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diff --git a/old/64684-0.txt b/old/64684-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 6229fb9..0000000 --- a/old/64684-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1470 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Hawkins-Davison Houses, Frederica, St. -Simons Island, Georgia, by Margaret Davis Cate - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Hawkins-Davison Houses, Frederica, St. Simons Island, Georgia - -Author: Margaret Davis Cate - -Release Date: March 04, 2021 [eBook #64684] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Stephen Hutcheson and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HAWKINS-DAVISON HOUSES, FREDERICA, -ST. SIMONS ISLAND, GEORGIA *** - - - - - HAWKINS-DAVISON HOUSES - FREDERICA - St. Simons Island, Georgia - - - Reprinted from - THE GEORGIA HISTORICAL QUARTERLY - Vol. XL No. 3 Sept. 1956 - - Publication No. 2 - FORT FREDERICA ASSOCIATION - - - - - The Original Houses of Frederica, Georgia: - The Hawkins-Davison Houses - - - By Margaret Davis Cate[1] - -The recent excavation of the building sites in the old Town of Frederica -has stirred interest in this now “Dead Town” and in the fortification, -Fort Frederica. - -Fort Frederica, located at a bluff on the western shore of St. Simons -Island, Georgia, and on the Inland Waterway, was founded in 1736 by the -British under the leadership of James Edward Oglethorpe, as an outpost -to protect the colony of Georgia and the other British possessions to -the north against the Spaniards in Florida. It became one of the most -expensive fortifications built by the British in America and the -military headquarters for a string of fortifications erected along this -southern frontier of Britain’s provinces in North America. - -The Town of Frederica, adjacent to the fort, was settled by forty -families brought here at that time. These settlers built Fort Frederica -and manned the fortifications until the coming of the regiment of -British soldiers two years later. - -Occupying about thirty-five acres of land, the town was half a hexagon -in shape, divided by Talbott Street, generally called Broad Street, into -two wards—North Ward and South Ward—and was laid out into eighty-four -lots, which were granted to the settlers and on which they built their -homes. About half a mile from Frederica, and surrounding the town on -three sides, were the garden lots while the fifty-acre tracts granted -the settlers were located in various parts of St. Simons Island. - -Later, a larger area of safety being necessary, the entire town was -fortified and surrounded by a moat, the banks of which formed the -ramparts of the town. A wall of posts ten feet high, forming the -stockade and palisade, flanked both sides of the moat, with five-sided -towers on the corner bastions. Entrance into the town was through the -Town Gate. - -This old Town of Frederica was a thriving community in its day. The -streets were lined with houses, some built of brick, some of tabby, and -others of wood. John and Charles Wesley, founders of Methodism, who came -to Georgia in 1736 as missionaries of the Church of England, were in -charge of religious affairs. The town government consisted of a -magistrate, recorder, constables, and tythingmen. There were two -taverns, an apothecary shop, and numerous other shops and stores. The -trades and professions were represented by the hatter, tailor, dyer, -weaver, tanner, shoemaker, cordwainer, saddler, sawyer, woodcutter, -carpenter, coachmaker, bricklayer, pilot, surveyor, accountant, baker, -brewer, tallow candler, cooper, blacksmith, locksmith, brazier, miller, -millwright, wheelwright, husbandman, doctor, surgeon, midwife, -Oglethorpe’s secretary, Keeper of the King’s Stores, and officers of -Oglethorpe’s Regiment. Frederica was a barracks town, so that its -business life was dependent on the money brought in by the soldiers of -the Regiment. - -After the British victory at Bloody Marsh and the defeat of the enemy in -the Spanish Invasion of 1742 (War of Jenkins’ Ear), peace was made with -Spain by the Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748; and the regiment of -British soldiers was disbanded the following year. - -Having gloriously achieved the purpose for which it was built, Frederica -now became a “Dead Town.” Gone were the soldiers who had given it life, -followed by the tradesmen and other settlers. The houses fell into -decay, brick and tabby walls tumbled, and fire took its toll. Much of -the old brick and tabby was hauled away and used in structures erected -during the plantation era and, in time, no evidence remained on the -surface to show that these houses had ever existed. Other families came, -built their houses on these sites, and for generations lived within the -confines of the old town. - -Of the several buildings Oglethorpe had erected within Fort Frederica -the ruin of only one remained and this was situated on the property of -Mrs. Belle Stevens Taylor. In 1903, Mrs. Taylor, through her friendship -for Mrs. Georgia Page Wilder, President of the Georgia Society of the -Colonial Dames of America, gave to this Society the plot of ground on -which stood this ruin, which the Colonial Dames repaired and saved for -posterity. - - [Illustration: _Map of Frederica made in 1796 by Joshua Miller, - Deputy Surveyor, Glynn County, Georgia. Original in Georgia - Department of Archives and History, Atlanta_] - -Four decades later, under the leadership of the late Judge and Mrs. S. -Price Gilbert of Atlanta and Alfred W. Jones of Sea Island, the Fort -Frederica Association raised the funds necessary for acquiring the lands -occupied by the old fort and town. In 1945 the property thus acquired -was taken over by the National Park Service and is now known as the Fort -Frederica National Monument. - -Little was known about the lay-out of Frederica. Twenty-five years ago -the only published map which gave information about the pattern of the -town was that which forms the frontispiece for the chapter on -“Frederica” in _Dead Towns of Georgia_ by Charles C. Jones, Jr.[2] -Though this map gave the plan of the old town, it was too small to be of -any value. - -The only maps available which gave any detailed information about the -fort and the town were those made in 1796 by Joshua Miller, Deputy -Surveyor of Glynn County, Georgia. These were made by order of the -General Assembly of Georgia, which named Commissioners for the Town of -Frederica, directing them to have a resurvey made to lay out the town -“as nearly as possible to the original plan thereof....”[3] One was a -detailed map of the Town of Frederica, showing the lay-out of the town, -with the streets, wards and lots, together with the number of each lot. -Then, for the first time was it possible to locate the exact lot on -which any particular settler had lived.[4] - -In 1952 original manuscript maps of Fort Frederica and the Town of -Frederica, dated 1736, were found in the John Carter Brown Library, -Brown University, Providence, R. I. The legend states that these maps -were made “by a Swiss engineer,” whom the author has identified as -Samuel Augspourger, a native of Switzerland, who was surveyor at -Frederica in 1736.[5] The Augspourger map of Fort Frederica is most -valuable, giving information about the fort, parapets, palisades, moat, -and other details which had hitherto been unknown. However, -Augspourger’s map of the Town of Frederica gave no information as to the -lot numbers, names of streets, and other details which were desired. - -Information about the Frederica settlers and their way of life has been -buried in old letters and other records. Only by careful reading of -available material in the scores of published and unpublished volumes of -the colonial records of Georgia could small bits of such information be -found and pieced together to give the picture of early days at -Frederica. It is known that records were kept of the lot owners, for -Oglethorpe wrote the Trustees in 1738, “I send you a Plan of ye Town of -Frederica with the Granted Lotts & the names of the Possessors”[6] but -this list has not yet been located among Georgia’s early records. - -Even though these volumes of the colonial records contained the names of -many of the settlers and told of the part they played in the life of -Frederica, rarely did they contain information as to the number of the -lot which such individuals occupied. Not until 1947 when the University -of Georgia purchased a manuscript collection of Georgiana, known as the -Egmont Papers of the Phillipps Collection, did this definite information -become available. From material in this collection Dr. E. Merton Coulter -and Dr. Albert B. Saye edited in 1949 _A List of the Early Settlers of -Georgia_, which gives the lot numbers granted these settlers and makes -it possible to locate each individual on the proper lot. - -It is believed that this list was compiled in England by Viscount -Percival, Earl of Egmont, President of the Board of Trustees for the -Founding of the Colony of Georgia, from information sent over from -Georgia from time to time. As is so often the case with such records, -there were errors. One such instance is the listing of lot number 2, -South Ward, Frederica, for Samuel Davison and the same lot for Dr. -Thomas Hawkins. Since the Hawkins and Davison families came to Frederica -at the same time and were among the first settlers of Frederica, it is -obvious that both of them could not have had lot number 2, South Ward. - -Davison left Georgia in 1741,[7] moving to Charleston, S. C., and Dr. -Hawkins returned to England in 1743.[8] In 1767 George Mackintosh -petitioned for lot number 1, South Ward of Frederica “formerly belonging -to Dr. Hawkins.”[9] His petition was not granted. In January of the -following year Christian Perkins,[10] widow, petitioned the Colonial -Council, stating that “there was a Lot in Frederica known by the Name of -Dr. Hawkins’s which was left in the Care and Possession of the -Petitioner’s late Husband by John Hawkins the said Doctor’s Brother who -was supposed to be entitled thereto That her said Husband from the Time -the said Lot was so left with him to the Time of his Death (being many -Years) had the Possession thereof and constantly accounted for the Taxes -and other Provincial Duties,” and asked that it be granted to her.[11] -This was done, the lot being recorded as number 1, South Ward.[12] Thus, -in this 1768 record we have proof that lot number 1, South Ward belonged -to Dr. Hawkins, leaving Samuel Davison in undisputed possession of lot -number 2. - -The families who occupied these two lots were different in every way. -Dr. Thomas Hawkins and his wife, Beatre, who occupied lot number 1, were -troublemakers; in fact, Mrs. Hawkins was known as “a mean woman.”[13] -Samuel Davison, with his wife, Susanna, their little daughter, Susanna -(born in England), and sons, John and Samuel (born at Frederica),[14] -who lived on lot number 2, were good citizens and well liked by the -other settlers. - -Dr. Hawkins was one of the important personages in the community. Not -only was he the surgeon in Oglethorpe’s Regiment and the medical doctor -for Frederica and the other settlements nearby, but he kept the -apothecary shop, and was First Bailiff. His house on Broad Street was -his residence as well as headquarters for his work. Here he saw patients -and dispensed drugs from his apothecary shop. He claimed his -improvements were “superior to any other.”[15] - -In addition to his pay as surgeon in the Regiment, Hawkins received a -salary of thirty pounds a year as First Bailiff and was allowed twelve -pounds, three shillings, four pence, for clothing and maintaining a -servant, together with an allowance of four pounds for the expense of -“public rejoicings, Anniversary Days, etc.” Also, he had an allowance of -ten pounds for acting as correspondent with William Stephens of -Savannah.[16] - -The Trustees sent him quantities of drugs, sugar, and tallow, to use in -his work. To enable him to go to Darien and other parts of the Colony to -visit the sick, he was allowed twenty-five pounds a year for the upkeep -of his boat, as well as the services of two of the Trustees’ servants. -Hawkins made charges for equipment for this boat, such as blocks and -rope, which the Trustees refused to pay. Likewise they refused to pay -the charge of one shilling for sharpening two surgeon’s saws, and -fifteen shillings for cleaning and grinding his surgical instruments. In -fact, he never seemed able to put through an expense account![17] - -When he was not paid the sums he claimed, he wrote: “I continue the care -of the sick, widows, servants and Indians and objects of charity as well -as the bailiffship but cannot get regular payment....” He further -claimed “my constitution [is] ruined by fatigue; character hurted by -Malicious Aspersions, My Dues kept from me.”[18] - -There were those, however, who did not think he had earned all he -claimed. Thomas Jones wrote that “he had not administered one dose of -physic to any poor person but refused, unless paid for which has been -done by contributions from the inhabitants....”[19] - -Oglethorpe defended Hawkins and wrote the Trustees: “I do well know that -he has attended the Sick very carefully and that he constantly went up -to Darien when I was here, and I suppose he did so when I was not, It is -no little thing to go in open Boats in all Weathers near Twenty Miles & -no small Expence to hire Men and Boats ... for tho he is very capable of -Doing his Duty as a Surgeon he is very ignorant in Accounts.”[20] - -Perkins, Moore, Calwell and Allen were among the Frederica settlers who -had altercations with Hawkins and two of his neighbors wrote that “if it -were not for debts and demands made on Hawkins there would be little use -for Court at Frederica.” In 1742 he was removed from office as First -Bailiff.[21] - -Beatre Hawkins and her friend, Anne Welch, wife of John Welch, who with -their three children lived a few doors down the street on lot number 7, -South Ward[22] thoroughly disliked the Wesleys. The Hawkins and Welch -families had crossed the Atlantic in the same boat with Oglethorpe and -the Wesleys. During this voyage religious services had been held for the -passengers and Mrs. Hawkins had seemed greatly moved by John Wesley’s -preaching and professed to be awakened to a new and better life. Charles -Wesley, observing her actions, saw through her hypocrisy and warned his -brother that her repentance was not genuine. She learned of this and, -so, hated the Wesleys.[23] - -After their arrival at Frederica these women attributed Oglethorpe’s -puritanical sternness to the moral and religious influence of the -Wesleys and conspired to bring about a break between Oglethorpe and the -clergymen. They fabricated a fantastic story of their indiscretions and -“confessed” these “misdeeds” to Charles Wesley, then told Oglethorpe -that Charles Wesley was spreading this tale. It was not until John -Wesley arrived from Savannah that the matter was cleared up, the truth -known, and mutual respect restored between Oglethorpe and the Wesley -brothers, a regard which was maintained throughout the remainder of -their long lives. - -After a few months in Georgia, Charles Wesley returned to England. -However, Mrs. Hawkins persisted in her efforts to persecute John Wesley. -On one of his later visits to Frederica she sent for him. When he -entered the Hawkins house, she, brandishing a pistol in one hand and a -pair of scissors in the other, threatened to shoot him. Wesley held her -hands so that she could not use either weapon; whereupon, she seized his -cassock with her teeth and tore both sleeves to pieces.[24] - -Her altercations with her Frederica neighbors caused one of them to -write, “If that W[oma]n is to be punished in this World, for her -Wickedness, how dreadful will the example be? I grow sick with the -thoughts of her,” and it was said, too, that Dr. Hawkins was “not atall -beloved by the Inhabitants.”[25] - -The Davison family, on the other hand, were good neighbors and were well -liked by the other settlers. Charles Wesley called Davison “my good -Samaritan” and wrote of him and his wife, “to their care, under God, I -owe my life....” Davison was said to be “one of the first of the -industrious villagers.”[26] - -In addition to keeping a tavern, Davison was Second Constable. In 1739 -he was named Overseer of the Trustees’ Servants at a salary of -twenty-five pounds a year, but Hawkins took this position away from him -and named to this office one of the Trustees’ servants who had just -arrived from Germany and spoke hardly a word of English. In 1740 Davison -was named Searcher of Ships at a salary of forty pounds a year.[27] - -For a time Davison seemed to enjoy life at Frederica. Writing to friends -in London in 1738, he said that “we all of us here have been wonderfully -protected by Almighty providence, very few of us have died, & none -sickly; we have great encrease of Children, & women bear, that in Europe -were thought past their time; The Cattle and Hogs yt. were given us on -Credit, thrive very well, & Fowls in great abundance, & one may venture -to say yt. ye place is blest on our Accounts....” - -To another friend, he wrote “my crop wch. was but very small on Acct. of -our being kept back in planting Season by ye alarms of the Spaniards, ye -land I got cleared being very good, gave me great hopes; now this Year I -have got at both plantations 6 acres & 38 perches of Land well fenced -about 6 & 7 foot high; & planted, wch. I hope in God will afford me & my -family Bread;... My wife was brought to bed of a John in July last, a -fine thriving child, & little Susan grows apace.”[28] - -However, in 1741, Davison with his family left Frederica and moved to -Charleston, S. C., complaining of the treatment he had received from Dr. -Hawkins and giving this as his reason for leaving.[29] It is not known -when Samuel Davison died, but his wife, Susanna, died in St. Bartholomew -Parish, Colleton County, S. C. in 1761. Her will (on file in the South -Carolina Archives, Columbia) names Susanna (who married John Smith), -John, and Samuel, the children who had lived at Frederica; and William, -who was born after they moved to South Carolina. - -It was known that Hawkins and Davison had adjoining lots, that the -houses had a “party wall,” that they were built of brick and three -stories high. When funds were made available for excavating a small area -in the Town of Frederica, it was decided to begin with these two lots. -The location of the “party wall” would fix the lot line between these -two lots, thus, making it possible to set up the exact boundaries of all -the Frederica lots. - - - - - The Excavation of The Hawkins-Davison Houses, Frederica National - Monument, St. Simons Island, Georgia - - - By Charles H. Fairbanks[30] - -The object of archaeological excavations is usually to discover general -information on the way of life of some people dead for long periods of -time. In the case of these excavations we were faced with a more -detailed problem, that of locating the remains of the Hawkins-Davison -houses, whose existence and construction type was quite well known. - -Fort Frederica National Monument is located on the western edge of St. -Simons Island. It was established as a national monument to preserve the -remains of the important 18th century fort and town founded by James -Edward Oglethorpe as a defense against the Spanish in Florida. Only part -of one building in the fort and part of the regimental barracks are -still standing. The purposes of the excavation were to attempt to locate -enough colonial features so that the original layout of the town could -be tied to the existing topography, and to provide a field exhibit of -colonial architecture. The documentary information on the town was -compiled by National Park Service Collaborator Margaret Davis Cate. Mrs. -Cate, in addition to her general research on the Town of Frederica, -prepared a detailed evaluation of the documents pertaining to each lot. -This was extremely helpful in appraising the historic material and -formed the basis of the plan for excavating, as well as for this paper. -In addition to the letters, the documents contained the Miller Map of -1796 which showed the arrangement of the lots, streets, fort, and -barracks as well as showing the size of the lots and the width of the -streets. The map contained certain inaccuracies and did not show any -point that could be accurately located at the present time. In addition, -it did not show the location of any house in the town. For these reasons -it was felt desirable to excavate a house site in the town that might be -identified through descriptions in the colonial documents. The -Hawkins-Davison houses filled these conditions, being built of brick and -having a common “party wall.” Thus it was felt that these houses would -probably yield identifiable remains and it might be possible to locate -the land lot lines and the alignment of Broad Street, the main street of -the town. - -Dr. Thomas Hawkins, town physician and one of the magistrates, was a -member of the “Great Embarkation” of 1735 which arrived in February, -1736. His household consisted of his wife, Beatre, and servants Thomas -Ayot and Richard Carpenter.[31] Work was started on the houses for the -first settlers in February of 1736 and seems to have consisted at first -of simple huts of poles covered with palmetto thatch. Francis Moore, on -his arrival at Frederica in March of 1736 says that “Each family had a -bower of palmetto leaves, finished upon the back street in their own -lands; the side towards the front street was set out for their houses. -These palmetto bowers were very convenient shelters, being tight in the -hardest rains; they were about twenty foot long, and fourteen foot wide, -and in regular rows, looked very pretty, the palmetto leaves lying -smooth and handsome, and of a good color. The whole appeared something -like a camp; for the bowers looked like tents, only being larger, and -covered with palmetto leaves instead of canvas.”[32] By November of 1736 -the first two houses were nearly complete, three stories high, made of -brick.[33] It is possible that these two were the Hawkins and Davison -houses. Dr. Hawkins said, in a letter to the Trustees in November, 1737, -that he had added half as much more to the length of his house.[34] In -August of 1740 he had made another addition valued at £60.[35] This -completes the direct mention of buildings and additions to the Hawkins -house but a deposition taken in South Carolina in 1741 describes the two -houses in some detail and is quoted at length: - - [Illustration: _Architectural Drawing of Hawkins-Davison houses. - Details based on historical documentation and archaeological - evidence. Abreu & Robson, Architects._] - - [Illustration: _Hawkins-Davison houses from the east. Davison house - in foreground._] - -“John Robertson, late brick layer in Frederica, in Georgia, maketh oath -and saith, that on or about the ninth of August last, being at work on -Mr. Davison’s house, adjoining to Mr. Hawkin’s, at the said Frederica, -on which the said Davison was putting a new roof, he did propose to the -said Hawkins, to take up a few shingles, and a gutter belonging to the -said Hawkins’s house, and put the said gutter on the party-wall, to -which the said Hawkins agreed; saying that it would be a benefit to him, -because he must be obliged to alter the roof of his own house soon: and -the said Davison being to lay down a new gutter at his own expense, it -would serve for both houses, and which must save one half the expense of -the said gutter to the said Hawkins. But the said Hawkins being out of -town, a day or two after General Oglethorpe sent to the said Davison, to -forbid him to touch anything belonging to the said Hawkins’s house, -though the said gutter encroached fourteen inches on the said Davison’s -ground, and the said Oglethorpe’s own carpenter said it might be done in -a few hours, and without harm to the Doctor.* [Hawkins—in footnote]. -That the said Oglethorpe did soon after, on the same day, stand on the -sill of the said Hawkins’s window, and put his head up betwixt the -joists of the said Davison’s house, and ordered Mr. Cannon to build the -said joists six inches lower; when the said Cannon told the said -Oglethorpe they were but six inches deep; when the said Oglethorpe -replied, he did not care, they might take it down, and build the house -six inches lower; when the said Cannon said, that one roof would fall -lower than the other, and that therefore it would be impossible to make -the said Davison’s house tight, or keep it dry; then the said Oglethorpe -said, you might have thought of that before. And further, that the said -Oglethorpe did then say to the said Cannon, if you touch a shingle of -what the Doctor (meaning Hawkins) has put down, I’LL SHOOT YOU, to which -he added a great oath, for you have done more than you can answer in -building so high as to stop up the Doctor’s window. That the said -Davison being thus hindered from finishing his house, was forced to -remove his goods from the said house (which was quite open,) and had -only a stable for his family to be in, until this deponent left the said -Frederica, which was on the 29th of September, 1741.”[36] - -We also know that Dr. Hawkins had planted two hedges on his lot but -there is no mention of fences.[37] - -Samuel Davison was a chairman by trade but had been brought to Frederica -to make musket stocks. He was married and had three children. His was -probably one of the two brick houses nearing completion in November of -1736. By April of 1738 it was finished. In January 16, 1740 Davison -complained to Egmont that Dr. Hawkins said “when my house was finished -he would sell my children, one to the Carpenter, and the other to the -Plasterer that did my house, which is very cutting to a tender -parent.”[38] The deposition quoted at length on Dr. Hawkins’ house, of -course, applies to Davison’s house as well. Davison also kept a tavern -and other references indicate his lot was fenced.[39] - -From these references it will be seen that the two houses were -substantial enough to leave some remains, had a party wall which would -follow the lot line, and the presumed location of the houses was in an -area not heavily farmed in the last century. - -It was hoped that the location of the party wall mentioned in the -documents would lead to a determination of the present location of the -original town lot lines. In this way we could locate streets, lots, -houses and other features of the colonial town of Frederica. Rarely, I -believe, has careful documentary research been so well vindicated as in -this case. We uncovered the wall foundations of the Hawkins-Davison -houses and clearly demonstrated the present location of the line -separating South Ward Lots 1 and 2. The discovery of colonial wells -yielded an additional dividend of many objects which illustrate the -early 18th Century culture of the town of Frederica. In addition the -exposed foundations serve as a vivid illustration of the existence of an -English style of life established on the soil of Georgia. - -The digging was started just to the west of the location for the two -houses indicated by Mrs. Cate. As the excavation proceeded we uncovered -the entire area of the two houses and tested the sides of the lots for -evidences of fences. The area of Broad Street was trenched to prove the -existence of the principal street. The wells encountered were cleaned as -far as time permitted. In the following account the features found will -be described in the order in which they were constructed by the -colonists rather than in the order of our discovery. This will give a -much clearer picture of what existed there in the colonial period. - -All of the colonial remains were found to be covered by a deposit of -sandy humus from 0.7 to 1.0 foot deep. This had accumulated over the -foundations after the buildings collapsed in the later part of the 18th -Century. This was somewhat deeper than had been expected and indicated -the rapidity with which remains are obliterated in the lush climate of -the Golden Isles. - - - _The Hawkins House_ - -The house of Dr. Thomas Hawkins consisted of three rooms in ground plan -and will be discussed in the order in which the rooms were constructed. -At the west was a small room 10 feet east and west by 15.3 feet north -and south. The room had undergone three periods of building but only the -first period will concern us here. This consisted of a footing ditch 1.3 -feet wide on the south and west sides. Six inch posts were placed in -this ditch at intervals of about one foot. These posts formed the -framework of a rather rude shed. The level of the floor is uncertain, as -it had been destroyed by later construction. This pole building is -believed to be the shed built at the time of the first arrival of -settlers in 1736. It evidently served as a shelter during the -construction of the main house which was built immediately to the east. -The description by Francis Moore[40] of the palmetto bowers built in -February of 1736 said that they were built on the backs of the lots. -This hut was just the sort of construction one might expect from the -description given by Moore. Yet it is on the front of the lot along -Broad Street, and not on the back. The only explanation is that Dr. -Hawkins did not build his palmetto bower on the back of his lot, or he -may have built two, one at the back and one at the front. The front one -was later incorporated into the main house. - -Directly east and continuous with this original structure the main house -was erected. It measured twenty feet east-west and fifteen feet -north-south, outside dimensions. The ditches for the wall foundations -were dug to a point two and a half feet below colonial ground level. The -walls were constructed of brick 3½″ x 2½″ x 8″ so the finished wall was -one foot wide. The west wall was without a break throughout its entire -length, as was the east wall which formed the party wall with Davison’s -house. Both the north and south walls were broken by doorways three and -a half feet wide in the centers. Evidences of wooden door casings were -found in the doorways. The floor of the room had been excavated two and -a half feet below colonial ground level. It had later been raised four -times by sand fills averaging three inches in thickness. Mixed with the -sands was an occasional brick as well as a few scattered English Delft -sherds and bones of pig and beef. - -It seems that the floors were made of dry-laid bricks set in sand -without mortar. As the floor was raised each time, the bricks were taken -up and replaced at the higher level. When the house was finally -abandoned, the floor bricks were salvaged and thus were absent at the -present time. - -The east wall was the party wall with the Davison house. In the center -there was a brick fireplace five feet wide and two feet deep formed by -extending pilasters one foot wide out from the wall. The sides were -plastered outside and inside with a lime plaster, as were most of the -walls of the room. The fireplace had been re-built three times. The -lowest level was the same as the lowest and earliest floor level. -Subsequently the brick hearth had been removed, a sand fill five inches -deep added and the brick replaced. Similar replacements took place -whenever the floor was raised. The chimney evidently lay in the party -wall and was used by both houses, probably with separate flues. In ashes -resting on the hearth were found the broken remains of a stemmed glass -goblet. It is tempting to speculate that this is evidence of the custom -of hurling goblets, used in toasting royalty, into the fireplace; -possibly a toast to the king after the Battle of Bloody Marsh. - -Between the north wall and the fireplace was a bricked area four and a -half feet wide and two feet deep. The bricks showed no evidence of wear -and this evidently represents the floor of a corner closet. The closet -had evidently been removed before the floor was raised for the last -time. On the floor lay a complete musket bayonet which had been placed -there in its sheath as the copper sheath tip covers the point of the -bayonet. There were also two parts of a door lock and a few scraps of -English Delft and lead glass. - -Three and a half feet north of the north wall of the room was a brick -wall running east and west. It was connected to the main structure at -the east by a short north-south wall and seems to have been an outside -stairwell to the second floor. This wall was eleven and a half feet -long, ending at the west just opposite the western edge of the doorway. -In order to give access to the ground floor the steps must have run from -the northeast corner up to the center of the second floor. Thus the -entrance to the ground floor would be under the top of the steps. The -area between this wall and the main wall of the house was floored with -tabby which extended on the west to a point seven feet beyond the -northwest corner of the building. This tabby floor was littered with -broken crockery, glass, oyster shells, fish scales and animal bones. -Evidently household refuse was allowed to accumulate here under the -front steps, during the occupation of the house. - -The next stage in the development of the house was a strengthening of -the western, original hut. This was accomplished by putting wooden forms -along the inside and outside edges of the posts of the west wall and -pouring tabby around the posts to a height of one foot. This was applied -only to the north ten posts on the west side. On the south side a series -of bricks was found that evidently served as wedges against wall posts. -The floor of the room was at this time slightly more than one and a half -feet below ground level. A remnant of brick floor remained and it seems -likely that the entire floor was bricked. The floor was littered with -fragments of small glass bottles, small white Delft ointment jars, -several glass bottle stoppers, and an ivory enema tube. This implies -that the apothecary shop of Dr. Hawkins was located in this western -room. It is suggested that the strengthening of this hut into an -addition to the house comprises the addition of half the length -mentioned by Hawkins in 1737.[41] The 1740 addition was of brick and -this west room is ten feet wide, half the length, twenty feet, of the -main house. There is evidence of later repairs to the walls of this room -but we do not know of what these alterations consisted. - -During the time from 1736 to 1740 when the main room was in use two -wells were in use successively just to the rear of the Hawkins house. -First was a rectangular well three feet south of the rear wall and just -east of the back door. This well had a rectangular pit four feet square -with posts at the corners which supported a well house. The walls within -the well were held up by wooden barrels placed one above another with -the ends knocked out. The well was six and a half feet deep and there -was less than one foot of water in this well. Several peach pits were -found in the base of this well. The next well was circular directly -south of the back door. It was dug six and a half feet deep and six feet -in diameter. The well proper was bricked in, with a diameter of three -feet. This well contained a variety of objects that had evidently been -included in household trash which was used to fill up the well when it -was abandoned. They consisted of: - - 1 small lead glass round bottle, 50cc. capacity - 1 square bottle, 1 pint capacity, probably a snuff bottle - 1 round bottle, 28 ounces capacity - 1 English brown salt glaze stoneware bottle - 1 English brown and gray salt glaze stoneware mug - 1 English white salt glaze stoneware mug - 1 Small white English Delft ointment jar - 1 yellow and brown striped lead glaze pot with handle - 1 Japanese Imara porcelain bowl, blue on white with red and gilt - overglaze enamels - 1 claw hammer, complete with handle - a quantity of watermelon seeds and peach pits. - -The well was abandoned and filled when it was decided to make another -addition to the house. Tabby floor was laid over the filled well and -soon sank slightly into the well. - -The last addition to the Hawkins house was made at the back and measured -sixteen and a half feet north-south and eighteen and a half feet -east-west. The western side was aligned with the western wall of the -main house, but the eastern wall did not use the party wall. Instead -there was a gap of one and a half feet between the back rooms of the -Hawkins and Davison houses. The brick of the walls measured 4″ x 2″ x -9″, definitely larger than those of the main house. At the southeast -corner there was a large buttress outside the wall, evidently part of a -chimney foundation. Inside the southeast corner was a corner fireplace -set diagonally across the corner. As the tabby floor of this back room -sank into the old well the depression was filled in with more tabby and -later another floor level was added. There is some evidence that finally -a wooden floor was installed, over the tabby. - -There is no evidence as to the height of this back addition to the -Hawkins house. However, the Roberson statement of 1741[42] says that -Oglethorpe stood in the window and put his head between the joists of -Davison’s house. It is further stated that Oglethorpe’s action involved -the roof levels of the two houses. Thus it seems reasonable to assume -that the joists mentioned are roof joists. As the only place in the -Hawkins house where a window could face the Davison house is in the -narrow gap between the south addition and the Davison house it seems -this addition must have been three stories high. As this was the only -addition to the house that was made of brick it seems to correspond to -that mentioned as being completed by August of 1740 which cost £60.[43] - -One other well belonging to the Hawkins lot was forty feet west of the -house just inside the western line of the lot. It was circular and -probably had a well house over it. Slightly over six feet deep the walls -were supported by another series of bottomless barrels. It also had been -filled with household trash including a very fine musket bayonet. All -these wells had planks laid across the bottom, apparently to prevent the -well bucket from muddying the well. This last well had in addition a -large square post of unknown use resting on the plank. Just west of the -well was a poorly defined line of root disturbances which may mark the -location of the hedge of pomegranates mentioned for Dr. Hawkins lot.[44] - - - _The Davison House_ - -The home of Samuel Davison lay to the east of the east wall of the -Hawkins house. The front room was seventeen feet east-west and eighteen -feet north-south. Directly back of this was an additional room twenty -and a half feet east-west and eleven feet north-south. The east wall, -however, was straight, the extra three and a half feet being taken up by -a stairwell along the east side of the north room. The floor of the -north room had originally been excavated to a level two feet four inches -below colonial ground level. Only a disturbed sand strata remained of -the lowest floor level, and it is not possible to determine of what the -floor was originally composed. It was soon covered with a tabby floor -whose upper surface was two feet below ground level. This floor was -later covered by a brick floor, set with tabby mortar in a herringbone -pattern. In the middle of the east wall there was a doorway four feet -four inches wide opening into the stairwell on that side. The floor of -this door appears to have joined a stair up to the stairwell, possibly -to both sides. In the southeast corner of the north room was another -doorway of the same width. A short flight of steps remained leading from -the floor level up to the south. The steps are of brick with a four inch -wooden nosing. - -The north wall and the north half of the east wall were of brick. The -south half of the east wall and the south wall were tabby. In the middle -of the west (party) wall, directly opposite the fireplace of Dr. Hawkins -house, was a fireplace five feet wide. It was formed by two short -pilasters extending out from the wall. At first these were slightly less -than two feet long, but they were lengthened at a later date to slightly -less than three feet. The walls as well as the fireplace were plastered. -This, however, was not the finished wall. The brick and tabby floors did -not come up quite to the wall. The space between the floor and wall, -four inches wide, had contained wooden lath and a plaster coat “furred” -out from the masonry or tabby wall. This gave the room a double wall and -certainly made it drier and warmer than a plastered brick or tabby wall, -as in the case of the Hawkins house. This suggests an explanation for -the remark attributed to Dr. Hawkins, that he would sell the Davison -children, “one to the Carpenter and the other to the Plasterer.”[45] It -is perhaps understandable that the village doctor and magistrate would -be irritated that his neighbor could afford a tighter, drier house. The -south room was larger than the north but not so elaborately finished. -Perhaps in this case the boys in the back room were the less favored -customers at the Davison tavern. The walls appear to have been brick -with the exception of the north wall which was tabby. All the walls had -been salvaged down to the bottom course of brick so that it is not sure -that they may have been of wood or tabby on a brick footing. However, -the footings appear to be so similar to those for the other brick walls -that I think we may conclude that they were, in fact, brick. The remains -of a tabby floor covered part of the room area and it is possible the -entire floor was so paved. There is a suggestion of steps down from -outside to the northeast corner of the room, but very little remained in -this section and the size of these steps cannot be determined. Just -north of the Davison house a narrow ditch running parallel to the front -wall was found. It is not certain what this represents except that it is -clearly some sort of front fence. - -Samuel Davison ran a tavern and it seems the lower floor of his house -was the tap room. The large quantity of bottle fragments and stoneware -mug fragments found around the house support this view. A total of 651 -pieces of clay pipe bowls and stems were found in and around the house. -They reflect the 18th Century custom of smoking in the taverns and give -some idea of the frequency of smoking as well as the fragility of the -pipes used. - -The Davison lot was supposed to be completely fenced and efforts were -made to locate the evidences of these fences along the east, west, and -south sides. A row of postholes was found along the west side to the -southwest corner and followed a short distance along the south side. The -east side seemed to have another fence, but it was obscured by a series -of wells as that along the west side of the Hawkins lot had been. - -South of the Davison lot an open space fourteen feet three inches wide -was found. South of that tabby remains were found, but time and funds -did not permit their exploration. The Miller map of 1796 gives the width -of the first street south of Broad Street as 14 feet. The open space -south of the corner of lot 2 fits this width quite nicely. The 1736 -Auspourger map says that the width of street “C” is sixteen feet. Only -more thorough excavation will clear up this point. In any case the tabby -to the south would be the remains of a building on South Ward Lot 19, -belonging to Thomas Sumner, or to South Ward Lot 20, belonging to Daniel -Prevost. The southwest corner of South Ward Lot 2, Samuel Davison, was -located with some accuracy. Measuring north ninety feet, along the line -of the party wall, the northwest corner was found to be three feet north -of the northwest corner of the Davison house. The front stairwell of the -Hawkins house extended out into the street alignment a matter of six -inches. This line between lots 1 and 2 was taken as the base for laying -out the grid of town lots as shown on the Miller and Auspourger maps. -The town grid fits very well with the present contours that seem to -represent colonial features. It can be assumed that the town grid of -Frederica has again been determined. It should be possible to locate any -specific town lot from the information now in hand. - -Along the east side of the Davison lot a series of pits was excavated in -an attempt to locate the fence along that side. There were postholes -that very probably represent the fence but the area was taken up largely -by three wells, two round and one square. Time permitted only the -clearing of the square one. This well was exactly what might be expected -on the Davison lot, the upper part had been filled with a solid mass of -fragments of bottles, a total of five thousand three hundred and -ninety-five pieces. The quantities of glass and other household refuse -in this and other wells suggest that the colonists saved such materials -to fill old wells. - - - _Broad Street_ - -The present contours of the Frederica surface showed a depression, -approximately ninety feet wide north and south and 190 feet long east -and west, just in front of the Hawkins-Davison houses. East of this a -similar depression extended on to the break in the town rampart which -was believed to be the location of the town gate. This series of -depressions had been considered as the trace of Broad Street. A trench -was extended across the area to check the presumed location of the main -street of the town. No definite evidence of Broad Street was found. -There were no roadside ditches or any evidence of any sort of surfacing. -Sixty-four feet north of the Hawkins front steps there was a slight -depression in the old land surface. This ditch extended north another -twenty feet. At that point a low ridge bounded the depression on the -north. - -The Miller map shows the width of Broad Street as 82 feet, while Francis -Moore says it was twenty-five yards wide[46] and the Auspourger map says -seventy-five feet. The contours of the ground fit the figure of -eighty-two feet best. Until the recent discovery of the Auspourger Map -of 1736, it had been assumed that the Francis Moore figure was an -estimate and the Miller map gave the true width of Broad Street. Now -that the 1736 map and Francis Moore both agree it may be assumed that -Broad Street was laid out with a width of seventy-five feet. We know -that the front steps of the Hawkins house infringed on the street a -matter of six inches. The depression in the old land surface at the -north side of the street marks the edge of the road in that area. -Further work will possibly locate fences or hedge lines that will -clarify this point. - - - _The Mark Carr Lot_ - -At a point ninety-two feet north of the Hawkins house our excavation -uncovered the remains of a tabby wall. It was badly decayed and was -surrounded by the usual household debris which marks the sites of -houses. It evidently marks the south or front wall of a house, built of -tabby, on Lot 1 of the North Ward. This lot belonged to Mark Carr, -founder of Brunswick. At the present time no records of a building on -this lot are known. Time and funds did not permit further exploration of -the structure. - - - _The Artifacts_ - -Colonial archaeology is particularly fascinating because of the great -quantities and intrinsic interest of the artifacts recovered. These -objects are usually recognizable in spite of breakage and corrosion. -They immediately call to mind a host of associations and functions that -do much to enrich the picture of a living community. In many cases they -are objects of considerable esthetic appeal and are prime museum -exhibits. No detailed discussion of the various classes of colonial -relics can be made here. It will be sufficient to call attention to -those of special interest. - -Items of military equipment were in a definite minority in the -Hawkins-Davison houses. Those of us who have been working at Frederica -have come to think its military aspects outweighed the civilian facets. -In these two houses a few musket balls, two bayonets, and one sword -scabbard tip indicate clearly that Frederica enjoyed a life with a -minimum of emphasis on the martial, at least for the non-garrison -people. Hinges, locks, nails, and other hardware give us a good idea of -how the houses were constructed and furnished as to doors and windows. -In this connection the great quantities of window glass may surprise -many. What might be called the Daniel Boone Tradition has conditioned us -to think of our colonial ancestors living in poorly lighted log cabins. -Here at Frederica the wealthy, at least, lived in brick and tabby houses -with completely glazed windows. - - [Illustration: _Salt glaze stoneware mugs found in excavation of - Hawkins-Davison houses_] - - [Illustration: _The range of bottle sizes found in excavation of - Hawkins-Davison houses_] - -Many of the objects fall into the personal ornament and clothing class. -Buckles were very common, of iron or brass and often tastefully -ornamented. Buttons were generally of brass but several gilded or gold -plated examples exist. Two single cuff-links or frogs were found. Both -were made of copper or brass and set with small blue “stones” of glass. -Coins were relatively rare, only three being found. All are George II -English pennies bearing the dates of 1739, 1738, and 1757. Household -objects included a brass candle-stick base, forks, knives, and spoons, -one complete pewter spoon being found. A clock key bears the Latin motto -“Tempora Mutant,” perhaps fitting for the stirring times in which Dr. -Hawkins lived. Common pins were much like the modern ones and illustrate -how little some everyday objects have changed in two centuries. - -Ceramics are usually of great interest to the archaeologist because they -reflect so clearly the changing styles and technology of the times. A -wide variety of pottery and porcelain was found, surprisingly varied, as -the excavations in the regimental barracks had led us to expect a rather -limited variety. The great majority were simple earthenwares with -various lead glazes. These were made in England and used for kitchen and -domestic purposes. They range from large bowls to small oven casseroles. -A few sherds of Spanish olive jars were found, evidently loot from -Oglethorpe’s expeditions against Spanish Florida. - -There was a large group of soft-paste ceramics with yellow and brown -glazes that are the forerunners of the famous Staffordshire potteries. -The design is a random trailing of brown lines on a yellow ground. They -were apparently more kitchen than table wares. Especially common around -the Davison house were pieces of English salt glazed stoneware mugs. -White, grey, and brown examples were found. All are tall mugs with large -handles on the side. They were apparently the common ale or porter mug -of the Davison tavern. Red and tan wares of the Nottingham type were in -a minority. - -The chief table ware in both the Hawkins and Davison houses was the blue -on white soft-paste ware called variously English Delft or English -Faience. It is decorated with tin enamels on a soft body, generally in -blue on white; although green, red, and brown do occur. The designs -mostly copy Chinese porcelains and quite a variety is known. From the -Hawkins house and wells we have a number of small white English Delft -jars that are evidently medicinal ointment containers. All the fragments -found here seem to have been made in England, presumably in Lambeth or -Bristol. It is clearly the common table ware of the better sort for the -early 18th Century. - -A relatively large number of porcelain sherds were found, especially in -and near the Hawkins house. At first it was assumed that this was -Chinese export porcelain. Expert identification indicates that the bulk -of this porcelain is Japanese Imara ware. It was somewhat surprising as -little trade with Japan might be expected in the first half of the 18th -Century. Occasional pieces of Japanese porcelain had been noted from -Spanish sites in Florida but such a large collection had not previously -been located. The bulk of the porcelain is blue and white in floral -designs. Sometimes green, pink, and gilt were added over-glaze to form -very attractive decorations on handleless cups and shallow saucers. -Several pieces of Chinese porcelain are included in the group. All this -is another illustration of the rather luxurious life of some of the -colonists. True porcelain then, as now, was expensive, especially so as -it was not made to any extent in Europe at the time and the pieces had -to be brought from China or Japan. - -Glass formed an important part of the collections and consisted of -several kinds. The most common was a squat round bottle of a light -chartreuse color which appears black by reflected light. A few square -bottles of the “Case Bottle” type are represented, but most were of the -round type. Smaller bottles were usually in a clear or faintly bluish -glass. The numbers found around Dr. Hawkins house suggest that they were -medicine containers. Two types of glasses were present: tumblers and -stemmed goblets. The tumblers were rare and the prevalent type of -drinking glass was the stemmed goblet. Many of the stems had enclosed -tear drops and some had engraved designs around the rims. - -In the wells organic materials were preserved below waterline. Barrel -staves and other wooden objects were quite common. Peach pits, squash, -and gourd seeds indicate some of the agricultural products. The second -Hawkins well, sealed in 1740 by the back addition to the house, -contained a number of peach pits. It seems doubtful that trees would -have grown to bearing size in the four years since the founding of the -town and one wonders if these pits may not be derived from Spanish trees -found growing on the island. - -It is difficult to summarize the results of these excavations in that -the material found is really simply a demonstration of the facts learned -from the documentary research already so ably conducted by Mrs. Margaret -Davis Cate. However, we can point out that the Hawkins-Davison house -proved to be exactly where the documents said it would be. All the -additions and dimensions given in the colonial sources were demonstrated -to correspond closely to those given. The location of the streets and -their size agree closely with that given on early maps and the location -of the town grid of Frederica now can be presumed to be firmly -established. Of course, any excavation only whets the appetite for more -and we hope to uncover more of the old Town of Frederica. In the -artifacts we find a reflection of the life of the times. Each -householder had in his home certain items of military equipment and was -prepared to stand to the defense of his town and colony should the -occasion arise. The houses, of some at least, were well built of brick -and tabby, well glazed and sturdy if not commodious. Household -appointments were as good as England, with her world trade, could -provide at the time. The sturdy houses, lead glass goblets, and Japanese -porcelain show that the colonists introduced into the new colony a -gracious way of life such as was enjoyed in a highly prosperous England. - - - - - FOOTNOTES - - -[1]Well-known historian of Coastal Georgia and Historical Collaborator - of the National Park Service for the Fort Frederica Project. - -[2]Published as Volume IV of the _Collections of the Georgia Historical - Society_ (Savannah, 1878). Jones gave no source for this map, but it - has been identified by the author as a small detail from a large map - of St. Simons Island made in 1739 by Capt. John Thomas, Engineer in - Oglethorpe’s Regiment. The original manuscript map is now in the - Crown Collection in the British Museum (with a copy in the Library - of Congress), catalogued CXXII-71a. - -[3]Robert & George Watkins, comps., _A Digest of the Laws of the State - of Georgia ..._ (Philadelphia, 1800), 599. - -[4]These original manuscript maps were discovered by Nathaniel Harrison - Ballard, State Superintendent of Schools for Georgia, among - uncatalogued papers in the office of Georgia’s Secretary of State. - They are now in the Georgia Department of Archives and History and - their first publication was in Margaret Davis Cate, _Our Todays and - Yesterdays_, (Brunswick, Ga., 1930), 57, 60. - -[5]Allen D. Candler, ed., _Colonial Records of the State of Georgia_ (25 - vols. Vol. XX, not published. Atlanta, 1904-1916), XXII, Pt. I, 280; - XXXIX, 433, 479. _Collections of the Georgia Historical Society_, I - (Savannah, 1840), 192. - -[6]Candler, ed., _Colonial Records of Georgia_, XXII, Pt. I, 279. - -[7]_Collections of The Georgia Historical Society_, II (Savannah, 1842), - 113, 150. - -[8]Candler, ed., _Colonial Records of Georgia_, VI, 146. - -[9]_Ibid._, X, 79. - -[10]This Christian Perkins who petitioned for Dr. Hawkins’ lot came to - Georgia as Christian Grant. Several of her brothers, all of whom - were indentured servants, came at the same time. (E. M. Coulter and - A. B. Saye, eds., _A List of the Early Settlers of Georgia_ (Athens, - 1949), 19. One of these, Peter Grant, fought at the Battle of Bloody - Marsh and spent the rest of his life on St. Simons Island, where he - died in 1804 at the age of eighty-four. [George White, _Statistics - of the State of Georgia_ (Savannah, 1849), 283; _Coll. Ga. Hist. - Soc._ I, 284n]. Christian Grant married John Perkins and after his - death married Francis Lewis. In her will (executed in 1786 and - recorded in 1811) on file in Chatham County, Georgia, Court House - (Will Book E, 84), she left her Frederica lots (17N and 1S) to her - brother, Peter Grant. However, in 1789 she executed a deed - transferring lot 17N “to my loving nephew ... Thomas Grant, son of - my brother, Peter Grant.” (Glynn County, Ga., Deed Book CD, 168). - -[11]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, X, 382. - -[12]Georgia Department of Archives and History. Grant Book H, 27. - -[13]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, II, 150. - -[14]_Ibid._, V, 284. - -[15]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, XXII, Pt. II, 387; Egmont Manuscripts - in Phillipps Collection in University of Georgia Library no. 14205, - p. 253. - -[16]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, II, 278-79, 434; XXX, 125. - -[17]_Ibid._, II, 346-48; V, 400, 564-65; XXIX, 404; XXX, 280, 301. - -[18]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, XXIII, 425; Egmont Manuscripts, - Phillipps Collection, no 14205, p. 253. - -[19]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, XXIII, 63. - -[20]_Ibid._, XXIII, 31. - -[21]_Ibid._, XXXIII, 198; Egmont Manuscripts, Phillipps Collection, no. - 14205, pp. 204, 256. - -[22]Coulter and Saye, eds., _A List of the Early Settlers of Georgia_, - 56, 101. - -[23]Nehemiah Curnock, ed., _The Journal of the Rev. John Wesley, A. M._ - (8 vols. London, 1938), I, 124-65. - -[24]_Ibid._, I, 189, 263, 264. - -[25]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, V, 606. - -[26]_Ibid._, XXI, 319; Thomas Jackson, _The Life of the Rev. Charles - Wesley, M. A._ (New York, 1842), 64. - -[27]Egmont, Manuscripts, Phillipps Collection, no. 14204, pp. 281, 295; - Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, XXIII, 44, 45; XXX, 137, 142, 143, - 266. - -[28]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, XXII Pt. I, 143, 145-47. - -[29]_Ibid._, XXIII, 464. - -[30]Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology and Archaeology, - Florida State University, Tallahassee. - -[31]Egmont Manuscripts in Phillipps Collection in University of Georgia - Library, no. 14203, p. 239. - -[32]Francis Moore, “A Voyage to Georgia” in _Collections of the Georgia - Historical Society_, I (Savannah, 1840), 114. - -[33]Egmont Manuscripts, Phillipps Collection, no. 14202, p. 213. - -[34]Allen D. Candler, ed., _Colonial Records of the State of Georgia_ - (25 vols. Vol. XX not published. Atlanta. 1904-1916), XXII, Pt. I, - 16. - -[35]Egmont Manuscripts, Phillipps Collection, no. 14205, p. 95. - -[36]_Collections of the Georgia Historical Society_, II (Savannah, - 1842), 112-13. - -[37]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, XXII, Pt. II, 453. - -[38]Phillipps Collection, no. 14202, p. 123; no. 14203, p. 123; no. - 14204, p. 293. - -[39]_Manuscripts of the Earl of Egmont. Diary of Viscount Percival, - Afterwards First Earl of Egmont_ (3 vols. London, 1920-1923), III, - 216; Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, V, 501. - -[40]“A Voyage to Georgia,” 114. - -[41]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, XXII, Pt. I, 16. - -[42]_Collections of the Georgia Historical Society_, II, 112. - -[43]Egmont Manuscripts, Phillipps Collection, no. 14205, p. 95. - -[44]Candler, ed., _Col. Rec. Ga._, XXII, Pt. II, 453. - -[45]Egmont Manuscripts, no. 14204, p. 293. - -[46]Moore, “A Voyage to Georgia,” 114. - - - - - Transcriber’s Notes - - -—Silently corrected a few typos. - -—Retained publication information from the printed edition: this eBook - is public-domain in the country of publication. - -—In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by - _underscores_. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HAWKINS-DAVISON HOUSES, FREDERICA, -ST. 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