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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a07c5c0 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #64684 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/64684) diff --git a/old/64684-0.txt b/old/64684-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 6229fb9..0000000 --- a/old/64684-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1470 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Hawkins-Davison Houses, Frederica, St. -Simons Island, Georgia, by Margaret Davis Cate - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Hawkins-Davison Houses, Frederica, St. Simons Island, Georgia - -Author: Margaret Davis Cate - -Release Date: March 04, 2021 [eBook #64684] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Stephen Hutcheson and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HAWKINS-DAVISON HOUSES, FREDERICA, -ST. SIMONS ISLAND, GEORGIA *** - - - - - HAWKINS-DAVISON HOUSES - FREDERICA - St. Simons Island, Georgia - - - Reprinted from - THE GEORGIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY - Vol. XL No. 3 Sept. 1956 - - Publication No. 2 - FORT FREDERICA ASSOCIATION - - - - - The Original Houses of Frederica, Georgia: - The Hawkins-Davison Houses - - - By Margaret Davis Cate[1] - -The recent excavation of the building sites in the old Town of Frederica -has stirred interest in this now “Dead Town” and in the fortification, -Fort Frederica. - -Fort Frederica, located at a bluff on the western shore of St. Simons -Island, Georgia, and on the Inland Waterway, was founded in 1736 by the -British under the leadership of James Edward Oglethorpe, as an outpost -to protect the colony of Georgia and the other British possessions to -the north against the Spaniards in Florida. It became one of the most -expensive fortifications built by the British in America and the -military headquarters for a string of fortifications erected along this -southern frontier of Britain’s provinces in North America. - -The Town of Frederica, adjacent to the fort, was settled by forty -families brought here at that time. These settlers built Fort Frederica -and manned the fortifications until the coming of the regiment of -British soldiers two years later. - -Occupying about thirty-five acres of land, the town was half a hexagon -in shape, divided by Talbott Street, generally called Broad Street, into -two wards—North Ward and South Ward—and was laid out into eighty-four -lots, which were granted to the settlers and on which they built their -homes. About half a mile from Frederica, and surrounding the town on -three sides, were the garden lots while the fifty-acre tracts granted -the settlers were located in various parts of St. Simons Island. - -Later, a larger area of safety being necessary, the entire town was -fortified and surrounded by a moat, the banks of which formed the -ramparts of the town. A wall of posts ten feet high, forming the -stockade and palisade, flanked both sides of the moat, with five-sided -towers on the corner bastions. Entrance into the town was through the -Town Gate. - -This old Town of Frederica was a thriving community in its day. The -streets were lined with houses, some built of brick, some of tabby, and -others of wood. John and Charles Wesley, founders of Methodism, who came -to Georgia in 1736 as missionaries of the Church of England, were in -charge of religious affairs. The town government consisted of a -magistrate, recorder, constables, and tythingmen. There were two -taverns, an apothecary shop, and numerous other shops and stores. The -trades and professions were represented by the hatter, tailor, dyer, -weaver, tanner, shoemaker, cordwainer, saddler, sawyer, woodcutter, -carpenter, coachmaker, bricklayer, pilot, surveyor, accountant, baker, -brewer, tallow candler, cooper, blacksmith, locksmith, brazier, miller, -millwright, wheelwright, husbandman, doctor, surgeon, midwife, -Oglethorpe’s secretary, Keeper of the King’s Stores, and officers of -Oglethorpe’s Regiment. Frederica was a barracks town, so that its -business life was dependent on the money brought in by the soldiers of -the Regiment. - -After the British victory at Bloody Marsh and the defeat of the enemy in -the Spanish Invasion of 1742 (War of Jenkins’ Ear), peace was made with -Spain by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748; and the regiment of -British soldiers was disbanded the following year. - -Having gloriously achieved the purpose for which it was built, Frederica -now became a “Dead Town.” Gone were the soldiers who had given it life, -followed by the tradesmen and other settlers. The houses fell into -decay, brick and tabby walls tumbled, and fire took its toll. Much of -the old brick and tabby was hauled away and used in structures erected -during the plantation era and, in time, no evidence remained on the -surface to show that these houses had ever existed. Other families came, -built their houses on these sites, and for generations lived within the -confines of the old town. - -Of the several buildings Oglethorpe had erected within Fort Frederica -the ruin of only one remained and this was situated on the property of -Mrs. Belle Stevens Taylor. In 1903, Mrs. Taylor, through her friendship -for Mrs. Georgia Page Wilder, President of the Georgia Society of the -Colonial Dames of America, gave to this Society the plot of ground on -which stood this ruin, which the Colonial Dames repaired and saved for -posterity. - - [Illustration: _Map of Frederica made in 1796 by Joshua Miller, - Deputy Surveyor, Glynn County, Georgia. Original in Georgia - Department of Archives and History, Atlanta_] - -Four decades later, under the leadership of the late Judge and Mrs. S. -Price Gilbert of Atlanta and Alfred W. Jones of Sea Island, the Fort -Frederica Association raised the funds necessary for acquiring the lands -occupied by the old fort and town. In 1945 the property thus acquired -was taken over by the National Park Service and is now known as the Fort -Frederica National Monument. - -Little was known about the lay-out of Frederica. Twenty-five years ago -the only published map which gave information about the pattern of the -town was that which forms the frontispiece for the chapter on -“Frederica” in _Dead Towns of Georgia_ by Charles C. Jones, Jr.[2] -Though this map gave the plan of the old town, it was too small to be of -any value. - -The only maps available which gave any detailed information about the -fort and the town were those made in 1796 by Joshua Miller, Deputy -Surveyor of Glynn County, Georgia. These were made by order of the -General Assembly of Georgia, which named Commissioners for the Town of -Frederica, directing them to have a resurvey made to lay out the town -“as nearly as possible to the original plan thereof....”[3] One was a -detailed map of the Town of Frederica, showing the lay-out of the town, -with the streets, wards and lots, together with the number of each lot. -Then, for the first time was it possible to locate the exact lot on -which any particular settler had lived.[4] - -In 1952 original manuscript maps of Fort Frederica and the Town of -Frederica, dated 1736, were found in the John Carter Brown Library, -Brown University, Providence, R. I. The legend states that these maps -were made “by a Swiss engineer,” whom the author has identified as -Samuel Augspourger, a native of Switzerland, who was surveyor at -Frederica in 1736.[5] The Augspourger map of Fort Frederica is most -valuable, giving information about the fort, parapets, palisades, moat, -and other details which had hitherto been unknown. However, -Augspourger’s map of the Town of Frederica gave no information as to the -lot numbers, names of streets, and other details which were desired. - -Information about the Frederica settlers and their way of life has been -buried in old letters and other records. Only by careful reading of -available material in the scores of published and unpublished volumes of -the colonial records of Georgia could small bits of such information be -found and pieced together to give the picture of early days at -Frederica. It is known that records were kept of the lot owners, for -Oglethorpe wrote the Trustees in 1738, “I send you a Plan of ye Town of -Frederica with the Granted Lotts & the names of the Possessors”[6] but -this list has not yet been located among Georgia’s early records. - -Even though these volumes of the colonial records contained the names of -many of the settlers and told of the part they played in the life of -Frederica, rarely did they contain information as to the number of the -lot which such individuals occupied. Not until 1947 when the University -of Georgia purchased a manuscript collection of Georgiana, known as the -Egmont Papers of the Phillipps Collection, did this definite information -become available. From material in this collection Dr. E. Merton Coulter -and Dr. Albert B. Saye edited in 1949 _A List of the Early Settlers of -Georgia_, which gives the lot numbers granted these settlers and makes -it possible to locate each individual on the proper lot. - -It is believed that this list was compiled in England by Viscount -Percival, Earl of Egmont, President of the Board of Trustees for the -Founding of the Colony of Georgia, from information sent over from -Georgia from time to time. As is so often the case with such records, -there were errors. One such instance is the listing of lot number 2, -South Ward, Frederica, for Samuel Davison and the same lot for Dr. -Thomas Hawkins. Since the Hawkins and Davison families came to Frederica -at the same time and were among the first settlers of Frederica, it is -obvious that both of them could not have had lot number 2, South Ward. - -Davison left Georgia in 1741,[7] moving to Charleston, S. C., and Dr. -Hawkins returned to England in 1743.[8] In 1767 George Mackintosh -petitioned for lot number 1, South Ward of Frederica “formerly belonging -to Dr. Hawkins.”[9] His petition was not granted. In January of the -following year Christian Perkins,[10] widow, petitioned the Colonial -Council, stating that “there was a Lot in Frederica known by the Name of -Dr. Hawkins’s which was left in the Care and Possession of the -Petitioner’s late Husband by John Hawkins the said Doctor’s Brother who -was supposed to be entitled thereto That her said Husband from the Time -the said Lot was so left with him to the Time of his Death (being many -Years) had the Possession thereof and constantly accounted for the Taxes -and other Provincial Duties,” and asked that it be granted to her.[11] -This was done, the lot being recorded as number 1, South Ward.[12] Thus, -in this 1768 record we have proof that lot number 1, South Ward belonged -to Dr. Hawkins, leaving Samuel Davison in undisputed possession of lot -number 2. - -The families who occupied these two lots were different in every way. -Dr. Thomas Hawkins and his wife, Beatre, who occupied lot number 1, were -troublemakers; in fact, Mrs. Hawkins was known as “a mean woman.”[13] -Samuel Davison, with his wife, Susanna, their little daughter, Susanna -(born in England), and sons, John and Samuel (born at Frederica),[14] -who lived on lot number 2, were good citizens and well liked by the -other settlers. - -Dr. Hawkins was one of the important personages in the community. Not -only was he the surgeon in Oglethorpe’s Regiment and the medical doctor -for Frederica and the other settlements nearby, but he kept the -apothecary shop, and was First Bailiff. His house on Broad Street was -his residence as well as headquarters for his work. Here he saw patients -and dispensed drugs from his apothecary shop. He claimed his -improvements were “superior to any other.”[15] - -In addition to his pay as surgeon in the Regiment, Hawkins received a -salary of thirty pounds a year as First Bailiff and was allowed twelve -pounds, three shillings, four pence, for clothing and maintaining a -servant, together with an allowance of four pounds for the expense of -“public rejoicings, Anniversary Days, etc.” Also, he had an allowance of -ten pounds for acting as correspondent with William Stephens of -Savannah.[16] - -The Trustees sent him quantities of drugs, sugar, and tallow, to use in -his work. To enable him to go to Darien and other parts of the Colony to -visit the sick, he was allowed twenty-five pounds a year for the upkeep -of his boat, as well as the services of two of the Trustees’ servants. -Hawkins made charges for equipment for this boat, such as blocks and -rope, which the Trustees refused to pay. Likewise they refused to pay -the charge of one shilling for sharpening two surgeon’s saws, and -fifteen shillings for cleaning and grinding his surgical instruments. In -fact, he never seemed able to put through an expense account![17] - -When he was not paid the sums he claimed, he wrote: “I continue the care -of the sick, widows, servants and Indians and objects of charity as well -as the bailiffship but cannot get regular payment....” He further -claimed “my constitution [is] ruined by fatigue; character hurted by -Malicious Aspersions, My Dues kept from me.”[18] - -There were those, however, who did not think he had earned all he -claimed. Thomas Jones wrote that “he had not administered one dose of -physic to any poor person but refused, unless paid for which has been -done by contributions from the inhabitants....”[19] - -Oglethorpe defended Hawkins and wrote the Trustees: “I do well know that -he has attended the Sick very carefully and that he constantly went up -to Darien when I was here, and I suppose he did so when I was not, It is -no little thing to go in open Boats in all Weathers near Twenty Miles & -no small Expence to hire Men and Boats ... for tho he is very capable of -Doing his Duty as a Surgeon he is very ignorant in Accounts.”[20] - -Perkins, Moore, Calwell and Allen were among the Frederica settlers who -had altercations with Hawkins and two of his neighbors wrote that “if it -were not for debts and demands made on Hawkins there would be little use -for Court at Frederica.” In 1742 he was removed from office as First -Bailiff.[21] - -Beatre Hawkins and her friend, Anne Welch, wife of John Welch, who with -their three children lived a few doors down the street on lot number 7, -South Ward[22] thoroughly disliked the Wesleys. The Hawkins and Welch -families had crossed the Atlantic in the same boat with Oglethorpe and -the Wesleys. During this voyage religious services had been held for the -passengers and Mrs. Hawkins had seemed greatly moved by John Wesley’s -preaching and professed to be awakened to a new and better life. Charles -Wesley, observing her actions, saw through her hypocrisy and warned his -brother that her repentance was not genuine. She learned of this and, -so, hated the Wesleys.[23] - -After their arrival at Frederica these women attributed Oglethorpe’s -puritanical sternness to the moral and religious influence of the -Wesleys and conspired to bring about a break between Oglethorpe and the -clergymen. They fabricated a fantastic story of their indiscretions and -“confessed” these “misdeeds” to Charles Wesley, then told Oglethorpe -that Charles Wesley was spreading this tale. It was not until John -Wesley arrived from Savannah that the matter was cleared up, the truth -known, and mutual respect restored between Oglethorpe and the Wesley -brothers, a regard which was maintained throughout the remainder of -their long lives. - -After a few months in Georgia, Charles Wesley returned to England. -However, Mrs. Hawkins persisted in her efforts to persecute John Wesley. -On one of his later visits to Frederica she sent for him. When he -entered the Hawkins house, she, brandishing a pistol in one hand and a -pair of scissors in the other, threatened to shoot him. Wesley held her -hands so that she could not use either weapon; whereupon, she seized his -cassock with her teeth and tore both sleeves to pieces.[24] - -Her altercations with her Frederica neighbors caused one of them to -write, “If that W[oma]n is to be punished in this World, for her -Wickedness, how dreadful will the example be? I grow sick with the -thoughts of her,” and it was said, too, that Dr. Hawkins was “not atall -beloved by the Inhabitants.”[25] - -The Davison family, on the other hand, were good neighbors and were well -liked by the other settlers. Charles Wesley called Davison “my good -Samaritan” and wrote of him and his wife, “to their care, under God, I -owe my life....” Davison was said to be “one of the first of the -industrious villagers.”[26] - -In addition to keeping a tavern, Davison was Second Constable. In 1739 -he was named Overseer of the Trustees’ Servants at a salary of -twenty-five pounds a year, but Hawkins took this position away from him -and named to this office one of the Trustees’ servants who had just -arrived from Germany and spoke hardly a word of English. In 1740 Davison -was named Searcher of Ships at a salary of forty pounds a year.[27] - -For a time Davison seemed to enjoy life at Frederica. Writing to friends -in London in 1738, he said that “we all of us here have been wonderfully -protected by Almighty providence, very few of us have died, & none -sickly; we have great encrease of Children, & women bear, that in Europe -were thought past their time; The Cattle and Hogs yt. were given us on -Credit, thrive very well, & Fowls in great abundance, & one may venture -to say yt. ye place is blest on our Accounts....” - -To another friend, he wrote “my crop wch. was but very small on Acct. of -our being kept back in planting Season by ye alarms of the Spaniards, ye -land I got cleared being very good, gave me great hopes; now this Year I -have got at both plantations 6 acres & 38 perches of Land well fenced -about 6 & 7 foot high; & planted, wch. I hope in God will afford me & my -family Bread;... My wife was brought to bed of a John in July last, a -fine thriving child, & little Susan grows apace.”[28] - -However, in 1741, Davison with his family left Frederica and moved to -Charleston, S. C., complaining of the treatment he had received from Dr. -Hawkins and giving this as his reason for leaving.[29] It is not known -when Samuel Davison died, but his wife, Susanna, died in St. Bartholomew -Parish, Colleton County, S. C. in 1761. Her will (on file in the South -Carolina Archives, Columbia) names Susanna (who married John Smith), -John, and Samuel, the children who had lived at Frederica; and William, -who was born after they moved to South Carolina. - -It was known that Hawkins and Davison had adjoining lots, that the -houses had a “party wall,” that they were built of brick and three -stories high. When funds were made available for excavating a small area -in the Town of Frederica, it was decided to begin with these two lots. -The location of the “party wall” would fix the lot line between these -two lots, thus, making it possible to set up the exact boundaries of all -the Frederica lots. - - - - - The Excavation of The Hawkins-Davison Houses, Frederica National - Monument, St. Simons Island, Georgia - - - By Charles H. Fairbanks[30] - -The object of archaeological excavations is usually to discover general -information on the way of life of some people dead for long periods of -time. In the case of these excavations we were faced with a more -detailed problem, that of locating the remains of the Hawkins-Davison -houses, whose existence and construction type was quite well known. - -Fort Frederica National Monument is located on the western edge of St. -Simons Island. It was established as a national monument to preserve the -remains of the important 18th century fort and town founded by James -Edward Oglethorpe as a defense against the Spanish in Florida. Only part -of one building in the fort and part of the regimental barracks are -still standing. The purposes of the excavation were to attempt to locate -enough colonial features so that the original layout of the town could -be tied to the existing topography, and to provide a field exhibit of -colonial architecture. The documentary information on the town was -compiled by National Park Service Collaborator Margaret Davis Cate. Mrs. -Cate, in addition to her general research on the Town of Frederica, -prepared a detailed evaluation of the documents pertaining to each lot. -This was extremely helpful in appraising the historic material and -formed the basis of the plan for excavating, as well as for this paper. -In addition to the letters, the documents contained the Miller Map of -1796 which showed the arrangement of the lots, streets, fort, and -barracks as well as showing the size of the lots and the width of the -streets. The map contained certain inaccuracies and did not show any -point that could be accurately located at the present time. In addition, -it did not show the location of any house in the town. For these reasons -it was felt desirable to excavate a house site in the town that might be -identified through descriptions in the colonial documents. The -Hawkins-Davison houses filled these conditions, being built of brick and -having a common “party wall.” Thus it was felt that these houses would -probably yield identifiable remains and it might be possible to locate -the land lot lines and the alignment of Broad Street, the main street of -the town. - -Dr. Thomas Hawkins, town physician and one of the magistrates, was a -member of the “Great Embarkation” of 1735 which arrived in February, -1736. His household consisted of his wife, Beatre, and servants Thomas -Ayot and Richard Carpenter.[31] Work was started on the houses for the -first settlers in February of 1736 and seems to have consisted at first -of simple huts of poles covered with palmetto thatch. Francis Moore, on -his arrival at Frederica in March of 1736 says that “Each family had a -bower of palmetto leaves, finished upon the back street in their own -lands; the side towards the front street was set out for their houses. -These palmetto bowers were very convenient shelters, being tight in the -hardest rains; they were about twenty foot long, and fourteen foot wide, -and in regular rows, looked very pretty, the palmetto leaves lying -smooth and handsome, and of a good color. The whole appeared something -like a camp; for the bowers looked like tents, only being larger, and -covered with palmetto leaves instead of canvas.”[32] By November of 1736 -the first two houses were nearly complete, three stories high, made of -brick.[33] It is possible that these two were the Hawkins and Davison -houses. Dr. Hawkins said, in a letter to the Trustees in November, 1737, -that he had added half as much more to the length of his house.[34] In -August of 1740 he had made another addition valued at £60.[35] This -completes the direct mention of buildings and additions to the Hawkins -house but a deposition taken in South Carolina in 1741 describes the two -houses in some detail and is quoted at length: - - [Illustration: _Architectural Drawing of Hawkins-Davison houses. - Details based on historical documentation and archaeological - evidence. Abreu & Robson, Architects._] - - [Illustration: _Hawkins-Davison houses from the east. Davison house - in foreground._] - -“John Robertson, late brick layer in Frederica, in Georgia, maketh oath -and saith, that on or about the ninth of August last, being at work on -Mr. Davison’s house, adjoining to Mr. Hawkin’s, at the said Frederica, -on which the said Davison was putting a new roof, he did propose to the -said Hawkins, to take up a few shingles, and a gutter belonging to the -said Hawkins’s house, and put the said gutter on the party-wall, to -which the said Hawkins agreed; saying that it would be a benefit to him, -because he must be obliged to alter the roof of his own house soon: and -the said Davison being to lay down a new gutter at his own expense, it -would serve for both houses, and which must save one half the expense of -the said gutter to the said Hawkins. But the said Hawkins being out of -town, a day or two after General Oglethorpe sent to the said Davison, to -forbid him to touch anything belonging to the said Hawkins’s house, -though the said gutter encroached fourteen inches on the said Davison’s -ground, and the said Oglethorpe’s own carpenter said it might be done in -a few hours, and without harm to the Doctor.* [Hawkins—in footnote]. -That the said Oglethorpe did soon after, on the same day, stand on the -sill of the said Hawkins’s window, and put his head up betwixt the -joists of the said Davison’s house, and ordered Mr. Cannon to build the -said joists six inches lower; when the said Cannon told the said -Oglethorpe they were but six inches deep; when the said Oglethorpe -replied, he did not care, they might take it down, and build the house -six inches lower; when the said Cannon said, that one roof would fall -lower than the other, and that therefore it would be impossible to make -the said Davison’s house tight, or keep it dry; then the said Oglethorpe -said, you might have thought of that before. And further, that the said -Oglethorpe did then say to the said Cannon, if you touch a shingle of -what the Doctor (meaning Hawkins) has put down, I’LL SHOOT YOU, to which -he added a great oath, for you have done more than you can answer in -building so high as to stop up the Doctor’s window. That the said -Davison being thus hindered from finishing his house, was forced to -remove his goods from the said house (which was quite open,) and had -only a stable for his family to be in, until this deponent left the said -Frederica, which was on the 29th of September, 1741.”[36] - -We also know that Dr. Hawkins had planted two hedges on his lot but -there is no mention of fences.[37] - -Samuel Davison was a chairman by trade but had been brought to Frederica -to make musket stocks. He was married and had three children. His was -probably one of the two brick houses nearing completion in November of -1736. By April of 1738 it was finished. In January 16, 1740 Davison -complained to Egmont that Dr. Hawkins said “when my house was finished -he would sell my children, one to the Carpenter, and the other to the -Plasterer that did my house, which is very cutting to a tender -parent.”[38] The deposition quoted at length on Dr. Hawkins’ house, of -course, applies to Davison’s house as well. Davison also kept a tavern -and other references indicate his lot was fenced.[39] - -From these references it will be seen that the two houses were -substantial enough to leave some remains, had a party wall which would -follow the lot line, and the presumed location of the houses was in an -area not heavily farmed in the last century. - -It was hoped that the location of the party wall mentioned in the -documents would lead to a determination of the present location of the -original town lot lines. In this way we could locate streets, lots, -houses and other features of the colonial town of Frederica. Rarely, I -believe, has careful documentary research been so well vindicated as in -this case. We uncovered the wall foundations of the Hawkins-Davison -houses and clearly demonstrated the present location of the line -separating South Ward Lots 1 and 2. The discovery of colonial wells -yielded an additional dividend of many objects which illustrate the -early 18th Century culture of the town of Frederica. In addition the -exposed foundations serve as a vivid illustration of the existence of an -English style of life established on the soil of Georgia. - -The digging was started just to the west of the location for the two -houses indicated by Mrs. Cate. As the excavation proceeded we uncovered -the entire area of the two houses and tested the sides of the lots for -evidences of fences. The area of Broad Street was trenched to prove the -existence of the principal street. The wells encountered were cleaned as -far as time permitted. In the following account the features found will -be described in the order in which they were constructed by the -colonists rather than in the order of our discovery. This will give a -much clearer picture of what existed there in the colonial period. - -All of the colonial remains were found to be covered by a deposit of -sandy humus from 0.7 to 1.0 foot deep. This had accumulated over the -foundations after the buildings collapsed in the later part of the 18th -Century. This was somewhat deeper than had been expected and indicated -the rapidity with which remains are obliterated in the lush climate of -the Golden Isles. - - - _The Hawkins House_ - -The house of Dr. Thomas Hawkins consisted of three rooms in ground plan -and will be discussed in the order in which the rooms were constructed. -At the west was a small room 10 feet east and west by 15.3 feet north -and south. The room had undergone three periods of building but only the -first period will concern us here. This consisted of a footing ditch 1.3 -feet wide on the south and west sides. Six inch posts were placed in -this ditch at intervals of about one foot. These posts formed the -framework of a rather rude shed. The level of the floor is uncertain, as -it had been destroyed by later construction. This pole building is -believed to be the shed built at the time of the first arrival of -settlers in 1736. It evidently served as a shelter during the -construction of the main house which was built immediately to the east. -The description by Francis Moore[40] of the palmetto bowers built in -February of 1736 said that they were built on the backs of the lots. -This hut was just the sort of construction one might expect from the -description given by Moore. Yet it is on the front of the lot along -Broad Street, and not on the back. The only explanation is that Dr. -Hawkins did not build his palmetto bower on the back of his lot, or he -may have built two, one at the back and one at the front. The front one -was later incorporated into the main house. - -Directly east and continuous with this original structure the main house -was erected. It measured twenty feet east-west and fifteen feet -north-south, outside dimensions. The ditches for the wall foundations -were dug to a point two and a half feet below colonial ground level. The -walls were constructed of brick 3½″ x 2½″ x 8″ so the finished wall was -one foot wide. The west wall was without a break throughout its entire -length, as was the east wall which formed the party wall with Davison’s -house. Both the north and south walls were broken by doorways three and -a half feet wide in the centers. Evidences of wooden door casings were -found in the doorways. The floor of the room had been excavated two and -a half feet below colonial ground level. It had later been raised four -times by sand fills averaging three inches in thickness. Mixed with the -sands was an occasional brick as well as a few scattered English Delft -sherds and bones of pig and beef. - -It seems that the floors were made of dry-laid bricks set in sand -without mortar. As the floor was raised each time, the bricks were taken -up and replaced at the higher level. When the house was finally -abandoned, the floor bricks were salvaged and thus were absent at the -present time. - -The east wall was the party wall with the Davison house. In the center -there was a brick fireplace five feet wide and two feet deep formed by -extending pilasters one foot wide out from the wall. The sides were -plastered outside and inside with a lime plaster, as were most of the -walls of the room. The fireplace had been re-built three times. The -lowest level was the same as the lowest and earliest floor level. -Subsequently the brick hearth had been removed, a sand fill five inches -deep added and the brick replaced. Similar replacements took place -whenever the floor was raised. The chimney evidently lay in the party -wall and was used by both houses, probably with separate flues. In ashes -resting on the hearth were found the broken remains of a stemmed glass -goblet. It is tempting to speculate that this is evidence of the custom -of hurling goblets, used in toasting royalty, into the fireplace; -possibly a toast to the king after the Battle of Bloody Marsh. - -Between the north wall and the fireplace was a bricked area four and a -half feet wide and two feet deep. The bricks showed no evidence of wear -and this evidently represents the floor of a corner closet. The closet -had evidently been removed before the floor was raised for the last -time. On the floor lay a complete musket bayonet which had been placed -there in its sheath as the copper sheath tip covers the point of the -bayonet. There were also two parts of a door lock and a few scraps of -English Delft and lead glass. - -Three and a half feet north of the north wall of the room was a brick -wall running east and west. It was connected to the main structure at -the east by a short north-south wall and seems to have been an outside -stairwell to the second floor. This wall was eleven and a half feet -long, ending at the west just opposite the western edge of the doorway. -In order to give access to the ground floor the steps must have run from -the northeast corner up to the center of the second floor. Thus the -entrance to the ground floor would be under the top of the steps. The -area between this wall and the main wall of the house was floored with -tabby which extended on the west to a point seven feet beyond the -northwest corner of the building. This tabby floor was littered with -broken crockery, glass, oyster shells, fish scales and animal bones. -Evidently household refuse was allowed to accumulate here under the -front steps, during the occupation of the house. - -The next stage in the development of the house was a strengthening of -the western, original hut. This was accomplished by putting wooden forms -along the inside and outside edges of the posts of the west wall and -pouring tabby around the posts to a height of one foot. This was applied -only to the north ten posts on the west side. On the south side a series -of bricks was found that evidently served as wedges against wall posts. -The floor of the room was at this time slightly more than one and a half -feet below ground level. A remnant of brick floor remained and it seems -likely that the entire floor was bricked. The floor was littered with -fragments of small glass bottles, small white Delft ointment jars, -several glass bottle stoppers, and an ivory enema tube. This implies -that the apothecary shop of Dr. Hawkins was located in this western -room. It is suggested that the strengthening of this hut into an -addition to the house comprises the addition of half the length -mentioned by Hawkins in 1737.[41] The 1740 addition was of brick and -this west room is ten feet wide, half the length, twenty feet, of the -main house. There is evidence of later repairs to the walls of this room -but we do not know of what these alterations consisted. - -During the time from 1736 to 1740 when the main room was in use two -wells were in use successively just to the rear of the Hawkins house. -First was a rectangular well three feet south of the rear wall and just -east of the back door. This well had a rectangular pit four feet square -with posts at the corners which supported a well house. The walls within -the well were held up by wooden barrels placed one above another with -the ends knocked out. The well was six and a half feet deep and there -was less than one foot of water in this well. Several peach pits were -found in the base of this well. The next well was circular directly -south of the back door. It was dug six and a half feet deep and six feet -in diameter. The well proper was bricked in, with a diameter of three -feet. This well contained a variety of objects that had evidently been -included in household trash which was used to fill up the well when it -was abandoned. They consisted of: - - 1 small lead glass round bottle, 50cc. capacity - 1 square bottle, 1 pint capacity, probably a snuff bottle - 1 round bottle, 28 ounces capacity - 1 English brown salt glaze stoneware bottle - 1 English brown and gray salt glaze stoneware mug - 1 English white salt glaze stoneware mug - 1 Small white English Delft ointment jar - 1 yellow and brown striped lead glaze pot with handle - 1 Japanese Imara porcelain bowl, blue on white with red and gilt - overglaze enamels - 1 claw hammer, complete with handle - a quantity of watermelon seeds and peach pits. - -The well was abandoned and filled when it was decided to make another -addition to the house. Tabby floor was laid over the filled well and -soon sank slightly into the well. - -The last addition to the Hawkins house was made at the back and measured -sixteen and a half feet north-south and eighteen and a half feet -east-west. The western side was aligned with the western wall of the -main house, but the eastern wall did not use the party wall. Instead -there was a gap of one and a half feet between the back rooms of the -Hawkins and Davison houses. The brick of the walls measured 4″ x 2″ x -9″, definitely larger than those of the main house. At the southeast -corner there was a large buttress outside the wall, evidently part of a -chimney foundation. Inside the southeast corner was a corner fireplace -set diagonally across the corner. As the tabby floor of this back room -sank into the old well the depression was filled in with more tabby and -later another floor level was added. There is some evidence that finally -a wooden floor was installed, over the tabby. - -There is no evidence as to the height of this back addition to the -Hawkins house. However, the Roberson statement of 1741[42] says that -Oglethorpe stood in the window and put his head between the joists of -Davison’s house. It is further stated that Oglethorpe’s action involved -the roof levels of the two houses. Thus it seems reasonable to assume -that the joists mentioned are roof joists. As the only place in the -Hawkins house where a window could face the Davison house is in the -narrow gap between the south addition and the Davison house it seems -this addition must have been three stories high. As this was the only -addition to the house that was made of brick it seems to correspond to -that mentioned as being completed by August of 1740 which cost £60.[43] - -One other well belonging to the Hawkins lot was forty feet west of the -house just inside the western line of the lot. It was circular and -probably had a well house over it. Slightly over six feet deep the walls -were supported by another series of bottomless barrels. It also had been -filled with household trash including a very fine musket bayonet. All -these wells had planks laid across the bottom, apparently to prevent the -well bucket from muddying the well. This last well had in addition a -large square post of unknown use resting on the plank. Just west of the -well was a poorly defined line of root disturbances which may mark the -location of the hedge of pomegranates mentioned for Dr. Hawkins lot.[44] - - - _The Davison House_ - -The home of Samuel Davison lay to the east of the east wall of the -Hawkins house. The front room was seventeen feet east-west and eighteen -feet north-south. Directly back of this was an additional room twenty -and a half feet east-west and eleven feet north-south. The east wall, -however, was straight, the extra three and a half feet being taken up by -a stairwell along the east side of the north room. The floor of the -north room had originally been excavated to a level two feet four inches -below colonial ground level. Only a disturbed sand strata remained of -the lowest floor level, and it is not possible to determine of what the -floor was originally composed. It was soon covered with a tabby floor -whose upper surface was two feet below ground level. This floor was -later covered by a brick floor, set with tabby mortar in a herringbone -pattern. In the middle of the east wall there was a doorway four feet -four inches wide opening into the stairwell on that side. The floor of -this door appears to have joined a stair up to the stairwell, possibly -to both sides. In the southeast corner of the north room was another -doorway of the same width. A short flight of steps remained leading from -the floor level up to the south. The steps are of brick with a four inch -wooden nosing. - -The north wall and the north half of the east wall were of brick. The -south half of the east wall and the south wall were tabby. In the middle -of the west (party) wall, directly opposite the fireplace of Dr. Hawkins -house, was a fireplace five feet wide. It was formed by two short -pilasters extending out from the wall. At first these were slightly less -than two feet long, but they were lengthened at a later date to slightly -less than three feet. The walls as well as the fireplace were plastered. -This, however, was not the finished wall. The brick and tabby floors did -not come up quite to the wall. The space between the floor and wall, -four inches wide, had contained wooden lath and a plaster coat “furred” -out from the masonry or tabby wall. This gave the room a double wall and -certainly made it drier and warmer than a plastered brick or tabby wall, -as in the case of the Hawkins house. This suggests an explanation for -the remark attributed to Dr. Hawkins, that he would sell the Davison -children, “one to the Carpenter and the other to the Plasterer.”[45] It -is perhaps understandable that the village doctor and magistrate would -be irritated that his neighbor could afford a tighter, drier house. The -south room was larger than the north but not so elaborately finished. -Perhaps in this case the boys in the back room were the less favored -customers at the Davison tavern. The walls appear to have been brick -with the exception of the north wall which was tabby. All the walls had -been salvaged down to the bottom course of brick so that it is not sure -that they may have been of wood or tabby on a brick footing. However, -the footings appear to be so similar to those for the other brick walls -that I think we may conclude that they were, in fact, brick. The remains -of a tabby floor covered part of the room area and it is possible the -entire floor was so paved. There is a suggestion of steps down from -outside to the northeast corner of the room, but very little remained in -this section and the size of these steps cannot be determined. Just -north of the Davison house a narrow ditch running parallel to the front -wall was found. It is not certain what this represents except that it is -clearly some sort of front fence. - -Samuel Davison ran a tavern and it seems the lower floor of his house -was the tap room. The large quantity of bottle fragments and stoneware -mug fragments found around the house support this view. A total of 651 -pieces of clay pipe bowls and stems were found in and around the house. -They reflect the 18th Century custom of smoking in the taverns and give -some idea of the frequency of smoking as well as the fragility of the -pipes used. - -The Davison lot was supposed to be completely fenced and efforts were -made to locate the evidences of these fences along the east, west, and -south sides. A row of postholes was found along the west side to the -southwest corner and followed a short distance along the south side. The -east side seemed to have another fence, but it was obscured by a series -of wells as that along the west side of the Hawkins lot had been. - -South of the Davison lot an open space fourteen feet three inches wide -was found. South of that tabby remains were found, but time and funds -did not permit their exploration. The Miller map of 1796 gives the width -of the first street south of Broad Street as 14 feet. The open space -south of the corner of lot 2 fits this width quite nicely. The 1736 -Auspourger map says that the width of street “C” is sixteen feet. Only -more thorough excavation will clear up this point. In any case the tabby -to the south would be the remains of a building on South Ward Lot 19, -belonging to Thomas Sumner, or to South Ward Lot 20, belonging to Daniel -Prevost. The southwest corner of South Ward Lot 2, Samuel Davison, was -located with some accuracy. Measuring north ninety feet, along the line -of the party wall, the northwest corner was found to be three feet north -of the northwest corner of the Davison house. The front stairwell of the -Hawkins house extended out into the street alignment a matter of six -inches. This line between lots 1 and 2 was taken as the base for laying -out the grid of town lots as shown on the Miller and Auspourger maps. -The town grid fits very well with the present contours that seem to -represent colonial features. It can be assumed that the town grid of -Frederica has again been determined. It should be possible to locate any -specific town lot from the information now in hand. - -Along the east side of the Davison lot a series of pits was excavated in -an attempt to locate the fence along that side. There were postholes -that very probably represent the fence but the area was taken up largely -by three wells, two round and one square. Time permitted only the -clearing of the square one. This well was exactly what might be expected -on the Davison lot, the upper part had been filled with a solid mass of -fragments of bottles, a total of five thousand three hundred and -ninety-five pieces. The quantities of glass and other household refuse -in this and other wells suggest that the colonists saved such materials -to fill old wells. - - - _Broad Street_ - -The present contours of the Frederica surface showed a depression, -approximately ninety feet wide north and south and 190 feet long east -and west, just in front of the Hawkins-Davison houses. East of this a -similar depression extended on to the break in the town rampart which -was believed to be the location of the town gate. This series of -depressions had been considered as the trace of Broad Street. A trench -was extended across the area to check the presumed location of the main -street of the town. No definite evidence of Broad Street was found. -There were no roadside ditches or any evidence of any sort of surfacing. -Sixty-four feet north of the Hawkins front steps there was a slight -depression in the old land surface. This ditch extended north another -twenty feet. At that point a low ridge bounded the depression on the -north. - -The Miller map shows the width of Broad Street as 82 feet, while Francis -Moore says it was twenty-five yards wide[46] and the Auspourger map says -seventy-five feet. The contours of the ground fit the figure of -eighty-two feet best. Until the recent discovery of the Auspourger Map -of 1736, it had been assumed that the Francis Moore figure was an -estimate and the Miller map gave the true width of Broad Street. Now -that the 1736 map and Francis Moore both agree it may be assumed that -Broad Street was laid out with a width of seventy-five feet. We know -that the front steps of the Hawkins house infringed on the street a -matter of six inches. The depression in the old land surface at the -north side of the street marks the edge of the road in that area. -Further work will possibly locate fences or hedge lines that will -clarify this point. - - - _The Mark Carr Lot_ - -At a point ninety-two feet north of the Hawkins house our excavation -uncovered the remains of a tabby wall. It was badly decayed and was -surrounded by the usual household debris which marks the sites of -houses. It evidently marks the south or front wall of a house, built of -tabby, on Lot 1 of the North Ward. This lot belonged to Mark Carr, -founder of Brunswick. At the present time no records of a building on -this lot are known. Time and funds did not permit further exploration of -the structure. - - - _The Artifacts_ - -Colonial archaeology is particularly fascinating because of the great -quantities and intrinsic interest of the artifacts recovered. These -objects are usually recognizable in spite of breakage and corrosion. -They immediately call to mind a host of associations and functions that -do much to enrich the picture of a living community. In many cases they -are objects of considerable esthetic appeal and are prime museum -exhibits. No detailed discussion of the various classes of colonial -relics can be made here. It will be sufficient to call attention to -those of special interest. - -Items of military equipment were in a definite minority in the -Hawkins-Davison houses. Those of us who have been working at Frederica -have come to think its military aspects outweighed the civilian facets. -In these two houses a few musket balls, two bayonets, and one sword -scabbard tip indicate clearly that Frederica enjoyed a life with a -minimum of emphasis on the martial, at least for the non-garrison -people. Hinges, locks, nails, and other hardware give us a good idea of -how the houses were constructed and furnished as to doors and windows. -In this connection the great quantities of window glass may surprise -many. What might be called the Daniel Boone Tradition has conditioned us -to think of our colonial ancestors living in poorly lighted log cabins. -Here at Frederica the wealthy, at least, lived in brick and tabby houses -with completely glazed windows. - - [Illustration: _Salt glaze stoneware mugs found in excavation of - Hawkins-Davison houses_] - - [Illustration: _The range of bottle sizes found in excavation of - Hawkins-Davison houses_] - -Many of the objects fall into the personal ornament and clothing class. -Buckles were very common, of iron or brass and often tastefully -ornamented. Buttons were generally of brass but several gilded or gold -plated examples exist. Two single cuff-links or frogs were found. Both -were made of copper or brass and set with small blue “stones” of glass. -Coins were relatively rare, only three being found. All are George II -English pennies bearing the dates of 1739, 1738, and 1757. Household -objects included a brass candle-stick base, forks, knives, and spoons, -one complete pewter spoon being found. A clock key bears the Latin motto -“Tempora Mutant,” perhaps fitting for the stirring times in which Dr. -Hawkins lived. Common pins were much like the modern ones and illustrate -how little some everyday objects have changed in two centuries. - -Ceramics are usually of great interest to the archaeologist because they -reflect so clearly the changing styles and technology of the times. A -wide variety of pottery and porcelain was found, surprisingly varied, as -the excavations in the regimental barracks had led us to expect a rather -limited variety. The great majority were simple earthenwares with -various lead glazes. These were made in England and used for kitchen and -domestic purposes. They range from large bowls to small oven casseroles. -A few sherds of Spanish olive jars were found, evidently loot from -Oglethorpe’s expeditions against Spanish Florida. - -There was a large group of soft-paste ceramics with yellow and brown -glazes that are the forerunners of the famous Staffordshire potteries. -The design is a random trailing of brown lines on a yellow ground. They -were apparently more kitchen than table wares. Especially common around -the Davison house were pieces of English salt glazed stoneware mugs. -White, grey, and brown examples were found. All are tall mugs with large -handles on the side. They were apparently the common ale or porter mug -of the Davison tavern. Red and tan wares of the Nottingham type were in -a minority. - -The chief table ware in both the Hawkins and Davison houses was the blue -on white soft-paste ware called variously English Delft or English -Faience. It is decorated with tin enamels on a soft body, generally in -blue on white; although green, red, and brown do occur. The designs -mostly copy Chinese porcelains and quite a variety is known. From the -Hawkins house and wells we have a number of small white English Delft -jars that are evidently medicinal ointment containers. All the fragments -found here seem to have been made in England, presumably in Lambeth or -Bristol. It is clearly the common table ware of the better sort for the -early 18th Century. - -A relatively large number of porcelain sherds were found, especially in -and near the Hawkins house. At first it was assumed that this was -Chinese export porcelain. Expert identification indicates that the bulk -of this porcelain is Japanese Imara ware. It was somewhat surprising as -little trade with Japan might be expected in the first half of the 18th -Century. Occasional pieces of Japanese porcelain had been noted from -Spanish sites in Florida but such a large collection had not previously -been located. The bulk of the porcelain is blue and white in floral -designs. Sometimes green, pink, and gilt were added over-glaze to form -very attractive decorations on handleless cups and shallow saucers. -Several pieces of Chinese porcelain are included in the group. All this -is another illustration of the rather luxurious life of some of the -colonists. True porcelain then, as now, was expensive, especially so as -it was not made to any extent in Europe at the time and the pieces had -to be brought from China or Japan. - -Glass formed an important part of the collections and consisted of -several kinds. The most common was a squat round bottle of a light -chartreuse color which appears black by reflected light. A few square -bottles of the “Case Bottle” type are represented, but most were of the -round type. Smaller bottles were usually in a clear or faintly bluish -glass. The numbers found around Dr. Hawkins house suggest that they were -medicine containers. Two types of glasses were present: tumblers and -stemmed goblets. The tumblers were rare and the prevalent type of -drinking glass was the stemmed goblet. Many of the stems had enclosed -tear drops and some had engraved designs around the rims. - -In the wells organic materials were preserved below waterline. Barrel -staves and other wooden objects were quite common. Peach pits, squash, -and gourd seeds indicate some of the agricultural products. The second -Hawkins well, sealed in 1740 by the back addition to the house, -contained a number of peach pits. It seems doubtful that trees would -have grown to bearing size in the four years since the founding of the -town and one wonders if these pits may not be derived from Spanish trees -found growing on the island. - -It is difficult to summarize the results of these excavations in that -the material found is really simply a demonstration of the facts learned -from the documentary research already so ably conducted by Mrs. Margaret -Davis Cate. However, we can point out that the Hawkins-Davison house -proved to be exactly where the documents said it would be. All the -additions and dimensions given in the colonial sources were demonstrated -to correspond closely to those given. The location of the streets and -their size agree closely with that given on early maps and the location -of the town grid of Frederica now can be presumed to be firmly -established. Of course, any excavation only whets the appetite for more -and we hope to uncover more of the old Town of Frederica. In the -artifacts we find a reflection of the life of the times. Each -householder had in his home certain items of military equipment and was -prepared to stand to the defense of his town and colony should the -occasion arise. The houses, of some at least, were well built of brick -and tabby, well glazed and sturdy if not commodious. Household -appointments were as good as England, with her world trade, could -provide at the time. The sturdy houses, lead glass goblets, and Japanese -porcelain show that the colonists introduced into the new colony a -gracious way of life such as was enjoyed in a highly prosperous England. - - - - - FOOTNOTES - - -[1]Well-known historian of Coastal Georgia and Historical Collaborator - of the National Park Service for the Fort Frederica Project. - -[2]Published as Volume IV of the _Collections of the Georgia Historical - Society_ (Savannah, 1878). Jones gave no source for this map, but it - has been identified by the author as a small detail from a large map - of St. Simons Island made in 1739 by Capt. John Thomas, Engineer in - Oglethorpe’s Regiment. The original manuscript map is now in the - Crown Collection in the British Museum (with a copy in the Library - of Congress), catalogued CXXII-71a. - -[3]Robert & George Watkins, comps., _A Digest of the Laws of the State - of Georgia ..._ (Philadelphia, 1800), 599. - -[4]These original manuscript maps were discovered by Nathaniel Harrison - Ballard, State Superintendent of Schools for Georgia, among - uncatalogued papers in the office of Georgia’s Secretary of State. - They are now in the Georgia Department of Archives and History and - their first publication was in Margaret Davis Cate, _Our Todays and - Yesterdays_, (Brunswick, Ga., 1930), 57, 60. - -[5]Allen D. Candler, ed., _Colonial Records of the State of Georgia_ (25 - vols. Vol. XX, not published. Atlanta, 1904-1916), XXII, Pt. I, 280; - XXXIX, 433, 479. _Collections of the Georgia Historical Society_, I - (Savannah, 1840), 192. - -[6]Candler, ed., _Colonial Records of Georgia_, XXII, Pt. I, 279. - -[7]_Collections of The Georgia Historical Society_, II (Savannah, 1842), - 113, 150. - -[8]Candler, ed., _Colonial Records of Georgia_, VI, 146. - -[9]_Ibid._, X, 79. - -[10]This Christian Perkins who petitioned for Dr. Hawkins’ lot came to - Georgia as Christian Grant. Several of her brothers, all of whom - were indentured servants, came at the same time. (E. M. Coulter and - A. B. Saye, eds., _A List of the Early Settlers of Georgia_ (Athens, - 1949), 19. One of these, Peter Grant, fought at the Battle of Bloody - Marsh and spent the rest of his life on St. Simons Island, where he - died in 1804 at the age of eighty-four. [George White, _Statistics - of the State of Georgia_ (Savannah, 1849), 283; _Coll. Ga. Hist. - Soc._ I, 284n]. Christian Grant married John Perkins and after his - death married Francis Lewis. In her will (executed in 1786 and - recorded in 1811) on file in Chatham County, Georgia, Court House - (Will Book E, 84), she left her Frederica lots (17N and 1S) to her - brother, Peter Grant. However, in 1789 she executed a deed - transferring lot 17N “to my loving nephew ... Thomas Grant, son of - my brother, Peter Grant.” (Glynn County, Ga., Deed Book CD, 168). - -[11]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, X, 382. - -[12]Georgia Department of Archives and History. Grant Book H, 27. - -[13]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, II, 150. - -[14]_Ibid._, V, 284. - -[15]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, XXII, Pt. II, 387; Egmont Manuscripts - in Phillipps Collection in University of Georgia Library no. 14205, - p. 253. - -[16]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, II, 278-79, 434; XXX, 125. - -[17]_Ibid._, II, 346-48; V, 400, 564-65; XXIX, 404; XXX, 280, 301. - -[18]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, XXIII, 425; Egmont Manuscripts, - Phillipps Collection, no 14205, p. 253. - -[19]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, XXIII, 63. - -[20]_Ibid._, XXIII, 31. - -[21]_Ibid._, XXXIII, 198; Egmont Manuscripts, Phillipps Collection, no. - 14205, pp. 204, 256. - -[22]Coulter and Saye, eds., _A List of the Early Settlers of Georgia_, - 56, 101. - -[23]Nehemiah Curnock, ed., _The Journal of the Rev. John Wesley, A. M._ - (8 vols. London, 1938), I, 124-65. - -[24]_Ibid._, I, 189, 263, 264. - -[25]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, V, 606. - -[26]_Ibid._, XXI, 319; Thomas Jackson, _The Life of the Rev. Charles - Wesley, M. A._ (New York, 1842), 64. - -[27]Egmont, Manuscripts, Phillipps Collection, no. 14204, pp. 281, 295; - Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, XXIII, 44, 45; XXX, 137, 142, 143, - 266. - -[28]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, XXII Pt. I, 143, 145-47. - -[29]_Ibid._, XXIII, 464. - -[30]Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology and Archaeology, - Florida State University, Tallahassee. - -[31]Egmont Manuscripts in Phillipps Collection in University of Georgia - Library, no. 14203, p. 239. - -[32]Francis Moore, “A Voyage to Georgia” in _Collections of the Georgia - Historical Society_, I (Savannah, 1840), 114. - -[33]Egmont Manuscripts, Phillipps Collection, no. 14202, p. 213. - -[34]Allen D. Candler, ed., _Colonial Records of the State of Georgia_ - (25 vols. Vol. XX not published. Atlanta. 1904-1916), XXII, Pt. I, - 16. - -[35]Egmont Manuscripts, Phillipps Collection, no. 14205, p. 95. - -[36]_Collections of the Georgia Historical Society_, II (Savannah, - 1842), 112-13. - -[37]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, XXII, Pt. II, 453. - -[38]Phillipps Collection, no. 14202, p. 123; no. 14203, p. 123; no. - 14204, p. 293. - -[39]_Manuscripts of the Earl of Egmont. Diary of Viscount Percival, - Afterwards First Earl of Egmont_ (3 vols. London, 1920-1923), III, - 216; Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, V, 501. - -[40]“A Voyage to Georgia,” 114. - -[41]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, XXII, Pt. I, 16. - -[42]_Collections of the Georgia Historical Society_, II, 112. - -[43]Egmont Manuscripts, Phillipps Collection, no. 14205, p. 95. - -[44]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, XXII, Pt. II, 453. - -[45]Egmont Manuscripts, no. 14204, p. 293. - -[46]Moore, “A Voyage to Georgia,” 114. - - - - - Transcriber’s Notes - - -—Silently corrected a few typos. - -—Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook - is public-domain in the country of publication. - -—In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by - _underscores_. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HAWKINS-DAVISON HOUSES, FREDERICA, -ST. 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} -p.review { margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; font-size:80%; } -p.pcap { margin-left:0em; text-indent:0; text-align:center; margin-top:0; } -p.pcapc { margin-left:4.7em; text-indent:0em; text-align:justify; } -span.attr { font-size:80%; font-family:sans-serif; } -span.pn { display:inline-block; width:4.7em; text-align:left; margin-left:0; text-indent:0; } -</style> -</head> -<body> - -<div style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Hawkins-Davison Houses, Frederica, St. Simons Island, Georgia, by Margaret Davis Cate</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Hawkins-Davison Houses, Frederica, St. Simons Island, Georgia</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Margaret Davis Cate</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: March 04, 2021 [eBook #64684]</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Character set encoding: UTF-8</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Produced by: Stephen Hutcheson and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net</div> - -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HAWKINS-DAVISON HOUSES, FREDERICA, ST. SIMONS ISLAND, GEORGIA ***</div> -<div id="cover" class="img"> -<img id="coverpage" src="images/cover.jpg" alt="Hawkins-Davison Houses, Frederica" width="500" height="753" /> -</div> -<div class="box"> -<h1><span class="smaller">HAWKINS-DAVISON HOUSES -<br />FREDERICA -<br />St. Simons Island, Georgia</span></h1> -<p class="tbcenter">Reprinted from -<br />THE GEORGIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY -<br />Vol. XL No. 3 <span class="hst">Sept. 1956</span></p> -<p class="center">Publication No. 2 -<br />FORT FREDERICA ASSOCIATION</p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_203">203</div> -<h2 id="c1"><span class="small">The Original Houses of Frederica, Georgia:<br />The Hawkins-Davison Houses</span></h2> -<p class="center">By <span class="sc">Margaret Davis Cate</span><a class="fn" id="fr_1" href="#fn_1">[1]</a></p> -<p>The recent excavation of the building sites in the old Town of -Frederica has stirred interest in this now “Dead Town” and in -the fortification, Fort Frederica.</p> -<p>Fort Frederica, located at a bluff on the western shore of St. -Simons Island, Georgia, and on the Inland Waterway, was founded -in 1736 by the British under the leadership of James Edward -Oglethorpe, as an outpost to protect the colony of Georgia and -the other British possessions to the north against the Spaniards -in Florida. It became one of the most expensive fortifications -built by the British in America and the military headquarters for -a string of fortifications erected along this southern frontier of -Britain’s provinces in North America.</p> -<p>The Town of Frederica, adjacent to the fort, was settled by -forty families brought here at that time. These settlers built Fort -Frederica and manned the fortifications until the coming of the -regiment of British soldiers two years later.</p> -<p>Occupying about thirty-five acres of land, the town was half -a hexagon in shape, divided by Talbott Street, generally called -Broad Street, into two wards—North Ward and South Ward—and -was laid out into eighty-four lots, which were granted to the -settlers and on which they built their homes. About half a mile -from Frederica, and surrounding the town on three sides, were -the garden lots while the fifty-acre tracts granted the settlers were -located in various parts of St. Simons Island.</p> -<p>Later, a larger area of safety being necessary, the entire town -was fortified and surrounded by a moat, the banks of which -formed the ramparts of the town. A wall of posts ten feet high, -forming the stockade and palisade, flanked both sides of the -moat, with five-sided towers on the corner bastions. Entrance -into the town was through the Town Gate.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_204">204</div> -<p>This old Town of Frederica was a thriving community in its -day. The streets were lined with houses, some built of brick, some -of tabby, and others of wood. John and Charles Wesley, founders -of Methodism, who came to Georgia in 1736 as missionaries of -the Church of England, were in charge of religious affairs. The -town government consisted of a magistrate, recorder, constables, -and tythingmen. There were two taverns, an apothecary shop, -and numerous other shops and stores. The trades and professions -were represented by the hatter, tailor, dyer, weaver, tanner, shoemaker, -cordwainer, saddler, sawyer, woodcutter, carpenter, coachmaker, -bricklayer, pilot, surveyor, accountant, baker, brewer, -tallow candler, cooper, blacksmith, locksmith, brazier, miller, millwright, -wheelwright, husbandman, doctor, surgeon, midwife, -Oglethorpe’s secretary, Keeper of the King’s Stores, and officers of -Oglethorpe’s Regiment. Frederica was a barracks town, so that -its business life was dependent on the money brought in by the -soldiers of the Regiment.</p> -<p>After the British victory at Bloody Marsh and the defeat of -the enemy in the Spanish Invasion of 1742 (War of Jenkins’ -Ear), peace was made with Spain by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle -in 1748; and the regiment of British soldiers was disbanded the -following year.</p> -<p>Having gloriously achieved the purpose for which it was built, -Frederica now became a “Dead Town.” Gone were the soldiers -who had given it life, followed by the tradesmen and other settlers. -The houses fell into decay, brick and tabby walls tumbled, and -fire took its toll. Much of the old brick and tabby was hauled away -and used in structures erected during the plantation era and, in -time, no evidence remained on the surface to show that these -houses had ever existed. Other families came, built their houses -on these sites, and for generations lived within the confines of -the old town.</p> -<p>Of the several buildings Oglethorpe had erected within Fort -Frederica the ruin of only one remained and this was situated -on the property of Mrs. Belle Stevens Taylor. In 1903, Mrs. Taylor, -through her friendship for Mrs. Georgia Page Wilder, President -of the Georgia Society of the Colonial Dames of America, -gave to this Society the plot of ground on which stood this ruin, -which the Colonial Dames repaired and saved for posterity.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig1"> -<img src="images/p01.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="659" /> -<p class="pcap"><i>Map of Frederica made in 1796 by Joshua Miller, Deputy Surveyor, Glynn -County, Georgia. Original in Georgia Department of Archives and History, -Atlanta</i></p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_205">205</div> -<p>Four decades later, under the leadership of the late Judge and -Mrs. S. Price Gilbert of Atlanta and Alfred W. Jones of Sea -Island, the Fort Frederica Association raised the funds necessary -for acquiring the lands occupied by the old fort and town. In -1945 the property thus acquired was taken over by the National -Park Service and is now known as the Fort Frederica National -Monument.</p> -<p>Little was known about the lay-out of Frederica. Twenty-five -years ago the only published map which gave information about -the pattern of the town was that which forms the frontispiece -for the chapter on “Frederica” in <i>Dead Towns of Georgia</i> by -Charles C. Jones, Jr.<a class="fn" id="fr_2" href="#fn_2">[2]</a> Though this map gave the plan of the old -town, it was too small to be of any value.</p> -<p>The only maps available which gave any detailed information -about the fort and the town were those made in 1796 by Joshua -Miller, Deputy Surveyor of Glynn County, Georgia. These were -made by order of the General Assembly of Georgia, which named -Commissioners for the Town of Frederica, directing them to have -a resurvey made to lay out the town “as nearly as possible to the -original plan thereof....”<a class="fn" id="fr_3" href="#fn_3">[3]</a> One was a detailed map of the Town -of Frederica, showing the lay-out of the town, with the streets, -wards and lots, together with the number of each lot. Then, for -the first time was it possible to locate the exact lot on which any -particular settler had lived.<a class="fn" id="fr_4" href="#fn_4">[4]</a></p> -<p>In 1952 original manuscript maps of Fort Frederica and the -<span class="pb" id="Page_206">206</span> -Town of Frederica, dated 1736, were found in the John Carter -Brown Library, Brown University, Providence, R. I. The legend -states that these maps were made “by a Swiss engineer,” whom -the author has identified as Samuel Augspourger, a native of -Switzerland, who was surveyor at Frederica in 1736.<a class="fn" id="fr_5" href="#fn_5">[5]</a> The Augspourger -map of Fort Frederica is most valuable, giving information -about the fort, parapets, palisades, moat, and other details -which had hitherto been unknown. However, Augspourger’s map -of the Town of Frederica gave no information as to the lot numbers, -names of streets, and other details which were desired.</p> -<p>Information about the Frederica settlers and their way of life -has been buried in old letters and other records. Only by careful -reading of available material in the scores of published and unpublished -volumes of the colonial records of Georgia could -small bits of such information be found and pieced together to -give the picture of early days at Frederica. It is known that -records were kept of the lot owners, for Oglethorpe wrote the -Trustees in 1738, “I send you a Plan of ye Town of Frederica -with the Granted Lotts & the names of the Possessors”<a class="fn" id="fr_6" href="#fn_6">[6]</a> but this -list has not yet been located among Georgia’s early records.</p> -<p>Even though these volumes of the colonial records contained -the names of many of the settlers and told of the part they played -in the life of Frederica, rarely did they contain information as -to the number of the lot which such individuals occupied. Not -until 1947 when the University of Georgia purchased a manuscript -collection of Georgiana, known as the Egmont Papers of -the Phillipps Collection, did this definite information become -available. From material in this collection Dr. E. Merton Coulter -and Dr. Albert B. Saye edited in 1949 <i>A List of the Early Settlers -of Georgia</i>, which gives the lot numbers granted these settlers -and makes it possible to locate each individual on the proper lot.</p> -<p>It is believed that this list was compiled in England by Viscount -Percival, Earl of Egmont, President of the Board of Trustees for -<span class="pb" id="Page_207">207</span> -the Founding of the Colony of Georgia, from information sent -over from Georgia from time to time. As is so often the case -with such records, there were errors. One such instance is the -listing of lot number 2, South Ward, Frederica, for Samuel Davison -and the same lot for Dr. Thomas Hawkins. Since the Hawkins -and Davison families came to Frederica at the same time and were -among the first settlers of Frederica, it is obvious that both of -them could not have had lot number 2, South Ward.</p> -<p>Davison left Georgia in 1741,<a class="fn" id="fr_7" href="#fn_7">[7]</a> moving to Charleston, S. C., and -Dr. Hawkins returned to England in 1743.<a class="fn" id="fr_8" href="#fn_8">[8]</a> In 1767 George -Mackintosh petitioned for lot number 1, South Ward of Frederica -“formerly belonging to Dr. Hawkins.”<a class="fn" id="fr_9" href="#fn_9">[9]</a> His petition was not -granted. In January of the following year Christian Perkins,<a class="fn" id="fr_10" href="#fn_10">[10]</a> -widow, petitioned the Colonial Council, stating that “there was -a Lot in Frederica known by the Name of Dr. Hawkins’s which -was left in the Care and Possession of the Petitioner’s late Husband -by John Hawkins the said Doctor’s Brother who was supposed to -be entitled thereto That her said Husband from the Time the said -Lot was so left with him to the Time of his Death (being many -Years) had the Possession thereof and constantly accounted for -the Taxes and other Provincial Duties,” and asked that it be -granted to her.<a class="fn" id="fr_11" href="#fn_11">[11]</a> This was done, the lot being recorded as number -1, South Ward.<a class="fn" id="fr_12" href="#fn_12">[12]</a> Thus, in this 1768 record we have proof that lot -<span class="pb" id="Page_208">208</span> -number 1, South Ward belonged to Dr. Hawkins, leaving Samuel -Davison in undisputed possession of lot number 2.</p> -<p>The families who occupied these two lots were different in -every way. Dr. Thomas Hawkins and his wife, Beatre, who occupied -lot number 1, were troublemakers; in fact, Mrs. Hawkins -was known as “a mean woman.”<a class="fn" id="fr_13" href="#fn_13">[13]</a> Samuel Davison, with his wife, -Susanna, their little daughter, Susanna (born in England), and -sons, John and Samuel (born at Frederica),<a class="fn" id="fr_14" href="#fn_14">[14]</a> who lived on lot -number 2, were good citizens and well liked by the other settlers.</p> -<p>Dr. Hawkins was one of the important personages in the -community. Not only was he the surgeon in Oglethorpe’s Regiment -and the medical doctor for Frederica and the other settlements -nearby, but he kept the apothecary shop, and was First -Bailiff. His house on Broad Street was his residence as well as -headquarters for his work. Here he saw patients and dispensed -drugs from his apothecary shop. He claimed his improvements -were “superior to any other.”<a class="fn" id="fr_15" href="#fn_15">[15]</a></p> -<p>In addition to his pay as surgeon in the Regiment, Hawkins received -a salary of thirty pounds a year as First Bailiff and was -allowed twelve pounds, three shillings, four pence, for clothing -and maintaining a servant, together with an allowance of four -pounds for the expense of “public rejoicings, Anniversary Days, -etc.” Also, he had an allowance of ten pounds for acting as correspondent -with William Stephens of Savannah.<a class="fn" id="fr_16" href="#fn_16">[16]</a></p> -<p>The Trustees sent him quantities of drugs, sugar, and tallow, -to use in his work. To enable him to go to Darien and other parts -of the Colony to visit the sick, he was allowed twenty-five pounds -a year for the upkeep of his boat, as well as the services of two -of the Trustees’ servants. Hawkins made charges for equipment -for this boat, such as blocks and rope, which the Trustees refused -to pay. Likewise they refused to pay the charge of one shilling -for sharpening two surgeon’s saws, and fifteen shillings for cleaning -<span class="pb" id="Page_209">209</span> -and grinding his surgical instruments. In fact, he never seemed -able to put through an expense account!<a class="fn" id="fr_17" href="#fn_17">[17]</a></p> -<p>When he was not paid the sums he claimed, he wrote: “I continue -the care of the sick, widows, servants and Indians and objects -of charity as well as the bailiffship but cannot get regular -payment....” He further claimed “my constitution [is] ruined -by fatigue; character hurted by Malicious Aspersions, My Dues -kept from me.”<a class="fn" id="fr_18" href="#fn_18">[18]</a></p> -<p>There were those, however, who did not think he had earned -all he claimed. Thomas Jones wrote that “he had not administered -one dose of physic to any poor person but refused, unless paid -for which has been done by contributions from the inhabitants....”<a class="fn" id="fr_19" href="#fn_19">[19]</a></p> -<p>Oglethorpe defended Hawkins and wrote the Trustees: “I do -well know that he has attended the Sick very carefully and that -he constantly went up to Darien when I was here, and I suppose -he did so when I was not, It is no little thing to go in open Boats -in all Weathers near Twenty Miles & no small Expence to hire -Men and Boats ... for tho he is very capable of Doing his Duty -as a Surgeon he is very ignorant in Accounts.”<a class="fn" id="fr_20" href="#fn_20">[20]</a></p> -<p>Perkins, Moore, Calwell and Allen were among the Frederica -settlers who had altercations with Hawkins and two of his neighbors -wrote that “if it were not for debts and demands made on -Hawkins there would be little use for Court at Frederica.” In -1742 he was removed from office as First Bailiff.<a class="fn" id="fr_21" href="#fn_21">[21]</a></p> -<p>Beatre Hawkins and her friend, Anne Welch, wife of John -Welch, who with their three children lived a few doors down -the street on lot number 7, South Ward<a class="fn" id="fr_22" href="#fn_22">[22]</a> thoroughly disliked the -Wesleys. The Hawkins and Welch families had crossed the Atlantic -in the same boat with Oglethorpe and the Wesleys. During -this voyage religious services had been held for the passengers -<span class="pb" id="Page_210">210</span> -and Mrs. Hawkins had seemed greatly moved by John Wesley’s -preaching and professed to be awakened to a new and better life. -Charles Wesley, observing her actions, saw through her hypocrisy -and warned his brother that her repentance was not genuine. She -learned of this and, so, hated the Wesleys.<a class="fn" id="fr_23" href="#fn_23">[23]</a></p> -<p>After their arrival at Frederica these women attributed Oglethorpe’s -puritanical sternness to the moral and religious influence -of the Wesleys and conspired to bring about a break between -Oglethorpe and the clergymen. They fabricated a fantastic story -of their indiscretions and “confessed” these “misdeeds” to Charles -Wesley, then told Oglethorpe that Charles Wesley was spreading -this tale. It was not until John Wesley arrived from Savannah -that the matter was cleared up, the truth known, and mutual -respect restored between Oglethorpe and the Wesley brothers, -a regard which was maintained throughout the remainder of their -long lives.</p> -<p>After a few months in Georgia, Charles Wesley returned to -England. However, Mrs. Hawkins persisted in her efforts to persecute -John Wesley. On one of his later visits to Frederica she -sent for him. When he entered the Hawkins house, she, brandishing -a pistol in one hand and a pair of scissors in the other, threatened -to shoot him. Wesley held her hands so that she could not -use either weapon; whereupon, she seized his cassock with her -teeth and tore both sleeves to pieces.<a class="fn" id="fr_24" href="#fn_24">[24]</a></p> -<p>Her altercations with her Frederica neighbors caused one of -them to write, “If that W[oma]n is to be punished in this World, -for her Wickedness, how dreadful will the example be? I grow -sick with the thoughts of her,” and it was said, too, that Dr. Hawkins -was “not atall beloved by the Inhabitants.”<a class="fn" id="fr_25" href="#fn_25">[25]</a></p> -<p>The Davison family, on the other hand, were good neighbors -and were well liked by the other settlers. Charles Wesley called -Davison “my good Samaritan” and wrote of him and his wife, -<span class="pb" id="Page_211">211</span> -“to their care, under God, I owe my life....” Davison was said -to be “one of the first of the industrious villagers.”<a class="fn" id="fr_26" href="#fn_26">[26]</a></p> -<p>In addition to keeping a tavern, Davison was Second Constable. -In 1739 he was named Overseer of the Trustees’ Servants at a -salary of twenty-five pounds a year, but Hawkins took this position -away from him and named to this office one of the Trustees’ -servants who had just arrived from Germany and spoke -hardly a word of English. In 1740 Davison was named Searcher -of Ships at a salary of forty pounds a year.<a class="fn" id="fr_27" href="#fn_27">[27]</a></p> -<p>For a time Davison seemed to enjoy life at Frederica. Writing -to friends in London in 1738, he said that “we all of us here have -been wonderfully protected by Almighty providence, very few -of us have died, & none sickly; we have great encrease of Children, -& women bear, that in Europe were thought past their time; The -Cattle and Hogs yt. were given us on Credit, thrive very well, -& Fowls in great abundance, & one may venture to say yt. ye place -is blest on our Accounts....”</p> -<p>To another friend, he wrote “my crop wch. was but very small -on Acct. of our being kept back in planting Season by ye alarms -of the Spaniards, ye land I got cleared being very good, gave me -great hopes; now this Year I have got at both plantations 6 acres -& 38 perches of Land well fenced about 6 & 7 foot high; & planted, -wch. I hope in God will afford me & my family Bread;... -My wife was brought to bed of a John in July last, a fine thriving -child, & little Susan grows apace.”<a class="fn" id="fr_28" href="#fn_28">[28]</a></p> -<p>However, in 1741, Davison with his family left Frederica and -moved to Charleston, S. C., complaining of the treatment he had -received from Dr. Hawkins and giving this as his reason for leaving.<a class="fn" id="fr_29" href="#fn_29">[29]</a> -It is not known when Samuel Davison died, but his wife, -Susanna, died in St. Bartholomew Parish, Colleton County, S. C. -in 1761. Her will (on file in the South Carolina Archives, Columbia) -names Susanna (who married John Smith), John, and -<span class="pb" id="Page_212">212</span> -Samuel, the children who had lived at Frederica; and William, -who was born after they moved to South Carolina.</p> -<p>It was known that Hawkins and Davison had adjoining lots, -that the houses had a “party wall,” that they were built of brick -and three stories high. When funds were made available for excavating -a small area in the Town of Frederica, it was decided to -begin with these two lots. The location of the “party wall” would -fix the lot line between these two lots, thus, making it possible -to set up the exact boundaries of all the Frederica lots.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_213">213</div> -<h2 id="c2"><span class="small">The Excavation of The Hawkins-Davison Houses, Frederica National Monument, St. Simons Island, Georgia</span></h2> -<p class="center">By <span class="sc">Charles H. Fairbanks</span><a class="fn" id="fr_30" href="#fn_30">[30]</a></p> -<p>The object of archaeological excavations is usually to discover -general information on the way of life of some people dead for -long periods of time. In the case of these excavations we were -faced with a more detailed problem, that of locating the remains -of the Hawkins-Davison houses, whose existence and construction -type was quite well known.</p> -<p>Fort Frederica National Monument is located on the western -edge of St. Simons Island. It was established as a national monument -to preserve the remains of the important 18th century fort -and town founded by James Edward Oglethorpe as a defense -against the Spanish in Florida. Only part of one building in the -fort and part of the regimental barracks are still standing. The -purposes of the excavation were to attempt to locate enough colonial -features so that the original layout of the town could be -tied to the existing topography, and to provide a field exhibit of -colonial architecture. The documentary information on the town -was compiled by National Park Service Collaborator Margaret -Davis Cate. Mrs. Cate, in addition to her general research on the -Town of Frederica, prepared a detailed evaluation of the documents -pertaining to each lot. This was extremely helpful in appraising -the historic material and formed the basis of the plan for -excavating, as well as for this paper. In addition to the letters, -the documents contained the Miller Map of 1796 which showed -the arrangement of the lots, streets, fort, and barracks as well -as showing the size of the lots and the width of the streets. The -map contained certain inaccuracies and did not show any point -that could be accurately located at the present time. In addition, -it did not show the location of any house in the town. For these -<span class="pb" id="Page_214">214</span> -reasons it was felt desirable to excavate a house site in the town -that might be identified through descriptions in the colonial documents. -The Hawkins-Davison houses filled these conditions, being -built of brick and having a common “party wall.” Thus it -was felt that these houses would probably yield identifiable remains -and it might be possible to locate the land lot lines and the -alignment of Broad Street, the main street of the town.</p> -<p>Dr. Thomas Hawkins, town physician and one of the magistrates, -was a member of the “Great Embarkation” of 1735 which -arrived in February, 1736. His household consisted of his wife, -Beatre, and servants Thomas Ayot and Richard Carpenter.<a class="fn" id="fr_31" href="#fn_31">[31]</a> Work -was started on the houses for the first settlers in February of 1736 -and seems to have consisted at first of simple huts of poles covered -with palmetto thatch. Francis Moore, on his arrival at Frederica -in March of 1736 says that “Each family had a bower of palmetto -leaves, finished upon the back street in their own lands; the side -towards the front street was set out for their houses. These -palmetto bowers were very convenient shelters, being tight in the -hardest rains; they were about twenty foot long, and fourteen -foot wide, and in regular rows, looked very pretty, the palmetto -leaves lying smooth and handsome, and of a good color. The -whole appeared something like a camp; for the bowers looked -like tents, only being larger, and covered with palmetto leaves -instead of canvas.”<a class="fn" id="fr_32" href="#fn_32">[32]</a> By November of 1736 the first two houses -were nearly complete, three stories high, made of brick.<a class="fn" id="fr_33" href="#fn_33">[33]</a> It is -possible that these two were the Hawkins and Davison houses. -Dr. Hawkins said, in a letter to the Trustees in November, 1737, -that he had added half as much more to the length of his house.<a class="fn" id="fr_34" href="#fn_34">[34]</a> -In August of 1740 he had made another addition valued at £60.<a class="fn" id="fr_35" href="#fn_35">[35]</a> -This completes the direct mention of buildings and additions to -the Hawkins house but a deposition taken in South Carolina in -1741 describes the two houses in some detail and is quoted at -length:</p> -<div class="img" id="fig2"> -<img src="images/p02.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="566" /> -<p class="pcap"><i>Architectural Drawing of Hawkins-Davison houses. Details based on historical documentation and -archaeological evidence. Abreu & Robson, Architects.</i></p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig3"> -<img src="images/p03.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="548" /> -<p class="pcap"><i>Hawkins-Davison houses from the east. Davison house in foreground.</i></p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_215">215</div> -<p>“John Robertson, late brick layer in Frederica, in Georgia, maketh -oath and saith, that on or about the ninth of August last, being at work -on Mr. Davison’s house, adjoining to Mr. Hawkin’s, at the said -Frederica, on which the said Davison was putting a new roof, he -did propose to the said Hawkins, to take up a few shingles, and a -gutter belonging to the said Hawkins’s house, and put the said gutter -on the party-wall, to which the said Hawkins agreed; saying that it -would be a benefit to him, because he must be obliged to alter the -roof of his own house soon: and the said Davison being to lay down -a new gutter at his own expense, it would serve for both houses, and -which must save one half the expense of the said gutter to the said -Hawkins. But the said Hawkins being out of town, a day or two -after General Oglethorpe sent to the said Davison, to forbid him -to touch anything belonging to the said Hawkins’s house, though the -said gutter encroached fourteen inches on the said Davison’s ground, -and the said Oglethorpe’s own carpenter said it might be done in a -few hours, and without harm to the Doctor.* [Hawkins—in footnote]. -That the said Oglethorpe did soon after, on the same day, stand on -the sill of the said Hawkins’s window, and put his head up betwixt -the joists of the said Davison’s house, and ordered Mr. Cannon to -build the said joists six inches lower; when the said Cannon told the -said Oglethorpe they were but six inches deep; when the said Oglethorpe -replied, he did not care, they might take it down, and build -the house six inches lower; when the said Cannon said, that one roof -would fall lower than the other, and that therefore it would be impossible -to make the said Davison’s house tight, or keep it dry; then -the said Oglethorpe said, you might have thought of that before. -And further, that the said Oglethorpe did then say to the said Cannon, -if you touch a shingle of what the Doctor (meaning Hawkins) -has put down, I’LL SHOOT YOU, to which he added a great oath, -for you have done more than you can answer in building so high -as to stop up the Doctor’s window. That the said Davison being thus -hindered from finishing his house, was forced to remove his goods -from the said house (which was quite open,) and had only a stable -for his family to be in, until this deponent left the said Frederica, -which was on the 29th of September, 1741.”<a class="fn" id="fr_36" href="#fn_36">[36]</a></p> -<p>We also know that Dr. Hawkins had planted two hedges on -his lot but there is no mention of fences.<a class="fn" id="fr_37" href="#fn_37">[37]</a></p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_216">216</div> -<p>Samuel Davison was a chairman by trade but had been brought -to Frederica to make musket stocks. He was married and had three -children. His was probably one of the two brick houses nearing -completion in November of 1736. By April of 1738 it was finished. -In January 16, 1740 Davison complained to Egmont that Dr. -Hawkins said “when my house was finished he would sell my -children, one to the Carpenter, and the other to the Plasterer that -did my house, which is very cutting to a tender parent.”<a class="fn" id="fr_38" href="#fn_38">[38]</a> The -deposition quoted at length on Dr. Hawkins’ house, of course, -applies to Davison’s house as well. Davison also kept a tavern and -other references indicate his lot was fenced.<a class="fn" id="fr_39" href="#fn_39">[39]</a></p> -<p>From these references it will be seen that the two houses were -substantial enough to leave some remains, had a party wall which -would follow the lot line, and the presumed location of the -houses was in an area not heavily farmed in the last century.</p> -<p>It was hoped that the location of the party wall mentioned in -the documents would lead to a determination of the present location -of the original town lot lines. In this way we could locate -streets, lots, houses and other features of the colonial town of -Frederica. Rarely, I believe, has careful documentary research -been so well vindicated as in this case. We uncovered the wall -foundations of the Hawkins-Davison houses and clearly demonstrated -the present location of the line separating South Ward -Lots 1 and 2. The discovery of colonial wells yielded an additional -dividend of many objects which illustrate the early 18th Century -culture of the town of Frederica. In addition the exposed -foundations serve as a vivid illustration of the existence of an -English style of life established on the soil of Georgia.</p> -<p>The digging was started just to the west of the location for -the two houses indicated by Mrs. Cate. As the excavation proceeded -we uncovered the entire area of the two houses and tested -the sides of the lots for evidences of fences. The area of Broad -Street was trenched to prove the existence of the principal street. -The wells encountered were cleaned as far as time permitted. In the -<span class="pb" id="Page_217">217</span> -following account the features found will be described in the -order in which they were constructed by the colonists rather than -in the order of our discovery. This will give a much clearer -picture of what existed there in the colonial period.</p> -<p>All of the colonial remains were found to be covered by a -deposit of sandy humus from 0.7 to 1.0 foot deep. This had accumulated -over the foundations after the buildings collapsed in -the later part of the 18th Century. This was somewhat deeper -than had been expected and indicated the rapidity with which -remains are obliterated in the lush climate of the Golden Isles.</p> -<h3 id="c3"><i>The Hawkins House</i></h3> -<p>The house of Dr. Thomas Hawkins consisted of three rooms -in ground plan and will be discussed in the order in which the -rooms were constructed. At the west was a small room 10 feet -east and west by 15.3 feet north and south. The room had undergone -three periods of building but only the first period will concern -us here. This consisted of a footing ditch 1.3 feet wide on -the south and west sides. Six inch posts were placed in this ditch -at intervals of about one foot. These posts formed the framework -of a rather rude shed. The level of the floor is uncertain, -as it had been destroyed by later construction. This pole building -is believed to be the shed built at the time of the first arrival of -settlers in 1736. It evidently served as a shelter during the construction -of the main house which was built immediately to the -east. The description by Francis Moore<a class="fn" id="fr_40" href="#fn_40">[40]</a> of the palmetto bowers -built in February of 1736 said that they were built on the backs -of the lots. This hut was just the sort of construction one might -expect from the description given by Moore. Yet it is on the front -of the lot along Broad Street, and not on the back. The only -explanation is that Dr. Hawkins did not build his palmetto bower -on the back of his lot, or he may have built two, one at the back -and one at the front. The front one was later incorporated into -the main house.</p> -<p>Directly east and continuous with this original structure the -<span class="pb" id="Page_218">218</span> -main house was erected. It measured twenty feet east-west and -fifteen feet north-south, outside dimensions. The ditches for the -wall foundations were dug to a point two and a half feet below -colonial ground level. The walls were constructed of brick 3½″ -x 2½″ x 8″ so the finished wall was one foot wide. The west wall -was without a break throughout its entire length, as was the -east wall which formed the party wall with Davison’s house. -Both the north and south walls were broken by doorways three -and a half feet wide in the centers. Evidences of wooden door -casings were found in the doorways. The floor of the room had -been excavated two and a half feet below colonial ground level. -It had later been raised four times by sand fills averaging three -inches in thickness. Mixed with the sands was an occasional brick -as well as a few scattered English Delft sherds and bones of pig -and beef.</p> -<p>It seems that the floors were made of dry-laid bricks set in sand -without mortar. As the floor was raised each time, the bricks -were taken up and replaced at the higher level. When the house -was finally abandoned, the floor bricks were salvaged and thus -were absent at the present time.</p> -<p>The east wall was the party wall with the Davison house. In -the center there was a brick fireplace five feet wide and two feet -deep formed by extending pilasters one foot wide out from the -wall. The sides were plastered outside and inside with a lime -plaster, as were most of the walls of the room. The fireplace -had been re-built three times. The lowest level was the same -as the lowest and earliest floor level. Subsequently the brick -hearth had been removed, a sand fill five inches deep added and -the brick replaced. Similar replacements took place whenever -the floor was raised. The chimney evidently lay in the party wall -and was used by both houses, probably with separate flues. In -ashes resting on the hearth were found the broken remains of a -stemmed glass goblet. It is tempting to speculate that this is evidence -of the custom of hurling goblets, used in toasting royalty, -into the fireplace; possibly a toast to the king after the Battle -of Bloody Marsh.</p> -<p>Between the north wall and the fireplace was a bricked area -<span class="pb" id="Page_219">219</span> -four and a half feet wide and two feet deep. The bricks showed -no evidence of wear and this evidently represents the floor of a -corner closet. The closet had evidently been removed before the -floor was raised for the last time. On the floor lay a complete -musket bayonet which had been placed there in its sheath as the -copper sheath tip covers the point of the bayonet. There were -also two parts of a door lock and a few scraps of English Delft -and lead glass.</p> -<p>Three and a half feet north of the north wall of the room was -a brick wall running east and west. It was connected to the main -structure at the east by a short north-south wall and seems to -have been an outside stairwell to the second floor. This wall was -eleven and a half feet long, ending at the west just opposite the -western edge of the doorway. In order to give access to the ground -floor the steps must have run from the northeast corner up to -the center of the second floor. Thus the entrance to the ground -floor would be under the top of the steps. The area between this -wall and the main wall of the house was floored with tabby which -extended on the west to a point seven feet beyond the northwest -corner of the building. This tabby floor was littered with broken -crockery, glass, oyster shells, fish scales and animal bones. Evidently -household refuse was allowed to accumulate here under -the front steps, during the occupation of the house.</p> -<p>The next stage in the development of the house was a strengthening -of the western, original hut. This was accomplished by putting -wooden forms along the inside and outside edges of the -posts of the west wall and pouring tabby around the posts to a -height of one foot. This was applied only to the north ten posts -on the west side. On the south side a series of bricks was found -that evidently served as wedges against wall posts. The floor of -the room was at this time slightly more than one and a half feet -below ground level. A remnant of brick floor remained and it -seems likely that the entire floor was bricked. The floor was -littered with fragments of small glass bottles, small white Delft -ointment jars, several glass bottle stoppers, and an ivory enema -tube. This implies that the apothecary shop of Dr. Hawkins was -<span class="pb" id="Page_220">220</span> -located in this western room. It is suggested that the strengthening -of this hut into an addition to the house comprises the addition -of half the length mentioned by Hawkins in 1737.<a class="fn" id="fr_41" href="#fn_41">[41]</a> The 1740 -addition was of brick and this west room is ten feet wide, half -the length, twenty feet, of the main house. There is evidence -of later repairs to the walls of this room but we do not know -of what these alterations consisted.</p> -<p>During the time from 1736 to 1740 when the main room was -in use two wells were in use successively just to the rear of the -Hawkins house. First was a rectangular well three feet south of -the rear wall and just east of the back door. This well had a rectangular -pit four feet square with posts at the corners which -supported a well house. The walls within the well were held up -by wooden barrels placed one above another with the ends -knocked out. The well was six and a half feet deep and there was -less than one foot of water in this well. Several peach pits were -found in the base of this well. The next well was circular directly -south of the back door. It was dug six and a half feet deep and -six feet in diameter. The well proper was bricked in, with a -diameter of three feet. This well contained a variety of objects -that had evidently been included in household trash which was -used to fill up the well when it was abandoned. They consisted -of:</p> -<div class="verse"> -<p class="t0">1 small lead glass round bottle, 50cc. capacity</p> -<p class="t0">1 square bottle, 1 pint capacity, probably a snuff bottle</p> -<p class="t0">1 round bottle, 28 ounces capacity</p> -<p class="t0">1 English brown salt glaze stoneware bottle</p> -<p class="t0">1 English brown and gray salt glaze stoneware mug</p> -<p class="t0">1 English white salt glaze stoneware mug</p> -<p class="t0">1 Small white English Delft ointment jar</p> -<p class="t0">1 yellow and brown striped lead glaze pot with handle</p> -<p class="t0">1 Japanese Imara porcelain bowl, blue on white with red and gilt overglaze enamels</p> -<p class="t0">1 claw hammer, complete with handle</p> -<p class="t0">a quantity of watermelon seeds and peach pits.</p> -</div> -<p>The well was abandoned and filled when it was decided to make -<span class="pb" id="Page_221">221</span> -another addition to the house. Tabby floor was laid over the -filled well and soon sank slightly into the well.</p> -<p>The last addition to the Hawkins house was made at the back -and measured sixteen and a half feet north-south and eighteen and -a half feet east-west. The western side was aligned with the western -wall of the main house, but the eastern wall did not use the -party wall. Instead there was a gap of one and a half feet between -the back rooms of the Hawkins and Davison houses. The brick -of the walls measured 4″ x 2″ x 9″, definitely larger than those -of the main house. At the southeast corner there was a large -buttress outside the wall, evidently part of a chimney foundation. -Inside the southeast corner was a corner fireplace set diagonally -across the corner. As the tabby floor of this back room sank into -the old well the depression was filled in with more tabby and -later another floor level was added. There is some evidence that -finally a wooden floor was installed, over the tabby.</p> -<p>There is no evidence as to the height of this back addition to -the Hawkins house. However, the Roberson statement of 1741<a class="fn" id="fr_42" href="#fn_42">[42]</a> -says that Oglethorpe stood in the window and put his head between -the joists of Davison’s house. It is further stated that Oglethorpe’s -action involved the roof levels of the two houses. Thus -it seems reasonable to assume that the joists mentioned are roof -joists. As the only place in the Hawkins house where a window -could face the Davison house is in the narrow gap between the -south addition and the Davison house it seems this addition must -have been three stories high. As this was the only addition to -the house that was made of brick it seems to correspond to that -mentioned as being completed by August of 1740 which cost -£60.<a class="fn" id="fr_43" href="#fn_43">[43]</a></p> -<p>One other well belonging to the Hawkins lot was forty feet -west of the house just inside the western line of the lot. It was -circular and probably had a well house over it. Slightly over six -feet deep the walls were supported by another series of bottomless -barrels. It also had been filled with household trash including -a very fine musket bayonet. All these wells had planks laid across -<span class="pb" id="Page_222">222</span> -the bottom, apparently to prevent the well bucket from muddying -the well. This last well had in addition a large square post -of unknown use resting on the plank. Just west of the well was -a poorly defined line of root disturbances which may mark the -location of the hedge of pomegranates mentioned for Dr. Hawkins -lot.<a class="fn" id="fr_44" href="#fn_44">[44]</a></p> -<h3 id="c4"><i>The Davison House</i></h3> -<p>The home of Samuel Davison lay to the east of the east wall -of the Hawkins house. The front room was seventeen feet east-west -and eighteen feet north-south. Directly back of this was an -additional room twenty and a half feet east-west and eleven feet -north-south. The east wall, however, was straight, the extra three -and a half feet being taken up by a stairwell along the east side -of the north room. The floor of the north room had originally -been excavated to a level two feet four inches below colonial -ground level. Only a disturbed sand strata remained of the lowest -floor level, and it is not possible to determine of what the floor -was originally composed. It was soon covered with a tabby floor -whose upper surface was two feet below ground level. This floor -was later covered by a brick floor, set with tabby mortar in a -herringbone pattern. In the middle of the east wall there was a -doorway four feet four inches wide opening into the stairwell -on that side. The floor of this door appears to have joined a stair -up to the stairwell, possibly to both sides. In the southeast corner -of the north room was another doorway of the same width. A -short flight of steps remained leading from the floor level up to -the south. The steps are of brick with a four inch wooden nosing.</p> -<p>The north wall and the north half of the east wall were of -brick. The south half of the east wall and the south wall were -tabby. In the middle of the west (party) wall, directly opposite -the fireplace of Dr. Hawkins house, was a fireplace five feet wide. -It was formed by two short pilasters extending out from the wall. -At first these were slightly less than two feet long, but they were -lengthened at a later date to slightly less than three feet. The walls -as well as the fireplace were plastered. This, however, was not -<span class="pb" id="Page_223">223</span> -the finished wall. The brick and tabby floors did not come up -quite to the wall. The space between the floor and wall, four -inches wide, had contained wooden lath and a plaster coat “furred” -out from the masonry or tabby wall. This gave the room a double -wall and certainly made it drier and warmer than a plastered brick -or tabby wall, as in the case of the Hawkins house. This suggests -an explanation for the remark attributed to Dr. Hawkins, -that he would sell the Davison children, “one to the Carpenter -and the other to the Plasterer.”<a class="fn" id="fr_45" href="#fn_45">[45]</a> It is perhaps understandable -that the village doctor and magistrate would be irritated that his -neighbor could afford a tighter, drier house. The south room was -larger than the north but not so elaborately finished. Perhaps in -this case the boys in the back room were the less favored customers -at the Davison tavern. The walls appear to have been brick -with the exception of the north wall which was tabby. All the -walls had been salvaged down to the bottom course of brick so -that it is not sure that they may have been of wood or tabby -on a brick footing. However, the footings appear to be so similar -to those for the other brick walls that I think we may conclude -that they were, in fact, brick. The remains of a tabby floor covered -part of the room area and it is possible the entire floor was so -paved. There is a suggestion of steps down from outside to the -northeast corner of the room, but very little remained in this -section and the size of these steps cannot be determined. Just north -of the Davison house a narrow ditch running parallel to the front -wall was found. It is not certain what this represents except that -it is clearly some sort of front fence.</p> -<p>Samuel Davison ran a tavern and it seems the lower floor of -his house was the tap room. The large quantity of bottle fragments -and stoneware mug fragments found around the house -support this view. A total of 651 pieces of clay pipe bowls and -stems were found in and around the house. They reflect the 18th -Century custom of smoking in the taverns and give some idea -of the frequency of smoking as well as the fragility of the pipes -used.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_224">224</div> -<p>The Davison lot was supposed to be completely fenced and -efforts were made to locate the evidences of these fences along -the east, west, and south sides. A row of postholes was found -along the west side to the southwest corner and followed a short -distance along the south side. The east side seemed to have another -fence, but it was obscured by a series of wells as that along the -west side of the Hawkins lot had been.</p> -<p>South of the Davison lot an open space fourteen feet three -inches wide was found. South of that tabby remains were found, -but time and funds did not permit their exploration. The Miller -map of 1796 gives the width of the first street south of Broad -Street as 14 feet. The open space south of the corner of lot 2 -fits this width quite nicely. The 1736 Auspourger map says that -the width of street “C” is sixteen feet. Only more thorough excavation -will clear up this point. In any case the tabby to the -south would be the remains of a building on South Ward Lot 19, -belonging to Thomas Sumner, or to South Ward Lot 20, belonging -to Daniel Prevost. The southwest corner of South Ward -Lot 2, Samuel Davison, was located with some accuracy. Measuring -north ninety feet, along the line of the party wall, the northwest -corner was found to be three feet north of the northwest corner -of the Davison house. The front stairwell of the Hawkins house -extended out into the street alignment a matter of six inches. -This line between lots 1 and 2 was taken as the base for laying -out the grid of town lots as shown on the Miller and Auspourger -maps. The town grid fits very well with the present contours -that seem to represent colonial features. It can be assumed that -the town grid of Frederica has again been determined. It should -be possible to locate any specific town lot from the information -now in hand.</p> -<p>Along the east side of the Davison lot a series of pits was -excavated in an attempt to locate the fence along that side. There -were postholes that very probably represent the fence but the -area was taken up largely by three wells, two round and one -square. Time permitted only the clearing of the square one. This -well was exactly what might be expected on the Davison lot, -the upper part had been filled with a solid mass of fragments of -<span class="pb" id="Page_225">225</span> -bottles, a total of five thousand three hundred and ninety-five -pieces. The quantities of glass and other household refuse in this -and other wells suggest that the colonists saved such materials to -fill old wells.</p> -<h3 id="c5"><i>Broad Street</i></h3> -<p>The present contours of the Frederica surface showed a depression, -approximately ninety feet wide north and south and 190 -feet long east and west, just in front of the Hawkins-Davison -houses. East of this a similar depression extended on to the break -in the town rampart which was believed to be the location of -the town gate. This series of depressions had been considered -as the trace of Broad Street. A trench was extended across the -area to check the presumed location of the main street of the town. -No definite evidence of Broad Street was found. There were no -roadside ditches or any evidence of any sort of surfacing. Sixty-four -feet north of the Hawkins front steps there was a slight -depression in the old land surface. This ditch extended north another -twenty feet. At that point a low ridge bounded the depression -on the north.</p> -<p>The Miller map shows the width of Broad Street as 82 feet, -while Francis Moore says it was twenty-five yards wide<a class="fn" id="fr_46" href="#fn_46">[46]</a> and -the Auspourger map says seventy-five feet. The contours of the -ground fit the figure of eighty-two feet best. Until the recent -discovery of the Auspourger Map of 1736, it had been assumed -that the Francis Moore figure was an estimate and the Miller map -gave the true width of Broad Street. Now that the 1736 map -and Francis Moore both agree it may be assumed that Broad Street -was laid out with a width of seventy-five feet. We know that -the front steps of the Hawkins house infringed on the street a -matter of six inches. The depression in the old land surface at -the north side of the street marks the edge of the road in that -area. Further work will possibly locate fences or hedge lines that -will clarify this point.</p> -<div class="pb" id="Page_226">226</div> -<h3 id="c6"><i>The Mark Carr Lot</i></h3> -<p>At a point ninety-two feet north of the Hawkins house our -excavation uncovered the remains of a tabby wall. It was badly -decayed and was surrounded by the usual household debris which -marks the sites of houses. It evidently marks the south or front -wall of a house, built of tabby, on Lot 1 of the North Ward. This -lot belonged to Mark Carr, founder of Brunswick. At the present -time no records of a building on this lot are known. Time and -funds did not permit further exploration of the structure.</p> -<h3 id="c7"><i>The Artifacts</i></h3> -<p>Colonial archaeology is particularly fascinating because of the -great quantities and intrinsic interest of the artifacts recovered. -These objects are usually recognizable in spite of breakage and -corrosion. They immediately call to mind a host of associations -and functions that do much to enrich the picture of a living community. -In many cases they are objects of considerable esthetic -appeal and are prime museum exhibits. No detailed discussion -of the various classes of colonial relics can be made here. It will -be sufficient to call attention to those of special interest.</p> -<p>Items of military equipment were in a definite minority in the -Hawkins-Davison houses. Those of us who have been working -at Frederica have come to think its military aspects outweighed -the civilian facets. In these two houses a few musket balls, two -bayonets, and one sword scabbard tip indicate clearly that -Frederica enjoyed a life with a minimum of emphasis on the -martial, at least for the non-garrison people. Hinges, locks, nails, -and other hardware give us a good idea of how the houses were -constructed and furnished as to doors and windows. In this -connection the great quantities of window glass may surprise -many. What might be called the Daniel Boone Tradition has conditioned -us to think of our colonial ancestors living in poorly -lighted log cabins. Here at Frederica the wealthy, at least, lived -in brick and tabby houses with completely glazed windows.</p> -<div class="img" id="fig4"> -<img src="images/p04.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="538" /> -<p class="pcap"><i>Salt glaze stoneware mugs found in excavation of -Hawkins-Davison houses</i></p> -</div> -<div class="img" id="fig5"> -<img src="images/p04a.jpg" alt="" width="800" height="527" /> -<p class="pcap"><i>The range of bottle sizes found in excavation of -Hawkins-Davison houses</i></p> -</div> -<div class="pb" id="Page_227">227</div> -<p>Many of the objects fall into the personal ornament and clothing -class. Buckles were very common, of iron or brass and often -tastefully ornamented. Buttons were generally of brass but several -gilded or gold plated examples exist. Two single cuff-links -or frogs were found. Both were made of copper or brass and set -with small blue “stones” of glass. Coins were relatively rare, only -three being found. All are George II English pennies bearing -the dates of 1739, 1738, and 1757. Household objects included -a brass candle-stick base, forks, knives, and spoons, one complete -pewter spoon being found. A clock key bears the Latin motto -“Tempora Mutant,” perhaps fitting for the stirring times in which -Dr. Hawkins lived. Common pins were much like the modern -ones and illustrate how little some everyday objects have changed -in two centuries.</p> -<p>Ceramics are usually of great interest to the archaeologist because -they reflect so clearly the changing styles and technology -of the times. A wide variety of pottery and porcelain was found, -surprisingly varied, as the excavations in the regimental barracks -had led us to expect a rather limited variety. The great majority -were simple earthenwares with various lead glazes. These were -made in England and used for kitchen and domestic purposes. -They range from large bowls to small oven casseroles. A few -sherds of Spanish olive jars were found, evidently loot from -Oglethorpe’s expeditions against Spanish Florida.</p> -<p>There was a large group of soft-paste ceramics with yellow -and brown glazes that are the forerunners of the famous Staffordshire -potteries. The design is a random trailing of brown -lines on a yellow ground. They were apparently more kitchen -than table wares. Especially common around the Davison house -were pieces of English salt glazed stoneware mugs. White, grey, -and brown examples were found. All are tall mugs with large -handles on the side. They were apparently the common ale or -porter mug of the Davison tavern. Red and tan wares of the Nottingham -type were in a minority.</p> -<p>The chief table ware in both the Hawkins and Davison houses -was the blue on white soft-paste ware called variously English -Delft or English Faience. It is decorated with tin enamels on a -soft body, generally in blue on white; although green, red, and -<span class="pb" id="Page_228">228</span> -brown do occur. The designs mostly copy Chinese porcelains and -quite a variety is known. From the Hawkins house and wells -we have a number of small white English Delft jars that are evidently -medicinal ointment containers. All the fragments found -here seem to have been made in England, presumably in Lambeth -or Bristol. It is clearly the common table ware of the better sort -for the early 18th Century.</p> -<p>A relatively large number of porcelain sherds were found, especially -in and near the Hawkins house. At first it was assumed -that this was Chinese export porcelain. Expert identification indicates -that the bulk of this porcelain is Japanese Imara ware. -It was somewhat surprising as little trade with Japan might be -expected in the first half of the 18th Century. Occasional pieces -of Japanese porcelain had been noted from Spanish sites in -Florida but such a large collection had not previously been located. -The bulk of the porcelain is blue and white in floral designs. -Sometimes green, pink, and gilt were added over-glaze to -form very attractive decorations on handleless cups and shallow -saucers. Several pieces of Chinese porcelain are included in the -group. All this is another illustration of the rather luxurious life -of some of the colonists. True porcelain then, as now, was expensive, -especially so as it was not made to any extent in Europe -at the time and the pieces had to be brought from China or Japan.</p> -<p>Glass formed an important part of the collections and consisted -of several kinds. The most common was a squat round bottle of -a light chartreuse color which appears black by reflected light. -A few square bottles of the “Case Bottle” type are represented, -but most were of the round type. Smaller bottles were usually -in a clear or faintly bluish glass. The numbers found around Dr. -Hawkins house suggest that they were medicine containers. Two -types of glasses were present: tumblers and stemmed goblets. -The tumblers were rare and the prevalent type of drinking glass -was the stemmed goblet. Many of the stems had enclosed tear -drops and some had engraved designs around the rims.</p> -<p>In the wells organic materials were preserved below waterline. -Barrel staves and other wooden objects were quite common. -Peach pits, squash, and gourd seeds indicate some of the agricultural -<span class="pb" id="Page_229">229</span> -products. The second Hawkins well, sealed in 1740 by -the back addition to the house, contained a number of peach pits. -It seems doubtful that trees would have grown to bearing size -in the four years since the founding of the town and one wonders -if these pits may not be derived from Spanish trees found growing -on the island.</p> -<p>It is difficult to summarize the results of these excavations in -that the material found is really simply a demonstration of the -facts learned from the documentary research already so ably -conducted by Mrs. Margaret Davis Cate. However, we can point -out that the Hawkins-Davison house proved to be exactly where -the documents said it would be. All the additions and dimensions -given in the colonial sources were demonstrated to correspond -closely to those given. The location of the streets and their size -agree closely with that given on early maps and the location of -the town grid of Frederica now can be presumed to be firmly -established. Of course, any excavation only whets the appetite -for more and we hope to uncover more of the old Town of -Frederica. In the artifacts we find a reflection of the life of the -times. Each householder had in his home certain items of military -equipment and was prepared to stand to the defense of his town -and colony should the occasion arise. The houses, of some at least, -were well built of brick and tabby, well glazed and sturdy if not -commodious. Household appointments were as good as England, -with her world trade, could provide at the time. The sturdy -houses, lead glass goblets, and Japanese porcelain show that the -colonists introduced into the new colony a gracious way of life -such as was enjoyed in a highly prosperous England.</p> -<h2 id="c8"><span class="small">FOOTNOTES</span></h2> -<div class="fnblock"><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_1" href="#fr_1">[1]</a>Well-known historian of Coastal Georgia and Historical Collaborator of the National Park Service for the Fort Frederica Project. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_2" href="#fr_2">[2]</a>Published as Volume IV of the <i>Collections of the Georgia Historical -Society</i> (Savannah, 1878). Jones gave no source for this map, but it has -been identified by the author as a small detail from a large map of St. -Simons Island made in 1739 by Capt. John Thomas, Engineer in Oglethorpe’s Regiment. -The original manuscript map is now in the Crown Collection in -the British Museum (with a copy in the Library of Congress), catalogued -CXXII-71a. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_3" href="#fr_3">[3]</a>Robert & George Watkins, comps., <i>A Digest of the Laws of the State -of Georgia ...</i> (Philadelphia, 1800), 599. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_4" href="#fr_4">[4]</a>These original manuscript maps were discovered by Nathaniel Harrison -Ballard, State Superintendent of Schools for Georgia, among uncatalogued -papers in the office of Georgia’s Secretary of State. They are now -in the Georgia Department of Archives and History and their first publication -was in Margaret Davis Cate, <i>Our Todays and Yesterdays</i>, (Brunswick, -Ga., 1930), 57, 60. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_5" href="#fr_5">[5]</a>Allen D. Candler, ed., <i>Colonial Records of the State of Georgia</i> (25 -vols. Vol. XX, not published. Atlanta, 1904-1916), XXII, Pt. I, 280; XXXIX, -433, 479. <i>Collections of the Georgia Historical Society</i>, I (Savannah, 1840), -192. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_6" href="#fr_6">[6]</a>Candler, ed., <i>Colonial Records of Georgia</i>, XXII, Pt. I, 279. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_7" href="#fr_7">[7]</a><i>Collections of The Georgia Historical Society</i>, II (Savannah, 1842), -113, 150. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_8" href="#fr_8">[8]</a>Candler, ed., <i>Colonial Records of Georgia</i>, VI, 146. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_9" href="#fr_9">[9]</a><i>Ibid.</i>, X, 79. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_10" href="#fr_10">[10]</a>This Christian Perkins who -petitioned for Dr. Hawkins’ lot came to -Georgia as Christian Grant. Several of her brothers, all of whom were indentured -servants, came at the same time. (E. M. Coulter and A. B. Saye, eds., -<i>A List of the Early Settlers of Georgia</i> (Athens, 1949), 19. One of these, -Peter Grant, fought at the Battle of Bloody Marsh and spent the rest of his -life on St. Simons Island, where he died in 1804 at the age of eighty-four. -[George White, <i>Statistics of the State of Georgia</i> (Savannah, 1849), 283; -<i>Coll. Ga. Hist. Soc.</i> I, 284n]. Christian Grant married John Perkins and after -his death married Francis Lewis. In her will (executed in 1786 and recorded -in 1811) on file in Chatham County, Georgia, Court House (Will Book E, -84), she left her Frederica lots (17N and 1S) to her brother, Peter Grant. -However, in 1789 she executed a deed transferring lot 17N “to my loving -nephew ... Thomas Grant, son of my brother, Peter Grant.” (Glynn County, -Ga., Deed Book CD, 168). -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_11" href="#fr_11">[11]</a>Candler, ed., <i>Col. Rec. Ga.</i>, X, 382. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_12" href="#fr_12">[12]</a>Georgia Department of Archives and History. Grant Book H, 27. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_13" href="#fr_13">[13]</a>Candler, ed., <i>Col. Rec. Ga.</i>, II, 150. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_14" href="#fr_14">[14]</a><i>Ibid.</i>, V, 284. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_15" href="#fr_15">[15]</a>Candler, ed., <i>Col. Rec. Ga.</i>, XXII, Pt. II, 387; Egmont Manuscripts in -Phillipps Collection in University of Georgia Library no. 14205, p. 253. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_16" href="#fr_16">[16]</a>Candler, ed., <i>Col. Rec. Ga.</i>, II, 278-79, 434; XXX, 125. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_17" href="#fr_17">[17]</a><i>Ibid.</i>, II, 346-48; V, 400, 564-65; XXIX, 404; XXX, 280, 301. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_18" href="#fr_18">[18]</a>Candler, ed., <i>Col. Rec. Ga.</i>, XXIII, 425; Egmont Manuscripts, Phillipps -Collection, no 14205, p. 253. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_19" href="#fr_19">[19]</a>Candler, ed., <i>Col. Rec. Ga.</i>, XXIII, 63. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_20" href="#fr_20">[20]</a><i>Ibid.</i>, XXIII, 31. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_21" href="#fr_21">[21]</a><i>Ibid.</i>, XXXIII, 198; Egmont Manuscripts, Phillipps Collection, no. -14205, pp. 204, 256. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_22" href="#fr_22">[22]</a>Coulter and Saye, eds., <i>A List of the Early Settlers of Georgia</i>, 56, 101. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_23" href="#fr_23">[23]</a>Nehemiah Curnock, ed., <i>The Journal of the Rev. John Wesley, A. M.</i> -(8 vols. London, 1938), I, 124-65. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_24" href="#fr_24">[24]</a><i>Ibid.</i>, I, 189, 263, 264. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_25" href="#fr_25">[25]</a>Candler, ed., <i>Col. Rec. Ga.</i>, V, 606. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_26" href="#fr_26">[26]</a><i>Ibid.</i>, XXI, 319; Thomas Jackson, <i>The Life of the Rev. Charles Wesley, -M. A.</i> (New York, 1842), 64. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_27" href="#fr_27">[27]</a>Egmont, Manuscripts, Phillipps Collection, no. 14204, pp. 281, 295; -Candler, ed., <i>Col. Rec. Ga.</i>, XXIII, 44, 45; XXX, 137, 142, 143, 266. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_28" href="#fr_28">[28]</a>Candler, ed., <i>Col. Rec. Ga.</i>, XXII Pt. I, 143, 145-47. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_29" href="#fr_29">[29]</a><i>Ibid.</i>, XXIII, 464. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_30" href="#fr_30">[30]</a>Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology and Archaeology, Florida State University, Tallahassee. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_31" href="#fr_31">[31]</a>Egmont Manuscripts in Phillipps Collection in University of Georgia -Library, no. 14203, p. 239. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_32" href="#fr_32">[32]</a>Francis Moore, “A Voyage to Georgia” in <i>Collections of the Georgia -Historical Society</i>, I (Savannah, 1840), 114. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_33" href="#fr_33">[33]</a>Egmont Manuscripts, Phillipps Collection, no. 14202, p. 213. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_34" href="#fr_34">[34]</a>Allen D. Candler, ed., <i>Colonial Records of the State of Georgia</i> (25 -vols. Vol. XX not published. Atlanta. 1904-1916), XXII, Pt. I, 16. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_35" href="#fr_35">[35]</a>Egmont Manuscripts, Phillipps Collection, no. 14205, p. 95. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_36" href="#fr_36">[36]</a><i>Collections of the Georgia Historical Society</i>, II (Savannah, 1842), -112-13. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_37" href="#fr_37">[37]</a>Candler, ed., <i>Col. Rec. Ga.</i>, XXII, Pt. II, 453. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_38" href="#fr_38">[38]</a>Phillipps Collection, no. 14202, p. 123; no. 14203, p. 123; no. 14204, p. 293. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_39" href="#fr_39">[39]</a><i>Manuscripts of the Earl of Egmont. Diary of Viscount Percival, Afterwards -First Earl of Egmont</i> (3 vols. London, 1920-1923), III, 216; Candler, -ed., <i>Col. Rec. Ga.</i>, V, 501. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_40" href="#fr_40">[40]</a>“A Voyage to Georgia,” 114. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_41" href="#fr_41">[41]</a>Candler, ed., <i>Col. Rec. Ga.</i>, XXII, Pt. I, 16. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_42" href="#fr_42">[42]</a><i>Collections of the Georgia Historical Society</i>, II, 112. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_43" href="#fr_43">[43]</a>Egmont Manuscripts, Phillipps Collection, no. 14205, p. 95. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_44" href="#fr_44">[44]</a>Candler, ed., <i>Col. Rec. Ga.</i>, XXII, Pt. II, 453. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_45" href="#fr_45">[45]</a>Egmont Manuscripts, no. 14204, p. 293. -</div><div class="fndef"><a class="fn" id="fn_46" href="#fr_46">[46]</a>Moore, “A Voyage to Georgia,” 114. -</div> -</div> -<h2>Transcriber’s Notes</h2> -<ul> -<li>Silently corrected a few typos.</li> -<li>Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook is public-domain in the country of publication.</li> -<li>In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by _underscores_.</li> -</ul> -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HAWKINS-DAVISON HOUSES, FREDERICA, ST. 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