This is expressly stated by American travellers, to whom we owe -further information about the peoples of eastern Siberia. - -The year of the Koryak, north of Kamchatka, is divided into twelve -lunar months (called ‘moons’). The first month begins at the time -of the winter solstice and corresponds to our December. Some months -have different names in different places, but the names of the -months most commonly used are as follows:--1, cold-winds month or -snow-storms month; 2, (growing-of-)the-reindeer’s-spinal-sinew -month; 3, false-making-udder month or reindeer-udder month[720]; 4, -reindeer-does’-calving month; 5, water-month; 6, first summer-month; -7, second summer-month; 8, reddening (of leaves) month; 9, -pairing-season-of-the-reindeer-bucks month or empty (bare)-twigs -month; 10, autumn’s month; 11, rutting-season-of-mountain-sheep -month; 12, itself-head month or month-of-the-head-itself[721]. - -The Yukaghir names for their lunar months are given in -translation:--1 (July), the middle-of-the-summer month; 2, the small -mosquito month, because the mosquitoes appear; 3, the fish month, -because fishing is then taking place for the winter stock; 4, the -wild-reindeer buck month, the rutting-time of the wild reindeer; 5, -the autumn month; 6, before-the-ridge month; 7, ridge month, i. e. -the ridge of the spinal column--because in reckoning this month is -denoted by the atlas, the first cervical vertebra--, or the great -butterfly month; 8, the little butterfly month; here are meant the -larvae of two species of gadfly which in summer lay their eggs, one -in the skin of the reindeer, and the other in its nostril: during -the winter the eggs develop into larvae; 9, name not translated; 10, -the ancient men _cille_ month: _cille_ means the icy surface formed -during the night on the snow, after having melted during the day: -this commences in April; 11, leaf-month; 12, the mosquito month, -because the mosquito makes its appearance then[722]. - -The same system recurs in North America. The Eskimos of the Behring -Straits divide up the time according to the moon: by the ‘moons’ -all time is reckoned during the year, and dates are set in advance -for certain festivals and rites. Thirteen moons are reckoned to -the year, although our authority could not always obtain complete -series. The list is arranged according to our months:--1, ‘to turn -about’, named from a game with a top; 2, time when the first seals -are born; 3, time of creeping on game (refers to the seal-hunting -on the ice); 4, time of cutting off, from the appearance of sharp -lines of colour on the ptarmigan’s body; 5, time for going in -kayaks; 6, time for fawn-hunting; 7, the time when geese get new -wing-feathers (moulting); 8, time for brooding geese to moult; 9, -time for velvet-shedding (from horns of reindeer); 10, time for -setting seal-nets; 11, time for bringing in winter stores; 12, time -of the drum, the month when the winter festival begins. Very often -several different names may be used to designate the same moon, if -it should chance to be at a season when different occupations or -notable occurrences in nature are observed: our authority has used -the most common terms. For the lower Yukon delta, near Mission, the -following list is drawn up:--1, season for top-spinning and running -round the _kashim_; 2, time of offal-eating (scarcity of food), or -the cold moon; 3, time of opening the upper passage-ways into the -houses (this falls too early and is referred to an earlier, warmer -time); 4, birds come; 5, geese come; 6, time of eggs; 7, time of -salmon; 8, time for red salmon; 9, time for young geese to fly; 10, -time for shedding velvet from reindeer-horns; 11, mush-ice forms; 12, -time of musk-rats; 13, time of the feast. A third list was obtained -just south of the Yukon delta:--1, named from the game of the top; 2, -the time of much moon, i. e. long nights; 3, the time of taking hares -in nets; 4, the time of opening summer doors; 5, arrival of geese; -6, time of whitefish; 7, time of braining salmon; 8, geese moult; 9, -swans moult; 10, the flying away (migration of the birds); 11, time -of velvet-shedding; the names of the twelfth, and doubtless also of -the thirteenth, month were not obtained[723]. - -The Central Eskimos divide the year into 13 months, the names of -which vary very much according to the tribes and the latitude of -the place. One month, _siringilang_, ‘without sun’--the name covers -the whole period of the year in which the sun does not rise--is of -indeterminate length (_sic!_), and thereby serves to equalise the -length of the year. The name _qaumartenga_ denotes only the days -which are without sun but have twilight, the rest of this month is -called _sirinektenga_; other names of months are not given[724]. The -Eskimos of Greenland begin to count the moons at the winter solstice. -After the third moon they remove from the winter houses into their -summer tents. In the fourth they know that the little birds are again -to be seen and that the ravens lay eggs, in the fifth the _angmasset_ -and the seals are once more to be seen with their young, at the end -of this month the eider-ducks begin to brood and the reindeer-does -to calve. From this time on, only those who live on latitude 59° can -reckon by the moon any longer: the others count by the phenomena of -natural life[725]. - -The Konyag of the island of Kodiak off the southern coast of Alaska -count from August the following months:--1, the Pleiades begin to -rise; 2, Orion rises; 3, hoar-frost covers the grass; 4, snow appears -on the mountains; 5, the rivers and lakes freeze; 6, the sixth month; -7, dried fish is cut in pieces; 8, the ice breaks; 9, the ravens lay -eggs; 10, the birds (e. g. ducks etc.) which stay about the island in -winter lay eggs; 11, the seals pair; 12, the porpoises pair[726]. For -the Thlinkit two lists are given, the first, from Sitka, beginning -with August:--1, takes its name because all birds then come down from -the mountains; 2, ‘small moon’ or ‘moon-child’, so called because -fish and berries then begin to fail; 3, ‘big moon’, because the first -snow then appears, and bears begin to get fat; 4, month when people -have to shovel snow away from their doors; 5, month when every animal -on land and in the water begins to have hair in the mother’s womb; -6, ‘goose month’, because it is that in which the sun starts back -and people begin to look for geese; 7, ‘black-bear month’, the month -when black and brown bears begin to have cubs and throw them out -into the snow; 8, the month when ‘sea-flowers’ and all other things -under the sea begin to grow; 9, ‘real-flower month’, when flowers, -nettles, etc. begin to shew life; 10, ‘tenth month’, when people -know that everything is going to grow; 11, ‘eleventh month’, the -month of salmon; 12, ‘month when everything is born’; 13, ‘month when -everything born commences to fatten’. The second list, from Wrangel, -begins with January:--1, ‘goose month’, perhaps so called because -the geese were then all at the south; 2, ‘black-bear month’, the -month when the black bear turns over on the other side in his den; 3, -‘silver-salmon month’: the reason of the name is unknown, this is not -their proper month; 4, ‘month before everything hatches’; 5, ‘month -when everything hatches’; 6, meaning unknown; 7, ‘month when the -geese cannot fly’; 8, ‘month when all animals prepare their dens’; -9, ‘moon child’ or ‘young moon’; 10, ‘big moon’; 11, ‘moon when all -creatures go into their dens’; 12, ‘ground-hog-mother’s moon’; the -thirteenth month is missing[727]. The author’s report consists in -part of extremely doubtful explanations of the natives, and the -whole seems hardly to be in order: here, as everywhere, the memory of -the old names of the months has begun to fade away. The type to which -the list belongs, however, is well known. - -Among the Shuswap of British Columbia the months have two classes of -names. They are called ‘the first month’ etc., or have recognised -names derived from some characteristic. The names among the -Fraser River division, and their special characteristics, are as -follows:--1, or ‘going-in time’. People commence to enter their -winter houses. The deer rut. 2, or (name not translated). First real -cold. 3, or (d:o). Sun turns. 4, or ‘spring (winds) month’. Frequent -Chinook winds. The snow begins to disappear. 5, or ‘(little) summer -(month)’. Snow disappears completely from the lower grounds. A few -spring roots are dug, and many people leave their winter houses at -the end of the month. 6, or (name not translated). Snow disappears -from the higher ground. The grass grows fast. People dig roots. -7, or ‘midsummer (month)’. People fish trout at the lakes. 8, or -‘getting-ripe month’. Service-berries ripen. 9, or ‘autumn month’. -Salmon arrive. 10, or (name not translated). People fish salmon all -month. 11, or (d:o). People cache their fish and leave the rivers to -hunt. Balance of the year, ‘fall time’. People hunt and trap game in -the mountains[728]. - -The moons used by the Spences Bridge band of the Thompson Indians -in the same country, and their principal characteristics, are:--1, -the deer rut, and people hunt. 2, ‘going-in time’, so named because -most people went into their winter houses during this month. The -weather begins to get cold, and the people go into their winter -houses. 3, bucks shed their antlers, and does become lean. 4, -‘spring (winds) time’, so named because Chinook winds generally -blow in this month, melting all the snow. The weather improves, and -the spring plants begin to sprout. The people come out of their -winter houses. 5, ‘coming-forth time’, so named because the people -come forth from their winter houses in this month, although many -came out in the fourth month. The grass grows. 6, the people catch -trout with dip-nets, and begin to go to the lakes to trap fish. The -trees put forth leaves, and the waters increase. 7, the people dig -roots. 8, ‘they are a little ripe’. The deer drop their young, and -service-berries begin to ripen. 9, ‘middle time’, so named because -of the summer solstice. The sun returns, and all berries ripen. Some -of the people hunt. 10, ‘first of run’, first or ‘nose’ of ascending -fish. The sockeye or red salmon run. 11, the Next Moon, or ‘(poor) -fish’, ‘they reach the source’. The cohoes or silver salmon come, and -the salmon begin to get poor. They reach the sources of the rivers. -12, the Rest of the Year, or ‘fall time’. The people trap and hunt, -and the bucks begin to run[729]. - -The Lower Thompsons also called the months by numerals up to ten -or sometimes eleven, the remainder of the year being called the -autumn. Their names are as follows:--1, the rutting-time of deer. -2, ‘going-in’. People go into their winter houses. 3, ‘the last -going-in’. 4, ‘little coming-out’, ‘spring or warm wind’. Alternate -cold and warm winds. Some people camp out in lodges for a time. 5, -‘going-in-again’. Last cold. People go into winter houses again for -a short time. 6, ‘coming-out’. Winter houses left for good. People -catch fish in bag-nets. 7, people go on short hunts. 8, people pick -berries. 9, people commence to fish salmon. 10, people fish and cure -salmon. 11, or ‘to boil food a little’, so named because people -prepared fish-oil. Autumn. People hunt large game and go trapping. -The moons are grouped in five seasons[730]. The names of the Lillooet -Indians are similar, eleven moons and the rest of the year, the -fall[731]. - -From the Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island series have been obtained for -four different tribes, the first and second tribes having identical -names for the months 2-8 and 10. The author states that the knowledge -of the moons seems to be disappearing, and that it was difficult to -obtain quite satisfactory evidence: consequently he does not claim -that his arrangement is perfectly accurate. As a matter of fact some -confusion seems to have crept into the series. The names of the -months, corresponding to our March onwards, are as follows:-- - - I II III IV - - 1. Raspberry- | Tree- | Under (elder | No sap in - sprouting | sprouting| brother). | trees(?) - season, or | season. | | - olachen- | | | - fishing | | | - season. | | | - | | - 2. Raspberry season. | Next one under | Raspberry season. - | (elder brother).| - | | - 3. Huckleberry season. | Trying-oil moon. | Huckleberry season. - | | - 4. Sallalberry season. | Sockeye moon (?) | Sallalberry season. - | | - 5. Season of ? | Between good | South-east - | and bad weather.| wind moon. - | | - 6. Past (i. e. empty) | Raspberry season.| Sockeye moon. - boxes (?) | | - | | - 7. Wide-face. | Eldest brother. | Elder brother. - | | - 8. Round one underneath,| Right moon (?) | Under (elder - i. e. Moon after | | brother). - Wide-face. | | - | | - 9. Dog-salmon | Season of?| Sweeping houses, | Pile-driving - month. | | i. e. for winter| moon. - | | ceremonial. | - | | | - 10. Cleaned, i. e. of | Staying in | Fish-in-river - leaves. | dance house (?) | moon. - | | | - 11. Spawning | Season of | Spawning season. | (?) - season. | flood(?) | | - | | | - 12. First- | Near to | Elder brother. | Nothing on it (?) - olachen- | olachen- | | - run moon. | fishing | | - | season. | | - -Between the tenth and twelfth the author inserts the winter solstice, -and says that the solstice moons are called by a name which probably -means ‘split both ways’: he adds that the readjustment is made in -mid-winter[732]. - -Of the Siciatl of British Columbia it is said that they divide the -year into twelve parts corresponding approximately to our months: -in these divisions the moon seems to play a very subordinate part. -In fact they are to be described as seasons, since to their names -is prefixed the same word, _tem_, as to the three main seasons, e. -g. _tem tcim_, ‘cold time’, winter, _tem kaikq_, eagle-time, 1, -January, so called because, as it is asserted, the eagle hatches -its eggs at this time. Further:--2, time when the big fish lay -their eggs; 3, budding time; 4, time of the _lem_, an unidentified -bird of passage which remains about a month; 5, time of the diver, -which in this month builds its nest and lays eggs; 6, ‘salmon-berry’ -time; 7, ‘red-cap’ time, a kind of raspberry; 8, sallalberry time; -9, time when the fish stop running; 10, time when the leaves fade; -11, time when the fish leave the streams; 12, time when the raven -lays his eggs[733]. However these divisions are doubtless originally -moon-months, as is suggested by the number twelve. Probably the -native time-reckoning has fallen into decay and been forgotten -under European influence. This is everywhere the case, especially -in regard to the moon-month. The Stselis of the same district begin -the year in autumn at October, and name the months as follows:--1, -spring-salmon spawning season; 2, dog-salmon spawning season; 3, -dancing season; 4, season for putting paddles away--from which they -number from 5 to 10. The time between July and October was denoted -by a word which means the coming together or meeting of the two -ends of the year. The latter part of this division was also known -as the time of the dying salmon, since the creeks were at this time -full of dead and dying salmon[734]. This list of months is curious, -but its peculiarities--the ceasing of the counting at ten,--and -even the naming of the first four months--are to be found among the -Romans[735]. However it bears so little resemblance to all the other -lists known to us from this district that it becomes doubtful whether -it is original or a product of decay. - -The name Piskwaus or Piscous is given to a small tribe that lives on -the little river which falls into the Columbia about 40 miles below -Fort Okanagon. Their months, obtained from a chief, shew that their -habits are much the same as those of their neighbours, the Salish, -for the names of many of the months have reference to some of their -most important usages. One of the chiefs (viz. of the Piskwaus) -made only twelve names, while the other (of the Salish) reckoned -thirteen. Both had some difficulty in calling to mind all the names. -In several the Piskwau chief is one moon ahead of the other, which -may arise from a mistake or possibly from some slight difference of -seasons at the two places. The list begins at the time of the winter -solstice:--1, not translated; 2, ‘cold’; 3, a certain herb; 4, ‘snow -gone’; 5, a bitter root; 6, ‘going to root-ground’; 7, _camass_-root; -8, ‘hot’; 9, ‘gathering berries’; 10, ‘exhausted salmon’; 11, ‘dry’; -12 (missing in the Piskwau list) ‘house-building’; 13, ‘snow’[736]. - -The naming of the months from seasons (in the sense of chapter II) is -wide-spread over the whole of North America; only under the curious -civilisation of Arizona and neighbouring districts does the system -present special features. - -The Creek Indians began the year immediately after the celebration of -the _busk_ or ripening of the new corn, in August. The moons are:--1, -big ripening; 2, little, and 3, big chestnut; 4, falling leaf; 5, big -winter; 6, little winter, or big winter’s young brother; 7, windy; -8, little, and 9, big spring; 10, mulberry moon; 11, blackberry -moon; 12, little ripening moon[737]. An early French author relates -of certain tribes in Nouvelle France (western Canada) that they -divide the year into twelve moons which are named from animals but -correspond to our months. January and February are the first and the -second moons in which the bear brings forth its young, March is the -moon of the carp, April that of the crane, May that of the maize, -June the moon in which the bustard moults, July the month of the -rutting of bears, August the rutting-time of bulls, September the -rutting-time of deer, October that of elks, November the rutting-time -of the roebuck, December the moon in which the roe sheds its horns. -The tribes who live by the sea call September the moon in which -the trout spawn, October the moon of the whitefish, November that -of the herring; to the other moons they give the same names as the -inhabitants of the interior[738]. - -Another traveller at the end of the 18th century relates of the Sioux -and Chippewa that they divide the year into twelve moon-months to -which from time to time an extra month, known as the lost month, is -added. March is the first month of the year, and begins as a rule -at the new moon after the spring equinox: it is called the moon of -the worms, since the worms then leave their holes under the bark of -trees or the other places where they have been hiding during the -winter, April is the moon of the plants, May, the moon of flowers, -June, the warm moon, July, the moon of the roe-buck, August, the moon -of the sturgeon, which are then caught in great numbers, September -is the moon of the maize, since it is then reaped, October is the -moon of journeys, since the people leave the villages and depart to -the district in which they intend to hunt in the winter, November, -beaver’s moon, since this animal then goes back into its lodge after -having collected winter stores, December, hunting-moon, January, cold -moon, February, snow moon, because most snow falls in that month[739]. - -A fairly contemporary account of the tribes of Pennsylvania -runs:--The months have each a separate name, but not the same name -among all tribes, since the names refer chiefly to the climate of the -district, and the benefits and good things enjoyed in it. Thus the -Lenope, who lived by the Atlantic Ocean, called March the month of -shads, since the shad then came up from the sea into the rivers to -spawn; but since in the district to which they afterwards migrated -this fish is not found, they changed the name of the month and called -it the juice-dripping or the sugar-refining month, since at this -time the juice of the sugar-maple begins to flow. April is called -the spring month, May, the month of plants, June, ‘deer half-month’, -or the month in which the deer bring forth their young, or also the -month in which the hair of the deer is reddish, July, the summer -month, August, corn-ear month, since the ears of corn (cobs of maize) -can then be roasted and eaten, September, autumn month, October, -gathering or harvest month, December, hunting month, which is the -time when all deer have shed their horns, January, mouse and squirrel -month, since these animals then come out of their holes, February, -month of frogs, since on warm days the frogs begin to make themselves -heard. The translator adds in a note:--November, hunting month, -December, month in which the stags shed their horns[740]. Some tribes -give to January a name which signifies ‘the return of the sun to -them’, probably because the days once more become longer. The names -are therefore not the same for all tribes, and those of the Moonsey, -a tribe of the Delaware, do not even agree with one another[741]. - -The following is very instructive both for the influence of the -natural phenomena upon the terminology and for the fluctuating -character of the terminology itself:--The wild rice is an important -article of food for the tribes of the west by the Great Lakes; -three important branches of the Algonquin, and also smaller -tribes, name one or two months from this plant. The Ojibwa call -August or September the moon of the gathering of wild rice, or -the wild rice moon; the Ottawa, Menomini, and Potawatomi have the -wild-rice-gathering moon, which among the last-named corresponds to -the end of September and the beginning of October; the Dakota call -September ‘ripe rice moon’, October is the moon in which the wild -rice is gathered and laid up for the winter; according to Neill, -September is the moon when the rice is laid up to dry, October the -‘drying-rice moon’; according to Long, September is ‘the beginning’, -October ‘the end of wild rice’; according to Atwater September is -‘the moon when the wild rice is ripe’[742]. - -A list of the Dakota months gives:--January, the hard moon; February, -the raccoon moon; March, the sore-eye moon; April, the moon in which -the geese lay eggs, or when the streams are navigable,--among the -Teton, moon when the ducks come back; May, the planting moon; June, -the moon when the strawberries are red,--Teton, when the seed-pods -of the Indian turnip mature, or when the _wipazoha_ (berries) are -good; July, the moon when the choke-cherries are ripe, or when the -geese shed their feathers,--Teton, the deer-rutting moon; August, the -harvest moon,--Teton, the moon when the plums are red; September, the -moon when rice is laid up to dry,--Teton, moon in which the leaves -become brown; October, the drying-rice moon,--Teton, moon when the -wind shakes off the leaves, or corn-harvest moon; November, the -deer-rutting moon,--Teton, the winter moon; December, the moon when -the deer shed their horns,--Teton, the midwinter moon[743]. - -Some of the tribes of the Cheyenne name twelve moons in the year, -but many tribes have not more than six; and different bands of the -same tribe, if occupying widely separated sections of the country, -will have different names for the same moon. Knowing well the habits -of the animals, and having roamed over vast areas, they readily -recognise any special moon that may be mentioned, even though their -name for it may be different. One of the nomenclatures used by the -Teton-Sioux and the Cheyenne, beginning with the moon just before -winter, is as follows:--1, moon when the leaves fall off; 2, when -the buffalo cow’s foetus is getting large; 3, when the wolves run -together; 4, when the skin of the foetus of the buffalo commences to -colour; 5, when the hair gets thick on the buffalo foetus, called -also ‘men’s month’, or ‘hard month’; 6, the sore-eye moon, buffalo -cows drop their calves; 7, moon when the ducks come; 8, moon when -the grass commences to get green and some roots are fit to be eaten; -9, moon when the corn is planted; 10, when the buffalo bulls are -fat; 11, when the buffalo cows are in season; 12, when the plums get -red[744]. - -The Omaha name the moons as follows, from January on:--1, when the -snow drifts into the tents of the Honga; 2, the moon when geese come -home (back); 3, the little frog moon; 4, the moon in which nothing -happens; 5, the moon in which they plant; 6, the buffalo bulls hunt -the cows; 7, when the buffalo bellow; 8, when the elk bellow; 9, -when the deer paw the earth; 10, when the deer rut; 11, when the -deer shed their antlers; 12, when little black bears are born. -The Oto and Iowa tribes use the same names for the months, except -for January, which is called ‘the raccoon month’[745]. The Kiowa -have twelve months, but some writers give 14 or 15, the names of -which are repetitions of the others. As to the first eight all are -unanimous, for the ninth all informants but one are in agreement, -for the following there is disagreement. The list, which begins -in Sept.-Oct., comes from an Indian specially well versed in the -calendar. 1, the ‘ten-colds moon’: the first ten days are cold, -after the full moon winter and the new year begin; 2, ‘wait until -I come’ (_äganti_ without the word _p’a_, ‘moon’); 3, ‘geese-going -moon’, sometimes ‘sweathouse moon’; 4, ‘real-goose moon’; 5, -‘little-bud moon’, the first buds come out: the first half belongs -to winter, the second to spring; 6, ‘bud moon’, sometimes with -‘great’ prefixed; 7, ‘leaf moon’; 8, summer _äganti_: its full moon -forms the boundary between spring and summer; 9, ‘summer-geese-going -moon’, seems to be placed too late; 10, ‘summer-real-goose moon’; -11, ‘little-moon-of-deer-horns-dropping-off’, the deer begin to shed -their horns; 12, similarly named, or sometimes with the addition of -‘great’: with this full moon autumn begins[746]. The year of the -Pawnee varied between 12 and 13 months; the names are not given[747], -nor are those of the Klamath and Modok[748], or of the Occaneechi -of Virginia[749]. The Bannock call the earlier months:--1, running -season for game; 2, big moon; 3, black smoke (it is cold); 4, -bare-spots-along-the-trail (the snow vanishes in places); 5, little -grass, or the grass first comes up; for the months of the warm season -they have no names[750]. For the Mandan there is a list with twelve -months, which I have been unable to obtain: the ‘seven-cold-days’ -month, the pairing month, and the ‘sore eye’ month are quoted[751]. - -The Seminole of Florida count 12 months, only the following names are -translated:--1, little winter; 2, wind moon; 3, big wind moon; 4, -little, and 5, big mulberry moon; 12, big winter. 7 and 8, 9 and 10 -are also paired, the latter in each case being described as ‘big’; -6 and 11 have single names[752]. The Chocktaw of Louisiana have -forgotten their names, only a few could be enumerated:--December, -cold moon; February, moon of snow; March, moon of wind; April, -corn(-planting) moon; July, moon of fire. The women asserted that -the year was divided into twelve moons, but our authority thinks it -highly probable that thirteen is the correct number[753]. The Natchez -had 13 months, and celebrated at each new moon a feast which took -its name from the principal fruits gathered or the animals hunted in -the previous month. Their year began in March. 1, moon of the deer; -2, moon of the strawberries, which are then gathered; 3, moon of the -little corn: this was often awaited with impatience, their harvest -of the great corn never sufficing to nourish them from one harvest -to another; 4, moon of the water-melons; 5, moon of the peaches; 6, -moon of the mulberries; 7, moon of the maize, or great corn; 8, moon -of the turkeys, which at that time come out from the thick woods into -the open woods; 9, moon of the bison, which are then hunted; 10, moon -of the bears; 11, moon of the cold meal; 12, moon of the chestnuts, -although these have long since been collected; 13, moon of the nuts -(which is added to complete the year). The nuts are crushed and mixed -with flour to make bread[754]. - -The tribes of Arizona, among whom religion and ceremonial rites -have attained a pre-eminent place, occupy a special position; their -time-reckoning has developed into a ceremonial year. However the -natural foundation peeps through. Among the Hopi thirteen names -with the addition _mü’iyawu_, ‘moon’, are given, so that genuine -moon-months must be implied. The second part of _ücü_, October, is -said to be called _tü’hoe_; if this is recognised as a month, there -are 14 of them. Several of the priests say that there are 13 months, -others 12, still others 14. It is to be noted that the seasons and -the festivals are determined by observation of the sun in relation -to certain terrestrial marks; of these sun-points there are 13. The -names of the months are not translated: several recur, but not in -the same order, 1 = 8, 2 = 10, 5 to 7 = 11 to 13. But it is stated -also that the months are divided into ‘named’ and ‘nameless’[755]. -The Zuñi divide the year into two seasons, each consisting of six -months. The months are:--December, turning or looking back (of the -sun); January, limbs of trees broken by snow; February, no snow in -the road; March, little wind month; April, big wind month; May, no -name. The same names are said to recur in the second half-year![756] -This can only be an entirely conventional arrangement. But according -to other sources the six later months, though called ‘the nameless’, -have ritualistic names (Yellow, Blue, Red, White, Variegated, Black) -derived from the colours of the prayer-sticks offered up at every -full moon to the gods of the north, west, south, east, zenith, and -nadir, who are represented by these colours[757]. The Pima have 12 -months. Two different lists from two natives are given. (I):--1, -saguaro harvest moon; 2, rainy; 3, short planting; 4, dry grass; -5, winter begins; 6, yellow; 7, leaves falling; 8, cottonwood -flowers; 9, cottonwood leaves; 10, mesquite leaves; 11, mesquite -flower; 12, black seeds on saguaros. (II):--1, wheat harvest moon; -2, saguaro harvest; 3, rainy; 4, short planting; 5, dry grass; 6, -windy; 7, smell; 8, big winter; 9, gray; 10, green; 11, yellow; -12, strong[758]. The names of colours recur, but seem here to have -reference to the seasons. That the wheat culture has been newly -introduced does not by any means imply that the series of months is -of recent origin, but only points to the familiar instability of -their names. - -For South America I find in the literature accessible to me no -names of months recorded, except for the Inca people alone. Their -series of months, which is collected from various sources, runs -(beginning about January):--1, small growing moon; 2, great growing -moon; 3, flower-growing moon; 4, twin-ears moon; 5, harvest moon; 6, -breaking-soil moon; 7, irrigation moon; 8, sowing moon; 9, moon of -the Moon-feast; 10, moon of the Feast of the province of Uma; 11, -moon of the Feast of the province of Ayamarca; 12, moon of the Great -Feast of the Sun. The ceremonies in connexion with this last festival -were made to approximate to the moon’s phases, the various stages -commencing with the ninth day, full moon, and the 21st day[759]. -Nowadays the ability to bring the lunar year into agreement with the -solar is usually denied to this people, although older writers have -claimed this knowledge for them[760]. This is naturally correct, in -so far as a leapyear cycle is meant; but it seems to me unlikely that -the Inca people was unable to bring the moon-months into their proper -position in the year by an occasional intercalation of a thirteenth -month, when this became necessary. The not nearly so highly civilised -Indians of North America could do this, and the Incas observed -the solstices. The first eight names alone shew that. Perhaps the -other months, as among certain tribes of N. American Indians, were -originally nameless (it was no doubt the time when there was no work -in the fields); that the names are of late origin is shewn by the -reference to various provinces of the kingdom. The tribes of Bolivia -also have moon-months[761], and among the Orinoco Indians months are -mentioned[762]. The Karaya of Central Brazil know that the year has -13 full moons[763]. - -In Africa the lists of months are not so numerous as in the parts of -the world hitherto mentioned. There are however plenty of them, and -that not among the peoples most deeply influenced by civilisation: -among such peoples the Islamite months have gained admission. In -Morocco, southern Algeria, and even in the Sudan the Julian months -are also found. The examples of a reckoning in months which relates -to the seasons come from South and Central Africa, and therefore from -the districts which have been more free from foreign influence. - -The Hottentot series of months has fallen into decay. I reproduce -the list of Schulze, who mentions another in Kroenlein, _Wortschatz -der Khoi-Khoin_ (Berlin, 1899), which has only nine names. His -February corresponds to Schulze’s January; only in the position of -the name for July, which Schulze claims for October, do the two -lists differ considerably. The list, the positions of the months, -and other statements come from an old Hottentot woman. The author -however could not be quite sure that the ideas of the whites had not -already influenced the number of months and their succession. The -month begins when the crescent of the moon appears in the western -sky. 1 (corresponds to about January), moon which follows upon the -_salsola_-bush, which is an important pasture-bush and has its -principal flowering-season in spring; 2, not translated; 3, when it -begins to be cold; 4, by older Hottentots explained as the month -of increasing cold: when one sits so near the fire that the legs -blister; 5, the black month, time of drought, the black branches -of the stripped bushes give the landscape this character; 6, not -translated; 7, month of the Pleiades, which become visible in the -latter half of June, and are of importance for the natives journeying -in quest of _tsama_; 8, not translated; 9, the month when the leaves -are curled up by the cold; 10 and 11, not translated; 12, named from -the fact that when, after the first productive rains upon the old and -withered grass, the fresh young green shoots up, the meadows appear -to be dappled[764]. - -For the Basuto a native gives the following list:--1, _phato_ = -August, begins the year; 2, _loetse_, from _loetsa_, ‘to anoint -wounds with fat, syringe the ear’, since the winter is broken and a -little warmth comes; 3, _mphalane_, _mphalane ’a leshoma_, _leshoma_ -a kind of bulb which at that time begins to sprout, perhaps from -_liphalana_, to glitter, the sun glitters, does not warm, or because -of the girl-circumcision, which is announced by means of the blowing -of _liphalana_-flutes by the old women who perform the operation; 4, -_pulungoana_, diminutive of _pulumo_, gnu, which at this time brings -forth its young; 5, _tsitoe_, grasshopper, which is especially to -be heard at this time; 6, _pherekong_, perhaps ‘interjoin sticks’; -7, _tlhakola_ = _hlakola_, to wipe off, _tlhakola molula_, to wipe -off the _molula_: _molula_ is the stage at which the _mabele_ grain -is still completely enveloped in the husk: now the grains shoot -forth and the _molula_ disappear, _molula_ also means a kind of -grass which is used in basket-work; 8, _tlhakubele_, from _thlaku_, -grains: therefore:--the _mabele_ plant has grains; 9, _’mesa_, _’mesa -tseleng_, kindling fire by the roadside, as is done by those who -drive away the birds from the fields, either to warm themselves or to -roast ears of corn; 10, _motseanong_, i. e. ‘bird-laugher’, since the -grains are by now so firmly fixed in the ears that the birds cannot -get them; 11, _phupjoane_, from _phupu_, ‘beginning to swell’, with -reference to a kind of bulb; 12, _phuphu_, ‘bulging out’, i. e. bulbs -and the stems of some hardy plants[765]. - -Of the Caffres we are told:--They count in the year only twelve -months, and for these they have names: the result is frequent -confusion and difference of opinion as to which month it really is. -There is, for example, the month of the cuckoo, when this bird is -first heard, the month of the erythusia, when this plant blossoms, -the month of much dust, mid-winter. The names of the moons are more -or less descriptive of the season, e. g. _newaba_, green, describes -the first appearance of the vegetation; _furnfu_, September, cattle -licking green grass; _zibandhlela_, October, footpaths being covered -with grass; _hlolange_, January, time to look for first-fruits; -_hlangula_, May, time of falling leaves[766]. Unfortunately the -complete list is not given. - -By the Baronga the months or moons are now almost completely -forgotten, at least among the southern clans. The following -statements come from the northern clans, where the names have been -better preserved:--_nhlangula_, the month in which the flowers are -swept from the trees, probably October, in which various trees -blossom; _nwendjamhala_, the month in which the antelope _mhala_ -brings forth its young (November?); _mawuwana_, when the _tihuhlu_ -are plucked, because the people shout ‘_wuwana, wuwana_’ in their -joy at having plenty of almonds to suck (December); _hukuri_ is said -to be the month when the fruits of the _nkwakwa_ are ripe (December -also?); _ndjati_ or _ndjata_, i. e. ‘I am coming’. It is the time -of _nwebo_, when everyone in his fields is eating the new cobs of -mealies, and if you call, a person will answer:--“I come directly! -Have patience! I am busy”. This may be January or February. _Sunguti_ -is also one of the summer months; _sibamesoko_, the moon which closes -the paths, also called _dwebindlela_ or _sibandlela_ (February), -is the time when the grass grows so high that it hides the paths; -_nyenyana_, nywenywankulu are the months of the birds (_nyenyana_), -when one spends the time in chasing them from the fields (March and -April); _mudashini_, i. e. ‘What am I to eat?’ is so named because -in the harvest month there are so many different kinds of food that -you do not know which to choose (May or June); _khotubushika_, i. e. -‘when winter comes’, is probably June or July[767]. - -For the Herero the following list is given:--1 (January), month of -rain; 2, lambing month; 3, first pools of water; 4, last pools of -water; 5, lily month; 6, month of good luck; 7, rising of the water -in the river beds; 8, month of fog; 9, Pleiades month: the Pleiades -become visible and then _okuni_, spring, begins; 10, first month, and -therefore the first month in the Herero reckoning (_sic!_ probably of -the spring, cp. the following); 11, last moon namely the last month, -of spring; 12, dry, hard moon[768]. Another list has:--1 (January), -Vley water; 2, birth-time of springboks; 3, last Vley water; 4, last -rain-showers; 5, cold days; 6, dry period; 7, dry trees; lambing -season; 9, a lily begins to bud; 10, the milk-bushes become green; -11, the rain begins; 12, wet period[769]. - -In Loango the names of the months differ considerably according to -the situation of the district and the influence of this upon the -habits of life:--Month of expectation, month of the little rains, of -drought, of the curse, of the great rains, of the water, of men, of -women, of the harvest, of the vanishing water, of fish, of the rice, -of trade, of mist, of salt, of sleep, of the huts, of the burning (of -grass and brushwood), of mirth, of labour, of aid, between-month, -cold month, wood month, bud month, besom-and-dirt month (great -cleaning), and any other terms in popular use[770]. - -Some of the tribesmen of Upper Wellé give to the months names in -keeping with what is done in them. Thus one month is named as that in -which they sow _maroo_, the chief ingredient used in brewing native -beer; another as the season when _maroo_ must be cut. Following this -comes the ‘bad-water’ month, when the risk of fever is greatest; -then the elephant month, when they catch elephants by burning grass, -and the white-ant month, during which white ants are collected, and -considered a great delicacy; and a second _maroo_ month, when a -second crop is sown. The month next to this has no distinctive name, -and is succeeded by the second _maroo_-harvest month, the hungry or -water-month, when provisions are scarce; the second ant-gathering -month; a late sowing month, and finally another with no particular -title. Altogether 13, therefore[771]. For the Shilluk twelve months -are enumerated without translation: ‘moon’ and ‘month’ are expressed -by the same word[772]. The Akamba of British East Africa assert -that they reckon eleven months to the year, _anzwa_:--1, _mwa_, -planting month; 2, _wima_, time of the autumn rains; 3, _wiu_, -month of sprouting; 4, _mveu_, 5, _onkonono_, both untranslated; -6, _thandatu_, commence reaping; 7, _moanza_, not translated; 8, -_nyanya_, ‘friend’ (sic!); 9, _kenda_, ‘nine’; 10, _ekumi_, ‘ten’ -(in 1907 this month began on August 10); 11, _mubiu_, season of -grass-burning. They say that the month has 31 days and that they see -the new moon on the 32nd; they assert that they do not include the -first day on which the moon is seen[773]. The system has evidently -already fallen into decay, so that too great importance must not be -attached to its peculiarities. The Wa-Sania of British East Africa -divide their twelve months into three periods of four: the names -are not given[774]. The Wagogo months are:--1, _mosi_, ‘the first’, -about December; 2, _mhiri_, ‘general’ (i. e. rains everywhere); -3, _mhalungulu_, ‘cessation’ (sc. first rains over); 4, _munye_, -‘possessing’, i. e. enjoying first-fruits; 5, _mwezi we litika_, -month of plenty; 6, _mwezi we lisololela_, month of beginning -reaping; 7, _mwezi we nhwanga_, threshing-month; 8, _mwezi we taga -matoto_, month when the harvest is ended; 9, _mwezi we tutula_, month -of forest-clearing; 10, _mwezi we ndawa mbereje_, month of digging -up the stubbles; 11, _murisimuka_, budding; 12, _muchilanhungo_, -‘partial’ (sc. partial rains, not general)[775]. The Nandi begin -with the last month of drought, about February:--1, _kiptamo_, ‘hot -in the fields’; 2, _iwat-kut_, rain in showers; 3, _wake_, meaning -unknown; 4, _ngei_, the heart pushed on one side by hunger; 5, -_rob-tui_, black rain or black clouds; 6, _puret_, mist; 7, _epeso_, -meaning unknown; 8, _kipsunde_, offering to God in the corn-fields; -9, _kipsunde oieng_, second offering to God; 10, _mulkul_, strong -wind; 11, _mulkulik oieng_, second strong wind; 12, _ngotioto_, the -_Brunsvigia Kirkii_ or pin-cushion plant[776]. - -The Masai divide their twelve months into four seasons, (I), _ol -dumeril_, time of the scanty rain-fall:--1, _ol gissan_, in which the -sheep and goats bring forth their young; 2, _ol adallo_, the heat -of the sun; 3, _ol golua_ (_loo-’n-gushu_). (II), _en gokwa_, the -Pleiades (_l’apaïtin te-’l-lengon_, the months of superfluity):--4, -_le erat_ (_kuj-orok_), formed from _er rata_, ‘green valley’; -the hitherto scanty rain has been sufficient to cover with fresh -green the valleys and low-lying spots of the otherwise still yellow -withered steppes; 5, _os somisso_ (_oäni-oingok_), ‘the dark’, -‘gloomy’: the sky is overcast, there is much rain, the days are -dark and gloomy; 6, _ol nernerua_ (_loo-’n-gokwa_), formed from -_nerneri_, ‘fat’. (III), _ol airodjerod_, the lesser after-rains:--7, -_le logunja airodjerod_ (_kara-obo_), also called _oieni oinok_, -‘the tied-up bulls’: owing to the abundant fodder of the last months -the bulls have become wild, and would be continually fighting each -other in the meadows, for which reason they are separated; 8, _bolos -airodjerod_ (_kiperu_), or also (but more rarely) _ol dat_; 9, -_kudjorok_ (_l’iarat_), ‘cold’, cold weather distinguishes this -month. (IV), _ol aimeii_, time of hunger, of drought:--10, _kiber_ -(_pushuke_), uproar, quarrel. The pasture is thin, the milk scanty, -and people try to steal from other persons’ cows: at last the milk -is not sufficient to satisfy the necessary demands of hunger, and -most of the warriors go off into the forest with some of the oxen to -eat flesh. This lasts not only throughout this month but also during -the next. 11, _ol dongosh_, ‘stretched’, since in this month too the -milk is very scarce. The name seems to be derived from the word _en -gushush_, ‘lack of food’. Only at the beginning of the 12th month, -the _boshogge_ (_ol-oiborare_), do the people come back to the kraal. -I have followed Merker, p. 156. Hollis, pp. 333 ff., gives in some -cases other names, which unfortunately are not translated; they are -here given in brackets. Nos. 4 and 9 have exchanged names. It is -worthy of note that the month of the evening setting of the Pleiades -(_gokwa_) is named from this constellation. A further variation is -that according to Hollis the first month is _kara-obo_. The year -therefore begins with the season of the after-rains. - -The Wadschagga of Kilimanjaro have likewise twelve months; ten are -denoted by numerals; the counting begins at the fifth, and the -months are divided into seasons. Nos. 5-8 fall in the season of -the great rains, 9 and 10 in the dancing season. In the ninth the -people say: ‘It is bright’; the rainy season passes away, and for -this reason this month is regarded as the beginning of the year, -sacrifices are offered up at the gates of the country, the chief -‘raises the field-stick’, i. e. gives permission for the beginning -of the ploughing, after having previously ‘let the year open’ by -offering a special sacrifice to the spirits for good fruit and -harvest. The name of the following month, _iyana_, now means ‘a -hundred’, but formerly it probably had the sense of ‘ten’. This, the -10th, month is followed by the first; the 1st and the 2nd months -fall in the first warm season, the 3rd in the little rainy season. -The three months of the great heat are not denoted by numerals. They -are interpolated between the 3rd and the 5th months. The first of -these is called _nsaa_: a month known as the fourth is then said to -be missing, but our authority conjectures that _nsaa_ is perhaps -a mutilated form of an old word for four; the month that follows -_nsaa_ is called _muru_, which is left unexplained, and the next -is _nsangwe_ or _nsango_. Then the 5th month comes again. The name -_nsangwe_ is almost everywhere explained by the people as arising -from _nsana-ngwi_, ‘to collect wood for burning’. The supplies -of wood for the rainy season are collected. The position of this -month immediately before the rainy season misleads them into thus -explaining the similar sound. These last two months are clearly to be -recognised as interpolations in the original scheme of ten months. -But there still exists a name for a thirteenth month, which is of -course necessary for the correcting of the lunar year, and which, -as the old folks say, was formerly actually counted. But now they -say:--“It is a sham month, since it has no companions, no comrades, -and therefore it is superfluous. The year has only twelve months.” -It is called _nkinyambwo_. The people say:--“The _nkinyambwo_ is no -longer necessary, since the rainy season has now only three months, -not four as in olden times.” The practice of beginning an enumeration -of the months with the 5th month _kusanu_ arouses the suspicion that -this may be the actual beginning of the year. To this the other names -of this month also point: ‘on the boundary of the year’, or _maraya a -kisie_, which can now only be translated as ‘the ender of the rain’. -But as a matter of fact this month ushers in the rainy season. It -has therefore been pushed from its former position in the course of -the year after the rainy season to a position before the beginning -of the period of greatest rains, and the practice of beginning the -enumeration with _kusanu_ is now the sole reminder of a time when -_kusanu_ really did introduce the new year at the beginning of the -chief ploughing-season. But the first month _nsi_ must once have been -one of the starting-points of the counting[777]. That the two months -above-mentioned are interpolations does not seem to be correct: -for the _nkinyambwo_ shews that the Wadschagga, like so many other -peoples, have had thirteen months, one of which was omitted when -necessary. The process seems clear from the statements given. When -the thirteenth month (probably under Islamite influence) passed out -of use, in the now strictly lunar year the months got out of place -in reference to the seasons. If the fifth month _kusanu_ keeps the -place in reference to the seasons to which its other names point, -it falls in the ninth month of the author’s list, _kukendu_, which, -according to natural conditions, is the beginning of the year. That -only ten months are numbered and the others named affords independent -evidence, and is in keeping with the system of counting in tens. That -the two months in question are inserted between the third (or fourth) -and the first points to a conventionalising of the system such as -is anything but primitive. Here, as always, numbered months shew -themselves to be a late phenomenon. - -Curious names of months, of a kind which we have hardly met with -hitherto, are found in the comparatively highly civilised Hausa -states (Kano, Sokoto), where the Arabic and Julian names for the -months are also known. 1 (January), _wata-n-tshika-n-shekara_, or -_tshiki_, ‘month of the filling of the belly’, since much food -is eaten, especially at full moon, or _wata-n-wauwo_, month of -the _wauwo_-game (with torches); 2, _wata-n-gani_, month of the -_gani_-game; 3, _wata-n-takutika_, month of the _takutika_-game, or -_wata-n-takalufu_; 4, _ware-ware-n-farin_; 5, _ware-ware-n-biu_; -6, _ware-ware-n-aku_. _Ware-ware_ is the name of a small bird -which builds its nest in a hole in the ground; it is therefore -doubtful to which element it belongs. And so it is with these three -months, April, May, June, in which no games take place, so that -it was not known where to place them; for this reason they are -called the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd _ware-ware_. The word also denotes a -person who talks now one way, now another, a doubtful person. 7, -_wata-n-azumi-n-tsofafi_, month of the fast of the old people; 8, -_wata-n-sha rua-n-tsofafi_, month of the old people’s water-drinking; -9, _wata-n-azumi_, month of fasting; 10, _wata-n-karama-n-salla_, -month of the little _salla_ festival; 11, _wata-n-bawa-n-salloli_, -month of the slaves, in this month all (but especially the slaves) -have much work for the festival of the following month; 12, -_wata-n-baba-n-salla_, month of the great _salla_ festival, or -_wata-n-laiya_, month of the slaughtering of the lamb. The festivals, -especially the _salla_ festivals, do not always take place in the -months named after them: the time is determined by the priests -in accordance with the position of the moon (_wata_ = ‘moon,’ -‘month’)[778]. This is an artificial system which was probably -created with a leaning towards the Arabic months. In Edo too the -familiar names of months are borrowed from the ceremonies that take -place at different times[779]. - -Madagascar has a comparatively highly developed civilisation in -which various influences cross. The Merina have the Arabic months. -The history of the native calendar is said to be very complicated: -Grandidier in a detailed discussion seeks to prove that the -Malgassian year, which is commonly held to be a lunar year, is a -solar or lunisolar one, and on the strength of certain resemblances -in the names of the months derives the calendar from S. India. I give -the principal data. Grandidier says that one reason for believing -that the Malgassian calendar is a solar one is the fact that it is in -reality agricultural. In 1638 Cauche says that the Malgassi divide -their year into 4 seasons and 12 lunar months, with some intercalary -days. The year is for them the time which elapses between two phases -of the vegetation; for greater convenience they divide it into twelve -lunar months, without caring much about the number of days composing -these months, as is rightly said of the Antandroy by Vacher[780], -who gives the following list, which is almost identical with that -compiled by Grandidier himself in the south-east, at Iavibola, in -1866. The months have names and epithets: the latter are explained. -1, millet is cut; 2, winter begins; 3, the beans flower; 4, the -tamarinds of the north are ripe; 5, the leaves fall; 6, tamarinds -and beans are ripe; 7, the _Cythere_-tree flowers; 8, the bulls -seek the shade of the _sakoa_; 9, the guinea-fowls sleep; 10, the -rain rots the ropes (with which the calves are fastened); 11, the -gourds flower; 12, the grains of the _fano_ are ripe. Rowlands[781] -had already remarked that the Betsileo months depend more upon the -time of the sowing and reaping of the rice and upon the flowering -of certain plants than upon the phases of the moon, and that the -agreement with the months of the Merina (i. e. the Arabic months) is -only approximate. The same applies to the calendar of the Sakalava, -the Bara, the Tanala, and the Sihanaka, which is identical with -that of the Betsileo. What is here said about the calendars of the -peoples of the south and the centre of the island is also true of the -calendars of the northern and eastern peoples[782]. To me it seems as -though we have here a series of months of the ordinary type, in which -the months are named and at the same time fixed with reference to the -seasons, although I do not presume to decide upon the complicated -question of the Malgassian calendar. There remains one possibility, -viz. that the ‘months’ are seasons with no relation to the moon, but -this possibility does not seem to have been seriously considered by -those who can make use of the sources, which are only to be got at -with extreme difficulty. - -Among the primitive peoples of the East Asiatic peninsula the seasons -of the agricultural year are very much employed; in comparison with -them the moon-month plays no important part. Moreover Indian and -Islamite influences have penetrated deeply: the calendar in use -arises from these. The facts are well illustrated by a notice from -the Malay Peninsula. There are three ways of reckoning the months, -(1) the Arabian, 29 and 30 days alternately, (2) the Persian, 30 -days, and (3) that of Rum, 31 days; the first is the common method. -Some few, with greater accuracy, calculate their year at 354 days -8 hours, intercalating every 3 years 24 hours, or one day, to make -up the deficiency, and 33 days for the difference between the solar -and the lunar years. But the majority of the lower classes estimate -their year by the fruit seasons and by their crops of rice only. -Many, however, obstinately adhere to the lunar month and plant their -paddy at the annual return of the lunar month[783]. The Guru of -Sumatra know a division of the year into twelve months of 30 days -each; the months, with the exception of the last two, are denoted by -numbers[784]. They are therefore calendar months, not moon-months, -and are a foreign acquisition. Among the Kayan the month, or, as -they say, the moon, plays a greater part than the year: of the latter -hardly anyone knows properly how many moons it contains. Commonly -they reckon 1 to 2 moons for the sowing, five for the time which the -rice needs to ripen, 2 to 3 for the harvest, and three up to the -next sowing. The different months have no special names among the -Bahau[785]. The time-reckoning of Sumatra, Java, and Bali shews a -prevailing foreign (Indian or Islamite) influence. It is to be noted -that among many peoples the first ten months are numbered, while the -last two have names. In Bali these two names are Sanskrit words[786]. - -For Timor two lists of moon-months are given, the one from Bibiçuçu, -the other from Samoro. The names are in some cases the same, they are -not translated and perhaps cannot be explained, but they indicate -the occupations of the months. 1, _funu_, _leet ali_, about October, -_vater_, maize, is planted and mountain rice sown; 2, _fahi_, the -fields are weeded; 3, _naru_, ‘the great month’, the maize flowers, -heavy rain; 4, _fotan_, _tora_, the former word probably a corruption -of the Malay _potong_, the cutting or harvest month: the maize is -housed and a harvest sacrifice offered; 5, _madauk_, harvest of the -mountain-rice; 6, _wani_, honey and wax are collected; 7, _uhi_, -_uhi böot_, probably a corruption of _ubi_, sweet potato, these are -now dug up and collected; 8, _madai böot_, _uhi kiik_, fogs and -heavy rain; 9, _madai kiik_, _lakubutik_, little rain: during both -these months little work can be done; 10, _lakubutik böot_, _madai_, -still showers; 11, _lakubutik kiik_, _funu_, very hot, only in this -month is gold sought for; 12, _leet_, _leet manuluk_, hot: the grass -is burnt off and the ground prepared for maize-planting[787]. It -is interesting to note how the names have departed from a common -foundation: two names (_funu_, _madai_) denote different months. Note -also the pairs of months in both lists. - -The Kiwai Papuans, who are well acquainted with the stars, have -a very interesting list of months, compiled from names of stars -and, as it seems, of natural objects. Accurate information about -this list has very kindly been personally communicated to me by -Landtman[788]. The year is divided into two parts in accordance with -the monsoons[789]. The time of the S. E. monsoon (_uro_) embraces -the months:--1, _keke_ (Achernar, our April); 2, _utiamo_ (the -Pleiades); 3, _sengerai_ (Orion); 4, _koidjugubo_ (Capella, Sirius, -and Canopus together); 5, _wapi_; 6, _hopukoruho_; 7, _abu_; and -8, _tagai_ (Crux). In the transitional period comes 9, _karongo_ -(Antares). The time of the N. W. monsoon (_hurama_) includes:--10, -_naramu-dubu_ (Vega); 11, _nirira-dubu_ (Altair); 12, _goibaru_; -13, _korubutu_. Each month, in the language of the natives called -‘moon’, is connected with a definite constellation, as is shewn -above, and it is to be presumed that this constellation is properly -the one that is to sink down to the western horizon during the -month in question. Perfect accuracy does not however prevail in -this nomenclature, but several adaptations have been made. (This -is natural and necessary, on account of the dislocation of the -lunar months with regard to the solar year). Even in the matter -of the succession of the months different statements were made, -this no doubt being due to the fact that all the natives were not -equally masters of the calendar. The statements fluctuate as to -whether _karongo_ is the last month of the _uro_ or the first of the -_hurama_. (The fluctuation is natural, since this month falls in the -time of transition between the two). In any case this month, like -_keke_, the first of the _uro_, comes to have a special meaning. -It seems to be somewhat uncertain whether _koidjugubo_ exists as -the name of a special month or whether the word only denotes a -constellation related to the months _wapi_, _hopukoruho_, and _abu_. -The time of the _koidjugubo_ is that in which the S. E. monsoon blows -hardest. The corresponding middle month in _hurama_ is _goibaru_. -_Baidamu_ (‘the Shark’), the Great Bear, is also related to a certain -period during the S. E. monsoon, particularly to _hopukoruho_, in -which according to certain statements the head sets, and to _abu_, -in which the back fin and the tail set. The setting of each of the -various parts of the body of the Shark in the west is accompanied -by storms and rain, which arise in the period of the S. E. monsoon. -When the Shark is no longer to be seen at evening, and after both -its eyes have emerged in the east at morning, the period of the -_tagai-karongo_ begins, in which the sea-turtles are caught, and the -time of the N. W. monsoon is at hand. The turtles are caught more -particularly during the time of their copulation, and this begins in -_abu_, occasionally in _tagai_, reaches its height in _karongo_, and -finishes in _naramu-dubu_. The planting of tubers also takes place -in definite months. Unfortunately the meaning of the names that do -not refer to constellations is not in all cases clear. _Wapi_ in -one Torres Straits dialect is said to mean ‘fish’, and the name is -said to refer to the fact that this time is especially favourable -for fishing, since the fish are then particularly stupid and easy to -catch with the fish-spear. _Hopukoruho_ is the name of an earth-wasp: -colonies of these insects dig holes in the ground. (Do they appear -in particularly great numbers in this month?). _Hopu_ means ‘earth’, -and _koruho_ ‘to eat’. This month is held to be especially dangerous: -men are exposed to sickness and death and are bitten by serpents, the -canoes suffer shipwreck. It is also expressly stated that the name -of the month refers to death and burial. The sense of _abu_ is quite -uncertain. _Abu_ means ‘ford’ in a creek: the name may perhaps refer -to the beginning of the transition to the period of the following -monsoon. (Or does it refer to the fact that the fords at the end -of the dry season are particularly easy to pass?). The sense of -_goibaru_ is also quite uncertain, even, as it appears, among the -natives. (No statement as to the meaning of _karubuti_ is given). -_Karongo_, according to the meaning of the word, is said to refer -to the transition from _hurama_ to _uro_. _Koidjugubo_ means ‘great -constellation’. - -For the Melanesians well developed series of months are given: -the very instructive statement of Codrington will be found in -the next chapter.[790] For the Carolines two lists of names are -given, from Lamotrek and from Yap[791]; but they are of no use -to us, since they only give twelve names without any explanation. -But the list for the Mortlock Islands, a group included in the -Carolines, is of great interest, since every month is named after -a constellation and therefore is also regulated by it. The names -are:--1, _yis_, Leo; 2, _soropuel_, Corvus; 3, _aramoi_, Arcturus; -4, _tumur_, Scorpio; 5, _mei-sik_, ν, ξ, ο Herculis; 6, _meilap_, -Aquila; 7, _sota_, Equuleus; 8, _la_, Pegasus; 9, _ku_, Aries; -10, _mariher_, the Pleiades; 11, _un-allual_, _elluel_, Aldebaran -and Orion; 12, _mau_, Sirius[792]. The same system, with names -in some cases the same, is given for the southernmost group of -the Carolines, the St. David’s Islands[793]. The months of the -Fijians, beginning at February, are:--1, _sese-ni-ngasau lailai_; -2, _s.-n.-n.-levu_; 3, _vulai-mbotambota_; 4, _v.-kelikeli_; 5, -_v.-were-were_; 6, _kawakatangare_; 7, _kawawaka-lailai_; 8, -_k.-levu_; 9, _mbalolo-lailai_; 10, _m.-levu_; 11, _nunga-lailai_; -12, _n.-levu_[794]. The names are not explained, but from the -glossary[795] we learn that _vula_ means ‘moon’ and ‘month’, -_se-ni-ngasau_ ‘flower of the reed’, _mbota_ ‘to share out, -distribute’, _keli_ ‘to dig’, _were_ ‘to till the ground’, _kawa_ -‘offspring, posterity’, _waka_ ‘root’, _nunga_ is the name of a fish, -_mbalolo_ is the familiar palolo, which is a favourite delicacy all -over Polynesia, _levu_ = ‘big’, _lailai_ = ‘little’. In so far as -the meaning of the names is to be perceived, therefore, they relate -to the business of agriculture and fishing. Here also we meet the -already familiar phenomenon in which several months have the same -name, and are distinguished by the addition of ‘big’ and ‘little’. - -For the Polynesians many series of months are reported: some of these -have 13, others 12 months. The Maoris of New Zealand count 13, and -are distinguished from all others in only numbering, not naming, the -first ten. According to H. Williams the months are counted from the -beginning of the _kumara_-planting, and are only denoted by numbers; -in the tenth month the harvest takes place, and also the feast of the -dead, _ha-hunga_, which for this reason also serves as a designation -of the year, but after that no further months are counted, up to -the first[796]. This last statement must be regarded with suspicion, -since other sources give not indeed numbers but names for the last -three months and the points of reference. As an example of the -nomenclature I give _marama-to-ke-ngahuru_, ‘the tenth month’. The -eleventh has the same name with the addition of _hauhake kumare_, -to dig up, harvest _kumara_; the twelfth and thirteenth are called -respectively _ko-te-paengwawa_ and _ko-te-tahi-o-pipiri_, which -names are unfortunately not translated. _Pipiri_ recurs as the name -of a month in the Society Islands and Tahiti; there it is said that -the name refers to a certain thriftiness or stinginess, perhaps in -the supply of fruit[797]. But the numbering of the names of the New -Zealand months is certainly a later phenomenon, since the cognate -tribes everywhere have proper names, nor do the months on this -account lose their connexion with the phenomena of Nature. Although -they were not named from the latter, they were regulated by them. -Each moon is distinguished by the rising of stars, the flowering of -certain plants, the arrival of migratory birds, etc. I give a list -of these points of reference, beginning at June: unfortunately the -names of stars are not identified by our authority. 1, _puanga_, the -great winter star, rises early in the morning, and also denotes the -beginning of winter: _matariki_, _tapuapua_, _wakaahu te ra o tainu_ -are also in the ascendant; 2, _wakaau_, _waakaahu nuku_, _w. rangi_, -_w. papa_, _w. kerekere_, _kopu_, _tautoru_; 3, _taka-pou-poto_, -_mangere_, _kaiwaka_, spring begins, the _karaka_ and _hou_ flower; -4, _taka-pou-tawahi_, it begins to be warm, cultivation commences, -the _kowai_, _kotuku tuku_, and _rangiora_ trees flower, a rainy -month; 5, _kumara_ is planted, the _tawera_ is ripe, the cuckoo, -_koekoea_, arrives, the windy month, corresponding with our March, -hence the name _te rakihi_, the noisy or windy period; 6, _te -wakumu_, the _rewarewa_ flowers; 7, _nga tapuae_, the _rata_ flowers; -8, _uruao rangawhenua_, _rehu_ is the great summer star, the star -_rangewhenua_, an ancestor, is said to rule the days, and _uruao_ -the nights of this month, the _karaka_ flowers; 9, _rehua_, _ko -ruruau_, the dry and scarce month; 10, _rehua_, _matiti_ (indicates -the autumn), _ngahuru_, the harvest month for the _kumara_; 11, _te -kahui-rua-mahu_, the days grow cold, the cuckoo leaves; 12, _kai -waka_, _patu-tahi matariki_, the winter-star _koero_ is the chief -star of this month; 13, _tahi ngungu_, the grumbling month, little -food, bad weather, smoky houses, watery eyes, constant quarrels[798]. -There are some descriptions of the months which also seem to be -their names. Taylor’s statement that the twelfth month often passes -unnoticed deserves attention. - -Of Tonga it is noted that the names of the months are scarcely known -to any except those who work on the plantations: the order of their -succession is not quite clear. The months are often grouped in pairs, -_mooa_ meaning the first, _mooi_ the second. 1, _liha-mooa_, 2, -_l.-mooi_, _liha_ means ‘nit’, but is not connected by the author -with the name of the month; 3, _vy-mooa_, 4, _vy-mooi_, _vy_ = -‘watery’, ‘rainy’; 5, _hilinga gele-gele_: _hilinga_ is said to -be a corruption of _hilianga_, ‘end, termination’, _gele-gele_ = -‘dig’, because in this month they cease digging the ground for -planting yams; 6, _tanoo manga_, _tanoo_ = ‘to overwhelm, to bury’, -_manga_ = anything open, diverging, fork-shaped; 7, _oolooenga_; 8, -_hilinga mea_, ‘the end of things’, the month in which the principal -agricultural work of the season is finished; 9, _fucca afoo moooi_, -_moooi_ = ‘to live, recover’; 10, _fucca afoo mote_, _mote_ = ‘to -die, wither’; 11, _oolooagi mote_, _oolooagi_ = ‘the first’; 12, -_fooa fenike anga_; 13, _mahina tow_, _mahina_ = ‘moon’, _tow_ = -the end of anything[799]. On the Society Islands the people were -not unanimous as to the beginning of the year, nor as to the names -of the months, each island having a computation peculiar to itself. -The series of months adopted by King Pomare and the reigning family -was:--1, _avarehu_, the new moon that appears about the summer -(viz. our winter) solstice at Tahiti; 2, _faaahu_, the season of -plenty; 3, _pipiri_; 4, _taaoa_, the season of scarcity begins; -5, _aununu_; 6, _apaapa_; 7, _paroro mua_; 8, _paroro muri_; 9, -_muriaha_; 10, _hiaia_; 11, _tema_, the season of scarcity ends; 12, -_te-eri_, the young bread-fruit begins to flower; 13, _te-tai_, the -bread-fruit is nearly ripe. Another computation commenced the year -at the month _apaapa_, about the middle of May, and gave different -names to several of the months[800]. Another older list gives the -following series from Tahiti:--1, _o-porori-o-mua_, March, the first -hunger or scarcity; 2, _o-porori-o-muri_, ‘the last scarcity’, -which agrees to some extent with the facts, since the bread-fruit -is scarcest just when it is ripening, as at that time it is used -for _mahei_, sour dough; 3, _mureha_; 4, _uhi-eya_, has certainly a -reference to catching fish with a hook; 5, _hurri-ama_; 6, _tauwa_; -7, _hurri-erre-erre_; 8, _o-te-ari_, probably so called from the -young cocoa-nuts, which just then are very numerous; 9, _o-te-tai_, -contains an allusion to the sea; 10, _wa-rehu_; 11, _wä-ahau_, refers -to the cloth made from the mulberry bark; 12, _pipirri_, refers to a -certain thriftiness or stinginess, perhaps in the supply of fruit; -13, _e-u-nunu_[801]. For the Marquesas Islands (Futuhiwa) I know only -a bare enumeration of 13 names of months[802]. - -For Samoa there is more information. I give von Bülow’s list:--1 -(Oct.-Nov.), _palolo_ or _taumafa mua_, ‘there is for the first -time abundance for all’: bananas, bread-fruit, and taro are ripe, -the month provides much fish; 2, _toe taumafa_, ‘there is once more -abundance’, the harvest is still not ended; 3, _utuvamua_, ‘it is -uninterrupted’, new crops of other fruit have not yet appeared; 4, -_toe utuva_, ‘still uninterrupted’; 5, _faaafu_, ‘the leaves of the -yam plant get dry’, i. e. the root is ripe; 6, _lo_, ‘the staff for -the harvest of the bread-fruit’, sc. ‘is brought into play’; 7, -_aununu_, ‘the making of the arrowroot into starch’, the root is -now ripe; 8, _oloumanu_, ‘the cage of the birds’ (is prepared), in -which to tame the wild pigeons caught in nets, after some of their -wing-feathers have been removed; 9, _palolo-mua_, the first _palolo_ -fishing: the appearance of the palolo formerly took place in various -months, since there are still islands in which palolo is found in -the last quarter of every month; 10, _toe palolo_ or _palolomoli_, -‘repeated last palolo fishing’, from the fishing at the end of the -year in October or the end of September, according to the island; -11, _mulifa_, ‘the banana-pole’ (is hewn down), i. e. the bananas -are ripe; 12, _lotuaga_, ‘the _lo_ is laid to rest’, i. e. the -bread-fruit harvest is over[803]. All the lists agree in giving only -twelve months: the seasons are two in number. For the Bowditch Island -a list of twelve names is given without explanation; the names are in -a great measure the same as the Samoan. The author adds:--It seems as -though _vainoa_, month no. 9, is the leapmonth, but there was no name -for the eleventh month, corresponding to our March[804]. - -For the Sandwich Islands abundant material exists, more particularly -in the work of the native writer, Malo. I give the list commonly -found in other authors also[805], together with the explanations -which Malo has obtained from old Hawaiians well versed in the -calendar, in the first place those of O. K. Kapule of Kaluaha, -Molokai, and secondly, in the case of some months, those of Kaunamoa, -of whose dwelling-place we are told nothing more than that he was a -Hawaiian. 1, _ikuwa_ (January), so named from the frequent occurrence -of thunder-storms, _wa-wa_, ‘to reverberate, to stun the ear’: the -noisy month, clamor of ocean, thunder, storm; 2, _hina-ia-eleele_, -from the frequent over-casting and darkening (_eleele_) of the -heavens; 3, _welo_, because the rays of the sun then begin to shoot -forth (_welo_) more vigorously: the leaves are torn to shreds by the -_enuhe_, a kind of worm; 4, _makalii_ (the Pleiades); 5, _ka-elo_, so -named because the sweet potatoes burst out of the hill, or overflowed -the basket; 6, _kau-lua_, from the coupling together of two canoes -(_kau-lua_): the two stars called _kau-lua_ then rose in the east; -7, _nana_, from the fact that a canoe then floated (_nana_, _lana_) -quietly on the calm sea: the young birds then stir and rustle about -(_nana-na_) in their nests and coverts; 8, _ikiiki_, the hot month -(_ikiki_ or _ikiiki_, ‘hot and stuffy’): ‘hot and sticky’, from -being shut up indoors, by weather; 9, _kaa-ona_, because then the -sand-banks begin to shift in the ocean, _ona_ is said to be another -word for _one_, ‘sand’: (dry) sugar-canes, flower-stalks, etc., which -have been put away in the top of the house, have now become very -dry; 10, _hili-na-ehu_, from the mists that floated up from the sea; -11, _hili-na-ma_, because it was necessary to keep the canoes well -lashed (_hili_); 12, _welehu_, so named from the abundance of ashes -(_lehu_) that were to be found in the fire-places at this time. Malo -gives six other lists, two for Hawaii, one each for Molakai, Oahu, -Kauai, and Maui. The differences in the order of the months already -mentioned are sometimes great, and some new names occur. The former -circumstance is doubtless to be explained by the fact that under -European influence the native months early passed out of use and were -forgotten, and the right order has not been certainly retained in the -memory. Some of these explanations are obvious improvisations, in -some cases one of the two explanations manifestly shews itself to be -the correct one. This proves that the names of the months are so old -that the original meaning has been lost. The forgetting of the native -months is also responsible for the insufficiency of the information -for other islands. Malayan philology might perhaps be able to go -farther, if it took up the matter. But where the meaning is clear, -it everywhere has reference to the seasons, their occupations and -climatic conditions, and to the stars; the Polynesian names of months -are in no way different from those of all other primitive or barbaric -peoples. - -The conclusion to be drawn from our investigation of the names -and series of the months is therefore the following. In order -that the month may be distinguished from others it is named after -an occupation or natural phase which takes place while the month -lasts, being described commonly by means of the addition ‘moon of -the --’, but not seldom simply by the name of the natural phase or -the occupation respectively. Any natural phase or occupation can -originally give its name to a month, and hence arises an indefinite -number of such terms. When any period of the year is without -important natural phases and occupations, the months in this period -are not named. At first, therefore, the names of the months are of -an occasional, incidental character: the orientation of them follows -from the general acquaintance with the phases and occupations of the -natural year. As the result of a gradual selection in the daily usage -of the names a less unstable, and in the end quite fixed, series -of months is formed, which on account of the length of the natural -year must comprise 12 to 13 months. The result is a difficulty which -formerly was not felt, owing to the fluctuating character of the -names of months, for the natural phases and the moons are pushed -out of their mutual relationship, and this naturally leads to the -question how many months the year includes, i. e. to the necessity -of the intercalation. For the moon-month, which begins with the new -moon, is a natural unity, which cannot be broken up. - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -CONCLUSIONS. - - -Whoever has had patience to read through the material collected in -the previous chapter will now no doubt be clear as to the process -by which the cycle of months arose. The necessity was felt of -distinguishing the months, of marking them. After the fashion of -primitive man this was done, not by means of an abstract enumeration, -but by some concrete reference. But the relation to a solitary -historical event, by which rather more highly civilised peoples -denote the years, can hardly, or only in isolated instances, be -applied to the month: for the life of primitive peoples is very -monotonous, and is not so rich in events which make an impression -upon the mind that one of these will occur in every month, and even -supposing that such events could be found, the months in a human -life are too numerous for it to be possible to keep a series of -this nature in mind. A second circumstance also proved decisive. -The moon, whose phases always recur with regularity, served better -than anything else to determine the date of any future event within -a shorter period. The primitive peoples, with their undeveloped -faculty of counting, could in this fashion numerically determine -only a couple of months before or after the time of the moon that -was then visible in the heavens. This is what we must understand -by the statement made for the western tribe of the Torres Straits, -viz. that they had no division of the year into months or days and -never numbered the years, in view of the following statement that -they commonly counted time in ‘suns’, i. e. days, and ‘moons’, i. -e. months[806]. That is, they numbered two or three months, but -had no series of months. The same initial stage is found also on -the Australian continent. The natives of Central Australia reckon -time by moon-phases, moons, and in the case of a longer period by -seasons[807]. The Kakadu of Northern Territory reckon in moons -and seasons, otherwise everything is more or less vague with the -exception of the present and the immediate past and future[808]. - -Primitive man does not get very far in this fashion. In accordance -with his custom and his whole habits of thought he must have some -concrete factor to enable him to conceive of the different moons. -This is found in the fact that the moon covers a part of the natural -year. Herein lies a connexion which constantly recurs. The moons were -therefore distinguished and named with reference to the phenomena of -the natural year, to the phases of nature and to the occupations, -labours, and conditions determined by them, and further to the -risings of the stars. Within the series of from twelve to thirteen -moons the month was determined by these means. Or, expressed somewhat -differently, seasons and moons were mutually connected. - -Originally this grouping together of the months was only incidental. -The original state of affairs is well illustrated by the detailed -description given by Codrington for the Melanesians:-- - -“It is impossible to fit the native succession of moons into a solar -year, months have their names from what is done and what happens when -the moon appears and while it lasts; the same moon has different -names. If all the names of moons in use in one language were set in -order the periods of time would overlap, and the native year would -be artificially made up of 20 or 30 months. The moons and seasons -of Mota in the Banks’ Islands may serve as an example. The garden -work of the year is the principal guide to the arrangement, the -succession of 1, clearing garden ground, _uma_, 2, cutting down the -trees, _tara_, 3, turning over and piling up the stuff, _rakasag_, -4, burning it, _sing_, 5, digging the holes for yams, _nur_, and -planting, _riv_. Then follows the care of the yam plants till the -harvest, after which preparation for the next crop begins again. -At the same time the regular winds and calms are observed, the -spring of grass, the conspicuous flowering of certain trees, the -bursting into leaf of the few deciduous trees. When a certain grass, -_magoto_, springs, the winter, as it must be called, is over; when -the erythrina, _rara_, is in flower, it is the cool season; _magoto_, -therefore, and _rara_ are names of seasons in native use, and answer -roughly to summer and winter. The strange and exciting appearance of -the palolo, _un_, sets a wide mark on the seasons. The April moon -coincides pretty well with the time of the _magoto qaro_, the fresh -grass; clearing, _uma_, of gardens goes on, the trade wind is steady. -This is followed by the _magoto rango_, the withered grass; both are -months of cutting down trees in the gardens, _vule taratara_, and -in the latter the stuff is burnt. In July the erythrina, _rara_, -begins to flower; this is _nago rara_, the face of winter; gardens -are fenced, it is a moon of planting yams, _vule vutvut_. Planting -continues into August, when the erythrina is in full flower, _tur -rara_, the _gaviga_, Malay apple, flowering at the same time; the -S. E. wind, _gauna_, blows, the yams begin to shoot and are stuck -with reeds. In the next month the erythrina puts out its leaves, it -is the end of it, _kere rara_; the yam vines run up the reeds and -are trained, _taur_, upon them; the reeds are broken and bent over, -_ruqa_, to let them run freely; the ground is kept clear of weeds; -the tendrils curl, and the tubers are well formed. Then come the -months of calm, when three moons are named from the _un_, palolo: -first the _un rig_, the little _un_, or the bitter, _un gogona_, -when at the full moon a few of the annelids appear. It is now the -_tau matua_, the season of maturity; yams can be taken up and eaten, -and if the weather is favourable, a second crop is planted. The _un -lava_, the great palolo, follows, when at the full moon for one night -the annelids appear on the reefs in swarms; the whole population -is on the beach, taking up the _un_ in every vessel and with every -contrivance. This is the moon of the yam harvest; the vines are cut, -_goro_, and the tubers very carefully taken up with digging-sticks to -be stored. A few _un_ appear at the next moon, the _werei_, which may -be translated ‘the rump of the _un_’. In this moon they begin again -to _uma_, clear the gardens; the wind blows again from the west, -the _ganoi_, over Vanua Lava. It is now November or December, the -_togalau_-wind blows from the north-west, it is exceedingly hot, fish -die in the shallow pools, the reeds shoot up into flower; it is the -moon of shooting up, _vule wotgoro_. The next month is the _vusiaru_, -the wind beats upon the _casuarina_-trees upon the cliffs, the next -again is called _tetemavuru_, the wind blows hard and drives off -flying fragments from the seeded reeds; these are hurricane months. -The last in order is the month that beats and rattles, _lamasag -noronoro_, the dry reeds; the wind blows strong and steady, work is -begun again, they _rakasag_, dry the rubbish of their clearings, and -make ready the fences for new gardens. By this time the heat is past, -the grass begins to spring again, and the winter months return”[809]. - -According to another report the natives of New Britain (Bismarck -Archipelago) are still at the initial stage of the development. They -numbered the months of the monsoons, five for each, and gave one -month each to the two intervening periods. They had no names for -each month, but only for the season. However they had terms for the -planting and for the digging-moon, i. e. the harvest[810]. - -Another example may serve to shew how near to one another lists -of months and seasons may under certain circumstances come. The -Chukchee divide the year into twelve lunar months or ‘moons’. The -year begins with the winter solstice, the time of which is marked -pretty accurately. The dark interval between two moons is called -‘moon interval’. The names are:--1, the old-buck month; 2, cold -udder (month); 3, genuine udder (month); 4, calving month; 5, water -(month); 6, making-leaves month; 7, warm month, or summer month; -8, rubbing-off velvet (antlers) month, or midsummer month; 9, -light-frost month; 10, autumn month, or wild-reindeer rutting month; -11, unexplained, perhaps ‘muscles of the back’, since it is believed -that the muscles in the back of the reindeer become stronger in -winter: also called ‘new-snow cover’; 12, shrinking (days) month. The -Koryak have different names in different localities, but most of -them call the third and the fourth months respectively the ‘false’ -and the ‘true reindeer-birth month’. In ordinary speech, however, the -names of months often give place to names of seasons, which are far -more numerous than among us. Those most commonly used are:--1, ‘in -the extending’, sc. of the days, corresponds approximately to the -first month of the year; 2, ‘in the lengthening’, corresponds to the -second month; 3, ‘during (the days) growing long’, lasts about six -weeks, until the reindeer begin to calve; 4, ‘in the calving-(time)’; -5, ‘in the new summer growing’; 6, ‘in the first summer’; 7, ‘in -the second summer’; 8, ‘in the middle summer’; 9, ‘with the fresh -air going out’; 10, ‘with the first light frost’; 11, ‘with the new -snow’; 12, ‘in the fall’; 13, ‘in the winter’[811]. Certainly these -are seasons, and one of them has six weeks, but our authority himself -explains a couple of them by a comparison with the moon-month. There -are just thirteen of them, which, if the number is more than an -accident, is an accurate series of months. In every case the addition -of the word ‘moon’ would make the names descriptive of a month. The -names in both the lists just given are of a similar nature. - -Few travellers and scholars have been so unfettered and unprejudiced -by our inherited ideas of the calendar as Codrington; accordingly -they have usually striven to establish a proper series of months, -or at least normal series. How much is lost to view owing to this -tendency can hardly be imagined, but there are sufficient indications -in the reports to point to the fluctuating, manifold, and unstable -nature of the primitive naming of the months. - -One of these indications is the great variability of the names. Many -peoples have remained at the stage at which a fixed connexion between -month and season does not exist: every season--taking the word in -its broadest sense--, every natural event and occupation may be -associated with a month. If these relationships are treated as names -of months, there will arise a great number of names of months, which -will vary according to circumstances and to the whim of the speaker. -Thus it is said[812] of the Eskimos of the Behring Straits that very -often different names are used to describe the same month, when this -month occurs at a time at which different occupations or natural -phenomena are in progress. That the situation is, or at least was, -the same among most peoples is shewn by the numerous variants which -are to be found even in the preceding lists, and would certainly be -much more numerous if the authorities, in their efforts to establish -a normal series, had not passed them over. In the same fashion is -to be explained the next surprising phenomenon, viz. that certain -peoples, in the matter of the number of months in the year, give a -far greater number than twelve or thirteen. This is not always to -be set down to the inability to count. That explanation serves when -prominent Igorot declare that the year has a hundred months[813], -but not when the Kiowa number 14 or 15[814]. The Hopi year too may -have 14 months, since the second part of October receives a special -name[815]. Perhaps the month is halved, just as when among the -Central Eskimos the days of a certain month, which has only twilight -and no sun, receive one name, and the rest of the month another[816]. -A traveller of the 18th century states that the Tahitians reckon -14 months, and adds that it is a mystery how they count them[817]. -But these traces are here seen to be relics of an earlier state of -affairs such as Codrington has clearly described:--“Months have their -names from what is done and what happens when the moon appears and -while it lasts; the same moon has different names. If all the names -of moons in use in one language were set in order, the periods of -time would overlap, and the native year would be artificially made up -of 20 or 30 months”. - -This fluctuating character of the nomenclature explains the -instability of the names of the months; when anything new happens -which is of importance for the life of the people, it serves to -describe a month. Thus the Lenope, after they migrated inland, where -no shads were found, renamed the shad-month the sugar-refining -month[818]; and the Pima, after they had learnt to cultivate wheat, -named a month from the wheat harvest[819]. The best evidence is the -multiplicity and diversity of the names of months, which is found -everywhere, even among the most closely related peoples and tribes, -or different groups of the same tribe, as is shewn by the above -series of months from beginning to end. Most significant and by no -means isolated is the case of the Cheyenne, different groups of whom -have separate names for the months. Since they are well acquainted -with the customs of the animals and roam over wide areas, they easily -recognise any name for a month, even if they themselves do not use -it. The reason for this is also that the seasons, which serve as -descriptions of the months, are common to all and at once become -intelligible[820]. They have not been fixed in a conventional series, -as is the case with the months as we conceive them; ours is the final -point of the development, which begins with a chaotic mass of names -of months. - -We see that at this stage the number of months is indifferent: the -question how many months the year has simply does not exist, and -consequently there is no need to make the series of moon-months fit -into the solar year. There are peoples who do not even extend the -reckoning by moons to the whole year. There is a time ‘in which -nothing happens’, which is quite without interest and in which no one -takes the trouble to observe or name the moons. Such a period is e. -g. the depth of winter in the far north, when people only vegetate, -as well as they can. Among the tribes of the Kamchatka river the -tenth and last month is said to be as long as three others[821]. -The Amansi, one of the Ibo-speaking tribes, reckon ten months and -an _evulevu_ (idiot, nothing, empty month)[822]. More often we find -series of months with less than twelve names. The inhabitants of the -Marquesas Islands had a ten-month year, although as well as this they -knew the complete year, which was reckoned and named according to -the Pleiades[823]. Even the Maoris are said to have counted no more -months after the tenth[824]. The Yurak Samoyedes and the Tunguses -of the Amur count only eleven months, the northern Kamchadales -ten[825]. The Yeneseisk Ostiaks name only the months of one half of -the year, the seven winter months[826], and so do many Indian tribes. -The Bannock have no names for the months of the warm season of the -year[827]. Many Cheyenne tribes have only six months with names[828]; -the present condition of the calendar of the Hopi and Zuñi points to -the fact that this was really the case with these tribes also[829]. -The Diegueño of S. California have only six months[830]. Even where -a full series of months has arisen, there are traces of this earlier -state of affairs. Thus the Omaha have one month ‘in which nothing -happens’[831]. Of the 13 months of the Upper Wellé those occupying -the 7th and 13th positions have no names[832]. Among the Voguls of -the Tawda three months seem to be unnamed[833]. - -A further very wide-spread phenomenon of the nomenclature of the -months--the pairs of months, in which two months of the same name -are distinguished as the big and the little, the former and the -latter, etc.--is due to the connecting of the month with somewhat -larger divisions of the natural year, covering a period of about two -months. Thus the Tchuvashes have a very steep month and a month of -little steepness, the Ugric Ostiaks a big and a little winter-ridge -month, the Minusinsk Tatars a little and a big cold, the Karagasses -a frost month and a big frost month, the Samoyedes a first and a -big dark month, the Voguls a little and a big autumn-hunting month, -perhaps also a little and a big mid-summer month, the Thlinkits a -month before, and a month when, everything hatches, the Indians in -De la Potherie a first and a second moon in which the bear brings -forth her young, the Kiowa a little bud-moon and a bud-moon, the -latter sometimes with ‘big’ added, the Creek Indians a little and -a big ripening moon, a little and a big chestnut moon, a big and -a little winter, the latter also called ‘little brother of big -winter’ (note the inverted order in this case), a little and a big -spring. The Seminole have four pairs of months, in three the first -is distinguished as the little, e. g. little and big mulberry moon, -but on the other hand the big winter precedes the little; the Zuñi -have a little and a big wind-month. Somewhat similar are the pairs -of months of the Pima, ‘leaves’ and ‘flowers’ of the cottonwood and -mesquite respectively. The Nandi of British East Africa have two -pairs, ‘sacrifice’ and ‘second sacrifice’, ‘strong wind’ and ‘second -strong wind’. Compare also the two Basuto months _phupjoane_, ‘to -begin to swell’, from _phuphu_, and _phuphu_, ‘to swell’. The two -series of months from Timor shew more pairs. In the Polynesian series -pairs of months are equally frequent. In Tonga there are two pairs, -including a first and a second rainy month, on the Society Islands -there is a first and a second palolo month, and so also in Samoa, -in Tahiti a first and a last hunger. How the pair so frequently -occurring among the Siberian peoples, little and big month, is to be -explained is uncertain (cp. among the Thlinkits ‘moon-child’ or young -month, and big month). It may be that something is to be understood, -or perhaps they are simply two months without names, which are -distinguished by the aid of the common epithets. - -Such pairs of months exist where greater seasons are involved in the -determining of the moons, and they are in fact convenient, since -their use obviates the unfortunate circumstance which has been a -source of great confusion to primitive peoples, viz. that a natural -phase from which it is the custom to name a month may fall on the -border-line between two moons. So long as the description of the -months remains quite fluctuating and occasional, this and similar -inconveniences do not make themselves felt, but a very natural -development leads to a conventionalising of the series of months. -In common speech a selection among the various names of months -unconsciously takes place, so that those prevail which relate to more -important occupations and natural phases. Thus arises a fixed, or -tolerably well fixed, series of months, such as appears in most of -the reports handed down to us. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -OLD SEMITIC MONTHS. - - -1. BABYLONIA. - -In the much disputed questions of the ancient Babylonian astronomy -and calendar the non-expert is in a situation of despair: for whoever -cannot himself make use of the sources is referred to the often -directly contradictory statements of the experts. I cannot however -shirk the task of investigating whether in Babylonian calendric -systems traces of the primitive time-reckoning are not also to be -found. Unfortunately I cannot limit myself to matters upon which a -certain unity of opinion prevails, but must also touch upon burning -questions, such as the intercalation. What is here offered is in -the nature of things only an attempt: but I may perhaps be allowed -to express the hope that competent specialists, not led astray by -chronological hypotheses, may afterwards observe how far the few but -obvious characteristics of the primitive time-reckoning recur also in -the Babylonian system. - -The multiplicity and variability of the names of the months are -found once more in ancient Sumer. In so comparatively late a period -as the kingdom of Ur (in the middle of the second half of the third -millenium B. C.) each minor state had its own list of months, -which I here reproduce, together with the suggested explanations, -chiefly from the latest work of Landsberger[834]. At this time there -was in use in Nippur a list of months the terms of which later -served as general ideograms for the months. The names are:--1, -_bar-zag-gar(-ra)_ month of habitation or inhabitants of the -sanctuary; 2, _gu(d)-si-sa_, the name is derived by the Babylonians -themselves from an agricultural occupation, the driving of the -irrigating-machine drawn by oxen: the moderns connect this name with -the _gu(d)-si-su_ festival celebrated in this month at Nippur; 3, -_šeg-ga_, shortened from _šeg-u-šub-ba-gar-ra_, ‘month in which the -brick is laid in the mould’; 4, _šu-kul-na_, probably ‘sowing-month’, -although the time does not fit: for displacements see below p. 261; -5, _ne-ne-gar(-ra)_, named from a festival; 6, _kin-^d Inanna_, named -from an Istar festival; 7, _du(l)-azag(-ga)_, from a festival; 8, -_apin-du-a_, ‘month of the opening of the irrigation-pipes’, which -fits very well with the time of year; 9, _kan-kan-na_, probably -‘ploughing-month’, which also agrees very well with the season; 10, -_ab(-ba)-e(-a)_, from a festival; 11, _aš-a(-an)_, ‘month of the -spelt’; 12, _še-kin-kud-(du)_, ‘month of the corn-harvest’. There are -therefore some names of the familiar kind, taken from agricultural -occupations, but more are borrowed from festivals. It is very natural -that the list of months should be regulated by ecclesiastical points -of view, since Nippur was a great and very ancient centre of the -religious cult. - -Most interesting are the months from Girsu (Lagash). From the -pre-Sargonic period about 25 names of months have hitherto been -found, of which only 8 or 9 persisted up to the second and third -periods. These 25 names of months are divided by Landsberger into -the following groups:--(1) occasional names of months, under which -he includes those which are consciously named after the object or -employment mentioned in the document itself, or even improvised from -the domestic occupation in question. Four names are given but are not -translated. (2) isolated and foreign names of months: ‘month in which -the shining (or white) star sinks down from the culmination-point’, -a type familiar to us; ‘month in which the third people came from -Uruk’, doubtless an accidental description. Further, two months -named from festivals at Lagash. (3) agricultural by-names: _itu -še-kin-kud-du_, see above; _itu gur-dub-ba-a_, ‘month in which -the granary is covered with grain’; further a name not explained, -perhaps identical with the foregoing. (4) terms belonging to the -religious cult. Of these no fewer than 17 exist, not counting those -already mentioned: they are nearly all named after festivals. Great -pains have been taken to arrange the months in their position in -the calendar, and the superfluous names have been set down merely -as doublets, since they have been judged by the lists of months -current among ourselves. When we compare the terms with those of -the primitive time-reckoning, it becomes clear that the naming of -the months is here in the same fluctuating state as e. g. among the -Melanesians. According to circumstances, an agricultural occupation, -the rising of a star, a festival, etc., is seized upon in order to -describe the month. Certainly the months can be chronologically -arranged, but to draw up a fixed series from these 25 names is -impossible, even if tendencies towards the formation of such a series -already exist. The development tends in this direction in order to -facilitate a general understanding, and in the second period, at the -time of the kingdom of Akkad in the 28th to 26th centuries, a list of -this nature occurs[835]:--1, _itu ezen gan-maš_, perhaps ‘month of -the reckoning’, i. e. of the profits of the agriculture, or ‘_mois -où la campagne resplendit_’; 2, _itu ezen har-ra-ne-sar-sar_, ‘month -in which the oxen work’; 3, _itu ezen dingir ne-šu_, of uncertain -meaning but connected with the cult; 4, _itu šu-kul_, see above; 5, -_itu ezen dim-ku_, month of the feast in which the _dim_ consecrated -to the deity was eaten; 6, _itu ezen ^{dingir} Dumu-zi_, month of -the Tammuz feast; 7, _itu ur_; 8, _itu ezen ^{dingir} Bau_, month of -the feast of the goddess Bau; 9, _itu mu-šu-gab_, meaning uncertain; -10, _itu mes-en-du-še-a-na_ (?); 11, _itu ezen amar-a(-a)-si_, -_amar_ = ‘young brood’, _a_ = ‘water’, _si_ = _malu_ = ‘to be full’, -and therefore probably ‘spawning month’; 12, _itu še-še-kin-a_, -another form for _še-kin-kud_; 13, _itu ezen še-illa_, ‘_mois où -le blé monte_’, according to Radau ‘grain grow(n)’, according to -de Genouillac, whom Kugler follows, ‘_mois où on lève le blé pour -les moutons_’: i. e. after the corn has been trodden out on the -threshing-floor by the oxen, the stalks are taken up for the cattle. -The list has therefore thirteen months. Further, two points are to -be noted. In the first place only eight months (nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, -11, 12, and 13), or perhaps nine--if _itu ur_ is to be regarded as -an abbreviation of _itu ga-udu-ur-(ra-)ka_--are taken over from the -preceding period. The multiplicity and instability of the names of -months were therefore at an earlier period still greater than the -known names indicate. In the second place the word _ezen_, ‘feast’, -is a secondary addition to the names of the 2nd, 3rd, 13th, and -probably the 4th months, that is to say, the ecclesiastical point -of view has penetrated into the nomenclature of the months to such -an extent that even months with names borrowed from agricultural -occupations are explained anew by festivals. The third period is the -time of Dungi and his successors. The list of months differs only in -that 7, _itu ur_, was re-named as _itu ezen ^{dingir} Dungi_, and -the tenth month of the above list is missing, so that we have 10, -_itu amar-a-asi_; 11, _itu še-kin-kud_; 12, _itu se-illa_; in the -intercalation 11 is doubled, _itu dir še-kin-kud_. The seventh month -takes its name from a festival celebrated in honour of the deified -king Dungi; it is therefore the oldest example of a naming of a -month from deified rulers which originates in the festivals bound up -with the cult; such names are familiar from the Graeco-Roman period -and examples still survive in the words ‘July’ and ‘August’. Still -another version of this list exists in the so-called syllabar of -months, in which six series of names of months are enumerated. This -list is not completely preserved. The most considerable deviation is -that only two months instead of three intervene between the months -_šu-kul-na_ and _ezen ^d Bau_: the order of succession is therefore -broken. Landsberger conjectures that we have to do either with a -later form of the calendar from Lagash, at the time of the kings -of Larsa and Isin--afterwards the Nippur list was used, this being -employed everywhere, at least ideographically--or else with a local -offshoot. In any case the list affords valuable evidence of the -instability of the months. - -In modern Drehem there is found a list of months in which each month -is allotted to an official of the cult, so that the result is a -monthly regulation of the cult. The list is assigned to the town of -Ur. 1, _maš-da-ku_, ‘month of the gazelle eating’, from a festival -ceremony; 2, _šeš-da-ku_, and 3, _u-bi-ku_, borrowed from religious -festivals; 4, _ki-sig ^d Nin-a-zu_, month of the mourning festival -of Ninazu; 5, _ezen ^d Nin-a-zu_, month of the (joyful) festival -of Ninazu; 6, _a-ki-ti_, named from a feast; 7, _ezen ^d Dungi_, -see above; 8, _šu-eš-ša_, unexplained, later ousted by _^{itu} -ezen ^d Su- ^d Sin_; 9, _ezen-mah_, ‘month of the high feast’; 10, -_ezen-an-na_, month of the Anu feast; 11, _ezen Me-ki-gal_, doubled -in intercalation; 12, _še-kin-kud_. There are also many variants. The -names, with the exception of that of the old harvest month, are all -taken from feasts: the ecclesiastical nomenclature has therefore been -carried out very fully. - -The list of months from Umma:--The months 1, 2, and 6 are borrowed -from the Nippur list. Of undoubted religious origin are:--9, _^d -Ne-gun_; 10, _ezen ^d Dungi_; 12, _^d Dumu-zi_. 11 has the variant -_^{itu d} Pap-u-e_. To none of the four local systems can _^{itu} -azag-šim_ be allotted. - -A fifth list is known only from the above-mentioned syllabar, and is -not certainly localised. The names of months refer to festivals and -religious ceremonies, and have not all been completely preserved. - -We have seen what a multiplicity prevails among the Sumerian names -of months. At the time of the dynasty of Hammurabi the signs of the -Nippur list are used as ideographic signs of the months. The phonetic -readings are known. The names are the common ones which were also -adopted by the Jews in exile. The explanations are, according to -Muss-Arnolt:--1, _nisanu_, from _nesu_ = ‘to stir, to move on, to -leap’; 2, _airu_, from _aru_, ‘bright’, or _ir_, ‘to send out, to -sprout’, and therefore the month of blossoming and sprouting; 3, -_sivanu_; 4, _duzu_, ‘son of life’; 5, _abu_, ‘hostile’ (on account -of the heat); 6, _ululu_; 7, _tašritu_, ‘origin, beginning’; 8, -_arah-samna_, ‘the eighth month’; 9, _kislivu_; 10, _dhabitu_, ‘the -gloomy month’; 11, _sabadhu_, ‘the destroyer’; 12, _addaru_, ‘the -dark (month)’. The names are therefore borrowed throughout from -natural phenomena. Numerous phonetic writings in legal documents -are alone sufficient to shew that, at least for Sippar, our common -pronunciations of the month-ideograms of this time were not the -only ones in use. Landsberger gives 12 other names, of which -only a few can be explained. _Sibutim_, _sibutu_ is the name for -the 7th day and its festival, as the name of a month therefore, -carrying over the idea to the year, it is the _sibutu_ of the year; -_ki-nu-ni_, ‘oven month’, because the oven must then be heated; _arah -ka-ti-ir-si-tim_, ‘hand of the underworld’, probably something like -‘month of epidemics’. One or two are named from gods. Therefore among -the Semites of Babylonia also a fixed series of months was formed -only gradually, by selection, and indeed under the influence of the -Sumerian calendar from which the ideograms were borrowed. - -The Elamite calendar is known partly from the so-called syllabar of -months, and partly from documents[836]: the latter offer 13 names of -which Hrozný tries to explain away the last by identifying it with -another. The names in the two sources sometimes vary considerably, -but are chiefly of Babylonian origin. Several, according to Hrozný’s -interpretations, refer to the seasons: _še-ir(-i)-eburi_, (month -of the) prospering of the harvest; _tam-ti-ru-um_, month of rain; -_tar-bi-tum_ (month of the) growth (of plants). _Pi-te-bâbi_ means -‘opening of the gate’, and probably refers to a religious ceremony. - -The ancient Assyrian list of months is partly preserved in the -syllabar of months, and also occurs in the inscriptions of the -early Assyrian kings and in the so-called Cappadocian tablets, -which come from an Assyrian colony of the third millenium at Kara -Eyjuk in Asia Minor. We find:--2, perhaps month of the moon-god; 3, -_ku-zal-li_, shepherd’s month; 4, _al-la-na-a-ti_, also shepherd’s -month; 6, _ša sa-ra-te_, perhaps the name of some employment; 12, -_qar-ra-a-tu_, name of an occupation (?). The other names are -missing or are uncertain. In regard to the interpretation of the -names from occupations a certain caution should be exercised, since -in accordance with all the examples hitherto given a name like -‘shepherd’s month’ ought to refer not to the occupation as such but -to the pasture season. All other explanations are quite problematical. - -In the above I have only been able to reproduce the material -collected by Assyriologists and the explanations given by them: but -from this it clearly appears that the development of the series of -months has proceeded in the same fashion here as elsewhere. At the -beginning we find an indefinite number of names of months borrowed -principally from natural phenomena. Among these a selection takes -place, the result of which, however, is different in each city. At -first it seems as though series of 13 months arose. But these series, -as the examples from Lagash shew, were not fixed throughout. New -names penetrate into them, even the position of the month can be -altered. Finally the series becomes quite fixed, and with this seems -to be connected the falling away of the thirteenth month: in the -series of months now fixed at twelve the leapmonth becomes a doubling -of the preceding month. While this development continues, the -calendar takes on more and more an ecclesiastical stamp, since months -named from festivals are constantly ousting those named from natural -phenomena, and finally attain to almost exclusive predominance. This -is easily to be understood in the case of ancient Sumer, since not -only were the priests alone--here as elsewhere--in possession of the -art of writing and the other higher branches of knowledge of the -people, but the temples also had the largest landed property, with -an extensive administration. Occupations and religious ceremonies, -festival seasons and time-reckoning for practical purposes were -more closely connected at that time than at any other. The Semitic -calendars all present the same characteristics as the ancient -Sumerian, a resemblance which is only slightly disguised by the fact -that the signs of the now fixed Sumerian series of months are used as -ideograms of the months. Everyone read the ideograms in accordance -with his custom, so that a variety in the names of months still -existed, as the phonetic writings testify. But the fixed writing -naturally contributed to bring about fixed readings, i. e. a fixed -series of months. - - -2. THE ISRAELITES. - -The Israelites, like all Semitic races, reckoned in lunar months. -I need not discuss the views which ascribe to them a solar year, -or would make the old Canaanitish months divisions of the solar -year. From early times the day of the new moon was celebrated with -general festivities and rest from labour, and the old feasts of the -agricultural year seem to have been postponed till the time of full -moon. Like the Homeric Greeks, the Jews at their immigration had no -names of months. Hence they took over the old Canaanitish names. The -latter appear in the oldest portions of the law, in the regulations -for the feast of the Passover, which is to be celebrated in _chodesh -ha-abib_, the month of ears of corn, and in the history of the -building of Solomon’s temple[837], where three others--_chodesh_ or -_yerash ziv_, _yerash bul_, _yerash ha-etanim_--are mentioned and -compared with the numerical months by which their position is fixed. -Of these _y. bul_ and _y. etanim_ recur among the eleven Phoenician -names of months known from inscriptions. The above-mentioned series -of months, which we possess only in fragments, was therefore at -least in part identical with the Phoenician: hence the term ‘old -Canaanitish’ is justified. The explanations are also clear, having -regard to the position of the months in the year. _Chodesh ha-abib_, -corresponding to the first month, about April, is the month of -the ripening ears. _Yerash ziv_, the second, about May, the month -of brightness (though certainly the etymology is not certain), is -referred to the splendour of the blossoming season, though this falls -earlier. But in May the dry season begins, and so one would think -rather of the splendour of the sun. _Yerash ha-etanim_, corresponding -to the seventh, about September, means month of the flowing, i. e. -of the perennial streams, which now at the end of the dry season are -the only ones that have water. _Yerash bul_, the eighth, cannot be -referred to the gathering of the fruit (_bul_), which has already -taken place, but probably means the rainy month, since the autumn -rains now begin[838]. The descriptions are therefore of the kind -already sufficiently familiar. - -But in the writings of the Old Testament the numbering of the -months, beginning at the Feast of the Passover, is the common method -of description, which is only replaced by the Babylonian names -of months after the Captivity. It seems to be fairly generally -recognised that the numbering is later, and according to what has -already been shewn about the numbering of months[839] this is always -a phenomenon of an advanced stage of civilisation. The inclination -of the people towards concrete descriptions of months must also -have prepared the way for the introduction of the Babylonian names. -As to the date of the introduction of the numbered months there is -considerable difference of opinion: at the time of Solomon[840], -about 600 B. C.[841], first demonstrable among the writers of the -Captivity[842]. For our purpose the chief point to note is that the -numbering is more recent than the naming of the months. This question -is again connected with that of the beginning of the year, which will -be dealt with below. For if the series of numbered months begins in -spring, yet there are also indications of an earlier beginning in -autumn[843]. - -New evidence both for the beginning of the year in autumn and for the -months is found in an inscriptional calendar from Gezer, dating from -about the year 600[844]. It runs:--Two months: bringing in of fruits; -two months: sowing; two months: late sowing; one month: pulling up -of flax; one month: barley harvest; one month: harvest of all other -kinds of corn; two months: vintage; one month: fruit-gathering. This -agrees with the course of the agricultural occupations, reckoning -from about September,--the bringing in of fruit is not the harvest -but the carrying home of the harvest from the fields--but is -naturally systematised so as to cover the months. Whoever drew up -this list knew neither fixed names nor a fixed enumeration of the -months: the question can only be whether this state of affairs must -have been general at the date 600 B. C. The purpose of the list does -not seem to me to have been clearly recognised. It is obvious that -such a list must have been drawn up for practical ends. It helps to -regulate the calendar. From the agricultural work just engaged in the -present month is recognised: and then, with the aid of this calendar, -it becomes possible to calculate how many months will elapse before -some other occupations begin. If this calendar came into general use, -names of months of the usual type would arise from it. - -It has been remarked above that the Israelites at their immigration -into Canaan had no names of months. Of course, like all other -primitive peoples, they occasionally reckoned a few months up to -or after this or that event, e. g. pregnancy. This counting was a -shifting one, i. e. it had no reference to the solar year. That -the practice of counting the months was known is proved by the -common word for month, _chodesh_, literally ‘newness’, ‘new moon’, -from _chadash_, ‘new’. The word for moon is _yareach_. Among the -Phoenicians _chodesh_ means only ‘new moon’: ‘month’ is _yerach_. -In the Old Testament this latter word also occurs several times: -in the account of the building of Solomon’s temple[845] (in three -cases characteristically combined with the old Canaanitish names), -in Exodus[846], in Deuteronomy and II Kings (in the expression -_yerach yamim_[847]), and lastly, poetically, in Moses’ departing -blessing[848] and a few times in Job and Zechariah. - -When it is remembered that the months are counted not only -continuously but also by the appearance of each new moon[849], it -becomes clear how the word _chodesh_ has come to mean ‘month’, and -this is also a sure evidence for the practice of counting the months, -though not from a definite point of departure. The latter process, i. -e. the numbering of the months, is much later. The earlier books of -the Old Testament provide interesting material for the significance -of the word[850]. _Chodesh_ means ‘new moon’, ‘feast of the new -moon’ in the old narrative of Jonathan and David[851]; in the -combination ‘new moons and sabbaths’[852]; and in the regulations of -the Priestly Code about the burnt offering of the new moon[853]. -From the new moon the days of the month can be counted, and this is -done in one case[854]. The number of months is determined by counting -the new moons: thus certain passages can be understood (though not -necessarily so), e. g. in the Yahwist, Gen. XXXVIII, 24, “it came -to pass about three new moons (months) after”, and in Amos IV, 7, -“when there were yet three new moons (months) to the harvest”. Here -‘new moon’ and ‘month’ are essentially identical: in this manner a -change of sense has come about. Another point is whether at the time -in question the word in this connexion had the sense of new moon or -of month: I should be inclined to regard the latter supposition as -correct. In the regulations for the Passover Feast also the sense -is not to be determined definitely[855]. If prominence is given to -the idea of duration of time, the sense ‘month’ clearly appears, -e. g. in the story of Jephthah’s daughter:[856] “Let me alone two -months, that I may depart and go down upon the mountains, and -bewail my virginity.” Thus the word in earlier and later times is -often used in the counting of the months[857]. The sense ‘month’ -can be rendered clear by the addition _yamim_[858], which is an -older idiom, for neither with _chodesh_ nor with _shana_, ‘year’, -is _yamim_ originally an empty addition. _Shana_ perhaps means -‘change’, ‘recurrence’, i. e. of the seasons. If the word is used in -a calendarial sense, _yamim_ is a practical explanation. The result -is that _chodesh_ stands for ‘month’, even where the idea of the new -moon is completely excluded, e. g., with numbers of days added, as -early as in the Yahwistic part of the old History of the Kings, II -Sam. XXIV, 8, ‘nine months and twenty days’, or in the history of -Solomon, I Kings V, 14: “And he sent them to Lebanon, ten thousand a -month by courses: a month they were in Lebanon, and two months at -home”. The older senses belong in general to the older writings; it -is however to be presumed that before the beginning of the literary -period the change of sense had already advanced rather far. - -In by far the greatest number of cases _chodesh_ stands in -combination with an ordinal numeral, not in Deuteronomy, but in -Jeremiah and the writers of the Exile, in the last Reviser of the -Pentateuch, in the Priestly Code. Hence it follows that these -numbered months are a late innovation, and they will be spoken of -again in connexion with the matter of the beginning of the year[859]. - - -3. THE PRE-MOHAMMEDAN ARABIANS. - -The series of months now used by the Arabs is the ancient Meccan -series, which, on account of the importance of Mecca as a centre of -trade, had acquired a more than local extension and was adopted by -Islam. Besides this series others are handed down, partly by Arabian -writers, and partly in the Sabean inscriptions: the latter I pass -over, since there is no translation of them, so that they are of no -use for my purpose[860]. The Meccan series is:--1, _safar I_, now -called _muharram_, ‘the holy’, a re-naming which, according to an -Arabic author, Buchari, first took place under Islam; 2, _safar II_; -3, _rabi I_; 4, _rabi II_; 5, _jumada I_; 6, _jumada II_; 7, _rajab_; -8, _sha’ban_; 9, _ramadan_; 10, _shawwal_; 11, _dhu-l-qa’da_; 12, -_dhu-l-hijja_. These names, in so far as they are explainable, refer -to seasons and festivals. This is best seen from the three pairs of -months which form the first half-year. I quote Wellhausen:[861]--“For -the season Çafar the Lisan 6, 134 gives abundant examples; it gives -a name to plants which grow at that time, animals which are born -then, and rains which fall in it. It falls in the autumn. Gumâda -often occurs in the old poetry and always refers to the worst -winter-cold, the dear time in which the poor must be fed by the -rich. Especially favoured is the description of the evil night in -Gumâda, when the dogs do not bark, the snakes, which are otherwise -out at night-time, remain in their holes, and the traveller eagerly -looks out for a friendly fire. The Rabî’ falls, according to the -calendar, between Çafar and Gumâda, and therefore in late autumn. -But commonly the Rabî’ is the season when, after the autumn and -winter rains, the steppe becomes green and the tribes disperse to -the pastures, where the camels bring forth their young and the rich -milking-season approaches.... The camels are pregnant ‘in the tenth -month’, and bring forth their young in February.” This statement -is supported by the etymology. _Safar_ comes from a root with the -meaning ‘to be empty’. Since two months appear between _safar_ and -the cold season, the two months of _safar_ include the end of the -dry and the beginning of the rainy season, before a more abundant -vegetation has sprung up, and are therefore the worst period of lack -of food. The root from which _jumada_ comes has the sense ‘to grow -stiff’, which suits the time of the sharp cold. _Rabi_ as a season -has a double sense, it is partly used to describe a period in autumn -which is often identified with _charif_, the date-harvest, and partly -to describe the pasture-season in spring. The explanation of this -fact is doubtless that the word refers to the sprouting vegetation, -the pasture-season, partly, indeed, to the vegetation which appears -simultaneously with the autumn rains, but partly to the richer -pasture which springs up with the increasing heat after the winter -rains. Out of these three seasons, according to a familiar precedent, -six months are made. They do not exactly cover the winter half of the -year, but fall somewhat earlier, since the last month, _jumada II_, -belongs to the cold period. As for the other months, the sense of -_ramadan_, ‘the hot’, is certain, and it alludes to the warm season, -in fact to its beginning, since _ramadan_ is the third month after -_jumada II_. The attempted explanations of _sha’ban_ and _shawwal_ -are all very uncertain. The other three names refer to festivals. -In _rajab_ a festival was celebrated in all holy places, in which -sacrifices of camels and sheep were offered up. The root means ‘to -fear, to reverence’; the month is therefore called the ‘holy’, -or the ‘deaf and dumb’, since the noise of weapons is stilled. -The names of the last two months refer to the great pilgrimage to -Mecca. _Dhu-l-qa’da_ is ‘the month of sitting’, and the explanation -given for the name--that the month was so called because in it no -expeditions or predatory excursions took place--is doubtless correct. -It is the first month of the holy peace which prevails during the -time of pilgrimage. The second month is named from the feast of -pilgrims itself, _dhu-l-hijja_. - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -CALENDAR REGULATION. 1. THE INTERCALATION. - - -The circumstance that the lunar months are among almost all peoples -named from the phases of Nature involves the necessity of an -agreement between the two really incommensurable periods given by -the sun and the moon. This problem is the central point of the older -scientific chronology. We shall now investigate more closely how -the problem has arisen, and what has been its development among the -primitive peoples. - -Where there is only a series of less than twelve months, the problem -of calendar regulation does not exist. The series is begun on the -appearance of the signs from which the first month is named, and is -continued from that point until the end. The vacant period serves, -unconsciously of course, to bring lunar reckoning and solar year into -agreement. Nevertheless the months can be fixed in a more accurate -fashion. The Eskimos of Greenland, for instance, mark the winter -solstice by the position of the sun, and then begin to count the -moons, and continue doing so until the moon can no longer be observed -in the bright summer nights[862]. The Lower Thompson Indians in -British Columbia counted up to ten or sometimes eleven months, the -remainder of the year being called the autumn or late fall. This -indefinite period of unnamed months enabled them to bring the lunar -and solar year into harmony. Also the Shuswap and the Lillooet in the -same country counted eleven months and then the ‘fall-time’, which -was the balance of the year[863]. - -Among most peoples, however, a series of months covering the -whole year has arisen, and this series has more often 13 than 12 -months. Here the difficulties first begin. If a new moon falls on -a certain day of the solar year, in the following year a new moon -will occur about 11 days before or 19 days after this day, and in -the year after that about 21 days before or 9 days after it. Since -the natural phases are bound up with the solar year, they get out -of place in relation to the moon. The situation is still further -complicated by the fact that the phases of Nature, and with them the -occupations, vary somewhat according to the peculiarities of the -climate in different years. Hence doubt arises, and the accustomed -order of succession of the months is broken. And this is not a mere -theoretical piece of reasoning: primitive peoples are not seldom in -perplexity as to which month they are to count. Of the Dakota it is -said that they often have heated debates as to which moon it is. The -raccoons do not come out of their winter holes at the same time every -winter, the conditions which cause inflammation of the eyes do not -appear at the same time every spring, the geese lay their eggs at a -slightly different period according to the character of the year. -Twelve moons do not bring them back to the same point in the season -as that from which their reckoning began; and therefore towards the -end of the winter there is dispute among the Dakota as to the correct -current date[864]. If the people has a thirteenth month, the matter -is no better. Of the Pawnee, who had an intercalary month, it is -stated that they sometimes became inextricably involved in reckoning, -and were obliged to have recourse to objects about them to rectify -their computations. Councils have been known to be disturbed, or -even broken up, in consequence of irreconcilable differences of -opinion as to the correctness of their calculation[865]. The same is -reported of the Caffres. Their months are named e. g. from the first -cry of the cuckoo, the flowering of the erythusia, the dust in the -dry season, midwinter, and since all these phenomena may appear at -somewhat different dates, even the Caffre astrologers do not know -what moon they are really in. The first appearance of the Pleiades -just before sunrise always rectifies the confusion[866]. Even -peoples who have a developed, astronomically regulated, lunisolar -calendar sometimes have recourse to the natural phases in order to -rectify it. In Bali not only were the stars observed but also the -flowering of certain plants, or even the date when the white ants -got their wings, in order to rectify the lunar calendar[867]. The -months of the Bataks of Sumatra are regulated by the constellation -Scorpio[868]: the magicians, who control the calendar, are not -certain as to the position of the months, but look for general points -of reference in the phenomena of Nature. Thus, for instance, the -dates of certain migratory birds are known: they come in the fourth -and go in the first month. In the third month a black flying-ant is -accustomed to appear in great numbers. The presence of the bird of -prey _lali piuan_ makes known the sixth and seventh months. The bird -_sosoit_ sings in the eleventh month, and the turtle-dove is silent -in the eighth. The west monsoon proclaims the third, storms are very -frequent in the eleventh and twelfth[869]. - -Many peoples slip over the difficulties, they do not properly -know of how many moons the year consists: such peoples are the -Dyaks[870], the Warumbi of Central Africa[871], the Ibo-speaking -peoples[872], the Algonquin[873]. But if a definite series of months -is established, without a vacant interval such as occurs in the case -of some peoples, the number of months naturally becomes 12 or 13. -Even in this case the people sometimes let matters go as they will, -as is reported of the Yukaghir. The people having been christianised, -says our authority, it is now difficult to say whether the ancient -Yukaghir made some adjustment by adding a month to accommodate their -lunar year to the solar one. It seems to me, from the answers which -I received from the Yukaghir to my inquiries, that this point did -not interest them. Generally a month is the time from one new moon -to another, but it did not matter to them whether twelve such months -made up a full cycle of the year or not. When it was necessary they -simply ignored some of the names of months, being far ahead[874]. -The Koryak have twelve lunar months, and the first one begins at -the time of the winter solstice and corresponds to our December. -Yet they are very little troubled by the fact that in the interval -between two winter solstices an extra new moon may occur[875]. The -very perplexity described above implies a great advance, viz. the -recognition of the difficulties, which is the first stage towards -mastering them. - -Therefore every now and again some month must be left out or a month -added. This necessity, at first not recognised, or not clearly so, is -the chief cause of the above-mentioned disagreement in the reckoning -of the months[876]. For when the counting is performed in accordance -with the series only, it soon happens (apart from the climatic -variations of the years already mentioned) that the months deviate -from the natural phases from which they are named. The arguments in -the dispute as to which month it really is are based on the condition -of the phases of nature: the result is a correction of the counting, -i. e. the months are pushed forwards or backwards according to -circumstances, i. e. the month which should have followed is left -out, or a month is added to the series. Thus an intercalation comes -about without it being suspected what is really done. In general the -whole process is not even so conscious as the desire for theoretical -exactness has led me to represent in using the example of the -Dakota. The series and the number of months were from the beginning -unstable, and the natural conditions have brought it about that this -characteristic has been preserved in at least one particular, viz. -that in certain cases a month could be passed over. Let us, for the -sake of clearness, take a fictitious example from Swedish conditions. -As a rule the rye-harvest falls at the beginning of August, the -oat-harvest at the end of August and beginning of September, the -potato-harvest at the end of September. These occupations might very -well be distributed among three months named after them. But a year -would sometimes come in which the oat-harvest took place about at -the interval between two moons, the rye-harvest at the beginning of -the first moon, and the potato-harvest at the end of the second moon. -There would therefore be no place for a month of the oat-harvest, it -must simply be omitted. That this is the case among the primitive -peoples is proved by the fact that many, in fact most, of them -have a series of thirteen months of which one must according to -circumstances be passed over in certain years. - -Experience teaches the peoples who have only a twelve-month series -that this is not sufficient: so we are told of the Mandan and -Minnetaree that they have generally recognised that the year has -more than twelve months[877]. When the intercalary month, as among -certain Indians, is named ‘the lost month’[878], this points to the -fact that it is an addition to a twelve-month series, just as in -Babylonia, where the same method of expression recurs[879]. The Masai -have twelve months[880]. The great rains cease with _loo-’n-gokwa_, -which is named from the evening setting of the Pleiades. Should -the rains still continue at the beginning of the following month, -the Masai say:--“We have forgotten, this is _loo-’n-gokwa_.” -Should the hot season not be over at the beginning of the month -following _ol-oiborare_, they say:--“We have forgotten, this is -_ol-oiborare_”[881]. It is clear that if through the dead reckoning -the months are advanced in relation to the seasons, one month will be -repeated, i. e. intercalated. The preceding month is forgotten. - -Thus the necessity for modifying the series of months is felt, and -in response to this an empirical intercalation arises. When this -intercalation is left to itself, conflicting opinions, as we have -already seen, arise as to it. An end is made to these disputes -and order is established when the decision is placed in the hands -of definite persons. This was done among the Jews, the regulation -of whose calendar affords a particularly plain example of this -empirical intercalation, which, out of religious conservatism, they -kept until well into the post-Christian period, in fact until the -necessities of the Dispersion compelled, from the second century, a -mitigation of the original rules, and finally at an uncertain period, -perhaps not until medieval times, led to a calculated regulation. -According to the Talmud the appearance of the crescent of the new -moon was determined by deposition before a court of justice of three -members. After that the beginning of the month was signalised in the -country in earlier times by fires, later by couriers. A suitable -intercalation was absolutely necessary for the celebration of the -feasts, since at the Feast of the Passover on the 14th of Nisan the -first-fruits of the corn were offered, and the two other great feasts -were also of an agrarian character. For this purpose the court of -justice visited the fields. If they saw that the crops were not yet -ripe at the Passover time, and that the fruits also were not so far -advanced as they were accustomed to be at this time of the year, -they intercalated a month in accordance with these two signs: if -only one of these signs was to be observed the decision was made to -depend on other minor circumstances[882]. By way of example I give an -official document of Rabbi Gamaliel II, issued to the inhabitants of -Judaea, Galilaea, and the Dispersion at the date 90-110 A. D.[883]. -“We make known to you that the lambs are small and the young of the -birds are tender and the time of the corn-harvest has not yet come, -so that it seems right to me and my brothers to add to this year -thirty days.” The intercalary month was the last month of the year, -_Adar_. On rare occasions _Nisan_, when it had begun, was altered -into _Adar II_. Here the intercalation took place in the interests -of the religious cult, but the cult on its side was dependent on the -natural phenomena. The intercalation is of the same empirical order -as that which we have met among the primitive peoples. It is only -that the development of the ecclesiastical laws has led to a judicial -procedure, and the task of determining the intercalation has been -handed over to a committee of the Sanhedrin. - -There exists a possibility of a somewhat different development -among peoples who originally had less than twelve months and also -counted a vacant interval: it is conceivable that the unnamed months -may be named, until at last twelve months have names and the vacant -interval remains only as an intercalary month. This seems to be the -case among the Central Eskimos; they have a ‘sunless’ month, which -covers the time when the sun does not appear and when there is also -hardly any twilight: it is said to be of indeterminate length. After -an interval of a few years this month is left out, if new moon and -winter solstice coincide[884]. When the intercalary month has thus -arisen, its position in the year is fixed. One other example of -this method may exist. The author who gives the list of the months -of the Kwakiutl of the Island of Vancouver, beginning with March, -inserts between the tenth and eleventh months the winter solstice, -and says that the solstice moons are called by a name which probably -means ‘split both ways’, and adds that the readjustment is made -in midwinter[885]. Unfortunately the author does not tell us how -the readjustment is made, whether the winter solstice moon or some -other moon is the intercalary month. If the former be the case, the -explanation is given by the above. - -There is rarely any rule for the position of the intercalary month. -Where the sources simply enumerate a thirteen-month series, it is to -be presumed that no fixed position for the intercalary month exists. -But such a month can be found, since naturally a month named from a -natural phase of less importance will be omitted, or an additional -month inserted, at a time when there is little work going on, and -when consequently little attention is paid to the time-reckoning. So -it is said of the Pawnee that the intercalary month was usually put -in after the summer months[886]. On the Society Islands the month -corresponding to our March or our July was commonly omitted[887]. - -The first regulation of the calendar is therefore roughly empirical, -and in fact is nothing but an occasional and arbitrary deviation, -necessitated by the natural phases, from the existing series of -months. The natural phases, however, as we saw in chapter IV, are -determined in more accurate fashion by the stars, and particularly -by their risings and settings. Consequently the months also can be -named from stars, and a considerable number of such names of months -was found in the lists of chapter VII. This phenomenon has hitherto -been only briefly touched upon; for the regulation of the calendar it -is of supreme importance, since the risings and settings of the stars -accurately determine the date, so that the fluctuation of the natural -phases is excluded. Where only one month is named after a star and -determined by it, the series of months is immovably fixed. - -Just as the Pleiades play the most important part in the -determination of time from the phases of Nature, so it is also in -the naming of the months. The Konyag have a month named from this -constellation, which is followed by one named after Orion[888]. Of -the Diegueño of S. California it is stated that they divided the -year into six months and observed the morning rising of five chief -stars. The names of months are given, but unfortunately there is -no information as to the sense[889]. The Hottentots and the Herero -both have a Pleiades month[890]. On the islands of the Pacific -Ocean the practice is carried so far that in some cases every month -is described by the rising of a constellation, as is done by the -Maoris[891], or even named from stars, as among the inhabitants of -Mortlock’s Island[892] and, for most of the months, by tribes of the -Torres Straits[893]. - -This, however, is an exception. Where only one month is named from -the rising of a star or brought into connexion with it--in this case -the stars in question are usually the Pleiades--the latter furnishes -the means of correcting the reckoning of the months, and the -intercalary month is consequently introduced, as need arises, before -the month in question. The Pleiades month therefore of itself becomes -the starting-point of the reckoning of the months, i. e. becomes the -beginning of the year. Immediately after the discovery of America -it was already reported of certain tribes on the Mexican coast that -they began the year at the setting of the Pleiades and divided it -into moon-months[894]. In Loango the months are counted from new -moons, but Sirius, the rainy star, offers a means of correcting the -reckoning sidereally. With the first new moon which sees Sirius -rising in the east their new cycle of twelve months begins, and -this must run as well as it can until the new year. When the cycle -of months and the year do not fit, which happens about every three -years, a thirteenth month must be inserted. This is the evil time, -when the wandering spirits are at their worst[895]. The Caffres -have twelve moon-months with the usual descriptive names: on this -account uncertainty often arises as to which month it really is. The -confusion is always rectified by the morning rising of the Pleiades, -and the reckoning goes on smoothly for a time, until the months once -more get out of place and it becomes necessary to refer again to the -stars in order to correct them[896]. In Bali the Pleiades and Orion -are observed for the purpose of correcting the calendar of moons by -intercalation: thus the month _kartika_ is doubled, or the month -_asada_ is prolonged until the Pleiades appear at sunset. Moreover -certain natural phenomena are observed[897]. In New Zealand, where -all months were described by stars, the year began with the new moon -following on the rising of the winter star _puanga_ (Rigel)[898]; -the thirteenth month often passed unobserved[899], i. e. served as -an intercalary month. Elsewhere we are told that the displacement of -the moon-months in relation to the year was rectified through the -observation of the rising of the Pleiades and of Orion, and that the -most accurate way of calculating the beginning of the year was to -observe the first new moon after the morning rising of Rigel[900]. -The Papuans limit the year by the constellation of the Serpent, -_manggouanija_; when it appears again in the north, it is a sign that -the new year is beginning[901]. The people of Nauru, west of the -Gilbert Islands, count by moon-months. The time that elapses until -the Great Bear returns to the same spot is reckoned as a year[902]. -The last two reports are so condensed that it is impossible to see -whether the stars serve for the rectifying of the calendar of moons -found among these peoples, or only for the fixing of the beginning of -the year, which, as will be shewn below, may be independent of the -reckoning of months. - -About the regulation of the Hawaiian calendar the authorities are not -unanimous. Dibble says (p. 108) that the month _welehu_ completed the -year, and the new year began with the following month, _makalii_. -The year varied between 12 and 13 months. Each month had 30 days; -however he adds that in practice the number of days varied between -30 and 29. This is the phenomenon familiar in other places, e. g. in -Greece, among the Bataks, etc., in which a round number of 30 days is -given to the moon-month, the real length of this being a little more -than 29½ days. Fornander (I, 119 ff.) states that this variation, -though not common, did occur, but asserts that the year of 360 days -was rectified by the intercalation of 5 days at the end of the month -_welehu_: these were _tabu_ days, dedicated to the festival of the -god Lono. Similarly an old woman of Maui stated that eight months had -30 days and four 31, and that these additional days were called _na -mahoe_, ‘the twins’[903]. This statement cannot be correct, since -the month was strictly lunar and must have been wholly disarranged -by these intercalary days, as is pointed out by the historian of the -Sandwich Islands, W. D. Alexander[904]. This writer also remarks that -it is a well-established fact that the ancient Hawaiians intercalated -a month about every third year, but that the rule governing the -intercalation is unknown. Certainly there was no such rule, but -the intercalation was empirically treated, and regulated by the -appearance of the Pleiades. Such contradictory statements as the -above are due to the influence of the European calendar, owing to -which the native calendar has early fallen into disuse. Fornander has -probably mistaken a feast for intercalary days. - -The treatment of the calendar among the Bataks of Sumatra is of -great interest. The calendar indeed originates in India: the days of -the months shew the familiar names of planets in corrupted Sanskrit -forms, four times repeated and distinguished by various additions. -Only the 28th and 29th or the 29th and 30th days, as the case may -be, have names of another kind, so as to equalise the number of the -days of the moon-month. The week is therefore not shifting but is -immovably fitted into the month. The months are regulated by Scorpio, -the largest star of which is Antares. The year begins with the new -moon at the morning setting of Orion and the contemporary morning -rising of Scorpio in May. The full moon fourteen days later then -stands in the constellation Scorpio. In the first half of the year -the full moon goes farther from Scorpio every month, and in the -second half gets nearer and nearer to it. In the Batak calendar, -which has 12, sometimes 13, × 30 squares, the sign of Scorpio is -registered at the proper day, and the month is decided by it. As -a means of control the soothsayer uses a buffalo rib with 12 × 30 -holes (four times repeated), and every day he draws a string through -one hole in order to keep account of the days. It is clear that the -calendar can give no certain help in the establishing of the month, -and that the means of control must be directly misleading, since -the moon-months vary between 29 and 30 days. For this reason the -soothsayer is often uncertain in his reckoning of the months, and -refers to the natural phases in order to correct it[905]. Hence in -his selection of days he looks not only to the current month, but -also to the preceding. Our authority says that the surplus month is -no intercalary month in the European sense, although it is likely -that to it originally fell the task of equalising the lunar and the -solar years. This is indeed the only correct explanation. When, -presumably in the twelfth month, a following month is involved in the -decision, the thirteenth is also included so that an intercalation -takes place. If the thirteenth month is not available, the first is -taken, we are told. But an intercalation is necessary all the same: -the observation of the natural phases and of the morning rising of -Orion serves for the correction. And this can happen just because -the people are uncertain in the reckoning, and act according to -circumstances. The Batak calendar is a product of decay, and is used -exclusively for divination, not as a genuine calendar[906]; but it -is of great interest to observe how the soothsayers, since they do -not possess the knowledge necessary for a proper management of the -calendar, fall back upon primitive methods. It is significant that -the indispensable thirteenth month has often been lost: the people do -not even understand the difference between the months and the year, -and yet they cannot avoid the necessity of the intercalation. - -There are two historically important cases of this empirically -regulated intercalation of months, which must be dealt with in -detail, since they are much debated. The dispute has arisen from a -failure to recognise the empirical intercalation and its workings. -The one case is that of the old Arabian calendar before Mohammed, the -other that of the Babylonian calendar. - -The old Arabian names of months depend in great measure, as has -been shewn already[907], upon the seasons. Originally therefore -the months must have been connected with the solar year, and must -have been approximately fixed in their position by the sufficiently -familiar empirical method. The same thing is shewn by the naming -of the last months from the pilgrimage to Mecca. In pre-Mohammedan -times the pilgrimages were at the same time business journeys; trade -and cult were, as so often, united, and commercial intercourse was -first made really possible when by religious sanction a time of peace -was established during which journeys to and fro could be taken in -safety. The first month of the peace of God is _dhu-l-qa’da_, and -_dhu-l-hijja_ is the month of the gathering in Mecca: the following -month, _safar I_, was also included in the time of peace, and was -therefore called _muharram_. During all three months there were -fairs: in the neighbourhood of Mecca there was a whole succession of -them, following upon each other in _dhu-l-qa’da_ and _dhu-l-hijja_; -in _safar_ there was a corn-market in Yemen[908]. The gay life of the -great fair of Mecca is described in detail in old Arabic sources; -it seems to have drawn the people almost more than the religious -ceremonies, and first gave Mecca its real importance. An annual -fair is however dependent upon the seasons, both on account of the -journeys and for the products bought and sold. Sprenger has already -remarked that the winter months are quite unsuitable for merchants’ -journeys to Syria, and that in the late summer it was not to be -expected that corn which had been cut at the beginning of March -should be taken in to the markets[909]. Because of the markets that -were held in them, the months must also have had a fixed position -in the solar year. This importance of Mecca explains why the Meccan -months became so wide-spread. The two names _dhu-l-qa’da_ and -_dhu-l-hijja_ are formed with _dhu_, differently from the others, and -were coined at Mecca. This leads to the conclusion that these names -were innovations occasioned by the business intercourse of that city. - -For the purpose of determining the time of the peace of God and of -the gathering in Mecca unity must prevail as to the position of the -months, and for this the above-mentioned occasional correction of -the position is quite inadequate. Mohammed prescribed the strictly -lunar year: by this means the time of every month was definitely -fixed, but in about 33 years the months would pass through the circle -of a whole solar year. The question is whether before Mohammed an -ordered intercalation, which he abolished, or the lunar year existed. -For although it lies in the nature of things that the market should -originally be connected with a definite time of the year, it cannot -of course be denied that later, when the fairs had already attained -this predominating position, the date could be fixed by reference to -the purely lunar year. It is certain that in the years just before -the prescription of the lunar year by Mohammed the months were -inverted in relation to the year, so that the spring months fell in -autumn and the autumn months came in the spring[910]. - -The passage in the Koran 9, 36 ff. is often adduced as evidence -that Mohammed abolished the intercalation:--“Truly the number of -the months with God is twelve months in the book of God, on the -day when He created the heavens and the earth. Of these four (i. e. -_rajab_, _dhu-l-qa’da_, _dhu-l-hijja_, _muharram_) are holy. This is -the right religion. Be not unjust therein towards yourselves, but -fight against the heathen without distinction, since they make no -distinction in fighting against you, and know that God is on the side -of the faithful. The _nasî_ is in truth an addition to unbelief (or, -in unbelief), in which the unbelievers go astray. They allow it one -year, and one year they explain it as unlawful, in order to equalise -(bring into agreement) the number of that (i. e. the months) which -God has commanded to keep holy. But they declare lawful what God has -forbidden.” It is claimed that the emphasis laid upon the fact that -there are twelve months is directed against the intercalation, but -this is no proof. The sense depends entirely upon what is implied by -_nasî_. Etymologically the word is derived from _nasaa_, ‘to push -aside, away’. - -On this point there has been from the earliest days of Arabic -literature a dispute which has been still further complicated -by modern hypotheses[911]. According to one view _nasî_ is the -intercalation of a month, which served to bring the months into -agreement with the solar year[912]. Some authors have even attempted -to establish an intercalary cycle, and it has been asserted that -the intercalation was borrowed from the Jews. This opinion may be -left out of account, since the cycles differ among themselves and -are therefore invented, while the intercalation was governed by -a hereditary _nasî_-controller from the tribe of Kinâna, who was -called the _qalammas_, i. e. ‘Sea of Wisdom’. If the intercalation -is controlled by a central authority, as e. g. in Babylonia, an -intercalary cycle is unnecessary: the central authority supplies -its place. According to the other view the _nasî_ consists in the -transferring of the holy character of one month to another, e. g. -the declaring of _muharram_ as free and the pronouncing of _safar_ -as holy instead of it. This view is based on the supposition that -the Arabs found a time of peace lasting for three successive months -burdensome, and in order to be able to make predatory excursions -in a holy month, and yet keep the number of holy months unchanged, -they made another month holy instead. The treatment e. g. of the -_karneios_ by the Argives and of the _daisios_ by Alexander the -Great[913] was very similar. Therefore, it is maintained, before -Mohammed the year was a purely lunar one, and Mohammed only forbade -the disarrangement of the holy period. These authorities also ascribe -the right of changing the holy month to the _qalammas_, who at the -end of the feast of pilgrims in _dhu-l-hijja_ rose and in an address -to the assembly arranged the re-distribution. A third view, according -to which the feast of pilgrims was held eleven days later every year, -until after a cycle of 33 years it came back again to the same month, -is certainly incorrect, since the feast was connected with the phases -of the moon. The theory is extracted from the comparison between the -lunar and the solar years[914]. - -Several sources give the words in which the _qalammas_ made known the -re-distribution: they are affected by later views but must contain -a kernel of truth, since they shew difficulties which are not even -noticed by the authorities. According to Kalby the expression runs -simply:--“The _safar_ of this year is declared holy”, or “free”; -according to Ibn Ishaq:--“O God, I declare one of the two months -called _safar_, namely the first, to be free, and I postpone the -other till next year.” What is meant by postponing _safar II_ until -the next year is unexplained and unexplainable. Since the year begins -with _safar I_, and the proclamation takes place in _dhu-l-hijja_, -_safar II_ already belongs to the next year. _Safar II_ is in itself -not holy, so that here there can be no question of a changing of the -holy character of the month. But if by the expression _safar safar -I_ is understood, matters become clear. _Safar I_ is doubled: _I -a_ is an intercalary month, and therefore not holy, and belongs as -a thirteenth month to the current year; _I b_ begins the new year -and is holy. “I remove _safar_ (viz. _I b_) to next year” is an -incorrect but intelligible way of saying that the new year begins -with this month. In the _Qâmûs_ the expressions runs:--“O God, I am -authorised to move the months or to leave them in their places and -confirm them, and none can blame me or put me to my defence. O God, -I declare the first _safar_ to be free, and the second holy. The -same do I determine in respect of the two _rajab_, namely _rajab_ -and _sha’ban_.” The first sentence, if authentic, doubtless refers -to an intercalation, since the words are ‘move the months’, and not -‘the holy character of the months’; but we can hardly insist so far -upon the expression. The last sentence is more conclusive. It shews, -namely, that not only was _safar I_ shifted to _safar II_, but at the -same time _rajab_ was moved to _sha’ban_. This is a system, not an -incidental expedient to render possible a military expedition in a -holy month. Later authorities add that the holy character of _safar_ -was moved to _rabi I_, and that the process went on from month to -month until every month in the year had at one time or another been -declared holy. How this is to be understood is shewn by the oldest -report which has been handed down to us. It comes from Modjahid, who -was born in the year 21 of the Hegira. “The heathen were accustomed -in every month of the lunar year to go on pilgrimages for only two -years.” It must be realised that in the course of a cycle of 33 -years a month of the lunar year will coincide two to three times, -according to the series, with one and the same month of the lunisolar -year, and that the months of the Mohammedan lunar year and of the -old Arabian lunisolar year, which must once have existed, have the -same names. Modjahid’s statement can only be understood thus: that -the heathen pilgrimage was re-arranged every third year in relation -to the Mohammedan lunar months--two years is a rough approximation -for ‘sometimes two, sometimes three years’--because it was to be kept -in place in regard to the solar year. But the pilgrimage took place -in a definite month, and therefore the months also belonged to a -lunisolar year. If the months of the lunisolar year are compared with -those of the lunar year confusion results, since both series have the -same names. Let us take, for example, a sentence of the distinguished -chronologist Albiruni, who represents the opinion that _nasî_ means -the intercalation of a month: “The first intercalation applied to -_muharram_, in consequence _safar_ was called _muharram_, _rabi I_ -was called _safar_, and so on; and in this way all the names of all -the months were changed. The second intercalation applied to _safar_; -in consequence the next following month (_rabi I_, the original -_rabi II_)[915] was called _safar_, and this went on till the -intercalation had passed through all twelve months and returned to -_muharram_.” When other writers, not so well trained in chronology, -say that the hallowing of the month was transferred from _muharram_ -to _safar_ and from _safar_ to _rabi I_, this means that, according -to the year, the _safar_ or _rabi I_ of the lunar year corresponds -to the _muharram_ of the lunisolar year. When in the speech of the -_qalammas_, _safar I_ and _rajab_ are simultaneously shifted to the -month following in each case, this involves the shifting of the whole -series of months. A genuine intercalation therefore takes place. The -term _nasî_, ‘to push aside’, resembles the world-wide description of -the intercalation of the month. _Safar I_ is ‘forgotten’, but upon -this it follows that not this month is holy, but the following one, -which is now also called _safar I_ but corresponds to _safar II_ of -the strictly lunar year. The sanctity or non-sanctity of the months -was for the people the all-important point, and the _qalammas_, who -was a religious authority, was obliged to refer to it. Hence he -declared the month as free and the following month as holy without -expressing himself, as we should have wished, in the technical -terms of chronology. The people understood him: if the month after -_dhu-l-hijja_ was free, it followed that not this month but the next -was holy, the month with which the new year began, _safar I_. The -intercalation therefore involves a transference of the sanctity of -the month following the feast of pilgrims to the next but one after -the feast. Hence has arisen the misunderstanding that the _nasî_ -consisted _only_ in a transference of the sanctity of the months. - -The tribe of Kinana, to which the _qalammas_ belonged, inhabited -the district around Mecca, and the famous tribe of the Koraish, its -most distinguished branch, was supreme in Mecca[916]. The calendar -regulation therefore took place in the interests of Mecca and its -trade, and it is quite ridiculous to say that the sanctity of a month -was transferred to another merely in order to render possible a -predatory excursion. Besides this would make matters no better, since -all the tribes concerned would have to have peace or war in the same -months. A shifting of this nature would only be really effectual if -it offered a means of surprising an unsuspecting neighbour in time of -peace. Probability therefore also points to the view that the _nasî_ -was a genuine intercalation carried out by a person appointed for the -purpose, so that the dates of the markets and the pilgrimage might -be fixed at the proper times of the year. For this no intercalary -cycle was employed, any more than elsewhere: the empirical -intercalation sufficed, and it was made known to the people at the -feast of pilgrims, whence the knowledge spread all over. However the -entrusting of such power over the calendar to one individual lends -itself only too easily to abuses with a view to ends which have -nothing to do with the calendar. The stock example is afforded by the -Roman pontifices at the end of the Republic. It is therefore nothing -to wonder at that the calendar should have been disorganised during -Mohammed’s stay in Mecca. Hence also the attempts at determining the -calendar from two or three certainly known dates are vain, for when -a system is lacking or is broken up it is impossible to compute a -calendar systematically from a couple of dates. Mohammed’s action is -thus to be explained:--The misuse of the intercalation had destroyed -the dependence of the pilgrimage upon the time of the year: Mohammed -wished to create order, and did so in radical fashion by forbidding -the intercalation, the misuse of which he saw, but the usefulness of -which he failed to recognise. - -It has been pointed out above that the Sumerian months completely -correspond in character to those of the primitive peoples[917]. -The establishing of the months in their definite places followed -originally from the reference to the seasons, not from the position -in the series of months. The seasons on their part were, as always, -brought into relation to the phases of the stars. There is indeed -little information as to this point, but what little there is is -sufficient to establish it. It is however much to be desired that -specialists should pay more attention to the matter and if possible -procure more information. The Pleiades are brought into connexion -with the annual inundations, which took place about the time of the -invisibility of these stars, i. e. between their evening setting -and morning rising[918]. The name of the constellation Virgo means -‘root of the sprouting wheat-stalk, or corn’, that of the star Spica -‘proclaimer of the sprouting wheat-stalk’. These names agree with -the evening rising of this constellation, which at the date 2,000 -B. C. took place about the 28th of February of our modern calendar, -and with the morning setting, which took place some 16 days later. -Circumstances exclude the ripening, which took place in the second -half of April.[919] Consequently the months were also determined by -the phases of the stars: among the names of months there is one which -points to this fact, ‘the month in which the white star (_bar-zag_) -sinks down from the culmination-point’[920]. The naming of the months -from the stars has not been carried through consistently, but each -month, just as e. g. among the Maoris, was fixed by one or more -risings of stars. There are several lists in which now one, now two, -or even three of the fixed stars are assigned to each of the twelve -months[921]. In the Creation epic, Tablet V, 4 ff., we read:--“For -twelve months he set down three constellations, according to the -times of the year fashioned he the groups of stars.” Among the -Maoris all the stars suitable to the time in question are used in -the fixing of the month: in Babylonia there was probably a gradual -limitation to the stars of the ecliptic, i. e. the 12 signs of the -zodiac, the number of which points to the fact that they owe their -origin to the endeavour to fix the twelve months astronomically[922]. -This is an important advance of Babylonian stellar science, that -the constellations of the ecliptic should be separated from the -others. Weidner, p. 21, inverts matters when he says, with reference -to a list in which, instead of the fainter constellations of the -zodiac, neighbouring bright stars are given (e. g. Sirius instead -of Cancer):--“The system of the _paranatellonta_ is also found -already, i. e. the system which allows neighbouring bright stars -or constellations to step in instead of less bright constellations -of the zodiac. But this is no longer primitive astronomy, it marks -rather, as Weissbach has already pointed out with reference to -Newcomb-Engelmann, the beginnings of a scientific astronomy.” On the -contrary, as the examples from the primitive peoples shew, in the -utilising of stars to fix a point of time or a month no notice is -originally taken of the position of the star within or without the -ecliptic, but the most easily recognisable stars and constellations -are naturally preferred, wherever they may be situated. A list of -fixed stars which determine months, including also stars situated -outside the ecliptic, is primitive; it is out of the question that a -constellation outside the ecliptic is referred to instead of a sign -of the zodiac in the proper sense--that in which the constellations -of the zodiac are to be regarded as the _prius_. After the signs -of the zodiac have been fixed, so that a systematic duodecimal -division of the year has been obtained, the stars situated outside -the ecliptic are compared with the signs of the zodiac in order to -indicate with accuracy to which month they belong, or in other words -the system of the _paranatellonta_ is found. - -It is indispensable to enter into the all-important question of the -intercalation, but here opinions are so directly opposed to one -another that Weidner establishes a very accurate 38-year intercalary -cycle as early as the time of the dynasty of Ur, while Kugler denies -the existence of any intercalary cycle before the year 528 B. C.; -Kugler again publishes a document in which an intercalary rule is -recognised as dating from a time after 504 B. C.[923], while Weidner -regards this as a copy of a much older original. An impartial opinion -can only be arrived at by working through the material, and this -is impossible for anyone who is not an Assyriologist: I am all the -more compelled, therefore, to limit myself to suggestions and to the -comparison with primitive conditions[924]. - -Where surplus months exist, there is no intercalation in the proper -sense, although the same name, e. g. the ‘harvest month’, will recur -sometimes after 12, sometimes after 13 months, since owing to the -fluctuating and unstable nature of the naming of the months the -latter are distributed according to circumstances[925]. This covers -the difficulty. Such seems to have been the state of affairs in the -pre-Sargonic period at Lagash. Certainly Kugler (II, 216) has tried -to demonstrate intercalary years: this is possible in the sense given -above, but actually very uncertain, since the starting-points for the -arrangement of the months are anything but certain[926]. Only the -arising of a fixed series of months makes a genuine intercalation -possible, since as a rule the general custom is to intercalate a -definite month (in Babylonia, at least later, there were two such -months, _adarru_ and _ululu_). The process is either an omission -of one month in the series of thirteen, or an intercalation of one -month in the series of twelve. The former appears in Lagash in the -time of Sargon, the latter in the time of Dungi. We have found that -the intercalation among the primitive peoples takes place as need -arises. If the series of months is fixed, but the intercalation -is neglected, the months must get out of place in relation to the -seasons: this can be demonstrated in a couple of cases. So if -the translation of the name of the fourth month in the list from -Lagash is correct--_šu-kul-na_, ‘sowing month’--the harvest month, -_še-kin-kud_, is the twelfth, and is therefore at a distance of eight -months instead of the five which the natural conditions shew[927]. -Further the list at the time of Dungi shews a disarrangement of the -months as compared with the Sargonic list, the tenth month having -dropped out and the following months being now pushed one place -forwards. This difference can be explained either by a neglect of the -intercalation, or by the fluctuating nature of the nomenclature: in -the latter case there is really no genuine intercalation. - -At the time of Dungi and his successors we have documentary evidence -for a number of years with intercalation.[928] At this date Kugler -stoutly denies and Weidner supports the existence of an intercalary -cycle. Weidner says:--“If we denote Dungi 39 (the 39th year of his -reign) by I, the following years are proved by documents to contain -intercalary months:--II, V, XI, XIV, XVI, XVIII, XX, XXIII, XXVI, -XXIX, XXXII, XXXV, XXXVIII. But between Dungi 43 and 49 there is at -least one more leap-year to be added, most probably Dungi 46, i. e. -VIII. For the period of 38 years we should then have 14 intercalary -months attested. This is therefore an intercalary system that works -quite well. A 19-year intercalary cycle however it cannot be, since -in that case, corresponding to the former part, the years XXI, XXIV, -etc. in the latter would have to be leap-years. _We have therefore -to assume a 38-year intercalary cycle, which in perfection far -surpasses that of 19 years._ It is the half of the well-known -76-year cycle of Callippus.” The conclusion is unwarrantable from -the premises. For the intercalation which takes place just as need -arises keeps the months firmly in their place in the solar year, -and attains the same result as an intercalary cycle. A period of 76 -Indian years will contain just as many months as a Callippean cycle. -The only conclusive factor therefore is the periodicity, and this -is not proved. Through an accident of tradition the leap-years are -known for a period of 38 years, and it is obvious that during these -38 years an empirical intercalation, regularly carried out, kept the -lunisolar year in order. The evidence that even under the Hammurabi -dynasty no intercalary cycle existed is given by Kugler[929]. - -But there is also direct evidence that the intercalation took place -empirically, i. e. as need arose. Ungnad has shewn this from a -comparison of the known leap-years. Best known of all is the letter -of Hammurabi to Siniddinam:--“Since the year has a deficiency, let -the previous month be entered as Elul II. And instead of bringing the -taxes on the 25th Tishritu to Babylon, let them be brought to Babylon -on the 25th Elul II”[930]. For the empirical correcting of the -position of months the stars are used among the primitive peoples, -and so also in Babylonia. A tablet in the British Museum[931] -gives the following injunction:--“The constellation _dilgan_ rises -heliacally in the month _nisan_. As often as this constellation -remains invisible, its month shall be forgotten”. The same injunction -is given in regard to other constellations from which months are -named. The expression that the month Nisan is to be ‘forgotten’ -reminds one of the description of the intercalary month as the ‘lost’ -or ‘forgotten’ month among certain tribes of N. American Indians, -and of the expression of the Masai. The forgotten month is not the -intercalary month in our sense, i. e. not the second of two months -that have arisen by doubling; it is the first. This month must be -passed over, not counted, forgotten, its name must be transferred -to the following month, so that the year may run properly. The -establishing of the months by means of phases of the stars is so -abundantly demonstrated for primitive peoples in the preceding pages -that no words need be wasted in describing the method of its carrying -out. It is a method that works perfectly well but is entirely -empirical, and where recourse is had to this method we know that the -regulation by a definite intercalary cycle does not exist. With a -more extended development of the method a still better result can be -obtained, and this is the direction that the Babylonians have taken. -The regulation runs:--“If on the first day of the month _nisannu_ the -constellation of the Pleiades and the moon are together, the year -shall be an ordinary one. If on the third day of the month _nisannu_ -the constellation of the Pleiades and the moon stand together, the -year shall be a full one (i. e. a leap-year)”[932]. The meaning and -effect of this rule are explained by Schiaparelli. But this too is an -empirical rule, aimed at an empirical, not a cyclical, intercalation. -Where an intercalary cycle exists, no such rule is needed. - -Since by the letter of Hammurabi it is indisputably established that -the intercalation took place not in years previously determined but -at the command of the king, those who in spite of this would maintain -the existence of an intercalary cycle hold to the assertion that -the 27-year intercalary period was not a strictly fixed but a free -cycle. In other words the intercalation rule only runs:--“Within a -period of 27 years 10 intercalary months are to be inserted, but -the choice of the leap-years is left open to the astronomer”[933]. -But this is nothing less than an abandonment of the intercalary -cycle. The purpose of such a cycle is to render it possible to -compute the calendar beforehand for any number of years to come, and -this purpose is frustrated by a regulation of this kind. It only -says that in _x_ years _y_ intercalary months occur: this is not a -rule for intercalation but an empirical observation, which readily -results from a proper treatment of the empirical intercalation. -Such observations must have been made by the Babylonians. In a -tablet published by Kugler it is said of Saturn and of the fixed -star _kak-si-di_, respectively, “ ... the period of the visibility -of Sirius amounts to 27 years. Turn back and consider day after -day,” according to Weidner, p. 73; according to Kugler I, 47 the -inscription runs, “Day by day ... shalt thou see (the same phenomena -as 59, or 27, years before).” Both Kugler and Weidner find here a -27-year intercalary cycle regulated by the star; the former places -it before 533 B. C., the latter at a considerably earlier period. -But in accordance with what has here been said about the empirical -regulation of the intercalation by phases of the stars it follows -that there is no intercalation at all, but only the empirical -verification of the fact that the new moon and Sirius come back after -27 years into the same mutual relationship: this will actually be the -result with an accurate treatment of the intercalation based on the -observation of this constellation. - -Under these circumstances it would have been an easy matter to -establish an intercalary cycle, but the demand for this is an affair -of practical life: astronomy is concerned only with the calculation. -The failure to observe this fact has led the discussion astray. The -calendar is of course the most conservative of all human things; -centuries after the establishment of very accurate calculations of -the course of the moon and the introduction of a good intercalary -cycle, the Jews adhered to the empirical observation of the new -moon, and we know how difficult it is in modern times to introduce -any improvement into the calendar. Because in Babylon there was a -central government which could arrange the intercalation in proper -fashion, the lunisolar year was kept in order, and in practical life -there was no necessity to be able to calculate months and days for -several years in advance. The empirical intercalation worked well, -and there was no need to replace it by an intercalary cycle. The -latter is indeed a simplification undertaken on practical grounds, an -intercalating rule being substituted for the immediate astronomical -observation: astronomy is concerned only with the calculation and -with the further refinement of the rule. In so far as I am able to -pronounce upon the material Kugler is right: no cyclically regulated -intercalation existed before the Persian period; but from this it is -in no way possible to arrive at any decision as to the position of -the Babylonian astronomy. The regulation of the months by the phases -of the stars was a suggestive problem for the astronomers, and it led -to the recognition of the periodicity of the phenomena. This is the -_prius_, not the desired establishment of an intercalary cycle. - -A second means of fixing the months in their position in the solar -year is afforded by the regulation by the solstices and equinoxes; -but since, as will be shown in the following chapter, the observation -of these is difficult and is seldom undertaken, a regulation of -this nature is correspondingly rare. It can be demonstrated for the -Eskimos[934], the Kwakiutl[935], and the Hopi, whose 13 ‘sun-points’ -doubtless correspond to the 13 months[936]. Of the Basuto it is -said that an attempt is made to determine the time of sowing from -the moon, but that the people commonly go wrong in their reckoning, -and after much dispute are obliged to fall back upon the climatic -conditions and the state of the vegetation as more certain marks for -the time of sowing. Intelligent chiefs, however, rectify the calendar -(i. e. the moon-months) by the summer solstice, which they call the -summer house of the sun[937]. - -The risings and settings of the stars, as has been shewn above, are -brought into relation with the seasons. There is a possibility of -bringing these sidereally determined seasons into a system. Thus -the year of the Luiseño Indians of S. California consists of 2 × 8 -divisions, which are determined by the morning rising of certain -stars[938]. This is however an isolated case, since the reckoning -by months has penetrated almost everywhere, and both seasons and -risings of stars are brought into connexion with this. The most -complete example is seen in the months of the Maoris[939]. Moreover -the creation of such a system was not possible among the primitive -peoples, since for the purpose of determining time they were only -accustomed to observe a few stars, principally the Pleiades. On the -other hand the observation of the stars plays a great part in another -matter not necessarily connected with the reckoning of the months, -viz. the beginning of the year, and to this we shall now turn our -attention. - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -CALENDAR REGULATION. 2. BEGINNING OF THE YEAR. - - -The question of the beginning of the year presents some difficulties, -since it is for the most part quite uncertain what meaning is to be -attached to the phrase ‘beginning of the year’. For us the new year -is the great division in the calendar, and one which is emphasised by -a special festival day and by various rites. This is an inheritance -from ancient Rome; in particular the extremely wide-spread and -popular astrology has powerfully contributed to the importance of -New Year’s Day[940]. In ancient Greece the New Year’s Day was of -no great importance: its position varied greatly in each of the -small states; it was little more than the day on which the annually -changing officials entered upon their terms of office. In the case of -the primitive peoples the new year need not in itself be regarded as -a very important division of the calendar: it has however become so -among more highly developed peoples. For instance, the enumeration -of the seasons or the months must begin somewhere; for this reason -a beginning of the year must be supposed, but it is not therefore -certain that the new year acquires any special importance. Of the -inhabitants of the Torres Straits Islands Rivers says that when asked -about the seasons they more than once began their list with _surlal_, -and he is of the opinion that the beginning of this season is for -them practically the beginning of a new year[941]. Of the Kiwai -Papuans Landtman writes to me:--The year has no beginning, since -there is no term to describe this, and it cannot be said that one -season more than another marks an occasion of greater importance. -The people begin their list of months sometimes with _keke_, the -first month of the dry season, sometimes with _karongo_, which marks -the transitional period between the dry and the rainy seasons. - -It will be well to begin our investigation with the natural divisions -of the year. The changing seasons give several divisions one or other -of which, according to preference, can be chosen as the beginning of -the year. But this is not the case among the agricultural peoples. -Their year falls into two parts, the period of vegetation and the -time of rest intervening between the harvest and the resumption -of ploughing. There are therefore two natural main divisions, the -beginning of labour and the conclusion of the period of vegetation, -the harvest. Both occur as the beginning of the year, the former -however more rarely, as when among the Wadschagga ‘the raising of -the plough-stick’ is also the ‘opening of the year’[942]. More -frequently the harvest and the great festival associated with it form -the turning-point of the year. Probably however we should rather -speak of an end than of a beginning of the year, as is remarked by -one writer in regard to the Dyaks of south-east Borneo:--For them -the rice-harvest is a principal division of the year (_njelo_). In -September, at the completion of the harvest, the year is at an end. -A definite beginning, a New Year’s Day, is unknown among them[943]. -However when the year is reckoned continuously, beginning and end -practically coincide. - -In the literature of comparative religion festivals of this nature -are a much-discussed problem which cannot be gone into here, since -it transgresses the limits of this investigation. I shall give only -a few selected examples in order to make clear the relationship with -the beginning of the year. Among the Carolina Indians the feast of -the first-fruits or harvest was the most splendid of all: it appears -to have ended the old year and begun the new. It began in August -when the corn-harvest was completely over. As a preliminary all the -inhabitants provided themselves with new clothes, new pots, pans, and -other household utensils, and then collected all their old clothes -and other worn-out things, swept and cleaned their houses, places -of assemblage, and the whole town, and threw clothes and refuse, -together with all the remaining supplies of food (corn etc.), on to a -heap, to which they afterwards set fire. After this they took physic, -and fasted for three days, and a general amnesty was proclaimed. -On the fourth morning the chief priest kindled fire with pieces of -wood at the public meeting-place, by which means every house in -the town was then provided with fire. Then the women went to the -harvest-field, fetched new corn, prepared it, and brought it with -pomp to the meeting-place, where the whole populace was assembled -in new clothes. Eating went on, especially among the men, and at -night they danced. The festival lasted three days, and on the four -following days visits were paid to neighbouring towns[944]. The New -Year festival of the Konkau of California is a funeral rite which has -undergone transformation. The ‘Dance for the Dead’ took place at the -end of August; from evening until daybreak the people danced around -a fire, into which food, strings of shell-money, and other small -articles were thrown. Our authority does not know how the date was -fixed, but the festival marked the new year, and this opportunity was -taken to wipe out all old debts and settle accounts for the year that -was to come[945]. Among the Amazulu the feast of the first-fruits is -called the ‘New Year’. Medicine staffs are everywhere set up in order -to prevent ‘heaven’ from entering. At the end of the year new staffs -are set up instead of the old ones; then the people know that the old -heaven of the year has passed away with the year that is ended: the -new year has its own heaven[946]. In the neighbourhood of Mombasa the -new year is celebrated with fair regularity in September, after the -maize-harvest; for a whole week there is dancing day and night[947]. -Among the Thonga there are several feasts of the first-fruits, -_luma_. When the Caffre corn, _mabele_, is ripe, the wife of the -chief grinds the first grains reaped, and cooks them. The chief eats -a little and offers some to the spirits of his ancestors with the -words: “Here is the new year come”, and prays for fruitfulness. At -the ripening of the Caffre plum, from which a drink is extracted, -some of the drink is poured out on to the graves of dead chiefs -with the words:--“This is the new year. Let us not fight! Let us -eat in peace!” Among the Nkuma the ceremony of the first-fruits is -performed with a special kind of pumpkin, and is called ‘eating the -new year’[948]. On the Lower Niger, among the Owu-Waji, the year -is terminated by the feast of roasted yams, which also serves as a -public announcement that the labours of the field are to be resumed. -Homage is paid to Ifejioku, god of the harvest, in token of gratitude -for a good and fruitful year[949]. On the Society Islands a festival -was celebrated with a great banquet, and this was called ‘the -ripening or consummation of the year’[950]. The greatest feast of the -Dyaks is _dangei_, the celebration of the new rice-year after the -harvest; but if the harvest fails, the festival is suspended[951]. -Among the Yoruba _odun_ means year, an annual festival celebrated in -October and the time between two such festivals[952]. - -The new year is equivalent to the new harvest, the new supplies of -food which through the raising of the taboo are blessed and made -accessible. Where there are several fruits which ripen at different -times there may be several ‘new year festivals’, as among the Thonga, -but usually there is one principal sowing-time and consequently only -one festival. A festival of this nature forms the great division of -the year, and this fact is emphasised by the ceremonies which aim -at clearing away everything old and beginning again. In this way -the change of the year acquires great significance, but this is not -universally the case. - -More rarely some other natural phenomenon gives rise to the -celebration of the change of the year, e. g. the appearance of the -palolo, the favourite delicacy of Samoa: but since the palolo appears -at different times near different islands, the turn of the year -varies accordingly[953]. - -A festival of this nature is originally not a calendar festival, -and only on account of its special significance does it become of -importance for the calendar: it is not a universal phenomenon. In -different districts the position of the beginning of the year varies -greatly. Among the North American Indians many tribes began the year -at the spring equinox, others in the autumn, the Hopi with the ‘new -fire’ in November, the Takulli in January[954]. The Kiowa began the -year at the commencement of winter, which was signalised by the -first snow-fall, or according to other statements a month earlier, -with the first cold, the Pawnee with winter, the Teton-Sioux and the -Cheyenne immediately before the winter[955], the Klamath and Modok in -August, after the _wokash_-harvest[956], the Chocktaw of Louisiana -in December[957], the Natchez in March, when they celebrated a -great festival[958]. As a rule the Thompson Indians of British -Columbia count their moons beginning at the rutting-season of the -deer in November, but some begin with the end of the rutting-season -at the end of November: others, particularly Shamans, with the -rutting-season of the big-horn sheep. Many peoples of the Lytton band -begin when the ground-hogs go into their winter dens. Many of the -Lower Thompsons begin with the rutting-season of the mountain-goats. -Some moons are called by numbers only, but those following the tenth -moon are not numbered[959]. The Shuswap in the same country connected -the year with the same moon as the Thompson Indians, although most -of them entered their winter houses a month earlier[960]. Among the -Hudson Bay Eskimos the year begins when the sun has reached its -lowest position at the winter solstice[961]. The first month of the -Koryak of N. E. Asia begins at the time of the winter solstice, and -corresponds to our December[962]. It has already been mentioned -that the East Greenlanders also began to count their months at the -winter solstice, but later at the morning rising of Altair[963]. It -will be seen that the beginning of the year has no common position -marked out by Nature, although we may perhaps say that it usually -falls somewhere during the period of rest, while the peculiar natural -conditions under which the Eskimos live make it easy to understand -why their year should be begun with the eagerly awaited return of the -sun. Among many peoples little attention seems to have been paid to -the matter, since no special prominence is given to the beginning of -the year, although lists of months are given. But where these lists -exist, and it is desired to enumerate the months, a beginning must be -made somewhere, and a fixed initial month very easily arises. - -The dispute already touched upon[964] as to the beginning of the -Israelitish year is very characteristic of the matter in hand[965]. -It is easy to understand why no unity has been arrived at, since the -conception of the beginning of the year is fluctuating and capable of -many interpretations. When in the oldest codes of the law it is said -of the feast of in-gathering (namely of fruit, wine, and oil) that -it is to be celebrated at the end of the year or that it marks the -‘turning’ of the year[966], Dillman is right in describing this year -as an economic one. From the very beginning the feast is a feast of -the end of the year[967]. Only as the agricultural year is extended -into a complete year does it become a feast of the turn, and finally -of the beginning, of the year. - -The beginning of the agricultural year, however, still does not imply -a calendar year, though certainly it furnishes occasion for the -establishment of the beginning of the year when a calendar arises. -Even in the year 600, at least in Gezer, no fixed series of months -was known[968], the Canaanitish months not having been universally -adopted. The old custom of reckoning the months from an arbitrary -and accidental point of departure prevailed and long sufficed. The -beginning of the year in autumn was no calendrical division, but -only the conclusion of the agricultural year. When a calendar was -introduced, it became obvious that this beginning of the year would -also be available for the calendar. The calendar now consists of -moon-months, its beginning must therefore be a day of new moon. -Since the festival of harvest, according to ancient custom, fell at -the time of full moon, the festival itself could not serve as the -beginning of the year, but only the day of new moon of the month in -which it fell. This was the seventh month, and we do in fact find -indications that the first day of the seventh month was regarded as -New Year’s Day; it was promoted to a feast day and was made known by -the blowing of trumpets[969]. The year therefore could be reckoned -from this point, and this also was done. On the other hand the -numbered months mentioned above, p. 233, begin in spring with the -month in which the Passover is celebrated. The beginning of the year -in spring is therefore associated with the numbered months, and is -contemporaneous with these: it is nothing but the starting-point of -this enumeration of months. The rule for the beginning is given in -Exodus XII, 2:--“This month (i. e. the Passover month) shall be unto -you the beginning of months: it shall be the first month of the year -to you.” This reads like a prescription for a reform of the calendar, -when it is remembered that in all places the Feast of the Passover -was dated in relation to the month of ears (_chodesh ha-abib_). -That the numbered months did not arise till later we have already -seen (p. 234). The systematising tendency which arose at the end -of the kingdom of Judah, and became ever stronger during and after -the Exile, necessitated a calendar. If this tendency was unrelated -to practical life, it was all the more closely bound up with the -religious cult. Since people were now accustomed to numbering -the months, the novelty consisted in the fixing of a calendarial -beginning of the year. This was suggested by the customary succession -of the feasts--Passover and Feast of Unleavened Bread, Feast of -Weeks, Feast of Tabernacles--and was already foreshadowed in the -fixing of the date of the Feast of Weeks by counting the weeks from -the Feast of Unleavened Bread. This calendar can hardly have become -popular, since it must have been supplanted quite early by the -Babylonian names of months, and the popular beginning of the year in -autumn has prevailed right down to the present day. - -These two beginnings to the year existed side by side, at least for -some time after the Exile, which is not surprising in view of what -has already been said about the beginning of the year. The one is -the civil beginning of the year, advanced by the structure of the -calendar, the other the beginning of the series of months. - -The Jewish calendar therefore arose very late, at the end of the -kingdom of Judah; until that time the Jews were content with a -chronology which was as primitive as that of many primitive peoples. -In matters pertaining to the calendar they have always been very -conservative and backward. In later times, too, they did not succeed -in grasping the idea of the beginning of the year as a solitary -event. König quotes on p. 644 a very significant passage from the -Mishna tractate concerning the beginning of the year:--“On the first -day of Nisan is the beginning of the year for the kings and for the -festivals. On the first day of Elul is the beginning for the tithing -of cattle. On the first day of Tishri is the beginning for the years -(i. e. the civil calendar), and for the Sabbatic year and the Jubilee -years, for the plants and the vegetables. On the first day of the -month Shebat is the beginning for the tree-fruit.”--Four New Year’s -Days, therefore. - -Among the Jews, therefore, ecclesiastical conditions gave rise to a -calendarial beginning of the year, which successfully rivalled the -beginning given by the agricultural year. There is still another -important type of beginning, and this depends once more upon the -observation of the stars; cp. pp. 248 f. Where the beginning of the -agricultural labour is determined by the Pleiades, it evidently -follows that they also determine the beginning of the year. It -follows further that the year lasts not only to the end of the period -of vegetation, but also until the next appearance of the Pleiades, -and hence the sidereal year is obtained at once with the greatest -accuracy that is possible without scientific observation. This -Pleiades year is especially common in South America, where there are -no series of months, and in Oceania. - -The Lengua Indians of Paraguay connect the rising of the Pleiades -with the beginning of spring, and hold feasts during this time[970]. -The Guarani of the same country determine the time of sowing by -the observation of the Pleiades; it is said that they used to -worship this constellation, and they begin their new year at its -appearance in May[971]. In the Amazon valley the rising of the -Pleiades coincides with the revival of Nature, and hence the people -say that everything is renewed by these stars[972]. The Indians of -the Orinoco determined the new year by the evening rising of the -Pleiades[973]. But still further, the year is called by the name of -the Pleiades. Certain tribes of Venezuela reckoned the year by stars, -and in fact by the Pleiades. ‘Year’ is _tshirke_, ‘star’, a year = -a star. The word occurs in various forms among most of the Carib -tribes; among the neighbouring Caribs _tshirika_ is found many times -as a translation of ‘the Pleiades’. The connexion becomes clear in -the wide-spread Carib idiom of the Guaianas: in a Galibi dictionary -‘star’ and ‘year’ are given as _serica_, _siricco_, the Pleiades -as _sherick_, and we read in brackets: “The return of the Pleiades -above the horizon together with the sun forms the solar year of the -natives.” Among the island Caribs the Pleiades are called _chiric_; -these people reckon the years in ‘Pleiades’. Among the Arawak _wijua_ -means ‘Pleiades’, ‘star’ in general, and ‘year’, since they reckon -the year from the point at which they see the Pleiades rise after -cock-crow. The Cariay of the Rio Negro call the Pleiades _eoünana_ -and the year _aurema-anynoa_, which seems to be a development of the -former word. The Guarani call the Pleiades _eishu_, ‘bee-hive’, and -the year has the same name; in ordinary life however the year is -usually known as _roi_, ‘cold’[974]. - -The Caffres recognise the time of sowing by the position of the -stars, especially the Pleiades, and reckon the new year from the -morning rising of the latter[975]. Although the Amazulu call the -feast of the first-fruits the new year, they say at the appearance -of the Pleiades: “The Pleiades are renewed, the year is renewed”, and -they begin to dig[976]. In Bali the appearance of the Pleiades at -sunset marks the end of the year[977]. In Bambatana (Solomon Islands) -the year is reckoned by the Pleiades[978]. Among the Polynesians -the Pleiades year was extremely wide-spread. The inhabitants of -the Marquesas Islands had a ten-month year, but were acquainted -with a year of twelve months, which they called by the name of the -Pleiades, _maka-ihi_ or _mata-iti_, ‘the little eyes’[979]. On Hervey -Island the new year was given by the evening rising of the Pleiades -in the middle of December[980]. In the Society Islands there were -two seasons named after the Pleiades. The first, _matarii i nia_, -‘little eyes above’, began at the evening rising of these stars and -continued as long as they were visible in the sky in the evening; the -other _matarii i raro_, ‘little eyes under’, began after the evening -setting and extended over the time during which the stars were not to -be seen in the evening[981]. - -It follows that a fixed beginning of the year does not exist -universally, and therefore is not the general norm. The beginning -of the year in our sense is the starting-point of the series of the -days of the calendar; among the primitive peoples it is the beginning -of any year, whether the complete year or the phenomena of the time -of vegetation only. There are several such phenomena appearing side -by side, so that there can also be several beginnings to the year, -e. g. several feasts of first-fruits, as among the Thonga, the -rising of the Pleiades and the feast of the first-fruits among the -Amazulu. When one phenomenon of this kind, e. g. the corn-harvest, -prevails over the others and is perhaps brought into prominence by -the greatest festival of the year, it appears more like our New Year, -though the significance of the occasion does not depend, as among -ourselves, upon the position of the day in the calendar, but upon -the natural conditions. And when a phase of the stars, e. g. of the -Pleiades, coincides with the beginning of the agricultural year and -the renewal of Nature, the stellar (Pleiades) year is obtained by -comprising the time between one rising or setting and the next. By -this means we arrive at the pure but undivided solar year. On the -other hand the phases of the stars, like the other natural phases, -were needed to determine the months, and here the result was more -important. - -With regard to the intercalation, the equalising of the total number -of moon-months and the solar year, the problem first arose when there -had been developed a fixed series of months which it was desired to -repeat without interruption. Then arose the necessity of introducing -an occasional month into the series of twelve months, or omitting one -from the series of thirteen, so that the months named from natural -phases might remain in their proper places. This difficulty was first -of all blended with that arising from the fluctuation of the natural -phases due to the varying climatic conditions of different years. -The expedient was crudely empirical, the occasional leaping over or -addition of a month. Gradually it became the custom to introduce the -intercalary month at a definite point; it may also be associated with -a so-called ‘vacant period’. Where a month was named from a phase of -a certain star, the correction was given automatically by this phase, -since this month was fixed. The intercalary month obtained its place -before this month, which became the beginning of the year, since the -reckoning started with it. By this means was given a lunisolar year -which was however empirically regulated by occasional intercalation. - - -APPENDIX: THE EGYPTIAN YEAR. - -Upon the quite peculiar Egyptian time-reckoning I have only a few -remarks to make by way of addition to the clear and convincing -account of its origin given by Eduard Meyer; as to the disarrangement -of the names of months familiar to us, which are borrowed from -festivals, I must admit I am not quite clear, but this matters -little for our present purpose since these names are more than -two thousand years younger than the introduction of the year. -The Egyptian year consists of three seasons--time of inundation, -seed-time, and harvest--each of four months containing thirty days -each, together with five additional days, the epagomena, standing -outside the year and theoretically not included in it. The month -is therefore the round month and the year the round year, which -by multiplying the round number of the months in the year by the -round number of days in the month gives a total of 360 (12 × 30) -days. The use of round numbers in the arithmetical application of -the calendar is familiar in all quarters of the world and has been -known at all times; it is continued in the practice of our modern -banks in calculating interest _à l’usance_. The surprising thing -is that in Egypt no notice should have been taken of the moon, and -that the month should have been carried through as a mere numerical -unity. For at the stage of knowledge presupposed by the regulation -of the calendar the Egyptians must have known that the number of -days in the moon-month varies between 29 and 30. I am therefore -inclined to think that this form of year was first introduced as a -means of counting in administration and the making of returns, and -then by degrees established itself as the civil calendar because the -rural life was so closely dependent upon the administration and its -accounts. We may compare the fact that the lunisolar calendar of -Greece was introduced as an ecclesiastical calendar, and succeeded -in establishing itself as the civil calendar owing to the close -connexion between the religious and the political life; but the old -reckoning from the phases of the stars persisted alongside of it. In -the same way we must suppose that in Egypt alongside of the numerical -calendar the old method of reckoning by the concrete appearance of -the moon originally persisted, but since by this time it had lost its -practical importance it vanished without leaving any other traces -than the length of the arithmetical month (as a round number) and the -name ‘month’. - -On the other hand it must have been intended to give to the year -the length of the solar year: the five extra days were accordingly -introduced outside the series of months. Hence the same word _wepet -ronpet_ means both the first day of the civil shifting year and -also the day of the actual morning rising of Sirius; hence too the -three four-month divisions of the shifting year are called after the -seasons. The first of these, the time of inundation, began exactly -with the morning rising of Sirius when the Nile began perceptibly -to rise. Here the Egyptians went wrong because they did not realise -that the year does not consist of exactly 365 days, but contains an -additional fraction of a day. The consequence was that the Egyptian -year got out of place in relation to the solar year, but so slowly -that no inconvenience was caused in practical life: the linguistic -difficulty, that _wepet ronpet_ acquired two different meanings and -that e. g. the season called the time of inundation might fall in the -actual seed-time or harvest, the conservative minds of the Egyptians -enabled them to tolerate. A contributing factor was the practical -convenience of the calendar. The dislocation must however very soon -have been recognised, since the actual morning rising of Sirius, so -far as we know, was always celebrated, i. e. it was a movable feast -in relation to the calendar. The error is included in the well-known -formula of the Sothic period (1461 Egyptian = 1460 Julian years). - -The knowledge of the closest approximation that can be made to the -correct number of days in the year, reckoning only whole days, can -only be arrived at in one of two ways, either by the observations of -the solstices and equinoxes, which is the method adopted e. g. by the -Hopi, or by means of the rising of a star. The duration of the solar -year is not reached by way of the lunisolar year. Which of the two -methods the Egyptians adopted is not in doubt. No notice has come -before me which suggests that the Egyptians observed the position of -the sunrise or sunset on the horizon, while the stars on the other -hand were accurately observed by them. There are calendars which give -the position of the constellations in accordance with which the hours -of night were determined and proclaimed[982], and in particular the -morning rising of Sirius was at all times observed and celebrated. -This is primitive[983], but not so the counting of the days between -two risings. The latter process would be facilitated if the reckoning -was previously carried out in numerical months of 30 days (naturally -as a round number, not as an actual month); perhaps this was the -first stage. The calendar therefore, as Ed. Meyer has specially -pointed out, must have begun to run its course in a year in which the -rising of Sirius and New Year’s Day coincided, i. e. it began with a -Sothic period. - -The months within each season are numbered from I to IV. Among -primitive peoples it frequently happens that a season gives its name -to two months, which are distinguished as the first and second, but -a numbering such as that of the Egyptian calendar is unexampled -and shews once more a desire to get away from the moon-month. The -so-called ‘months’ are rather subdivisions of the seasons. - -The breach--and it can be considered no less--with the primitive -time-reckoning is part negative, part positive. Positively, the -length of the solar year in whole days has been astonishingly early -recognised, but the greatest advance is in the negative direction. -The calendar has been detached from the concrete phenomena of the -heavens: thereby it acquires a numerical character, and only so -is the genuine time-reckoning created. For in practice it is more -necessary to be able to reckon conveniently than to remain in -accurate agreement with the incommensurability of the motions of the -heavenly bodies. Hence the Egyptian calendar held good, although its -year was a shifting year and in spite of the fact that the ideal year -underlying it was a sidereal and not the actual solar year, and the -Greek astronomers reckoned by it on account of its convenience, just -as our astronomers still reckon by the Julian calendar. The Egyptian -year therefore lies at the bottom of our year, which has been altered -so as to remain in agreement with the seasons,--this being necessary -in view of the spread of the historic sense among the people--but has -also unfortunately been spoiled in the division into months, owing -to the influence of the Roman months. The Egyptian calendar is the -greatest intellectual fact in the history of time-reckoning; like -all the greatest achievements of this nature, e. g. the alphabet, -it was attained through a radical simplification, in which also -practical convenience played a great part. It should not be forgotten -that astronomy and the calendar are not identical. In matters of the -calendar practical utility is more welcome than refined astronomical -calculation. - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -POPULAR MONTHS OF THE EUROPEAN PEOPLES. - - -In ancient times, and even at the present day in lands which lie -outside the path of the great leveller, civilisation, the months -taken over with the Roman calendar are not numbered divisions of -the year, the names of which are a matter of indifference, but -are concretely conceived and named as seasons. They are, in fact, -nothing but seasons, the number and duration of which are determined -by the conventional calendar. The striving after concreteness -which characterises not too highly civilised man leads to the -abolition of the obscure and unintelligible Roman names of months, -and the substitution of other names describing the season, or more -rarely taken from some great festival falling within the month. -Only the Hungarian months are entirely named after ecclesiastical -festivals[984]. It is also found that the Latin names are as far as -possible rendered intelligible by popular etymology. - -These statements are well illustrated by the names given to the -months by the Greek peasants of Macedonia. It is said of the -latter that they measure time not so much by the conventional -calendar as by the labours and the festivals characteristic of the -different seasons. Seed-time, harvest and vintage, the feast of -Saint George, the midsummer fires are some of the notable occasions -in the life of the peasant, and these have impressed themselves -upon the names of the months. The names are:--1, Γεννάρης, derived -from γεννοῦν, also called μεγάλος or τρανὸς μῆνας in opposition to -February, and Κλαδευτής on account of the pruning of the vines; -2, Φλεβά ρης, ‘Vein-sweller’, the veins (φλέβες) of the earth -are swollen with water (cf. the English folk-name for this month, -‘February fill-dyke’), or μικρὸς μῆνας, κουτσοφλέβαρος; 3, Μάρτης, -ὁ φουσκοδενδρίτης, ‘the tree-sweller’, Γδάρτης, ‘the flayer’, on -account of the bitterly cold wind; 4, Ἀπρίλης, Ἁγιογεωργίτης, from -the feast of Saint George on the 23rd; 5, Μάης; 6, Θεριστής, harvest -month; 7, Ἁλωνιστής, Ἁλωνάρης, threshing-floor month; 8, Αὔγουστος; -9, Τρυγητής, vintage month, Σταυριώτης, from the Feast of the -Exaltation of the Precious Cross, held on the 14th; 10, Ὀχτώβριος, -Ἁγιοδημητριάτης, from the feast of Saint Demetrios on the 26th; 11, -Σποριᾶς, sowing month, Ἀντρεάς, from the feast of Saint Andrew on -the 30th; 12, Νικολαίτης, from the feast of Saint Nicholas on the -6th[985]. - -The Albanian names of months are similar:--1, T(osk) Ϳεννάρι, G(heg) -Καλενδούρι, New Year month (_Kalendae_); 2, Σκουρτι, i. e. ‘short’; -3, T. Μαρσι, G. Φρουρι; 4, Πριλι; 5, Μαϳι; 6, Κορρίκου, harvest -month; 7, T. (Ἀ)λονάρι, ‘threshing-floor month’ (a Greek loan-word), -G. Κϳέρσουρι, probably ‘cherry month’; 8, Γόστι; 9, Βϳέστεα, autumn -month, literally ‘bare month’, also βϳέστ’ επάρε, first autumn; -10, σε Μίτρε, month of Saint Demetrius, also βϳεστ’ ε δύτε, second -autumn; 11, T. σε Μεχίλ, month of St. Michael, G. σε Μερί ε Στρούγες, -month of the Virgin of Struga, also βϳεστ’ ε τρέτε, third autumn; 12, -σε Νδερέ, month of St. Andrew[986]. - -The various Celtic series I omit[987], since they are very obscure -and no new material is at my disposal; I shall only remark that they -shew a mixture of distorted Latin and of native names, the latter -being taken, at least in part, from the phenomena of the vegetation. -The Basque names of months are:--1, New Year month or black month; -2, bull or wolf month; 3, tepid month; 4, weeding or fasting-bread -month; 5, leaf month; 6, seed-time (_sic!_), bean or barley month; -7, harvest or wheat month; 8, month of drought; 9, fern or ear -month; 10, gathering month; 11, sowing month or forest-clearing; 12, -binding up of vegetation (?). They refer therefore throughout to the -vegetation and to agriculture. For four months the Latin names are -also in use[988]. - -I have purposely placed in the foreground these mingled series -arising in modern times, since they shew how little the people can -reconcile themselves to the unintelligible Latin names, and how the -latter are crowded out by native names which by their relation to -seasons, occupations, and festivals offer points of reference easy -to remember. The months are nothing but seasons, the length and -situation of which are regulated by the Julian calendar. - -The Lithuanian and Lettish names of months refer exclusively to -natural phenomena and the occupations of agriculture. The Lithuanian -series is:--1, unexplained; 2, jackdaw month; 3, dove month; 4, birch -month, or birch water-flowing; 5, cuckoo month; 6, fallow or sowing -month; 7, linden month; 8, hot month or rye-cutting; 9, autumn month; -10, leaf-fall; 11, month of clods; 12, month of dryness (frost). -The Lettish names are:--1, winter month; 2, snow or fasting-month; -3, dove or snow-crust month; 4, birch-sap month; 5, leaf month; 6, -fallow or blossoming month; 7, hay or linden month; 8, rye month or -dog (-days); 9, heath-blossom month; 10, autumn month; 11, frost -month; 12, wolf month or Christmas[989]. - -Very similar but much more numerous and fluctuating are the names -of months among the Slavonic peoples, collected by Miklosich along -with the names of months of a number of other peoples. Yermoloff -in his great work on the popular Russian calendar gives only a -limited number of names, and these are rarely translated: with a -few exceptions these names will be found in Miklosich. The latter -writer has classified and discussed the names under their proper -headings as follows:--(1) names taken from the vegetable kingdom, -18 in number; (2) from the animal kingdom, 9; (3) from natural -phenomena in general, 17; (4) from periodically recurring actions, -10; (5) from customs and festivals, 25; in addition to which there -are a few unexplained and three Latin names. Since it is my purpose -to give an idea not only of the variety of the names but also of -the fluctuating relationship with the Julian months, I arrange -the material of Miklosich’s first four groups according to the -months, omitting isolated and uncertain names. If the statement as -to the corresponding Julian month in Miklosich is not clear, I add -a mark of interrogation. I am also indebted to Prof. G. Kazarow -of Sofia for detailed information as to the Bulgarian names of -months, and for extracts from the Bulgarian work of Kovatschev on -popular astronomy and meteorology; these sources are referred to -respectively as Kaz. and Kov. An asterisk prefixed to the name of -a month means that the same name is given to another month also; -if prefixed to the abbreviation denoting the country, the asterisk -shews that the name is given to two different months in that country. -The names refer to:--1, _January_, *‘month of clods’, Czech, since -the hard frost turns the earth into clods; ‘ice month’, Czech; -*‘increasing of the day-light’, Old Bulg., Slovak, Croat.; ‘cold -month’, Pol., Bulg.; *‘the Cutter’, Slovak, Bulg., Serb., which -Miklosich rightly refers to the felling of trees, Yermoloff and -others less well to the piercing cold; ‘the Great Cutter’, Bulg.; -*‘kindling of the wheel’, *Bulg. (Kaz.)[990]. 2, _February_, ‘the -Side-warmer’, Russ. (Yermoloff), _latera calefaciens_, i. e. the -time when the cattle leave their stalls in order to warm themselves -in the open (Miklosich); ‘the savage month’, Ruthen., Pol.; *‘the -dry month’, *Slovak; ‘the snowy month’[991]; ‘wedding month’, -Old Russ.[992]; *‘the Cutter’, Old Bulg., Croat.; ‘the Little -Cutter’, Bulgarian. 3, _March_, *‘birch month’, Slovak, Ruthen., -refers to the sap of the birch which now begins to flow; *‘grass -month’, *Slovak; ‘time of deceitful weather’, Bulg.? Serb.? Old -Bulg.; *‘the dry month’, Old Bulg., *Slovak, Croat.; ‘beginning -of summer’ (_lêtnik_, Kaz.). 4, _April_, *‘birch month’ (in three -different forms), *Old Bulg., Ruthen.; *‘blossoming month’, *Croat., -Ruthen., Pol.; ‘oak month’, Czech, because the oak comes into -leaf; *‘grass month’, *Slovak, *Croat., *Serb.; ‘the Liar’, or -‘the month that deceives the grass’, Bulg., (_lǎžko_, _lǎži-trev_, -Kaz.); ‘the Fleecer’, ‘the Fleece-seller’, Bulg. (Kov., cf. -Greek γδάρτης). 5, _May_, *‘blossoming month’, Slovak, *Croat., -Czech, Bulg. (Kov.); *‘rose-blossoming month’, High Sorb.; *‘grass -month’, Old Bulg., *Slovak, *Croat., Ruthen., Czech, Bulg.; ‘cornel -month’, Sloven.; ‘maize-hoeing’, Bulg. (Kov.); *‘cherry month’, -Bulg. (Kov.); *‘cochineal month’, Bulg. (_červenijat_, Kov.). 6, -_June_, ‘bean-blossoming month’, Slovak; *‘cherry month’, Serb., -*Bulg. (Kov., cf. the Albanian July); ‘month of ears’, Slovak; -*‘linden month’, Slovak, Serb., since the linden blossoms then; -*‘rose-blossoming month’, Low Sorb., Czech; ‘Mower’, Bulg. (Kov.); -‘hay-cutting’, Bulg. (Kaz.); *‘cochineal month’, Ruthen., Bulg., -Czech, because the cochineals used for red dye are then collected; -‘grasshopper month’, Old Bulg.; ‘milk month’, Slovak; ‘fallow month’, -Slovak, High Sorb. 7, _July_, *‘linden month’, Ruthen., Pol.; -*‘cochineal month’, Old Bulg., Pol., Czech[993]; ‘the hot (month)’, -Serb., Slovak, Bulg.; ‘hay month’, Ruthen., Bulg., Russ.; *‘cutting -month’, Czech, refers to the hay-cutting; *‘harvest month’, Low -Sorb.; ‘the Harvester’, Bulg. (Kaz.); *‘sickle month’, Old Bulg., -Slovak, Serb., Bulg. (Kov.). 8, _August_, ‘month of ripeness’, -Russ.; *‘sickle month’, Ruthen., Czech, Pol.; *‘cutting month’, in -Moravia and among the Slovaks; ‘barley month’, Low Sorb.; *‘harvest -month’, High Sorb., Bulg. (Kaz.); ‘threshing-floor month’, Bulg. -(Kov., cf. Greek-Albanian Ἁλωνάρης); ‘fruit month’, Bulg. (Kov.); -*‘gadfly month’, *Slovak, Ruthen.; ‘beginning of the lowing’ -(i. e. the rutting of the deer, _zarev_), Old Bulg.; ‘time when -people are carting’ (no doubt on account of the bringing in of the -harvest), Slovak, Serb.; ‘dryer up of the rivers’, Bulg. (Kov.). 9, -_September_, ‘sowing month’, Bulg. (Kov.); ‘month of gathering’, -Bulg. (Kov.); *‘heath-plant month’, Old Bulg., Pol., Ruthen., (Czech, -July or August); *‘time when the goats rut’, *Slovak; *‘gadfly -month’, *Slovak; ‘the gloomy month’, Old Russ.[994]; *‘month of -lowing’, ‘of rutting’, (_záži_) *Czech, (_rujan_, and kindred words) -Old Bulg., Serb., Bulg., Old Russ., Czech (earlier); ‘gathering -of the clusters’, Bulg.; ‘month of the (winter-)sowing’, Ruthen.; -‘old women’s summer’, Ruthen., Pol. (?); ‘autumn’, Russ., Slovak. -10, _October_, *‘leaf-fall’, Old Bulg., Serb., *Bulg. (Kaz.); ‘the -yellow (month)’, Ruthen.; *‘time when the goat ruts’, *Slovak; -*‘month of the lowing’ (_řijen_), Czech (present day); ‘time of -flax-preparing’ (the name comes from a term for the waste products -of the flax), Ruthen., Pol.; ‘vine month’, Slovak, Serb.; ‘gathering -of the maize’, Bulg. (Kov.); ‘month of dirt’, Russ.; ‘the autumnal -(month)’, Bulg. (Kaz.). 11, _November_, *‘leaf-fall’, Slovak, -Ruthen., Czech, Pol., *Bulg. (Kov.); *‘time when the goat ruts’, -*Slovak; *‘month of clods’, Old Bulg., Russ.; ‘threshing month’, Low -Sorb. 12, _December_, ‘wolf month’, Czech, High Sorb. (rutting-time -of the wolves); *‘month of clods’, Slovak, Croat., Ruthen. (?), Pol.; -*‘increasing of the day-light’ (?), Serb., Russ.(?), Czech; ‘month of -the snow-storm’, Ruthen.; ‘winter month’, Bulg. (Kov.); *‘kindling -of the wheel’, *Bulg. (Kov., see above). More rarely the festivals -give their names to the months. This is the case with Christmas, -Candlemas, All Saints’ Day, the festival of the birth of the Virgin, -and the feast of the Rosalia (= Whitsun), Slovak, Bulg. (Kaz.), and -with 14 saints’ days, e. g. _Martinzi_, November, Bulg. (Kov.). With -regard to Bulg. _gorêštnik_ (= July) Kazarow writes to me: “_gorêšt_ -= ‘hot’; in July the people celebrate a fire-festival of three days’ -duration, viz. the 15th, 16th, and 17th of July, _gorêštnici_”. Of -the Latin names of months only three have been borrowed:--_May_ -(common), Slovak, Croat., Ruthen., Russ., Czech, Pol., Sorb.; more -rarely _April_, Old Bulg., Sorb.; and _March_, Croat., Serb., -Ruthen., Pol., High Sorb. - -The great majority of the names refer to natural phenomena and -country occupations. The variety of the series need not be specially -pointed out, the numerous asterisks shew the fluctuation and -variation of the nomenclature between two or even three months. -Much is explained, as is indicated by the mention of the countries -in which the names originate, by the extremely various climatic -conditions prevailing in the countries occupied by the Slavs, and a -further explanation of the variety is to be sought in the well-known -phenomenon that when the seasons correspond only imperfectly with the -months, the equalisation is carried out sometimes with one month, -sometimes with another. It must be so, since among the same people -the same name describes various months. Pairs of months are however -rare: ‘the big’ and ‘the little’ _sêčko_ (January and February), -Bulg.; ‘the little grass-month’ (March) and the ‘big’ one (April -or May), Slovak; the little and big ‘cochineal’ months (June and -July), Czech, distinguished in the calendar of to-day as _červen_ -and _červenec_ (diminutive), so that the names have changed places; -and _žătvar_, ‘reaper’ (July) and _žătvarskijat_, ‘harvest-month’ -(August), Bulgarian (Kazarow). Here also must be placed _zarev_ and -cognates, Old Bulg., Russ., Czech, which is inchoative and means -‘beginning of the lowing (the rutting)’, and _rjujin_ and cognates, -Old Bulg., Slovak, Serb., Old Russian, Czech, ‘the lowing’, i. e. the -full rutting and therefore the second rutting-month. The character -of all these names is only too obvious. Hence the fact that the word -for month is very rarely added, though it appears in the translation. -These names have proved so vigorous that in Czech and Polish they -have ousted the Latin names (with the exception of May). - -In the same way I give a summary of the German names of months, from -the abundant compilations more particularly of Weinhold and Ebner. -Here too I make no claim to completeness,--some names have been -deliberately omitted--my purpose being only to give an idea of the -variety and instability of the names. To this end I choose the forms -which are most easily intelligible. - -1, _January_:--bare month (the bare, naked month), *hard month, -*winter month, ice month, *wolf month, threshing month, month of -calves, ‘Great Horn’, *_Volborn_, _Lasmaend_, _Laumonat_ (the -last three unexplained). 2, _February_:--last winter month, -wood month, fox month, ‘Little Horn’, _Hornung_, *_Volborn_, -_Rebmaend_, _Redmaend_, _Selle(maend)_, _Sporkel_, _Sprokkelmaend_. -3, _March_:--(first) ploughing month, drying month, *spring -month, sowing month, pruning month, vernal month, spring. 4, -_April_:--second ploughing month, *spring month, grass month, -shepherds’ month, cuckoo month, the rough month (_Rûmaend_). 5, -_May_:--ass month, month of joy, month of flowers, bean month. -6, _June_:--fallow month, *dog month, rose month, pasture month, -_Lusemaend_ (_Luse_ probably = modern German _Schildlaus_, -‘cochineal’), summer month, fallow. 7, _July_:--(first) *_Augst_, -hay month, *dog month; _Heuet_ (hay-harvest), *_Arne_ (harvest), -*cutting (i. e. of the hay). 8, _August_:--(second) *_Augst_, harvest -month, _Arnemaend_, cutting month, _Kochmaend_, month of fruit, -_Bîsmaend_ (when the cattle, tormented by the heat and the flies, -run about (_biset_) the fields as if mad), *_Arne_, *cutting. 9, -_September_:--second _Augst_, _Augstin_, cutting of oats, (*first) -*autumn month, *sowing month, spelt month, barley month, boar month, -*_Fulmaend_, _Laeset_, _Hanfluchet_, bean-harvest, first autumn, -over-autumn, autumn sowing. 10, _October_:--(*first or *second) -*autumn month, first winter month, *sowing month, *slaughtering -month, *_Folmaend_, _Aarzelmaend_ (since the year turns back), -(second) autumn, *_Laupreisi_ (leaf-fall). 11, _November_:--(*second -or third) *autumn month, *winter month, _Laubryszmaend_, leaf -month, month of rime, month of winds, month of dirt, *hard month, -*slaughtering month, _Smeermaend_, *full month, *wolf month, -acorn month, *_Laupreisi_. 12, _December_:--fourth autumn month, -(second) *winter month, *hard month, *slaughtering month, month of -bacon, *wolf month, hare month, second winter. There are also many -names borrowed from feasts and saints’ days, such as (New) Year -month and the synonymous _Kalemaend_ = Calends month (January), -_Fassnachtmaend_ or _Olle Wiwermaend_ (February), _Klibelmaend_ -(Conception of the Virgin, March), Holy Month or Christ Month. The -Latin names March, April, May, and August have also become very -popular; the last-named has for special reasons been included in the -above list[995]. - -The history of the German names of months has been elucidated by -Weinhold and for the Alemannic district by the work of Ebner, who -bases his researches upon extensive information collected among -the people. As early as the time of Charlemagne a German series of -months had been created in order to bring the Julian months more -closely home to the people, so that the list was based largely upon -a popular foundation. The names are:--_Wintarmânoth_, _Hornunc_, -_Lenzinm._, _Ostarm._, _Wunnim._, _Brâchm._, _Hewim._, _Aranm._, -_Witum._, _Windumem._, _Herbistm._, _Heilagm._ This series attained -great influence, but did not become universal; on the contrary it -was subjected to alteration under the pressure of the agricultural -terms. In spite of this early attempt at unity the German names for -the months shew once more the variety and fluctuation with which the -reader is now sufficiently familiar. A special interest attaches to -the fact that the sources make it possible to follow how the names -of months arise from the simple terms for the seasons. On this -point Weinhold says, p. 2:--“In our sources the general statement -_in der erne_ (‘in the harvest’) preponderates over the month-name -_ernemanot_ (‘harvest-month’); _im brâchet_ (‘in the fallow’), -_im höuwet_ (‘in the hay-harvest’) hold their own alongside of -_brâch-_ and _höu-monat_ (‘fallow-, hay-month’), _im wimmot_ (‘in -the vintage’) persists, since _windumemânot_ (‘vintage-month’) had -long since died out. From the phrases _in der sât_, _in dem snite_ -(‘in the sowing’, ‘in the cutting’) are painfully evolved a _sâtmân_ -and a _schnitmonat_ (‘sowing-, cutting-month’). We find autumn and -winter as names of months, and also the non-German _augst_, divided -into three; we can see the uncertainty with which _laubbrost_ and -_laubrîse_ (‘sprouting and falling of the leaves’) contract into -names of months.” Accordingly the above list shews that alongside -the names compounded with ‘month’ the simple terms from seasons -and occupations of the year are frequently found as names for the -months. March = _Lenz_ (spring), June = _Brachet_ (fallow), July -= _Heuet_ (hay-harvest), August = _Arne_ (harvest), September = -_Bonenarve_, _Hanfluchet_, _erst Herbst_, _Herbstsaat_, _Überherbst_, -_Laeset_ (_Lesezeit_) (bean-harvest, hemp-gathering, first autumn, -autumn-sowing, late autumn, harvest time), October = _ander Herbst_, -_Herbst_, _Laupreisi_ (second autumn, autumn, leaf-fall), December = -_ander Winter_. Of great significance is the state of affairs found -in the Alemannic sources of the 14th century[996]; side by side with -the compound forms the simple often appear, but always as definite -names of months. Towards the end of the century they then begin to -have a loose connexion with the conception ‘month’, e. g. _brachot -der manod_ (‘fallow the month’). This shews the method by which these -names have become names of months, and Ebner judges the process -quite correctly when he says that the definite names of months -were only secondarily evolved from the general time-indications. -He adds:--“This observation can often be made in the sources, viz. -that alongside of the month-name which exactly circumscribes a lunar -period (_sic!_, must be ‘a Julian month’) a simple conception of time -also appears. These simple terms, such as ‘autumn’ for September, -also appear as general time-indications, especially in the old laws. -They originally have this character, and they shew it even to-day. -Little by little they become stereotyped into fixed names of months, -and enter into association with the conception ‘month’. In this sense -as definite names of months the simple terms live for a long time in -the sources alongside of the full terms (those with ‘month’), but in -the end lose their force as definite names of months; to-day they -are in dialects general time-indications”[997]. There is therefore -an attempt to render popular the unfamiliar Julian divisions of the -year by giving them popularly intelligible names; Charlemagne by -his series of months had already tried to systematise the process. -The same phenomenon shews itself in the single fragment of a Gothic -calendar which has come down to us, where November is equated to -_fruma jiuleis_. - -The fact that the people regarded the months as seasons, and did -not clearly distinguish them from the latter as divisions of time -with a definite number of days, has sympathetically affected those -Latin names which became really popular. When we hear of a ‘first’ -and a ‘second’ May, the name is evidently loosely regarded as a -general term for the early summer. _Augst_ comes to mean simply -‘harvest’[998]; hence July is called ‘the first _Augst_’ and August -‘the second _Augst_’, or the latter is named _Augst_ and September -is called _Ander Augst_, _Augstin_, or _Haberaugst_ (oat-harvest). - -This explanation is opposed by the statement of Tille that in -primitive Germanic times there were sixty-day divisions[999] from -which the pairs of months have arisen, and that the fluctuation in -the names of months is due to the fact that these divisions of time -began in the middle of the Julian month[1000]. The fluctuation in -the names of months is shewn by the frequent asterisks in the above -list, and the pairs of months are:--big and little _Horn_[1001], -the first and second ploughing month, the first and second May, the -first and second _Augst_, or _Augst_ and _Augstin_ or _Haberaugst_, -and first and second autumn. Our researches ought to make a special -refutation of Tille’s thesis unnecessary. Obviously the seasons never -had a definite number of days before they became names of months; -both phenomena find their explanation in the indeterminate length and -position of the seasons upon which the scheme of the Julian months -was superimposed. Accordingly, where the name of the month was taken -from a longer season, the people counted three or four months with -the same name. Thus October and November are called respectively -third and last autumn month, December is fourth autumn month, -February third or last winter month. - -The German names of months were in great measure genuinely -popular,--their very multiplicity, which has its roots in the life of -the people, suffices to prove that--but they have had to give way to -the Latin names in spite of the attempts made in modern times in the -popular calendars, and especially under the influence of Romanticism, -to establish them throughout. In our own day they persist in popular -usage chiefly in Switzerland. - -The Anglo-Saxon months are preserved in a well-known passage of -Bede[1002]. I give each name with the explanation. 1, _giuli_; 2, -_solmonað_: _mensis placentarum, quas in eo diis suis offerebant_; 3, -_hreðmonað_: _a dea illorum Hreða_; 4, _eosturm._: _a dea illorum, -quae Eostre vocabatur_; 5, _þrimilci_: _quod tribus vicibus in eo -per diem pecora mulgebantur_; 6, _liða_; 7, _liða_: _blandus sive -navigabilis_; 8, _weodm._: _mensis zizaniorum_ (‘weeds’), _quod -ea tempestate maxime abundent_; 9, _halegm._: _mensis sacrorum_; -10, _wintirfyllið_: _composito novo nonune hiemeplenilunium_; 11, -_blotm._: _mensis immolationum_; 12, _giuli_: _a conversione solis in -auctum diei_. Of the explanations of Bede some are obvious, others -doubtful. For instance one would rather connect February with the -word _sol_ = ‘sun’, or perhaps with _sol_ = ‘dirt’ (on account of -the melting of the snow), since no word _sol_ = ‘cake’ is known. -The goddesses Hreða and Eostre, who formerly played a great part in -mythological discussions, are now with reason suspected as being -an explanation of Bede’s. _Hreðmonað_ is ‘the rough month’[1003], -_hreðness_ is ‘roughness’, especially of the weather; the name is -therefore equivalent to the second term for the same month, _hlyda_ -(see below). In the case of _eostur_ one might think of some lost -name of a season which, like _giuli_, was transferred to a Christian -festival. For _halegmonað_ and _wintirfyllið_ see below; _blotmonað_ -is the slaughtering month; the explanation of _giuli_ is fatally -wrong. - -A calendar in Bibl. Cottoniensis, assigned by Hickes to the year -1031, has the same names, but unfortunately, on account of damage -caused by the great fire, nos. 1, 7, 9, and 12 are missing[1004]. -The _Menologium Poeticum_[1005] does not translate all the names. -The series is:--Januarius, Februarius or _solmonað_, Martius or -_hlyda_, _Aprelis monað_, Maius, Junius or _ærra liða_, _Julius -monað_, Augustus or _weodmonað_, September or _haligmonað_, October -or _winterfylleð_, November or _blotmonað_, December or _ærra jula_. -There are missing therefore, probably not by accident, _eostermonað_ -and the second month of each of the pairs. Finally I give the list -compiled by Hickes:--1, _æftera geola_; 2, _solmonað_; 3, _hlyda_ -or _hlydmonað_ (‘the loud, blustering month’, on account of the -storms); 4, _easterm._; 5, _maiusm._; 6, _serem._, _midsumorm._, -_ærra liða_, _Juniusm._; 7, _meðm., ædm._ (hay-harvest month), -_æftera liða_, _Juliusm._; 8, _weodm._, _Augustusm._; 9, _haligm._, -_harvæstm._; 10, _se teoðam._, _haligm._; 11, _blotm._; 12, -_midvinterm._, _ærre geola_[1006]. Of these variants upon Bede’s list -_harvestm._, _hærfestm_. occurs frequently and indeed is attested -from the year 1000. In Robert of Gloucester (1297 A. D.) the word -means August[1007]. The two others are doubtful: they appear in the -first edition of Bosworth’s Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, which Weinhold -used, but are absent in the second, doubtless because the sources -are unknown. As far as I can see they come from Hickes, they are -missing in Hampson’s Glossary. The Oxford Dictionary says, s. v. -_meadmonth_: “an alleged O. E. name for July”. Of _seremonth_ it -gives a late example, where the word is equivalent to August[1008]. -It is possible that Hickes used sources which have perished in the -fire at the Bibliotheca Cottoniensis. The form _searmonað_, so far as -I know, appears only in Bosworth, and is perhaps a normalising of the -spelling. The name ‘dry month’ (mod. Eng. ‘sear’, ‘sere’) corresponds -as badly as possible to June, and is not much more suitable for -August. A satisfactory explanation would be given if, as Prof. Ekwall -proposes to me, we assume that _seremonað_ = _sceremonað_, _s_ being -often written for _sc_ from the 12th century onwards; the name -would then mean ‘sheep-shearing month’. Fluctuation in the names of -months is seen here also: _haligmonað_ means September or October, -_harvest-monað_ both August and September. So far the Anglo-Saxon -months present the usual characteristics in the nomenclature, and in -the fluctuation of the names. A point worthy of note is the agreement -in name with the Gothic _fruma jiuleis_ but difference in position: -this is explained by the fact that _jiuleis_, _giuli_, _jul_ is an -old word for a shorter season. - -Bede’s further statements as to the Anglo-Saxon year are very -important and have been much disputed. He represents it as a -lunisolar year with lunar months. It began on Dec. 25th; this night -the heathens called _modra nect, id est matrum noctem ob causam, ut -suspicamur, ceremoniarum quas in ea pervigiles agebant_ (“that is the -night of the mothers, because, as we suppose, of some ceremonies -which they performed in the night”). In an ordinary year each season -had three months, in leap-year the thirteenth month was intercalated -in the summer, it was a third _liða_ and a year of this kind was -called _annus thri-lidi_. Further, the year was divided into two -halves, winter and summer, of six months each, and winter began with -the month _wintirfyllið_. Here and here alone have we an account -of a heathen Germanic lunisolar year. _A priori_ such an account -contains nothing surprising. Tacitus, _Germ._ XI, had already stated -that the Germans observed the lunar month. The question is whether -they also named the months and arrived at a fixed series, whereby -the empirical intercalation of a month would arise of itself. In -the last centuries of heathen times they were certainly not at a -lower stage of civilisation than many other peoples in various -parts of the world among whom this form of year did arise, but the -trustworthiness of the report is far from being established by this -general consideration. - -Bilfinger has subjected the account to severe criticism, and on -internal evidence states it to be a construction of Bede’s[1009]. -The account, he says, fluctuates between the solar and the lunar -year; for instance Bede says in one place that the year begins on -December 25th, and in another that winter begins with the lunar month -_wintirfyllið_. But this is done in any description of a lunisolar -year that does not choose expressions with pedantic accuracy. Even -in modern scientific handbooks we read e. g. that the Attic year -began with the summer solstice, which is an abbreviated and incorrect -expression for ‘at the first new moon after the summer solstice’. The -learned chronologist, Bede, has, according to Bilfinger, elaborated -his system upon the following points of departure: the derivation of -the word ‘month’ from ‘moon’, the phrase _annus thri-lidi_, which -really means ‘a year so favourable that three sea-voyages can be -made in it’, and the beginning of the year on Dec. 25th, which is -assumed by Bilfinger to be the ecclesiastical beginning of the year -on Christmas Day, at that time used in England. The Anglo-Saxon -names of months, he concludes, are accordingly nothing more than -native terms for the Julian months, and therefore first became names -of months on the introduction of the Roman calendar. The criticism -is acute, but is not without its weak points. Bede knew quite well -that the Latin _mensis_ is connected with μήν and properly means -lunar month, and had a very good knowledge of matters chronological; -why then should he claim lunar months for the Anglo-Saxons if to his -knowledge only solar months existed among them? In regard to the -explanation of _thri-lidi_ we require to know from documents that two -sea-voyages were usually made in summer, and what was the goal of -these voyages that there should be only two of them. Such evidence is -not forthcoming. And further, as Prof. Ekwall informs me, Bilfinger’s -explanation is linguistically improbable. Such a formation would -presuppose a word *_līð_, ‘journey’, and no such word exists; -on the other hand _þriliði_, ‘with three _liða_’, is perfectly -regular[1010]. Further ‘the holy month’, _halegmonað_, cannot be -explained by Christian influence, since there is no great Christian -festival in September: the origin must be sought in the heathen cult, -but is obscure. It is not improbable that the festival of harvest -was intended. However this carries the name back to pre-Christian -times. _Wintirfyllið_ means, according to Bede, ‘(first) full moon of -the winter’. With this is connected Gothic _fulliþ_, translated by -‘full moon’[1011]. By this parallel the lunar character of this month -is also proved. In opposition to Bilfinger’s theory it therefore -appears that there are a couple of facts, arising out of the months -themselves, which point to the heathen origin and lunar character of -the months. - -The difficulties lie elsewhere. The beginning of the year is -according to Bede Dec. 25. But where a fixed series of twelve months -exists, with a fixed intercalary month, it lies in the nature of -things that the month which is doubled in the intercalation should -be the beginning of the year, since this month is regulated by a -fixed point or season of the year; the month in question is in this -case _liða_, in summer. Now the beginning of the year in the sense -mentioned above, p. 276, does not necessarily coincide with the -beginning of the series of months. The beginning of the year in this -case, however, is on Bede’s own testimony the beginning of winter, as -among the Scandinavians. We are therefore driven to the conclusion -that Bede erroneously substituted the ecclesiastical beginning of -the year at the Christmas festival, and that the cause of his error -was the fact that at this time the heathen Anglo-Saxons celebrated -a Feast of the Mothers, which corresponded to the Scandinavian Yule -festival celebrated at the same time of the year; whereas in reality -the Anglo-Saxons, like most peoples, had no sharply defined beginning -of the year. - -Although, therefore, Bede’s account presents great difficulties, -they are not diminished by the assumption that the scheme is a -construction of his own. In my opinion there is no denying the -trustworthiness of the account or the probability that the heathen -Anglo-Saxons had arrived at a fixed series of months with empirical -intercalation in the summer. But even if this was so, the case is -isolated, and does not advance our knowledge of the form of the year -among the other Germanic peoples. This only may be pointed out, that -the Icelanders inserted their intercalary week in the summer just -as the Anglo-Saxons, according to Bede, did with their intercalary -month. But since the form of the year is so entirely different -in each case, this agreement cannot be made to support further -conclusions, any more than the two cases of agreement with the Gothic -calendar. - -The Icelandic months, in conformity with the peculiar arrangement -of the year, do not coincide with the Julian, but begin either -shortly before or in the middle of these. The series is:--1, _þorri_; -2, _Goi_; 3, _Einmánaðr_, because one month is left before the -beginning of summer; 4, _Gaukmánaðr_ (cuckoo month) or _Sáðtið_ -(seed-time) or _Harpa_ (unexplained); 5, _Eggtið_ or _Stekktið_ or -_Skerpla_ (unexplained); 6, _Sólmánaðr_ (sun month) or _Selmánaðr_ -(cowherd’s hut month); 7, _Miðsummar_, or _Heyannir_ (hay-time); 8, -_Tvímánaðr_, since two months are left to the beginning of winter, -or _Kornskurðmánaðr_ (barley-cutting month); 9, _Haustmánaðr_; 10, -_Gormánaðr_ (slaughtering month, _gor_ is the refuse thrown away in -the slaughtering); 11, _Frermánaðr_ (frost-month) or _Ylir_ (cognate -with _Yul_); 12, _Jólmánaðr_ (Yule-month) or _Hrútmánaðr_ (ram -month, on account of the pairing of the sheep) or _Mörsugr_ (‘the -fat-sucker’)[1012]. Some of these names are also used to describe -seasons and have been explained above, p. 74. With the exception -of _þorri_, _Goi_, and _Einmánaðr_, however, these months are not -used in practical life, where the reckoning is performed in weeks. -In modern times the Icelandic months have other names but keep the -same position in the year:--1, _Miðsvetrarm_. (midwinter month); 2, -_Föstu(in)gangsm_. (beginning of fasting); 3, _Jafnðøgram_. (month -of the equinox); 4, _Sumarm_. (beginning of summer); 5, _Farðagam_. -(because it is the legal time for moving); 6, _Nottleysum_. (the -nightless month); 7, _Stuttnættism_. (month of the short nights) or -_Maðkam_. (as in Denmark, month of worms); 8, _Heyannam_. (month of -the hay-time); 9, _Addrattam_. (_m. necessitatum apportandarum_); 10, -_Slatrunarm_. (slaughtering month), older _Garðlagsm_. (_m. sæpium -struendarum_); 11, _Riðtíðarm_. (spawning month); 12, _Skamdegism_. -(month of the short days) or _Jólam_[1013]. - -In Norway, according to Finn Magnusson[1014], January is sometimes -called _Thorre_, February sometimes _Thorre_, now and again also -_Gjö_, March sometimes _Gjö_, here and there also _Krikla_, June -_Gro_ (sprouting month); I shall return below, p. 302, to the -explanation of the variation. Weinhold gives a complete list:--1, -_Torre_; 2, _Gjö_; 3, _Krikla_ or _Kvine_; 4 and 5, _Voarmoanar_; -6 and 7, _Sumarmoanar_; 8 and 9, _Haustmoanar_; 10 and 11, -_Vinterstid_; 12, _Jolemoane_ or _Skammtid_ (time of the short -days)[1015]. - -Of the Danish months the learned Olaus Worm in the 17th century gives -two series[1016]. The months of the first series are lunar months, -he says, and begin with the first new moon of the new year:--1, _Diur -Rey_ or _Renden_, on account of the pairing of the animals (_at løbe -i Rhed_); 2, _Thormaen_; 3, _Faremaen_, on account of the journeys; -4, _Maymaen_; 5, _Sommermaen_; 6, _Ormemaen_ (month of worms); 7, -_Hoemaen_ (hay month); 8, _Kornmaen_; 9, _Fiskemaen_; 10, _Sædemaen_ -(seed month); 11, _Pølsemaen_ (sausage month); 12, _Julemaen_. The -intercalary month is called _Sildemaen_, ‘the late month’. The Julian -months are called:--1, _Glugmanet_; 2, _Blidem._ (the mild month); -3, _Torm._; 4, _Farem._; 5, _Maym._; 6, _Skærsommer_; 7, _Ormem._; -8, _Høstm._; 9, _Fiskem._; 10, _Sædem._; 11, _Slagtem._; 12, -_Christm._ The northern Danes and the inhabitants of Skåne are said -to call the first four months: 1, _Glug_, 2, _Gøje_, 3, _Thor_, 4, -_Blidel_. _Blidel_ was until our own time in popular use in southern -Skåne, but it denoted February and in this position it appears in -Hickes[1017]. The same series is found in Finn Magnusson[1018], -but with certain variants:--1, _Ism_. (ice month); 2, _Dyrem._; 4, -_Faarem._ (sheep month); 6, _Sommerm._; 7, _Madkem._; 8, _Høm._; -10, _Ridem._ (riding month); 11, _Vinterm._; 12, _Julem._[1019]. -Feilberg in his well-known Dictionary of the popular speech of -Jylland gives some characteristic modern popular names. _Helmisse_ -(‘holy mass’) really means All Souls’ Day, and then an old worn-out -horse, whose last strength is exhausted in the autumn ploughing and -who dies in consequence; hence September or October obtains the name -_helmissemåned_. March is called _kattemåned_, from the pairing of -the cats, or _prangermåned_ (_pranger_ = ‘dealer’), because most -business is transacted then. These are evidently more in the nature -of by-names, but it is precisely names of this sort that oust the -Latin names, since they are intelligible. - -In the Swedish almanac, until it was modernised in the year 1901, -Swedish names stood beside the Latin. They ran:--_Torsmånad_, -_Göjem._, _Vårm._ (spring month), _Gräsm._ (grass month), -_Blomsterm._ (month of flowers), _Sommarm._, _Höm._ (hay month), -_Skördem._ (harvest month), _Höstm._ (autumn month), _Slaktm._ -(slaughtering month), _Vinterm._, _Julm._ It is true that these -names were never used. The series has arisen from an older one which -is first attested for the year 1538. In the latter three months -have Latin names, _Marsmånad_, _Aprilmånad_, _Majmånad_, October is -named _Winmånad_ (vine-month), December _Christmånad_. These names -shew that the series is of German origin; in Sweden vines are not -cultivated, and December 24th is never called Christmas Eve but Yule -Eve. The list agrees with one given by Weinhold, p. 8, which as early -as the 15th century was common to all Germany, and the agreement is -shewn also in this point that, as is often the case in German lists, -the months 3, 4, and 5 retain their Latin names. When it is further -remembered that _Augst_ means ‘harvest’, the variations will be seen -to consist only in the substitution of the old names _Tor_ and _Göje_ -for _Jenner_ and _Hornung_ and the renaming of ‘the fallow month’ -(_Brachmonat_) from midsummer, which is in Sweden a great popular -festival. The more suitable _Slakt-_ and _Julmånad_ were substituted -for _Win-_ and _Christmånad_ in 1608 by the almanac-maker Forsius: -the three Latin names were first exchanged for Swedish in 1734 by -the almanac-maker Hiorter[1020]. There is moreover one Swedish name -which is still very popular and which falls outside the usual series, -viz. _rötmånaden_ (‘the rotten month’), so named because it falls -in the most sultry time of the summer, when it is very difficult to -keep meat and other food from going bad. It is fixed at the time in -which the sun stands in Leo (July 22-Aug. 23; about July 13-Aug. 14, -old style). Formerly it was known as ‘the Dog-days’,--a translation -of _dies caniculares_--and the position varied considerably. The -period descends from the period of the Etesian in the ancient Greek -calendar, and it was not till the 17th century that it was generally -equated to the time during which the sun stands in Leo[1021]. - -The Swedish list of months is therefore largely of foreign or learned -origin. The only popular names are _Tor_ and _Göje_, which also -often occur without the addition of ‘month’. The Icelanders have -made Thorri and Goi into mythological figures[1022]. In Sweden the -people have personified these names. When it snows, Goja shakes her -robe. Thor (= March), with the long beard, entices the children -outside the wall, they say in the north of Skåne,--in the south the -same thing is said of _Bliel_ (_Blidel_ = February)--and then _Far -Fäjeskinn_ (= April) comes and drives them in again. The latter -month is conceived of as ‘Father Sweep-skin’: but it is possible -that in _far_ the month-name _Fare-maaned_ (= April) appears. In -Norway the names of the same three months--_Thorre_, _Gjö_, and -_Krikla_--were the only ones in common use, and so in Iceland, -_þorri_, _Goi_, and _Einmánaðr_. The beginning of these three months -was hailed with popular celebrations both in Iceland and elsewhere -in Scandinavia[1023]. And now attempts have been made to prove that -these Norwegian months are old lunar months. In Aasen’s Norwegian -Dictionary it is stated that the country people even to-day still -count and name the moons, so that e. g. the moon which is in the -heavens during the Yuletide-festival is termed the Yule moon if -it continues until the end of the festival, the day of Epiphany: -and if it does not last till the end of this period, then the next -following moon is the Yule moon, i. e. the Yule moon is in reality -the moon which is in the heavens on the day of Epiphany. The terms -and the calculation of the following moons are regulated accordingly. -Certainly the heathen Germans must have been acquainted with the -lunar month, and the existence of the lunisolar calendar among -the Anglo-Saxons is not to be denied, but in this case we must -unreservedly agree with Bilfinger[1024] that this lunar reckoning is -of Christian origin. Then in order to fix the date of the important -movable festivals the most convenient practical means was to begin -from the first new moon after the day of Epiphany, i. e. after the -Yule moon. The old rule says:--“Count the moon which is in the sky -on the day of Epiphany as long as it lasts, and then ten days onward -from the new moon, and you have the _terminus Septuagesimæ_.” Hence -is derived the Swedish peasant rule:--“The moon which is in the -sky at the day of Epiphany shall be the Christmas moon, whether it -be young or old.” After this follows the _disting_-moon[1025]. On -account of the ecclesiastically prescribed period of Lent and the -Easter festival it was absolutely necessary to be able to calculate -this time, and the calculation was most simply performed in the -fashion just described, although the phenomena of the heavens did -not exactly agree with the rule of computation. The third of these -moons was followed by the Easter festival. For this reason these -three months have stamped themselves upon the minds of the people -in all the Scandinavian countries. It is because they are lunar -months, and not because they began, like the Icelandic months, in -the middle of the Julian months, that the relationship of the first -three Norwegian names of months to the Julian varies in the manner -shewn above, p. 298. A further question, however, is the age of the -names _þorri_ (_Tor_) and _Göje_. Since in spite of many ingenious -attempts these words remain etymologically unexplained, and moreover -are not borrowed, the names must originate in an older period. What -they meant before they received their present application we do not -know, but there is nothing to shew that they are not old names of -months. There is a possibility, certainly somewhat remote, that their -use as names of months is pre-Christian, although the computation is -Christian. There would be nothing surprising in this, if it were the -case, since the Germans were acquainted with lunar months, and they -had attained a much higher stage of civilisation than many peoples -who were familiar with the lunisolar year as regulated by empirical -intercalation. - -A sure indication of an Old Swedish heathen reckoning in lunar months -has been acutely pointed out by Beckman[1026] in the rule, attested -from the time of the Reformation, for fixing the date of the fair at -Uppsala known as the _disting_, which is a direct continuation of -the great sacrificial festival at the heathen temple in Uppsala, the -_disablot_. The rule, as has already been indicated (p. 302), says -that the _disting_ shall be held at the full of the moon following -the Epiphany moon, and therefore exactly two months before the Easter -full moon. This rule certainly goes back to ancient times and cannot -arise from the Christian computation of Easter, since there would -be no reason for arranging with reference to Easter the date of a -fair so long before Easter and originating in heathen times[1027]. -Rather is the explanation given in the words of Tacitus, that the -Germans held their assemblies at new or full moon, which would also -apply to the great sacrificial festival and the popular assembly -of the Svear. This however presupposes that the insertion of the -intercalary month was fixed in some way, so that no error might -arise in regard to the moon of the _disting_. After Christianity was -introduced, and with it the computation of the three moons before -Easter, the computation of the _disting_-moon was also modified in -accordance with these. A statement of Snorre[1028] however causes -difficulty. Snorre says that the _disablot_ was celebrated in _Goe_, -but that after the introduction of Christianity the date of the fair -was altered to Candlemas (Feb. 2). The latter statement contradicts -the rule, and is ingeniously explained by Beckman. In the year 1219, -when Snorre was staying in Sweden, the full moon of the _disting_ -fell on the first of February, and Snorre has generalised the single -case. _Goe_, as has been seen above, is the name of the month, but -the Göje new moon has been shewn to be the second after Epiphany, and -therefore the moon following the _disting_-moon, which is identical -with the _Tor_ new moon. Herein lies an unexplained difficulty. It is -to be presumed, however, that the arrangement of the heathen lunar -months must have been different from that of the Christian Easter -moons, and that this must have been the cause of the difference in -the position of the moons. The heathen _disting_-moon, called _Goe_, -did not entirely correspond either to the Christian _þorre_ or to -_Goe_: Snorre has made _Goe_ equivalent to it, otherwise it has been -made equivalent to _þorre_. The necessity of computing the Christian -Easter has very often caused the new moons to fall after the period -(Yule, Tor, Goe) from which they are named. On the contrary the -_disting_-moon is the very moon in which the _disting_ is held. This -is certainly a survival of an older pre-Christian computation, which -was later fitted into the Christian computation of the new moons -before Easter, and was re-arranged accordingly. - -In the other Scandinavian countries also the enumeration of the moons -between Christmas and Easter was neglected after the Reformation -had made the observation of the fast superfluous, or rather it was -replaced by another: the New Year’s Day appears as the regulating -point instead of Epiphany. - -The Swedish almanacs of the 16th and 17th centuries give the new -moons in words, the practice ceasing in the second half of the -17th century. In accordance with the custom of the ecclesiastical -computation the new moon is (nearly always) named after the -following month, that in which the moon ceases: _Ny Göijemånat_, -the new moon of Göje, therefore falls in _Torsmånad_ (January), and -so on. Sometimes, doubtless inadvertently, the new moon is named -after the month in which it falls, i. e. _Ny Göijemånat_ falls in -February. Now certain years receive 13 new moons, and therefore -one intercalary moon, for which the computers give rules. But the -almanac-makers never follow these rules. In two or three of the -oldest almanacs[1029] the intercalary moon is certainly described -as such[1030], but its position in the year does not correspond to -the rule of the computers: in 1603 it is simply placed in the Julian -month in which two new moons fall. Otherwise the difficulty is got -over by leaving uncounted the intercalary moon or some of the new -moons. Another way out is chosen by Herlicius, 1630 and 1641, and -Thuronius of Åbo, 1660: _Torsmånadsny_, the new moon of January, is -contrary to the rule placed in January; in the further enumeration -the new moons run over into the month preceding that after which -they are named, and the thirteenth and last new moon is again called -_Torsmånadsny_, i. e. this is doubled and serves as an intercalary -moon. Here, therefore, the insertion of the intercalary moon depends -upon the position of the new moon in relation to the beginning of the -year, i. e. to the first of January. - -This method has become popular, and its popularity has been assisted -by the fact that the people, through the use of the rune-staves -recording the golden numbers, were accustomed to the calculation of -the new moon. Above all the first moon of the year (_nykung_ = ‘new -king’) played a very important part. The men took off their hats and -the women curtseyed when they saw it; from it were taken oracles for -the new year. The question is whether a popular name was also given -to the new moons. Apart from the almanacs, which use the names of -months introduced into them, I find in Swedish only one example: -_Torretungel_ (_tungel_, dialect for ‘new moon’)[1031]. The Danish -chronologist Worm gives both a lunar and a solar series of names of -months[1032]. The names are for the most part equivalent or similar -to those of the solar series, but in the first half of the year they -occupy an earlier position, which fact certainly has something to do -with the naming of the new moons according to the usual computation. -Worm expressly states that these lunar months were still in use and -began with the first new moon of the new year. - -An account of connected lunar months among the East Finns has been -translated and communicated to me by Professor Wiklund. The authority -makes a man of the people speak as follows[1033]:--“The moon which -is born while the winter day is still in his house (December 18-22), -or after that, is the first heart- (middle-)moon. In this way the -Christmas festival sometimes falls in the first heart-moon, and -then we hope for a good harvest. But when the first heart-moon is -born late, e. g. after Twelfth Day, there is no second heart-moon -in this year, but there follow the foam-moon (so called because -the snow looks like foam), the snow-crust moon, the melting moon, -the sprouting moon, etc.... When we reckon the moons of the year, -beginning with the first heart-moon, we sometimes get thirteen -months in the year, although there are only twelve book-months.” At -first sight it is very tempting to see in this account old Finnish -moon-months regulated by the winter solstice, as e. g. among the -Siberian peoples, which would be quite conceivable so far north. -However this is not so. The heart-moon is in the given instance -doubled, i. e. it is an intercalary moon. Now it is a familiar fact -that the intercalary month, i. e. the first of the two months with -the same name, gets in front of the regulating-point; it is therefore -‘forgotten’, and a second moon with the same name is inserted after -it. We must therefore ask:--Within what limits, under the given -conditions, will the moon fall which in ordinary years is the -heart-moon, in leap-year the second heart-moon? The following tables -give the answer: the limits begin at the two extremes of new moon -on the first and on the twenty-ninth of January; we must of course -reckon one day for the solstice, December 21, and not the whole -‘house’. - - Beginning Beginning - of the first of the second - heart-moon. heart-moon. - I. From Jan. 1. 12 moons to Dec. 22, 13 moons to Jan. 20. - 12 » » Jan. 9. - 12 » » Dec. 29, 13 » » Jan. 28. - 12 » » Jan. 17. - 12 » » Jan. 5. - 12 » » Dec. 26, 13 » » Jan. 24. - 12 » » Jan. 14. - 12 » » Jan. 3. - 12 » » Dec. 23, 13 » » Jan. 22, etc. - - II. From Jan. 29. 12 moons to Jan. 18. - 12 » » Jan. 7. - 12 » » Dec. 27, 13 moons to Jan. 25. - 12 » » Jan. 14. - 12 » » Jan. 3, etc. - -The regulating-point is therefore New Year’s Day: the heart-moon, -and in leap-year the second heart-moon, begin with the first new -moon after this. This rule however makes it impossible for the -first heart-moon ever to begin before the winter solstice. It will -be found that in regard to the position of the heart-month, and in -leap-years of the first heart-month, this regulation leads to such -a position of these months as is given in the account. The calendar -is therefore not a native lunar one, but the already mentioned -adaptation of the lunar reckoning in accordance with the new year -of the Julian calendar[1034]. The Finns, who from the earliest -times have owed their culture to the Scandinavians, have taken this -process from them also, but in Finland it has not been driven out by -the influences of later civilisation, just as in Norway, which long -remained comparatively untouched by these influences, the Catholic -lunar reckoning has been preserved. - -The above-quoted source unfortunately does not preserve all the names -of months. A similar but somewhat different complete list has been -drawn up by Lönnrot in Karelia:--1, heart-month; 2, heart-month; 3, -foam-month; 4, tree-felling month; 5, melting or sowing month; 6, -summer month; 7, hay month; 8, pus month (cf. the Swedish ‘rotten -month’, above, p. 300); 9, harvest month; 10, autumn month; 11, dung -or dirt month; 12, month of clods; 13, Christmas month[1035]. Here -too the heart-month appears doubled. - -The Lapps also have taken their reckoning from the Scandinavians: -of the reckoning in weeks we have spoken above. In Old Scandinavian -times they borrowed the word _mānō_, Lapp _manno_ (moon). The Lapp -word means both ‘moon’ and ‘month’; only among the southern Lapps -is there found a native word _aske_, ‘moon’, which one dictionary -also uses as a term for ‘month’. Therefore at the time when the -Lapps adopted the word _manno_ for ‘moon’ and ‘month’, the month of -the Scandinavians must have been a lunar month, and so also among -the Lapps. In some authors the form _mannod_ occurs, i. e. modern -Swedish _månad_, ‘month’. The Lapp names of months were not collected -until last century. They appear sometimes with, sometimes without, -the addition ‘month’. They are:--1, new month, new year (month), new -day (month), New Year’s Day month; 2, Göjem. (_knowa_, a loan-word -therefore), rarely *‘swan month’; 3, *‘swan month’, because the swan -comes in March, rarely _marasm._ (_mars_, loan-word), rarely *‘crow -month’; 4, *‘crow month’, on account of the coming of these birds, -rarely *‘snow-crust month’; 5, ‘(hard) *snow-crust month’, since -the surface of the snow, which melts in the day-time in the bright -sunshine, freezes at night into a hard crust, *‘month of calves’, -‘calf month’, when the reindeer bring forth their calves; 6, *‘month -of calves’, *‘fir month’, since the sap rises in the firs, ‘flesh -month’, ‘(mid)summer month’; 7, rarely *‘fir month’, *‘month when -the reindeer has shed its hair’; 8, called *the same, also *‘month -when the hair has grown thick again’; 9, has *the same name as 8, -or *‘rutting month’ (the rutting-time covers the end of September -and the beginning of October), or *‘month when the male reindeer -are powerless’ (after the rutting); 10, has *the same name as 9, -or else *‘rutting month’, or ‘autumn month’; 11, is also generally -called *‘month when the male reindeer are powerless’, rarely *‘Advent -month’; 12, *‘Advent month (_passatis(m.)_, _p._ means the first -Advent Sunday and the first week in Advent), ‘Yule month’[1036]. -Qvigstad[1037] calls the twelfth week-month of the Lapps _bâse-tæbme -manno_, ‘the month without a feast’, the thirteenth _basse m._ or -_juowla m._ - -The Lapps were also acquainted with the ‘rotten month’ (_mieska -manno_, Swedish _rötmånad_)[1038]. A Lapp woman mentioned by Wiklund -gave this month the position of the ninth in the series, and -explained it as the month in which the grass begins to fade and rot. -On the strength of this Wiklund assumes a thirteen-month year, but -the statement is inconclusive, the ‘rotten month’ having certainly -been placed erroneously as a separate month in the series. That this -is so is supported not only by Qvigstad but also by Högström in -his description of Lapland of the year 1746, in which he speaks of -thirteen week-months of the Lapps. According to this authority the -Lapps drew their rune-calendar on seven discs of reindeer-horn, but -only one side of the seventh was written on, so that there were 13 -sides of four weeks each, which they called a month, and so their -reckoning was 13 months, he says. Wiklund has accepted this four-week -month. It is quite possible that the Lapps called a period of four -weeks a month: we also often do the same when an approximation will -serve; but that the names of months mean periods of four weeks seems -very questionable. It would be a quite isolated case: everywhere else -the months are either the Julian or lunar months, with which last the -Lapps were acquainted, at least in ancient times. The statement that -on the basis of the reckoning by weeks a four-week month could have -arisen is certainly not absolutely to be denied,--if this is so, it -must be a secondary and late development--but the fluctuation of the -names of months is no evidence for this. It is only the fluctuation -found everywhere when names of seasons are transformed into names -of months. Only the names of the first two months are quite fixed, -and these are either essentially or literally loan-words: the Latin -name even appears in one instance for March. There is consequently -borrowing in the case of the three names which alone, as also among -the Scandinavians, have become really popular. If the Lapps really -had thirteen months, it might then be supposed that these, as in -Denmark and Finland, were lunar months which began at the first new -moon of the new year. But we find no trace of lunar months in Lapland -in historical times. We must therefore content ourselves with the -fact that the Lapp names of months shew the same fluctuation as -is shewn by all names taken from natural objects or phenomena and -applied to the months. - -This brief survey of the popular months of the European peoples is -instructive from the point of view of a comparison with the names -of months among primitive peoples. Although the Julian months have -a fixed position in the solar year, and do not fluctuate to and fro -like the lunar months, yet the names of the months are unstable and -fluctuating. This is due to the fact that in the desire for concrete -observations the names of the seasons and of their occupations -have been kept, and the seasons have neither fixed position nor -duration: these names of months derived from natural phenomena and -occupations have not therefore in themselves the precision which the -chronological system demands. Such precision will only be introduced -by an external factor, in the one case by the lunar months, in the -other by the Julian months to which the names of the seasons are -transferred. - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -SOLSTICES AND EQUINOXES. AIDS TO THE DETERMINATION OF TIME. - - -We have seen in the foregoing pages how the phases of Nature, with -their somewhat variable dates, are everywhere employed in the -determination of time; how in the moon there lies ready to hand a -clear, stable (at least within very narrow limits), and constant unit -of time which could be turned to account in calculating; and how -out of the fusion of natural phases and moons there arose a roughly -empirical lunisolar year. For the more accurate fixing both of the -seasons and of the months the phases of the stars are employed; -these, being dependent on the sun, keep pace with the natural year, -but, unlike the phases of Nature, are not subject to climatic -variations but are astronomically fixed. - -It is however possible astronomically to fix the solar year by a -second method, viz. the observation of the annual course of the sun, -especially of the solstices: the observation of the equinoxes is a -much more difficult matter. The observation of the solstices can be -performed in a way similar to that mentioned above, p. 21, in which -noon is determined by the position of the sun, but is much more -difficult to carry out and requires far more accurate and delicate -methods. Two fixed points at least are necessary--a standing-ground -and in the simplest case a mark on the horizon; other methods are -still more complicated. An observation of the annual course of the -sun, therefore, unlike that of the stars,--which everywhere, no -matter where, can be performed immediately--demands a fixed place -and special aids to determination. It follows that the observation -of the solstices and equinoxes belongs to a much higher stage of -civilisation than does that of the stars. It can only arise among -a people with a fixed dwelling-place, since a race which leads a -nomadic life and changes dwellings and camps is without the necessary -fixed points of observation. After all it is only natural--and this -actually is the case--that the observation of the course of the sun -should be in use only among certain specially gifted peoples. - -It is used by the Eskimos, who have a very highly developed sense -of place, and know how to make good maps. Moreover where the sun in -winter stands very low on the horizon, and for a time altogether -disappears beneath it, the conditions are very favourable for the -observation of its return. Older authors say that by the rays of -the sun on the rocks the Eskimos can tell with tolerable accuracy -when it is the shortest day[1039]; more recently we have been told -of the Ammasalik that they can calculate beforehand the time of -the shortest day--and that accurately to the day--not only from -the solstitial point, but also from the position of Altair in the -morning twilight[1040]. They begin their spring when the sun rises -at the same spot as Altair[1041]. This is a quite isolated, but an -accurate, determination of the course of the sun from the fixed -stars. The Hudson Bay Eskimos of Labrador recognise the arrival of -the solstices by the bearing of the sun with reference to certain -fixed landmarks[1042]. The Central Eskimos must do the same, since -they are acquainted with the winter solstice and when this and new -moon coincide they omit their intercalary month[1043]. - -The tribes of Arizona observed the course of the sun, more -particularly to determine the dates of their religious ceremonies, -but also to decide the time of secular occupations. Among the Zuñi -the winter solstice begins when the rising sun strikes a certain -point at the south-west end of ‘Corn Mountain’, and a great feast is -then celebrated. Then the sun moves to the north, passes the moon at -_ayonawa yälläne_, and continues round to a point north-west of Zuñi, -which is called ‘Great Mountain’, where it sets consecutively for -four days at the same point. The last day is the summer solstice. -On this occasion also a great festival is celebrated[1044]. The Hopi -determine the time for their religious ceremonies, for planting, -and for sowing by observing the points on the horizon where the sun -rises or sets. The winter ceremonies are determined by the position -of the sunset, the summer by the position of the sunrise. The two -points of the solstices are called the ‘houses’ of the sun. There -are 13 landmarks, by means of which the seasons are determined from -the ecliptic. The number suggests that there is some connexion -with the months. It would in that case be a quite isolated example -of the regulation of the months by the observation of the sun’s -position[1045]. - -The Incas erected artificial marks. There were in Cuzco sixteen -towers, eight to the west and eight to the east, arranged in groups -of four. The two middle ones were smaller than the others, and the -distance between the towers was eight, ten, or twenty feet. The space -between the little towers through which the sun passed at sunrise -and sunset was the point of the solstices. In order to verify this -the Inca chose a favourable spot from which he observed carefully -whether the sun rose and set between the little towers to east and -west. For the observation of the equinoxes richly ornamented pillars -were set up in the open space before the temple of the sun. When the -time approached, the shadow of the pillars was carefully observed. -The open space was circular and a line was drawn through its centre -from east to west. Long experience had taught them where to look for -the equinoctial point, and by the distance of the shadow from this -point they judged of the approach of the equinox. When from sunrise -to sunset the shadow was to be seen on both sides of the pillar and -not at all to the south of it, they took that day as the day of the -equinox. This last account is for Quito, which lies just under the -equator. At the spring equinox the maize was reaped and a feast was -celebrated, at the autumn equinox the people celebrated one of their -four principal feasts[1046]. The months were calculated from the -winter solstice. - -Among the Amazulu, we are told, the path of the sun in winter is -different from its summer path: for it travels northward till it -reaches a certain place,--a mountain or a forest (where it rises -and sets)--and it does not pass beyond these two places; it comes -out of its winter house; when it comes out it goes southward to -its summer place. We say that when it quits its winter place it is -fetching the summer, until it reaches a certain mountain or tree; -and then it turns northward again, fetching the winter, in constant -succession. These are its houses; we say so, for it stays in its -winter house a few days: and when it quits that place we know that -it has ended the winter and is now fetching the summer; and indeed -it travels southward until, when the summer has grown, it enters -the summer house a few days, and then quits it again, in constant -succession[1047]. The Basuto also call the summer solstice the house -of the sun, and intelligent chiefs adjust the reckoning of the months -by it[1048]. - -For the Bismarck Archipelago the following details are given. On the -island of Vuatam there is celebrated some time after the solstice and -usually at the beginning of January--the exact date depends on the -weather--a festival the object of which is to regulate the course of -the sun and to secure good weather. In the whole of the north-eastern -part of the Gazelle Peninsula the fact of the solstice is known, -although no festival is celebrated. When the sun had its greatest -southern amplitude it rose over Birar on St. George’s Channel. A -native magistrate, To Kakao, explained how the sun would turn again -and would finally attain its greatest northern amplitude on the -horizon when it sank between the volcanic mountains ‘South Daughter’ -and ‘Mother’. In Valaur the view is completely cut off to the east, -and so the sun is observed at its setting, the turning-point in the -south being formed by two mountain peaks situated close together. -Another southern turning-point is furnished by still another -mountain. The spot denoting the turning-point in the Baining mountain -is chosen rather far off, and the observation is therefore not very -accurate. The solstices are brought into connexion with the variation -of the monsoons. To Kakao said that the north-east trade-wind blew -all the time the sun was in the south (November to February), but -during the time when it was situated in a northerly direction (May to -August) the south-east monsoon prevailed. In Valaur the south-east -monsoon blows as long as the sun sets WNW (May to August): but from -November to February, when the sun sets WSW, the north-west trade -blows[1049]. The Moanu of the Admiralty Islands name the divisions of -the year according to the position of the sun. If it stands north of -the equator the division in question is called _morai im paün_ (‘war -sun’), since it is during this time more particularly that wars are -carried on. When the sun stands above the equator this division is -named _morai in kauas_ (‘sun of friendship’): this is the time of -peace and of mutual visits. When the sun turns southward the colder -season, _morai unonou_, begins[1050]. - -One would suspect that this Melanesian science, like the knowledge -of the stars, is borrowed from the Polynesians: for the latter -understood the annual course of the sun. In Tahiti the place of the -sunrise was called _tataheita_, that of the sunset _topa-t-era_. -The annual movement of the sun from the south towards the north -was recognised, and so was the fact that all these points of the -daily approach to the zenith lay in a line. This meridian was -called _t’era-hwattea_, the northern point of it _tu-errau_, and -the opposite point above the horizon, or the south, _toa_[1051]. -According to other sources the December solstice was called -_rua-maoro_ or _rua-roa_, the June solstice _rua-poto_. The Hawaiians -called the northern limit of the sun in the ecliptic ‘the black, -shining road of Kane’, and the southern limit ‘the black, shining -road of Kanaloa’. The equator was named ‘the bright road of the -spider’ or ‘the road to the navel of Wakea’, equivalent to ‘the -centre of the world’[1052]. How the Polynesians came to recognise the -tropics and the equator is unfortunately unknown, but certainly they -did it like other peoples by observing the solstices and equinoxes at -certain landmarks. - -That the Greeks also recognised the solstices by means of the -observation of certain landmarks may be gathered from a passage in -Homer. In the Odyssey Eumaeus says of his native land: “A certain -island Syrie ... above Ortygia, where the sun turns”[1053]. Wherever -Syrie lay, even though in the realm of fable, the idea is that it -lies in the direction of the spot at which the sun at its turning -rises or sets. It therefore serves as a landmark, it is ‘the house of -the sun’. Hesiod is so familiar with the winter and summer solstices -that he reckons time from them in days[1054]. - -A much discussed question is whether the ancient Germans were -acquainted with the solstices and equinoxes, an assumption which must -be adopted by anyone who regards the Yule festival as a solstitial -festival. Their acquaintance with these points has been denied and -with this view I myself have concurred[1055]. After my researches -in primitive time-reckoning, however, I can no longer maintain this -opinion for the later heathen times of the north. For it has been -shewn that primitive peoples--and especially those living far north, -e. g. the Eskimos--observed the solstices well from certain points -on the horizon. Now it has already been seen that the northern -peoples observed the times of day in the same manner[1056], and this -observation was also extended to the annual course of the sun. It is -said, for example, that autumn lasts from the equinox until the sun -sets in _eyktarstað_, i. e. the position in which it stands in the -_eykt_[1057]; and that south of Iceland and Greenland the sun at the -time of the shortest days inhabits _eyktarstað_ and _dagmálastað_ -(that is to say at 9 a. m.)[1058]. The evidence, it is true, comes -down from Christian days: but the method of determining time is of -native origin and certainly goes back into heathen times. Hence -it should not be denied that, although nothing of the kind has -transpired, the solstices and equinoxes might have been approximately -determined in the same way, and it may be that the regulation of the -calendar profited by this. - -Any other day of the year can be fixed by observation in the same -way, though the observation of the solstices is probably the oldest. -As late as the beginning of the 19th century this method was adopted -in Norway as a check to the prime-staff. On certain farms there was -a definite stone, buried in the earth, to which the people repaired -for these observations. They noticed when the sun rose and shone out -above certain mountain peaks, or when its last rays touched this or -that summit. They also observed the length of the shadow on the face -of a cliff, or noted when it touched the brow of a mountain or a -certain stone. Thence they were able to give the important days of -the year, e. g. the festival of St. Paul or Candlemas. Our authority -says that the observation was very inaccurate, so that the Christmas -Day of the people might fall on January 2. But it was not so bad as -that, since they still followed the old style. The sun-mark for the -first summer day (April 14) agreed with the 23rd of April[1059]. - -Agricultural peoples in particular have developed various methods -of this kind. The rice-cultivating peoples of the East Indies use -various methods in order to determine the important time of sowing. -Of the observation of the stars we have already spoken[1060]. Among -the Kayan of Sarawak an old priest determines the official time -of sowing from the position of the sun by erecting at the side of -the house two oblong stones, one larger and one smaller, and then -observing the moment when the sun, in the lengthening of the line of -connexion between these two stones, sets behind the opposite hill. -The sowing-day is the only one determined by astronomical methods. -In other respects the time-reckoning is a more or less arbitrary one -and is dependent on the agriculture[1061]. Of the hollows in a block -of stone at Batu Sala, in the river-bed of the upper Mahakam, it is -said that they originated in the fact that the priestesses of the -neighbouring tribes used formerly to sit on the stone every year in -order to observe when the sun would set behind a certain peak of the -opposite mountain. This date then decided the time for the beginning -of the sowing[1062]. - -In the first example we have artificially erected marks instead -of the usual natural landmarks: compare also the towers at Cuzco. -The pillars of Quito were a kind of gnomon, an instrument of -immense importance for the scientific astronomy and accurate -time-determination of antiquity. In this case the observation was -much simplified on account of the situation just below the equator. -The method is used again in Borneo, where it is very important to -determine the right time for sowing the seed, and the approach of the -short dry season before it in which the timber from the clearings -must be dried and burnt. The Kenyah observe the position of the sun. -Their instrument is a straight cylindrical pole of hardwood, fixed -vertically in the ground and carefully adjusted with the aid of -plumb-lines; the possibility of its sinking deeper into the earth is -prevented. The pole is a little longer than the outstretched arms of -its maker and stands on a cleared space by the house, surrounded by a -strong fence. The observer has further a flat stick on which lengths -measured from his body are marked off by notches. The other side has -a larger number of notches, of which one marks the greatest length of -the midday shadow, the next one its length three days after it has -begun to shorten, and so on. The shadow is measured every midday. As -it grows shorter after reaching its maximal length the man observes -it with special care, and announces to the village that the time -for preparing the land is near at hand[1063]. In Bali and Java the -seasons are determined by the aid of a gnomon of rude construction, -having a dial divided into twelve parts[1064]. - -The Kayan use a somewhat different method. The weather-prophet lets -in a beam of light through a hole in the roof of his chamber in the -long-house, and measures the distance of the patch of light from -the point vertically below the hole. Thus they obtain a measurement -similar to that given by the shadow on a sun-dial[1065]. Still more -elaborate is the method used by some of the Klementan by which time -is determined from the position of a star. A tall bamboo vessel is -filled with water and then inclined until it points directly towards -a certain star. It is set upright again, and the level of the water -left in the vessel is measured. In order to determine the seed-time -the vessel is provided with an empirically given mark at a certain -height, and when the level of the water coincides with the mark after -the inclining of the vessel towards the star, it is the time for -sowing[1066]. The writers omit to say that the observation must take -place at a certain time of day, e. g. morning or evening twilight. -Then it becomes possible to determine the season by the height of the -star above the horizon. - -All this is neither primitive nor native. In Bali and Java the -Brahmin and Islamite priests observed the sun-dial, and from there -the practice came to Borneo. Where the idea of using a vessel of -water for measurement originated I am unable to determine, but it -is much too refined to be a primitive invention. The only genuinely -primitive method is the observation of the annual course of the -sun and the solstices by the aid of certain landmarks on the -horizon. This method is found in all parts of the world, but only -among certain peoples. It has never attained real importance for -the regulation of the calendar: the development of the calendar -to greater accuracy proceeds by the indirect way of the lunisolar -time-reckoning. - -By way of appendix a few notices of the aids used in calculating may -be collected. They are almost always quite simple--knots in a string, -the tally, or the joints of the body. - -The use of the tally in counting the years has already been dealt -with above[1067]; this use is certainly later, each stick attaining -so to speak an individual life. It is otherwise with the counting of -the days, where the question usually is to determine the number of -days which will elapse before an assembly or some other undertaking -previously agreed upon, so that all may arrive together. The same -reckoning may also occasionally serve a second purpose. - -The Peruvian _quipos_ mark the culminating-point of the method of -counting by knots in a cord. Something similar existed among the -Nahyssan of Carolina. Time was measured and a rude chronology was -arranged by means of knots of various colours. This system proved -so convenient in dealing with the Indians that it was adopted for -that purpose by a governor of South Carolina[1068]. When a chief of -the Miwok of California decides to hold a dance in his village, he -dispatches messengers to the neighbouring rancherias, each bearing a -string wherein is tied a number of knots. Every morning thereafter -the invited chief unties one of the knots, and when the last one -is reached, they joyfully set forth for the dance--men, women, and -children[1069]. Sticks serve the same purpose. Once when the Natchez -and the Chocktaw wished to attack the French in Louisiana, each tribe -received a bundle of sticks, one of which was to be withdrawn and -destroyed each day, so that they might strike their blows at the same -time[1070]. The Pawnee used the tally for counting nights, months, -and years, but had advanced so far as to employ picture-writing in -doing so. * means day or sun, × star or night, ☾ moon, month[1071]. -This is the forerunner of the Indian picture-calendar already -mentioned[1072]. - -According to Barrow the Caffres assist their memories by means of -a tally, although this authority did not himself find this custom -among them; but the Hottentot servants of the colonists, among whom -were several Caffres, used this method in counting the number of the -cattle earned[1073]. Among the Wagogo if it was desired to count the -days, e. g. in connexion with the sitting of a court of justice, -as many knots were tied in a string as there were nights to elapse -before this date. In Nigeria palm-nuts are used in counting[1074], -just as in southern Brazil the years are counted by means of acajou -nuts[1075], and as the tribes of Bolivia count with grains of -maize[1076]. The Baganda, in order to keep in mind the days of the -month, tie knots in a piece of plant-fibre and afterwards count -the knots[1077]. In New Guinea the months were counted by means of -notches cut in trees: the New Zealanders are said to have added every -month a little piece of wood or a small stone to a heap[1078]. - -In the Nicobars notched sticks in the form of a scimitar-blade are -in use. They have notches on the edge and on the flat, the former -denote months, the latter the days of the waning and waxing moon. -They are used e. g. in finding out when a child of the owner learned -to walk. The Shompen take a piece of bamboo and make as many bends -in it as they mean to reckon days[1079]. The Negritos of Zambales -in order to count the days make knots in a cord of _bejuco_ and cut -off one of these knots every day[1080]. On the Solomon Islands also -knotted cords are used for the same purpose[1081]. The counting is -particularly necessary for the celebrating of the great feast of the -dead at the proper time. The eating the death, _gana matea_, begins -with the burial; they eat first, as they say, ‘his graves’, after -that they eat ‘his days’--the 5th, 10th, and after that every ten -up to the hundredth, and it may be, in the case of a father, wife, -or mother, even so far as the thousandth. For counting the days, so -that the guests from distant villages may arrive on the proper days, -they use cycas fronds, one in the hands of each party, on which the -appointed days are marked by the pinching off or turning down of a -leaflet as each day passes[1082]. According to another authority the -moons are counted. At the coming of the young moon after the death -of a man either a knot is made in a thread or a notch is cut in a -piece of wood. Up to thirty moons are then counted. The object is to -calculate the time up to the great funeral wake of dead chiefs. For -young people it takes place from 20 to 30 months afterwards, for old -people after 10 months, for an unimportant person as soon as 3 or 4 -months afterwards[1083]. In Nauru, west of the Gilbert Islands, knots -were tied in a string when days were to be counted, e. g. the 15 days -of the confinement of a woman[1084]. - -Only seldom is it mentioned that the months are counted on the -fingers, although obviously this must often happen; the Klamath -and the Modok used to do so formerly[1085]. Certain very primitive -peoples use not only fingers and toes but also other parts of the -body in counting. The day of an assembly is determined in this -fashion by an Australian tribe which in words can seldom count more -than four. The people touch various parts of each other’s bodies--the -wrist, the arm, the head--each of which stands for a special day, -until the intended day is reached. Thus two or more groups can -accurately determine the lapse of time and can meet on the day agreed -upon[1086]. The curious names of months of the Tunguses of the Sea -of Okhotsk[1087] are similarly to be explained, as is shewn by the -method of counting the year used by the Yukaghir. They call the -year _n-e’ -malgil_, which means ‘all the joints’. The reckoning -of the months by the joints is done in the following manner. They -bend the third row of phalanges of the fingers on both hands, and -put them together. The line of the joining they call July. Then the -knuckles of the second row of phalanges on the right hand will be -August. The joints between the phalanges and metacarpals represent -September; the wrist-joint is October; the elbow-joint is November; -the shoulder-joint, December; between the head and the backbone will -be January; the shoulder-joint on the left arm will be February; the -elbow-joint, March; the wrist-joint, April; the joint between the -fingers and the palm, May; and the knuckles of the second row of -phalanges on the left hand, June[1088]. - -These examples may suffice. The subject is monotonous and is -of little importance for the calendar, since the days are -counted independently of the latter, beginning at an arbitrary -starting-point. The counting that is important for the calendar -is that according to the days of the lunar month, but in this the -primitive peoples hold to the concrete phenomenon of the moon. The -habit of reckoning in this fashion may however be partly responsible -for the fact that among certain peoples every day of the month has -not been given a name, but the days are counted from certain points -of departure, such as new moon, full moon, etc. Very rarely do we -meet with a genuinely calendrical use of the tally. The Wa-Sania -of East Africa, who as subjects of the Galla and later since the -invasion of the Somali have been exposed to all kinds of civilising -influences, make a notch for each day, and at the end of the month -the stick is laid aside and a new one comes into use[1089]. Similarly -at the southern end of Lake Nyassa pieces of wood strung on a cord -are used in counting the days of the month that have passed[1090]. - -The Kiwai Papuans count the months by means of little sticks, which -are tied into two bundles corresponding to the two seasons of the -year. One end is pointed, the other oblique, and when a month has -passed, the stick corresponding to it is turned round. The stick -belonging to the month _keke_ is provided with a top-knot and -feather, that of _karongo_ has a mark cut in it and a top-knot like -that of _keke_, but no feather[1091]. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -ARTIFICIAL PERIODS OF TIME. FEASTS. - - -In the more fully developed calendar there are not seldom found -periods of time which are reckoned without reference to any of -the factors given by Nature. Such are, for example, our months, -which, though historically arising from the lunar month, are now -only periods of time with a definite number of days, independent of -the moon. Such also is our shifting seven-day week, which, chiefly -through the agency of Mohammedanism, has also been widely extended -among peoples of a lower stage of development. These artificial -periods, arising often from a natural period which for purposes -of the calendar has been detached from its natural basis, belong -to a highly developed stage of time-reckoning. Only among certain -comparatively far-advanced, semi-primitive peoples does an artificial -period of the simplest kind first appear, and then only one, the -market-week, the origin of which it is very easy to understand. - -The market-week appears in two widely separated districts--in West -Central Africa, and in certain of the East Indian islands. Among the -Bakongo the markets are four, viz. _konzo_, _nkenge_, _nsona_, and -_nkandu_. These have given their names to the four days that comprise -the Congo week. All the markets held on a certain day all over the -Lower Congo are called _konzo_, all on the next day _nkenge_, etc. -These markets are held at different places, e. g. all the _konzo_ -markets are held on different sites from all the markets held on the -three successive days, and are so arranged that one in four will be -within two or three miles of a town, the next day’s market may be ten -miles away from the first town, but near some other town or towns, -the next from 15 to 20 miles, the next perhaps 25 miles away from the -first town. Thus every village has at least one market during the -week within a reasonable distance of its doors. In order to describe -the markets the place-names are sometimes added, e. g. _nsona -Ngungu_. Each market has its special wares[1092]. The Babwende have -the same names[1093]. Three Bantu tribes of the Congo State have the -four-day week, but in certain cases with different names; one of the -days is market-day[1094]. This is a very practical arrangement, which -must gradually have regulated itself. There are also greater markets -which are held every eight days[1095]--a doubling of the period, -therefore. The same is the case among the Edo-speaking peoples, among -whom the week is everywhere a recognised period of time, and is, -properly speaking, 4 days long, this being the interval between the -two markets at any given spot. Occasionally, as in the Ida district, -eight-day markets are found, but the names applied to the intervening -days clearly shew that a four-day week was the primary one. One of -the four days is commonly known as the rest-day, and on this day -men frequently stop at home, though farm-work is not absolutely -forbidden. Women, on the other hand, go to market as usual[1096]. -Among the Ibo-speaking peoples the names of the four days are _eke_, -_oye_, _afo_, and _nkwo_. These are the same names as those of the -Bini, but _afo_ and _oye_ are in the inverted order; it is idle -to speculate on the origin of the names[1097]. In Loango the four -days are variously named, but principally they are called _nssona_, -_nduka_, _ntono_, _nsilu_, which names are also often applied to the -open spaces where markets are held on the days in question; _nssona_ -corresponds to our Sunday[1098], i. e. it is a day of rest. - -The Yoruba have, besides the market-week, a longer one of 16 (or 17) -days. Of these two periods Ellis says:--The Yoruba week consists of -five days, and six of them are supposed to make a lunar month, which -however always begins with the new moon. (This is therefore the -familiar round number.) The days are:--1, _ako-ojo_, the first day, -day of general rest, considered unlucky; the temples are swept and -water is brought in procession for the use of the gods. No business -of importance is ever undertaken on this day. 2, _ojo-awo_, ‘day -of the secret’, sacred to Ifa. 3, _ojo-Ogun_, 4, _ojo-Shango_, 5, -_ojo-Obatula_, i. e. the name of a god, added to the word ‘day’. -Each of these four days is a day of rest for the followers of the -god to which it is dedicated, and for them only, but _ako-ojo_ is a -day of rest for all. Markets are held every fifth day in different -townships, but never on the _ako-ojo_. From this custom has arisen -another mode of computing time, namely by periods of 17 days, called -_eta-di-ogun_ (‘three less than twenty’). This is the outcome of the -Esu societies, the members of which meet every fifth market-day. The -first and fifth market-days are counted in, and thus the number 17 is -obtained. For instance, supposing the second day of a month to be a -market-day, the second market would fall on the 6th, the third on the -10th, the fourth on the 14th, and the fifth on the 18th. The fifth -market-day, on which the members meet, is counted again as the first -of the next series. These clubs are so common that the 17-day period -has become a kind of auxiliary measure of time[1099]. The account -contains an inward contradiction. Ellis enumerates five days and says -that the market is held every fifth day, but when he reckons the -days again below, the periods are four-day periods. We must probably -assume that the word _ako-ojo_ is applied to one of the four days, -denoting it to be a day of rest, and that Ellis, when he says that -the market is held every fifth day, is counting inclusively according -to the linguistic usage of the natives, as the Greeks also did. This -is the opinion of another authority, who writes as follows:--Some say -the Yoruba week is composed of four days, and some of five. This same -mystification recurs in the number of days said to complete one of -their months. Some say there are sixteen and others seventeen days in -a month. The natives rest on the fifth day, that is to say, having -counted four days, they really rest on the first day of the next -week, counting that day as one. So in their next great division of -time they say that they rest on the seventeenth day, which is a great -market-day, and this is, of course, the first day of what is their -second so-called month. Fourteen of these months complete the ancient -Yoruba so-called year of 224 days[1100]. - -But there are also periods of time of other durations. The Adeli of -the hinterland of Togo divide the lunar month into five weeks of six -days[1101]; unfortunately the brief account tells us nothing of the -nature of this six-day week. The Tshi-speaking peoples usually reckon -time in periods of 40 or 42 days, every fortieth or forty-second day -being a festival termed the great _adae_, 18 or 20 days after which -is the little _adae_. The great _adae_ is always celebrated on a -Sunday, and the little _adae_ on a Wednesday[1102]. Once again the -statements are not clear. If the last condition must be absolutely -fulfilled, the period of the great _adae_ must always embrace 42 -days and the little _adae_ must fall 18 days after it. The natives -consider the number 40 particularly lucky and always endeavour to -connect it with some important event[1103]. The probable explanation -is that 40 is used as a round number instead of 42. But among the -Edo-speaking peoples also, at one point in Northern Nigeria, a -twenty-day month seems to be used[1104]. The former mode of reckoning -is connected with the seven-day week adopted by the Tshi-speaking -peoples, though this, in order that it may cover the lunar month, is -reckoned in a curious fashion so that each week consists of 7 days -9 hours; each so-called day is therefore somewhat longer than the -natural day and consequently also begins at a different hour of the -natural day. Hence the two _adae_ also begin at different hours of -the day. The same curious reckoning is found among the Gã-tribes. -This mode of computation is a far from primitive refinement, the -real object of which is the fitting of the seven-day week into -the lunar month, the natural day however being abandoned. There -is connected with it a strong day-superstition. The first day of -the ‘week’ is rest-day, and that on which the new moon falls is -an absolute rest-day, the following being days of rest only for -certain trades, e. g. the second for the fishermen, the third for the -agriculturalists[1105]. It is clear that the only period which can -pass as native is the four-day market-week, with its development the -16-day period, and perhaps also the too little known 6-day week. - -In Java, Bali, and Sumatra there is a five-day market-week called -_pasar_, in Bali also a four-day _tjaturwara_[1106]; alongside of -these the seven-day week is in use. But wherever among heathen -tribes a ‘week’ is spoken of, this is always the market-week[1107]. -In Java and Bali the _pasar_-week is combined with the 7-day week -in divisions of 35 days. Six of these periods form a _wuku_, a kind -of year of 210 days. Besides these there are still other divisions, -which are of importance for the sooth-sayers. The non-Islamite -Lampong of Sumatra combine the _pasar_-week with the lunar month, -which is counted as 30 days[1108]. We have here nothing to do with -the highly developed time-reckoning of those peoples that drew up -their systems under Indian and Islamite influence. This five-day week -has a very extensive use in Further India: we meet it in Tonkin, -in the Lao states of northern Siam, in Upper Burma among the Shan; -further in Celebes and in certain parts of New Guinea. In the Malay -Peninsula there is a five-day period for the determination of lucky -and unlucky days. In other parts of New Guinea and in the Gazelle -Peninsula of New Pommern the market takes place every third day. -Of market-days in Polynesia there are unfortunately only uncertain -accounts[1109]. - -In ancient Mexico a market was held every fifth day at every -important place, just as in Africa on different days in neighbouring -districts; the day was a rest-day, and with the market games and -amusements were associated. This five-day market-week appears also in -other parts of Central America. The Muysca of Bogota in Columbia, on -the other hand, held markets every third, and the Inca peoples every -tenth, day, when the country-folk ceased from labour, assembled in -the towns, and engaged in traffic and games[1110]. These three- and -ten-day periods are said to be brought into connexion with the month; -if this statement be correct, they are not continuous periods, and -the market-day must sometimes have been pushed out of place in order -to secure the agreement with the moon; but the certainty cannot be -ascertained. - -The market-week exists therefore, as we should expect, only among -peoples with a more fully developed commerce and trade. The rule -attains greater importance for the time-reckoning only when, as -in the East Indies, it is introduced into an already existing -calendarial system. In Africa larger divisions of time have arisen -on the basis of it, and in one case, that of the Yoruba, the -agricultural year has been thus divided. The market-weeks, however, -may also occur independently, alongside of the calendar, like the -Roman _nundinae_, which were held every eighth day and took their -name (from _novem_) from the inclusive reckoning. - -The question of the Israelitish sabbath is complicated and has -been much discussed as a point of connexion with the Babylonian -civilisation. In Babylonia one day in the month was called -_shabattu_, and the seventh day was specially distinguished. The -statement that there the seven-day week existed, but as a fixed -subdivision of the month, is often heard, but is an invention. I -borrow the material from Landsberger’s section on the month in -religious worship. A cylinder of Gudea already mentions a festival -of the opening of the month in Lagash, festivals in honour of the -goddesses Bau and Nina are celebrated in special new-moon houses. -At all times, and later too, the day of the new moon is a great -festival-day. At the time of the dynasty of Ur, under the empire of -Khammurabi, and later, sacrifices were offered on the fifteenth day, -the day of full moon. This is called _shabattu_, which word in the -time of Assurbani-pal also denotes the full-moon day without any -religious implication. We also find at the time of the dynasty of -Ur occasional sacrifices on the day of the ‘going to sleep’, i. e. -of the disappearance of the moon. These are the three days marked -out by the great phases of the moon. According to them the month -is divided into two halves. A Babylonian peculiarity is that the -seventh day of the month, as at the time of the dynasty of Ur and -under the empire of Khammurabi, becomes a day of special sacrifices. -It is called _sibutu_, ‘the seventh’, cp. Assyrian _sibittu_, ‘seven’ -(fem.). The 1st, the 7th, and the 28th are therefore of religious -importance; for a similar emphasising of the 21st testimony is as -yet lacking; instead of the 14th we have the 15th. Later, after -ancient Babylonian times, the 7th becomes a day of taboo, the number -7 is made an unlucky number, and the schematic series 1, 7, 14, 21, -28, and 19 of the following month is formed (30 + 19 = 49 = 7 × 7). -Hence the 14th is also sometimes designated as the day of full moon. -Thus, for example, in the Creation epic, tablet 5, vv. 12 ff.:--“At -the beginning of the month shine in the land. Beam with thy horns, -to make known six days. On the seventh day halve thy disc. On the -fourteenth day thou shalt reach the half of the monthly (growth);” in -what follows the indications of the days are unfortunately missing. -It is clear that the septenary division has not arisen from the -phases of the moon, but on the contrary the phases of the moon have -been arranged in accordance with the septenary scheme. They might -also be arranged according to a quintuple scheme. Thus the tablet -III R 55, no. 3[1111]:--“Sin at his appearance from the first to -the fifth day, five days, is crescent,--Anu; from the sixth to the -tenth day, five days, he is kidney,--Ea; from the eleventh to the -fifteenth, five days, he covers himself with the shining royal cap.” -It is significant of the phases of the moon that have arisen on -genuinely primitive grounds that, since they are originally concrete, -they do not divide themselves into symmetrical groups of days. Here -the numerical scheme has been at work, and this cannot be referred to -the phases, since these give no other naturally grounded divisions -than the halves of the month. - -The derivation of the Israelitish sabbath from Babylonia therefore -offers two difficulties:--1, in regard to the word, Babylonian -_shabattu_ means the day of full moon, in fact the fifteenth day -of the lunar month, and Hebrew _shabbat_, so far as we know, the -seventh day of a period that is shifting in relation to the lunar -month; 2, in regard to the period of time, in Babylonia the septenary -scheme is a fixed division of the lunar month; among the Israelites -it is, so far as we know, shifting, continuous, and independent of -the lunar month. - -I have emphasised the phrase ‘so far as we know’ since in reality our -sole knowledge in this direction of the Israelitish times before the -Exile is that a festival and rest-day called the sabbath existed: -of its nature we know nothing. The earliest evidence we have of it -is the story of one of the miracles of Elisha[1112], from which -it appears that the adherents of the prophet were accustomed to -gather round him on this day and at new moon, doubtless since both -were rest-days. In the same way sabbath and new moon are mentioned -together as festival days in Amos VIII, 5, Hosea II, 11, Isaiah I, -13. The writers during and after the Exile are the first to mention -the sabbath as the seventh day of a continuous seven-day week. It has -at that time the character of an ascetic rest-day, where the rest is -not a joy but a duty. - -Any further advance can only be made by way of hypothesis. Thus the -sabbath of the times before the Exile was either, as later, the -last day of a seven-day period that was shifting in relation to the -lunar month, or else it was something different. Both statements -are hypotheses. And if it was something different we are driven -to a still further hypothesis in order to decide what it was. The -suggestion most in favour is that it was the day of full moon. The -sabbath is said to be the second principal day of the course of -the moon simply because sabbath and new moon are always mentioned -together in the days before the Exile. But this obviously proves -nothing. It has further been stated that the sabbath must be a fixed -day of the lunar month, since otherwise it would sometimes coincide -with the day of new moon; but evidently the expression ‘new moon and -sabbath’, however formally interpreted, does not in itself exclude -such a coincidence. Further sabbath and _shabattu_ are the same -word, and consequently a second hypothesis is that ‘sabbath’ as -well as _shabattu_ means the day of full moon. The proof is only -binding if the word in itself must mean ‘full moon’; the etymology -however is disputed, so that it gives no help. It is not difficult to -establish a general fundamental sense which will fit in both with the -festival-day of full moon and of the seven-day period. - -On the ground of the researches here carried out, however, we may -put a question a satisfactory answer to which is demanded by the -hypothesis just mentioned:--How is it possible for a period which -forms a fixed subdivision of the lunar month to become detached from -the moon and be made into an independent period shifting in relation -to the lunar month? And there will still be a preliminary question to -get rid of, viz. how has the septenary period arisen from the day of -full moon, the 15th day of the month? The answer will be, I suppose, -that the 14th, not the 15th, was taken as the day of full moon and -that Babylonian influence introduced the septenary division, so that -the name of one of the septenary days, the 14th, has been carried -over to the rest. But since in the legislation of the Exile the great -festivals were appointed for the 15th, it is clear that this day, -and not the 14th, was at that time taken as the day of full moon. -The question whether any late Babylonian speculation in numbers may -have exercised a determinative influence upon the Jewish legislation -must be decided by experts. From the unsatisfactory answer to the -preliminary question I return to the main question. A shifting -reckoning of this kind can only be understood chronologically as a -breaking away from the concrete phenomena of Nature, an incomplete -calculation being established instead of the empirical observation, -as was the case, for instance, with the Egyptian shifting year, put -in place of the solar year, and bringing with it months of thirty -days in the place of lunar months. Now the Israelites have always had -the lunar month. That a day determined by the moon should be detached -from the living lunar month and made into a shifting seven-day -week is quite incomprehensible and entirely without analogy. The -Babylonian septenary days do not help us here, since they always -remained days of the lunar month. In the light of the foregoing -investigations into primitive chronology such a process would be a -sheer miracle. - -It remains therefore to regard the creation of the seven-day week -as an act of pure volition on the part of the makers of the refined -exilian legislation, who took the name of the ancient sabbath, a -festival-day of uncertain position, and applied it to the seventh -day of a shifting period. And this is equally difficult either to -prove or disprove. It is seldom found that a new creation proceeds -entirely from nothing, and no analogy to the shifting seven-day -period is anywhere to be met with--except in one case to be mentioned -presently, the market-week. Especially in matters chronological -would it appear that the Jewish legislation did not radically break -with antiquity, but systematised and cultivated already existing -tendencies, if we may judge by the few points of departure handed -down from the earlier period; hence the numbered months, hence -the fixing of the great festivals on the day of full moon. We are -speaking here not of the changed religious character of the sabbath, -but of the chronological question. If therefore fundamental grounds -are lacking for the creation of a shifting seven-day period by the -legislation of the Exile, we must cling to the other hypothesis, viz. -that in pre-exilian times also the sabbath was the seventh day of a -shifting period, which the legislation has transformed in its own -fashion. - -But if the shifting sabbath is old, the question arises whether -analogous periods exist in primitive time-reckoning. Certainly -they do, and they are periods of a quite definite nature,--the -market-weeks. There are market-weeks of three, four, five, six, -eight, and ten days: that seven does not appear in any example must -therefore be an accident. The market-week is spread over the whole -earth at a more advanced stage of civilisation. The market-day is -a rest-day, since the people go to the market: since they rest and -gather together it is therefore a festival day. So also with the -Roman _nundinae_, on which no public meetings were held and the -schools were closed. The dispute of Roman scholars as to whether -the _nundinae_ were religious festival-days or business-days is -significant[1113]. Since the market-day is a day of rest, however, -it is also, as in West Africa, made a taboo day on which work is -forbidden. The connexion between the market and religion is universal -and appears particularly clearly in heathen Arabia[1114]. It is -true that no market-day is attested for ancient Canaan, but even in -pre-Israelitish times the land was already covered with towns, so -that the conditions for regular markets were the same as in ancient -Greece and Rome. From post-Biblical times at least three great annual -markets are known; one was held at the terebinth of Hebron, which was -at the same time the object of a cult. In Midrash it is allowed to -visit a heathen yearly market at the half-holidays of the Passover -and of the feast of Tabernacles[1115]. Since the day was a rest-day, -the command for rest might gradually, through a new interpretation, -be applied to the original purpose of the market, viz. trade. In -Amos VIII, 5 the traders complain:--“When will the new moon be gone, -that we may sell corn? And the sabbath, that we may set forth wheat? -making the ephah small,” etc., but the command for the absolute -sabbath’s rest was certainly not carried out at that time, nor yet -in the time of Jeremiah[1116]; after the overthrow of the Jewish -monarchy the trade of the markets on the sabbath revived, if indeed -it had ever perished. Nehemiah, three centuries after Amos, has to -give the injunction:--“ ... and if the peoples of the land bring -ware or any victuals on the sabbath day to sell, that we would not -buy of them on the sabbath, or on a holy day[1117],” and the breach -of this law is sternly reprimanded:--“In those days saw I in Judah -some treading wine-presses on the sabbath, and bringing in sheaves, -and lading asses therewith; as also wine, grapes, and figs, and all -manner of burdens, which they brought into Jerusalem on the sabbath -day.... There dwelt men of Tyre also therein, which brought in fish, -and all manner of ware, and sold on the sabbath unto the children of -Judah, and in Jerusalem.” Nehemiah reproves the nobles:--“Did not -your fathers thus, and did not our God bring all this evil upon us, -and upon this city?”, and he has the gates shut and guarded when -it grows dark before the sabbath. When, notwithstanding this, the -merchants once or twice encamped outside the walls on the sabbath, he -drove them away with threats[1118]. At this time work was performed -and trade carried on on the sabbath, though certainly it does not -follow that the sabbath was the principal market-day of the week: -we are speaking of a large town, where no doubt there was a market -every day. But it would be quite in keeping if in smaller matters the -sabbath had once been the proper market-day. - -The work of Webster culminates in an attempt to explain the sabbath. -The author brings together abundant material for the practice of -assigning certain taboos to certain days, partly notable days in the -experience of human life, such as birth, death, etc., and partly -those regularly recurring days which are dependent on superstitious -and religious ideas. Among these days are found both the market-day -and the days of the principal phases of the moon,--the day of new -moon, in a lesser degree the day of full moon, and further also -the days of the darkness, of the moon’s invisibility. He rightly -distinguishes the continuous Israelitish week from the ‘unlucky days’ -of the Babylonians, but is nevertheless of the opinion that the -sabbath is really the day of full moon, which in this character was -overlaid with certain taboos and has become independent of the moon. -How this separation was effected, Webster does not explain: he merely -makes the statement. He has not felt the decisive difficulty, which -lies just in this point, because he has not attacked the problem -from its chronological side. There is no reason to suppose that the -day of full moon could become detached from the genuine lunar month, -and such a process would seem still more strange since the day of -new moon remained a genuine new-moon day. On the other hand the -development of market and rest-day into a day of taboo is everywhere -natural, and is attested in the above examples from Africa; this -taboo character was emphasised and inculcated by the late Jewish and -exilian legislation in opposition to the old festive merry-making. -The new-moon day, which had fallen out of the scheme, was at the same -time rejected and proscribed. The suggestion that the sabbath arose -from the market-day is certainly only a hypothesis, since a definite -market-day is not demonstrated for Canaan; but it has the advantage -of remaining within the limits of primitive time-reckoning, which -knows no other continuous periods than the market-weeks. - - * * * * * - -Festivals and time-reckoning are from the beginning inseparably -bound together. Some of the former have already been dealt with, e. -g. the festivals of the new moon, the full moon, and the beginning -and end of the year. It remains briefly to sketch the development of -this connexion and to illustrate it with a few examples. A detailed -discussion would lead us too far away from the main theme into the -domain of the history of religion. How many pages have been written -about the New Year festival alone! - -The connexion between festivals and time-reckoning is grounded -in the fact that both are originally dependent on the phases of -Nature. Festivals are already held at definite times of the year -by peoples who know nothing of a proper time-reckoning, e. g. the -much-discussed Intichiuma ceremonies of the aborigines of Australia. -They are closely associated with the breeding of the animals and -the flowering of the plants with which each totem is respectively -identified, and as the object of the ceremony is to increase the -number of the totemic animal or plant, it is most naturally held -at a certain season. In Central Australia the seasons are limited, -so far as the breeding of animals and the flowering of plants is -concerned, to two--a dry one of uncertain and often great length, -and a rainy one of short duration and often irregular occurrence. -The latter is followed by an increase in animal life and exuberance -of plant growth. In the case of many of the totems it is just when -there is promise of approach of the good season that it is customary -to hold the ceremony. The exact time is fixed by the _alatunja_ (the -chief of the local group)[1119]. The ripening of a plant which is an -important article of food is often accompanied by certain ceremonies -by which the eating of the fruit is first made lawful. These -so-called sacrifices of the first-fruits, which have been touched -upon above[1120], are therefore dependent upon a definite natural -phase, and there may be several of them in the course of the year. - -At seed-time a festival is celebrated in order to secure the good -growth of the seed. The Bahau of Borneo, who have the agricultural -year[1121], celebrate two great festivals, one at the sowing -(_tugal_, from _nugal_, ‘to sow’), and one after harvest, the -festival of the new rice-year, _dangei_, which however is not held -if the harvest has failed; it is the climax of the year. At both -festivals the people gorge themselves to the full, rice being given -even to the animals. But during the period of growth also the plants -need protection and blessing, various plants require and obtain -different festivals, so that a cycle of agricultural festivals -arises[1122]. The southern tribes of the Malay Peninsula celebrate -three great agricultural festivals in the year, one after the -transplanting of the young rice-plants, another after the formation -of the fruit, and a third after the harvest[1123]. As an example of -a fully developed festival-cycle of this kind I give the festivals -of the Bontoc Igorot, with which should be compared the section on -the agricultural year of this tribe[1124]. After the conclusion of -the time when rice-seed is put in the germinating beds, _pa-chog_, -the festival _po-chang_ is held, after the transplanting of the -rice the festival _chaka_ (held on Feb. 10 in 1903), and after that -an unexplained festival _su-wat_; on the day on which the first -‘fruit-heads’ have shown themselves on the growing rice there is the -festival _ke-eng_, and on the following day _tot-o-lod_; _sa-fo-sab_, -before the beginning of harvest, introduces the harvest. At the -end of the rice-harvest and the beginning of the period called -_li-pas_ (‘no more rice-harvest’) _lislis_ is celebrated; at the -time of the planting of camotes _loskod_; in the same division of -the year, called _bali-ling_, the festival _o-ki-ad_, when black -beans are planted. Finally at the end of this division we have -_ko-pus_, a three day’s rest, just before the work of rice-culture -is begun again[1125]. An African example from the neighbourhood of -the Lower Niger will shew how in this agrarian festival-cycle other -feasts arise which may in part be older. The cycle consists of the -following festivals:--1, sacrifices and adoration to the great -spirit or creator, always made in anticipation of the new crop, to -ensure that it is good; 2, communion of first-fruits, a festival to -the house-hold gods; 3, communion of the new yam; 4, the feast of -hunters; 5, _ofala_, a celebration to Ofo, god of justice and right, -in honour of the public appearance of the king; 6, the _crumbo_, or -remnants of yam, reserved for the king only; 7, the feast of roast -yam at the close of the year, the termination of this marking the end -of the native year and the feast also serving as a form of public -notice that farming has to recommence. This is a festival in honour -of Ifejioku, god of the crops, as a token of gratitude on the part of -the community for a fruitful and prosperous year. It is usual for the -king to give a month’s notice before each ceremony takes place[1126]. - -A pastoral people may also have a well-developed festival-cycle -marking the points of the year which are important for their herds. -I quote as an example the main festivals of the Reindeer Koryak -of Eastern Siberia. There is a ceremony on the Return of the Herd -from the summer pastures, when the first snow covers the ground. In -spring, when the fawning period is over and the reindeer have lost -their antlers, the fawn festival is celebrated. The fire in the house -is put out and a new one started by means of the sacred fire-board. -Some tribes pile up the antlers of the slaughtered reindeer. Other -festivals are observed:--1, when the sun marks the approach of summer -after the winter solstice: a sacrifice is then offered to the sun; 2, -in the month of March, when the does commence to fawn: a sacrifice is -offered to The-One-on-High; 3, in spring, when the grass commences -to sprout and the leaves appear on the trees; 4, when mosquitoes -put in their appearance--reindeer are then slain as an offering to -The-One-on-High, lest the mosquitoes scatter the herd[1127]. - -Here the development is simple and clear, but not so among many -peoples where agriculture or the raising of cattle does not occupy so -important a place. The Maidu of northern California have four seasons -and four festivals founded by the hero Oankoitupeh:--‘the open air -festival’ in the spring, ‘the dry season festival’ about the first of -July, ‘the burning to the dead’ about the first of September[1128], -and ‘the winter festival’ about the last of December[1129]. The -connexion with the seasons is clear, but we do not even know whether -the names are of genuine native origin. This example clearly shews -that the great difficulty lies in the fact that the real nature of -the festivals is unknown. But often where detailed accounts of a -festival exist, the original reason for it becomes obscured in the -course of the development, so that the original connexion between -festival and season cannot be established. This is especially the -case with peoples among whom the religious life has had an especially -strong development. - -A phenomenon peculiar to the peoples of the far North is that the -winter is the time of the festivals. The summer is the good season, -when supplies for the winter must be collected; it is therefore a -very busy time, when each family has to work for itself and has no -leisure for festivals. The winter is the time of rest, in which -the people live on the supplies already collected; they naturally -crowd closer together, and have much leisure, which is used for -religious ceremonies and for games. Hence the winter is the time -of the religious ceremonies among the Eskimos, the Tlinkit, and -other Indians of N. W. America[1130], and hence the Yule festival -celebrated in the winter becomes the greatest festival of the -Scandinavian peoples[1131]. - -When a festival takes place, people assemble together who often have -to come long distances. We have spoken above[1132] of the devices -adopted in order to ensure that the day of an appointed non-periodic -festival shall not be missed. Periodically recurring festivals, which -are connected with a natural phase or some occupation, particularly -if this is agricultural, are determined as to time, but not -accurately. Hence it is already found among the Central Australians -that the exact day is fixed by the chief. Such festivals, appointed -within certain limits assigned by Nature, are found also among -peoples with a fixed calendar, e. g. the Roman _feriae conceptivae_. -Significantly enough, these are agricultural festivals which, on -account of the change of position of the lunisolar year in relation -to the natural year, could not well be regulated by the former. But -where a calendar exists, this is the given means of regulating the -festival dates so that preparations can be made and the people can -assemble at the right time. In the natural and agricultural years -the festivals are in the proper sense _conceptivae_; the question -is properly to find a means of accurately fixing the day within -the short periods given by Nature. This purpose is served by the -calculation from the moon. The moon herself has her festivals, -especially that of the new moon and, though more seldom, that of -the full moon[1133]. Thus the festival times are regulated by the -moon. In itself any suitable day of the month can be appointed as -a feast-day, but custom and superstition cause certain days to be -preferred. Thus the day of new moon, since it was often already -a feast-day in itself, was bound to be preferred. The Natchez of -Louisiana, for instance, celebrated at each day of new moon a feast -which took its name from the animals and plants which the preceding -month had principally brought forth, but the greatest festival was -that held at the new moon of the first month.[1134] - -It is a very wide-spread idea that things which are to prosper and -grow should be undertaken during the time of the waxing moon, and -that anything begun when the moon is on the wane will dwindle and -die. Hence the proper time for a festival is the bright half of the -moon, and especially the time at which the moon has attained her full -shape. It is not only on account of the fair light which costs them -nothing that the negroes dance on the nights of full moon. In Dahomey -the festivals take place at the full of the moon, and the days are -determined by the native government[1135]. In Burma all religious -festivals with the exception of the New Year festival, the date of -which is regulated in a special manner, take place at the time of -full moon[1136]. Throughout Australia, Tasmania, and Melanesia the -festivals begin either at full or new moon[1137]. - -In regard to the Israelitish festivals, the antiquity and great -importance of the new moon festival has already been pointed -out[1138]. The Jews here follow a wide-spread custom. Whether they, -like many other peoples, also preferred the time of full moon for -their festivals, is a more difficult question. A fixed day for -the Passover and Feast of Unleavened Bread and for the Feast of -Tabernacles is first prescribed during and after the Exile, the -last-named on the fifteenth day of the seventh month, the Feast of -Unleavened Bread on the fifteenth day of the first month, and the -Passover on the evening of the day before (the fourteenth of the -first month)[1139]. The only other information we have from ancient -times as to the date of the Feast of Tabernacles is contained in -the earlier name ‘Feast of Vintage’; it was celebrated after the -conclusion of the fruit-harvest and vintage. In regard to the Feast -of Unleavened Bread--since it is with this chiefly that we have -to do, not with the preliminary Feast of the Passover associated -with it, which was a feast of a different nature--the order of the -Yahwist runs ‘at the time appointed in the month Abib’[1140]; as a -motive is adduced the fact that the Jews came out from Egypt in this -month. The Deuteronomist[1141] transfers this to the preliminary -festival. The time therefore, like that of the Feast of Vintage, is -determined by an event in agriculture, but at the same time by the -moon. Linguistically _chodesh_ can here mean ‘new moon’; in that case -we could also translate ‘at the time appointed after the new moon -of Abib’; but since the sense ‘month’ is so old and the original -sense ‘new moon’ appears unequivocally only where monthly new moon -festivals are in question[1142], it seems reasonable to translate the -word here simply by ‘month’. Now it is often stated that the festive -seasons both of the Unleavened Bread and of the Feast of Vintage were -regulated purely by natural circumstances: the former was celebrated -when the first ears ripened, and the latter when the fruit-harvest -was at an end, each according to local conditions. But the Feast -of Vintage at least was a general festival even in Canaanitish -days[1143], and _moed_ properly means ‘determined, appointed time’. -It was therefore not accidental circumstances but a rule that in -early times called the people together to the festival. Chronological -regulation is proved by the name of the festival of harvest (_chag -haq-qazir_), ‘Feast of Weeks’, _chag shabuot_ in the Yahwist[1144]. -The regulation by the weeks, however, is late and artificial in -comparison with that by the moon. - -Now if we know what part was played by the time of full moon in the -festivals of other peoples, and indeed for the agrarian peoples -also, in spite of the differences in date resulting from the -observation of the time of full moon, it seems always probable that -the regulation of post-exilian times for the fifteenth originated -in an old tradition in accordance with which the time of full moon -was specially favoured for the feast. Earlier the date was not so -accurately observed; the time of full moon was prescribed so that -those who were prevented from celebrating the Feast of the Passover -at the proper time might do so on the fourteenth of the following -month[1145]. Unfortunately the date of the passage in I Kings (XII, -32), according to which Jeroboam celebrated the Feast of Tabernacles -on the 15th day of the eighth month, is doubtful; if the passage is -old, it affords valuable evidence that the time of full moon was the -proper time for holding agrarian festivals[1146]. - -Among the Greeks all the ancient festivals with the exception of -the feasts of Apollo, which always took place on the seventh of the -month, were concentrated in the period shortly before and during -full moon[1147]. The selection of days is organically connected -with the lunar reckoning, and the superstition of days has arisen -independently among different peoples. As an example the sacrifices -of the Toba Batak of Sumatra may serve. At the felling of a tree for -house-building sacrifices must be offered during the waxing moon; -this is in general the favourable time, since everything undertaken -then increases with the moon. The huntsman sacrifices to his god at -noon-tide about the time of new moon, the fisherman at noon while the -moon is waxing; before a military expedition a certain sacrifice is -offered (preferably in the early morning) at the time of full moon, -and another at the waxing moon[1148]. - -This superstition, which involves the accurate knowledge and -observation of the days, and the injunction, to which great religious -importance is attached, to celebrate the festivals on the proper -days, lead to the result that the time-reckoning, which arose in -the first place from the events and necessities of practical life, -has among certain peoples passed completely under the influence -of religion and has been further developed from ecclesiastical -standpoints in the service of the religious cult. - -There are however other ways of exactly fixing a day, viz. by -observation of the stars and of the solstices and equinoxes. The -former method is hardly ever used directly as a means of determining -religious dates, and this fact is very significant for the practical -character of the observation of the stars. No religious ideas -are associated with the phases of the stars, although star-myths -innumerable are related. The reason is not easy to discover. A -contributory factor may be that although the observation of the stars -is wide-spread, it is yet not a matter which concerns every man, and -also that the stars always give only a single point of time and do -not form cyclical periods within the year, though on the other hand -they are intimately connected with the phases of the natural year and -with agriculture. The principal reason may be conjectured to be that -the reckoning of months, on account of its connexion with the popular -festival seasons and with the selection of days, has been from the -beginning chiefly carried out with a view to religious considerations. - -It is only among certain peoples that the observation of the -solstices and equinoxes plays any great part, and that consequently -the religious importance of the sun is also great. But the festivals -of the solstices and equinoxes, recurring at regular intervals in the -course of the year, are far from being able to compare with those -of the phases of the moon. It has already been mentioned that the -Eskimos were able accurately to observe the winter solstice[1149]. -At this time, about the 22nd of December, they held a festival to -rejoice over the return of the sun and the good hunting weather. -They collected together from all over the country in great parties, -entertained one another in the best possible manner, and when -they had gorged themselves to the full they got up to play and to -dance[1150]. Certain Indian peoples have made quite a special custom -of the observation of the solstices and equinoxes. Thus for instance -did the Inca people, but they had lunar months also, and even the -great festival of the sun in December was regulated by the days of -the lunar month[1151]. The Zuñi determine the festival times by -the observation of thirteen different positions of the sun on the -horizon, but they have also lunar months, five of which are named -from natural phases, and six from colours borrowed from certain -rites[1152]. The ceremonies are therefore still distributed among -the months, and the most obvious explanation is that the observation -of the thirteen positions of the sun really serves to determine the -thirteen months, and with them the times of the rites. The old -Mexican calendar seems to have no connexion with the moon, but in -Ginzel’s opinion this does not exclude the possibility of an earlier -development on the basis of a relationship with the course of the -moon[1153]. In any case the regulation of the festivals by the -positions of the sun is a comparatively isolated separate development -among certain peoples; the regulation by the moon, on the contrary, -is found all over the world. - -Because the calendar is principally looked upon as the concern -of religion, the months appear in such close association with -the festivals held in them that it is sometimes found that the -relationship to the phases of Nature falls into the background. Among -peoples who have no names of months, like the Greeks of the Homeric -period, or among those who name only some of them, it may therefore -happen that the months become named from the festivals or perhaps -that such names supersede those which refer to natural phases. -Thus, as has been mentioned above, six months of the Zuñi year are -named from the colours of the prayer-sticks. Of the Inca months one -is named from a moon festival, two from provincial festivals, and -one from the great sun festival; the rest take their names from -the occupations of agriculture[1154]. Of the tribes of Bolivia it -is stated that their knowledge of the calendar is not according to -days, but according to the principal festivals[1155]. In Africa two -examples have been given[1156], those of the Hausa states and the -Edo-speaking peoples. In the Babylonian calendar the names of months -derived from festivals spread more and more, at the expense of names -of other kinds[1157]. The phenomenon is therefore comparatively -rare and is found only among peoples who have a highly developed -religious cult, and even in the examples here given the process is -not consistently carried out. - -Consistency is found only in one case, the calendar of ancient -Greece, and is all the more striking since in the hundreds of -varying calendars of the town-states no names which do not refer to -festivals have been with certainty demonstrated; the few calendars -with numbered months are of more recent origin[1158]. The certain -conclusion is that the Greek calendar was entirely regulated from -the point of view of the religious cult. Where on the other hand -the place of the lunisolar year is taken by another reckoning, it -is found that the lunar reckoning is still used in the establishing -of certain festivals, as for instance in Bali[1159], and by the -Christians in the matter of Easter and the festivals depending -thereon. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV. - -THE CALENDAR-MAKERS. - - -As long as the determination of time is adjusted by the phases of -Nature which immediately become obvious to everyone, anybody can -judge of them, and should different people judge differently there -is no standard by which the dispute can be settled, because the -natural phases run into one another or are at least not sharply -defined. The accuracy in determination demanded by time-reckoning -proper is therefore lacking. Accuracy becomes possible as a result -of the observation of the risings of stars, and this observation -begins even at the primitive stage, but it is not a matter that -concerns everyone. It requires a refined power of observation and -a clear knowledge of the stars, so that the heavens can be known. -This is especially the case with the commonest observations, those -of the morning rising and evening setting. The observer must be -able to judge, by the position of the other stars, when the star in -question may be expected to twinkle for a moment in the twilight -before it vanishes. The accuracy of the time-determination from the -stars depends therefore upon the keenness of the observation. In this -the individual differences of men soon come into play, along with -a regular science which introduces the learner to the knowledge of -the stars and its uses. Thus Stanbridge reports of the natives of -Victoria that all tribes have traditions about the stars, but certain -families have the reputation of having the most accurate knowledge; -one family of the Boorung tribe prides itself upon possessing a -wider knowledge of the stars than any other[1160]. An account has -been given above[1161] according to which an old chief instructed -the young people of the tribe in the knowledge of the stars and -the occupations which these announce. Of the Torres Straits tribes -Rivers says:--When the rising of a star is expected, it is the duty -of the old men to watch; they rise when the birds begin to call and -watch until daybreak. As in the case of _kek_ (Achernar, the most -important star), so also probably in the case of other important -stars and constellations the appearance of certain other stars is a -sign that the star expected will soon appear. For _kek_ the stars in -question are two named _keakentonar_; when they appear on the horizon -at dawn, it is known that in a few days _kek_ will shew himself, and -the observation becomes especially keen. The setting of a star is -observed in the same way[1162]. - -By the phases of the stars both occupations and seasons are -regulated, and thus a standard is furnished by which to judge, and -a limit is set to the indefiniteness of the phases of Nature. An -old missionary relates of the Orinocese that it is incredible how -confused their minds become if they neglect to observe the signs -which make known the approach of winter; they may then say in winter -that one or two months are yet wanting, and in the height of summer -they sometimes spread the report among their countrymen that the -winter will soon be upon them; the evening setting of the Pleiades -announces the coming of winter and therefore affords a means of -correcting the time-reckoning[1163]. - -The moon strikes the attention of everyone and admits of immediate -and unpractised observation; at the most there may sometimes be some -doubt for a day as to the observation of the new moon, but the next -day will set all right. But because the months are fixed in their -position in the natural year through association with the seasons, -the indefiniteness and fluctuation of the phases of Nature penetrate -into the months also, and are there even increased, for the reasons -stated above. Cause for doubt and disagreement is given, the problem -of the regulation of the calendar arises. Hence in the council -meetings of the Pawnee and Dakota it is often hotly disputed which -month it really is. So also the Caffres often become confused and do -not know what month it is; the rising of the Pleiades decides the -question. The Basuto in determining the time of sowing are not guided -by the lunar reckoning, but fall back upon the phases of Nature; -intelligent chiefs however know how to correct the calendar by the -summer solstice[1164]. - -The differences in intelligence already make themselves felt at -an early stage, and are still more plainly shewn when we come to -a genuine regulation of the calendar. Some of the Bontoc Igorot -state that the year has eight, others a hundred months, but among -the old men who represent the wisdom of the people there are some -who know and assert that it has thirteen[1165]. The further the -calendar develops, the less does it become a common possession. Among -the Indians, for example, there are special persons who keep and -interpret the year-lists illustrated with picture-writings, e. g. the -calendrically gifted Anko, who even drew up a list of months[1166]. -It is very significant that even where a complete calendar does -exist, it will be found that this is not in use to its fullest -extent among the people. The Masai days of the month have already -been given[1167]; but the nomenclature of the days is not so popular -throughout that any Masai on any day could determine that day with -perfect accuracy. Only the following days and groups of days are in -regular use:--The 1st day, as the beginning of the counting and of -the brightness of the moon (_sic!_), the 4th as the new moon, the -10th as the final day of the first decade, the 15th as the final day -of the moon’s brightness, the 16th as the beginning of the dark half -of the month, the 17th as the chief of the unlucky days, 18-20 as -_es sobiain_, the 20th as the final day of the second decade, 21-23 -as _nigein_, the 24th as the beginning of ‘the black darkness’, and -from the 24th on to the disappearance of the moon. Of these days the -4th, 10th, 17th, 24th, and 1st are especially common. The people -therefore count in a more concrete fashion than those who are learned -in the calendar. - -It follows that the observation of the calendar is a special -occupation which is placed in the hands of specially experienced and -gifted men. Among the Caffres we read of special ‘astrologers’[1168]. -Among the Kenyah of Borneo the determination of the time for sowing -is so important that in every village the task is entrusted to a -man whose sole occupation it is to observe the signs. He need not -cultivate rice himself, for he will receive his supplies from the -other inhabitants of the village. His separate position is in part -due to the fact that the determination of the season is effected -by observing the height of the sun, for which special instruments -are required. The process is a secret, and his advice is always -followed[1169]. It is only natural that this individual should keep -secret the traditional lore upon which his position depends; and thus -the development of the calendar puts a still wider gap between the -business of the calendar-maker and the common people. - -Behind the calendar stand in particular the priests. For they are -the most intelligent and learned men of the tribe, and moreover the -calendar is peculiarly their affair, if the development has proceeded -so far that value is attached to the calendar for the selection of -the proper days for the religious observances. We are not told that -the Kenyah who has charge of the calendar is a priest, but among the -Kayan (also of Borneo) it is a priest who determines the seed-time -from the observation of the ecliptic, and on the upper Mahakam a -priestess[1170]. In Bali the Brahmins, in Java the village priests, -determine the seasons by observing a crude sun-dial[1171]. Of the -Tshi-speaking peoples it is said that the priests keep a reckoning of -the time, using different methods for the purpose, and make known the -approach of the annual festivals[1172]. Among the Hausa the priests -determine the time of the festivals according to the position of the -moon[1173]; here also the months are named after the festivals. To -a very general extent it is true among peoples like the Indians of -Arizona, where the religious ceremonies are the centre of the life -of the tribe, that the priests are the calendar-makers. Among the -Hopi the priests determine from the observation of the solstices -and equinoxes the time for the religious ceremonies and for the -agricultural labours[1174]. Among the Zuñi the priest of the sun is -alone responsible for the calendar. He takes daily observations of -the sunrise at a petrified tree-stump east of the village, which he -sprinkles with meal when he offers his matins to the rising sun. When -the sun rises over a certain point of the Corn Mountain he informs -the elder brother Bow priest, who notifies a certain religious body, -the members of this society come together and the great feast of -the winter solstice is then celebrated. The summer solstice and its -festival are determined in similar fashion[1175]. - -Among the priests there is formed a special class whose duty it is to -make observations and keep the calendar in order. Among the Hawaiians -‘astronomers (_kilo-hoku_) and priests’ are mentioned[1176]; -they handed down their knowledge from father to son; but women, -_kilowahine_, are also found among them[1177]. Elsewhere the nobles -appear alongside of the priests; thus in Tahiti it is the nobles -that are responsible for the calendar, in New Zealand the priests. -In the latter country there is said to have been a regular school, -which was visited by priests and chiefs of highest rank. Every year -the assembly determined the days on which the corn must be sown and -reaped, and thus its members compared their views upon the heavenly -bodies. Each course lasted from three to five months[1178]. - -For Loango it is reported that the king’s star-gazers apparently took -observations from a little wood; further that they sometimes knew -how to arrange matters to suit their own convenience, for they gave -out (probably when the sky was clouded) that the moon was several -days old, and thus gained a couple of hours for the rising of Sirius -and could postpone the dreaded thirteenth month until the end of the -next year[1179]. In these districts, where a strong day-superstition -prevails, external influence is doubtless probable, but the account -is significant in that it speaks for an artificial retardation of -the calendar. Such a manipulation is characteristic of the professed -calendar-maker. - -The king himself also takes charge of the calendar. The Inca -observed the solstices in person, and was assisted in so doing by -the cleverest of his people; the priests assembled to determine -the equinoxes[1180]. The calendar of the Society Islands was fixed -by King Pomare and his family[1181]. That the Inca appeared in a -priestly office for this purpose is certain; that Pomare did the same -is doubtful, since European influence has no doubt been brought to -bear upon this case. - -The examples just given are not numerous, and this corresponds to -the actual state of affairs, since we have here to do with the -treatment of a genuine calendarial science by certain peoples,--only -at a quite undeveloped stage can questions of the time-reckoning -be dealt with in a deliberative assembly--and our researches are -concerned with primitive peoples. The end which the calendar-maker -has in view is the establishing of an ordered series of days marked -out into divisions, the series being kept in place by certain fixed -points, and recurring cyclically. First of all the regulation of -the lunisolar calendar is his principal task, and it is one which -everywhere takes the chief place. For this purpose the calendar-maker -must become accurately acquainted with the course of the sun and with -the stars. Here the four solstices and equinoxes are distinguished by -their recurrence at tolerably regular intervals of time; the stars -however cannot of themselves be brought into a system with equal -intervals of time, but are only applied to such a system in order -to fix it. Hence it follows that the observation of the solstices -and equinoxes has, at least in single cases, been erected into a -calendric system, but the observation of the stars not so--except in -Babylon--although they also are observed, so that they come to be -accurately known, and the planets are even discovered, e. g. by the -Polynesians. The calendar and practical life become to some degree -separated from each other; the first lays the principal emphasis upon -the correct ordering of the series of days, which is of especial -importance on religious grounds for the selection of days and the -fixing of the right day for the religious observances; in practical -life, however, the point of chief importance is to determine the -times when the various occupations may be begun and sea-voyages -undertaken, both of which depend upon the solar year, and for this -the stars afford the best aid. Hence it happens that sometimes the -reckoning by the stars appears, as one more profanely determined, in -a certain opposition to the lunisolar reckoning, which has a more -religious character. This happened in ancient Greece, where the stars -served for the time-reckoning of sailors and peasants while the -lunisolar calendar was developed and extended under sacral influence; -the festival calendar, which was regulated and recorded by the moon, -became the official civil calendar. It was only later that the -stellar calendar was systematically brought under the influence of -the fully developed astronomy and of the Julian calendar. - -In sailing, the stars afford to the primitive sea-faring peoples the -only means of finding their way when the land can no longer be seen. -From the necessities of sea-faring the greatly advanced knowledge -of the stars possessed by the South Sea peoples has arisen; this -is because practical ends are served not by a priestly wisdom, but -by a profane. Nevertheless the knowledge of the stars is a secret -which is carefully guarded in certain families, and kept from -the common people--as is reported of the Marshall Islands[1182]. -Among the Moanu of the Admiralty Islands it is the chiefs who -are initiated by tradition into the science of the stars[1183]. -On the Mortlock Islands, where the science of the stars is very -highly developed, there was a special astronomical profession; the -knowledge of the stars was a source of respect and influence, it -was anxiously concealed, and only communicated to specially chosen -individuals[1184]. Only a few can determine the hours of night by -the stars. The Tahitian Tupaya, who accompanied Cook on his first -voyage, was a man of this kind, specially distinguished for his -nautical knowledge of the stars[1185]. The elements of the science, -however, seem to have been pretty generally known, and from the -Caroline Islands comes a curious account of a general instruction -therein. It was first mentioned by the Spanish missionary Cantova in -the year 1721, and was later confirmed by Arago. In every settlement -there were two houses, in one of which the boys were instructed in -the knowledge of the stars, and in the other the girls; only vague -ideas were imparted, however. The teacher had a kind of globe of the -heavens on which the principal stars were marked, and he pointed out -to his pupils the direction which they must follow on their various -journeys. One native could also represent on a table by means of -grains of maize the constellations known to him[1186]. This is a -nautical, non-priestly astronomy, which has really little to do with -calendarial matters in general, although as a matter of fact in the -Carolines and the Mortlock Islands it has led to the naming of all -months from constellations, and therefore to a systematic sidereal -regulation of the calendar[1187]. - -On the other hand the priests also have observed the stars and -used their stellar science principally for sooth-saying, as e. -g. in Hawaii and in Babylonia. But neither does this lead to any -improvement of the calendar, since the religion must keep to the -existing lunisolar calendar, although in one case of the most -far-reaching importance the astrology arose from it. The improving of -the calendar, the object of which must be, after the full development -of the lunisolar, to return to the solar calendar, in order that -the calendar may be better adapted to the needs of practical life, -becomes henceforth the task of the lay scientific astronomer. - - - - -CHAPTER XV. - -CONCLUSION. - - -1. SUMMARY OF RESULTS. - -_The concrete nature of the time-indications._ Any genuine system -of time-reckoning must admit of numerical treatment, i. e. it must -consist of divisions of which the length is strictly limited and -which, when they belong to the same order, are as far as possible -of the same length. A numerical conception is abstract and not -primitive; even the power of counting is little developed among -primitive peoples in general, and among the lowest peoples it is -extremely limited. Counting is abstract, the primitive man clings to -the concrete phenomena of the outer world. In matters of chronology, -therefore, he finds his way not by counting but by referring to the -concrete phenomena the recurrence of which in definite succession -experience has taught him to expect. The first time-indications are -therefore not numerical but concrete. Their character clearly appears -e. g. when ‘a sun’ is said for ‘day’, and ‘a sleep’ for ‘night’; the -hours of day are denoted by the concrete phenomena of the twilight, -dawn, sunrise, etc., and the equally concrete position of the sun -or the occupations of the day. The lunar month is usually called -‘a moon’, and its days are denoted by the phases and position of -the moon. The year is originally neither a period of time nor the -circle of the seasons (which is first gradually developed under the -influence of agriculture in particular), but the produce of the -year: e. g. it embraces the time between sowing and harvest, and -is often not a complete year in our sense. Only gradually does the -year develop into the period of time that elapses between a season -and the recurrence of the same season, or more rarely between a -phase of a star and the return of the same phase. From the latter -period the genuine solar year has arisen. The seasons are composed -of occupations and of climatic and other natural phenomena, and -still preserve this concrete relationship and are therefore not -definitely limited in duration. This relationship is also extended -to the moons, which for their determination are not numbered but are -brought into connexion with a natural phase and named accordingly, -so that the twelve to thirteen months of the year can be fixed as -regards position and succession. Even the Julian months, as they were -introduced among less cultivated peoples such as the ancient Germans, -the Slavs, etc., could not keep their names, since these had no -intelligible meaning or reference to a concrete phenomenon; in order -to provide for this the months were re-christened with indigenous -names which are of the same kind as those given by the primitive -peoples to their lunar months. Or else, but much more seldom, the -Latin name acquired the concrete significance of a season. The years -also are not numbered, but are named from an important event, so that -their succession follows from the historical succession of events, a -method of denoting the year which prevailed throughout antiquity in -the _limmu_, archon, and consular years, etc. - -_Discontinuous and ‘aoristic’ time-indications._ The starting-point -for the time-reckoning is therefore afforded by the concrete -phenomena of the heavens and of surrounding natural objects, and the -succession of these, fixed as it is by experience, serves as a guide -in the chronological sequence. These phenomena extend over periods -which are very dissimilar to one another and are individually of -varying length; they cross and overlap in some cases, in others they -leave gaps. The time-indications are not directly connected with each -other, but this connexion is achieved by the phenomena in question. -Hence the indications are not circumscribed by one another, but the -phenomena as such are regarded. The latter are not conceived of as -divisions of time of a definite length; they do not appear as parts -of a larger whole, limited on both sides by their connexion with -other divisions of time. The conception of continuity, the immediate -fusion of the chronological phenomena into one another, is lacking: -the time-indications are discontinuous. We may speak, although not -quite correctly, of a discontinuous time-reckoning. We think, for -example, of the abundant sub-division of the times of day in the -morning and evening, and the small number of sub-divisions in the -night and day-time, of the many very unequal seasons which encroach -upon one another and overlap. General measures for shorter periods -of time are therefore not given by the time-indications proper, but -are derived from actions or occupations, e. g. the time needed to -traverse a well-known piece of road. When a systematising of these -time-indications takes place, e. g. in the matter of the seasons, -where only those of practical importance are rendered prominent and -are circumscribed, there arise divisions of very unequal length, -which are hardly suitable for a genuine time-reckoning. - -The times of day are often given by reference to the position of the -sun. In northern countries, where the length of the daily course of -the sun varies so greatly, points on the horizon are sought out as an -aid. Both these methods of indicating the times of day may seem to -afford a foundation for a continuous reckoning, but this is not the -case, since they always refer only to the position of the sun at the -immediate moment: they are--to adopt a grammatical term--‘aoristic’. -The discontinuity is further shewn in the fact that it is only later -and in an imperfect fashion that the complete day and the year are -joined together in continuous circles. Day and night were combined -so late into the period of the complete day of 24 hours that most -languages are without a proper word to express this idea. In the same -way the reckoning was often long carried out in half-years, winters -and summers, or the years were of shorter duration than the solar -year (agricultural years, etc.). - -The means of accurately determining the times and occupations of -the year is afforded by the phases of the stars, which always recur -at the same time of the year or at a time subjected to only slight -variations due to the conditions of observation. A time-indication -from phases of stars is properly of the discontinuous and ‘aoristic’ -order, since a definite phase of a star belongs theoretically to a -certain day and practically is also kept within very narrow limits. -It is only with great difficulty and some violence that the phases -of the stars can be systematised,--and that at a far-advanced stage: -signs of the zodiac, moon-houses--since they are distributed very -unequally over the year, this being due more particularly to the -limitation in practice to certain specially prominent stars. - -_The pars pro toto counting of the periods._ The regular recurrence -of the periods at once impresses itself upon the notice of man: he -may also feel the necessity of counting the periods. As he always -directs his attention to the single phenomenon in itself, and not to -its duration as given by the limitations imposed by other phenomena, -so he does not reckon the periods of time as a continuous whole, but -only counts an isolated phenomenon recurring but once in the same -period. When he has seen ten harvests, he is ten years old: when nine -new moons have risen after conception, the nine months of pregnancy -are at an end: whoever has slept six nights on the way has undertaken -a six days’ journey. As counting-points the times of rest--the nights -and the winters--are especially employed. Linguistically this method -of counting still exists, as when in most languages the complete day -of 24 hours is expressed by the word ‘day’, which also means day -opposed to night, or as in the Hebrew word for month, which really -means ‘new moon’. Popularly and in the language of poetry this usage -is still farther extended. - -It is significant of the deep-rooted tendency to the _pars pro toto_ -method of counting that when peoples who are at a less developed -stage adopt such a continuous unit of time as our seven-day week, -they do not regard it as a unity, but put the part for the whole. -Weeks have been introduced into the Society Islands, and the word -_hebedoma_ has there been adopted to denote a week; it is however -less frequently used by the people than the word ‘sabbath’. When -a native wishes to say that he has been absent for six weeks -on a journey, he usually says six sabbaths or a moon and two -sabbaths[1188]. Some of the Islamite Malays of Sumatra count -periods of time in Sundays, others in Fridays, others again in -market-days[1189]; these are therefore the Christian, the Islamite, -and the native methods of reckoning weeks that here appear, but still -the counting is performed by the _pars pro toto_ method. The Old -Bulgarian word _nedelja_ really means ‘day without work’, Sunday, but -has come to mean ‘week’[1190]. - -_The continuous time-reckoning_ arises neither from the daily -course of the sun--which indeed is a unit but has no natural -sub-divisions--nor yet from the year, the consistent length of -which is at first concealed by the variation of the natural phases. -Moreover the year, though sub-divided, is divided into parts (the -seasons) which are indefinite and fluctuating in their number, -duration, and limits. The only natural phenomenon which from the -very beginning meets the demands of the continuous reckoning is the -moon. It is a fact of importance that the course of the moon from -the first appearance of the new moon to the disappearance of the old -is so short a period that it may be surveyed even by the undeveloped -intellect. The decisive factor however is that not only is the lunar -month in itself a limited and continuous period of fixed length, but -it has also a natural sub-division into parts of equal length, viz. -days, each of which is clearly distinguishable from its predecessor -and successor by the shape of the moon and its position in the sky at -sunrise and sunset. However these phases and positions also are at -first described concretely, and not numbered. The months, like other -periods of time, are counted by the _pars pro toto_ method in new -moons, or commonly in ‘moons’, as the days are counted in suns. This -is in itself a shifting mode of reckoning, which proceeds from an -arbitrarily chosen incidental point. With primitive man’s undeveloped -faculty of counting it can only embrace a few months; the months of -pregnancy, which are so frequently counted, form a period which is -quite sufficiently long. - -_Empirical intercalation of months._ When a month not lying in the -immediate past or future is to be indicated, the concrete mode of -reckoning comes to the fore in this case also, and since a month -covers a period of time which is relatively long enough for the -natural conditions seen in it to be clearly distinguishable from -those of the preceding and following months, the month is named -after these natural conditions, i. e. it takes the name of a season. -But this is not done without confusion, for both seasons and months -fluctuate in reference to their position in the solar year, and the -seasons are not limited in length and duration, and still less do -they cover the months. Since any season and any natural phenomenon -may be used to determine a month, it follows that the number of names -of months is at first quite an arbitrary and uncertain matter, and is -far greater than that of the months of the year. Linguistic custom -leads to a natural selection in which the names describing phenomena -of special importance are preferred. Thus a fixed series of months -arises; and since the year contains more than twelve and less than -thirteen lunar months, the series sometimes consists of twelve, -sometimes of thirteen months. The period thus arising is nothing else -than the lunisolar year, since the months through their connexion -with the seasons are bound up with the annual course of the sun. The -problem then arises how to make the lunar months fit into the solar -year. Practically the difficulty first appears in a disguised form; -primitive man has no conception, or at most only an extremely vague -idea, of the length of the solar year. If the months are allowed to -follow one another in their traditional order the connexions with the -phases of nature are soon put out of gear, which never happened so -long as the relationship was occasional and fluctuating. This defect -must be corrected. When the series has thirteen months, a month soon -falls behind the natural phenomenon from which it takes its name: -one month must therefore be omitted. This is the extracalation of a -month. When the series has twelve months, a month soon gets in front -of the natural phenomenon from which it takes its name. Then the -month is ‘forgotten’, i. e. it is regarded as non-existent, and its -name is given to the following month, from which point the series -once more runs on correctly for some time. This is the intercalation -of a month. The necessity for the omission or intercalation is -recognised in the first place from the natural phases: their -fluctuation makes matters still worse. Hence there often arise hot -disputes as to which month it really is, i. e. really, theoretically -speaking, as to the inter- or extracalation of a month. A fixed order -arises in this intercalation or omission when its arrangement is -entrusted to the priests, a body of officials, or even to a single -person appointed for the purpose, as among the ancient Semitic -peoples and in Loango. - -Since the seasons are regulated by the phases of the stars, the -months can also be named after these phases and regulated by them, -and a very accurate and practical means of regulation is thus -afforded. When a phase of a star does not appear in the month to -which it gives its name, the month is ‘forgotten’, the next month -brings round the phase in question, and takes its name. A series of -twelve months is here assumed; in the series of thirteen the phase -of the star appears too early, consequently the month-name which is -in the series is crowded out by the following month-name, which is -derived from the name of the star in question. Cases of doubt seldom -arise here, since they can only occur in the exceptional instance -when the phase of the star falls on the border-line between two -months. - -By means of a properly treated empirical intercalation of this -nature the series of months could be kept in fair agreement with the -phases of nature, and also, especially when the phases of the stars -were used as an aid, with the solar year. Where, as in Babylonia, -the sense of the observation of the heavens was developed, there -thus arose a fruitful problem for the rudimentary and still quite -empirical astronomy, viz. that the astronomical points of regulation -for the arrangement of the lunar months within the solar year had to -be determined by more and more refined observation. So accurate an -empirical regulation must keep the intercalation in very good order, -as it did in Babylonia as early as the time of Dungi in the latter -part of the third millennium B. C. Meanwhile there must have arisen -of itself the knowledge that in a certain number of years a certain -number of intercalations always fell; the simplest relationship is -three intercalary months to eight years. The intercalation might then -very well have been cyclically regulated, but there was no reason for -departing from ancient custom, since the old method worked well and -there was no need to be able to calculate the calendar for a long -period in advance. This is in practice seldom necessary--how often, -for instance, is it necessary to-day to determine years beforehand -the position of Easter?--but for scientific astronomy it is a -necessity to be able thus to calculate in advance. Hence it agrees -very well with the flourishing of the theoretical astronomy in the -time of the Persians that an intercalary cycle should be introduced -about the year 528 B. C. - -Seasons and months may also be regulated by points of the annual -course of the sun; but these are difficult to observe, and for -their observation landmarks, and therefore a fixed dwelling-place, -are required. Even then it is only the two solstices that are -accessible to primitive observation, and this is specially easy in -northern latitudes only. Hence the solstices and equinoxes play a -comparatively unimportant part in the history of time-reckoning. - - -2. THE GREEK TIME-RECKONING[1191]. - -I pass on finally to speak of the Greek time-reckoning. The problem -is here not only the independent appearance of a time-reckoning -which is in all respects genuinely continuous, but also the cyclical -regulating of the intercalation. - -In the Homeric poems the time-reckoning stands at a primitive -stage, and is indeed lower than among many barbaric peoples. Very -few natural times of day are recognised, the days are counted by -dawns, according to the _pars pro toto_ method. Four larger seasons -are known, but also smaller ones, e. g. attention is paid to the -birds of passage. Certain phases of stars are known, and also the -solstices[1192]. The lunar months are counted, e. g. the months of -pregnancy[1193], but not named; the day of new moon is celebrated. -In Hesiod the same time-reckoning appears further developed, a fact -which is due partly to the nature of the contents of his poem, partly -to its later date; in particular, phases of stars and smaller seasons -are frequently mentioned, and it is a great advance that the days -are numerically reckoned; they are counted in one case from the -solstice, and further the days of the month are counted, sometimes -in half-months, sometimes in decades.[1194] In the appendix of the -_Days_ an exceedingly strong day-superstition shews itself. - -When history begins, the Greek time-reckoning as we know it appears: -it is a lunisolar year with named lunar months, in which the -intercalation is cyclically regulated, so that in a period of eight -years (Oktaeteris) a month is three times intercalated, viz. in the -3rd, 5th, and 8th years. This appearance of an ordered form of year -and a cyclical intercalation is completely unprepared for. We miss -that association of the months with the seasons and the naming after -these which, as the preceding investigations have shewn, alone gives -rise to an empirical intercalation. The investigation of primitive -time-reckoning has led to the perception that herein lies the crucial -point of the problem of the origin of the Greek time-reckoning. In -my opinion the Greek calendar cannot be explained from premisses -originating in the country itself, and therefore cannot have arisen -of itself in Greece. - -The regulation of the Greek calendar has throughout a sacral -character. The idea of the selection of lucky or unlucky days -prevails not only in superstition but also in the official religious -cult. Most of the old festivals fall, according to universal custom, -either during or shortly before the time of full moon; the festivals -of Apollo form an exception and are all celebrated on the 7th, those -of his twin sister Artemis being held on the preceding day, the -6th. The names of months appear in sharp contradistinction to the -world-wide method of nomenclature in that they all, in so far as -they are explainable, are derived from festivals. Several hundred -names are known from the various states of the mother country and -the colonies, and among these there is only a single exception to -the rule just stated, viz. Ἁλιοτρόπιος, i. e. the solstice month, -which belongs to later times, besides a few unexplained names, such -as Γεῦστος, Δίνων; numbered months were first created among the -leagues of states of the period after Alexander the Great, in order -to introduce a means of common understanding such as was necessitated -by the multiplicity of the local calendars. These cases are all quite -isolated and cannot disturb the rule. - -The inference that may be drawn in regard to the months from their -names and from the ordering of the religious cult is further -established by other matters in regard to the cyclical intercalation. -The eight-year intercalary cycle cannot be distinguished from the -_Ennaeteris_ period (so called according to the Greek inclusive -method of reckoning, the eight-year period according to our method of -expression) of certain festivals. Such festivals are only known at -Delphi, where three of them were held (Charila, Stepterion, Herois). -The great Pythian games themselves were originally held every eighth -year, and then, after the first holy war (probably in the year 582, -from which the Pythiads were counted), every fourth year. Since eight -years seemed too long an interval, the period was halved in order -to secure a more frequent celebration, and the Isthmian and Nemean -games were even held every second year, i. e. the period was divided -into four. The Olympiad reckoning will go still farther back, if the -traditional starting-point, the year 776 B. C., is to be accepted. -However the authenticity of the older portion of the list of Olympian -victors has been sharply disputed, though the criticism certainly -seems to have weakened a little quite recently. But a peculiarity -attaches to this festival, viz. that it is celebrated alternately in -one of the two consecutive months, Apollonios and Parthenios[1195]. -This can only be explained as follows:--The Oktaeteris has 99 -months. Originally the Olympic festival was not fixed according to -the calendar, but the date was simply arranged by the numbering -of the months of the Oktaeteris, in which the first half of the -Oktaeteris was given 50 months and the second 49. In the calendarial -Oktaeteris, on the other hand, there is an intercalation once in -the first half and twice in the second, i. e. the first four years -have 49 months and the next four 50; hence it follows that when the -old custom was to be preserved in regard to the date, the month -of the festival necessarily varied in the given manner. When the -chronological arrangement of the Olympic games was introduced, the -Oktaeteris calendar therefore was not known, but only the Oktaeteris -period. - -The introduction of the calendar was effected in the form of the -establishment of _fasti_ for festivals and religious cult, in -which the periodically recurring notable events of the cult, viz. -sacrifices and festivals, were noted down in calendrical succession -and in some cases also described. Fragments of these _fasti_ from -later times have in several cases come down to us, and similar -_fasti_ formed part of the legislation of Solon. Solon in the -year 594 arranged the sacral _fasti_ of Athens, and with them the -calendar. That he was the first to introduce the calendar cannot be -stated; there is no evidence to shew that the specific peculiarities -of the Athenian calendar were introduced by him. The evidence is -however valuable as a _terminus ante quem_. Plato in his _Laws_ -prescribes that the legislation shall arrange the festivals according -to the decrees of Delphi. Here, as elsewhere in the _Laws_, he -returns to the general Greek custom. The _fasti_ were therefore -arranged under the superintendence of Delphi, and Solon also had -certainly done the same, for he stood in other respects in close -connexion with Delphi. In addition to which Geminos mentions “the -commandment of the laws and the oracular decrees, to sacrifice in -three ways, i. e. monthly, daily, yearly”. At a later period also, -those who superintended the calendar were men learned in sacral -matters. Thus the seer Lampon, at the time of the Peloponnesian War, -brought forward a proposal for the intercalation of a month; he was -an _exegetes_ and perhaps even πυθόχρηστος. - -From all this it follows that it was the necessity for the regulation -of the religious cult that first created the calendar in Greece. The -succession of days in the year was in the first place arranged in -the form of sacral _fasti_, and this arrangement was followed by the -official civil calendar, while the peasants and sailors kept to the -reckoning by phases of the stars. All indications--especially the -above-mentioned festivals of Delphi, the dictum of Plato, etc.--seem -to shew that this regulation originated at Delphi; not that it was -actually enjoined by the oracle, but the necessity for the regulation -was aggravated there, and its performance was therefore supported -and superintended. Only in Delphi could the requisites for the -carrying out of such a work be found united. It is the business of -the oracle to maintain peace with the gods, and this is above all -achieved through the proper cult, in which the dates are of the -greatest importance, no less important indeed than the expiation -of murder and the veneration of the heroes. In the _pylagorai_ and -_hieromnemones_, who met twice a year for deliberation, and in the -_exegetai_ there was a circle closely connected with Delphi, each -member of which could spread in his own state the ideas he there -imbibed[1196]. Certain states maintained special officials who -fostered the connexion with Delphi, such as the Pythioi of Sparta, -the ἐξηγηταὶ πυθόχρηστοι of Athens. And, above all, it is only thus -that the consistently sacral character of the Greek calendar and -names of months in general can be satisfactorily explained. - -There remains something to be added, viz. that, as has been remarked -above, all the festivals of Apollo of which the date is known--and -they are not few in number--fall on the 7th, on which day also the -birth of the god was celebrated at Delphi and elsewhere. It is clear -that this is a definitely intended regulation. Otherwise, too, -Apollo is the patron of the reckoning in months. Even in Homer the -day of new moon is a feast of Apollo, and later, as Νεομήνιος, i. -e. new-moon god, he receives sacrifices on the first of each month. -The initial day of the third decade was also dedicated to him, for -which reason he was called Εἰκάδιος. He is without a rival in his -importance for the selection of days, which is dependent upon the -reckoning in months. - -Now, according to the data given above, the cyclical intercalation -was introduced before the beginning of the 6th century, most probably -in the 7th; at most, on the strength of Hesiod and of Homer (who in -the Odyssey knows only the beginning of the development, viz. Apollo -as the god of the new-moon festival), we may go back to the 8th. -But it has already been pointed out that in Greece the preliminary -conditions for the arising of even the empirical intercalation, and -much more of the cyclical, are lacking. Whence then has the latter -come? This is the real enigma in connexion with the problem of the -origin of the Greek time-reckoning. In my opinion the question can -only be answered in one way: it has come from without, from the east, -and originally from Babylonia. Here we are met with the difficulty -that an intercalary cycle was not introduced into Babylonia before -the 6th century. But, as we have already remarked, the knowledge that -in eight years the lunar months could be brought by the intercalation -of three months to fit into the solar year must have been reached -long before, through a regular administration of the intercalation, -although in Babylonia, where the intercalation was managed by a -central authority, there was no reason for erecting this knowledge -into a rule. In Greece matters were quite different. The land was -split up into a great number of little states in one of which it -might often happen that there was no one who could properly manage -an empirical intercalation. And even if there were, the empirical -intercalation must soon have led to variations in all these different -states, and hopeless confusion must have arisen. Since Delphi was -not a central court which could look after the intercalation, there -must be established, if order was to be created,--and the whole -movement started with this idea--a cycle which should be binding in -the future. - -It seems to me a well-authorised view that the god Apollo came to -Greece from Asia, and even apart from this there is reason to suppose -that in the religion of Apollo there is a Babylonian element, viz. -the prevailing importance of the seventh day of the month in the cult -of the god. A similar preference for the seventh day of the month is -seen again in the _shabattu_. And in point of fact it is originally -only the seventh day that is brought into prominence, the other -_shabattu_ being a later development from this[1197]; most of the -Apollo festivals were rites of expiation and purification, and the -_shabattu_ also are distinguished as such. The calendar also shews a -second trace of connexion with Asia Minor. Besides Apollo there is -only one deity, Hecate, that is closely connected with the calendar -and the superstition of the days of the month, and it has been proved -that this goddess too originated in Asia Minor[1198]. - -When the intercalary cycle was introduced from the East about the 7th -century it did not come alone, but formed part of a mighty stream -of civilisation which poured into Greece from the East at an early -period. This is shewn e. g. in art, where all the styles formed under -Oriental influence displace and transform the native geometrical -style in vase-painting and the minor arts. Even in astronomy Oriental -influence can be demonstrated. Astronomical science begins with -Thales, who foretold the famous eclipse of the sun on May 28, 585 B. -C. According to one isolated notice he also concerned himself with -the lunisolar calendar. But the Ionian astronomy has a Babylonian -foundation; evidences of this are the division of the day into -12 hours, and the signs of the zodiac, of which at least three -can be shewn to be of Babylonian origin, and one is an Old Ionic -transformation of a Babylonian original. But, it is said, the way -from Ionia to the mother country is long, and the development of the -mother country is in arrears. But even with Delphi the Ionians had -early connexions; we may remember Croesus of Lydia. In the sixth -century the eastern Greeks established splendid treasure-houses -at Delphi, and long and intimate connexions must have preceded -buildings of this nature. All the necessary conditions for the -development assumed can therefore be demonstrated, as well as can be -expected from the scanty nature of our sources for this period. - -The introduction of the cyclical regulation of the calendar has again -introduced problems of far-reaching significance for scientific -astronomy, though now upon a higher plane. The eight-year cycle -was inaccurate, the problem was to find a more exact one, and how -fruitful this problem became is shewn by such names as Meton and -Kallippos. This difficulty prepared the way for the emancipation of -the time-reckoning from the fetters of the religious cult. - - - - -ADDENDUM TO P. 78 NOTE 2 (P. 80). - - -Prof. Beckman has kindly pointed out to me that according to Are’s -_Islendingabók_, ch. 7 (_þá vas þat mælt et næsta sumar áþr i lǫgum, -at menn scyllde svá coma til alþinges, es X vicor være af sumre, -en þangat til quómo vico fyrr_), the Althing in the year 999 A. D. -was decreed for the time when ten (instead of nine) weeks of the -summer had passed, i. e. it was postponed until a week later in the -calendar. The reason for this is undoubtedly that the calendar (the -week-year), and with it the Althing, had contrived to antedate itself -a little more than a week in relation to the natural year, after -Torsten Surt’s reform of the calendar had been introduced about the -year 965. Here therefore we have an example of the empirical and -occasional correction of the Icelandic calendar which was postulated -above. - - - - -LIST OF AUTHORITIES QUOTED. - - - C.N.A.E., _Contributions to North American Ethnology_ (U. S. - Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region). - Washington, 1890--93. - - _Edda Sæmundar hins fróda_ III. Copenhagen, 1828. (Specimen - calendarii gentilis by Finn Magnusson, pp. 1044 ff.). - - E.S.P., _Ethnological Survey Reports_ (of the Philippine Islands). - Manilla, 1904-08. - - _Handbook of American Indians_ = Smiths. Bull. 30. - - Jesup Exp., _The Jesup North Pacific Expedition_, edited by F. Boas - in Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History. New York and - Leiden, 1896 ff. - - J.R.A.I., _Journal of the R. Anthropological Institute of Great - Britain_. - - _Die Loango Expedition_, vol. III: 2, by E. Peschuel-Loesche. - Stuttgart, 1907. - - R.T. Str., _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to - the Torres Straits_, IV. Cambridge, 1912. (Chap. XI, “Science”, pp. - 218 ff.). - - Smiths. Bull., _Bulletin of the Smithsonian Institute_, Bureau of - Ethnology. - - Smiths. Rep., _Annual Reports of the Bureau of Ethnology to the - Secretary of the Smithsonian Institute_. - - Stud. Tegn., _Studier tillegnade Esaias Tegnér_ den 13 Januari - 1918. Lund, 1918. - - * * * * * - - Abbott, G. 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R., _Pygmies and Papuans_. London, 1912. - - Worm, Olaus, _Fasti Danici_. Hafniæ, 1642. - - Yermoloff, A., _Der landwirtschaftliche Volkskalender_ (der - Russen). Leipsic, 1905. - - - - -INDEX. - - - Acronychal risings and settings, 5 - - Age, classes of, 99; - ignorance of, 98; - relative, 98 - - Agricultural cycles of seasons, 66; - festivals, 268, 337; - year, 91, 95 - - Anglo-Saxon seasons, 75; - months and year, 292 - - Apollo, festivals of, 363; - and the Greek calendar, 366 - - Arabic lunisolar year, 251; - month-names, 237; - names for days of the month, 165 - - Astrology, 119; - origin of, 146 - - Astronomers, primitive, 350, 351 - - - Babylonian designation of years, 105; - intercalation, 258; - months, 226 - - Beginning of the year, see New Year. - - Bilfinger on the Icelandic week-year, 78, n. 1; - on the Anglo-Saxon year, 295 - - Birds of passage, 46 - - - Calendar, Greek star-c., 114; - Indian picture-writing c., 103 - - Calendar-makers, 347 - - Canaanitish month-names, 233 - - Constellations, 114 - - Continuous time-reckoning, 8, 359 - - Counting, 168; - aids in, 319; - of days, 168; - of months, 148, 217 - - - Dagsmǫrk, 21 - - Dawn = day, 13 - - Day, of 24 hours, 11; - limits of, 43; - solar, stellar, 3; - as unit of time-reckoning, 3 - - Day, times of, 17; - expressions for, 22; - indications of, 17 - - Days, counting of: in dawns, 13; - in days, 14; - in nights, 13; - in sleeps, 15; - in suns, 12 - - Decades, 168 - - Delphi, influence on the calendar, 365 - - Dieteris, 1 - - Disting, 302 - - Dry and rainy seasons, 54, 88; - two, 62 - - - Easter, computation of, 301 - - Ebb and flow, 39 - - Egyptian designation of years, 107; - year, 277 - - End of the year, 268 - - Ennaeteris, 364 - - Epiphany moon, 301 - - Eponyms, 107 - - Equinoxes, observation of, 313 - - Extracalation, 244, 360 - - - Fasti, Greek, 365 - - Feriae conceptivae, 340 - - Festivals, agricultural and new year, 268; - cycles of, 337; - months named after, 345; - regulated by the moon, 341; - by the solstices, 344; - by the stars, 133 - - First-fruits, 269 - - Full moon, celebration of, 155; - the time of festivals, 342 - - - Germanic division of the year, 75; - month-names, 288; - seasons, 74 - - Gestures indicating days, 12; - time of the day, 17 - - Gezer, calendar of, 235 - - Gnomon, 20 - - Greek division of the month, 168; - expressions for times of the day, 34; - observation of the solstices, 316; - of the stars, 110; - seasonal points, 46; - seasons, 72; - calendar, 362 - - - Half-years, reckoning in, 75, 78, 87 - - Hammurabi, letter of, 263 - - Heliacal risings and settings, 5 - - Hesiod, 46, 112 - - Homer, 34, 110, 316 - - Hour, origin of, 43 - - - Icelandic (cp. Scandinavian) designation of times of the day, 21; - months, 297; - seasons, 75; - week-year, 78, 370 - - Indo-European expressions for times of the day, 31; - notion of the year, 97; - seasons, 71 - - Intercalary cycle, Babylonian, 259; - Greek, 363 - - Intercalation (cp. month, intercalary,) cyclical, 362; - in Greece, 368; - empirical, 243, 359; - origin of, 240; - pre-Mohammedan, 253; - regulated by the solstices, 265; - by the stars, 247 - - Israelitish festivals at full moon, 341; - intercalation, 244; - months, 233; - new year, 272 - - - King in charge of the calendar, 352 - - Knots, 104, 320 - - Kugler on Babylonian intercalation, 260 - - - Landmarks indicating times of the day, 21; - for observation of solstices and equinoxes, 311 - - Latin expressions for times of the day, 37; - star-names, 113 - - Lunar month, see Month. - - Lunar months of European peoples, 294, 304, 305 - - - Markets, in Arabia, 251; - in Canaan, 334 - - Market-week, 324 - - Measures of time, 42 - - Monsoons, 57, 87 - - Month, 147; - division of, 155, 159; - halving of, 166; - tripartite division of, 167; - quarters of, 170; - intercalary, 243; - of the Wadschagga, 203; - lunar, 5; - number of days in, 149; - sidereal, 4; - synodic, 5 - - Month-names, 174; - from festivals, 345; - from seasons and occupations, 218, 227; - from stars, 227, 247; - absence of, 223; - multiplicity of, 222; - old Greek, 364; - pairs of, 224; - popular European, 282; - variability of, 221 - - Months, counting of, 148, 217; - numbering of, 188, 233; - series of, 174; - incomplete, 240, 246; - Semitic, 226 - - Moon (cp. full moon, new moon) course of, 147; - invisibility of, 149; - phases of, 151, 155; - smaller phases, 159; - position of, 150; - time counted by, 16 - - Mountains as landmarks, 21 - - - Nasi, 253 - - New moon, celebration of, 151 - - New moons, counting in, 151, 235 - - New Year, 8, 91, 267; - Egyptian, 278; - festivals of, 268 - - Night, parts of, 39; - times of, indicated by the stars, 40 - - Nights, counting in, 13 - - ‘Noon-line’, 21 - - Nundinae, 333 - - - Oktaeteris, 1, 363 - - Olympiads, 364 - - - Pars pro toto counting, 358; - of days, 16; - of weeks, 358; - of years, 92 - - Picture-writings, 103 - - Planets, 120, 124 - - Plant as sun-dial, 19 - - Pleiades the, as indicating seed-time, 134; - special significance of, 129 - - Pleiades-year, 275 - - Priests as calendar-makers, 350 - - - Qalammas, 253 - - Quarters of the moon, 170 - - - Rainy and dry seasons, 54, 88; - two, 62 - - - Sabbath, 329 - - Scandinavian (cp. Icelandic, Swedish) divisions of the day, 21; - observation of solstices, 316; - seasons, 74; - week-reckoning, 80 - - Schools of astronomy, 354 - - Seasonal points, 46 - - Seasons, 45; - cycles of, 65; - number: two, 54; - two or three, 72, 75; - three, 64; - four or five, 58, 63; - six, 60; - s. and months, 218; - regulation of, 70; - subdivision of, 61, 72 - - Sea-voyages, stars a guide to, 125, 353 - - Shabattu, 329 - - Shadow, time of day reckoned according to, 19 - - Shifting method of time-reckoning, 8 - - Solstices, 220; - festivals regulated by, 344; - months regulated by, 265; - observation of, 311 - - Stars, 109; - festivals regulated by, 133; - a guide to sea-voyages, 125, 353; - months named after, 227, 247; - new year determined by, 275; - omens of weather, 125, 130, 140, 143; - risings and settings of, 5, 128; - other phases, 129; - time of the night, 40; - time of the year indicated by, 128 - - Summer and winter, 54, 89 - - Summer day, the, 81 - - Sun = day, 13 - - Sun (cp. solstices and equinoxes), seed-time indicated by, 317; - time of day indicated by the position of, 17 - - Swedish (cp. Scandinavian) lunar months, 302, 304; - month-names, 299; - quarter-years, 80 - - - Tally, 104, 168, 320 - - Tetraeteris, 1 - - Tille on the division of the Germanic year, 77 - - Time-indications, 9; - concrete, 355; - discontinuous and ‘aoristic’, 9, 356 - - Time-reckoning, methods of, 8 - - - Units of time-reckoning, 3 - - - Weather, stars as omens of, 125, 130, 140, 143 - - Webster on the sabbath, 335 - - Week, seven-day, 333 - - Week-year, 78, 370 - - Weidner on Babylonian intercalary cycles, 259 - - Weinhold on the Germanic seasons, 76 - - Wind-seasons, greater, 57; - shorter, 85 - - Winter and summer, 54, 89; - w. the time of festivals, 339 - - Winter day, the, 81 - - Winters, years counted in, 9 - - - Year, 86; - agricultural, 91, 95, 96; - Egyptian, 277; - incomplete, 89, 223, 240; - stellar, 4; - stellar, of primitive peoples, 93, 275; - tropic, 4 - - Years, counting of, 92; - designation of y. after events, 99; - after rulers etc., 101, 107 - - Yule-moon, 301 - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] In Swedish (or German) I should use the word _punktnell_ to -denote this mode of time-reckoning, since the calculation is based -upon a _punctum_, a single point, not upon the whole unit of time. -Unfortunately the word ‘punctual’ has quite another sense in English. - -[2] Snouck Hurgronje, I. 201. - -[3] Jochelson, _Yukaghir_ p. 42. - -[4] Jenks, p. 219. - -[5] Schoolcraft, II, 129. - -[6] _Ibid._ I, 57 B. - -[7] Haddon, p. 303. - -[8] Ling Roth, p. 133. - -[9] See further Usener, _Götternamen_, p. 289. E. g. Pindar, _Ol._ -XIII, 37, ἀελίῳ ἀμφ’ ἑνί (‘in one day’), Euripides, _Helena_ 652, -ἡλίους δὲ μυρίους μόγις διελθών (‘with difficulty passing through -thousands of suns’), and in a sacred regulation ἐᾶσαι οὕτως ἔστε κα -τρεῖς ἅλιοι γένωνται (‘to leave so until three suns have passed’), -Blinkenberg, _Die lindische Tempelchronik_, p. 38, Part D, 1. 72, -(Bonn, 1915) etc. In Latin still more frequently, e. g. Silius, -_Punica_, III, 554, _Bis senos soles, totidem per vulnera saevas -emensi noctes, etc._ - -[10] Il. XXI v. 80 ἠὼς δέ μοί ἐστιν ἥδε δυωδεκάτη ὅτ’ ἐς Ἴλιον -εἰλήλουθα. - -[11] Il. XXIV v. 413 δυωδεκάτη οἱ ἠως κειμένῳ. - -[12] Otherwise, but in my opinion erroneously, G. Bilfinger, _Der -bürgerliche Tag_, p. 35. - -[13] Tacitus, _Germ._ 11, _nec dierum numerum sed noctium computant_. - -[14] Schrader, II. 235; Ginzel, I, 243; A. Fischer, p. 744. - -[15] Fornander, I, 122. - -[16] Taylor, p. 364. - -[17] Ellis, _Polyn. Res._³ I, 88. - -[18] Mathias G., p. 210. - -[19] Skeat and Blagden, I, 393. - -[20] Claus, p. 38. - -[21] Cole, p. 323. - -[22] Cranz, I, 239. - -[23] Heckewelder, p. 523. - -[24] Dunbar, p. 1. - -[25] Swanton, p. 339. - -[26] Mooney, p. 365. - -[27] Riggs, p. 165. - -[28] Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 111. - -[29] Powers, p. 77. - -[30] Carver, p. 177. - -[31] Radloff, p. 308. - -[32] Spencer and Gillen, _Centr. Austr._, pp. 25 ff. - -[33] Schrader, II, 235. - -[34] Spencer and Gillen, _Centr. Austr._, pp. 25 ff. - -[35] Radloff, p. 308. - -[36] Partridge, p. 244. - -[37] Velten, p. 353. - -[38] Claus, p. 38. - -[39] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, 140. - -[40] Hammar, p. 156. - -[41] Merker, p. 153. - -[42] Schulze, p. 373. - -[43] Foa, p. 119. - -[44] Alberti, p. 69. - -[45] Fabry, p. 223. - -[46] Oliveau, p. 343. - -[47] Spencer and Gillen, _Across Austr._, II, 270. - -[48] Jenks, p. 219. - -[49] Hose, p. 169. - -[50] Wilken, p. 200. - -[51] Crawfurd, I, 287 f. - -[52] Marsden, _Sumatra_, p. 194. - -[53] Haddon, p. 303. - -[54] Forster, pp. 441 ff. - -[55] Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 111. - -[56] Krause, p. 339. - -[57] Crawfurd, I, 287. - -[58] Merker, p. 153. - -[59] Velten, p. 333. - -[60] Mansfeld, p. 244. - -[61] Stannus, p. 288. - -[62] Wegener, p. 146. - -[63] Skeat and Blagden, I, 393. - -[64] ὅταν ᾖ δεκάπουν τὸ στοιχεῖον, λιπαρῷ χωρεῖν ἐπὶ δεῖπνον. - -[65] G. Bilfinger, _Zeitmesser_, p. 19; art. _Horologium_ in -Daremberg and Saglio, _Dictionnaire des Antiquités_. - -[66] Paul, III, 447. See further Finn Magnusson. - -[67] _Arkiv för Nord. Filologi_, 23, 1907, pp. 259 ff. - -[68] Drake, p. 276. - -[69] Hose, p. 169. - -[70] Spencer and Gillen, _Northern Tribes_, p. 25; Spencer, pp. 444 -ff. - -[71] MacCaulay, p. 525. - -[72] Fewkes, p 260. - -[73] Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 111. - -[74] Beverley, p. 4. - -[75] _Ibid._ p. 182. - -[76] _Handbook_, p. 189. - -[77] Du Pratz, I, 223. - -[78] Mooney, p. 365. - -[79] Hill Tout, p. 155. - -[80] Gilij, II, 12. - -[81] Molina, pp. 139 ff. - -[82] Hammar, p. 156. - -[83] Gutmann, p. 241. - -[84] Weeks, _JRAI, 39_, p. 417. - -[85] Koelle, p. 284. - -[86] Westermann, p. 105. - -[87] Ellis, _Yoruba_, p. 150. - -[88] Merker, p. 153. - -[89] Hollis, _Masai_, p. 332. - -[90] Roscoe, _JRAI, 32_, p. 71. - -[91] Roscoe, _Baganda_, p. 38. - -[92] Junod, _Thonga_, II, 282. - -[93] Schulze, p. 373. - -[94] Man, pp. 336 ff. - -[95] Nieuwenhuis, I, 317. - -[96] Maass, pp. 511 ff. - -[97] Crawfurd, I, 287. - -[98] Snouck Hurgronje, I, 199 ff. - -[99] Snouck Hurgronje, I, 200 n. 2; translator’s note. - -[100] Thurnwald, p. 334. - -[101] _Ibid._, p. 346. - -[102] Brown, p. 332. - -[103] Fornander, I, 121. - -[104] Malo, pp. 33 ff. - -[105] Forster, pp. 441 ff. - -[106] Wegener, pp. 146 ff.; Ellis, _Pol. Res._³, I, 89. The former -quotes the latter from the first edition, but Ellis l. c. leaves out -the translation of the concrete terms for the times later than noon, -and fills up the period from 7 a. m. to 6 p. m. with modern terms, e. -g. ‘about 7’, ‘8 a. m.’ etc. - -[107] Mathias G., pp. 210 ff. - -[108] Brown, p. 348. - -[109] Velten, p. 333. - -[110] Nieuwenhuis, I, 318. - -[111] Gutmann, p. 241. - -[112] Hollis, _Nandi_, p. 96. - -[113] Crawfurd, I, 287. - -[114] Cp. above, p. 27. - -[115] Above, pp. 24, 30. - -[116] Roscoe, _Bantu_, p. 140. - -[117] ‘As the sun turned over to the unyoking of the oxen’. - -[118] Feist, p. 262. - -[119] Hollis, _Nandi_, pp. 96 ff. - -[120] Sibree, pp. 69 ff. - -[121] ἔσσεται ἢ ἠὼς ἢ δείλη ἢ μέσον ἦμαρ--Il. XXI, 111. - -[122] εὗδον παννύχιος καὶ ἐπ’ ἠῶ καὶ μέσον ἦμαρ--Od. VII, 288. - -[123] ὄφρα μὲν ἠὼς ἦν καὶ ἀέξετο ἱερὸν ἦμαρ--Od. IX, 56. - -[124] ἦμος ... φάνη ... Ἠὼς--Od. IV, 431. - -[125] ἦμος δ’ ἠέλιος μέσον οὐρανὸν ἀμφιβεβῃκη--Od. IV, 400. - -[126] πᾶσαν δ’ ἠοίην μένομεν ... ἔνδιος δ’ ὁ γέρων ἦλθ’ ἐξ ἁλός--Od. -IV, 447-50. - -[127] δείελον ἦμαρ--Od. XVII, 606. - -[128] Od. I, 422. - -[129] ἦμος δ’ οὔτ’ ἄρ πω ἠὼς ἔτι δ’ ἀμφιλύκη νύξ--Il. VII, 433. - -[130] ἅμ’ ἠοῖ--Il. VII, 331, Od. XVI, 2; ἅμα δ’ ἠοῖ φαινομένηφιν--Il. -XI, 685; Od. IV, 407. - -[131] Il. VIII, 538; Od. I, 24. - -[132] ἠέλιος δ’ ἀνόρουσε λιπὼν περικαλλέα λίμνην οὐρανὸν εἰς -πολύχαλκον, ἵν’ ἀθανάτοισι φαείνοι--Od. III, 1 f. - -[133] οὔθ’ ὁπότ’ ἂν στείχῃσι πρὸς οὐρανὸν ἀστεροέντα, οὔθ’ ὅτ’ ἂν ἂψ -ἔπὶ γαῖαν ἀπ’ οὐρανόθεν προτράπηται--Od. XI, 17. - -[134] εὖτε γὰρ ἠέλιος φαέθων ὑπερέσχεθε γαίης--Il. XI, 735. - -[135] ἠέλιος μὲν ἔπειτα νέον προσέβαλλεν ἀρούρας, ἐξ ἀκαλαρρείταο -βαθυρρόου Ὠκεανοῖο οὐρανὸν εἲς ἀνιών--Il. VII, 421 ff. - -[136] μέμβλωκε μάλιστα ἦμαρ--Od. XVII, 190. - -[137] εἶσ’ ὑπὸ γαῖαν--Od. X, 191. - -[138] ἐν δ’ ἔπεσ’ Ὠκεανῷ λαμπρὸν φάος ἠελίοιο ἕλκον νύκτα -μέλαιναν--Il. VIII, 485. - -[139] Od. XXII, 318. - -[140] ἦμος δ’ ἠέλιος μετενίσσετο βουλυτόνδε--Il. XVI, 779; Od. IX, 58. - -[141] ὥς οἱ ἐναργὲς ὄνειρον ἐπέσσυτο νυκτὸς ἀμολγῷ--Od. IV, 841. - -[142] ἦμος δὲ δρυτόμος ἀνὴρ ὡπλίσσατο δεῖπνον ... ἐπεί τ’ ἐκορέσσατο -χεῖρας τάμνων δένδρεα μακρά--Il. XI, 86. - -[143] ἦμος δ’ ἐπὶ δόρπον ἀνὴρ ἀγορῆθεν ἀνέστη κρίνων νείκεα -πολλά--Od. XII, 439. - -[144] ἀγορῆς πληθυούσης--Herod. IV, 181; even in a Delphian sacred -decree, _Syll. inscr. graec._³ 257; περὶ ἀγορὰν πλήθουσαν--Xen., -_Anab._ II, 1, 7; ἀγωρῆς πληθώρη--Herod. II, 173. - -[145] πρὶν ἀγορὰν πεπληθέναι--Pherekr., _Autom._ 9. - -[146] ἀγορῆς διάλυσις--Herod. III, 104. - -[147] ἀλλ’ ἴομεν· μάλα γὰρ νὺξ ἄνεται, ἐγγύθι δ’ ἠώς. ἄστρα δὲ δὴ -προβεβήκε, παροίχωκεν δὲ πλέων νὺξ τῶν δύο μοιράων, τριτάτη δ’ ἔτι -μοῖρα λέλειπται--Il. X, 251. - -[148] ἦμος δὲ τρίχα νυκτὸς ἔην, μέτα δ’ ἄστρα βεβήκει--Od. XII, 312, -and XIV, 483. - -[149] Od. XIII, 93. - -[150] _cum a curia inter rostra et graecostasin prospexisset solem; -a columna Maenia ad carcerem inclinato sidere supremam pronuntiavit, -sed hoc serenis tantum diebus_--Pliny, _Nat. Hist._, VII, 214. - -[151] G. Bilfinger, _Stundenangaben_, _Zeitmesser_. _Hora sexta_ is, -for example, 6 o’clock, not the sixth hour. It seems to me as though -_hora_ refers to the hour-line. - -[152] Bilfinger, _Stundenang._, p. 131; Ginzel, III, 89. - -[153] _ea hora qua incipit homo hominem posse cognoscere_, XXV, 6. - -[154] _cum aperit esse pullorum cantus_, XXXVI, 1. - -[155] _de pullo primo_, XXXV, 1. - -[156] Crantz, I, 294. - -[157] p. 55. - -[158] Wegener, p. 147. - -[159] Ellis, _Pol. Res._³, I, 89. - -[160] Malo, p. 49. - -[161] Wegener, p. 146; cp. above, p. 29. - -[162] Fornander, I, 121. - -[163] Mooney, _Rep._, p. 365. - -[164] Merker, p. 153. - -[165] Westermann, p. 105. - -[166] Hammar, p. 156. - -[167] Schulze, p. 373. - -[168] Malo, p. 33. - -[169] Cp. above, p. 28. - -[170] Schulze, p. 373. - -[171] Merker, p. 153. - -[172] See below, p. 40. - -[173] Forster, p. 441. - -[174] Mathias G., p. 210. - -[175] Gutmann, p. 241. - -[176] Crawfurd, p. 271. - -[177] Velten, p. 333. - -[178] Wilken, p. 200. - -[179] Ellis, _Yoruba_, p. 150. - -[180] Oliveau, p. 343. - -[181] Forster, p. 441. - -[182] Wegener, p. 148. - -[183] Dibble, p. 107. - -[184] Malo, p. 33. - -[185] Nordenskjöld, _Indianlif_, p. 273. - -[186] Holm, _10_, 142, or _39_, 85 and 106. - -[187] Egede, p. 131. - -[188] Drake, pp. 277 ff. - -[189] Paul, III, 447; cp. above, p. 21. - -[190] See above, p. 36. - -[191] Sibree, pp. 69 ff. - -[192] Mansfeld, p. 244. - -[193] Snouck Hurgronje, I, 201. - -[194] Brown, p. 332. - -[195] Cp. Bilfinger, _Der bürgerliche Tag_, pp. 198 ff., and my -_Entstehung_, p. 13. - -[196] Bilfinger, _Doppelstunde_; for the other side see Boll, -_Sphaera_, pp. 311 ff. - -[197] Ginzel, III, 93 ff. - -[198] Matthews, p. 4. - -[199] Hesiod, _Op._, v. 448. - -[200] Athenaeus, VIII, p. 360 C; for modern swallow-processions and -songs see Abbot, p. 18. - -[201] Baumeister, _Denkm. des klass. Alt._, III, p. 1985, fig. 2128. - -[202] αἵτ’ (γέρανοι) ἐπεὶ οὖν χειμῶνα φύγον--Il. III, 4. - -[203] ὄρνιθος φωνήν, Πολυπαίδη, ὀξὺ βοώσης ἤκουσ’, ἥτε βροτοῖς -ἄγγελος ἦλθ’ ἀρότου ὡραίου--Theognis, vv. 1197 ff. - -[204] Aristoph., _The Birds_, translated by J. H. Frere, vv. 709 ff. - -[205] Cranz, I, 293. - -[206] Wilson, p. 297. - -[207] Stow, p. 112. - -[208] Roscoe, _Bantu_, p. 140. - -[209] Gilij, II, 20 ff.; ch. VII. - -[210] Howitt, p. 432. - -[211] Brown, p. 332. - -[212] Thurnwald, p. 342. - -[213] Mooney, _Rep._, p. 367. - -[214] Ellis, _Pol. Res._³, I, 352. - -[215] Heckewelder, p. 525. - -[216] Junod, _Thonga_, p. 20. - -[217] Junod, _Ronga_, pp. 196 ff. - -[218] Grabowsky, p. 102. - -[219] Sibree, p. 57. - -[220] Dieffenbach, II, 122 ff. - -[221] Sechefo, p. 931. - -[222] Matthews, p. 4. - -[223] Schiefner, p. 196. - -[224] Homfray, p. 62. - -[225] Turner, p. 202. - -[226] Dalsager, pp. 54 ff.; cp. Cranz I, 293 ff. - -[227] See below, pp. 66 ff. - -[228] _R. T. Str._, pp. 226 ff. - -[229] Cp. below, p. 57. - -[230] Below ch. VI. - -[231] _Handbook_, p. 189. - -[232] Schoolcraft, II, 129. - -[233] Fewkes, _21_ p. 19. - -[234] Stevenson, p. 108. - -[235] Bushnell, p. 17. - -[236] Spencer and Gillen, _Centr. Austr._, p. 25. - -[237] Gilij, II, 14; von den Steinen, _Globus_, p. 244. - -[238] _Ibid._, p. 245. - -[239] Krause, p. 339. - -[240] Claus, p. 38. - -[241] Hollis, _Nandi_, p. 94. - -[242] _Loango Exp._ III: 2, 139. - -[243] Torday and Joyce, _35_, p. 413; _36_, pp. 47 and 295. - -[244] Mansfeld, p. 244. - -[245] Ellis, _Tshi_, p. 215. - -[246] Hobley, _Akamba_., p. 53. - -[247] Cp. below, p. 88 f. - -[248] Wilken, p. 197; cp. below p. 70. - -[249] Maass, p. 514. - -[250] Fornander, I, 118 ff. - -[251] Sheldon Dibble, p. 24. - -[252] Malo, pp. 53 and 57, note 2. - -[253] Forster, p. 436. - -[254] _Ibid._, p. 371. - -[255] von Bülow, _72_, p. 239. - -[256] Brown, p. 347. - -[257] Stair, p. 37. - -[258] Jenks, p. 219. - -[259] Oliveau, p. 343. - -[260] Erdland, p. 21. - -[261] Landtman, communicated by letter. - -[262] Meier, pp. 708 ff. - -[263] Hale, p. 105. - -[264] Hastings, p. 132. - -[265] Skeat and Blagden, I, 393. - -[266] Nelson, p. 234. - -[267] Bushnell, p. 17. - -[268] Hill Tout, _34_, 33. - -[269] Teit, _Thompson_, pp. 238 f. - -[270] Teit, _Shuswap_, p. 517. - -[271] _Handbook_, p. 189. - -[272] Powers, p. 294. - -[273] Mooney, _Rep._, p. 370. - -[274] Riggs, p. 165. - -[275] Dunbar, p. 1. - -[276] Schoolcraft, II, 129. - -[277] Molina, pp. 319 ff. - -[278] Beverley, p. 181. - -[279] _Ibid._, p. 4. - -[280] Mooney, _Rep._, p. 366. - -[281] Cp. below, p. 73. - -[282] Below pp. 72 ff. - -[283] Wiklund, p. 5. - -[284] Drake, p. 278. - -[285] Jochelson, _Yukaghir_, p. 42. - -[286] Claus, p. 38. - -[287] Johnstone, p. 266. - -[288] Barrett, p. 35. - -[289] Merker, p. 155. - -[290] Hollis, _Masai_, pp. 333 ff. - -[291] Spieth, p. 312 and note. - -[292] Ellis, _Yoruba_, p. 151. - -[293] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, 139. - -[294] Hammar, p. 156. - -[295] Gutmann, p. 240. - -[296] Roscoe, _Bantu_, p. 139. - -[297] Weeks, p. 308. - -[298] Sibree, pp. 53, 57. - -[299] _Ibid._, p. 77. - -[300] Schulze, p. 369. - -[301] Irle, p. 224. - -[302] Nisbet, II, 288. - -[303] Malo, p. 60, n. 8. - -[304] _Ibid._, p. 58, n. 5. - -[305] Ellis, _Polyn. Res._³, I, 87. - -[306] Taylor, pp. 361 ff., 364 ff. - -[307] Du Bois, p. 165. - -[308] MacDonald, p. 64. - -[309] Dennett, pp. 130 ff. - -[310] Westermann, p. 103. - -[311] von den Steinen, _Globus_, p. 245. - -[312] Hastings, p. 69. - -[313] Wilken, p. 199. - -[314] Nieuwenhuis, I, 161. - -[315] Jenks, pp. 219 ff. - -[316] The figures in brackets represent the number of days as given -by Wilken. See below. - -[317] Crawfurd, I, 297 ff. - -[318] Wilken, p. 197. - -[319] D’Enjoy; Ginzel, I, 467. The latter begins the list with the -commencement of spring and gives dates. The number of days is in each -case taken from d’Enjoy. - -[320] _Hiems et ver et aestas intellectum et vocabula habent, autumni -perinde nomen et bona ignorantur_--Tac., _Germ._, ch. 26; Schrader, -II³, 223 ff.; Feist, p. 265. - -[321] Fragm. 76 Bergk. - -[322] _De sign. temp._, 21, 44, 48. - -[323] Roscher, p. 84; the limits according to Galen, XVII A, 17. - -[324] Thibaut, pp. 10 ff.; Ginzel, I, 315. - -[325] Weinhold, _Mon._, pp.2 ff.; cp. I. Aasen, _Norsk Ordbog_. - -[326] Vigfusson, I, 431. - -[327] _In der brache, in der zwibrache, in der herbst-sat, in -der erne, im houwet, im hanfluchet, ze afterhalme und houwe, in -der bonenarne, im brâchet, im wimmot, in der sât, im dem snite, -laubbrost, laubrîse, haberschnitt, habererndte._ Tille, p. 10; cp. -below, ch. XI. - -[328] Cp. below pp. 78 ff. - -[329] _De temp. rat._, ch. 13. - -[330] _Im rîs und im lôve, im rûwen und im blôten, bî strô und bî -grase._ - -[331] Grimm, I, 74. - -[332] Pfannenschmid, _Germanische Erntefeste_, Hanover, 1878, -maintains that the quadripartite division was developed alongside of -the tripartite, and bases his statement on a study of the principal -festivals. - -[333] _Om en nordisk årstredelning_, p. 248. I cannot however agree -with the author in the direction indicated by the sub-title of his -essay: “Is a trace of an old Germanic tripartite division of the year -to be observed in our popular festivals?” - -[334] Above, p. 73. - -[335] For exceptions see Bilfinger, I, 8 ff. - -[336] Bilfinger has brought forward his opinion with great -penetration and wide learning, but his reasoning cannot stand before -a searching criticism such as that amassed by Ginzel, III, 58 ff., -and Brate, _Nordens äldre tideräkning_, Program of the Södermalm -College, Stockholm, 1908, pp. 17 ff., and in particular developed -and more profoundly based by Beckman, _Alfræði_, Intro. pp. 1 ff.; -cp. an article by the same author in the Norwegian periodical _Maal -og Minne_, 1915, p. 198. I might content myself with a simple -reference to Beckman, since I agree with him on all important points, -but as his article is written in Swedish and is therefore probably -inaccessible to many, I add the following note which in the main was -written long before it now appears, originally in connexion with my -studies in the primitive history of the Christmas festival, worked -out in the year 1914. - -In point of fact it seems as though the objection which Bilfinger in -his study of the Yule-tide festival, II, 120, note, makes against the -criticism of Finnur Jonsson has not been answered (before Beckman): -the objection is that no notice is taken of the fundamental idea -of Bilfinger’s work on the Old Icelandic year--the cardinal point -around which his whole demonstration revolves--viz. the relation of -the Old Icelandic calendar to the calculation of Easter. Granting -that the still heathen Icelanders or Norwegians knew the week (the -Germanic peoples took over the week while yet in their heathen -period, see my _Studien zur Vorgeschichte des Weihnachtsfestes_, -Archiv f. Religionswiss., 19, 1918, p. 118) and made use of it in -counting time, and that they later learnt approximately to know the -length of the year--which is very easily conceivable in view of their -lively intercourse with other nations--we have the elements out of -which their calendar was developed, viz. the week and the year. -To these must be added the old-established divisions of the year, -summer and winter, which, on account of their importance for civil -life, were introduced as fixed periods of time into the calendar. As -a result of the adjusting of the reckoning in weeks to the year of -365, in leapyear 366, days, there arose a week-year with periodic -interpolations of an embolimic week. This of necessity agrees with -Bilfinger’s so-called ‘mean Easter year’, since both are constructed -out of the same elements, it being assumed only that the week-days of -the one calendar correspond to those of the other, and this is the -case, since the week came to Iceland from the south. Bilfinger is not -correct in calling (I, 71) the shifting Easter period a fragment of -a week-year: in so doing he shuts his eyes to what he himself terms -the quinary factor, i. e. that Easter Sunday falls varyingly on one -of the five Sundays between March 22 and April 25 (the other days of -the Paschal term being fixed accordingly). This fact, as has long -ago been observed, makes the Easter period a fragment of a lunisolar -year. A further development would lead to a lunisolar year that also -took into account the reckoning in weeks. Bilfinger’s view of the -matter is that the Icelanders for the sake of convenience eliminated -the quinary factor from the Easter reckoning by taking the mean -Easter Thursday as a fixed point of departure instead of letting the -calendar follow the actual variation of this day: this roundabout -method is unnecessary since the same result is arrived at by basing -a system of time-reckoning on the year and the week. The aim of the -Icelandic calendar, according to Bilfinger, was to fix the beginning -of summer, a legally very important term. If this was the object in -view it was, as Brate remarks (p. 21), not attained, for this day, -Thursday of the week April 9-15, may fall in the Passion week so that -it becomes useless for all business purposes. This proves on the -contrary that the fixing of the beginning of summer is pre-Christian. - -The last objection to Are’s account of the introduction of the -Icelandic calendar, which Finnur Jonsson and Brate have allowed to -stand, must also fall. According to Are the cyclical interpolation -of a week was introduced by Torsten Surt about 960 A. D., while -previously the year had 52 weeks, i. e. 1¼ days too few. Bilfinger -objects that such a year is unthinkable, since in the course of 40 -years it must anticipate itself by 50 days, and therefore in 292 -years must have run through the whole circle of the seasons: the -mid-winter festival must therefore for one generation have fallen -in summer. Theoretically the objection is valid, but in practice -not so (cp. the Egyptian shifting year), and the old calendars are -administered practically. In the effort to arrive at an embolimic -cycle mistakes are at first made, and the agreement with the -solar year is once more brought about by means of intercalations -irregularly introduced for practical reasons. How the ancient Roman -calendar was treated we know: by the end of the Republic it had -become thoroughly disorganised as a result of intercalations made -for political purposes. Moreover the Roman year with its average -length of 366¼ days was from the beginning not a whit better than -the year of 364 days ascribed by Are to the Icelanders before -Torsten Surt. We learn from inscriptions that in Athens still more -irregular intercalations were made during the last decades of the -5th century. Such intercalations are the ruin of any system, but -chronology must work with a system, and this fact often blinds the -eye of the chronological student to the irregularity in the practical -treatment of the calendar. Irregular intercalations of this kind are -not indeed attested for Iceland, but it is evident that they must -always appear of themselves in a defective calendar. The possibility -of a treatment of this kind existed, since the spokesman of the laws -had to proclaim publicly every year to the assembled people in the -Althing notices about the calendar for the following year, among -which the announcement of the intercalation held a special place. -In these arguments I find myself in agreement with Beckman: I also -agree with his statement as to the gradual increase in accuracy in -the formation of the Icelandic week-calendar under the influence of -the ecclesiastical calendar. - -We conclude then that the cardinal points of the Icelandic calendar, -which recur throughout Scandinavia and fall about three weeks behind -the equinoxes or the solstices, are not of Christian origin: the -agreement with what Bilfinger terms the ‘mean Easter Thursday’ is -accidental. The date is due to climatic conditions. A contributory -factor may have been the circumstance that mid-winter and midsummer -fall just at the places where a shortening or lengthening of the day -becomes observable. - -[337] Småland and neighbouring provinces. Communicated by Dr. von -Sydow. - -[338] This practice has passed into the Lapp language: _kess idja_ = -week of the summer nights, _talvidja_ = the winter nights. Wiklund, -pp. 16 and 20. - -[339] _Þá skylldi blóta i móti vetri til árs, enn at miðjum -vetri blóta til gróðrar; hit þriðja at sumri, þat var -sigrblót_--_Heimskringla_, Ynglingasaga, ch. 8. - -[340] See e. g. above, p. 70. - -[341] Coquilhat, p. 367. - -[342] Maass, p. 314. The names are those of the Arabic letters and -also denote the years of an eight-year cycle, the years of which are -said to be characterised by similar weather. The people are Islamite -Malays. Astrology and the calendar have strongly influenced Sumatra -and in particular Java; primitive modes of thought however recur -under the surface. - -[343] Brown, p. 331. - -[344] Thurnwald, p. 346. - -[345] _Ibid._ - -[346] Routledge, p. 40. - -[347] Hale, p. 105. - -[348] Hastings, p. 132. - -[349] Swoboda, p. 22. - -[350] Brown, p. 331. - -[351] Skeat and Blagden, I, 393. - -[352] De Backer, p. 406. - -[353] Hagen, p. 154. - -[354] Brown, p. 347. - -[355] Parkinson, p. 378. - -[356] Cp. p. 57. - -[357] Above, p. 55. - -[358] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, 139. - -[359] Roscoe, _Baganda_, pp. 37 ff. - -[360] Id., _Bantu_, p. 72. - -[361] Schiefner, pp. 191 ff. - -[362] See above, p. 75. - -[363] Schiefner, pp. 198, 201 ff. - -[364] Wirth, p. 211. - -[365] Hale, pp. 106, 170. - -[366] Mathias G., p. 211. - -[367] Dennett, pp. 136 ff. - -[368] Adriani and Kruijt, II, 264. - -[369] Maass, p. 512. - -[370] Evans, _JRAI, 42_, p. 395. - -[371] Mommsen, _Röm. Chronologie_², pp. 47 ff.; bibliography in -Ginzel II, 221 ff. - -[372] Schulze, p. 369. - -[373] Fabry, p. 224. - -[374] Jenks, p. 219. - -[375] Roscoe, _Bantu_, p. 140. - -[376] Grabowsky, p. 102. - -[377] Spieth, p. 311. - -[378] Junod, _Thonga_, II, 282. - -[379] Foa, p. 120. In these districts there are two seed-times and -two harvests in the year. - -[380] See below ch. X. - -[381] Schulze, p. 369. - -[382] Musil, p. 256. - -[383] Kisak Tamai, p. 97. - -[384] von den Steinen, _Globus_, p. 246, n. 1. - -[385] _Ibid._, p. 245: the last detail quoted from C. de Rochefort, -_Hist. naturelle et morale des Iles Antilles_, Rotterdam, 1663, p. 56. - -[386] Beverley, p. 181. - -[387] Grimm, I, 85; Weinhold, _Jahrt._, p. 12. - -[388] von den Steinen, _Globus_. - -[389] Mathias G., p. 211. - -[390] Weeks, _JRAI, 39_, 129. - -[391] Schrader, II³, 227; Feist, p. 266. - -[392] Cranz, I, 293. - -[393] Nelson, p. 234. - -[394] Mooney, _Rep._, p. 366. - -[395] Dunbar, p. 1. - -[396] Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 111. - -[397] Carver, p. 175. - -[398] Powers, p. 77. - -[399] Mallery, _4_, p. 99. - -[400] Hill Tout, pp. 34, 33. - -[401] von den Steinen, _Globus_, p. 245. - -[402] Weeks, _Bakongo_, p. 308. - -[403] _Handbook_, p. 189. - -[404] MacCauley, p. 524. - -[405] Sechefo, p. 932, note 1. - -[406] Stannus, p. 288. - -[407] Wilson, p. 297. - -[408] Musil, p. 227. - -[409] Read, p. 64. - -[410] Schrader, II³, 227; Feist, pp. 266 ff. - -[411] De la Vega, I, 199. - -[412] Johnstone, p. 266. - -[413] Lane’s Dictionary, s. v. - -[414] Adriani and Kruijt, II, 263 ff. - -[415] Fornander, I, 124; cp. 119. - -[416] Ellis, _Pol. Res._³, I, 87. - -[417] Codrington, p. 349. - -[418] Prellwitz, in _Festschr. für Friedländer_, pp. 382 ff.; Türk, -_Hermes, 31_, 1896, pp. 647 ff. - -[419] See p. 89. - -[420] Stannus, p. 288. - -[421] Johnstone, p. 266. - -[422] Landtman, communicated by letter. - -[423] _R. T. Str._, p. 225. - -[424] Fabry, p. 224. - -[425] Thomas, _Edo_, p. 18. - -[426] Foa, p. 120. - -[427] Schulze, p. 369. - -[428] Kisak Tamai, p. 97. - -[429] Reed, p. 64. - -[430] Mathias G., pp. 211 ff. - -[431] Thomson, I, 198. - -[432] Hammar, p. 156. - -[433] Below, p. 108. - -[434] Ellis, _Pol. Res._³, I, 86. - -[435] Hollis, _Masai_, pp. 261 ff. - -[436] Holland, p. 234. - -[437] Johnstone, _JRAI, 32_, p. 266. - -[438] Adriani and Kruijt, II, 263 ff. - -[439] Nicolovius, p. 7. - -[440] von Brenner, p. 195. - -[441] Hose and McDougall, II, 214. - -[442] Cranz, I, 293; Dalsager, p. 55; Egede, p. 132. - -[443] Alberti, p. 68. - -[444] Drake, p. 279. - -[445] Schulze, p. 369. - -[446] Roscoe, _JRAI, 32_, p. 72; cp. id., _Baganda_, p. 37. - -[447] Sprenger, pp. 137 ff. - -[448] Ginzel, I, 251. - -[449] Claus, p. 39. - -[450] Merker, p. 156. - -[451] Irle, pp. 222 ff. - -[452] Heckewelder, pp. 525 ff. - -[453] Dunbar, p. 1. - -[454] Mooney, _Siouan Tribes_, p. 32. - -[455] Mallery, _4_, p. 88. - -[456] Russel, p. 36. - -[457] King, p. 215. - -[458] Cp. King, pp. 95, 130, 143, 144. - -[459] Kugler, _Sternd._ II: 1, pp. 153 ff.; Ed. Meyer, _Gesch._, I: -2², 331, together with the bibliography there given. - -[460] Thureau-Dangin, _Journal asiatique, 14_, 1909, p. 337. - -[461] King, pp. 146, 95. - -[462] Kugler, _Sternd._, II, 236 ff.; King _passim_. - -[463] King, p. 190. - -[464] Ed. Meyer, _Gesch._, I, 2², 31 and 148, _Chronol._ pp. 185 ff., -and elsewhere. - -[465] See above, pp. 91 ff. - -[466] See pp. 129. - -[467] Landtman, communicated by letter. - -[468] Il. XXII, 25 ff. translated by P. S. Worsley. - -[469] Cp. my article in _Arch. f. Religionswiss., 14_, 1911, p. 429. - -[470] Od. XI, 17; XII, 380; see above, p. 35. - -[471] ἀστέρ’ ὀπωρινῷ ἐναλίγκιον. ὅστε μάλιστα λαμπρὸν παμφαίνῃσι -λελουμένος Ὠκεανοῖο--II. V, 5: ‘bathed in the Ocean’, since Sirius at -his rising emerges like the sun from the ocean. - -[472] οὔλιος ἀστὴρ παμφαίνων--II. XI, 62. - -[473] ὀψὲ δυόντα Βοώτην--Od. V, 272. - -[474] Il. XVIII, 489; Od. V, 275. - -[475] οὐδέ οἱ ὕπνος ἐπὶ βλεφάροισιν ἔπιπτεν Πληιάδας τ’ ἐσορῶντι καὶ -ὀψὲ δύοντα Βοώτην ἄρκτον κ. τ. λ.--Od. V, 271 ff., translated by A. -S. Way. - -[476] Il. XVIII, 486. - -[477] Od. XIII, 93. - -[478] _Op._, vv. 528 ff. - -[479] vv. 414 ff. - -[480] Pfeiffer, pp. 1 ff. - -[481] Alcaeus, fr. 28a Matth.:--τέγγε πλεύμονα ϝοίνῳ· τὸ γὰρ ἄστρον -περιτέλλεται. Cp. Theognis vv. 1039 f. - -[482] Aeschylus, _Agam._, vv. 4 ff., translated by E. Thring. - -[483] Schol. Aesch. _Prom._, 457; Soph. _Palam._, fr. 399 N^2. - -[484] Aesch., _Prom._, 453 ff., translated by R. Whitelaw. - -[485] Soph., _Oed. Rex_, v. 113,--ἐξ ἦρος εἰς ἀρκτοῦρον ἑκμήνους -χρόνους. - -[486] Gundel, pp. 99 ff. - -[487] Rehm. - -[488] Sprenger, pp. 162 ff. - -[489] Bogoras, II, 307 ff. - -[490] Egede, pp. 131 ff. - -[491] Holm, _10_, 142, and 39, 106 and 85. - -[492] Schiefner, p. 204. - -[493] Swanton, p. 427. - -[494] Carver, p. 253. - -[495] Heckewelder, p. 527. - -[496] Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 110. - -[497] Gatschett, p. 666. - -[498] Dorsey and Swanton, p. 203. - -[499] Du Bois, pp. 162 ff. - -[500] Columbus, p. 635. - -[501] von den Steinen, _Zentralbras._, pp. 359 ff., 436, 513. - -[502] Krause, p. 340. - -[503] Teschauer, pp. 734 ff. - -[504] Nordenskiöld, _Indianlif_, p. 273, _Indianer och hvita_, p. 173. - -[505] Ehrenreich, pp. 44 f., 72. - -[506] Molina, pp. 319 f. - -[507] Spieth, p. 557. - -[508] Thomas, _Ibo_, p. 127. - -[509] Arcin, p. 394. - -[510] Weeks, _Bakongo_, pp. 293 ff. - -[511] Weeks, _JRAI, 39_, pp. 417 ff. - -[512] Westermann, p. 104. - -[513] Claus, p. 39. - -[514] Junod, _Thonga_, II, 285. - -[515] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, pp. 135 ff. - -[516] Schulze, pp. 367 ff. - -[517] Bleek, p. 108. - -[518] Rivers, pp. 593 ff. - -[519] Skeat and Blagden, II, 724. - -[520] Hose and MacDougall, II, 213 f., 139. - -[521] Many names of stars are given, e. g. by Ridley and MacPherson, -others by Kötz, pp. 30 ff. I give only a few examples; cp. also pp. -131 ff. and 144. - -[522] Spencer and Gillen, _Central Australia_, pp. 565 f., _North. -Tribes_, pp. 628 ff. - -[523] Strehlow, I, 19 f., 21 f., 24; II, 9. - -[524] Howitt, pp. 431 f. - -[525] Parker, pp. 95 ff. - -[526] Ridley, p. 274. - -[527] Brough-Smyth, I, 433, quoted by Kötz, p. 37. - -[528] See below, pp. 139 ff. - -[529] _R. T. Str._, p. 219. - -[530] Rivers, _Mel._, I, 173. - -[531] _Ibid._, II, 552, quoting Parkinson, p. 376, from the statement -of a native Moanu. - -[532] Thurnwald, pp. 340 ff. - -[533] Codrington, p. 348. - -[534] Forster, p. 442. - -[535] Wegener, p. 148. - -[536] Erdland, pp. 24 ff. - -[537] von Bülow, _72_, p. 238. - -[538] See further Kötz, pp. 43 ff. - -[539] Mathias G., pp. 209 f. - -[540] Wegener, p. 148. - -[541] Brandeis, p. 78. - -[542] Forster, p. 442. - -[543] Fornander, I, 127, note 1. - -[544] Dibble, p. 107. - -[545] Taylor, p. 363. - -[546] Pp. 211 f. - -[547] Christians, pp. 388 ff. - -[548] Hale, p. 68. - -[549] See pp. 123, 125, 132, 136, 138, 139, 144. - -[550] On this special point Andree has collected much material, which -has been considerably augmented by Frazer. - -[551] Bleek and Lloyd, I, 338 f. - -[552] Schulze, p. 367. - -[553] Parker, p. 95; cp. above, p. 122. - -[554] McKellar, quoted by Frazer, p. 307; cp. Ridley, p. 279; below, -p. 144. - -[555] Strehlow, pp. 9 and 19 ff. - -[556] Stanbridge, in MacPherson, pp. 71 ff. - -[557] Brough-Smyth, in Kötz, p. 43. - -[558] Dawson, quoted by Frazer, p. 308. - -[559] Bogoras, II, 307. - -[560] L’Heureux, _JRAI, 15_, 301. - -[561] Wilson, quoted by Andree, p. 364; McClintock, quoted by Frazer, -p. 311. - -[562] Fewkes, quoted by Frazer, p. 312. - -[563] Koch-Grünberg, II, 203 ff. - -[564] Teschauer, pp. 734 ff. - -[565] von den Steinen, _Globus_, p. 245. - -[566] Cp. above p. 49. - -[567] Gilij, II, 21. - -[568] Grubb, quoted by Frazer, p. 309. - -[569] De Angelis; Frazer, p. 309. - -[570] Nordenskiöld, _Indianer och hvita_, pp. 173, 113. - -[571] Id., _Indianlif_, p. 169. - -[572] Frazer, p. 310, with references. - -[573] Moffat, quoted by Frazer, p. 316. - -[574] Kidd: Frazer, p. 116. - -[575] McCall Theal: Frazer, p. 316. - -[576] Callaway, p. 39. - -[577] Junod, _Thonga_, II, 286. - -[578] Stannus, p. 289. - -[579] Hobley, _JRAI, 41_, 442. - -[580] Hollis, _Masai_, pp. 275 ff.; cp. below, pp. 201 f. - -[581] _Globus, 82_, 1902, p. 177. - -[582] Winterbottom, quoted by Frazer, p. 318. - -[583] Weeks, _Bakongo_, pp. 293 ff. - -[584] See above, p. 93. - -[585] Weeks, _39_, p. 129. - -[586] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, pp. 135 and 138. - -[587] Arcin, p. 394. - -[588] St. John, I, 213 ff. - -[589] Schaank, quoted by Andree, p. 364. - -[590] Hose and McDougall, I, 109; II, 139, 213. - -[591] Hose, _JRAI, 23_, p. 168. - -[592] Schaank, quoted by Andree, p. 364. - -[593] Nieuwenhuisen, quoted by Frazer, p. 315. - -[594] Marsden: Frazer, p. 315. - -[595] von Spreeuwenberg: Frazer, p. 313. - -[596] Neuhauss: Frazer, p. 313. - -[597] Haddon: Frazer, _ibid._ - -[598] Haddon, p. 303. - -[599] _R. T. Str._, pp. 218 ff. - -[600] Landtman, pp. 482 ff. - -[601] Codrington, p. 348. - -[602] Brown, p. 332. - -[603] Parkinson, pp. 377 ff. - -[604] Wheeler, p. 37. - -[605] Guppy, quoted by Frazer, p. 313. - -[606] Thurnwald, pp. 340 ff. - -[607] Codrington, p. 348. - -[608] Christians, pp. 388 ff. - -[609] von Bülow, _72_, p. 238; the author expresses himself -erroneously, as if it were a case of the entrance of a planet into a -constellation, instead of the position of a fixed star. - -[610] Pfeiffer, pp. 1 ff. - -[611] See above, pp. 130 f., 137, 131, 125 f. - -[612] G. Schmidt, quoted by Frazer, p. 317. - -[613] Ridley, p. 279. - -[614] Parker, pp. 95 ff.; cp. above, p. 131. - -[615] Ridley, p. 273. - -[616] Manning, p. 168; cp. Frazer, p. 308. - -[617] Reuterskiöld, pp. 72 and 119. - -[618] Above, p. 112. - -[619] Weeks, _Bakongo_, pp. 293 ff. - -[620] Hollis, quoted by Frazer, p. 317. - -[621] Nordenskiöld, _Indianer och hvita_, p. 173. - -[622] Abbot, p. 70. - -[623] Nordenskiöld, _Kulturhist._, p. 219. - -[624] The Caffres--Alberti, p. 68; probably also among the ‘wild’ -Kubu of Sumatra--Hagen, p. 155. - -[625] Partridge, p. 244. - -[626] Oliveau, p. 343. - -[627] von Bülow, _93_, 251. - -[628] Spieth, p. 311. - -[629] Sechefo, _4_, p. 931. - -[630] Below, pp. 158 f. - -[631] Macdonald, p. 291. - -[632] Sechefo, p. 932. - -[633] Thomas, _Ibo_, p. 127. - -[634] Schoolcraft, II, 177. - -[635] Roscoe, _Bantu_, p. 140. - -[636] Spieth, p. 556. - -[637] Stannus, p. 288. - -[638] MacCaulay, p. 525. - -[639] Thurnwald, p. 331. - -[640] See further Frazer, IV: 2, 140 ff. - -[641] Howitt, p. 428. - -[642] Hanserak, p. 44. - -[643] Musters, p. 203. - -[644] Carver, p. 175. - -[645] Du Pratz, II, 354 ff. - -[646] Seligmann, p. 193. - -[647] Wollaston, p. 132. - -[648] Thurnwald, pp. 332 ff. - -[649] Bleek and Lloyd, I, 415. - -[650] Livingstone, p. 235. - -[651] Junod, _Thonga_, I, 51; II, 283. - -[652] Roscoe, _Bantu_, p. 139 f. - -[653] Gutmann, p. 238. - -[654] Thomas, _Ibo_, p. 127. - -[655] Stow, p. 112. - -[656] Foa, p. 120. - -[657] _Arch. f. Anthropol., 12_, 1913, p. 152. - -[658] Møller, p. 50. - -[659] Strabo, III, 4, 16 (p. 164). - -[660] _Coeunt, nisi quid fortuitum et subitum inciderit, certis -diebus, cum aut inchoatur luna aut impletur: nam agendis rebus hos -auspicatissimum initium credunt_--Tac., _Germ._, XI. - -[661] With this section cp. Webster, ch. V, _Lunar Superstitions and -Festivals_. - -[662] Spencer, p. 456. - -[663] Cp. below, p. 160. - -[664] Homfray, p. 61. - -[665] Man, p. 337. - -[666] Heckewelder, p. 527. - -[667] Reed, p. 64. - -[668] Hambruch, p. 57. - -[669] Krause, p. 339. - -[670] Schulze, p. 370. - -[671] Spencer, p. 333. - -[672] Spencer and Gillen, _Centr. Austr._, p. 565. - -[673] Junod, _Thonga_, II, 283. - -[674] Cp. above, p. 150. - -[675] Spieth, p. 556. - -[676] Skeat and Blagden, II, 660. - -[677] Jenks, p. 219. - -[678] Scheerer, p. 158. - -[679] Brown, p. 332. - -[680] Thurnwald, pp. 330 ff. - -[681] Ray, in _R. T. Str._, p. 225. - -[682] von den Steinen, p. 358. - -[683] _Ibid._, p. 435. - -[684] Nieuwenhuis, I, 317. - -[685] Adriani, quoted by Winkler, p. 440. - -[686] Adriani and Kruijt, II, 264 ff. - -[687] von Krämer, I, 356 ff. - -[688] Malo, pp. 54 ff. - -[689] Fornander, I, 120 ff. - -[690] Fornander, p. 126. - -[691] Mathias G., p. 211. - -[692] Tregear, _JRAI, 19_, p. 114. - -[693] Forster, pp. 439 ff.; cp. Tregear, _Maori Dictionary_, App. A. - -[694] The names of the days (Ellis, _Polyn. Res._³, I, 88) are very -similar to those of Tahiti; cp. also Wegener, p. 147, n. 1. - -[695] Collected by Christians, pp. 387 ff. - -[696] These expressions give the time of day, cp. above, p. 150. - -[697] Hollis, _Nandi_, pp. 95 ff. - -[698] Ginzel, I, 243. - -[699] Boas, p. 648. - -[700] Radloff, p. 308. - -[701] Wirth, p. 364. - -[702] Claus, p. 38. - -[703] Hagen, pp. 154 ff. - -[704] Above, p. 158. - -[705] Merker, p. 156, n. 1. - -[706] The twice-recurring verse τοῦ μὲν φθίνοντος μηνὸς τοῦ δ’ -ἱσταμένοιο in Homer, _Od._ XIV, 162 and XIX, 307; Hesiod, _Op._, v. -780. Cp. my _Entstehung_, pp. 27 and 30 f. - -[707] Below, pp. 188 and 206 f. - -[708] Stevenson, p. 108. - -[709] Ellis, _Yoruba_, p. 144. - -[710] Merker, pp. 154 ff. - -[711] Hesiod, _Op._, v. 773. - -[712] See my remarks in _Arch. f. Religionswiss., 14_, p. 432. - -[713] Barrett, p. 35. - -[714] Stannus, p. 288. - -[715] Gutmann, pp. 238 ff. - -[716] Merker, pp. 154 ff. - -[717] De Backer, p. 407; for the Andamanese cp. above, p. 155. - -[718] See the passage from a Babylonian Creation epic quoted by Boll -in Pauly-Wissowa’s _Realcykl. der klass. Altertumswiss._, VII, 2551. - -[719] Mausser, p. 222. - -[720] Compare the corresponding Chukchee months cited by Bogoras, -below p. 220. - -[721] Jochelson, _Koryak_, p. 428. - -[722] Jochelson, _Yukaghir_, p. 41. - -[723] Nelson, pp. 234 ff. - -[724] Boas, _Eskimo_, pp. 644 ff. - -[725] Dalsager, pp. 54 ff.; cp. Cranz, I, 293 ff. - -[726] Schiefner, p. 204. - -[727] Swanton, _Tlingit_, pp. 425 ff. - -[728] Teit, _Shuswap_, pp. 517 ff. - -[729] Teit, _Thompson_, pp. 237 ff. - -[730] _Ibid._, pp. 238 ff. - -[731] Teit, _Lillooet_, pp. 223 f. - -[732] Boas, _Kwakiutl_, pp. 412 ff. - -[733] Hill Tout, _JRAI, 34_, p. 34. - -[734] _Ibid._, pp. 334 ff. - -[735] Cp. the lists from the Yakuts p. 179 and the Tunguses p. 178. - -[736] Hale, pp. 210 ff. - -[737] Hastings, p. 66. - -[738] De la Potherie, II, 331. - -[739] Carver, pp. 175 ff. - -[740] The translator quotes Loskiel, _Gesch. der Mission der -evangelischen Brüder unter die Indianer in Nordamerika_, Barby, 1789. - -[741] Heckewelder, p. 524. - -[742] Jenks, _Wild Rice_, pp. 1089 f. - -[743] Riggs, _Dict._, s. v. _wi_, ‘moon’. - -[744] Clark, p. 16. - -[745] Fletcher and La Flesche, p. 111. - -[746] Mooney, _Kiowa_, pp. 368 ff. - -[747] Dunbar, p. 1. - -[748] Gatschet, p. 1. - -[749] Beverley, p. 4. - -[750] Clark, p. 372. - -[751] Matthews, p. 4. - -[752] MacCauley, p. 524. - -[753] Bushnell, p. 17. - -[754] Du Pratz, II, 354 ff. - -[755] Fewkes, _15_, p. 256. - -[756] Stevenson, p. 108. - -[757] _Handbook_, p. 189, from Cushing. - -[758] Russel, p. 36. - -[759] Hastings, p. 69. - -[760] E. g. Garcilasso de la Vega, I, 200. - -[761] Chervin, p. 229; Nordenskiöld, _Kulturh._, p. 219. - -[762] Gilij, II, 233. - -[763] Krause, p. 339. - -[764] Schulze, p. 370. - -[765] Sechefo, _4_, 931 ff., _5_, 71 ff. - -[766] Macdonald, _JRAI, 19_, p. 291. - -[767] Junod, _Ronga_, II, 284 ff. - -[768] Irle, p. 224. - -[769] François, _Nama und Damara_, Magdeburg, 1895, p. 185 f., quoted -from Ginzel, II, 142. - -[770] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, 139. - -[771] Burrows, p. 56. The land extends from 23° W. long., and runs -eastwards to the Nile at the most northerly point of the Congo Free -State. - -[772] Westermann, pp. 103 and 299. - -[773] Hobley, _Akamba_, pp. 52 ff. - -[774] Barret, _JRAI, 41_, p. 35. - -[775] Cole, p. 323. - -[776] Hollis, _Nandi_, pp. 94 ff. - -[777] Gutmann, pp. 239 ff. - -[778] Mischlisch, p. 127. - -[779] Thomas, _Edo_, p. 18. - -[780] _Etudes ethnogr., Rev. de Madag._, août 1904, p. 148 f. - -[781] _Antan. Annual_, 1886, p. 237. - -[782] Grandidier, pp. 384 ff. - -[783] Newbold, II, 356 ff. - -[784] von Bremer, p. 233. - -[785] Nieuwenhuis, I, 317. - -[786] Ginzel, I, 422 ff.; Friederich, p. 87. - -[787] Forbes, p. 429. - -[788] Cp. Landtman, p. 482. My additions are in brackets. - -[789] See above, p. 57. - -[790] Below, pp. 218 ff. - -[791] Christians, pp. 389, 394. - -[792] Christians, p. 393, after Kubary. - -[793] Kubary, pp. 107 ff. - -[794] Hale, p. 68. - -[795] _Ibid._, pp. 391 ff. - -[796] Meineke, p. 105. - -[797] Cp. pp. 212, 213. - -[798] Thomson, I, 198, Taylor, p. 362. The list is Taylor’s: -Thomson’s is not so full, and is distinguished from the other in -assigning a later position to the phases of the vegetation; it must -therefore come from a more southerly district. - -[799] Martin, II, Vocabulary, s. v. _mahina_, ‘moon, month’. - -[800] Ellis, _Polyn. Res._³, I, 86. - -[801] Forster, pp. 438 ff. - -[802] Fornander, I, 125. - -[803] von Bülow, _Globus, 72_, p. 239; G. Turner, _A hundred years -ago and long before_, London, 1884, makes the same statement, Krämer -(I, 356) differs very little from it; cp. also Hale, pp. 169 ff. -A quite different list is to be found in a work inaccessible to -me--Pratt and Frazer, _Some Folk-songs and Myths from Samoa_, R. Soc. -of New S. Wales, XXIII, 1891, p. 121. It is worth noting that here -two names of months are said to mean a demon, another a forest spirit. - -[804] Lister, p. 53. - -[805] Dibble, pp. 24 ff.; Fornander, I, 119. - -[806] Haddon, p. 303; so also _R. T. Str._, p. 225. - -[807] Spencer and Gillen, _Centr. Austr._, p. 25. - -[808] Spencer, p. 444. - -[809] Codrington, pp. 349 ff. - -[810] Brown, pp. 331 ff. - -[811] Bogoras, I, 51 ff. - -[812] Above, p. 182. - -[813] Jenks, p. 219. - -[814] Mooney, _Kiowa_, p. 368. - -[815] Above, p. 193. - -[816] Above, p. 183. - -[817] Forster, p. 371. - -[818] Above, p. 190. - -[819] Above, p. 195. - -[820] Above, p. 192. - -[821] Above, p. 180. - -[822] Thomas, _Ibo_, I, 127. - -[823] Mathias G., p. 211. - -[824] Above, pp. 210 f. - -[825] Above, pp. 178, 180. - -[826] Above, p. 176. - -[827] Above, pp. 193 f. - -[828] Above, p. 192. - -[829] Above, p. 195. - -[830] Dubois, p. 165. - -[831] Above, p. 193. - -[832] Above, p. 200. - -[833] Above, p. 174. - -[834] The explanations given by Muss-Arnolt are known to me only -through Ginzel, I, 117 ff. - -[835] The respective explanations are from Kugler, II: 1, pp. 176 -ff., and Thureau-Dangin. - -[836] Hrozný, pp. 85 ff. - -[837] I Kings, Chap. VI and VIII. - -[838] Dillman, p. 926, König, p. 612 ff., and elsewhere. - -[839] Above, p. 204. - -[840] Schiaparelli, _A. Test._, p. 139. - -[841] König, p. 636. - -[842] Wellhausen, _Proleg._, p. 110. - -[843] See below, pp. 272 ff. - -[844] Finally discussed by Marti. - -[845] I Kings VI, vv. 1, 37, and 38; VIII, 2. - -[846] Exod. II, 2, Moses’ mother ‘hid him three months’. - -[847] i. e. ‘month of the days’, Deut. XXI, 13, II Kings XV, 13. - -[848] Deut. XXXIII, 14. - -[849] Above, p. 151. - -[850] I have examined the passages by the aid of Mandelkern’s -Concordance and the analysis of sources in Kautzch’s translation of -the Bible: for the numbered months cp. also Wellhausen, _Proleg._, p. -110. - -[851] I Sam. XX. - -[852] First in the somewhat later narrative of Elisha, II Kings IV, -23; then in Amos VIII, 5; Isaiah I, 13; XLVII, 13; LXVI, 23, etc. - -[853] Num. XXIX, 6; XXVIII, 11, 14, - -[854] I Sam. XX, 28, ‘the morrow after the new moon’. - -[855] First the Yahwist, Ex. XXXIV, 18, and his reviser, XIII, 4 ff.; -XXIII, 15; XXXIV, 18; further the Deuteronomist, XVI, 1, and in Ex. -XII, 2. - -[856] Judges XI, 37 ff. - -[857] One month: Lev. XXVII, 6; Num. III, (often); IX, 22; XVIII, -16; XXVI, 62; I Kings IV, 7, 27; V, 14 (in the history of Solomon); -several months: I Sam. XXVII, 7 (the old History of the Kings); II -Sam. II, 11; V, 5; VI, 11; XXIV, 8, 13; I Kings XI, 16; II Kings XV, -8; Deut. XXIII, 31; XXIV, 8. - -[858] The Elohist, Gen. XXIX, 14; the Yahwist, Num. XI, 20; Jud. XIX, -2; XX, 47. - -[859] See below, pp. 272 ff. - -[860] Enumerated by Ginzel, I, 240; cp. Wellhausen, _Reste_, p, 94, -note 1. - -[861] Wellhausen, _Reste_, pp. 96 (with note 1), 97. - -[862] Cranz, I, 293, Dalsager, p. 54; cp. Holm, _10_, p. 141, and -_39_, p. 105, respectively. - -[863] Above, pp. 185 f. - -[864] Mallery, _4_, p. 99; cp. Riggs, _Grammar_, p. 165. - -[865] Dunbar, p. 1. - -[866] Macdonald, p. 291. - -[867] Friederich, p. 88. - -[868] Below, p. 250. - -[869] Winkler, p. 439. - -[870] Nieuwenhuis, I, 317. - -[871] Maes, p. 627. - -[872] Thomas, _Ibo_, I, 127. - -[873] Beverley, p. 181. - -[874] Jochelson, _Yukaghir_, p. 42. - -[875] Jochelson, _Koryak_, p. 428. - -[876] Above, p. 241. - -[877] Matthews, p. 4. - -[878] Carver, p. 175. - -[879] Below, p. 262. - -[880] Above, pp. 201 f. - -[881] Hollis, p. 334. - -[882] Ginzel II, 41, 44. - -[883] Dalman, p. 3. - -[884] Boas, _Eskimo_, pp. 644 ff. - -[885] Boas, _Kwakiutl_, pp. 412 ff. - -[886] Dunbar, p. 1. - -[887] Ellis, _Pol. Res._³, I, 86. - -[888] Above, p. 184. - -[889] Dubois, p. 165. - -[890] Above, pp. 197 and 199. - -[891] Above, pp. 211 f. - -[892] Above, p. 210. - -[893] Above, p. 208. - -[894] Petrus Martyr, _De nuper sub D. Carolo repertis insulis_, -Basileae, 1521; quoted by Ginzel, I, 446, note 1. - -[895] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, 138. - -[896] Macdonald, p. 291. - -[897] Friederich, p. 86. - -[898] Taylor, p. 362. - -[899] Thomson, I, 198. - -[900] Tregear, p. 114. - -[901] De Backer, p. 407. - -[902] Brandeis, p. 78. - -[903] Malo, p. 59. - -[904] Quoted by Malo, p. 59, note 7. - -[905] Above, p. 242. - -[906] Winkler, pp. 436 ff. - -[907] Above, pp. 237 ff. - -[908] Wellhausen, _Reste_, pp. 88, 99. - -[909] Sprenger, p. 144. - -[910] Wellhausen, _Reste_, p. 96; _Vakidi_, pp. 17 ff. - -[911] I cannot go further into this, but refer to Ginzel, I, 243 ff., -though he has far from exhausted the subject. Wellhausen’s treatment -(l. c.) is suggestive but too dogmatic, and he leaves the _nasî_ out -of account. More recently Moberg has examined in detail the Arabian -traditions: for particulars of his researches I refer to his paper, -_Den muhammedanska traditionen i fråga om an-nasî_, St. Tegn., pp. -465 ff. His conclusion is that originally _nasî_ was partly the term -for the insertion of the intercalary month, and also probably the -name of the intercalary month itself. - -[912] For quotations see Sprenger, pp. 145 ff., also Albiruni, in -Ginzel I, 245. - -[913] See my _Entstehung etc._, p. 47. - -[914] Sprenger’s hypothesis that the pre-Mohammedan Arabians had the -lunar year but that the feast of pilgrims was held before the full -moon preceding the spring equinox is also false: for the names of -months shew that the feast was connected with a definite month. - -[915] I give here the English translation of Sachau, p. 73, which -adds _rabi I_ in brackets as an explanation. I am indebted to Prof. -Moberg for the literal translation of the passage:--“The first _nasî_ -fell in the _muharram_, and _safar_ was called by this name and _rabi -I_ by the name _safar_, and from this they let the months revolve -in the series. The second _nasî_ fell in _safar_, and the month -following that (_rabi I_: Sachau) was again called _safar_, and so -on, until the _nasî_ had run through all twelve months and came back -again to _muharram_.” As a result of the first intercalation _rabi -I_ became _safar_, therefore _rabi II_ = _rabi I_, after the second -the names are pushed another stage forwards, therefore the original -_safar_ = after the first intercalation _rabi I_, after the second -_rabi II_. I have added a reference to the original situation. - -[916] Caussin, p. 349. - -[917] Above, pp. 226 ff. - -[918] Kugler, _Erg._, p. 153. - -[919] Kugler, I, 35 ff., II, 88 ff. - -[920] Above, p. 227. - -[921] Kugler, I, 228 ff., _Erg._, p. 169. - -[922] The connexion of the number of the 12 signs of the zodiac with -the months has often been contested, but in my opinion erroneously. - -[923] Kugler, _Erg._, p. 131; cp. also Weissbach, pp. 281 ff. - -[924] For a general view I refer to Bezold’s essay. - -[925] Cp. above, p. 243. - -[926] See Landsberger, pp. 44 ff. - -[927] _Ibid._, p. 30, note 4. - -[928] Kugler, II, 187 ff.; Weidner, _Memnon, 6_, 65 ff. - -[929] Kugler, II, 248 ff. - -[930] Kugler, II, 253, and elsewhere: the passage is often quoted. - -[931] Schiaparelli, _Bab._, p. 229. - -[932] Schiaparelli, _Bab._, p. 230. - -[933] Weidner, p. 73; for the 27-year period in question see below, -p. 264. - -[934] Above, p. 183. - -[935] Above, p. 188. - -[936] Below, p. 313. - -[937] Casalis, quoted by Frazer, p. 117. - -[938] Dubois, p. 165. - -[939] Above, pp. 211 f. - -[940] See my article _Kalendæ Januariæ_, Arch. f. Religionswiss., -_19_, 1918, in particular pp. 68 ff. - -[941] _R. T. Str._, p. 226. - -[942] Above, p. 202. - -[943] Grabowsky, p. 102. - -[944] Bartram, p. 483. - -[945] Powers, p. 438. - -[946] Callaway, pp. 406, 413. - -[947] Johnstone, p. 266. - -[948] Junod, _Thonga_, I, 368 ff. - -[949] Leonard, pp. 434 ff. - -[950] Ellis, _Polyn. Res._³, I, 351. - -[951] Nieuwenhuis, I, 161. - -[952] Ellis, _Yoruba_, p. 150. - -[953] von Bülow, p. 239. - -[954] _Handbook_, p. 189. - -[955] Mooney, _Kiowa_, pp. 366 ff. - -[956] Gatschet, p. 17. - -[957] Bushnell, p. 17. - -[958] Du Pratz, II, 354 ff. - -[959] Teit, _Thompson Indians_, p. 237. - -[960] Teit, _Shuswap_, p. 518. - -[961] Turner, p. 202. - -[962] Jochelson, _Yukaghir_, p. 428. - -[963] Holm, _10_, p. 141, and _39_, p. 105. - -[964] Above, p. 234. - -[965] See Dillmann, pp. 914 ff., König, pp. 624 ff., and the -authorities there cited. - -[966] Exod. XXIII, 16, XXXIV, 22. - -[967] Cp. above, p. 268. - -[968] See above, p. 234. - -[969] Lev. XXIII, 24. - -[970] Grubb, p. 139. - -[971] Liebstadt, quoted by Frazer, p. 309. - -[972] Teschauer, p. 736. - -[973] Gumilla, quoted by Frazer, p. 310; cp. Gilij, above, p. 49. - -[974] von den Steinen in _Globus_, from old sources difficult of -access and in part in manuscript. - -[975] Kidd, quoted by Frazer, p. 116. - -[976] Callaway, p. 397. - -[977] Friederich, p. 86. - -[978] Thurnwald, p. 342. - -[979] Mathias G., p. 211. - -[980] Ellis, _Polyn. Res._³, I, 312. - -[981] _Ibid._, p. 87; Wegener, p. 147. - -[982] Ed. Meyer, _Chron._, p. 20. - -[983] Cp. above, pp. 248 f., and especially the Pleiades year, pp. -274 ff. - -[984] Grimm, p. 105. - -[985] Abbot, pp. 11 ff. - -[986] von Hahn, II, 111. - -[987] Grimm, pp. 101 ff. - -[988] Grimm, p. 104. - -[989] Grimm, pp. 98 ff. - -[990] _koložeg_, also December. The name cannot be taken as referring -to the disc of the sun; popularly it is said that once it was so cold -during this month that the people had to burn even their waggons in -order to warm themselves. - -[991] Yermoloff, p. 54. - -[992] According to Yermoloff, p. 428, October. - -[993] The Czechs have for some centuries distinguished _červen_ and -_červenec_ as June and July respectively, or also:--‘the little _č_.’ -= June, ‘the great _č_.’ = July. - -[994] Yermoloff, p. 394. - -[995] The much-disputed name _Hornung_ is rightly explained by -Bilfinger, _Bes. Beil. des Staats-Anzeigers f. Württemberg_, 1900, -pp. 193 ff. It describes the month as ‘the one that has been -curtailed of its rights’ (cf. Icel. _hornungr_), since it has fewer -days than the others: cf. the Flemish term _het kort mandeken_. -The same writer, _Zts. f. deutsche Wortforschung 5_, 1903, pp. 263 -ff., satisfactorily explains _Sporkel_ as the month in which the -vines are pruned; the name _Rebmonat_ has the same sense. Further -he conjectures that as November is the slaughtering month and -_Louwmaend_ (= January) is the tanning month, _Sellemaend_ takes its -name from the sale of the hides. - -[996] Ebner, p. 9. - -[997] _Ibid._, p. 5. - -[998] Weinhold, _Mon._, pp. 31 ff. - -[999] Above, p. 77. - -[1000] Tille, pp. 19 and 15. - -[1001] This pair is evidently to be explained otherwise: cp. -Bilfinger, above, p. 289, note 1. - -[1002] Beda, _De temp. rat._, c. 15. - -[1003] This interpretation however involves the difficulty that -_hreðe_ is usually written without _h_ (Ekwall). - -[1004] Hampson, I, 422 ff. - -[1005] _Bibl. der angelsächs. Poesie, herausgeg. v. C. W. M. Grein_, -II, Göttingen, 1858, pp. 1 ff. - -[1006] Hickes, I, 215. - -[1007] The quotations are given in the Oxford Dictionary; see further -Hampson, II, 194. - -[1008] Aubrey, _Rom. Gentilisme_, 1686-7. - -[1009] Bilfinger, _Unters._, II, 125 ff. - -[1010] _Lið_, ‘ship’, _liða_, ‘seafarer’ have short _i_ and could not -give _þriliði_. - -[1011] F. Kluge, _Nominale Stammbildungslehre_, 2nd ed., 1899, p. 66. -The word is used in _Coloss._ II, 16, and translates Greek νεομηνία; -this word really means ‘new moon’, but in later Greek any festival. -Hence it is not very surprising that Ulfilas should have put ‘full -moon’ for νεομηνία. - -[1012] Bilfinger, _Unters._, I, 7. - -[1013] Worm, p. 48; Finn Magnusson in _Edda_ III, 1044 ff., whence -the translations are taken. - -[1014] _Edda_ III, 1044 ff. - -[1015] Weinhold, _Mon._, p. 23, without giving source. - -[1016] Worm, pp. 43 ff. - -[1017] Hickes, I, 215, written _Blindemanet_. - -[1018] _Edda_ III, 1044 ff. - -[1019] Hickes, _loc. cit._, has as variants 1, _Ism._, 10, _Riidm._, -11, _Winterm._ - -[1020] The history of the Swedish list of months is dealt with in -detail by the present writer in the essay _De svenska månadsnamnen, -Stud. Tegn._, pp. 173 ff., to which the reader is referred for the -documents. - -[1021] _Ibid._, pp. 177 ff. - -[1022] Bilfinger, _Unters._, I, 32. - -[1023] Weinhold, _Mon._, pp. 38 and 58; Axel Olrik, _Zeitschr. des -Vereins f. Volkskunde, 20_, 1910, p. 57. - -[1024] _Unters._, I, 49 ff. - -[1025] Celsius, pp. 211, 65. - -[1026] Beckman, _Stud. Tegn._, pp. 200 ff. - -[1027] Beckman, _loc. cit._, tries to prove the heathen origin of -the computation of the _disting_ and its independence of the Easter -reckoning by the statement that the former follows the phenomena of -the heavens, the latter the rule of computation, which may lead to a -different result. Unfortunately this conclusion cannot be considered -too binding, since for the people in general, who knew nothing about -this rule,--how late in medieval times the rune-staves appeared we do -not know, but certainly not at the beginning of the Middle Ages--it -was still absolutely necessary to determine in some degree the -time of fasting and the Easter time. And if the absolutely correct -calculation could not be made, it was still better than nothing to -have one that was at least approximate and easy to make. The fact -that the moon of fasting was calculated from the phenomena of the -heavens is expressly stated in the rule as given above, p. 301. - -[1028] Saga of Saint Olaf, ch. 76. - -[1029] Olaus Andreae and Gerardus Erici, 1600; Petrus Gisæus, 1603. - -[1030] _Ny inkombling_ = ‘new-comer’, ‘intruder’. - -[1031] Celsius, p. 111. - -[1032] See above, p. 299. - -[1033] J. Häyhä, III, 101 ff. - -[1034] There can here be no question of the Catholic regulation of -the moons by the Epiphany Day, since if this were assumed the first -heart-moon could not begin earlier than Dec. 27, and would therefore -not come within the winter solstice, as the account says it must. - -[1035] Schiefner, p. 217. - -[1036] Wiklund, pp. 5 ff. - -[1037] _Act. soc. scient. fennicae, 12_, 1883, p. 166. - -[1038] See above, p. 300. - -[1039] Cranz, I, 293; Dalsager, p. 54. - -[1040] Holm, _10_, p. 141; _39_, p. 105. - -[1041] _Ibid._, 142, 104. - -[1042] Turner, p. 202. - -[1043] Above, p. 246. - -[1044] Stevenson, pp. 108 ff., cf. 148 ff. - -[1045] Fewkes, pp. 256 ff. - -[1046] Garcilasso de la Vega, I, 199 ff. - -[1047] Callaway, p. 395. - -[1048] Casalis, quoted by Frazer, p. 117. - -[1049] Meier, pp. 706 ff. - -[1050] Parkinson, p. 378. - -[1051] Forster, p. 436. - -[1052] Fornander, p. 127. - -[1053] νῆσός τις Συρίη ... Ὀρτυγίης καθύπερθεν, ὅθι τροπαὶ -ἠελίοιο--Od. XV, 403. - -[1054] Hesiod, _Op._, 564 and 663 respectively. - -[1055] Cf. my _Årets folkliga fester_, p. 157. - -[1056] Above, pp. 21 f.; so also Ginzel, III, 57. - -[1057] Snorre’s Edda, I, 150; cf. above, p. 21. - -[1058] _Flateyjarbók_, I, 539. - -[1059] Riste, pp. 6 and 8. - -[1060] Above, pp. 137 ff. - -[1061] Nieuwenhuis, I, 317. - -[1062] _Ibid._, I, 160. - -[1063] Hose and McDougall, I, 106 ff.; unfortunately I have not had -access to the work of Hose quoted by Frazer on p. 314, n. 3, _Various -Modes of computing the Time for Planting among the Races of Borneo_, -Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, no. 42, -Singapore, 1905. - -[1064] Crawfurd, I, 300 ff. - -[1065] Hose and McDougall, p. 108. - -[1066] _Ibid._, I, 109; II, 139. - -[1067] p. 104. - -[1068] Mooney, _Siouan Tribes_, p. 32. - -[1069] Powers, p. 352. - -[1070] Du Pratz, III, 237 ff. - -[1071] Dunbar, p. 1. - -[1072] Above, p. 104. - -[1073] Alberti, p. 68. - -[1074] Claus, p. 38. - -[1075] Above, p. 93. - -[1076] Chervin, p. 229. - -[1077] Roscoe, _Baganda_, p. 42. - -[1078] Kötz, p. 21. - -[1079] Swoboda, p. 22. - -[1080] Reed, p. 64. - -[1081] Codrington, p. 353. - -[1082] _Ibid._, p. 272. - -[1083] Thurnwald, p. 331. - -[1084] Brandeis, p. 78. - -[1085] Gatschet, p. 17. - -[1086] Thomas, _Austr._, p. 27. - -[1087] Above, p. 178. - -[1088] Jochelson, _Yukaghir_, pp. 40 ff. - -[1089] Barrett, p. 35. - -[1090] Stannus, p. 288. - -[1091] Landtman, communicated by letter. - -[1092] Weeks, _Bakongo_, pp. 199 ff. - -[1093] Hammar, p. 156. - -[1094] Torday and Joyce, _35_, 413; _36_, 47 and 277. - -[1095] Weeks, p. 200. - -[1096] Thomas, _Edo_, I, 18. - -[1097] Thomas, _Ibo_, I, 127. - -[1098] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, 139. - -[1099] Ellis, _Yoruba_, pp. 142 ff. - -[1100] Above, p. 90; Dennett, pp. 133 ff. - -[1101] Conradt, p. 15. - -[1102] Ellis, _Tshi_, p. 216. - -[1103] _Ibid._, p. 219. - -[1104] Thomas, _Edo_, I, 18. - -[1105] Ellis, _Yoruba_, p. 149. - -[1106] Wilken, p. 199. - -[1107] _Ibid._, p. 200. - -[1108] Ginzel, I, 414 ff.; Crawfurd, I, 289 ff., Wilken, pp. 197 ff. - -[1109] References in Webster, pp. 103 ff., where also will be found -more about the African market-days. - -[1110] Garcilasso de la Vega, I, 6 and 35; Webster, pp. 119 ff. - -[1111] Quoted from Hehn, p. 114. - -[1112] II Kings, IV, 23. - -[1113] Macrob., I, 16, 28 ff. - -[1114] Above, pp. 251 f. - -[1115] W. Backer, _Zeitschr. f. d. altest. Wiss., 29_, 1909, 148 ff. - -[1116] Jerem. XVII, 21 ff. - -[1117] Nehem. X, 31. - -[1118] Nehem. XIII, 15 ff. - -[1119] Spencer and Gillen, _Nat. Tribes_, pp. 169 ff. - -[1120] P. 336. - -[1121] Above, p. 68. - -[1122] Nieuwenhuis, I, 161. - -[1123] Martin, p. 290. - -[1124] Above, pp. 68 f. - -[1125] Jenks, pp. 206 ff. - -[1126] Leonard, pp. 434 ff. - -[1127] Jochelson, _Koryak_, pp. 86 ff. - -[1128] Cp. above, p. 269. - -[1129] Powers, p. 305. - -[1130] Cp. Mauss, _Essai sur les variations saisonnières des sociétés -Eskimos, L’année sociologique, 9_, 1904-5, pp. 96 ff. That the time -of freedom from work should become a festival time is obvious and is -simpler than Mauss seems to think; the point deserved noting among -other peoples also. - -[1131] Cp. my _Årets folkliga fester_, p. 161. - -[1132] Pp. 320 ff. - -[1133] Above, pp. 151 ff. - -[1134] Du Pratz, II, 354 ff. - -[1135] Foa, p. 120. - -[1136] Nisbet, II, 287. - -[1137] Kötz, p. 21. - -[1138] P. 331; cp. the handbooks, and Förster’s essay. - -[1139] Lev. XXIII, 5, 6, and 34; cp. Ezekiel XLV, 21 ff. - -[1140] Exod. XXXIV, 18, XXIII, 15, _le moed chodesh ha-abib_; cp. -Exod. XIII, 4 ff. - -[1141] XVI, I. - -[1142] Above, pp. 235 f. - -[1143] Judges IX, 27; XXI, 19 f.; Nowack II, 151. - -[1144] Exod. XXXIV, 22. - -[1145] Numbers IX, 11 ff. - -[1146] Perhaps Solomon also celebrated the dedication of the Temple -and the Feast of Tabernacles in the same month: Nowack, II, 151, n. -2. - -[1147] Cp. my article in _Arch. f. Religionswiss., 14_, 1911, p. 441, -and my _Entstehung etc._, p. 33. - -[1148] Warneck, pp. 350 ff. - -[1149] Above, p. 312. - -[1150] Cranz, p. 229. - -[1151] Above, pp. 196 and 313. - -[1152] Above, pp. 195 and 313. - -[1153] Ginzel, I, 436. - -[1154] Above, p. 196. - -[1155] Chervin, p. 229. - -[1156] Above, pp. 204 f. - -[1157] Above, pp. 228 ff. - -[1158] Cp. my _Entstehung etc._, pp. 51 ff. - -[1159] Friederich, p. 88. - -[1160] Brough-Smyth, I, 432, quoted by Kötz, pp. 26 f. - -[1161] Pp. 132 f. - -[1162] _R. T. Str._, p. 224. - -[1163] Gilij, II, 21. - -[1164] Above, p. 241. - -[1165] Jenks, p. 219. - -[1166] Above, pp. 103 f. - -[1167] Above, pp. 169 f. - -[1168] Macdonald, p. 291. - -[1169] Hose and McDougall, pp. 106 ff.; cp. above, p. 318. - -[1170] Above, pp. 318 and 317. - -[1171] Crawfurd, I, 300 f. - -[1172] Ellis, _Tshi_, p. 216. - -[1173] Mischlich, p. 127. - -[1174] Fewkes, pp. 258 ff.; cp. above, p. 313. - -[1175] Stevenson, p. 108 f.; cp. above, p. 312. - -[1176] W. D. Alexander, quoted by Malo, p. 59, n. 7. - -[1177] Bastian, quoted by Kötz, p. 62. - -[1178] White, quoted by Kötz, p. 63. - -[1179] _Loango Exp._, III: 2, 138, note; cp. above, p. 248. - -[1180] Above, p. 313. - -[1181] Above, pp. 212 f. - -[1182] Erdland, pp. 16 ff.; cp. above, p. 126. - -[1183] Parkinson, p. 377. - -[1184] Kubary, p. 62. - -[1185] Forster, p. 441; cp. above, p. 125. - -[1186] Kötz, p. 64. - -[1187] Above, p. 210. - -[1188] Ellis, _Pol. Res._³, I, 89 ff. - -[1189] Maass, p. 512. - -[1190] Feist, p. 262. - -[1191] With this section compare my _Entstehung etc._, where a fuller -discussion and authorities are given. - -[1192] Above, pp. 33 ff., 46 f., 72 f., 110 ff. - -[1193] ἠλιτόμηνος, Il. XIX, 118. - -[1194] Above, pp. 313 and 167. - -[1195] Fotheringham in his interesting paper on Cleostratus (_Journ. -of Hell. Studies, 39_, 1919, 177) tries to explain this alternation -by the intercalation; if a month was intercalated the games would -be transferred from Parthenios to Apollonios. This is in my opinion -impossible. The Greek feasts were bound up with the months, which -were named from some of them; this association prevented a feast from -being transferred to a month with another name, i. e. the feast was -fixed with reference to the name of the month, not to its number. - -[1196] Axel W. Persson, _Die Exegeten und Delphi_, Lunds Universitets -Årsskrift, vol. 14, 1918, Nr. 22. - -[1197] Above, p. 330. My statement in _Archiv für -Religionswissenschaft, 14_, 1911, pp. 435 and 448 n. 1, is to be -tested by this. It agrees exactly. - -[1198] See my _Griechische Feste_, p. 397. - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - Names beginning with Mc or Mac sometimes had a space before the rest - of the name, for example ‘Mac Pherson’; this space has been removed. - - Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been - corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within - the text and consultation of external sources. - - Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, - and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. - - Table of Contents: ‘P. 78 NOTE 1’ replaced by ‘P. 78 NOTE 2’. - Pg 48: ‘nights in sucession’ replaced by ‘nights in succession’. - Pg 73: ‘_grishna_, hot season’ replaced by ‘_grishma_, hot season’. - Pg 184: ‘goose moonth’ replaced by ‘goose month’. - Pg 207: ‘lakabutik kiik’ replaced by ‘lakubutik kiik’. - Pg 242: ‘to accomodate their’ replaced by ‘to accommodate their’. - Pg 264: ‘astromony is’ replaced by ‘astronomy is’. - Pg 338: ‘Ifejiohu, god’ replaced by ‘Ifejioku, god’. - Pg 375: ‘London [1841]’ replaced by ‘London (1841)’. - Pg 377: ‘Meineke, C. E.’ replaced by ‘Meinicke, C. E.’. - Pg 380: ‘Vega, Garcilasso’ replaced by ‘Vega, Garcilaso’. - - Addendum: ‘P. 78 NOTE 1’ (Footnote 335) replaced by ‘P. 78 NOTE 2’ - (Footnote 336). - - Footnote 692: ‘Treager’ replaced by ‘Tregear’. - Footnote 693: ‘cp. Treagear’ replaced by ‘cp. Tregear’. - Footnote 728: ‘Teit, _Shushwap_’ replaced by ‘Teit, _Shuswap_’. - Footnote 900: ‘Treagear, p.’ replaced by ‘Tregear, p.’. - Footnote 923: ‘_Erg._, 131’ replaced by ‘_Erg._, p. 131’. - - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PRIMITIVE TIME-RECKONING *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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