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+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
+Procedures for determining public domain status are described in
+the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org.
+
+No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #64208 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/64208)
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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of Hans Holbein the Younger, Volume 1 (of 2),
-by Arthur B. Chamberlain
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: Hans Holbein the Younger, Volume 1 (of 2)
-
-Author: Arthur B. Chamberlain
-
-Release Date: January 03, 2021 [eBook #64208]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: UTF-8
-
-Produced by: Tim Lindell, Barry Abrahamsen, and the Online Distributed
-             Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
-             produced from images generously made available by The Internet
-             Archive/American Libraries.)
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HANS HOLBEIN THE YOUNGER, VOLUME 1
-(OF 2) ***
-
-
-
-
-                        HANS HOLBEIN THE YOUNGER
-
-
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-                         VOL. I., FRONTISPIECE
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  HANS HOLBEIN
-
-  Self-Portrait
-
-  Drawing in Indian ink and coloured chalks, washed with water-colour
-
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-                              HANS HOLBEIN
-
-                              THE YOUNGER
-
-
-
-                                   BY
-
-                         ARTHUR B. CHAMBERLAIN
-
-      ASSISTANT KEEPER OF THE CORPORATION ART GALLERY, BIRMINGHAM
-
-
-
-
-             WITH 252 ILLUSTRATIONS, INCLUDING 24 IN COLOUR
-
-
-
-
-                             IN TWO VOLUMES
-
-                                 VOL. I
-
-
-
-
-                                NEW YORK
-                         DODD, MEAD AND COMPANY
-                                  1913
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                  Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON & CO.
-                   at the Ballantyne Press, Edinburgh
-
-
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                               TO MY WIFE
-
-
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                                PREFACE
-
-
-IN this book the writer has endeavoured to give as complete an account
-as possible of the life and career of the younger Holbein, together with
-a description of every known picture painted by him, and of the more
-important of his drawings and designs. The earlier books devoted to the
-subject—such as Wornum’s _Life and Works_, 1867, and Dr. Woltmann’s two
-volumes—although they must always remain of the utmost help to the
-student, are now in some respects out of date. The second edition of the
-latter’s great work, in which he modified and corrected many passages in
-the earlier issue, has never been fully translated into English; while
-the latest book of importance on the subject published in this country,
-_Hans Holbein the Younger_, by Mr. Gerald S. Davies, M.A., 1903, is
-mainly devoted to the art of the painter, and does not profess to give
-complete biographical details of his life. In recent years many new
-facts as to Holbein’s career have been discovered, and fresh pictures by
-him unearthed, while modern criticism has reversed some of the earlier
-conclusions respecting the authorship of a certain number of works at
-one time attributed to him. Much valuable information upon the subject
-has been published at home and abroad, largely in periodicals devoted to
-such matters and in the transactions of artistic and learned societies,
-by various well-known students of the master in Germany and Switzerland,
-chief among whom must be mentioned Dr. Paul Ganz, the director of the
-Public Picture Collection in Basel, now recognised as the leading
-authority on Holbein, together with Dr. Hans Koegler, Dr. Emil Major, H.
-A. Schmid, and other writers too numerous to mention here; while in
-England equally valuable contributions to our knowledge have been made
-from time to time by such critics as Mr. Lionel Cust, M.V.O., Sir Sidney
-Colvin, Mr. Campbell Dodgson, Sir Claude Phillips, Miss Mary F. S.
-Hervey, and a number of others, in the pages of the _Burlington
-Magazine_ and elsewhere. Much valuable information is also to be found
-in two recently-published volumes—Dr. Curt Glaser’s _Hans Holbein der
-Ältere_, 1908, and Dr. Willy Hes’ _Ambrosius Holbein_, 1911.
-
-The writer has availed himself as fully as possible of the newer facts
-and conclusions embodied in such papers and communications, the source
-of information in all cases being fully acknowledged. A very careful
-study of the Calendars of Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of
-the Reign of Henry VIII, extending over a number of years, has enabled
-him to add some fresh items of information about the painter and certain
-of his sitters, and of several of the artists who were his
-contemporaries in England. He has dealt at some length, though
-necessarily in a condensed form, with the chief painters and craftsmen,
-both English and foreign, who were at work in London under Henry VIII,
-much of the information thus brought together having been hitherto
-scattered about in a variety of publications not always conveniently
-accessible to the student. He thus hopes that the book will to some
-extent serve the purpose for which it is primarily intended—the
-provision, in as concise a form as possible, of a complete biography of
-the painter, embodying all the more recent discoveries; and he trusts
-that it may be of some small service to those who are interested in
-Holbein, but have neither the time nor the opportunity to avail
-themselves of the many scattered sources of information which he has
-attempted to bring together within the covers of a single book.
-
-By the gracious permission of His Majesty the King, the writer has been
-allowed to include among the illustrations, reproductions, in some
-instances in colour, of a number of pictures and drawings by Holbein in
-the royal collections; and he has to thank the Lord Chamberlain and Mr.
-Lionel Cust, M.V.O., Surveyor of the King’s Pictures, for the kind
-assistance they rendered him in obtaining such permission. He has also
-to express his grateful acknowledgments to a number of owners and
-collectors for similar permission to reproduce works by the master in
-their possession, among them Her Majesty the Queen of Holland, who has
-graciously allowed the inclusion of the beautiful miniature of an
-Unknown Youth; the Duke of Devonshire, G.C.V.O.; Earl Spencer, G.C.V.O.;
-the Earl of Radnor; Lord Leconfield; the Earl of Yarborough; Sir John
-Ramsden, Bt.; Sir Hugh P. Lane; the late Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan; Major
-Charles Palmer; and the Barber-Surgeons’ Company. Special thanks are due
-to Lord St. Oswald for permitting the large “More Family Group” at
-Nostell Priory to be photographed for the purposes of this book, and for
-allowing the writer to take notes from a very interesting manuscript
-containing a description of the various versions of the Family picture
-compiled by his grandfather, Mr. Charles Winn. He has also to record his
-great indebtedness to Mr. Ayerst H. Buttery for giving him the privilege
-of reproducing the recently discovered portrait of an Unknown English
-Lady, formerly in the possession of the Bodenham family at Rotherwas,
-near Hereford. His thanks also are due to Senhor José de Figueiredo,
-director of the National Museum of Ancient Art, Lisbon, for permission
-to include the elder Holbein’s “Fountain of Life” among the
-illustrations, as well as to the directors of a number of galleries and
-museums, including the Public Picture Collection, Basel; the National
-Gallery, British Museum, and Wallace Collection; the Kaiser Friedrich
-Museum, Berlin; the Imperial Gallery, Vienna; the Louvre, Paris; the
-Royal Picture Gallery, The Hague; the Metropolitan Museum of New York;
-the Royal Hermitage Gallery, St. Petersburg; and the Galleries of
-Dresden, Munich, Hanover, Rome, Florence, Solothurn, and elsewhere.
-
-In addition, he has the pleasure of recording his great indebtedness to
-Mr. Lionel Cust, M.V.O., for kind assistance and advice; to Mr. Maurice
-W. Brockwell, for much valuable help in many directions; to Mr. Campbell
-Dodgson, who was good enough to assist in the selection of woodcuts from
-the British Museum Collection for the purposes of reproduction; to Dr.
-George C. Williamson, through whose kindness the writer has been able to
-make use of his Catalogue of the late Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan’s
-Collection of Miniatures; to the Editors of the _Burlington Magazine of
-Fine Arts_ for permission to include the writer’s paper on Holbein’s
-visit to “High Burgony”; to Mr. James Melville for transcribing from the
-Balcarres MSS. a long letter from the Duchess of Guise referring to that
-visit; to Herr F. Engel-Gros for information about the interesting
-roundel in his possession, which possibly represents the painter Lucas
-Hornebolt; and to Dr. James H. W. Laing, of Dundee, to whom he is deeply
-indebted for most generously undertaking the very onerous task of
-reading the whole of the proofs. He wishes also to offer his grateful
-thanks to his publishers, and in particular to Mr. Hugh Allen, for the
-great care and trouble they have spent upon the book, and for their
-hearty co-operation in attempting to make it as complete a record as
-possible of the great master to whom it is devoted.
-
-                                                                A. B. C.
-
-BIRMINGHAM, _August 1913._
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                                CONTENTS
-
-
-          CHAP.                                            PAGE
-
-             I. HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER AND HIS FAMILY         1
-
-            II. YOUTHFUL DAYS IN AUGSBURG                    23
-
-           III. FIRST YEARS IN SWITZERLAND                   32
-
-            IV. WORK IN LUCERNE AND THE VISIT TO             57
-                  LOMBARDY
-
-             V. CITIZEN OF BASEL                             82
-
-            VI. THE HOUSE OF THE DANCE AND THE              116
-                  WALL-PAINTINGS IN THE BASEL TOWN HALL
-
-           VII. DESIGNS FOR PAINTED GLASS AND OTHER         135
-                  STUDIES
-
-          VIII. PORTRAITS OF ERASMUS AND HIS CIRCLE         162
-
-            IX. DESIGNS FOR BOOK ILLUSTRATIONS              187
-
-             X. THE “DANCE OF DEATH” AND OLD TESTAMENT      204
-                  WOODCUTS
-
-            XI. THE MEYER MADONNA AND THE DEPARTURE FOR     232
-                  ENGLAND
-
-           XII. NATIVE AND FOREIGN ARTISTS IN ENGLAND       256
-                  DURING THE REIGN OF HENRY VIII
-
-          XIII. THE FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND: PORTRAITS OF    288
-                  THE MORE FAMILY
-
-           XIV. THE FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND: OTHER           311
-                  PORTRAITS AND DECORATIVE WORK
-
-            XV. THE RETURN TO BASEL (1528-1532)             338
-
-
-         POSTSCRIPT TO CHAPTER XIV. A NEWLY-DISCOVERED     353
-           PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY
-
-         FOOTNOTES FOR ALL CHAPTERS                        359
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                             ILLUSTRATIONS
-
-
-              HANS HOLBEIN: SELF-PORTRAIT              _Frontispiece_
-
-              Reproduced in colour.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-           1. THE BAPTISM OF ST. PAUL                      11
-
-              Left-hand panel of the “Basilica of St.
-                Paul” altar-piece. By HANS HOLBEIN THE
-                ELDER.
-
-              _Museum, Augsburg._
-
-           2. THE ST. SEBASTIAN ALTAR-PIECE                15
-
-              Central panel. By HANS HOLBEIN THE
-                ELDER.
-
-              _Alte Pinakothek, Munich._
-
-           3. (1) ST. BARBARA. (2) ST. ELIZABETH           16
-
-              Inner sides of the wings of the “St.
-                Sebastian” altar-piece. By HANS
-                HOLBEIN THE ELDER.
-
-              _Alte Pinakothek, Munich._
-
-           4. THE FOUNTAIN OF LIFE                         17
-
-              By HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER.
-
-              _National Museum of Ancient Art,
-                Lisbon._ Reproduced by kind permission
-                of the Director, Senhor José de
-                Figueiredo.
-
-           5. STUDY FOR THE PORTRAIT OF A LADY OF          21
-                AUGSBURG
-
-              Silver-point drawing. By HANS HOLBEIN
-                THE ELDER.
-
-              _British Museum._
-
-           6. AMBROSIUS AND HANS HOLBEIN                   25
-
-              Silver-point drawing. By HANS HOLBEIN
-                THE ELDER (1511).
-
-              _Royal Print Room, Berlin._
-
-           7. VIRGIN AND CHILD (1514)                      33
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-           8. (1) HEAD OF THE VIRGIN MARY. (2) HEAD OF     37
-                ST. JOHN
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-           9. THE LAST SUPPER                              40
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          10. THE SCOURGING OF CHRIST                      41
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          11. HOLBEIN’S EARLIEST TITLE-PAGE                45
-
-              First used in 1515.
-
-              _From a copy of More’s “Utopia” in the
-                British Museum._
-
-          12. MARGINAL DRAWINGS IN A COPY OF THE           48
-                “PRAISE OF FOLLY”
-
-              (1) FOLLY LEAVING THE PULPIT.
-
-              (2) PENELOPE AT HER LOOM.
-
-              (3) THE POPE.
-
-              (4) THE CARDINAL.
-
-              (5) THE BISHOP.
-
-              (6) NUNS KNEELING BEFORE AN ALTAR-PIECE.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          13. MARGINAL DRAWINGS IN A COPY OF THE           49
-                “PRAISE OF FOLLY”
-
-              (1) THE BASKET OF EGGS.
-
-              (2) NICOLAS DE LYRA.
-
-              (3) KING SOLOMON.
-
-              (4) YOUNG NOBLEMAN.
-
-              (5) FOLLY AND HIS PUPPET.
-
-              (6) ERASMUS AT HIS DESK.
-
-              (7) “A FAT AND SPLENDID PIG FROM THE
-                HERD OF EPICURUS.”
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          14. THE TWO SIDES OF A SCHOOLMASTER’S            51
-                SIGN-BOARD (1516)
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          15. DOUBLE PORTRAIT OF JAKOB MEYER AND HIS       52
-                WIFE, DOROTHEA KANNENGIESSER (1516)
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          16. (1) HEAD OF JAKOB MEYER. (2) HEAD OF         55
-                DOROTHEA KANNENGIESSER
-
-              Drawings in black and coloured chalks.
-                Studies for the double portrait of
-                1516.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          17. ADAM AND EVE (1517)                          56
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          18. PORTRAITS OF TWO BOYS                        60
-
-              By AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          19. STUDY OF A YOUNG GIRL NAMED “ANNE”           61
-                (1518)
-
-              Silver-point and red chalk drawing. By
-                AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          20. THE FOUNDING OF BASEL                        61
-
-              Design for painted glass. By AMBROSIUS
-                HOLBEIN.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          21. PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN YOUNG MAN (1518)      61
-
-              By AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN.
-
-              _Royal Hermitage Gallery, St.
-                Petersburg._
-
-          22. ILLUSTRATION TO SIR THOMAS MORE’S            62
-                “UTOPIA”
-
-              By AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN.
-
-              _From a woodcut in the British Museum._
-
-          23. DESIGNS FOR THE WALL-PAINTINGS OF THE        68
-                HERTENSTEIN HOUSE, LUCERNE
-
-              (1) LEÆNA AND THE JUDGES.
-
-              (2) ARCHITECTURAL DECORATION OF THE
-                GROUND FLOOR.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          24. PORTRAIT OF BENEDIKT VON HERTENSTEIN         72
-                (1517)
-
-              _Metropolitan Museum, New York._
-
-          25. THE LAST SUPPER                              75
-
-              Central panel of a Triptych.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          26. THE ARCHANGEL MICHAEL AS WEIGHER OF          79
-                SOULS
-
-              Drawing.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          27. MINERS AT WORK                               80
-
-              Drawing in Indian ink, pen, and bistre.
-
-              _British Museum._
-
-          28. BONIFACIUS AMERBACH (1519)                   85
-
-              Reproduced in colour.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          29. (1) ADORATION OF THE SHEPHERDS. (2)          88
-                ADORATION OF THE KINGS
-
-              Inner sides of the wings of the Oberried
-                altar-piece.
-
-              _University Chapel, Freiburg Minster._
-
-          30. THE PASSION OF CHRIST                        91
-
-              Outer sides of the wings of an
-                altar-piece.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          31. (1) CHRIST BEARING THE CROSS. (2) THE        94
-                CRUCIFIXION
-
-              Details of the outer sides of the wings
-                of the “Passion” Altar-piece.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          32. “NOLI ME TANGERE”                            95
-
-              Christ appearing to Mary Magdalen.
-                Reproduced by gracious permission of
-                H.M. the King.
-
-              _Hampton Court Palace._
-
-          33. (1) CHRIST, THE MAN OF SORROWS. (2)          98
-                MARY, MATER DOLOROSA
-
-              Diptych, painted in brown monochrome,
-                with blue sky.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          34. THE HOLY FAMILY                              99
-
-              Washed drawing on a red ground.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          35. THE DEAD CHRIST IN THE TOMB (1521)          101
-
-              Predella of an altar-piece.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          36. THE VIRGIN AND CHILD, WITH ST. URSUS AND    103
-                A HOLY BISHOP (1522)
-
-              _Solothurn Gallery._
-
-          37. PORTRAIT OF A YOUNG WOMAN, POSSIBLY         106
-                HOLBEIN’S WIFE
-
-              Reproduced in colour.
-
-              _Royal Picture Gallery, Mauritshuis, The
-                Hague._
-
-          38. HEAD OF A YOUNG WOMAN, PROBABLY             108
-                HOLBEIN’S WIFE
-
-              Study for the Solothurn “Madonna.”
-                Silver-point drawing, touched with
-                red.
-
-              _Louvre, Paris._
-
-          39. DESIGN FOR THE ORGAN-CASE DOORS, BASEL      113
-                CATHEDRAL
-
-              Pen and wash drawing.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          40. (1) STUDY FOR A PAINTED HOUSE FRONT WITH    121
-                THE FIGURE OF A SEATED EMPEROR. (2)
-                THE AMBASSADORS OF THE SAMNITES BEFORE
-                CURIUS DENTATUS
-
-              The latter a fragment of the
-                wall-painting in the Basel Town Hall.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          41. SAPOR AND VALERIAN                          131
-
-              Design for one of the wall-paintings in
-                the Basel Town Hall. Pen and
-                water-colour drawing.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          42. (1) TWO LANDSKNECHTE. (2) THE PRODIGAL      139
-                SON
-
-              Designs for painted glass.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          43. DESIGN FOR A PAINTED WINDOW WITH THE        144
-                COAT OF ARMS OF THE VON HEWEN FAMILY
-                (1520)
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          44. ST. ELIZABETH, WITH KNEELING KNIGHT AND     148
-                BEGGAR
-
-              Design for painted glass.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          45. THE VIRGIN AND CHILD, WITH A KNEELING       149
-                DONOR
-
-              Design for painted glass.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          46. (1) CHRIST BEFORE CAIAPHAS. (2) THE         151
-                SCOURGING OF CHRIST
-
-              The “Passion” series of designs for
-                painted glass.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          47. (1) THE MOCKING OF CHRIST. (2) CHRIST       152
-                CROWNED WITH THORNS
-
-              The “Passion” series of designs for
-                painted glass.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          48. (1) PILATE WASHING HIS HANDS. (2) ECCE      153
-                HOMO
-
-              The “Passion” series of designs for
-                painted glass.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          49. (1) CHRIST BEARING THE CROSS. (2) THE       154
-                STRIPPING OF CHRIST’S GARMENTS
-
-              The “Passion” series of designs for
-                painted glass.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          50. (1) CHRIST NAILED TO THE CROSS. (2) THE     155
-                CRUCIFIXION
-
-              The “Passion” series of designs for
-                painted glass.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          51. (1) COSTUME STUDY. (2) COSTUME STUDY        157
-
-              Two drawings from a set of designs of
-                ladies’ costumes.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          52. “THE EDELDAME”                              157
-
-              Drawing from a set of designs of ladies’
-                costumes.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          53. A FIGHT BETWEEN LANDSKNECHTE                160
-
-              Drawing in Indian ink.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          54. ERASMUS (1523)                              169
-
-              Reproduced by kind permission of the
-                Earl of Radnor.
-
-              _Longford Castle, Salisbury._
-
-          55. STUDY FOR THE HANDS OF ERASMUS              171
-
-              Drawing in silver-point and red and
-                black chalk.
-
-              _Louvre, Paris._
-
-          56. ERASMUS (1523)                              172
-
-              Reproduced in colour.
-
-              _Louvre, Paris._
-
-          57. THE DUCHESS OF BERRY                        176
-
-              Drawing in black and coloured chalks.
-                Reproduced in colour.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          58. (1) ERASMUS                                 180
-
-              Roundel.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-              (2) PHILIP MELANCHTHON                      180
-
-              Roundel.
-
-              _Provinzial Museum, Hanover._
-
-          59. ERASMUS                                     181
-
-              _From a woodcut in the British Museum._
-
-          60. MUCIUS SCÆVOLA AND LARS PORSENA             191
-
-              Woodcut first used in 1516.
-
-              _From a copy of More’s “Epigrams” in the
-                British Museum._
-
-          61. “THE TABLE OF CEBES”                        193
-
-              Woodcut first used in 1521.
-
-              _From a copy of Perotto’s “Cornucopiæ”
-                in the British Museum._
-
-          62. TITLE-PAGE TO LUTHER’S “NEW TESTAMENT”      195
-
-              Woodcut first used in 1522.
-
-              _From a copy in the British Museum._
-
-          63. THE FOUR EVANGELISTS                        195
-
-              Woodcuts and Initial Letters used on the
-                first page of each gospel in the 1523
-                edition of Luther’s “New Testament.”
-
-              _From a copy in the British Museum._
-
-          64. THE “CLEOPATRA” TITLE-PAGE                  198
-
-              Woodcut first used in 1523.
-
-              _From a copy of Erasmus’ “Christiani
-                Matrimonii Institutio” in the British
-                Museum._
-
-          65. (1) CHRIST THE TRUE LIGHT. (2) THE SALE     198
-                OF INDULGENCES
-
-              Woodcuts.
-
-              _From proofs in the British Museum._
-
-          66. THE DANCE OF DEATH WOODCUTS                 217
-
-              (1) THE EMPEROR.
-
-              (2) THE KING.
-
-              (3) THE CARDINAL.
-
-              (4) THE EMPRESS.
-
-              (5) THE ADVOCATE.
-
-              (6) THE COUNSELLOR.
-
-              (7) THE PREACHER.
-
-              (8) THE PRIEST.
-
-              _From proofs in the British Museum._
-
-          67. THE DANCE OF DEATH WOODCUTS                 220
-
-              (1) THE OLD MAN.
-
-              (2) THE COUNTESS.
-
-              (3) THE NOBLE LADY.
-
-              (4) THE DUCHESS.
-
-              (5) THE PLOUGHMAN.
-
-              (6) THE YOUNG CHILD.
-
-              (7) THE LAST JUDGMENT.
-
-              (8) THE ARMS OF DEATH.
-
-              _From proofs in the British Museum._
-
-          68. THE DANCE OF DEATH ALPHABET                 224
-
-              _From a proof in the Royal Print
-                Cabinet, Dresden._
-
-          69. THE OLD TESTAMENT WOODCUTS                  230
-
-              (1) JACOB BLESSING EPHRAIM AND MANASSEH.
-
-              (2) RUTH AND BOAZ.
-
-              (3) JUDITH WITH THE HEAD OF HOLOFERNES.
-
-              (4) AMOS PREACHING.
-
-              _From proofs in the British Museum._
-
-          70. THE OLD TESTAMENT WOODCUTS                  230
-
-              (1) MOSES RECEIVING THE TABLES OF THE
-                LAW.
-
-              (2) THE RETURN FROM THE BABYLONIAN
-                CAPTIVITY.
-
-              _From proofs in the British Museum._
-
-              (3) THE ANGEL SHOWING ST. JOHN THE NEW
-                JERUSALEM (Revelation xxi.). Woodcut
-                from Adam Petri’s “New Testament,”
-                1523.
-
-              _From a copy in the British Museum._
-
-          71. THE MEYER MADONNA                           233
-
-              _Darmstadt._
-
-          72. (1) JAKOB MEYER. (2) DOROTHEA               236
-                KANNENGIESSER
-
-              Studies for the Meyer Madonna. Drawings
-                in black and coloured chalks.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          73. (1) MAGDALENA OFFENBURG AS VENUS (1526).    246
-                (2) MAGDALENA OFFENBURG AS LAÏS (1526)
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          74. STUDY FOR THE MORE FAMILY GROUP             293
-
-              Drawing in Indian ink, with corrections
-                and inscriptions in brown.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          75. THE MORE FAMILY GROUP                       295
-
-              Reproduced by kind permission of Lord
-                St. Oswald.
-
-              _Nostell Priory, Wakefield._
-
-          76. THE MORE FAMILY GROUP                       301
-
-              The version formerly at Burford Priory,
-                now in the possession of Messrs.
-                Parkenthorpe, London. Reproduced by
-                kind permission of Sir Hugh P. Lane.
-
-          77. CECILIA HERON, DAUGHTER OF SIR THOMAS       303
-                MORE
-
-              Drawing in black and coloured chalks.
-                Reproduced by gracious permission of
-                H.M. the King.
-
-              _Windsor Castle._
-
-          78. SIR THOMAS MORE                             303
-
-              Drawing in black and coloured chalks.
-                Reproduced by gracious permission of
-                H.M. the King.
-
-              _Windsor Castle._
-
-          79. PORTRAIT OF AN ENGLISH LADY                 309
-
-              Drawing in black and red chalk and
-                Indian ink.
-
-              _Salting Bequest, British Museum._
-
-          80. SIR HENRY GULDEFORD (1527)                  317
-
-              Reproduced in colour, by gracious
-                permission of H.M. the King.
-
-              _Windsor Castle._
-
-          81. (1) JOHN FISHER, BISHOP OF ROCHESTER        321
-
-              Drawing in black and coloured chalks.
-                Reproduced by gracious permission of
-                H.M. the King.
-
-              _Windsor Castle._
-
-              (2) PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY,    321
-                POSSIBLY LADY GULDEFORD
-
-              Drawing in black and coloured chalks.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          82. (1) UNKNOWN ENGLISHMAN. (2) UNKNOWN         321
-                ENGLISH LADY
-
-              Drawings in black and coloured chalks.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          83. WILLIAM WARHAM, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY    322
-                (1527)
-
-              Reproduced in colour.
-
-              _Louvre, Paris._
-
-          84. THOMAS AND JOHN GODSALVE (1528)             325
-
-              _Royal Picture Gallery, Dresden._
-
-          85. SIR JOHN GODSALVE                           326
-
-              Drawing in black and coloured chalks and
-                water-colour. Reproduced by gracious
-                permission of H.M. the King.
-
-              _Windsor Castle._
-
-          86. NIKLAUS KRATZER (1528)                      327
-
-              Reproduced in colour.
-
-              _Louvre, Paris._
-
-          87. SIR BRYAN TUKE                              331
-
-              _Alte Pinakothek, Munich._
-
-          88. SIR HENRY WYAT                              335
-
-              Reproduced in colour.
-
-              _Louvre, Paris._
-
-          89. SIR THOMAS ELYOT                            336
-
-              Drawing in black and coloured chalks.
-                Reproduced by gracious permission of
-                H.M. the King.
-
-              _Windsor Castle._
-
-          90. HOLBEIN’S WIFE AND CHILDREN (1528-9)        343
-
-              Reproduced in colour.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          91. PORTRAIT OF A YOUNG WOMAN                   346
-
-              Unfinished study in oils.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          92. KING REHOBOAM REBUKING THE ELDERS (1530)    348
-
-              Three fragments of the wall-painting
-                formerly in the Basel Town Hall.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          93. KING REHOBOAM REBUKING THE ELDERS           348
-
-              Study for the wall-painting formerly in
-                the Basel Town Hall.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          94. SAMUEL AND SAUL                             350
-
-              Pen drawing in brown touched with
-                water-colour. Study for the
-                wall-painting  formerly in the Basel
-                Town Hall.
-
-              _Public Picture Collection, Basel._
-
-          95. PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY         354
-
-              Formerly in the possession of the
-                Bodenham family, Rotherwas Hall,
-                Hereford. Reproduced by kind
-                permission of Mr. Ayerst H. Buttery.
-
-              _Mr. Ayerst H. Buttery, London._
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                                  NOTE
-
-
-The following abbreviations are used in the footnotes to this book:—
-
-    _C. L. P._, for Calendars of Letters and Papers, Foreign and
-        Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII.
-
-    Davies, for _Hans Holbein the Younger_ (Gerald S. Davies).
-
-    Ganz, _Holbein_, for _Holbein d. J., des Meisters Gemälde in 252
-        Abbildungen_ (Klassiker der Kunst).
-
-    Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, for _Handzeichnungen Schweizerischer
-        Meister_, ed. Dr. Paul Ganz.
-
-    Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, for _Handzeichnungen von Hans
-        Holbein dem Jüngeren._
-
-    Woltmann, for _Holbein und seine Zeit_ (A. Woltmann).
-
-    Wornum, for _Some Account of the Life and Works of Hans Holbein_ (R.
-        N. Wornum).
-
-In order to obviate the constant use of a somewhat long official title,
-the Public Picture Collection, Basel, is generally referred to in this
-book as the Basel Gallery.
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                        Hans Holbein the Younger
-
-
-
-
-                               CHAPTER I
-
-                 HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER AND HIS FAMILY
-
-The Holbein family in Switzerland and South Germany—Michel Holbein, the
-  leather-dresser—Hans Holbein the Elder, citizen of Augsburg—His
-  brother Sigmund, and his two sons, Ambrosius and Hans—The art of Hans
-  Holbein the Elder and his position in the German School of
-  painting—His principal pictures—Work in Ulm and Frankfurt—Paintings
-  for the Convent of St. Catherine in Augsburg—Work for the Church of
-  St. Moritz—Monetary difficulties—The St. Sebastian altar-piece—the
-  “Fountain of Life” at Lisbon—His silver-point portrait drawings—His
-  death at Isenheim.
-
-
-DURING the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the name of Holbein was
-not uncommon in various parts of Southern Germany and Switzerland. At
-Ravensburg, near Lake Constance, a family of that name had settled as
-paper manufacturers, their trade-mark being a bull’s head, which was
-also used by Hans Holbein in his coat of arms. The name is also found in
-the records of the town of Grünstadt, in Rhenish Bavaria, during the
-same centuries; while for a still longer period members of a Holbein
-family were living in Basel, where they had a house called “Zum Papst”
-in the Gerbergasse. It was from this branch that the painter was in all
-probability descended,[1] and it is also possible that the Basel and
-Ravensburg Holbeins were connected. This relationship between the three
-branches may have been one of the reasons which induced the youthful
-Hans to turn his face towards Switzerland when he finally left Augsburg,
-the city of his birth.
-
-In Augsburg itself the first reference to a burgher bearing the name of
-Holbein occurs in the middle of the fifteenth century. In 1448 a certain
-Michel Holbein, who had been living at Oberschönefeld, in the near
-neighbourhood, moved into Augsburg, and settled there permanently. In
-the first entry in the records in which his name occurs he is called
-“Michel von Schönenfeld,” but in 1454 his surname is given as “Holbain,”
-this being the common spelling of the name in Augsburg at that time, or,
-less frequently, “Holpain.” This Michel Holbein, who came from
-Oberschönefeld, and died in Augsburg about 1497, and at one time was
-regarded as the father of Hans Holbein the Elder, is no longer
-considered to be identical with the latter, who was also named Michel
-and was a leather-dresser by trade. From 1464 to 1475 the last named was
-living in a house of his own, No. 472A in the Vorderer Lech, which is
-spoken of as “Michel Holbains Hus,” or “Domus Michel Holbains.” After
-1475 he changed his dwelling more than once, and his several removals
-can be traced from the rate-books, in which his addresses at various
-dates are given as “Salta zum Schlechtenbad,” “Vom Bilgrimhaus,” “Vom
-Nagengast,” “In der Prediger Garten,” and so on. All these places were
-in the Vorderer and Mittlerer Lech, in that part of the city to the east
-of the Maximilianstrasse known as the Diepold, in the neighbourhood of
-the Lech canals and streams, by which Augsburg is watered, along the
-banks of which most of the smaller trades of the city were carried on
-and the workshops of the artificers and metal-workers were situated. In
-the years 1479, 1481, and 1482 Michel Holbein was absent from Augsburg,
-and appears to have left his wife behind him, for in 1481 it is noted
-against her in the rate-book that her husband was not with her (“Ihr
-Mann nicht bei ihr”). Michel Holbein died probably about the year
-1484.[2] His widow, whose name first occurs in the town records in 1469,
-continued to move from house to house, her addresses being given as “in
-der Strasse Am Judenberg,” “Von Sant Anthonino,” “Vom Diepolt,” and
-beyond the Sträfinger Gate.
-
-[Sidenote: HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER]
-
-The name of “Hanns Holbain” first appears in the records in the year
-1494. This was the painter usually known as Hans Holbein the Elder, to
-distinguish him from his more celebrated son. Although there is no
-actual proof of the relationship, there is every reason to believe that
-Hans the Elder was one of the sons of Michel the currier. He lived in
-the same quarter of the city as the latter, his address in 1494 being in
-the “Strasse vom Diepolt,” and two years later in the “Salta zum
-Schlechtenbad.” More than once Hans Holbein’s mother is mentioned as
-living with him, thus evidently at that time a widow, which affords
-further proof in favour of the connection.[3] In 1504 it is recorded
-that Sigmund, his brother, was living in the same house with Hans, which
-confirms the statement by J. von Sandrart, one of the earliest of
-Holbein’s biographers, in his _Teutsche Akademie_ (1675), that the elder
-Hans Holbein and Sigmund were brothers, a relationship of which absolute
-proof is to be found in the latter’s will. Sigmund was born after 1477,
-was of age in 1503, and died in Berne in 1540.[4] The two painter
-brothers had several sisters. Between 1478 and 1480 the records speak of
-a daughter, Barbara von Oberhausen, as living with her mother, Michel
-Holbainin, and a few years later a second daughter, Anna Holbainin, who
-is sometimes called by the diminutive name “Endlin.” There appear to
-have been four sisters in all, but Sigmund Holbein mentions only three
-of them in his will, Barbara being apparently dead—Ursel (Ursula)
-Nepperschmid, of Augsburg; Anna Elchinger, living by St. Ursula am
-Schwall, in the same city; and Margreth Herwart, at Esslingen. The name
-of this last sister, Margaret, occurs in the town records from 1502 as
-“Gret” or “Margreth Holbainin.” In 1493 there is a reference to an
-“Ottilia Holbainlin,” but the use of the diminutive in this case
-suggests that she was a small child, and, therefore, more probably a
-daughter rather than a sister of Hans Holbein the Elder.
-
-[Sidenote: HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER]
-
-At one time, before these authentic records of the Holbein family had
-been unearthed from the Steuerbücher and Gerichtsbücher of Augsburg, it
-was believed that a third painter named Hans Holbein had existed, the
-father of Hans Holbein the Elder. Attention was first called to him by
-Passavant in 1846, in connection with a painting then in the possession
-of Herr Samm of Mergenthau, and now in the Augsburg Museum. This
-picture, which represents the Virgin Mary seated on a grassy bank by a
-wall, with the Infant Christ in her arms, is signed “Hans Holbein, C.A.
-(_i.e._ Civis Augustanus) 1459,” a date too early for the picture to
-have been painted by Hans Holbein the Elder; but the inscription has
-been proved to be a forgery. Further proof of the existence of this
-painter was thought to have been discovered in connection with a second
-picture, forty years later in date, and in reality from the hand of Hans
-Holbein the Elder. It is one of a series of six pictures representing
-the principal basilicas of Rome, ordered by the nuns of St. Catherine in
-Augsburg in 1496, on the occasion of the reconstruction of their
-convent. The names of the several donors of these pictures, with the
-prices and other details, are preserved in the annals of the convent,
-compiled by the nun Dominica Erhardt from old records and documents.
-Extracts from this work were supplied to Passavant, including one with
-reference to the picture of the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore, now in
-the Augsburg Gallery (Nos. 62-64), which is signed “Hans Holbain” on the
-two bells in the tower, and bears the date 1499. The passage in question
-is as follows:—
-
-“Item Dorothea Rölingerin hat lassen machen unser lieben frauen Taffel,
-die gestatt oder steht 45 gulden. Vom alten Hans Holbein hie.” (Item.
-Dorothea Rölingerin has ordered of old Hans Holbein a panel painting of
-our dear Lady for the sum of 45 gulden.)
-
-The term “old Holbein,” Passavant thought, could only be applied to the
-grandfather of the family, for in 1499 Hans Holbein the Younger was
-still a little child, and his father too young a man to be termed “the
-old.” Later researches, however, proved that the extracts supplied to
-Passavant were incorrect, containing numerous amplifications and
-spurious additions not to be found in the original document, which,
-after considerable search, was discovered by Dr. Woltmann in the
-Episcopal Library in Augsburg. In the original record the price paid for
-the picture is given as 60 gulden, and neither the name of “old Holbein”
-nor of any other painter occurs, so that the myth of the grandfather
-Hans was finally demolished.
-
-[Sidenote: THE MYTHICAL BRUNO HOLBEIN]
-
-There is no record of the birth of Hans Holbein the Elder; but as the
-earliest dated picture by him so far discovered was painted in 1493, it
-is supposed to have taken place about 1473-4.[5] There is equal lack of
-information as to the date of his marriage or the name of his wife. It
-was believed at one time, on the authority of Paul von Stetten, that she
-was the daughter of Thomas Burgkmair, and sister of the more famous Hans
-Burgkmair, and that the young couple lived with their father-in-law; but
-no confirmation of this legend has been discovered. The two families
-dwelt in the same street, “Vom Diepolt,” but Burgkmair’s house was No.
-7, while Holbein’s was No. 17. His family, as far as is known, consisted
-only of his two sons, Ambrosius and Hans. A third son, Bruno, is
-mentioned by Remigius Faesch (1651) in his manuscript notes preserved in
-the Basel Library, compiled from information supplied to him from the
-Amerbach papers; but beyond this short notice, and a repetition of it by
-Patin, there is no trace of a Bruno Holbein to be found. There are two
-silver-point drawings, one of the head of a child in the Bernburg
-Library,[6] and the other of a mitred bishop in the Albertina,
-Vienna,[7] both dated 1515 and signed with the letters B. H. in
-monogram, which it has been suggested are the work of the supposed
-Bruno. Dr. Woltmann, however, considered them to be by Ambrosius
-Holbein. The latter, he says, was known by the diminutive name of
-“Prosy” in the family circle, and as at that time in Germany the letters
-_p_ and _b_ were often used indifferently—as can be seen in the spelling
-of Holbein’s own name in the Augsburg records, where it is sometimes
-given as “Holbain,” and sometimes as “Holpain”—it may well be that the
-monogram on these two drawings is that of “Prosy” or “Brosy” Holbein.[8]
-Modern criticism, however, has shown that the attribution of these two
-drawings to Ambrosius is a wrong one.[9]
-
-[Sidenote: THE “BASILICA OF S. MARIA MAGGIORE”]
-
-Hans Holbein the Elder, whose exceptional ability as an artist has
-always been overshadowed by the greater genius of his celebrated son,
-was one of the most representative painters of the Swabian School at the
-close of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century. His
-art, more particularly, but not only, in its earlier manifestations,
-shows the influence of Martin Schongauer, and, through Schongauer, that
-of Rogier van der Weyden and the Flemish School. The influence of
-Schongauer upon him is at times so marked that it has been suggested
-that he may have studied under him at Colmar during his younger days.
-Whether this be true or not, it is evident that Holbein was still under
-the spell of Schongauer’s painting during his stay in Isenheim towards
-the end of his life. The “Fountain of Life,” painted there in 1519, owed
-much of its inspiration to Schongauer’s “Madonna in the Rose Garden,”
-which Holbein must have seen in the not far-distant city of Colmar. Both
-in the types of his figures and the management of his draperies, as well
-as in the arrangement of his compositions, there is an echo of
-Schongauer’s art, which, however, may not have been derived through
-personal contact with that painter, but largely from the study of his
-numerous engravings, which were widely popular throughout Southern
-Germany. Schongauer himself, whose father, Kasper Schongauer, was an
-Augsburg painter, had studied, or, at least, had come much under the
-influence of, Rogier van der Weyden at Tournai, and had caught from him
-something of the sweetness and grace which characterised the finest
-Flemish art of that day. These characteristics, and others
-representative of the school, he handed on in his turn to the Swabian
-painters, the elder Holbein among them. Hans Burgkmair was one of
-Schongauer’s pupils, and was afterwards a near neighbour of Holbein, so
-that he also may have been an inspiring force in the moulding of the art
-of both the older and the younger Hans. Another of Schongauer’s
-followers, Bartolomaeus Zeitblom of Ulm, is also considered to have had
-some influence upon the elder Holbein’s painting. The latter, at one
-period of his career, became a citizen of Ulm, where he must have
-encountered Zeitblom, the leading painter of that city. Thus his earlier
-works show a gradual fusion of the methods of the old German or Rhenish
-School with those of the Flemings. He began to paint in the days when
-German art was almost uninfluenced by the great Italian Renaissance,
-which was gradually but surely spreading over Europe, but before the
-close of his career he had succumbed to its spell. A chronological
-examination of his later works shows what a vitalising force his study
-of Italian models had upon his style, though he did not accept these
-changes as easily or as rapidly as some of his contemporaries, such as
-Burgkmair. Unlike the latter, however, he never paid a visit to Italy,
-but he nevertheless found it impossible in the end to resist the new
-artistic impulses with which that country was then flooding the rest of
-Europe. It was not necessary for him, however, to cross the Alps in
-order to experience the magic spell of the new teaching, for Augsburg
-was one of the first of the South German towns to feel the effects of
-the Renaissance. The two chief routes from Italy, the western one from
-Milan, and the eastern road from Venice, met at its gates. The greater
-part of the trade between the Venetian States and Germany passed through
-the city, and its leading merchants had business branches in Venice and
-other North Italian towns. Many members of the Fugger and other
-patrician families of Augsburg spent long periods in the districts
-immediately south of the Alps, for the purpose of extending their trade
-connections; and the active commercial intercourse with Italy which
-resulted brought not only riches to the Augsburgers, but knowledge and
-love of the new culture as well, and thus through the old free city of
-Swabia the intellectual and artistic wealth of the Renaissance made its
-way into Germany. The elder Holbein was among those who reaped advantage
-from this intercourse between the two countries. Without entirely
-abandoning the solid German groundwork of his art, he stripped it, more
-particularly in his management of draperies, of many of its hardnesses.
-His colour grew more harmonious, and his handling broader and more free.
-His figures became less attenuated, and his heads, treated with greater
-realism, displayed more character, while the general composition of his
-pictures showed a greater dignity of conception and a deeper sense of
-beauty. In addition to these gradual changes in his art, the new
-influence wrought a complete alteration in his methods of dealing with
-all accessories and with the architectural backgrounds against which his
-subjects were placed, Renaissance forms and ornamentation taking the
-place of the earlier Gothic settings.
-
-The earliest dated pictures which can be ascribed to him with any
-certainty are four altar-panels in the Cathedral of Augsburg, of the
-year 1493, which at one time formed the two wings of an altar-piece in
-the Abbey of Weingarten, representing Joachim’s Sacrifice, the Birth and
-the Presentation of Mary in the Temple, and the Presentation of
-Christ.[10] They display a strong Flemish influence, with a warm,
-luminous colour, and considerable dignity and sense of beauty in the
-figures.
-
-His next pictures of which the date is certain are of the year 1499,[11]
-and include the picture of the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore,[12] the
-work already mentioned as ordered by Dorothea Rölingerin[13] for the
-Convent of St. Catherine in Augsburg, and at one time attributed to the
-mythical grandfather Hans. It is a panel in the form of a broad pointed
-arch, corresponding, like the five other pictures of the series, with
-the vaulting of the chamber for which it was painted. It contains four
-scenes in three sections, divided from one another by gilded Gothic
-ornamentation. The lower half of the central compartment contains a view
-of the church, with a pilgrim kneeling at the altar. On the two bells is
-inscribed “Hans Holba—in 1499,” while an “H” is on one of the
-tombstones, and the date is repeated on the outer wall of the church.
-The upper part of the arch is filled with the Crowning of the Virgin.
-The division on the left contains St. Joseph and the Virgin adoring the
-Child in the stable, that on the right the Martyrdom of St. Dorothea, in
-honour of the donor of the picture, who is represented, a small figure,
-kneeling in prayer behind the saint. This picture is now in the Augsburg
-Museum (Nos. 62-64).
-
-A second work in the same gallery (No. 61), of the same date, is,
-however, far inferior to the foregoing, the execution being careless and
-perfunctory. It was a commission from the nun Walburg Vetter, also for
-the Convent of St. Catherine, as an offering from herself, and in memory
-of her two sisters, Veronica and Christina, all three of whom lived,
-died, and were buried in the convent; and the indifference of the
-workmanship has been attributed to the fact that Holbein received
-extremely poor payment for it, only 26 gulden in all. It has an arched
-top, and is divided into a number of small compartments, with the
-Crowning of the Virgin above, and six roughly-painted scenes from
-Christ’s Passion below, in which the figures, more particularly of the
-executioners, are extremely repulsive. It is dated, and contains a long
-inscription.[14]
-
-Shortly after he had sent out this very inferior example of his art from
-his workshop, Holbein appears to have left Augsburg for a year or two,
-and to have settled in Ulm. His name is found in the Augsburg rate-books
-every year from 1494 to 1499, but is missing in 1500 and 1501, while
-there is a document in the Augsburg archives, dated Wednesday, November
-6, 1499, which proves that in that year he had become for the time being
-a citizen of Ulm (“Hannsen Holbain dem Maller, jetzo Bürger zu
-Ulm”),[15] though no traces remain of any work undertaken by him in that
-city. This entry is in connection with the contract for the purchase of
-a house in Augsburg from which Holbein received interest.
-
-[Sidenote: THE KAISHEIM ALTAR-PIECE]
-
-In 1501 he was in Frankfurt, engaged upon an altar-piece for the
-Dominican convent church. Two large panels, which once formed the back
-of the centre portion of this work, represent the genealogy of Christ
-and that of the Dominicans,[16] each in two divisions. On the first
-there is a Latin inscription stating that the work was executed in 1501
-to the order of the Superior, one “I. W.,” and concluding with the
-words, “HANS HOILBAYN DE AVGVSTA ME PINXIT.” These panels are now in the
-Städtisches Museum in Frankfurt, together with seven out of eight scenes
-of “Christ’s Passion,” which originally covered the outer and inner
-sides of the wings of the same altar-piece.[17]
-
-In 1502 he was back again in Augsburg, at work upon a large altar-piece
-for the monastery of Kaisheim at Donauwörth. Sixteen portions of it,
-which formed the inner and outer panels of the folding doors, are now in
-the Munich Gallery (Nos. 193-208).[18] Between the years 1490 and 1509
-the Abbot Georg Kastner spent much money on the adornment of the fine
-Gothic church of this famous imperial monastery, and in an old
-manuscript chronicle which has survived, there is a passage referring to
-this particular altar-piece, from which it is to be gathered that two
-other artificers of Augsburg, the sculptor Gregorius and the joiner
-Adolph Kastner, were associated with Holbein in the work. It speaks of
-them as three masters of Augsburg, who were the best masters far and
-near. The panels from the outer sides of the shutters represent scenes
-from the Passion, those from the inner ones incidents in the life of the
-Virgin and the childhood of Christ. The former are of inferior
-workmanship to the latter, and were no doubt produced wholly or in great
-part by an apprentice or assistant, for they display many exaggerated
-and grotesque types and a general lack of taste in composition. The
-inner panels show a far higher standard, and are from the hand of the
-elder Holbein himself, whose signature occurs no less than three times
-as “J. H.,” “Hans Holbon,” and finally the inscription, “Depictum per
-Johannem Holbain Augustensem 1502.” Studies for some of the heads are to
-be found in his sketch-book in the Basel Gallery. Several panels
-representing the martyrdom of the Apostles, at Nuremberg, Schleissheim,
-and elsewhere, have much in common with the Kaisheim altar-piece.
-
-In the same year (1502) Holbein was engaged for a second time upon work
-for the Convent of St. Catherine in Augsburg. This was a panel, in three
-compartments, representing the Transfiguration of Christ,[19] a
-commission from a leading Augsburg citizen, Ulrich Walther, whose
-daughters, Anna and Maria, were inmates of the convent, the former being
-the prioress. It is now in the Augsburg Gallery (Nos. 65-67). It was
-ordered to be made “to the praise of God and in honour of his two
-daughters,” and the price paid was 54 gulden 30 kreuzers. Walther, who,
-dying at the age of eighty-six in 1505, left behind him one hundred and
-thirty-three living descendants, is represented kneeling in the lower
-part of the left-hand compartment, with eight sons behind him; and in
-the corresponding part of the opposite compartment are his wife, the two
-nuns, and twelve others, daughters and daughters-in-law, also kneeling
-in prayer. These portraits, of which those of the younger children in
-particular are of considerable charm, form the happiest part of the
-painting. In the central subject, the movements by which the Apostles
-express their surprise at the transfiguration of their Master are
-exaggerated almost to the point of caricature. The side panels represent
-the Miracle of the Loaves and Fishes, and the Healing of the Possessed
-Youth.
-
-[Sidenote: THE “BAPTISM OF ST. PAUL”]
-
-A much finer work, painted for the same convent, is the “Basilica of St.
-Paul,”[20] like the “Transfiguration,” now in the Augsburg Gallery (Nos.
-68-70). Although undated, it is usually ascribed to the year 1504. It
-was ordered by Veronica Weiser, daughter of the Burgomaster Bartholomäus
-Welser. She was one of the wealthiest of the sisters, and was at that
-time secretary to the convent, and afterwards succeeded Anna Walther as
-prioress. It follows the shape of the other pictures in the cloisters,
-that of a broad pointed arch, and is divided into a central and two side
-panels, separated by late Gothic gilded ornamentation. It depicts scenes
-from the life of St. Paul. In the upper arched portion is the Mocking of
-Christ, while the lower compartments contain the Conversion, Baptism,
-Martyrdom, and Burial of St. Paul, with other events in his life in the
-background. In the central division Holbein has shown the donor seated
-in a chair in front of the basilica with her back to the spectator, an
-evident portrait, although the face is not visible. The name “Thecla” is
-written on the chair-back. The division on the left hand is of much
-greater interest, for it contains portraits of the Holbein family,
-including the earliest but one known of Hans Holbein the Younger. The
-subject is the Baptism of St. Paul (Pl. 1), who is represented, a nude
-figure, standing in a stone font in the foreground. In the right-hand
-foreground the artist has placed a group of three spectators, a
-middle-aged man and two small boys, representing, according to old
-tradition, the painter himself and his two sons, Ambrosius and Hans. The
-truth of this tradition is confirmed by three drawings by the elder
-Holbein which still exist—one, a head of himself, a study for the St.
-Sebastian altar-piece, inscribed “Hanns Holbain maler—Der alt,” now in
-the Aumale Collection at Chantilly;[21] and the others, in the Berlin
-Print Room, representing the two boys in the years 1502 and 1511.[22] In
-the picture the painter himself, with long hair and a flowing beard, but
-the upper lip shaved, and dressed in a fur-lined coat, stands with his
-right hand resting upon the head of the younger boy, and with the first
-finger of his left points towards him as though wishing to draw
-particular attention to him. Ambrosius, with his hair curling upon his
-shoulders, stands with his right hand placed affectionately upon his
-younger brother’s shoulder, and with his left clasps the other’s hand.
-Both boys are dressed in grey cloth gowns, with gaiters and thick shoes,
-the elder having a pen-case and ink-bottle suspended from his girdle.
-Hans, a big-headed, round-faced, chubby little lad, six or seven years
-old, has shorter hair. One hand is raised to his chest, and the other
-grasps a stick. The father’s face is not a highly intellectual one, but
-is sensitive and amiable; that of the boy Hans is stronger in character,
-with a fine forehead and good mouth. On the opposite side of the picture
-there stands a lady, seen in profile, with plaited golden hair and a
-white head-dress. Her costume is a rich one, with brocaded sleeves, and
-the lower part of her skirts edged with pearls. Tradition, which is
-possibly correct, declares this lady to be the mother of the two boys.
-There is considerable likeness between her and Ambrosius, and it is
-evident that she is taking no part in the incident of the Baptism beyond
-that of a very passive spectator. The costume she wears precludes her
-from being the donor of the picture, who, indeed, is already represented
-in the central compartment. Holbein apparently introduced his whole
-family into the work. The only reason for throwing doubt on the
-tradition lies in the elaborate dress she is wearing, which seems too
-sumptuous for a poor painter’s wife; for the elder Holbein at this
-period of his life was in frequent difficulties over money. Mr. Gerald
-Davies draws attention to a drawing by him in coloured chalks in the
-Munich Print Room, which, he thinks, represents the wife some years
-earlier, perhaps before her marriage.[23] “It is,” he says, “a very
-charming drawing of a young woman, not of any special beauty beyond that
-which belongs to every young face which has the sparkle of happy
-pleasure in the lips and eyes; the hair is partly covered with a white
-cap, into which some delicate yellow is touched, and she wears yellow
-sleeves and bands of the same colour across the white chest front.
-Allowing for some years’ difference in age, this may well, I think, be
-the same person as she who appears in the Augsburg picture. But, whether
-it be the mother of the great painter or no, it is certainly a study
-which shows Hans Holbein the Elder to have been possessed in some degree
-of those very qualities in which his son afterwards stood supreme. There
-is something of the same sympathetic power of seeing, and the same
-completeness of recording what has been seen, without pedantries and
-without makeshifts, all that gives to any given human face its charm and
-its interest.... There is in it something of inspiration which neither
-care nor industry nor strength—and there are certainly artists stronger
-than he—can give. There is in this drawing the germ, and something more
-than the germ, of the spirit of his great son.”[24]
-
-This altar-piece, in which the figures are represented at about
-one-third the size of life, marks a considerable advance in Holbein’s
-art, both in technical qualities, the harmony of colouring, and in the
-drawing of the figures and natural arrangement of the draperies. When
-ordering the picture, Veronica Welser at the same time commissioned Hans
-Burgkmair to paint one of the Basilica of Santa Croce and the legend of
-St. Ursula. Only one payment, 187 gulden, is recorded for the two. As
-Burgkmair’s picture is dated 1504, it is natural to suppose that
-Holbein’s altar-piece was painted at about the same time.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 1.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE BAPTISM OF ST. PAUL
-  Left-hand panel of the “St. Paul” Altar-piece, with portraits of the
-    Holbein Family
-  HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER
-  AUGSBURG GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE ELDER HOLBEIN’S TROUBLES]
-
-Between the years 1504 and 1508 Holbein found frequent employment in
-connection with the Church of St. Moritz in Augsburg. Various payments
-are recorded in the church account books, but the pictures he painted
-cannot now be traced. Among them appear to have been two large
-altar-pieces, for which he frequently received small sums in advance at
-his own request. On the 28th October 1506, he agreed to supply four
-altar-panels for 100 gulden, receiving 10 gulden on account. Money was
-evidently scarce in the Holbein household in these years; he was even
-obliged to borrow 3 gulden from the churchwarden’s wife. For the second
-altar-piece, commissioned on the 16th March 1508, he was to receive the
-considerable sum of 325 gulden; but, as he was evidently still in debt,
-the whole of the money was not paid directly to him, but was handed over
-to various creditors; thus 74 gulden was paid to one Thomas Freihamer.
-On the same occasion Holbein’s wife received a present of 5 gulden from
-the church authorities, and his son, no doubt Ambrosius, one gulden.[25]
-
-The elder Holbein, indeed, was often in monetary difficulties, more
-particularly towards the end of his life. From time to time he was sued
-for small sums by impatient creditors. In 1503 he went to law with a
-neighbour, Paulson Mair, and on the 10th May 1515 he was sued by his
-butcher, Ludwig Smid, for one gulden. In the following year he was twice
-in the courts, the second time at the suit of one Jörg Lotter for the
-small amount of 32 kreuzers. On the 12th January 1517 his own brother,
-Sigmund, was obliged to take proceedings against him for a debt of 34
-florins, money advanced to enable Holbein to move his painting materials
-to “Eysznen”—that is, Isenheim in Alsace—to which place he went towards
-the end of 1516 for the purpose of painting an altar-piece for the
-monastery of St. Anthony. Once again, in 1521, a certain Hans Kämlin
-sued him before the justices for two sums of 40 kreuzers, and 2 florins
-40 kreuzers. Thus, in spite of numerous commissions, which, however,
-were not always well-paid ones, he often had great difficulty in
-supporting his household in comfort.[26]
-
-[Sidenote: THE “ST. SEBASTIAN” ALTAR-PIECE]
-
-The scope of this book does not permit a detailed description, or even a
-bare list, of his numerous works. Two only of his later, and probably
-his finest, paintings must be alluded to briefly—the “Martyrdom of St.
-Sebastian,” in the Munich Gallery (Nos. 209-211), painted shortly before
-his departure from Augsburg to Isenheim, and the “Fountain of Life,” in
-Lisbon, both of which were at one time ascribed to his younger son.[27]
-The “St. Sebastian” altar-piece,[28] which in earlier days was rightly
-regarded as a work of the elder Holbein, is thought to have been one of
-several commissions given to him by the nuns of St. Catherine in
-Augsburg. The entry in the archives which is supposed to refer to it
-merely states that “Sister Magdalena Imhoff has given 3 gulden to the
-new Sebastian, for the Holy Cross on the altar, and the lay sisters 2
-florins. This is the cost of the said picture.” Neither the name of the
-artist who was employed upon it nor the date of the order is given, and
-from the wording of the entry, and the very small price paid, it seems
-evident that it cannot refer to so important a painting as the “St.
-Sebastian.” Dr. Woltmann was probably right in suggesting that what was
-ordered was merely a painted wooden figure of the saint, which was to be
-added to a carved group of the Crucifixion on the altar of the
-church.[29] The picture was first attributed to the younger Holbein by
-Passavant and Dr. Waagen, who were misled by the forged extracts from
-the St. Catherine annals, in which the passage quoted above was
-considerably amplified, the “St. Sebastian” being definitely described
-as a picture “by the skilful painter Holbein,” with the additional
-information that it was ordered in 1515, and placed in the church in
-1517, after its rebuilding, and that Magdalena Imhoff paid 10 gulden
-towards it, and the other lay sisters 2 gulden each. As a result of this
-falsification, the authorship of the picture was taken from the father
-and given to the son, and, in consequence, it was regarded for a number
-of years as an extraordinary manifestation of youthful genius. Even when
-the forgery was discovered, such critics as Dr. Woltmann and Mr. Wornum
-continued, from considerations of style, to uphold the picture as an
-early Augsburg work of the younger Holbein. The inner and outer panels
-of the wings, in particular, were considered to afford undoubted proof,
-by their high artistic merit and their method of handling, that they
-were from the brush of the son; and some modern critics still maintain
-that, if not entirely his work, they were nevertheless carried out by
-him under his father’s supervision, although they show a much more
-finished and mature style than is to be found in the first sacred
-paintings he produced in his early Basel days. Professor Karl Voll of
-Munich holds that no one but the younger Hans could have painted the
-lovely figures of St. Elizabeth and St. Barbara. Dr. Glaser, on the
-other hand, is of opinion that the whole altar-piece is the work of Hans
-Holbein the Elder. The picture is undated, though Passavant states that
-it is inscribed “1516.” According to Förster, in 1840 the old frame bore
-the inscription “1516, H. Holbain.” Dr. Woltmann placed it in the year
-1515, but at that date the younger Hans had already left Augsburg for
-Basel. From considerations of style, however, and the strong Renaissance
-influence it displays, it is now generally considered to have been
-executed by Hans Holbein the Elder in or about 1516, prior to his
-departure from Augsburg to Isenheim.
-
-Judged by his authentic works of this date in Basel, it is difficult to
-allow that the younger Holbein had any serious part in the painting of
-this altar-piece, though he may have worked on some of the details under
-his father’s direction. Whether originally painted to the order of the
-nuns of St. Catherine or not, the picture is said to have been found in
-their possession on the abolition of the convent. It was acquired in
-1809 from the church of St. Sauveur in Augsburg.
-
-The central panel (Pl. 2) shows the nude figure of the saint, transfixed
-with arrows, his right arm fastened by a chain above his head to a
-fig-tree. Four archers at very close quarters are shooting at him, the
-one kneeling in the left foreground, in the act of bending his bow,
-being dressed in a striped costume of blue and white, the colours of
-Bavaria, the hereditary enemy of Augsburg. Behind them stand spectators
-in rich costumes, two on either side, the foremost one on the right
-being the officer of the Emperor Diocletian, who is directing the
-execution. In the background is a river, on the far side of which rise
-the towers and buildings of a city, with the Alps beyond. The outer
-panels of the shutters are painted with the “Annunciation to the
-Virgin,” and the inner ones with the figures of St. Barbara and St.
-Elizabeth (Pl. 3). St. Barbara, who is attired in a purple mantle, a
-blue dress embroidered with gold, and wide white puffed sleeves, holds a
-cup with the Host hovering over it. St. Elizabeth has also a purple
-mantle, and a dress edged with fur. With her left hand she gathers up
-her cloak, in which she is carrying bread for the poor, and with the
-other pours wine from a tankard into a shallow bowl held by one of the
-two beggars crouching at her feet. These two suppliants, both of whom
-are afflicted with leprosy, have been painted with extreme and even
-repulsive realism. Behind the leper on the right appears the head of the
-painter himself, kneeling in adoration. The background in both these
-panels is similar in character to the central one, that behind St.
-Elizabeth representing, so it is said, a view of the Wartburg, near
-Eisenach; while above and below are deep bands of rich Renaissance
-ornamentation, of the type of design which the younger Holbein
-afterwards carried to so high a degree of excellence. The whole work,
-though still retaining many indications of the earlier influences which
-moulded the elder Holbein’s art, is strongly imbued with the newer
-conception of painting received from Italy. The drawing of the nude
-displays greater knowledge than in the “St. Paul” altar-piece, the
-colour is finer, and the figures of the two saints on the shutters
-possess much grace and beauty. There are several silver-point studies
-for the picture in the Copenhagen Museum, while the study for the head
-of Holbein himself is, as already pointed out, at Chantilly.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 2.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE MARTYRDOM OF ST. SEBASTIAN
-  Central Panel
-  HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER
-  ALTE PINAKOTHEK, MUNICH
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 3.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  ST. BARBARA                    ST. ELIZABETH
-  Inner sides of the wings of the St. Sebastian Altar-piece
-  HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER
-  ALTE PINAKOTHEK, MUNICH
-]
-
-[Sidenote: “THE FOUNTAIN OF LIFE”]
-
-It is in the “Fountain of Life” (Pl. 4),[30] painted in 1519,[31] that
-the strongest proofs of the elder Holbein’s final surrender to the
-influences of the Italian Renaissance are to be discovered. This
-picture, like more than one other of his works, was formerly ascribed to
-the son. Nothing is known of its earlier history, but it is said[32] to
-have been taken from England to Portugal by Catherine of Braganza,
-daughter of John IV of Portugal, and wife of Charles II, when she
-returned home a widow after the king’s death in 1685, and that it was
-presented by her to the chapel of the castle of Bemposta, where it
-remained until removed to the royal palace in Lisbon forty or fifty
-years ago. It thus appears to have belonged to the royal collections of
-England in Charles II’s time, but no traces of it are to be found in any
-inventory. If the picture ever was in this country, it can have been
-only for a short time, for about the year 1628 it was in the collection
-of the Elector Maximilian I of Bavaria, and is very carefully described
-in a manuscript catalogue of his pictures of that date, with the
-measurements, the date, and the name of the artist—“von Hanns Holpain ao
-1519 gemalt.”[33] It is signed “IOHANNES HOLBEIN FECIT 1519,” but from
-its present condition this signature seems to have been painted over an
-older one. Attention was first called to the picture by Pietro
-Guarienti, keeper of the Dresden Gallery, who was in Portugal from 1733
-to 1736. He read the name as “Holtein,” and considered it to be the work
-of one of Holbein’s pupils. This would indicate that the signature was
-then becoming illegible, and that it was renovated some time after
-Guarienti saw it. On the inner edge of the circular fountain in the
-foreground there is also an inscription, “PVTEVS AQVARVM VIVENTIVM,”
-which has also been retouched by some clumsy hand, for the older
-writing, white on a brown ground, can still be seen beneath it.
-
-The background, which occupies the upper half of the picture, is filled
-with a building or open loggia of very elaborate architecture in the
-style of the Italian Renaissance, with pillars of vari-coloured marbles,
-and capitals and friezes richly carved and decorated. In the central
-foreground, on the steps which ascend to this building, the Virgin
-appears, enthroned. The Infant Christ sits astride her right arm, firmly
-clasped against her breast. The Virgin appears to have been painted from
-the same model as the Virgin on the outer shutters of the “St.
-Sebastian” altar-piece. The Fountain of Life drips from a marble Cupid’s
-mask on the step below her feet into a small circular basin, on the edge
-of which is placed a tall vase with a spray of white lilies. Behind her
-carved chair stand St. Joseph and St. Anne, and on either side of her
-are groups of three saints, the two foremost ones being seated, with the
-folds of their dresses spread over the flower-strewn grass. On the right
-is St. Dorothy, in a richly-brocaded costume, and behind her kneels St.
-Catherine of Alexandria with her right hand stretched towards the Infant
-Christ, as a sign of their betrothal. On the left St. Margaret is
-seated, with a book and a long cross, and a dragon at her feet, and
-behind her St. Barbara is kneeling, holding the cup with the Host. Two
-other saints complete the near groups, and in the background a number of
-other saints are placed on either side. One of the figures is not unlike
-the so-called wife of Holbein in the “St. Paul” altar-piece. Still
-farther off, beyond the rails of the portico or temple, are three groups
-of singing and playing angels with vari-coloured wings. In the distance
-is an elaborate landscape, with a tall palm-tree, classical ruins, and a
-view of sea and mountains. Bands of dark cloud stretch across the sky,
-and the evening light still lingers over the waters, producing a
-peaceful and rather sombre effect. The composition is the most
-considerable to be found in any of the elder Holbein’s works, and is
-well grouped and arranged. The influence of Martin Schongauer can be
-very clearly traced in it, and the unusual position in which the Virgin
-is holding the Child is directly derived from Schongauer’s beautiful
-“Madonna in the Rose Garden,” which Holbein must have studied in the
-neighbouring city of Colmar.[34] There were also altar-panels by
-Schongauer in the Isenheim Monastery itself, where Holbein appears to
-have been working when he painted the “Fountain of Life.” In addition to
-this direct influence, others, both Flemish and Italian, are to be
-traced in it, but well fused, so that the whole composition is unforced
-and natural, and contains passages of much beauty. There is delicacy and
-warmth in the flesh tints, and the sincerity of feeling which pervades
-all the principal figures is one of its chief charms. The rich
-architecture of the background shows good understanding and appreciation
-of the Italian models upon which it is based, and in all ways the
-picture indicates that when the elder Holbein put forth his greatest
-powers he was worthy of being ranked among the best German painters of
-the early sixteenth century.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 4.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE FOUNTAIN OF LIFE
-  HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER
-  NATIONAL MUSEUM OF ANCIENT ART, LISBON
-]
-
-Although he does not appear to have had many opportunities of exercising
-his skill as a portrait-painter, his very numerous studies in this
-branch of art show abilities of a very high order, and possess many of
-the qualities, though in a lesser degree, which his son afterwards
-developed to so high a pitch of perfection. Indeed, in these
-portrait-studies of men his art attains its greatest strength and finest
-accomplishment. Sixty-nine of his drawings of heads are preserved in the
-Imhoff Collection in the Berlin Museum. They are on the leaves of
-sketch-books, and were made between 1509 and 1516, in silver-point and
-pencil, some of them strengthened with white and with red chalk. A
-smaller number of heads from the same series are in the Copenhagen
-Museum, and at Basel and Bamberg, while isolated examples are to be
-found in the print rooms of more than one European museum. Some of the
-Basel drawings were made before 1508, and in the collection of M. Léon
-Bonnat, which contains several fine silver-points by the elder Hans,
-there is one of the Augsburg goldsmith, Jörig Seld, dated 1497.
-
-[Sidenote: THE ELDER HOLBEIN’S STUDIES]
-
-These drawings, which at one time were all ascribed to his son, and
-are so attributed in the first edition of Dr. Woltmann’s book,
-represent citizens of Augsburg in all classes of life, many of them,
-no doubt, personal friends of the painter, who, in a number of cases,
-has written their names on the sketches. There is no evidence to show
-that the majority of them were preliminary studies for portraits for
-which he had received commissions; they were done partly for his own
-amusement and practice, and partly to serve as models for figures in
-his sacred paintings. They form, nevertheless, a very valuable record
-of the Augsburg life of his day, and so may be compared, in the
-wideness of their range at least, with the more brilliant series of
-drawings by his son. In numerous instances the same sitter has been
-drawn two or three times; of Johannes Schrott[35] and Hans
-Griesher,[36] monks of St. Ulrich, there are no less than seven and
-six respectively. Among them there are portraits of the Emperor
-Maximilian,[37] on horseback, in helmet, and with sword, and of his
-grandson, afterwards Charles V,[38] with a falcon on his wrist,
-inscribed “herzog karl vo burgundy.” As Charles became Duke of
-Burgundy in 1515, and King of Castile in 1516, the drawing must have
-been made in the former year. There are several portraits of members
-of the great Fugger family, among them Jacob Fugger,[39] the head of
-the clan; his nephews, Raimund[40] and Anton[41]; his cousin, Ulrich
-Fugger the Younger,[42] and his wife, Veronica Gassner[43]; and
-several more. Other leading Augsburg families are represented in heads
-of Gumprecht Rauner,[44] Hans Nell,[45] Hans Pfleger,[46] and Hans
-Herlins,[47] and members of the court circle by such men as Kunz von
-der Rosen,[48] the Emperor Maximilian’s lifelong friend and adviser.
-Included among these drawings are representations of more than one of
-Holbein’s fellow-workers in art, such as Hans Schwartz[49] the
-wood-carver, and Burkhart Engelberg,[50] stone-carver and architect.
-Representatives of more lowly pursuits are Gumpret Schwartz,[51]
-schoolmaster, and one Grün,[52] a tailor, and certain “merry fellows”
-of the artisan class. The heads of ladies are not very numerous, but
-one of them, the wife of the Guildmaster Schwartzensteiner,[53] a
-typical example of the “good wife” of Augsburg, has been drawn no less
-than three times. A less reputable personage among them is Anna, known
-as “the Lomentlin,”[54] who was twice expelled from the town for
-serious misconduct, and returned in the end apparently repentant,
-afterwards posing as a saint, and professing to be able to live
-without meat or drink. One of the most important groups in this series
-of drawings represents the monks of St. Ulrich, Augsburg’s famous
-monastery—Heinrich Grün,[55] Leonhard Wagner,[56] Conrad Merlin,[57]
-Johannes Schrott, Hans Griesher, and others. Finally, there are a few
-studies of heads of members of the artist’s family, including his own
-likeness, that of his brother Sigmund,[58] and the double portraits of
-his two sons, which have been already mentioned.
-
-[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF A LADY OF AUGSBURG]
-
-There is a small finished portrait of a lady of Augsburg, whose
-Christian name only, Maria, is known, in the collection of Sir Frederick
-Cook, at Richmond, which is the sole example of portraiture by the elder
-Holbein in England; and, indeed, with the exception of the portrait of a
-man, dated 1513, in the Lanckoronski Collection in Vienna,[59] which is
-also attributed to him, it is very possibly the only specimen of such
-work by him in existence. This portrait is of particular interest,
-because it conflicts with the statement of Dr. Glaser, that he never
-painted an independent portrait.[60] It was formerly attributed to the
-younger Holbein, but most critics failed to see his hand in it; and,
-when exhibited at the Burlington Fine Arts Club in 1906, it was
-described as of the South German School, with a note recording that the
-names of Schaffner and Ambrosius Holbein had been tentatively suggested
-in connection with it. Dr. Friedländer, however, considered it to be a
-work of the younger Holbein in his early Basel period. In 1908 Dr. Carl
-Giehlow suggested that the older painter was its real author, and drew
-attention for the first time to the fact that a fine study for it exists
-in the British Museum (Pl. 5); and further evidence in favour of this
-attribution has been brought forward by Mr. Campbell Dodgson.[61]
-
-The picture is on panel, 13¾ by 10½ inches. The sitter wears a white cap
-with embroidered margin of fleur-de-lis pattern. Her yellow bodice,
-trimmed at the edges with a broad band of black velvet, opens in front
-to show a white under-garment patterned in black and gold. The girdle is
-studded with gold ornaments. The hands are hidden, being pushed within
-the sleeves, as though for warmth. The background is plain blue, and on
-the back of the panel is painted “Maria” in an abbreviated form,
-evidently the sitter’s Christian name. On the front of the old original
-frame is inscribed: “ALSO.WAS.ICH.VIR.WAR.IN.DEM. 34. IAR.” (So was I in
-truth in my thirty-fourth year.)
-
-The silver-point drawing in the British Museum is, says Mr. Dodgson, “a
-delicate piece of work, in perfect preservation, and so fresh and
-spontaneous that it must be regarded as a study from life, preparatory
-to the picture, and not as a copy from the latter. It is significant
-that only the main outlines of the costume are noted, and that
-ornamental details, which it would have taken a long time to draw, are
-reserved for the final execution of the portrait in oils; nothing of the
-kind is even suggested except the fleur-de-lis pattern on the cap. All
-the essential outlines of the figure itself, on the other hand, are
-drawn with a careful and expressive line, which notes the folds of the
-flesh beneath the chin more accurately than the creases of the sleeve at
-the elbow.” This drawing, like the portrait itself, is neither signed
-nor dated, so that it may be suggested, by those who see in the finished
-work the hand of the younger Holbein, that the drawing also is the work
-of the son. There is, however, a second drawing of the same lady in the
-Berlin Museum,[62] one of the series of the elder Holbein’s studies, in
-which she is represented in almost the same position, and wearing the
-same dress, though apparently several years older.[63] It does not seem
-to be a repetition of the earlier drawing, but a fresh portrait from
-life made after a considerable interval. The Berlin drawing is
-undoubtedly the work of the elder painter, while the one in the British
-Museum is closer to his style than to that of his son at the period in
-question, when the latter was still in his teens, as shown in such early
-Basel drawings as the studies of Meyer and his wife. The new
-attribution, therefore, appears to be the correct one, the evidence in
-favour of the elder Holbein being, if not conclusive, at least very
-strong.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 5.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  STUDY FOR THE PORTRAIT OF A LADY OF AUGSBURG
-  _Silver-point drawing_
-  HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER
-  BRITISH MUSEUM
-]
-
-Little is known of the last eight years of his life. The “Fountain of
-Life” is the only picture painted by him during that period which has
-survived.[64] It is supposed that he never returned to Augsburg, but
-died in Isenheim; but that he spent the whole period there seems
-unlikely. Isenheim is close to Basel, and it is not impossible that his
-last days were passed under the roof of his son Hans in the latter city.
-A letter, dated 4th July 1526, and addressed to the Vicar of the Order
-of St. Anthony in Isenheim by the burgomaster of Basel, Heinrich
-Meltinger, bears out this supposition.[65] It was written on behalf of
-Hans Holbein the Younger, and by means of it he made a final attempt to
-obtain possession of, or compensation for, his father’s painting
-materials, which the latter had left behind him, or which had been
-detained for some purpose by the monastery authorities. From this letter
-it appears, also, that the son had made more than one previous attempt,
-during his father’s lifetime, and at the elder painter’s request, to get
-the goods returned; from which it is to be inferred that for some
-considerable time prior to his death Hans Holbein the Elder had left
-Isenheim. In 1521, as already pointed out, he was sued by Hans Kämlin
-for a small debt, but this does not necessarily indicate that the
-painter himself was in Augsburg at the time. His death took place in
-1524, as is proved by an entry in the Handwerksbuch of the Augsburg
-Painters’ Guild of that year, in which “Hannss Holbain maller” is noted
-as deceased; but this again does not prove that his actual death
-occurred in that city.
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                               CHAPTER II
-
-                       YOUTHFUL DAYS IN AUGSBURG
-
-Birth of Hans Holbein the Younger—Forgeries of dates on early pictures
-  attributed to him—Various portraits bearing on the question of the
-  year of his birth—His early life in Augsburg—The family house on the
-  Vorderer Lech—Early training in his father’s studio—Hans
-  Burgkmair—Augsburg and the decorative arts.
-
-
-NO absolutely conclusive proof has yet been discovered of the exact date
-of the birth of Hans Holbein the Younger. For years the question was
-complicated by more than one forgery of dates and signatures on certain
-pictures in Augsburg, and by spurious amplifications made in the modern
-copies taken from certain entries in the annals of the convent of St.
-Catherine. Owing to these forgeries, Dr. Woltmann, in the first edition
-of his book,[66] advanced the opinion that Holbein was born in 1495; but
-before the publication of the first volume of the second edition of his
-work, in 1874, these inscriptions and entries had been proved to be
-falsifications, and he then altered the date to 1497,[67] and this is
-now generally accepted as correct. Equal doubt existed at one time as to
-the place of his birth. Among earlier writers, Carel van Mander (1604)
-and Patin (1676) stated that he was born in Basel, while Matthis Quad
-gave his birthplace as Grünstadt in the Palatinate. Sandrart (1675) was
-the first biographer to name Augsburg, which modern research has shown
-to be correct. The forgeries, no doubt, were the result of the discovery
-that Holbein was not a Swiss, as had been usually supposed, and were
-intended to supply convincing evidence that he was of German origin, and
-a citizen of Augsburg, and also to furnish proof of the precocity of his
-youthful genius.
-
-[Sidenote: THE YOUNGER HOLBEIN’S BIRTH]
-
-The chief forgery was an inscription on a picture in the Augsburg
-Gallery (Nos. 74-77), dated 1512, which until 1845 had always been
-rightly regarded as the work of the elder Holbein. This picture is one
-of the four panels which originally formed the inner and outer sides of
-the two shutters of an altar-piece or shrine painted for the convent of
-St. Catherine.[68] The two inner panels represent the Martyrdom of St.
-Catherine[69] and the Legend of St. Ulrich, the patron saint of
-Augsburg; the outer ones the Crucifixion of St. Peter, and the Virgin
-and St. Anne teaching the Infant Christ to walk. On the panel
-representing St. Catherine the date 1512 occurs on a votive tablet
-containing a Latin prayer to the saint, while on the old original frame
-the name of the painter, “Hans Holbain,” the two last letters of the
-surname now defaced, stands in gold letters.[70] It was upon the panel
-representing the Virgin and St. Anne with the Infant Christ[71] that the
-false inscription was placed. In this picture Mary and her Mother are
-seated, each holding a hand of the youthful Saviour, who stands between
-them on the bench making his first attempts to walk. Three small angels
-hold up a curtain behind them, and at the top of the panel is a band of
-rich Renaissance ornamentation, with two cupids blowing horns.[72] St.
-Anne holds an open book on her lap with her left hand; and when, in
-1854, the panel was separated from its obverse side and cleaned and
-restored, a Latin inscription upon this book came to light, parts of
-which were hidden by the hand of the saint. This inscription stated that
-the picture had been painted “by order of the venerable and most pious
-mother Veronica Welser—Hans Holbain, of Augsburg, at the age of 17.”[73]
-Before this Dr. Waagen[74] and several other critics had attributed this
-altar-piece to the younger Holbein because of supposed differences in
-style between it and the greater number of the authenticated works by
-the father. The newly-discovered inscription, which was accepted as
-genuine by Dr. Woltmann and most German writers, was considered to
-afford final proof of the truth of Waagen’s contention, though a few,
-among them Herman Grimm, refused to credit it. It was not until after
-the death of A. Eigner, the keeper of the Augsburg Gallery, and the
-originator of the falsification, in November 1870, that it was possible
-to apply a practical test to it, with the result that it proved to be a
-modern forgery. Upon the application of turpentine the whole of the
-inscription disappeared, and traces of a much earlier and badly-defaced
-one were found beneath it. The discovery of its fictitious nature led to
-further investigation, and the final abandonment of the date 1495 as the
-year of the painter’s birth, while the picture is now rightly restored
-to the older artist who painted it.
-
-[Sidenote: THE YOUNGER HOLBEIN’S BIRTH]
-
-Far more reliable proof as to the correct date of Holbein’s birth is
-afforded by the fine silver-point drawing by the elder painter, in the
-Berlin Museum, of the heads of his two sons (Pl. 6).[75] Between the
-heads is written “Holbain,” and over that of the younger boy on the
-right the word “Hanns,” with the age “14” above the name. Over the head
-of the elder boy on the left the shortened name “Prosy” is still
-legible. Probably the first syllable, “Am,” has become obliterated in
-course of time, or it may be that the father merely set down his
-nickname, “Prosy.”[76] The age of Ambrosius, which must also have been
-added, is now entirely effaced. At the top of the sheet is placed the
-date, which to-day is barely legible. Dr. Woltmann read it as “1511,”
-which would give the birth-year of Hans as 1497, and this reading is now
-generally accepted. The same writer imagined that he could trace the
-figure “5” above the head of Ambrosius, which would make his age
-fifteen, and thus one year older than his brother. In the drawing
-itself, however, he appears to be at least two or three years the
-senior. Dr. Willy Hes, in his recently-published book on Ambrosius
-Holbein, states that this now almost obliterated age-figure is “17,” and
-this is probably correct.[77] Both heads are full of character. The
-younger boy, with round face, and straight hair falling on his forehead
-and covering his ears, though not a child of much personal beauty, has a
-pleasant, thoughtful expression. The forehead is a fine one, projecting
-over the eyes, and showing, according to phrenologists, a
-strongly-developed power of imagination, while the mouth is large and
-determined. Ambrosius has more mobile features, and a mass of curling
-hair. This drawing, which at one time was attributed to the younger
-Hans, is one of the most masterly in the Berlin series, and shows how
-largely the son’s great gift of lifelike portraiture was inherited from
-his father.
-
-[Sidenote: THE YOUNGER HOLBEIN’S BIRTH]
-
-Dr. Hes also publishes a second drawing by the elder Holbein from the
-Berlin collection,[78] which, as he was the first to point out,
-undoubtedly represents the two boys at an earlier age. This silver-point
-drawing, hitherto known merely as “Portraits of two Children,” and
-bearing the inscription “Thomasins Sohn und Tochter” in a later hand,
-represents the two boys in profile, facing one another. It is not of
-such fine quality as the drawing of 1511, but the likeness to Ambrosius
-and Hans is unmistakable. In this earlier study Dr. Hes considers the
-age of the boys to be eight and five respectively. The further
-researches of the same writer have resulted in his discovery of a third
-likeness of the elder son from his father’s pencil, a beautiful drawing
-of a curly-haired lad with looks cast downwards. It is among the
-silver-point drawings of Hans Holbein the Elder in the Basel
-collection,[79] and seems to be connected with two other works by the
-Augsburg master, both also at Basel, for which, perhaps, it may have
-served as a preliminary study. One is an Indian-ink study for a “Death
-of Mary,” and the other a large oil-painting of the same subject (No.
-301). In both the features of the youthful St. John, who bends over the
-Virgin with palm-branch and long candle in either hand, are evidently
-those of Ambrosius. This drawing[80] is dated 1508 on a slate hanging at
-the head of the bed, so that the “St. John” represents the boy at the
-age of about fourteen. A still more youthful figure, with long hair,
-stands behind the wooden head of the bed, with clasped hands, gazing
-down at the Virgin. It may be suggested, though Dr. Hes does not call
-attention to it, that in this figure we have a third likeness of the
-younger Hans. The resemblance to the heads in the two drawings is not as
-close as in the case of Ambrosius, but is sufficiently so to permit the
-conjecture that the father intended to introduce both his boys into the
-picture to be painted from this study. The connection between these
-drawings and the picture at Basel is not, however, very clear. In the
-oil-painting[81] Mary is enthroned, the arrangement is entirely
-different, and many more figures are introduced; but the figure and face
-of the St. John are the same as in the Indian-ink drawing, though seen
-from the opposite side. According to the Basel catalogue, however, this
-picture was painted in 1501, and it does not appear very probable that
-the painter would have used a boy of seven as his model for the Saint.
-Behind St. John appears the curly head of a young man looking down; and
-here again, though possibly only in the imagination of the present
-writer, there is a faint resemblance to Hans the Younger. But this
-cannot be so if the picture was painted in 1501, when Hans was only
-four. The same figure of St. John occurs also in the “Death of
-Mary,”[82] on one of the panels of the Kaisheimer altar-piece at Munich.
-We have thus, in these drawings, together with the “Basilica of St.
-Paul” picture of 1504, portraits of Ambrosius Holbein at the ages of
-eight, ten, fourteen, and seventeen respectively, and of Hans when five,
-seven, and fourteen,[83] and also, if the likeness in the Indian-ink
-drawing of 1508 be allowed, at the age of eleven as well.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 6.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  AMBROSIUS AND HANS HOLBEIN
-  1511
-  _Silver-point drawing_
-  HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER
-  ROYAL PRINT ROOM, BERLIN
-]
-
-Further evidence as to his birth-date is afforded by two engravings, by
-Vorsterman and Hollar respectively, and several miniatures of Holbein by
-himself, some of the latter being only early copies, all of which are
-dated 1543, and give the age as forty-five. Vorsterman’s print, which is
-4¾ inches in diameter, shows no date on the background, but round the
-outside is engraved “Ioannes Holbenius Pictor Regis Magnæ Britanniæ Sui
-Cæculi Celeberrimus Anno 1543 Ætat: 45.” Hollar’s etching is also
-circular. There is no lettering round the rim, but across the background
-is inscribed: “HH. Æ. 45—AN^o 1543.” Below is the legend—“Vera Effigies
-Johannis Holbeinii Basiliensis Pictoris et Deliniatoris rarissimi. Ipse
-Holbeinius pinxit, Wenceslaus Hollar aqua forti æri insculpsit. Ex
-Collec: Arundel: 1647.”[84] The original paintings from which these two
-engravings were taken have not been discovered, but they were, no doubt,
-two small roundels in oils.[85] In Carel van Mander’s time two such
-portraits were in existence. He says, when speaking of Holbein’s works
-then in Amsterdam: “At the house of Jacques Razet, the fine arts
-amateur, I saw Holbein’s portrait, painted by himself very prettily and
-neatly, in miniature, with a small margin round it; and in the
-possession of Bartholomäus Ferreris, I saw a second, about the size of
-the palm of my hand, excellently and neatly executed in flesh
-tints.”[86] Sandrart, who was in Amsterdam between 1639 and 1645, gave
-to the collector Le Blond a small round portrait of Holbein, and this is
-probably identical with the one which Van Mander saw in the possession
-of Razet. From Le Blond, who acted as agent for the Earl, it may well
-have passed into the Arundel Collection before 1647, in which year
-Hollar etched it. Vorsterman’s engraving is not dated, but it is
-evidently taken from the same or an almost similar original, and this
-artist engraved other pictures in the Arundel collection. According to
-Walpole, the picture in the Earl’s possession was dated. He says,
-quoting from one of the pocket-books of Richard Symonds:—“In the
-Arundelian collection was a head of Holbein, in oil, by himself, most
-sweet, dated 1543.”[87] The various miniatures of the painter, the
-greater number of which are merely good and almost contemporary copies,
-described in a later chapter,[88] have all, with one possible exception,
-the same date, 1543, upon them, and, like the engravings, represent the
-artist with a beard, wearing a black skull-cap, and, in those which show
-the hands, in the act of painting. The exception is the fine miniature
-in the Salting Collection, which is inscribed “ETATIS SVÆ 35,” but is
-without date. It is almost certain, however, that this miniature does
-not represent the painter.[89]
-
-[Sidenote: HOLBEIN’S BIRTHPLACE]
-
-The fact that the inscriptions on these various engravings and
-miniatures agree as to the date and the age of the painter does not
-necessarily prove that such date and age were placed by the artist
-himself upon the original painting on which most of them are based; but
-the probability is that such was the case, and that Holbein, therefore,
-was forty-five years old in 1543. Unless, however, more definite
-evidence is forthcoming in the future, the question must remain
-undecided, though it is practically certain that his birth took place
-either in 1497 or 1498.
-
-Nothing is known of Holbein’s early life in Augsburg, where he spent the
-greater part of his first seventeen years. It is not very likely that
-his father took his family with him upon his painting expeditions to
-Ulm, Frankfurt, and elsewhere, although he became a burgher of the
-first-named place for a time. It was the custom at that period for a
-painter to leave wife and children at home while he visited other
-centres in search of work or to carry out commissions. The house in
-which the young Hans is supposed to have been born is still standing in
-Augsburg, and bears a recording tablet on its front. It is in the
-Vorderer Lech, No. 496A, one of the quieter streets of the city to-day.
-It is thus described by Mr. Davies: “The Vorderer Lech obtains its name
-from the fact that a narrow channel of the Lech runs clear and green
-down one side of the street, separating the roadway from the houses on
-the north side. Access is gained to these houses in most instances by a
-wooden bridge or gangway which leads the visitor under an archway in the
-house itself. The house of the Holbeins, one of those little whitewashed
-buildings with the comfortable red-tiled roofs which are so plentiful in
-the city, has nothing to distinguish it beyond the tablet aforesaid. You
-pass under the arch, and find on either side the doors (still retaining
-their ancient hinges) and the open staircase which leads to the separate
-tenements into which the house is now divided. Ascending the staircase
-to the right, one finds the little room wherein tradition has it that
-our Hans Holbein was born, the little kitchen over which his mother
-presided, and the room which is traditionally regarded as the painting
-room of Hans Holbein the elder. It looks pleasantly out over enclosed
-gardens and picturesque roofs up towards the statelier buildings of the
-Maximilianstrasse. The house is not luxurious, but may well have been a
-house of no small comfort in the days when the Holbeins held it.”[90]
-
-It is impossible to point to any work of this period which can be
-accepted without question as from the hand of the younger Holbein alone.
-Both he and his brother Ambrosius received a very thorough training in
-their father’s workshop, and for the last few years before their
-departure for Basel they must have taken an active though minor share in
-the completion of the various commissions which fell to the elder
-painter. Many attempts have been made to separate the work of the father
-from that of his sons in such pictures as the “St. Catherine”
-altar-piece panels of 1512, already described, and the more famous “St.
-Sebastian” altar-piece in Munich; but the critics have never been able
-to come to any settled agreement as to the particular parts of these
-pictures, if any, which were the actual work of the younger Hans. It is
-only possible to say with some certainty that he must have been employed
-by his father on the less important portions of his altar-pieces, and
-that such work would be carried out under the personal direction of the
-elder painter, who alone was responsible for the general design and
-composition, and the arrangement of the colour-scheme, if not for the
-actual painting of the figures and the chief passages of the pictures.
-It is not possible to allow, as some writers have done, that such
-figures as the St. Elizabeth and St. Barbara on the shutters of the
-Munich “St. Sebastian” altar-piece were conceived and carried out by the
-younger Holbein independently of his father, although he may have shared
-to some small extent in the actual painting of the panels. They display
-a more advanced technique, and an art in all ways more matured, than is
-to be found in the earliest independent work of Holbein’s first Basel
-period.
-
-[Sidenote: THE DECORATIVE ARTS IN AUGSBURG]
-
-In his father’s studio Holbein obtained a very complete grounding in all
-the technical processes of his art, and was encouraged to develop that
-extraordinary gift for portraiture which he had largely inherited. The
-family seems to have been so frequently hard-pressed for money that the
-two boys would be obliged, at as early an age as possible, to begin to
-work seriously for a living, and in this way would gain much useful
-practical knowledge and facility in the handling of brush and pencil. In
-other respects Holbein’s art was apparently more strongly influenced by
-the example of Hans Burgkmair, who was some twenty-five years his
-senior, than by that of his own father, and more particularly in his
-ready assimilation of the newer methods and aspirations springing from
-the Italian Renaissance, which afterwards became so perfectly blended in
-his painting with those older forms and conceptions of the Germanic
-school of the fifteenth century, in which he was first trained in the
-elder Holbein’s workshop. Burgkmair returned from Italy about 1508, full
-of enthusiasm for the new movement, and his example must have acted as
-an inspiration to Holbein’s budding genius. Not only in his pictures and
-wall-paintings, but in his remarkable designs for woodcuts for the two
-great works in his own honour projected by the Emperor Maximilian—the
-“Weisskunig,” and the “Triumphal Procession”—Burgkmair exercised an
-undoubted influence over his younger contemporary. A year or two later
-in Basel Holbein’s art appears to have been affected to some extent,
-though indirectly, by that of Hans Baldung Grien and Matthias Grünewald,
-through the medium of some painter whose name so far has not been
-traced.[91] Other causes, too, were at work in moulding him for his
-future career. The city of Augsburg was exceptionally well fitted for
-providing incentives to a young artist to develop his powers in many
-directions. The practice of decorating the more important buildings of
-the city and the mansions of its merchant-princes with wall-paintings
-both within and without provided work for numerous artists, and in this
-way, no doubt, Holbein first began to practise a form of art which a few
-years later he was to carry to so high a pitch of excellence in Lucerne
-and Basel. Numerous printers, too, were settled in the city, who
-provided employment for many wood-engravers and designers of book
-illustrations and ornamentation—the latter a form of art in which
-Holbein was very busily engaged during the first ten years of his
-residence in Switzerland. His skill, too, in making designs for workers
-in gold and silver, in enamels and painted glass, must have received its
-first encouragement in Augsburg, which was noted for its craftsmen.
-Every branch of handicraft, indeed, was practised there. Its armourers,
-headed by the great Kolman family, were celebrated throughout Europe,
-while the Augsburg goldsmiths were equally famous for the artistic
-excellence and fine workmanship of their productions. Among such masters
-in their various arts the youthful Holbein moved, and it must have been
-from personal intercourse with them that he gained his first knowledge
-of design, and how it should be rightfully applied to the service of the
-several decorative arts, and how best modified to suit the nature of the
-materials used in each particular handicraft; and that he made the most
-of his opportunities is proved by the fact that when, a few years later,
-he started upon an independent career in Basel, the first works he
-produced show him to have been even at that early age an almost complete
-master of decorative design.
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                              CHAPTER III
-
-                       FIRST YEARS IN SWITZERLAND
-
-Departure of Hans and Ambrosius from Basel—The “Virgin and Child” of
-  1514—The painted Table at Zürich—Their arrival in Basel—Heads of the
-  Virgin and St. John—The “Cross-Bearing” at Karlsruhe—The five scenes
-  from “Christ’s Passion” at Basel—Work for the Basel printers—Holbein’s
-  first title-page—The marginal drawings to Erasmus’ “Praise of
-  Folly”—The share of Ambrosius in these illustrations—The legend of the
-  painter’s intemperance—The Schoolmaster’s Sign-Board—Double portrait
-  of Jakob Meyer and his wife—The “Adam and Eve.”
-
-
-THE fortunes of the Holbein family, never very brilliant, having become
-still more precarious, if existing records are to be believed, the two
-sons, now approaching manhood, resolved to seek employment farther
-afield. Possibly in 1513, but more probably in the spring of 1514, they
-turned their backs on Augsburg and set out for Switzerland. Whether
-Basel was their objective from the beginning or whether they arrived
-there more or less by chance, in the course of their wander-year, and
-finding work plentiful, resolved to make it their headquarters, there is
-no actual proof to show; but their uncle, Sigmund, had been settled in
-Switzerland for some years,[92] and had established himself in good
-practice in Berne, and this fact may have had something to do with the
-resolve of the younger Holbeins to turn their faces in that direction.
-The discovery of a little picture of the “Virgin and Child,” dated 1514,
-in a small village near Constance, which is attributed to Hans, affords
-some evidence that their departure from Augsburg took place in that
-year; that they had reached Basel some time in the spring or early
-summer of 1515 is proved by the existence of more than one authentic
-work by the younger brother bearing that date. Not long afterwards the
-father himself left Augsburg for Isenheim, near Gebweiler, in Alsace, at
-no great distance from Basel, and, so far as is known, never returned to
-his native city, so that the old home was finally broken up.
-
-[Sidenote: THE “VIRGIN AND CHILD” OF 1514]
-
-The small picture of the “Virgin and Child” (Pl. 7) was discovered in
-the village of Rickenbach, near Constance, by Herr Anton Seder, and on
-the sale of his collection in 1876 it was acquired for the Basel Gallery
-(No. 302).[93] It came originally from the Maria Wallfahrts
-(Pilgrimages) Church of Rickenbach. On the background of the panel, on
-either side of the Virgin’s head, are two coats of arms, the one on the
-left being that of the Von Botzheim family, and that on the right of the
-family of Ycher von Beringen. The picture, therefore, is supposed to
-have been ordered by Johann von Botzheim, canon of Constance, son of
-Michael von Botzheim and Anna Ycher von Beringen.
-
-The Virgin is shown to the knees, a seated figure, holding the Child in
-her lap, upon whom she gazes with downcast eyes. She clasps him to her
-with her left hand, the right hand being placed under his chin. Her
-white dress of soft material is arranged in a multiplicity of small
-folds, each carefully drawn, and is decorated with a band of gold
-embroidery; the wide flowing sleeves are drawn in above and below the
-elbow with similar bands, and resemble the sleeves in the “St. Barbara”
-of the “St. Sebastian” altar-piece. The lower part of the dress is a
-very dark blue, almost black. She wears a golden crown, and her fair
-hair falls upon her shoulders, as in the famous Darmstadt “Madonna.” The
-Child lies quietly in her arms, a somewhat sad expression on his face,
-with his small toes curled up, both feet and hands being admirably
-drawn. The background is a deep red, and over the Virgin’s head hangs a
-festoon of laurel leaves, suspended from the painted framework which
-surrounds the group. This framework represents white stone pillars, with
-panels of black marble decorated with Renaissance ornamentation, and a
-number of small naked putti, three on either side and seven on the top.
-Some of these little winged angels salute the Virgin with trumpets,
-others carry the instruments of Christ’s Passion, and four of them hold
-small tablets for inscriptions. These delightfully natural little
-figures are painted in an ivory tone and stand out well against the dark
-background. The work is immature, but displays a very tender,
-sympathetic feeling, and possesses very considerable attractions. The
-colour-scheme, in which few tints are employed, is delicate and
-harmonious, and indicates that the artist already possessed a true sense
-of its possibilities. The type of the Virgin resembles that employed by
-the elder Holbein in such pictures as the “Fountain of Life.” The
-natural affection of mother for child is well expressed, both in the
-downcast face and in the drawing of the hands with which she holds the
-little one close to her.
-
-On the plinth at the base of the picture is inscribed, in Roman
-lettering: “Que virgo peperit virgoque permanet lactavit propriis
-uberibus deum portantemque gerebat ulnis prona trementibus. M.D.XIIII.”
-It is regarded as the earliest authentic work of the younger Hans, but
-neither his signature nor his initials are now clearly distinguishable
-upon it, and its authorship is not absolutely certain. The four small
-tablets in the hands of the putti at one time held inscriptions. No
-traces of them remain on the two on the right, but portions of those on
-the left are still visible. On the upper one there appears to be part of
-a Latin sentence and the remains of a date “151—.” On the right-hand
-side of the lower one can still be deciphered some letters of a
-three-lined inscription, in the top line “R.A.,” in the middle one
-“C.A.” (Civis Augustanus), and in the bottom one the painter’s monogram.
-To the writer this latter appears to resemble more closely that of
-Ambrosius, “AH,” rather than that of Hans, “HH.” If this
-supposition be correct, it would indicate that the elder brother was the
-author of the picture, or, at least, that he had a share in the painting
-of it. In style it resembles almost as closely the few known works by
-Ambrosius as the earlier Basel works of Hans; indeed, in some ways, it
-approaches more nearly to the elder brother’s art, as seen in his
-drawings. In these there is a slight hesitancy and lack of decision in
-the touch which is not met with in the younger Holbein’s work of the
-same period. The tenderness of feeling displayed in the picture is also
-to be found in such drawings by Ambrosius as the head of a young girl
-inscribed “Anne,” in the Basel Gallery, while the putti have much in
-common with those which bear the shields above the heads of his two
-charming portraits of unknown boys, also at Basel. These putti, however,
-have a still greater likeness to those so frequently used by his brother
-Hans, as can be seen very plainly in the first title-page designed by
-him a year or two later; indeed, the whole framework of the picture
-recalls his handiwork. It may be suggested, therefore, that the
-Rickenbach “Madonna” was painted, in part at least, by Ambrosius. The
-two youths appear to have travelled together—though there is no absolute
-proof of this—and it might be expected that any small commissions picked
-up on the way would be given to the elder brother, who, again, may have
-been assisted in carrying them out by his younger companion. Dr. Ganz
-points out the close resemblances between this picture and a
-silver-point drawing at Basel attributed to the two brothers.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 7.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  VIRGIN AND CHILD
-  1514
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE PAINTED TABLE AT ZURICH]
-
-A work of a very different kind, the Painted Table at Zürich,[94] has
-been regarded by some writers as the result of a commission received by
-Hans Holbein during a halt in that town on his journey to Basel. This,
-however, was not the case. It must have been painted after he had
-settled in the latter place, for it was ordered on the occasion of the
-marriage of Hans Baer, a citizen of Basel, with Barbara Brunner on the
-24th June, 1515, either by Baer himself or by some friend of his as a
-wedding present, and the coats of arms of the two families are
-represented on it. Shortly afterwards the bridegroom left Basel for the
-Italian wars, marching as standard-bearer with one of the mercenary
-troops, and was killed at the battle of Marignano on the 14th of
-September in the same year.
-
-This large table-top is of wood, and oblong in shape, with a slab of
-slate inserted in the centre. This broad wooden border or framework is
-painted with hunting, fishing, jousting, and other outdoor scenes. One
-of the longer sides is occupied with a number of mounted knights with
-long lances engaged in a tournament, attended by their squires and
-servants. The action is very spirited, and several of the individual
-figures are finely conceived. The corresponding side is devoted to
-hunting scenes, including the chase of the stag, the wild boar, the
-hare, and the bear. The last-named animal is represented in the act of
-overturning a number of bee-hives. The decoration of one of the end
-borders shows the banks of a river with a number of men and women
-engaged in fishing, using both the rod and nets of great variety. In the
-meadow at the back a table is spread for a meal, and two women are
-cooking at a fire. On the other end is depicted a lady and gentleman out
-hawking, with the branches of the surrounding trees crowded with birds
-of many kinds, and rabbits playing on the grass, and, on the left, some
-game is shown in progress, in which young men are capturing girls in
-nets. The slate slab in the middle contains two principal subjects. One
-of them represents the old legend of “St. Nobody,” the unfortunate
-mythical personage usually accused of being the author of all breakages
-and accidents in German households, and incapable of defending himself
-from such false accusations, and, for this reason, represented by
-Holbein with a padlocked mouth, and surrounded by broken crockery and
-other objects of daily use. A comic poem on “Nobody,” by Ulrich von
-Hutten, published in Basel at about the time the table was painted,
-suggested this subject, and some lines from it are inscribed on a
-ribbon-scroll above the dejected saint. The second subject is also
-humorous, and shows a pedlar sleeping by the roadside, quite unconscious
-of a troop of monkeys who have plundered his pack. Over the rest of the
-surface a number of small scattered objects have been painted, as though
-left there by the owner. These formed a part of the joke, and were
-painted with a realism intended to deceive, and with the expectation
-that the spectator would attempt to pick them up. Among them are a pair
-of spectacles, a seal, a quill-pen, and penknife, scissors, a carnation,
-and a folded letter with a seal, round the margin of which part of the
-painter’s signature, “HANS HO,” can still be deciphered, though the coat
-of arms itself is not that of the Holbein family. A circle in the centre
-of the table contains the armorial bearings of Hans Baer and his wife.
-
-In the year 1633 the table was presented to the State Library of Zürich,
-where it was held in high estimation throughout the seventeenth century.
-Both Sandrart and Patin saw it there. The former describes it at some
-length. “In particular,” he says, “there is a large table which is
-worthy of inspection, entirely painted by our Hans Holbein the younger,
-on which, in artistic oil colours, he has represented the so-called
-Saint (Nobody) sitting sadly on a broken tub, his mouth fastened up with
-a great lock. Around him torn old books are lying, earthen and metal
-vessels, glass pans, dishes, and various other utensils, but all broken
-and destroyed. An open letter, on which Holbein’s name stands, is so
-naturally represented, that many people have seized it by mistake,
-thinking it is a real one. The rest of this table is ornamented with
-various hunting scenes and foliage.” Patin speaks of it as “a square
-table, about five spans broad, on which are depicted dancing, fishing,
-hunting, fish-spearing, represented for the most part playfully.” In
-spite of this praise, in course of time it became neglected, and finally
-disappeared, and was not heard of again until 1871, when it was
-discovered by Professor Salomon Vögelin, buried under thick dust and a
-mass of old papers, and in a very damaged condition.[95] It now forms
-one of the chief treasures of the Zürich Library, but it has been so
-seriously injured by the neglect and ill-usage to which it was subjected
-for so long a time, that even after more than one careful attempt at
-restoration, much of Holbein’s original and entertaining work has
-permanently disappeared.
-
-[Sidenote: ARRIVAL OF HOLBEIN IN BASEL]
-
-Although the exact date of the arrival of the two brothers in Basel is
-not known, there is evidence to show that they were busily at work there
-throughout the year 1515. Possibly it may have been their original
-intention to make a halt in that city of only some months’ duration; but
-they found it so profitable a field for their labours that they
-determined to remain there permanently. Basel, with its famous
-University, was at that time the home and refuge of many of the ablest
-thinkers and writers of the day, and it opened its gates freely to all
-whose advanced opinions made Germany and other parts of Europe
-undesirable as places of residence. Its many printing-presses were
-already celebrated, and the printers and publishers found constant
-employment both for learned scholars who edited for them new editions of
-the classics and the fathers of the Church, and for a large body of
-draughtsmen, designers, and wood-cutters who were engaged in
-illustrating their publications with portraits, pictures, title-pages,
-and innumerable initial letters and other ornaments. This well-paid and
-regular work which the city offered to all artists of ability was, no
-doubt, the real cause which induced the two brothers to become citizens
-of Basel.
-
-Among the earliest works produced there by Hans were two small heads of
-saints now in the Basel Gallery (Nos. 308, 309), apparently intended to
-represent the Virgin Mary and St. John the Evangelist. (Pl. 8).[96] The
-Virgin is wearing a crown, and her long straight hair falls upon her
-shoulders, as in the Rickenbach “Virgin and Child” of the previous year.
-The type of face, too, is the same as in that picture, and is seen again
-in the “Adam and Eve” picture of 1517. St. John is represented as a
-beardless young man with curly hair, and here again the head closely
-resembles that of the man in the “Adam and Eve.” Each has a large golden
-nimbus, which stands out against a plain pale-blue background. These
-small panels are pleasant in colour, and carefully painted, but
-otherwise afford few indications of the artist’s future greatness. They
-formed part of the Amerbach collection, and in the inventory are
-described as the young Holbein’s first works. (“Item einer heiligen
-iungen und iungfrawen köpflin mit patenen vf holz mit ölfarb klein H.
-Holbein erste arbeit.”)
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 8.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE VIRGIN MARY
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  ST. JOHN
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: EARLY “PASSION” PICTURES IN BASEL]
-
-The earliest work of Hans which is both signed and dated is the small
-panel in the Karlsruhe Gallery (No. 64), representing “Christ Bearing
-the Cross,” a composition crowded with small figures.[97] In the centre
-Christ has fallen to his knees under the weight of the Cross, and is
-urged forward by the brutal soldiery, clad in the costume of the
-mercenary landsknechte of Holbein’s day. On the right stands St.
-Veronica holding the handkerchief, and behind her the mounted Centurion,
-with a small dog running by his horse’s feet, both animals very
-inadequately rendered. On the left is a group consisting of the weeping
-Virgin, St. John, Simon the Cyrenean, who is helping to raise the Cross,
-and Joseph of Arimathea. Behind the chief characters is a crowd of armed
-men and spectators issuing from the gate of a town, and in the
-background a hilly landscape with distant buildings. It is signed “H.H.
-1515,” and was at one time attributed to the elder Holbein, and is still
-considered to be from his hand by some writers. It is so described in
-the first volume of the second edition of Woltmann’s book, but in the
-second volume he reverses his opinion, and modern criticism is mainly in
-agreement with this. Though in many ways a crude performance, it appears
-to be an undoubted work of the younger painter, conceived under the
-influence of his father. The figure of the stumbling Christ, the action
-of Simon, and of the soldiers striking at Christ are all reminiscent
-both of the “Cross-bearing” panel in the “Passion” series by the elder
-Holbein in the gallery of Prince Carl von Fürstenberg at Donaueschingen,
-(Nos. 43-54),[98] and of the similar subject in the Vetter votive
-picture of the year 1499 in the Augsburg Gallery (No. 61). Upon the back
-of the Karlsruhe picture are the badly-damaged remains of a second
-“Passion” subject, the “Crowning with Thorns,” also by the younger Hans,
-first published by Dr. Paul Ganz in his recent book, which also has much
-in common with the same two works by the elder Holbein.[99] The work,
-again, is closely akin to the five scenes from “Christ’s Passion” in the
-Basel Gallery (Nos. 303-307), which are certainly among the very
-earliest productions of the younger Hans. Two of these, “The Last
-Supper” and “The Scourging of Christ,” belonged to Bonifacius Amerbach,
-and are the best of the set, the remaining three having been acquired in
-1836 at a sale in Basel. They are painted on canvas, instead of on
-panel, an unusual method for pictures of any value in those days, and
-for this reason it is supposed that they were ordered for some special
-purpose, such as the decoration of a church during Holy Week, after
-which they would be rolled up and put away until wanted again in the
-following year. The hasty execution which they betray possibly arises
-from the same cause. They may have been wanted in a hurry, and the pay
-for them was perhaps too small to allow of careful, elaborate work,
-which, indeed, would not be necessary, considering the temporary purpose
-for which they were intended. They have also been taken as affording
-indications that the young painters did not immediately on their arrival
-set up an independent workshop of their own, but entered for a period
-the service of some Basel artist as journeymen painters for a weekly
-wage.
-
-The composition of these “Passion” pictures, it is urged, is too
-elaborate to be the unaided invention of the two young men, and it is
-therefore assumed that the designs were provided by some other painter,
-and that Hans and Ambrosius carried them out under his instructions. The
-name of Hans Herbster, whose portrait by the elder brother[100] is now
-in the Basel Gallery (No. 293) has been suggested in this connection. On
-the other hand, although it is not easy at the first glance to recognise
-the workmanship of Hans in these coarsely-painted pictures, it is
-equally difficult to point to any one among the older painters then in
-Basel who, judged by existing works, was capable of producing
-compositions of this importance; in any case, the colour-scheme was
-probably Holbein’s own, as well as the vigorous expression given to the
-heads, which, however, in some of the subjects is exaggerated to the
-verge of caricature. The grotesquely ugly and brutal executioners in
-“The Scourging” have much in common with such works of Hans Holbein the
-Elder as the Passion scenes at Donaueschingen, and it may very well be
-that these five pictures were the unaided productions of Hans and his
-brother, based upon the knowledge of similar paintings by their father,
-in the execution of which they had in all probability given him
-assistance, and that they did not renew their prentice days in
-Herbster’s or any other workshop, but started as independent painters
-from the first.
-
-In the “Last Supper” (No. 303) (Pl. 9),[101] the meal is laid on two
-tables placed at right angles, with Christ sitting at the angle, and he
-is represented in the act of passing the bread across the table to
-Judas, who, dressed in yellow, is half rising from his seat. The supper
-takes place in an open loggia or courtyard, the background being filled
-with archways and openings through which the deep blue sky is seen. In
-the distance on the right is a representation of the Washing of Peter’s
-feet. In the night scene on the Mount of Olives (No. 304),[102] the
-kneeling Christ lifts up his arms with a passionate movement. The angel,
-a much fore-shortened figure in red draperies, flies head foremost from
-the skies bearing the host. Christ and St. Peter, who is asleep in the
-left foreground, are darkly clad. The background, with its tall, gloomy
-trees, is illuminated by the torches and lanterns of the soldiers
-entering the garden, while the light of the coming dawn is just breaking
-along the horizon.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 9.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE LAST SUPPER
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: EARLY “PASSION” PICTURES IN BASEL]
-
-The “Arrest in the Garden” (No. 305)[103] is a composition crowded with
-figures, and is full of movement and noise. In the centre Judas is
-kissing Christ, who is surrounded by armed men; and on the left Peter,
-with uplifted sword, has just struck off the ear of Malchus, who,
-screaming with pain, and flinging one arm over his head, has fallen
-prone on the ground, while Christ reaches down his hand to heal the
-wound. Clever use is made of the spears, maces, and other upraised
-weapons of the soldiery, which are seen against the dark sky. Many of
-the movements of the figures are awkward and ugly, and the faces of the
-men who are dragging Christ away are repulsive and exaggerated, but the
-general effect produced is an impressive one, and the grouping is
-noteworthy as the work of a youth of seventeen or eighteen.
-
-The picture of the “Handwashing” (306)[104] is the finest of the series,
-more particularly in the left-hand half of the composition, which
-represents Pilate in the act of washing his hands in a golden dish. He
-is clad in dark green, with an ermine cape over his shoulders, and an
-Eastern turban, and is seated on a throne or daïs with pillars of
-coloured marbles and an arch filled in with a shell design. Two
-attendants, one in yellow and black, hold the basin and pour out the
-water from a golden ewer. On the right, Christ, in dark blue and crowned
-with thorns, is led forth to execution. In this picture the colour is
-less crude and violent than in most of the others of the series, and in
-technical achievement, more particularly in the draughtsmanship of the
-group of Pilate and his attendants, is somewhat higher.
-
-In the “Scourging” (No. 307) (Pl. 10),[105] Christ, a nude figure, is
-bound round the waist to a pillar in the prison, his uplifted arms being
-fastened to an iron ring above his head. His body is scored with wounds
-from the lashes of his executioners, his head falls in agony upon his
-shoulder, and one leg is dragged across the other in the extremity of
-his pain. The action of his torturers is of the utmost violence, and
-they jeer at him as they rain heavy blows upon his defenceless body. The
-scene to be depicted was a brutal and ruthless one, and to drive it home
-to the spectators, Holbein spared no details or efforts to make it as
-brutal in paint as it was in deed. The agony of Christ is well
-expressed, and considerable knowledge is displayed in the drawing of the
-body. The bright garments of the executioners form a striking though
-harsh contrast to the pale flesh tints of Christ and the stone wall of
-the cell, through the doorway of which on the right Pilate is gazing at
-his victim. Though by no means faultless, this picture has qualities,
-both of expression and of execution, which are remarkable when the age
-of the painter is remembered, qualities which already give indications,
-however faint, of the coming greatness of the master. This picture, and
-the one of the “Last Supper,” are noted in the Amerbach inventory as
-among Holbein’s first works.
-
-Taken as a whole, the series displays numerous reminiscences of the art
-of the father, sufficiently so, indeed, to make needless the supposition
-that in the painting of them the artist was assisted by some older
-practitioner of Basel. They possess considerable dramatic power, and the
-draughtsmanship, though in parts faulty, is often excellent, the signs
-of hasty manipulation, which are very apparent, being due, no doubt, to
-the fact that the pictures were intended to serve merely as processional
-standards or temporary “stations of the Cross”; but the colour
-throughout is for the most part crude and harsh. It is difficult, if not
-impossible, to determine how much of them was the work of Hans and how
-much that of his brother Ambrosius. The three which do not form part of
-the Amerbach collection were regarded at the time of their acquisition
-by the Basel Gallery as the handiwork of Holbein the Elder, but this
-ascription has been long since abandoned. Mr. Davies is of opinion that
-the “Pilate Washing his Hands” is entirely the work of the younger Hans,
-and that “The Scourging” is almost wholly by him, while he gives “The
-Agony in the Garden” and “The Arrest” to Ambrosius alone.[106] One is on
-safer ground, however, in confining oneself to the assertion that the
-pictures were produced in the common workshop of the two youths, and
-that both of them may have had something to do with the painting of all
-five canvases, but that the predominant hand was that of the younger
-brother.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 10.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE SCOURGING OF CHRIST
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: EXAGGERATED TYPES]
-
-These pictures were painted at some date between 1515 and Holbein’s
-departure for Lucerne in 1517, and are based largely upon the knowledge
-obtained in his father’s workshop in Augsburg, before the short visit to
-Lombardy produced so rapid an awakening of his genius. Dr. Ganz places
-them in the last-named year, and draws attention to the strong
-similarity of many of the motives to those of Dürer’s “Little Passion”
-series of engravings, thus showing that the younger artist must have
-borrowed from them freely.[107] It is probable that the set was
-originally a larger one, and that one or two of them are now missing.
-There is an elaborate pen drawing on a dark grey ground, washed with
-Indian ink and heightened with white, in the Basel Gallery, which is
-very closely allied to these canvas pictures of the Passion. It
-represents the “Bearing of the Cross,” under the weight of which Christ
-has fallen on his hands and knees.[108] He is in the centre of a body of
-soldiers and callous onlookers, who have just issued from the gate, the
-procession deploying along the outer wall of the town with its circular
-watch-tower. The head of the procession turns at a sharp angle round the
-corner of the wall. Christ looks up with his face contorted with agony,
-while one of the leading soldiers strikes at him with a heavy club, and
-a second pulls violently at the ropes in order to make him rise again.
-Behind them a third soldier bears the ladder, while a fourth man is
-carrying huge nails and the various implements to be used in the
-Crucifixion. The head of Christ is evidently based upon Dürer’s
-representation in his “Passion” series. In the brutality and
-grotesqueness of the faces of the soldiery and the lack of expression of
-those of the accompanying mob, many of whom do not even glance towards
-the prostrate figure, this drawing closely resembles both the Karlsruhe
-“Cross-bearing” of 1515, which must have been painted on the journey to
-or shortly after Holbein’s arrival in Basel, and the Passion series just
-described. In order to bring home to the spectator the cruelty of the
-scene depicted, and his detestation of it, he makes use of violent
-movement and brutal types, and even in the head of our Lord the agonized
-expression is so pronounced that it becomes painful to look upon. After
-he had gained wider experience of the art of the great painters of
-Northern Italy, Holbein gradually rid himself of these cruder and more
-vehement methods, and depicted the pitiful story by means of more
-natural and less exaggerated types, helped by a deeper insight into
-character. During these early years he was often employed in painting
-subjects from the “Passion,”[109] and the gradual change in his point of
-view and the maturing of his art can be seen very plainly in them, from
-the early Karlsruhe panel and the canvas series and the drawing just
-described to the great altar-piece in eight scenes in the Basel Gallery,
-and, finally, in the masterly set of ten designs for glass-painting in
-the same collection, in which the fruits of his Italian experience are
-seen to so great an advantage. In the “Cross-bearing” scene in the large
-altar-piece, as well as in the later design of the same subject for
-painted glass, the procession issues from a similar gateway and passes
-along walls with the same round tower shown in the earlier examples. In
-the former, too, the procession turns sharply to the left, as in the
-Basel drawing, while the same type of face in the soldiery occurs in
-all, but gradually becoming less exaggerated and truer to life. The
-ill-treatment shown to Christ, though still brutal, is less violent in
-its exhibition, and the Saviour, though faltering under his burden, has
-not fallen to the ground. In the altar-piece his face is bent downwards,
-and cast into shadow by the Cross beneath which he staggers, so that his
-agony is hidden, while in the glass design the face, though agonized,
-has a spiritual beauty which is not to be found in the drawing now in
-question. This latter is undated, but Dr. Ganz places it in the year
-1517, and he considers that it is most probably Holbein’s design for a
-picture, now lost, which originally formed one of the early “Passion”
-series on canvas.[110] Holbein drew this figure of Christ over again for
-the very beautiful woodcut of which only the single impression, in the
-Amerbach collection, is known. This woodcut,[111] which, from the beauty
-of its cutting, must be from the hand of Lützelburger, recalls Dürer
-even more strongly than the drawing, from which it differs slightly.
-Christ, who has fallen to his knees, has one arm round the bar of the
-Cross, the other hand resting on the stony ground. A small twisted tree,
-almost leafless, is on the right, and the background consists of a
-cloudy sky. The head, with its crown of thorns, long hair falling on the
-shoulders, its open mouth, and the drops of bloody sweat on the brow, is
-a wonderful realisation of deep suffering nobly borne.
-
-[Sidenote: THE “PRAISE OF FOLLY” DRAWINGS]
-
-Both Hans and Ambrosius appear to have obtained regular employment from
-the Basel printers and publishers very shortly after their arrival in
-the town, but more particularly from Johann Froben, one of the best
-known of them all, who was then issuing, among many fine books, numerous
-works from the pen of Erasmus. The earliest work of this nature which
-Holbein produced was a title-page in the form of a Renaissance arch with
-a number of small cupids, one blowing a horn, others with spears, two
-holding the flat cartoon or roll of parchment in the centre reserved for
-the lettering of the title-page, and two others supporting a shield with
-Froben’s trade-mark, the caduceus (Pl. 11).[112] This appears to have
-been cut towards the end of 1515, and did service in several books
-issued by Froben during the next few years, including More’s _Utopia_ in
-1518. Two small panels at the top contain the artist’s signature, “Hans
-Holb.” This interesting specimen of Holbein’s youthful skill in design
-and other examples of his earlier work for book illustrations are dealt
-with in a later chapter. Another design of the year 1515 formerly
-attributed to Hans, and afterwards to Ambrosius, was the coat of arms of
-Petrus Wenck, painted in gouache on parchment, in the Matriculation Book
-of the Basel University, of which Wenck was rector in that year. It
-represents a man in Roman armour holding a large shield with a coat of
-arms in each hand. It is reproduced by Dr. Willy Hes in his recent book
-on Ambrosius Holbein, Plate xxxviii., who shows that it is not the work
-of either brother.
-
-By far the most important of Holbein’s surviving works of the year 1515
-is the series of drawings, eighty-two in all, which he made on the
-margins of a copy of Erasmus’ _Encomium Moriæ_, or “Praise of Folly.”
-Erasmus paid his first visit to Basel in 1513, in order to make
-arrangements with Froben for the publication of his _Adagia_ and his
-edition of the New Testament. The two men became close friends, and
-Erasmus, who from that time spent some months every year in Basel,
-always stayed in Froben’s house during these annual visits until 1521,
-when he made Basel his permanent home. This biting and jesting satire on
-the follies of mankind, written in Latin, with its punning title on the
-name of Sir Thomas More, was composed by Erasmus, according to his
-preface, during his journeys on horseback, and was done in order to
-beguile the weariness of the way. It was published by Froben in 1514,
-and Holbein’s pictorial commentary upon it was drawn in a copy of the
-first edition, now preserved in the Basel Gallery.[113] The little
-pictures have been done with the pen on the broad margins by the side of
-the passages of the text to which they refer. All that is known of the
-history of the book is that it possibly belonged at one time to Erasmus
-himself, and afterwards to the theologian and schoolmaster Oswald
-Molitor, or Myconius. At a somewhat later date Basilius Amerbach, son of
-Erasmus’ friend, Bonifacius Amerbach, who continued to add to the
-collection of Holbein’s works formed by his father, obtained it with
-some difficulty, thanks to the kindly intervention of the painter Jakob
-Clauser, from Daniel Wieland, the town-clerk of Mühlhausen, who was very
-loath to part with it. Molitor’s ownership of the book is proved by an
-inscription on the title-page: “Est Osualdi Molitoris Lucerni”; and the
-earlier ownership of Erasmus by a second inscription on the second
-title-page, also in Molitor’s handwriting: “Hanc moriam pictam decem
-diebus ut oblectaretur in ea Erasmus habuit,” which shows that the
-marginal illustrations were completed in ten days, and that Erasmus
-derived much entertainment from them.[114] Molitor was living in Basel
-until 1516, and afterwards in Zürich and his native city, Lucerne,
-returning finally to Basel in 1532. It has been suggested that on the
-death of Erasmus, of whom Molitor was a friend and admirer, he received
-the book from Bonifacius Amerbach, who was the philosopher’s residuary
-legatee, and made a point of presenting valuable mementos to a number of
-Erasmus’ closest friends. The book contains annotations in Molitor’s
-handwriting, and from one of them we learn that the illustrations were
-done in 1515.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 11.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  HOLBEIN’S EARLIEST TITLE-PAGE
-  First used in 1515
-  _From a copy of More’s “Utopia” in the British Museum_
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE “PRAISE OF FOLLY” DRAWINGS]
-
-It has been suggested, too, that the drawings were made by Holbein at
-the personal request of Erasmus, which is not very probable; and again,
-that Molitor gave the commission, and selected the passages to be
-illustrated, which is much more likely, and when finished presented the
-book to his friend, and that it was for this reason that Amerbach made a
-point of giving it back to him on the death of Erasmus. The book has
-also been taken as a proof that Holbein had gained a good knowledge of
-Latin in his school days, and that he selected his own passages for the
-pictures; but the few Latin inscriptions on his paintings do not
-indicate much proficiency in that language. The supposition that Molitor
-was the prime mover in the matter, and that it was done for him
-personally, and not as a gift to be presented to Erasmus, is by far the
-most probable; for, as stated above, he was in Basel at the time, and
-this would account for Holbein’s apparent knowledge of the language in
-which the book was written. On the other hand, the pen drawings in more
-than one instance do not so much illustrate the incidents and sense of
-the text, as isolated sentences and phrases which appear to have caught
-the fancy of the artist, and, therefore, are not likely to have been
-selected for pictorial comment by a learned student of the book. In
-recent years the drawings have been subjected to a searching examination
-and comparison, and Dr. Ganz was the first to point out that it is
-impossible to accept the whole of them as by Hans Holbein.[115]
-Considerable variations in style are to be noted, and it is now held,
-and with good reason, that while the more important share of the work
-was due to Hans, not only did Ambrosius contribute a certain number of
-the drawings, but that a third artist, some unknown Basel painter of the
-school of Urs Graf, and possibly even a fourth, also had a hand in it.
-One of these drawings, which represents Jupiter seizing the naked Ate by
-the hair, and flinging her across his knees in order to chastise her
-with his thunderbolts, bears letters which until recently were regarded
-as the initials of Ambrosius, though not his usual monogram; but this
-inscription has now been correctly read by Dr. Hes as the word “ATEN,”
-and refers to the subject, and not to the author of the drawing.[116]
-
-The two brothers must have been in constant communication with Froben,
-and for the purposes of the work they undertook for him would pay many
-visits to his house “zum Sessel” in the Fischmarkt, where Erasmus also
-had his headquarters, and where, no doubt, they first made his
-acquaintance. The illustrations to the “Praise of Folly” may thus have
-been begun in some idle moment in a copy of the book found lying about
-in Froben’s office, to pass the time while waiting for proofs or
-instructions in connection with work in hand; and having been thus
-begun, the interest would grow, and the printer himself would encourage
-its completion, and, perhaps, show it to Erasmus himself more than once
-during the short period of ten days in which the eighty-two drawings
-were accomplished. Any lack of profound Latinity on the part of the
-brothers, who in turn jotted down their fancies on the book’s margin,
-may have been overcome by Froben himself translating passages of the
-book to them.
-
-The sketches[117] are drawn freely and rapidly, without any attempt at
-elaboration or such careful draughtsmanship as would have been necessary
-had they been a commission or intended in the end to serve as woodcut
-illustrations in some future edition of the text. Many of them are witty
-and to the point, and show that Holbein had a true sense of humour. The
-wit is, perhaps, not so biting as that of Erasmus himself, but it
-matches in character the satirical humour and popular tone of the book.
-The contributions of Hans are both the most numerous and the best, and
-some of them, in the freedom and certainty of their draughtsmanship,
-show a distinct advance in his art.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 12.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  MARGINAL DRAWINGS IN A COPY OF THE “PRAISE OF FOLLY”
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE “PRAISE OF FOLLY” DRAWINGS]
-
-The opening picture represents Folly, as a young woman in cap and bells,
-mounting the pulpit in order to sing her own praises to a listening
-world, and in the concluding one she is seen descending the same steps
-with a gesture of farewell, leaving a gaping and astonished audience
-behind her (Pl. 12 (1)). One of the most beautiful of the drawings,
-representing Penelope at her loom (Pl. 12 (2)), is now given to
-Ambrosius, but it bears so close a resemblance to the style of some of
-the figures in the “Dance of Death” woodcuts, that it is difficult to
-believe that it is not by Hans.[118] Some of the representations of
-single figures, such as the Pope under a high canopy (Pl. 12 (3)), the
-Cardinal (Pl. 12 (4)), the Bishop (Pl. 12 (5)), and the Astronomer, are
-drawn with greater care, and show a more serious point of view, than is
-anywhere disclosed in the book itself. In these Holbein is seen at his
-best, and also in the charming little picture of nuns kneeling with
-lighted candles before a picture or carving of the Virgin and Child,
-which calls to mind more than one of his later designs for painted glass
-(Pl. 12 (6)). In several of them, such as the group of men engaged in an
-animated theological discussion, and that of the young man looking back
-so intently at the fair damsel who comes after him that, without
-noticing it, he has stepped into a basketful of eggs belonging to an old
-market woman, there is a landscape background of town and river and
-distant Alps, charmingly though hastily indicated (Pl. 13 (1)). Among
-the classical allusions there are comic representations of the slaying
-of Niobe’s children,[119] of Vulcan splitting the skull of Jupiter,[119]
-of Atlas staggering under the weight of the world,[119] of Polyphemus
-dancing, and of Hercules quieting Cerberus by means of a sausage.[119]
-Nicolas de Lyra is represented reading the Scriptures, and at the same
-time playing a small hand-organ, in allusion to his name (Pl. 13 (2)).
-King Solomon stands pointing to his open book (Pl. 13 (3)), and another
-excellent little drawing is that of the young courtier or nobleman (Pl.
-13 (4)). The sketch of Folly talking to his puppet (Pl. 13 (5)) is one
-of the illustrations now given to the unknown artist who collaborated
-with the Holbeins.
-
-The drawing illustrating the phrase, “the golden collar of princes,” is
-an unmistakable portrait of the Emperor Maximilian. A portrait, much
-less easily recognised, is that of the writer of the book. In one
-passage Erasmus has mentioned his own name, and opposite to it Holbein
-drew the philosopher seated at a desk in his study, in scholar’s cap and
-gown, engaged in writing the _Adagia._ Through an arched opening is seen
-a view of mountain and lake (Pl. 13 (6)). To make certain that there
-should be no doubt as to whom the portrait represented, Holbein has
-written the name “Erasmus” at the top of the arch. Molitor, in a
-marginal note, states that when Erasmus came to this drawing, in which
-he is depicted as a comparatively youthful man, he exclaimed, “Ohé! Ohé!
-if Erasmus still looked like this, he would certainly take a wife.” The
-name “Holbein” occurs over one of the other sketches, which represents a
-fat and coarse-looking carouser seated at table, draining a bottle of
-wine, and at the same time fondling a woman seated by him, and
-illustrating the passage from Horace which refers to “a fat and splendid
-pig from the herd of Epicurus” (Pl. 13 (7)). This is said to have been
-written by the sage himself in playful revenge for the introduction of
-his own portrait among the foolish of mankind.[120]
-
-This somewhat primitive jest appears to be the sole foundation for the
-statements of several of Holbein’s earlier biographers that he was of a
-gross and sensual character, too fond of the wine-cup, and, in
-consequence, lived in poverty. The worst offender in this way was
-Charles Patin, a French physician who had settled in Basel in the
-seventeenth century, after having been forced to leave Paris on account
-of some misbehaviour. He was the first to bring this accusation against
-the painter, and later writers copied him without verifying his
-statements. Van Mander and Sandrart, who repeated all the gossip they
-could collect, do not allude to this supposed weakness in the painter’s
-character. Patin’s misrepresentations occur in a short life of Holbein,
-filled with inaccuracies, which he wrote as a preface to an edition of
-the _Praise of Folly_, issued in Basel in 1676, in which, for the first
-time, these marginal illustrations were published, being engraved for
-the book by C. Merian from copies of the originals made by W. Stettler.
-They at once became highly popular, and various editions followed, both
-on the Continent and in England. Patin evidently allowed his imagination
-to run away with him in his interpretation of this somewhat feeble joke
-made at Holbein’s expense. There is absolutely no foundation for the
-legend thus set going; the painter’s whole career, the high perfection
-of his technical powers, and the extraordinary amount of work he
-accomplished in his short life are more than sufficient in themselves to
-refute it.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 13.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  MARGINAL DRAWINGS IN A COPY OF THE “PRAISE OF FOLLY”
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-There is a small portrait in the Grand-Ducal Museum at Darmstadt, dated
-1515, at one time in the possession of the Von Schinz family of Zürich,
-which represents, at half-length, a young man in scarlet dress and cap,
-with long fair hair falling over the ears, the head standing out
-strongly against a bright-blue background.[121] It is inscribed across
-the bottom with the date between the initials H.H., and until recently
-has been considered by most writers to be a work of the younger Hans,
-and was reproduced as his by Herr Knackfuss. In 1904 Dr. Hes first drew
-attention to its close similarity to the work of Ambrosius, and most
-modern criticism is in agreement with him. It bears, in style and touch,
-a far stronger likeness to the art of Ambrosius than to that of Hans,
-and has much in common with the portrait of Hans Herbster in the Basel
-Gallery (No. 293), painted by him in the following year,[122] which,
-when it was in Lord Northbrook’s collection, was regarded as from the
-brush of his brother; and still more so to the two portraits of unknown
-boys, also in the Basel Gallery (Nos. 294-5). There is, indeed, a fine
-drawing of the head of an unknown man by Ambrosius, belonging to the
-Basel Kunstverein, which as a portrait bears so strong a likeness to the
-Darmstadt picture that it might almost be regarded as a study for
-it.[123] In the drawing the position is reversed, the subject being
-turned to the right instead of to the left, but the dress and hair are
-the same, and, judging from the technique, both are from the same hand.
-The inscription on the Darmstadt portrait is possibly of a somewhat
-later date than the painting, and there are faint indications of an
-earlier one beneath it. When this earlier one was replaced or renewed,
-the initial of the Christian name may have been changed from A. to H. In
-his book Dr. Woltmann included the portrait among the works of Hans
-Holbein the Elder, but modern criticism does not follow him in this.
-
-[Sidenote: THE SCHOOLMASTER’S SIGN-BOARD]
-
-At this early period of his career the young painter was willing to
-undertake any piece of work, however humble, that came to his hand.
-Thus, in 1516, he painted a sign-board for some Basel schoolmaster to
-hang outside his house (Pl. 14). The panel was painted on both sides,
-the upper and larger portion of each being filled with a long
-inscription in German stating that the owner of the sign was prepared to
-teach reading and writing in the shortest possible time, and at moderate
-prices, to all comers, citizens, artisans, women, and maidens; and that
-if in any instance the scholar proved too stupid to learn, no fee would
-be demanded, but that children were to be paid for in advance at each
-quarter. The inscription is the same on both sides, one being dated
-“1516,” and the other “Anno MCCCCCXVI.” In the narrow space left below,
-Holbein depicted two scenes representing the interior of the school,
-with benches against the wall under the leaded windows. In one of them
-the schoolmaster is shown on the left, in red and yellow, seated at his
-high desk, with a birch rod in his hand, teaching a small boy in green
-to read. On the other side of the room is the schoolmistress, in red
-dress and white coif, at a similar desk, instructing a little girl clad
-in blue and green. Between them sit two small lads at their books, one
-in blue, and the other in yellow with a red cap. The second picture
-represents the same room from another point of view, with a washing
-cistern and basin, and a long towel fastened to the wall. In the centre
-is a large table at which the schoolmaster is engaged with two young men
-dressed in the fashion of the landsknechte, one in trunks of red and
-yellow stripes, who is wrestling with a pen, and the other in green, who
-is listening with an intent and highly-puzzled expression to the
-instructions of the master, who is attempting to teach him to read.
-Holbein has represented the mental perturbation of this second pupil
-with considerable humour. Both pictures display signs of some haste in
-the execution, but they must have served the purpose for which they were
-intended admirably. Though slight works, they have undoubted charm, and,
-small as they are, the youthful painter has managed to give considerable
-expression in both the faces and the gestures of his figures, while the
-light which comes through the windows is well managed. This sign-board,
-now in the Basel Gallery (Nos. 310-11), has been split into two, in
-order that both sides may be exhibited.[124] When in actual use it must
-have hung from an iron bar over the pavement. It is quite possible that
-it was painted for Oswald Molitor, who, as already pointed out, was at
-that time in Basel, engaged in teaching.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 14.
-
-
-[Illustration]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  BACK AND FRONT OF A SCHOOLMASTER’S HANGING SIGN
-  1516
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 15.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  DOUBLE PORTRAIT OF JAKOB MEYER AND HIS SECOND WIFE, DOROTHEA
-    KANNENGIESSER
-  1516
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: PORTRAITS OF MEYER AND HIS WIFE]
-
-A much more important work of the same year, 1516, also in the Basel
-Gallery (No. 312),[125] is the double portrait of the Burgomaster of
-Basel, Jakob Meyer or Meier “zum Hasen,” so called from the sign of a
-hare which hung upon his house, and his second wife, Dorothea
-Kannengiesser (Pl. 15). This new patron of Holbein’s proved to be an
-excellent friend, giving him more than one commission, and obtaining
-important public work for him. Meyer was a man of influence in Basel,
-and was the first citizen not of knightly birth to be elected as
-burgomaster. His election took place in 1516, and it was no doubt in
-honour of this event that he ordered the portraits. He was again elected
-to the post in 1518 and 1520—no one was allowed to fill it for two years
-in succession; but in 1521 he fell into disgrace, through secretly
-accepting a higher pension from the French king than the laws of the
-city allowed. For this he was dismissed from office, and made to refund
-the money, with the exception of the fifteen crowns which was the
-permitted sum. Objecting to this treatment, he was clapped into prison,
-and was only released on his family paying a fine. During his
-burgomastership many important changes took place in the municipal
-government of Basel, and the Church and the nobility were gradually
-deprived of all their privileges. In his younger days he had served as a
-soldier in Italy with some distinction, and after his deprivation of
-office he went there again, in 1524, as captain of a Basel troop in the
-pay of France. On his return home he attempted without success to obtain
-the annulment of the decree against him of exclusion from all public
-offices; and during the religious disturbances of 1529 he was at the
-head of the Catholic party, then in armed opposition to the Reformers.
-The reasons which induced Meyer to choose Holbein as the painter of the
-portraits of himself and his young, comely, and newly-married wife, when
-there were older painters of repute in the town, are not known; but his
-first wife, Magdalena Baer, had been a sister of the Hans Baer for whom
-the Zürich table had been painted, and it may have been owing to this
-connection that the young artist obtained his first introduction to the
-burgomaster.
-
-In the portraits, which were painted and framed as a diptych, Meyer and
-his wife are shown at half-length and three-quarters face, turned
-towards one another. Meyer is wearing a black dress, open at the front
-to show his white, gold-embroidered shirt, and a scarlet cap on his
-bushy, curly brown hair, which covers his ears. He is clean-shaven, and
-holds in his left hand a coin, which is introduced to indicate his
-calling as a money-changer, and also, it is supposed, to commemorate the
-charter granted to the Baselers in January 1516 for the mintage of gold
-coins. On the same hand he wears several heavy gold rings. His eyes are
-dark brown, and his complexion of a ruddy hue, and his face shows
-shrewdness and strength of character, while the eyes are intelligent and
-determined. His wife wears a red dress, fronted and edged with a broad
-band of black velvet across the breast, embroidered with circles of gold
-ornamentation. The dress is cut low, to show a white under-bodice worked
-in elaborate designs, with hanging tassels and a band of gold embroidery
-of a heart-shaped pattern. Her hair and ears are covered with a large
-white cap of thin linen decorated with bands of gold of a checked
-design, of the hooded shape common in Switzerland at that period, with a
-long white fall which is brought over the right shoulder and reaches the
-waist. Round her neck hang two thin chains, one of gold and one of
-pearls, the ends of which are hidden beneath the bodice. Her hands are
-not shown. Though not strikingly handsome, she has youth and good looks
-in her favour. The two portraits are placed against one continuous
-architectural background, seen in rather strong perspective. In the
-centre an elaborate gilt frieze of Renaissance ornamentation is
-supported by short pillars of red marble, and on either side larger
-columns, also decorated with gilded carving, form the supports of two
-arches. Through these the blue sky is seen, against which the wife’s
-head stands out in strong colour contrast. Owing to the perspective
-arrangement, the opening is smaller in the portrait of Meyer, but part
-of his red cap is placed against the blue sky with equally striking
-effect. The signature, “H.H.,” and the date, “1516,” are placed on a
-small shield in the entablature over Meyer’s head.[126]
-
-In these two portraits—the earliest in point of date which can be
-ascribed to him with absolute certainty—Holbein, though not yet twenty
-years old, shows himself to be already a master of portraiture. The
-qualities they possess are the same, though not yet perfectly developed,
-as those which are to be discovered in such complete perfection in the
-work of his maturity. They show that he had already the power of seizing
-character, and was accurate and unhesitating in draughtsmanship. All the
-details, more particularly the elaborate ornaments of the woman’s dress,
-are drawn with a truth and delicacy that already falls but little short
-of the brilliance of his technique in such a masterpiece of portraiture
-as the Georg Gisze in Berlin, or the Jane Seymour in Vienna. The colour,
-though rich and strongly contrasted, is harmonious and delicate in the
-general effect it produces. The whole work, indeed, gives the impression
-that it is from the hand of an artist who is already sure of his
-methods. There is nothing faltering about it, and few indications that
-the painter was still only on the threshold of his career. All that was
-to come in the future was a deeper insight into nature, a greater
-perfection of methods which in the main were to remain unaltered
-throughout his life, and a more brilliant understanding and application
-of the lessons of the Italian Renaissance to the more decorative
-portions of his pictures.[127]
-
-[Sidenote: STUDIES FOR THE MEYER PORTRAITS]
-
-The rapidity with which his art was maturing is shown more strikingly,
-perhaps, in the two studies for the portraits, now in the Basel Gallery
-(Pl. 16),[128] than even in the pictures themselves. These heads, of the
-same dimensions as the finished works, are about half the size of life.
-They are drawn in silver-point, with fine and delicate lines, and
-equally delicate modelling of the flesh, which has been afterwards
-touched here and there with red chalk. They display the utmost care and
-precision, though the line is less subtle and searching than it is in
-the drawings of his greater English period. They are, nevertheless,
-extraordinary work for so young a man, and of great beauty. They show a
-method of procedure in the taking of portraits which remained Holbein’s
-almost invariable practice throughout his life. He always made these
-preparatory drawings—the later ones, of course, with much greater
-freedom—in which the form, character, and expression of his sitter were
-fixed once and for all. Colour was occasionally indicated, but as a rule
-all that he did was to jot down on the margin of the paper a few notes
-for future guidance. Thus on the drawing of Meyer, he has written notes
-as to the colour of the hair, eyebrows, and cap.[129] It was his habit,
-apparently, to rely upon his memory and these curt notes when he came to
-paint the actual portrait. This method enabled him to dispense with many
-sittings; after a few hours spent in close observation of his subject,
-he had obtained all the information he wanted. For the rest, he depended
-on what must have been a remarkable memory both for colour and form.
-
-During 1517 Holbein left Basel, and was absent for a considerable time.
-There is one work by him, however, of this year which in all probability
-was painted before his departure, as it belonged to Bonifacius Amerbach.
-This is the “Adam and Eve”[130] of the Basel Gallery (No. 313) (Pl. 17),
-which is painted in oils on paper. It is entered in the Amerbach
-catalogue as: “Ein Adam vnd Eva mit dem äpfel H. Holb. vf holz mit
-olfarb.” It is a study from life of the head and shoulders of the same
-models used for the heads of St. John and the Virgin already described,
-while the “Adam” also served as model for the head of Christ in “The
-Scourging” of the early Passion series on canvas. Eve, with a long curl
-of fair hair falling over her right shoulder and breast, holds the apple
-in her left hand, her face being of a rather dull and heavy type. Adam,
-with dark curly hair, and a long moustache which drops below his chin,
-and head slightly bent, has his right arm flung across Eve’s shoulders.
-The general tone is brownish, but considerable effect is produced by the
-contrast between the dark complexion of Adam and the blonder tones of
-Eve’s flesh.
-
-It is boldly and thinly executed, and the lines of the drawing are still
-plainly to be distinguished through the paint. The fingers of Eve’s
-hand, with high lights on the nails, are excellently modelled, already
-giving indications of what afterwards became one of the chief features
-of his portraiture, the beauty and character of the hands. Both heads
-stand out against a background which is now black. It is signed and
-dated, “1517, H.H.” Dr. Ganz points out the strong influence of both
-Baldung and Dürer this small study betrays.[131] It also bears a curious
-resemblance to the heads in the well-known picture of “Adam and Eve” by
-Mabuse at Hampton Court[132] (No. 385 (580)), though the position of the
-two figures is reversed. It is seen more particularly in Adam’s mass of
-dark hair covered with small curls, Eve’s long ringlets, the expression
-of pain on the faces, and the position of Adam’s arm across Eve’s
-shoulders. There is another very similar, but smaller, “Adam and Eve” by
-Mabuse in the Berlin Gallery (No. 661), displaying a composite art, half
-Flemish and half Italian, which is signed and dated 1516.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 16.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  JAKOB MEYER
-  Studies for the Double Portrait, 1516
-  _Silver-point and red chalk drawings_
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  DOROTHEA KANNENGIESSER
-  Studies for the Double Portrait, 1516
-  _Silver-point and red chalk drawings_
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 17.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  ADAM AND EVE
-  1517
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                               CHAPTER IV
-
-               WORK IN LUCERNE AND THE VISIT TO LOMBARDY
-
-Holbein leaves Basel for Lucerne—Ambrosius Holbein—The known facts of
-  his short life—His pictures, designs, and woodcuts—Records of Hans in
-  Lucerne—His decoration of the Hertenstein house—Description of the
-  wall-paintings—Portrait of Benedikt von Hertenstein—Holbein’s visit to
-  North Italy—“The Last Supper” at Basel, and Leonardo’s
-  influence—Evidences of his Italian journey in his designs for painted
-  glass—Possible visit to Altorf—Return to Lucerne—Drawings of the
-  “Archangel Michael” and of “Miners at Work”—Pictures painted for the
-  Church of the Augustines in Lucerne.
-
-
-IN 1517 Holbein left Basel, and was absent for nearly two years. For the
-greater part of the time he was in Lucerne, but traces of him are to be
-found in other parts of Switzerland, and it is practically certain that
-he also paid a short visit to Lombardy. It is possible, too, that during
-this time he may have returned to Basel more than once for a few weeks
-in connection with his work for Froben and other publishers. Whether he
-left Basel in the first place because he found that it gave him less
-employment than he had expected, or from a spirit of pure adventure, or,
-again, on account of the offer of some definite commission, such as the
-decoration of the Hertenstein house, is not known; but the last-named
-reason is the most probable one, for it cannot be said that his talents
-had been unrecognised in Basel. Although there is no record of any
-earlier wall-paintings than those he was now to complete in Lucerne, it
-is quite possible that the two brothers had already carried out work of
-this nature, and that Jakob von Hertenstein had seen it and had admired
-it, and so decided to employ one or both of the young men to decorate in
-like fashion the new mansion he had just completed. Even if this were
-not the case, Lucerne at that time offered nearly as many inducements to
-a young artist as Basel itself. The two towns were closely allied, and
-artists and learned scholars constantly passed backwards and forwards
-between them; and Holbein had at least one acquaintance in Lucerne,
-Oswald Molitor, who had recently returned from Basel to his native city,
-and was practising there as a schoolmaster.
-
-There is an old legend in Lucerne that at this period the elder Holbein
-was living in the town with his two sons, but it does not appear to have
-any foundation in fact.[133] There is much more probability that
-Ambrosius accompanied Hans, or followed him shortly afterwards, and
-remained for some time at work with his brother on the Hertenstein
-house; though here again there is no actual record of such an absence
-from Basel. There is, however, a fine drawing by him in the Basel
-Gallery (No. 297), a half-length figure of a young man of the Von
-Rüdiswiler family,[134] which is thought to afford some proof that
-Ambrosius was in Lucerne at the time, for the Rüdiswiler family was one
-of the most important in the district, their chief seat being at
-Rüdiswil. Members of this house were settled both in Lucerne and
-Solothurn, and it is supposed that Ambrosius drew the portrait of this
-youth of patrician birth in the former town during 1517. The sitter is
-shown in profile, in a heavy brown cloak, wearing his cap on the side of
-his head. His fair straight hair covers his ears, and he holds a large
-red heart in his hand. The drawing has at some time been cut out round
-the outline and mounted on parchment, and the inscription in secret
-cipher, below the coat of arms, had been copied at the same time from
-the one which existed on the original drawing before the cutting out
-took place.
-
-Ambrosius, however, must have been back again in Basel by the summer of
-1518, for in that year, on June 6, he purchased his right of
-citizenship. The first mention of him in the town books is on September
-26, 1516, when “Ambrosy Holbein von augspurg, ein maler,” appeared in
-court as a witness in a libel action brought by Bastian Lepzelter, the
-sculptor, against a tailor, Andreas Huber, for insulting remarks made on
-the previous 25th of July, when the plaintiff, Ambrosius, and another
-friend, were enjoying themselves in the house of Hans Herbster.[135]
-Ambrosius may perhaps have been working as a journeyman under Herbster
-at the time. He joined the Painters’ Guild “zum Himmel,” to which
-bakers, saddlers, and barber-surgeons also belonged, on St. Matthias’
-Day, February 24, 1517. The entry in the book of the guild runs as
-follows: “Item es hatt entpfangen die zunfft vff sant Mattistag ambross
-Holbein maler von augspurg In dem xvii Jor.” According to an order of
-the Basel Council issued in 1487, any one entering a guild was obliged
-to take oath to purchase the freedom of the city within a month. This
-Ambrosius did not do until the following year, which possibly indicates
-that he left the town shortly after joining the guild, early in 1517,
-without fulfilling his obligations. It may be that he had not sufficient
-money for the payment of the fees, for when, on June 6, 1518, he became
-a burgher, he was only able to find one gulden out of the four which
-were required, Jörg Schweiger, the goldsmith, whose portrait, now in the
-Basel Gallery (No. 296),[136] he painted about this time, standing
-surety for the remainder. The portrait may have been taken as some
-return for the kindness shown on this occasion. It should be noted,
-however, that this portrait is not attributed to Ambrosius by all
-critics, and differs to some extent from his accustomed style.
-
-[Sidenote: AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN]
-
-The entry in the archives runs as follows: “Item do hat burckrecht kufft
-Ambrosy Holbein der moler uff Sundag nach corporis Xpi Im xviij jor umb
-iiij glden und hat bar gen j glden und sol al fronfasten j ort bitz zu
-bezallung dofür ist bürg und schuldner meister Jerg schweiger der
-goldschmit.”
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 18.
-
-
-[Illustration]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  PORTRAITS OF TWO BROTHERS
-  AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN]
-
-This is the last reference to the elder brother so far discovered in the
-official archives, and as no work by him of a date later than 1518 is
-known, it is supposed that he died in that year or early in 1519.
-Apparently the last work upon which he was engaged was a series of
-woodcut illustrations for the _Geuchmatt_ of Thomas Murner, which was
-published by Adam Petri in Basel in April 1519. The first four only of
-the illustrations to this book[137] were designed by Ambrosius, which
-would seem to indicate that he died before he had completed the
-commission. The only other supposition, and a most improbable one, is
-that he suddenly left Basel at about this time in search of better
-fortune elsewhere, though no traces of such removal have so far been
-discovered. Almost all the few works which can be attributed to him with
-any certainty are now in the Basel Gallery. In addition to those already
-mentioned, there are two charming half-length portraits of small boys in
-a Renaissance framework (Nos. 294-5) (Pl. 18),[138] for one of which,
-the boy turned to the left, the silver-point drawing is in the
-Albertina, Vienna,[139] while a similar study for the other, recently
-published for the first time by Dr. Willy Hes, is in the Rodriguez
-Collection, Paris.[140] A half-length portrait of a little girl, in a
-similar framework, also published for the first time by Dr. Hes, is in
-the Ambraser Collection, Vienna, but not exhibited.[141] The strong
-likeness to the two lads proves almost conclusively that she was their
-sister. On the medallion which hangs from a chain round her neck are the
-initials H. V. So far, no preliminary drawing for this portrait has been
-discovered. In the Basel Gallery there are also “The Saviour as the Man
-of Sorrows” (No. 292),[142] an oil-painting adapted from the title-page
-to Dürer’s “Great Passion” series; and a study of two death’s heads
-behind a trellised window (No. 299).[143] Both pictures form part of the
-Amerbach Collection, but the latter is not regarded as the work of
-Ambrosius by Dr. Hes. A somewhat similar picture, attributed to Hans,
-was in the Arundel Collection, and was entered in the 1655 inventory as
-“Testa de Morte con osse.” The portrait of Hans Herbster, also at Basel
-(No. 293),[144] which has been already mentioned, was at one time
-regarded as a work by Hans the Younger, but since its purchase for the
-Basel Gallery it has been given, more correctly, to the elder brother.
-Dr. Hes, however, considers that it is not his work, but rather a
-portrait of Herbster painted by himself.[145] It is a bust portrait,
-turned to the right, representing a middle-aged man with long brown hair
-and a large bushy beard, wearing a dark dress and a red cap over his
-right ear. He is placed under an archway of Renaissance architecture,
-his head standing out against the blue sky seen through the opening.
-From the top of the pillars which support the arch hang two festoons of
-fruit and leaves held by small amorini. Above the heads of these boys
-two small tablets are suspended, one containing the date, “1516,” and
-the other the now illegible remains of the painter’s monogram. Across
-the bottom is the inscription, “IOANNES HERBSTER PICTOR OPORINI PATER,”
-the last words referring to his son, the well-known scholar of Basel,
-who afterwards turned printer, and Latinised his name to Oporinus.
-Herbster himself, like the Burgomaster Meyer, had taken his part in the
-Italian wars, and was in the battle of Pavia in 1512. In addition to
-several drawings already described, the Basel Gallery also possesses a
-charming study in silver-point and red chalk of a young girl, inscribed
-“ANNE,” and dated 1518, in which a very tender, delicate feeling for the
-beauty of childhood is shown (Pl. 19);[146] the head of a young woman in
-a hood in profile to the left;[147] a very fine drawing of the head of a
-young man turned slightly to the left, wearing a black cap on the side
-of his head, signed and dated 1517;[148] and a design for painted glass,
-representing the foundation of the city of Basel (Pl. 20),[149] a pen
-drawing lightly touched with colour, which was formerly attributed to
-Hans. In the centre are the arms of Basel, supported by basilisks, under
-an archway in course of building, which is decorated with a series of
-empty shields for coats of arms. In the landscape background on either
-side are men engaged in erecting buildings on the river bank, and in the
-foreground is a boat filled with soldiers. The commander of this troop,
-the legendary founder of the town, has the name “Basilius” engraved upon
-his breastplate.
-
-One of the most important of the few paintings by him which have been so
-far traced, is the portrait of an unknown young man in the Royal
-Hermitage Gallery in St. Petersburg (Pl. 21).[150] The sitter is turned
-three-quarters to the left, under a Renaissance arcading, and is wearing
-a green dress and white shirt ornamented with lace. On his black hat are
-the initials “F. G.” or “C. I. E.” (?). His right hand rests on the iron
-pommel of his sword. In the distance is a mountainous landscape with a
-palace or large building of elaborate Renaissance architecture, and on a
-column hangs a tablet with the inscription, “ETATIS. SVE. XX. M.D.
-XVIII.” From the arch above his head is suspended a garland of leaves
-bound round with ribbon, to which is attached a small cartouche with the
-monogram AHB, of which the H is the most distinct letter.[151] The
-drawing, mentioned above, signed and dated “1517 AH,” was considered
-by Woltmann to be a study for this portrait, and there is certainly a
-strong likeness between the two. The arrangement of the foreground
-architectural setting, and the position of the garland supporting the
-cartouche, of which only the left-hand loop is shown, prove that the
-picture formed one of a pair, the missing half in all probability
-containing a portrait of the young man’s wife.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 19.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  PORTRAIT OF A YOUNG GIRL, “ANNE,” 1518
-  _Silver-point and red chalk drawing_
-  AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 20.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE FOUNDING OF BASEL
-  Design for Painted Glass
-  AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 21.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN YOUNG MAN
-  1518
-  AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN
-  ROYAL HERMITAGE GALLERY, ST. PETERSBURG
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 22.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  ILLUSTRATION TO SIR THOMAS MORE’S “UTOPIA”
-  AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN
-  _From a woodcut in the British Museum_
-]
-
-[Sidenote: AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN]
-
-In addition to works of this nature, Ambrosius produced, during the few
-years he was in Basel, a considerable number of designs for title-pages,
-initial letters, and other decorations for books, issued by Froben,
-Cratander, Adam Petri, Thomas Wolff, and Pamphilus Gegenbach. One of the
-best known is the “Calumny of Apelles,”[152] the painting described by
-Lucian, which bears the monogram of Ambrosius and the date 1517. It was
-first used in Erasmus’ version of the New Testament, published by Froben
-in 1519. He had a share, too, in the numerous illustrations and
-ornaments which Froben provided for the first edition of Sir Thomas
-More’s _Utopia_, upon which work his brother, Urs Graf, and others, were
-also engaged. Ambrosius was the designer of the charming little picture
-representing the scene in the garden of Petrus Ægidius in Antwerp in
-which Raphael Hythlodæus, the traveller, is describing to his host and
-Sir Thomas his adventures in the island of Utopia.[153] A larger
-woodcut, with a bird’s-eye view of the island, on which the chief places
-are marked as given in the text, with Hythlodæus in the foreground
-pointing out its features to Ægidius and More, is also his work (Pl.
-22).[154] It is difficult in every case to separate the designs of the
-two brothers in this field of art, more particularly as in many
-instances they have been so badly cut that much of the beauty of the
-original line has been lost. In book-illustration the art of the two
-young men had much in common, though Ambrosius was never as powerful or
-varied in conception as Hans, nor possessed of as great a mastery of
-technical execution. His woodcuts are not so thoroughly imbued with the
-true spirit of the Italian Renaissance, nor had he the same gift of
-producing the effect of largeness of design within an inch or two of
-space. His figures, too, are often too short, with the head out of
-proportion to the body. Yet much of his decorative work has considerable
-charm, and fulfils its purpose admirably. Some forty woodcuts after his
-designs, including a number of initial letters, are known, of which it
-is impossible to attempt any description here.[155] His skill as a
-designer for glass-painting has been already noted; and among his few
-drawings are two small roundels, in the Karlsruhe Gallery, of “Pyramus
-and Thisbe,” and “Hercules and Antæus,”[156] which are very pleasing,
-and in their delicate and somewhat “pretty” handling have great
-resemblance to a number of the marginal drawings to the _Praise of
-Folly_ which are now given to him.
-
-In painting he was overshadowed by his younger brother. Like Hans, he
-had inherited a considerable gift for portraiture from his father, as
-the few works of this nature which remain show very clearly. In his
-studies for portraits the draughtsmanship is looser and more free than
-in the corresponding work of the younger Hans in his earlier Basel
-period, and there is less searching after exact truth of line. His
-portraits, nevertheless, display an original talent of no mean order,
-which, had he lived, would have gained for him a place of some
-distinction among the leading German painters of his day. Such a drawing
-as the “Anne” is filled with a very tender feeling, and a sympathetic
-expression of the wistful charm of childhood; and much of the same
-appreciation of youthful character is to be seen in the portraits of the
-two small boys in the Basel Gallery, while there is a careful and
-realistic drawing of the head and body of a baby, supported by the
-mother’s hand, in the British Museum, evidently a study for a Madonna
-and Child, which is very attractive. It is inscribed “Hans Holbein,
-1522,” by some later hand, over some earlier signature, now obliterated.
-According to Dr. Hes, however, it is not by Ambrosius.[157]
-
-The records of Hans Holbein’s residence in Lucerne are scanty ones, but
-such as they are, they extend from 1517 to 1519. Shortly after his
-arrival he joined the painters’ guild, the Brotherhood of St. Luke,
-which had been formed in 1506. In the book of the confraternity his name
-is entered as having paid one gulden for admission: “Meister Hanns
-Holbein hat j gulden gen.” Unfortunately the year-date is not given. The
-original book has disappeared, but a copy exists which was made by
-Zacharias Bletz, the town registrar, in 1541, but in transcribing it he
-has omitted the dates which would fix the exact details of Holbein’s
-membership.
-
-His first recorded commission was a badly-paid one. On the Sunday before
-the feast of Saints Simon and Jude (October 28), 1517, he received one
-florin nine shillings for a design for a glass window. In the same year,
-on December 10, an entry in the town records shows him engaged in less
-reputable occupation. He and a certain Caspar, a goldsmith, were each
-fined five livres for fighting in the streets. “Item Caspar goldschmid
-vnnd der Holbein soll jeder 5 ll. buss als sy vber ein andern zuckt
-hand.” This same Caspar, one learns from the town books, was by nature a
-brawler, for he was in trouble of the same kind on more than one
-occasion. The punishment in this particular case was heavy, so that the
-disturbance must have been a serious one, and it has been suggested that
-on account of it Holbein left Lucerne for a time, in order that the
-affair might blow over, and that he took the opportunity of paying a
-visit to Lombardy. It is not likely, however, that he crossed the Alps
-in the winter.
-
-[Sidenote: PAINTINGS OF HERTENSTEIN HOUSE]
-
-In one of the rooms of the Hertenstein house, at the time of its
-demolition early in the last century, there still remained the date 1517
-on one of the wall decorations, which suggests that his work in the
-interior of the mansion was well advanced, if not completed, during that
-year. The outer walls were still unfinished when Holbein left Lucerne,
-for what reason is not known, but it does not seem probable that he
-would have abandoned an important commission for several months merely
-on account of some small trouble with the town authorities. The visit to
-Italy, it seems certain, took place in the spring or early summer of
-1518, after the decorations of the Hertenstein house had been well
-advanced. These decorations, as far as can be judged from the few
-existing remains, show a certain Italian influence, but for the greater
-part not so strongly that it cannot be accounted for by the teaching of
-his father, the study of prints and engravings, and other second-hand
-sources. There is, however, a drawing in the Basel Gallery, described
-below, a preliminary study of architectural decoration for the lower
-part of the façade of the house, which, as Dr. Ganz points out, must
-have been made after Holbein’s return from Italy, for in it this new
-influence can be seen much more clearly and strongly, just as it can in
-similar work undertaken by him in Basel a year or two later, after a
-visit to Lombardy had brought him into personal contact with the works
-of some of the leading Italian masters in painting and architecture. It
-is clear, therefore, that the journey over the Alps formed an interlude
-of some duration between two sojourns in Lucerne, each extending over
-several months, and that during the second period he completed the
-Hertenstein wall-paintings.
-
-Lucerne was one of the first towns in Switzerland to feel the influence
-of the Italian Renaissance, and the fashion, copied from the southern
-country, of decorating the fronts of its houses with wall-paintings, had
-been adopted before Holbein worked there. As early as 1435 the Frey
-family owned a house which was covered with such paintings; a second
-house with sixteenth-century decorations was demolished in 1871, while
-others of the same period retained traces of wall-paintings until
-comparatively modern times. Certain fragments of this early
-wall-painting still exist, and there has been a revival of the art in
-Lucerne in recent years. Augsburg was probably the first town outside
-Italy to adopt this method of house decoration, to which the painters
-who practised it owed so much of the freedom of their style; but many of
-the towns immediately to the north of the Alps followed suit in course
-of time, and modified the architecture of their buildings in order to
-meet the requirements of the new fashion, abandoning to a certain extent
-the structural Gothic decorative forms to which they were accustomed, in
-order to make room for the provision of large flat wall surfaces, broken
-only by plain rectangular windows and doors, upon which the painters
-would have free scope for their work. It became the habit, too, among
-the wealthier of the citizens, to decorate the inner walls of their
-mansions in the same way.
-
-Jakob von Hertenstein, who, when he gave the commission to Holbein for
-the painting of his new house, was the chief magistrate of Lucerne, was
-a member of one of the oldest families in Switzerland. His father,
-Caspar von Hertenstein, held many important civic and military offices,
-and led the Swiss rearguard at the battle of Murten. His son inherited
-many of his dignities, and was also a notable soldier, and in 1515, in
-which year he was mayor, commanded the men of Lucerne at the battle of
-Marignano. His ancestral castle stood on a steep rock on the shore of
-the lake of Lucerne, near Weggis, and from it the family took its name.
-Jakob was married four times, in each instance to a lady of a patrician
-Swiss family, and in the decoration of the façade of his new dwelling,
-Holbein introduced the coats of arms of all four of them. In 1511 he
-purchased of Hans Wolf an old wooden house which stood on the
-Kappelplatz at the corner of a small street leading to the Sternen
-Platz, near the Corn Market, and in the heart of the city. This house he
-pulled down, and erected in its place a fine stone mansion, which was
-finished, and ready for its decorations, by 1517.
-
-It has been suggested that Holbein obtained this commission through the
-good services of Oswald Molitor, who was a friend of one of
-Hertenstein’s sons; but, however it may have been gained, it was one of
-great importance to so young an artist, and he made the most of his
-opportunities. The house was one of four storeys, and the whole of its
-frontage he covered with paintings. It was still standing in 1824, with
-its decorations for the greater part well preserved; but it was then
-pulled down, and all that remains of its painted glories is comprised in
-a number of very inadequate copies of certain portions, a single
-fragment of one of the original paintings, together with a small study
-for one of the pictures, and the architectural design already mentioned
-for part of the ground floor decoration, both from Holbein’s own pencil.
-It is thus to-day almost impossible to obtain any adequate impression of
-the actual effect of the painter’s earliest undertaking of importance,
-as it was in the days of its first freshness and beauty.
-
-[Sidenote: PAINTINGS OF HERTENSTEIN HOUSE]
-
-The ground floor was left undecorated, with the exception of the
-painting of certain architectural details, and on the floor above, which
-had numerous windows of varying sizes, and little wall space, Holbein’s
-work was confined to three single female figures, one at each corner,
-and one between the windows in the middle. Immediately over the windows
-on the left, which were irregular in arrangement, the decoration
-consisted of ornaments and figures adapted to fit the window crowns; and
-on the right, where the windows were considerably higher and stood in a
-straight line, a long frieze of fighting children was introduced. All
-these decorations were painted in grisaille, but between the two groups
-was a larger picture in colours, the upper part of which extended to the
-floor above. This picture was so arranged that its framework had the
-appearance of a large projecting bay, semicircular in shape, with an
-arched opening supported by pillars, through which a view was obtained
-of what appeared to be a large inner chamber of the house. Within this
-room Holbein depicted a story from the _Gesta Romanorum_, the one which
-tells of the old king who tested the love of his three sons and their
-right to succeed him by offering his dead body as a target to their
-arrows. This picture was still in a fairly good condition at the time of
-the destruction of the house, so that from the copy then made it is
-possible to gain an idea of the artist’s conception of the scene. He
-represented the white-haired monarch, death-pale in face, still seated
-upright on his throne, though his heart has ceased to beat. Two of the
-sons have shot their arrows, and one points to the cruel wound he has
-made, and claims the crown; but the third, rather than aim at such a
-target, breaks his bow in indignation, and is acclaimed the victor by
-the assembled courtiers. On the third storey, between the windows, were
-placed the coats of arms of Hertenstein and his four wives, within
-arched openings with hanging wreaths.
-
-Between the windows of the third storey and those of the floor above it,
-there ran a long triumphal procession from right to left, broken up into
-groups by pilasters placed at intervals, giving the effect of an open
-arcading through which the passing show was seen. This design was
-borrowed in its main details and arrangement from Andrea Mantegna’s
-engraved “Triumph of Caesar.” In this he followed his original so
-closely as to clothe the figures in antique costumes, whereas in the
-pictures drawn from classical sources painted on other parts of the
-building, he made use of the costumes of his own day. On the topmost
-storey five pictures were placed between the windows reaching up to the
-cornice of the roof. These, too, were chosen from classical literature,
-apparently for the purpose of providing moral lessons, not only for the
-members of Hertenstein’s own family, but for all the citizens of Lucerne
-who paused to admire their mayor’s new residence. They included the
-stories of the treacherous schoolmaster who attempted to betray the town
-of Falerii to Camillus, Tarquin and Lucretia, the self-sacrifice of
-Marcus Curtius, Mucius Scævola before Porsenna, and Leæna, who bit off
-her tongue rather than betray her lover Aristogiton to the judges after
-the murder of Hipparchus.
-
-The only original study for these painted stories now remaining is the
-one for the last-named subject, which is preserved in the Basel Gallery
-(Pl. 23 (1)).[158] It is a washed monochrome drawing, in which Leæna, in
-the costume of Holbein’s own day, stands before her two judges, her hand
-lifted to her tongue in sign of her determination to keep silence. The
-story is told with the aid of but few figures. A gaoler stands near
-Leæna, and behind the two judges are two other seated men. The scene
-takes place in a vaulted hall with open archways at the back, and has
-been cleverly arranged to fill in the irregular spaces between the
-brackets supporting the cornice. This study is of great interest, as it
-marks a great advance in Holbein’s power of drawing the human figure
-when compared with the schoolmaster’s sign-board of the previous year,
-and shows much greater freedom of draughtsmanship. The heads of one or
-two of the figures still retain something of the grotesqueness of type
-which characterises those of the early Passion series of pictures, but
-the figure of Leæna is a graceful one, and the judge in the centre, in a
-furred robe and cap, with one finger lifted in admonition and a rod of
-justice or sword grasped in his left hand, is natural and dignified. The
-only fragment of the actual wall-painting itself which now remains is a
-small portion of the Tarquin and Lucretia fresco,[159] showing the
-latter’s hand grasping the dagger, the figure of her husband before whom
-she is about to kill herself, the right arm of a woman attendant who
-stands behind her, and part of the architectural background. This
-fragment was built into the wall of the house which replaced the older
-one, and can still be seen on the upper floor of the façade. It is
-insignificant enough in itself, and has greatly darkened with age and
-exposure, but it is of value as the only actual evidence of the broad
-and vigorous manner in which the whole façade was painted.[160]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 23.
-
-
-[Illustration]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  DESIGNS FOR THE WALL-PAINTINGS OF THE HERTENSTEIN HOUSE
-  1. Leaena and the Judges                    2. Architectural
-    Decoration of the Ground Floor
-  BASEL GALLERY
-
-]
-
-A second original drawing by Holbein in the Basel Gallery is a study for
-a part of the ground-floor façade of this house (Pl. 23 (2)).[161] It is
-a pen and wash drawing slightly touched with colour. Groups of pillars
-support a frieze with flat carving in the Gothic manner. Above the
-pointed doorway on the left he has thrown a circular arch, round which
-the pattern of the frieze is continued, filled in with grotesque
-sculptured figures supporting a tablet for a date. On the right he has
-placed an open loggia, to which a flight of stone steps descends, with
-square pillars, inlaid with marble panels, on either side supporting a
-wide, flattened arch richly ornamented. The space over the frieze on the
-right is filled in with a procession of naked boys, some dragged along
-by their comrades, and others carried on litters, and above this again,
-hanging garlands of leaves with swinging putti, one blowing a trumpet.
-According to Dr. Ganz, this last motive, as well as other parts of the
-architectural design, are reminiscent of details to be seen in the
-cloisters and on the façade of the Certosa of Pavia, and suggest that
-Holbein must have taken them directly from that building.[162] If this
-be so, it proves that a part at least of the wall decoration of the
-Hertenstein house was not finished until after Holbein’s visit to
-Lombardy.
-
-[Sidenote: PAINTINGS OF HERTENSTEIN HOUSE]
-
-It seems certain that Holbein began his work in the interior of the
-house, and that he covered the walls of at least five rooms, chiefly on
-the third floor, with paintings. In 1825 many of them still remained in
-an excellent state of preservation. In contradistinction to those on the
-outer walls, they consisted of religious pictures, and scenes from
-ancient fables and from everyday life in which humour found a prominent
-place. The sacred decorations were in a large hall which served as the
-family chapel. One of them represented the legend of the fourteen saints
-who are said to have appeared to a shepherd in 1445 at a church in the
-neighbourhood of Bamberg. Holbein depicted them in an elaborate
-landscape, with mountains and a church in the background, grouped on
-their knees round the Infant Christ, with the shepherd, a striking
-figure, kneeling in adoration with his sheep round him. A second picture
-in this room contained portraits of Hertenstein, his wife, and three
-sons, very diminutive figures, kneeling before seven saints, among them
-St. Benedictus, the patron saint of Lucerne. A third picture showed a
-religious procession, with a bishop and other ecclesiastics, headed by
-banners, issuing from the walls of a town in a hilly country. In the
-large hall of the house, on the third floor, which at the time of the
-demolition was still in its original state, were a number of landscapes
-with hunting scenes, in one of which, a stag-hunt, the ancient castle of
-the Hertensteins on a hill by the lake of Lucerne was introduced. In
-these scenes portraits of the chief magistrate and members of his family
-were included. In one of them Hertenstein, his fourth wife, and two
-sons, Benedikt and Leodegar, all mounted, are hunting wild ducks by the
-side of the lake, accompanied by dogs. Husband and wife appear again in
-the painting representing a stag-hunt in the woodland below the castle
-at Weggis. In a third scene hares are being hunted with a pack of hounds
-over hilly country. Near the fireplace was a representation of a subject
-which was popular with German painters—the Fountain of Youth. In this a
-certain amount of latitude was permitted, and Holbein depicted some of
-the incidents with a rough, unrefined humour. Nude men and women are
-sitting crowded together in a small circular fountain, some still old,
-others already rejuvenated by its waters. In the centre of the basin
-rises a pillar with a banner bearing the arms of Hertenstein and his
-fourth wife. From all sides old people come crowding and hurrying up,
-some in carts, some on donkeys, one pushed in a wheelbarrow, and others
-carried in litters or on the backs of less feeble seekers after
-perpetual youth. In one instance an ugly old woman, seated in a basket
-slung on the back of a sturdy young man, holds in her arms an equally
-old and ugly dog, in order that it, too, may benefit from the bath. A
-second painting next to it continued the story. Other old men and women
-are crowded into a long cart drawn by four horses, into the back of
-which a lame man has scrambled, while a second limps painfully after it.
-In other rooms the decorations were so dilapidated and damaged that it
-was impossible to make copies of them; but they included battle scenes,
-and various Renaissance ornaments and devices. In one of these latter
-rooms occurred the date 1517 under the family shield.[163] In one of the
-chambers was a wooden pillar, carved with the likeness of Heini von Uri,
-court fool of Duke Leopold of Austria, for which Holbein appears to have
-supplied the design from which the carver worked. Hollar made an etching
-from this drawing, or from a woodcut of it, as he has inscribed it, “H.
-Holbein incidit in lignum,” when it was in the Arundel Collection, in
-1647.[164]
-
-In carrying out this monumental work, Holbein, in addition to possible
-help from his brother, must have employed more than one assistant. He
-made, no doubt, designs for every part of it, and painted the principal
-pictures himself, but much of the remainder was very probably done by
-others under his personal direction. North of the Alps such work was not
-particularly well paid, nor was great care displayed in carrying it out.
-Both artist and employer were satisfied if a good decorative effect in
-design and colour was produced; the former, considering the large amount
-of surface to be covered, could not waste much time over the careful
-painting of details, nor was the latter prepared to pay more than a very
-moderate price for it. There is no doubt, however, that Holbein’s work
-in this field was far in advance of anything hitherto carried out in
-Switzerland, more particularly in the elaborate architectural settings
-in which he placed his wall pictures, and in the use made of
-perspective, so that the scenes depicted appeared to be taking place
-within the rooms of the house itself, and the eye was deceived into
-supposing that a building of somewhat plain design was in reality a
-mansion erected in the richest style of the Italian Renaissance.
-
-[Sidenote: DESTRUCTION OF WALL-PAINTINGS]
-
-In 1825 the Hertenstein house came into the possession of a Lucerne
-banker named Knörr, who pulled it down in order to replace it by a more
-modern building. In spite of the efforts of a few art-lovers, this work
-of demolition was carried out, and the town authorities made no attempt
-to stop such an act of vandalism, or to save the only surviving record
-they possessed of the art of by far the greatest artist their walls had
-ever sheltered—a record which to-day would be rightly regarded as one of
-their greatest treasures. It was only through the efforts of Colonel May
-von Büren and Colonel Karl Pfyffer von Altishofen, who employed certain
-local artists to make copies of the frescoes before the house was
-finally destroyed, that any record at all of the decorations remains.
-Time and the damp climate had so dimmed them, however, that it was found
-necessary to wash them down with the town’s fire-engine before they
-could be seen clearly enough for the artists to copy them. The copies,
-which were made by the Lucerne painters Schwegler, Ulrich von
-Eschenbach, Eglin, Marzohl, and an Italian, Trolli von Lavena, had to be
-hurriedly done, and they naturally possess little or nothing of the
-combined delicacy and force of the originals. Much of the purely
-decorative work, the scroll and wreath ornament, and details in the
-Renaissance style, in the use of which Holbein was to become so great a
-master, had to be left uncopied, attention being concentrated on the
-pictures and figure subjects. Still, what was done was sufficient to
-show something of the ideas Holbein brought to the undertaking, the
-influences he came under in his choice of subjects, and the methods he
-employed in carrying them out. Colonel May persuaded Usteri, the painter
-and poet, to visit Lucerne in order to give his opinion as to the value
-of the paintings, but he was unable to do so until 1825, when the
-demolition had already begun. Usteri directed the making of the copies,
-and saw to it that the artists adhered as faithfully as possible to the
-originals. No “restoration” was permitted; those parts which had
-perished were left blank in the copies. The latter were made with the
-view of publication, but they proved too inadequate, and the scheme was
-dropped. In 1851 they were presented by Colonel May to the town library
-of Lucerne, together with Usteri’s letters concerning them.[165]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 24.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  BENEDIKT VON HERTENSTEIN
-  1517
-  METROPOLITAN MUSEUM, NEW YORK
-]
-
-[Sidenote: BENEDIKT VON HERTENSTEIN]
-
-Before turning to Holbein’s journey across the Alps in 1518, reference
-must be made to a portrait painted by him during his first residence in
-Lucerne, which is the only one by him so far discovered bearing the date
-1517. This work, of considerable importance to the student making a
-careful study of Holbein’s early development, is a likeness of Benedikt
-von Hertenstein, one of the sons of his new patron, who was twenty-two
-years of age at the time of the sitting. He was a member of the Council
-in the year he was painted, and was slain at the battle of Bicocca in
-1522. This portrait was acquired from a private collection in England in
-1906 for the Metropolitan Museum of New York (Pl. 24).[166] He is
-represented standing, facing the spectator, with his left hand resting
-on the pommel of his sword. He wears a black under-dress and a white
-shirt with an embroidered edge. His cloak or overcoat with wide upper
-sleeves is of crimson, trimmed with dark green bands, and lined with
-bright myrtle-green silk. His left hand is half hidden by the sleeve and
-the right arm hangs down, the hand not being shown. His cap is of black
-and scarlet velvet with gold tags, and a plain chain of gold links hangs
-from his neck. He wears six rings on his left hand, the one on his first
-finger being a signet ring with a coat of arms now almost illegible. The
-pommel of his sword is of gold and silver ornamented with a design in
-imitation of Cufic script in the fashion of Italian goldsmith’s work of
-the period. His bushy hair almost hides the ears, and his eyes are small
-and bright. The background, as in the Meyer portraits, is a study in
-perspective, for Holbein has placed him within the angle of a wall,
-along the two sides of which, over the sitter’s head, runs a stone
-frieze carved with a representation of a Roman triumph, crowded with
-small figures, in which the victor is seated in a chariot drawn by
-prancing horses, and in front of him, among the soldiers and trumpeters,
-a number of prisoners led captive. It has suffered rather severely from
-repainting. The design, an imitation of an antique bas-relief, was no
-doubt based upon Mantegna’s “Triumph,” which Holbein was at the same
-time adapting for the façade of the Hertenstein house. A somewhat
-similar design, though later in date, is to be seen on the drawing of a
-dagger sheath in the Basel Gallery (Vol. ii., Pl. 46 (2)).[167] The wall
-on the left is in shadow, and on it, immediately below the frieze, is
-inscribed: “DA · ICH · HET · DIE · GESTALT · WAS · ICH · 22 · JAR · ALT
-· 1517 · H · H · PINGEBAT.” This inscription is interesting as the only
-one in German to be found on any one of his portraits, with the
-exception of that of Fallen at Brunswick, and the addresses on the
-letters in some of the other Steelyard portraits. The picture is painted
-in oils on paper, and afterwards mounted on a panel, a method not
-infrequently employed by Holbein in his earlier practice. The technical
-skill displayed in it is already of a high order, though the
-draughtsmanship is still a little laboured, and lacking in that ease and
-certainty to which he afterwards attained, while the flesh tints are
-paler and flatter than in his later work. It shows, nevertheless, a
-distinct advance when compared with the Meyer portraits of the preceding
-year. The draughtsmanship is firmer, the colour tones softer, and the
-general effect produced is one of greater naturalness, though still far
-behind the “Bonifacius Amerbach,” painted two years later, in subtlety
-of line and harmony of colour. When the picture was purchased in 1906
-the name of the sitter was unknown, and beyond the fact that at the
-beginning of the last century it was in the possession of the Burckhardt
-family, its history has not been traced; but by means of the coat of
-arms on the ring it was identified three years later as Benedikt von
-Hertenstein.[168] In 1826 Ulrich Hegner saw in Lucerne a portrait of his
-father, Jakob von Hertenstein, of the same date, 1517, still in the
-possession of one of his descendants, which he considered to be an
-original work by Holbein, which would indicate that the artist, in
-addition to including portraits of various members of the family in the
-wall-paintings in the interior of the house, was also commissioned to
-paint individual portraits of more than one of them. The portrait seen
-by Hegner has now disappeared, but others of Hertenstein still remain in
-the Town Hall and the Library of Lucerne. These, however, are not
-contemporary likenesses, but later copies, possibly after an original by
-Holbein now lost.
-
-[Sidenote: THE VISIT TO LOMBARDY]
-
-The great likelihood—indeed, the certainty—that Holbein, before these
-wall-paintings were finally completed, paid, during 1518, a short visit
-to Italy, is now generally acknowledged by most writers. It is true that
-Carel van Mander distinctly states that “Hans Holbein never travelled in
-Italy,” and the artist’s earliest biographer was, no doubt, correct, if
-his words are to be understood as meaning that Holbein never made any
-long sojourn in that country, or studied for a considerable period under
-some Italian painter. This statement, however, in no way precludes a
-visit of several months’ duration to Lombardy, of which Van Mander was
-ignorant. From Lucerne the journey to the foot of the Alps was only a
-matter of a few days, while traces of his presence in Altorf, which is
-on the route to the St. Gotthard Pass, still remain. From Altorf the
-Italian side of the mountains could be easily reached. The influence of
-both Mantegna and Leonardo and the Milanese school of painting is
-unmistakable in certain of his pictures, and though some of this may
-have been due to earlier influences in his Augsburg days, received
-through Hans Burgkmair and other German painters who had worked in
-Italy, and to the study of engravings, they are not strong enough to
-account satisfactorily for the very marked Italian influence to be seen
-in such pictures as the early “Last Supper,” or the “Venus” and “Lais
-Corinthiaca” of 1526. The indications of personal acquaintance with
-Italian painting and architecture are even more strongly marked in
-numerous designs for glass paintings, dealt with in a later
-chapter.[169] It is therefore assumed that he crossed the Alps and
-penetrated into the country at least as far as Milan and its
-neighbourhood. Indeed, the careful researches of Dr. Ganz have removed
-all doubts on the question.
-
-The “Last Supper” in the Basel Gallery (No. 316) (Pl. 25),[170] which
-must not be confounded with the still earlier version of the same
-subject on canvas already described,[171] although badly damaged, bears
-in its composition so striking a reminiscence of Leonardo’s celebrated
-fresco in the refectory of the church of Santa Maria delle Grazie in
-Milan, that it appears almost certain that Holbein must have seen it.
-This panel painting, apparently the central part of a triptych, when it
-came into the possession of Amerbach was already in a badly-damaged
-state, due, no doubt, to injuries received during the religious
-disturbances of 1529, which finally helped to drive Holbein for a second
-time from Basel. It had been cut in two, and then roughly joined
-together, while a piece was missing from either side, so that to-day
-only nine apostles remain, though the hands and feet and parts of the
-bodies of the others are still to be seen at the sides. It is described
-in the Amerbach inventory as “ein nachtmal vf holtz mit olfarb H.
-Holbein. Ist zerhöwen vnd wider zusammengeleimbt aber unfletig.” In 1750
-it was again reset by Nikolaus Grooth, who repainted and restored it in
-a hard and crude fashion, so that it is now very difficult to form any
-adequate idea of the original scheme of colour, though the heads still
-retain something of their original vigour and expression. The scene is
-set in a loggia of plain Renaissance architecture, the blue sky seen
-through its arched openings, against which branches of fig or vine stand
-out, and a distant tower on the right. Christ, seated in the centre of
-the table, with hands spread out before him, is depicted at the moment
-when he exclaims, “One of you shall betray me.” This figure, both in the
-expressive gesture of the hands, the position of the body, and the type
-of features, follows closely the greater figure which evidently inspired
-it. The group of St. John, St. Peter, and Judas is also based on the
-corresponding group in Leonardo’s fresco. The youthful St. John, seated
-next to the Saviour, and turning round to listen to St. Peter, who
-stands behind him with his hand resting on St. John’s shoulder, is
-admirably conceived and full of character. Judas, seated in front on the
-left, rests his chin on his left hand, his strongly marked, almost
-grotesque, face, convulsed with conflicting passions, and his right hand
-pressed against the seat as though he were about to spring up and rush
-from the table. The picture, in spite of the damage it has received,
-shows a great advance upon the earlier “Last Supper,” both in power of
-expression and technical execution. In its style of painting it has
-considerable affinity with the “Noli Me Tangere” in Hampton Court, more
-particularly with the distant figures of St. John and St. Peter in the
-last-named picture, while the head of St. James, seen in profile, bears
-a close resemblance to that of the Risen Christ. The background, too,
-displays a decided Italian influence.[172]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 25.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE LAST SUPPER
-  Central Panel of a Triptych
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE VISIT TO LOMBARDY]
-
-Still stronger evidence of this journey to Lombardy is to be found in
-Holbein’s numerous designs for painted glass,[173] which he produced
-during the next six or seven years, designs which, in most cases, are
-filled round the borders and in the backgrounds with rich and elaborate
-architecture based upon Renaissance models. It is difficult to
-understand how he could have produced so much work of this nature, so
-filled with the beauty and dignity of the style upon which it was
-founded, had he not had at least some personal acquaintance with the
-original examples upon the far side of the Alps, which these drawings of
-his so often suggest. A close comparison of certain of these studies
-with the architectural details of some of the splendid Renaissance
-buildings which he must have seen if this journey across the plains of
-Lombardy did in reality take place, makes it almost certain, although
-there are no documentary proofs, that he made drawings and sketches of
-some of the principal edifices of Milan, the façade and interior of the
-Certosa of Pavia, the monumental tombs of architectural design which are
-to be met with throughout Northern Italy, and such cathedral churches as
-those of Como and Lugano;[174] and that he must have studied also the
-use made by the Italian painters of similar architectural features in
-the backgrounds of their frescoes and paintings. It is difficult to
-believe that his intimate knowledge of the true principles of that style
-were gained merely by the study of a few engravings or isolated
-pictures. Here and there, too, in those glass designs in which the
-background is a landscape, there is more than one Alpine scene. In the
-one with the figure of a Pope or Bishop, in the Basel Gallery (No.
-334),[175] there is a view of the old Devil’s Bridge on the Andermatt
-route, and the same bridge is to be seen in the “Table of Cebes”
-woodcut. There is a view of the Rigi in the background of the woodcut of
-“Jacob’s Ladder” in Thomas Wolff’s edition of the Pentateuch, 1523, and,
-again, a representation of Lucerne in the woodcut of the “New
-Jerusalem,” in the same publisher’s edition of the New Testament, 1523
-(Pl. 70 (3)).[176]
-
-In the course of his journey to and from Lombardy he probably made short
-halts in more than one Swiss town. Hegner mentions pictures by him in
-Coutrai, Zürich, Altorf, and Berne, but the works he enumerates, with
-the exception of the painted table at Zürich, are not the work of
-Holbein. There are, however, indications that he spent some time in
-Altorf, in the canton Uri, from which district it has been suggested
-that his family originally came, for the Holbein arms are almost
-identical with those of that canton. In the church is a “Head of
-Christ,” which local tradition gives to Holbein, and in the Convent of
-the Capuchins still hangs a copy of the “Christ in the Tomb” of the
-Basel Gallery. The “Head of Christ” has suffered so severely that it is
-impossible to-day to say whether it is from his hand; the church
-archives, which are said to have contained proofs of its authenticity,
-were lost in a fire which occurred in 1799, and did a great amount of
-damage, destroying, among other things, an altar-piece of the
-“Crucifixion,” attributed to Holbein, painted on canvas, one of the
-chief treasures of the church. The version of the “Christ in the Tomb”
-in the monastery shows material differences from the original at Basel.
-The body of Christ is no longer rigid in death. He has conquered it, and
-the artist, whoever he may have been, has represented him as the giver
-of eternal life, by means of rays of light which emanate from the
-recumbent body. Above the figure is a medallion with the Burial, which
-bears little likeness to Holbein’s work. M. Pierre Gauthiez suggests
-that this Christ was painted by Holbein when under the immediate
-influence of certain Lombard painters, but that it became so badly
-damaged in course of time that it was restored and repainted by some not
-very skilful worker.[177]
-
-[Sidenote: DESIGNS FOR PAINTED GLASS]
-
-Wherever Holbein may have wandered in search of work, he was back again
-in Lucerne early in 1519. The town books contain records of payments
-made to him for the painting of certain banners and pennons in the
-spring of that year. It was a custom of the Lucernois to plant banners
-on the gables and summits of their street fountains, as a signal for
-assembly whenever there was question of war; and, in addition to this
-custom, small flags of painted cloth were usually to be seen hanging in
-such places.[178] On the 19th February 1519, Holbein was paid twelve
-schillings for two flags of this kind, which were hung near the
-cathedral, and on the 21st May of the same year he received one livre,
-one schilling, six heller for banners for the fountain near the convent
-of the Franciscans. It was round this fountain of the Cordeliers that
-the shoemakers and sellers of various merchandise had their stalls, and
-the neighbouring street was the quarter of the glass-painters. For these
-latter craftsmen Holbein made several designs. There is one of these in
-the Basel Gallery (No. 354), which, however, is not from Holbein’s own
-hand, but merely a good workshop copy. It represents the standing figure
-of the Virgin with the Child in her arms, under an arch with hanging
-garlands, supported by pillars and pilasters with Renaissance ornament
-in low relief, and appears to have been drawn in Lucerne, for the
-background consists of an admirable little landscape study with a view
-of the towers and roofs and the old covered bridge of that city, and
-cloud-capped mountains in the background.[179] It was, however, designed
-for some citizen of Basel, and may, therefore, have been done after he
-had left Lucerne, and the background sketched in from memory. It forms
-the left-hand half of a double window containing the patron saints of
-Basel, of which the right-hand half still exists in the original glass
-in the cloisters of Wettingen, representing the Emperor Heinrich II
-holding a model of the minster, and with a shield containing the arms of
-Basel at his feet. In its architectural details this window agrees with
-the “Virgin and Child” drawing in the Amerbach Collection, which is in
-pen and wash and lightly coloured.
-
-A second window design, also in the Amerbach Collection, dated 1518, and
-signed “H.H.,” represents the arms of State-councillor Holdermeier of
-Lucerne.[180] Under an open archway with pillars inlaid with marble
-stand three peasants with grotesque head-dresses, busily talking,
-conceived by the artist with considerable humour. One rests on his
-scythe, another carries a sack over his shoulder, while the one in the
-middle holds a basket of eggs. Over the centre of the arch is a small
-tablet with the date, and on either side of it, in the spandrils,
-peasants are shown at work in the fields, mowing and reaping. In the
-centre foreground is placed a shield with the Holdermeier arms. A third
-design for painted glass of this period with the arms of Hans
-Fleckenstein of Lucerne, and dated 1517, is in the Brunswick Gallery,
-and was lent to the Holbein Exhibition in Basel in 1897-8.[181]
-
-Two other existing designs appear to belong to Holbein’s Lucerne period.
-The first is the very beautiful drawing in the Basel Gallery of the
-Archangel Michael as the Weigher of Souls (Pl. 26).[182] It is evidently
-a drawing for a wooden statue. The Archangel Michael as the Soul Weigher
-was the patron saint of the cloisters of Beromünster, near Lucerne, and
-most probably, according to Dr. Ganz, this design was a commission from
-Holbein’s patrons, Peter and Jakob von Hertenstein. Jakob was feoffee of
-the cloisters, and Peter, canon of Basel, was from 1483 until his death
-in 1519 also canon of the minster. He had his own private chapel, to
-which he presented various works of art, including a window of painted
-glass with a representation of the Archangel, which is now in the
-Lucerne Museum.[183] The winged figure of the youthful saint stands
-erect upon a slight carved bracket, raising a great sword over his head
-with one hand, and with the other holding a large pair of scales just
-clear of the ground, in one of which is Satan, with wings and a long
-curled tail, and in the other a naked child with a nimbus, representing
-the soul. St. Michael, too, wears a nimbus above his masses of curled
-hair, and gazes down with a smile on the upturned face of the Evil One,
-whom he is about to strike with his sword. He is clad in clinging
-drapery, which leaves one leg bare, and a breastplate richly chased with
-a Renaissance flower-and-leaf design, a long cloak falling from his
-shoulders to the ground. The figure displays extraordinary grace and
-energy, and in the beauty of its conception and its draughtsmanship
-recalls the best work of the Italian painters, and was evidently
-accomplished immediately after his return from Lombardy, when the
-stimulus of that journey was still at its highest and strongest.
-
-The second drawing, in Indian ink, with pen and bistre outlines, in the
-British Museum (No. 14), is a round composition nearly nine inches in
-diameter, representing miners at work on the face of a mountain side
-(Pl. 27).[184] In the foreground is a rocky platform on which two men
-are driving wedges into the rock with hammers with long pliant handles.
-Others are working with smaller hammers, and one, with a lantern
-fastened to his cap, is mounting to the platform by a ladder. Above them
-another man is ascending in the same way to a higher part of the quarry,
-while from an opening on the right a miner is pushing a truck full of
-ore along a wooden bridge, and another, down below, is raking the stone
-into a tray. Various wooden huts are placed here and there on the
-ledges. According to Dr. E. His, this drawing was in Basel in the
-sixteenth century, and was then copied by an unknown artist as an
-illustration to a manuscript book on mining by Andreas Ryff. It was
-probably made by Holbein in the neighbourhood of the St. Gotthard Pass,
-on his way to or from Lombardy.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 26.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE ARCHANGEL MICHAEL AS WEIGHER OF SOULS
-  _Drawing in Indian ink_
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 27.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  MINERS AT WORK
-  _Drawing in Indian ink, pen, and bistre_
-  BRITISH MUSEUM
-]
-
-[Sidenote: SACRED PICTURES FORMERLY IN LUCERNE]
-
-Patin mentions five pictures painted by Holbein which in his day were in
-the church of the Augustines in Lucerne—a “Nativity,” the “Adoration of
-the Kings,” “Christ disputing with the Doctors,” a “Sancta Veronica,”
-and a “Taking down from the Cross,”[185] but Hegner could find no traces
-of them. They probably formed a triptych. M. Gauthiez suggests that
-these pictures were the result of his study of the paintings of the
-Lombard masters, the titles alone suggesting a list of works by
-Luini.[186]
-
-The last-named of these pictures, the “Taking down from the Cross”—in
-which, according to Patin’s description, Christ’s body was on the
-ground, the head resting on the Virgin’s lap, and surrounded by Mary
-Magdalene, Saint John, Nicodemus, and other persons, with the two
-thieves still on the Cross—was still in the church in the middle of the
-seventeenth century. Two sketches exist, with notes as to the colour,
-and an inscription stating that they were drawn in Lucerne from
-Holbein’s altar-piece in the church of the Augustines by C. Meyer in
-1648. Dr. Ganz has recently published a copy of this picture,[187] which
-is in Palermo, and draws attention to the fact that it agrees in
-dimensions with the lost original, which was in the possession of the
-painter Marquard Wocher in Basel in 1834, at which time it was copied by
-the painter Hieronymus Hess. Another copy, half the size of the
-original, was exhibited at the Exhibition of Early German Art at the
-Burlington Fine Arts Club in 1906, and a third is still in the sacristy
-of one of the Lucerne churches. In addition, there is a drawing of the
-group of the two chief figures, Christ and the Virgin, in the Basel
-Gallery,[188] a free copy of the central group of Christ and the Virgin,
-signed H. H. W. and H. H. It was done towards the end of the sixteenth
-century either by Hans Jörg Wannewetsch of Basel, or Hans Heinrich
-Wegmann of Lucerne.
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                               CHAPTER V
-
-                            CITIZEN OF BASEL
-
-Holbein’s return to Basel—Enters the Painters’ Guild “zum
-  Himmel”—Becomes a burgher—His marriage—Portrait of Bonifacius
-  Amerbach—The Amerbach Collection—Church pictures—The “Nativity” and
-  “Adoration of the Kings” at Freiburg—Hans Oberried—The altar-piece of
-  the “Passion of Christ” at Basel—Italian influences in his work—The
-  “Noli Me Tangere” at Hampton Court—“Christ as the Man of Sorrows” and
-  “Mary as Mater Dolorosa”—Designs for sacred pictures or
-  wall-paintings—The “Dead Christ in the Tomb”—The Solothurn
-  Madonna—History of the picture—“St. Ursula” and “St. George” at
-  Karlsruhe—The organ doors of Basel Cathedral.
-
-
-IN the summer or autumn of 1519 Holbein was back again in Basel. His
-return may have been due to lack of sufficient employment in Lucerne, or
-it may be that he was recalled by news of the death of his brother
-Ambrosius. As already pointed out, no traces of the latter can be found
-after this year, and it is generally supposed that he died about this
-time. If such were the case, it is natural that Hans should return, in
-order to wind up his brother’s affairs, and it may be, to complete any
-commissions he may have left unfinished. Slight indications, also, of a
-visit to his father, who was then working in Isenheim, not far from
-Basel, are perhaps afforded by his designs for painted glass at Murbach
-and Andlau, described in a later chapter, which he produced in the
-following year.[189] He now made Basel his permanent residence, and from
-that time until he came to England, seven years later, he was very
-busily employed in painting portraits, altar-pieces for churches,
-decorating house-fronts and interiors, and supplying designs for book
-illustrations, and for the glass-painters, armourers, and metal-workers
-of his adopted city.
-
-On September 25, 1519, he became a member of the Painters’ Guild, the
-“Zunft zum Himmel.” The entry runs: “Item, Hans Holbein the painter has
-been received into the Guild on Sunday before St. Michael’s Day, in the
-year 1519, and has sworn to preserve the statutes of the Guild like
-every other Guild brother of the painters.” (“Item es hat die Zunfft
-entffangen Hans Holbein der moller vff suntag vor sant michelss Dag im
-XVCXIX jor vnd hat geschworen Der Zunft ordnung zu halten wie ein ander
-Zunfftbruder der moller.”[190] His coat of arms,[191] a black bull’s
-head with ringed nose, on a yellow or gold ground, surmounted by a red
-star between the horns, and with “Hans Holbein de maller” inscribed
-above it, painted at the time he was admitted a member, remained in the
-Guild Chamber until modern times, and is now in the Basel Historical
-Museum. The entrance fee was one pound three shillings. He soon appears
-to have become an important member of the confraternity, for in the
-following year, on June 25, 1520, he was elected chamber-master of the
-Guild, as set forth in the treasurer’s book. A few days afterwards, on
-July 3, 1520, he obtained the rights of citizenship; probably a
-residence of twelve months was necessary before the freedom of the city
-could be obtained, and Holbein had now been back in Basel for about a
-year. The entry in the town book runs as follows:—“Item, Tuesday before
-St. Ulrich’s Day anno 20 Hans Holbein of Augsburg, painter, has received
-the right of citizenship, and has sworn in the customary manner.” (“Item
-Zinstag vor Vlrici anno XX 1st Hans Holbeinen von Augspurg dem maler das
-burgrecht glichenn. Et juravit pro ut moris est.”)[192] Less than a
-month afterwards his name occurs, on the 1st of August 1520, in the
-records of the Court of Justice. The wife of the painter Michel Schuman
-sued him for a debt of eight pounds, which he was condemned to pay, a
-proceeding recalling similar monetary difficulties in his father’s life.
-
-[Sidenote: BECOMES A BURGHER AND MARRIES]
-
-It was probably about the same time that Holbein married Elsbeth Schmid,
-the widow of a tanner, with one son named Franz, who afterwards followed
-the occupation of his father. It appears possible, therefore, that she
-may have been possessed of some means, and that she carried on the
-tannery business until her son was of age. Perhaps both marriage and
-citizenship were necessary qualifications for membership of the Guild
-“zum Himmel,” as was the case with other guilds elsewhere, and some such
-regulation may have been one of the chief causes which brought about
-Holbein’s early marriage. In Breslau, for instance, a painter who wished
-to settle in the town as a master was obliged to be married, or if not,
-must have taken a wife within a year and a day of his entry into the
-Guild, under a penalty of ten marks.[193] Additional proof that the
-marriage must have taken place in 1520 or 1521 is afforded by the
-Solothurn “Madonna,” dated 1522, for which Holbein’s wife and infant son
-served as the models for the Virgin and Child.
-
-A few weeks after his admittance into the Guild, Holbein finished one of
-the most beautiful portraits of his Basel period—that of Bonifacius
-Amerbach, to whose unfailing admiration of Holbein’s art the present
-fine collection of his works in the Basel Gallery is due. Bonifacius was
-the youngest of the three sons of Hans Amerbach, the scholar, and
-afterwards printer and publisher, who, born in Reutlingen, settled in
-Basel in 1484, where he set up a printing-press which soon became
-famous, and attracted a number of learned men, who assisted him in
-preparing books and translations for publication, which included several
-fine editions of the early Fathers. His three sons were all brilliant
-scholars. Bonifacius, born in 1492, was about five years older than
-Holbein. His education was a very thorough one, and while pursuing his
-studies he was closely associated with various scholars of an older
-generation than his own, such as Conrad Leontorius, Gebwiler, Beatus
-Rhenanus, and the Franciscan monk, Johann Conon of Nuremburg, under whom
-he studied Greek. Later on he went to the University of Freiburg, where
-he lived with Ulrich Zasius, who was both his teacher and friend. He
-afterwards continued the study of the law at Avignon under Alciat, and
-at Montpellier, and in 1525 received the appointment of professor of law
-in the Basel University. He became a close friend of Erasmus, hardly a
-day passing without some intercourse between them. The elder scholar,
-who had the highest admiration for his abilities and learning, grew to
-regard him almost as a son, and appointed him his heir. Contemporary
-references to him speak not only of his great scholastic gifts, but of
-the modesty and amiability of his character, his integrity, his lively
-wit, and his talent for music and poetry. One such reference, quoted by
-Hegner,[194] speaks of him as a tall man, with a charming countenance,
-who made use of brave, serious language, and appeared modestly attired
-in a long coat.
-
-It is to be assumed from Amerbach’s enthusiasm in collecting every
-picture, drawing, and design by Holbein which he could find, that the
-two young men became personal friends, or, at least, that their
-acquaintance, first made in the latter’s painting-room, grew to be a
-closer one than was usually formed between sitter and artist in days
-when the painter and his craft were not always very highly considered,
-or his social standing more than a very modest one. Amerbach also
-collected pictures and sketches by other artists, and engravings, coins,
-and antiquities of all kinds. Upon his death in 1562 his son Basilius
-inherited the collection, and, inheriting also the artistic tastes of
-his father, he added, in course of time, a number of important examples,
-among them various works by Holbein, including the copy of the _Praise
-of Folly_ with the marginal drawings. In 1586 he drew up an inventory
-and catalogue of the collection, which by that time had obtained
-considerable reputation. It remained in the possession of his
-descendants until the middle of the seventeenth century, when it was
-offered for sale, and was purchased by his native city for the very
-moderate price of 9000 rix-dollars in the summer of 1662. In addition to
-examples of metal-work, ivory carvings, coins, and various objects of
-decorative art, the collection contained forty-nine paintings, of which
-fifteen were attributed to Holbein, and a chest of thirty-seven drawers,
-all full of sketches and engravings, among them one hundred and four
-original drawings by Holbein, a sketch-book with eighty-five studies,
-one hundred and eleven woodcuts after his designs, the illustrated
-_Praise of Folly_, and two copies each of the “Dance of Death” and “Old
-Testament” woodcuts. Modern criticism has somewhat reduced these
-numbers, but the collection is one of extraordinary value, and, thanks
-to the energy and artistic taste of the father and son who formed it,
-and thus preserved many examples which otherwise would have been
-scattered and lost, it is possible for the Holbein student of to-day to
-obtain very adequate knowledge of much that the great artist
-accomplished during the earlier half of his life.[195]
-
-[Sidenote: BONIFACIUS AMERBACH]
-
-In Holbein’s portrait of Bonifacius Amerbach, in the Basel Gallery (No.
-314) (Pl. 28),[196] the jurist is represented to the shoulders, almost
-in profile to the spectator’s left, a little less than the size of life.
-He wears a black velvet cap and a black gown with a fur collar, open to
-show the under-vest of blue-green damask and small white ruff round the
-neck. The fine, handsome face, with its prominent nose, is of a warm,
-ruddy complexion, and the bushy hair, which almost hides the ears, and
-the beard and moustache, are of chestnut colour. On a tree-trunk on the
-left hangs a large framed tablet with a Latin inscription, probably
-composed by Erasmus, in which the picture itself is made to extol the
-art of the painter for its truth to nature. Below these lines the names
-of the artist and the sitter, and the date, October 14, 1519, are given—
-
-
-     “BON · AMORBACCHIVM ·
-      IO · HOLBEIN · DEPINGEBAT ·
-      A · M̅ · D̅ · X̅I̅X̅̅ · PRID · EID · OCTOBR.”
-
-The head stands out against a pale blue-green sky, with the snow-covered
-crests of the Schneeberg in the distant background, and the branch of a
-vine or fig-tree on the right. The richness and transparency of the
-colour is remarkable; it is, perhaps, of all Holbein’s portraits the
-most transparent in effect, with no trace of the dryness which sometimes
-characterises his later work.[197] In technical execution it shows a
-considerable advance on the earlier portraits of Meyer and his wife and
-of Benedikt von Hertenstein, the modelling and the minute and accurate
-draughtsmanship of the details, such as the beard and the hair, being
-already almost as masterly and assured as in his greatest portraits
-painted fourteen or fifteen years later. As a study of character and
-expression, too, it is very striking. The combined strength and
-refinement of Amerbach’s nature, and the kindliness and sense of humour
-which shine from his deep blue eyes, below projecting brows, have been
-admirably rendered, and in many ways the portrait shows that Holbein had
-already attained almost, if not quite, to the full maturity of his
-powers. In it, too, can be seen for the first time in his portraiture
-the practical application of the experience he must have gained during
-his visit to Italy, for in the lighter, gayer, scheme of colour, and the
-change in technique, which gradually developed into the enamel-like
-surface of his flesh tints which is so characteristic a feature of his
-English portraits, the influence of the painters of Lombardy, such as
-Leonardo, Mantegna, Luini, and others, is plainly evident.[198] In the
-Amerbach inventory it is described as: “Meines vatters conterfehtung in
-der iugend H. Holbeins vf holz mit ölfarb.” There is an old copy of it
-in the Karlsruhe Gallery.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 28.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  BONIFACIUS AMERBACH
-  1519
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: SACRED PAINTINGS FOR CHURCHES]
-
-During the first years of his citizenship Holbein received a number of
-commissions for sacred paintings for churches, including the cathedral.
-For the last-named building he painted the great folding doors of the
-organ-case, and possibly the altar-piece, now lost, of which, however,
-the wings, with scenes from the Passion, remain, among the most valued
-possessions of the Basel Gallery. A still earlier connection with the
-cathedral works is proved by an entry in the Bishop’s court-treasury
-accounts for September 1520; and that at this time, only a month or two
-after he had taken up his rights of citizenship, he was not too proud to
-undertake tasks of the humblest kind, is shown by the nature of the
-commission, which was merely for the painting over of some
-stonework.[199] Only a few of his sacred works have survived. Others, no
-doubt, were destroyed during the religious disturbances of 1529, when so
-many of the pictures and works of art in the Basel churches were burnt
-or shattered to pieces by the mob.
-
-Old copies or engravings exist of several of these destroyed pictures,
-so that some idea can be obtained of the originals. In all instances
-they appear to be works of the early Basel period. Earliest of all,
-possibly one of the very first pictures painted by him in that city, is
-a “Christ on the Cross between Mary and John,” of which there is a copy
-in the Basel Gallery. This copy, according to the Amerbach inventory,
-was made by a Bavarian painter, Jakob Clauser, a contemporary and
-associate of Holbein. A painting of “Christ taken Prisoner,” some years
-later in date, is now only known from an engraving by W. Akersloot, done
-in 1664. This is a very fine composition, with striking effects of
-lighting produced by the flaming torches and a large lantern carried by
-the soldiers, recalling the earlier picture in the first “Passion”
-series on canvas, as well as “The Arrest” in the Basel altar-piece and
-the “Adoration of the Shepherds” at Freiburg. There are also two
-etchings by Hollar after two lost works by Holbein, one representing the
-“Lamentations over Christ after the taking down from the Cross”
-(Parthey, 109), which appears to have been the central panel of a
-triptych, and the other a figure of “St. Barbara” in a landscape
-(Parthey, 176), which bears a close resemblance to the glass design
-representing the same saint in the Basel Gallery, described in a later
-chapter.[200] Finally, there is a series of nine paintings on canvas,
-representing the Prophets, shown in pairs, now in the Basel Gallery, and
-coming from the Faesch Collection. According to the Faesch inventory,
-these are copies made by Bartholomäus Sarburgh after Holbein, and Patin
-states that the originals, which have now disappeared, were taken by
-Sarburgh to Belgium.[201] These copies and engravings have all been
-reproduced by Dr. Ganz in his latest work on the master.[202]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 29.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  ADORATION OF THE SHEPHERDS
-  Inner side of the left wing
-  of the Oberried Altar-piece
-  UNIVERSITY CHAPEL, FREIBURG MINSTER
-]
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  ADORATION OF THE KINGS
-  Inner side of the right wing
-  of the Oberried Altar-piece
-  UNIVERSITY CHAPEL, FREIBURG MINSTER
-]
-
-[Sidenote: “THE NATIVITY”]
-
-Among those which escaped the fury of the iconoclasts only one or two
-are dated, but all of them were produced between the years 1519 and
-1526. One of the earliest, “The Last Supper,” has been already
-described; two others of about the same date are now in the University
-Chapel of the minster at Freiburg-im-Breisgau. They are the two wings of
-an altar-piece, with curved tops, representing “The Nativity” and “The
-Adoration of the Kings” (Pl. 29).[203] In both panels the artist has
-striven to achieve striking contrasts of light and shade. In “The
-Nativity” the figures, which are very small, are placed amid the ruined
-splendours of some palace of Renaissance architecture, with tall marble
-pillars, carved capitals, and shattered arches, through which the light
-of the moon, cloud-obscured, glimmers faintly. The chief illumination
-emanates from the Infant Christ, who lies, a small nude figure, on his
-white-covered little bed. The soft, supernatural brilliance lights up
-the faces and figures of Mary and Joseph, who bend over the Child in
-adoration. This unusual effect of lighting is also to be found in a
-second painting of “The Nativity” in Freiburg Minster, a fine example of
-the work of Hans Baldung Grien, completed in 1516; and again in
-Correggio’s famous “Night,” painted some years later. In Holbein’s
-picture this light also plays over the small angels who surround the
-bed, and less brightly on the figure of one of the shepherds peering
-round a pillar on the left, and on the undersides of the arches
-overhead. The wings of the attendant angels, instead of springing from
-the shoulders, grow along and form part of the arms, apparently an
-original conception of the painter’s.[204] In the distance, forming a
-radiant patch of light amid the darkness of the background, is seen the
-angel who is hastening to carry the glad tidings to the shepherds.
-Above, in the sky, the moon also bends and does homage to the new-born
-Child; to suggest this, Holbein has represented its disc as turned down
-towards the bed, and foreshortened.[205] The source from which this
-arrangement was taken was the passage in the Apocrypha: “And behold the
-cave was filled with a light, surpassing the brilliancy of tapers and
-torches and greater than sunlight.” The effect of the gradually
-diminishing radiance, which finally loses itself amid the dimly seen
-ruins, where it mingles with the pale effulgence of the moon, has been
-finely rendered, and though the picture has suffered some damage, it
-still retains much of its charm, particularly in the small figures of
-the angels with their graceful gestures.
-
-In the “Adoration of the Kings,” the personages are grouped in front of
-a great half-ruined building, more massive and less ornate than the one
-in the “Nativity,” whose walls and broken towers, upon which vegetation
-grows, recede into the distance. Overhead shines the Star of Bethlehem,
-which has guided the kings on their journey, so bright, in spite of the
-clouds which partly veil it, as to make the daylight seem almost dark.
-One of the members of the retinue is gazing upwards at it, and is forced
-to shield his eyes with his hand, so great is its brilliance. The Virgin
-is seated with the Child on her knees, before whom the eldest king, an
-old man with a long grey beard, and dressed in a red robe and a large
-ermine cape, is kneeling in adoration and offering a golden cup. On the
-left stands the Moorish king, in white, waiting his turn to present his
-gifts, and in front of him is a greyhound, which also is looking towards
-the Child. The second of the three worshippers is on the right, a
-dark-bearded man, with white ribbons fluttering from his crown, and his
-offering held in front of him. Numerous figures of attendants are seen
-in the background. In both pictures the head of Mary is a very
-expressive one. In a narrow compartment at the bottom of each panel the
-donor, Hans Oberried, and his family are represented kneeling in a long
-row. On the one side, under the “Nativity,” are the donor and his six
-sons; on the other, under the “Adoration,” his wife, Amalie
-Tschekkenbürlin, and his four daughters. At the front of each row of
-figures is a shield with the coat of arms of the two families.
-
-These two panels, which were once the wings of an arched altar-piece,
-the centre panel of which has disappeared, have suffered considerably in
-the course of their wanderings, more particularly the “Adoration,” from
-injudicious repaintings and repairs, so that much of the beauty of the
-original colouring has been lost. They appear to have been among
-Holbein’s earliest sacred works after his return from Lucerne, and in
-them German and Italian influences are commingled; but in spite of their
-charm and _naïveté_, they do not show that mastery of technique which is
-already to be found in such a portrait as that of Amerbach, though this
-no doubt is largely owing to repairs and restoration by some later hand.
-This less assured touch is particularly noticeable in the figures of the
-donor and his family.
-
-They were a commission from the merchant Hans Oberried, a native of
-Freiburg, at the time a town councillor of Basel, in which town he had
-been resident for nearly thirty years, but who, as an adherent of the
-Catholic party, was dismissed from office during the religious
-disturbances of 1529. He therefore renounced his citizenship, and, like
-Erasmus and Amerbach, left the town and returned to Freiburg, where
-members of his family still lived. It has been suggested that he ordered
-this altar-piece of Holbein for presentation to the church of the
-Carthusian Monastery in Basel, in which a near relative of his wife’s,
-Hieronymus Tschekkenbürlin, was prior. This monastery was in Little
-Basel, where the Catholic party were in the ascendant, so that some of
-their pictures and church ornaments were saved from the fury of the mob.
-Oberried may, therefore, have succeeded in carrying off the two panels
-with him, though forced to leave the centre one behind, as too big for
-concealment. His name occurs on one occasion in the Basel town records
-in connection with Holbein. On September 14, 1521, the Council paid to
-him a sum of money due to the painter—probably in connection with the
-Town Hall wall-paintings—which was possibly in discharge of a debt which
-the councillor had failed to obtain from the artist.[206]
-
-Oberried died in the same year as the painter, 1543, but the two panels
-do not appear to have been placed in the chapel of the minster until
-October 17, 1554, on which day the altar over which they hang was
-consecrated. With the exception of two short intervals, they have
-remained ever since in Freiburg. During the Thirty Years War they were
-sent to Schaffhausen for safety. From there the Elector Maximilian I of
-Bavaria had them brought to Munich for his inspection, and later on they
-were taken to Ratisbon, in order to be shown to the Emperor Ferdinand
-III. In 1796 they were carried away by the French, but were returned
-from Colmar in 1808.[207] They were then replaced over the altar of the
-University Chapel in the choir of the minster, where they still remain,
-the only church paintings by Holbein still to be found hanging within
-the walls of a consecrated building. About the time of their return from
-France they appear to have undergone a severe restoration.
-
-[Sidenote: “PASSION OF CHRIST” ALTAR-PIECE]
-
-The altar-piece in the Basel Gallery (No. 315) (Pl. 30),[208] consisting
-of eight scenes from the Passion of Christ, on four upright panels,
-forming the wings of a triptych, was evidently painted after Holbein’s
-return from those wanderings which took him for a short period over the
-Alps, for in composition and colour-scheme it displays a marked North
-Italian influence. At one time it was regarded throughout Switzerland as
-Holbein’s masterpiece. Nothing is known of its early history, but it was
-held in the highest estimation throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth
-centuries. According to tradition, it was originally painted for the
-cathedral of Basel, and was, by some means or other, saved from
-destruction during the troubles of 1529. In this case tradition appears
-to have probability on its side.[209] On November 5, 1770, it was
-removed from the Basel Town Hall, where it had been hanging for more
-than two hundred years, and was placed in the Library among the other
-art treasures of the city, in which building the collection was housed
-until the present Gallery was built. Numerous early references to it are
-to be found which testify to its great reputation in the past. Sandrart
-was enthusiastic in its praises. “The most excellent and the crown of
-all his art,” he wrote, “is the Passion of Christ, painted on a panel in
-eight compartments, and preserved in the Town Hall at Basel; a work in
-which all that art can do is to be found, both as regards the devotion
-and the grace of the persons represented, whether religious or secular,
-or of a higher or lower class, and with respect to the figures,
-building, landscape, day and night. This panel testifies to the honour
-and fame of its master, giving place to none either in Germany or Italy,
-and justly bearing the laurel wreath among ancient works.”[210]
-
-Sandrart, when painting the portrait of Maximilian I of Bavaria, who was
-a great art-collector, spoke so highly of this work that the latter
-determined to possess it. He is said to have offered the Baselers any
-price they liked to put upon it; and, having already succeeded in
-tempting the Nurembergers to part with Dürer’s “Apostles,” although the
-painter had bequeathed them to his native city, he hoped to be equally
-successful in this instance; but the Basel councillors were less
-mercenary, and refused his offer.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 30.
-
-
-[Illustration]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE PASSION OF CHRIST
-  Outer sides of the Wings of an Altar-Piece
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: “PASSION OF CHRIST” ALTAR-PIECE]
-
-In more recent days this altar-piece has been subjected to severe and
-unfavourable criticism. Rumohr refused to accept Holbein as its author,
-and Mr. Wornum regarded it as a careful work by the elder Holbein,
-though better in grouping and decoration than was usual with him. He
-could not see in it any sign of the younger Holbein’s stupendous power
-of grasping and representing individual character, and thought that
-though the composition might possibly be his, the actual painting was
-certainly the work of some other hand.[211] Unfortunately, in 1771,
-immediately after the picture’s transference from the Town Hall to the
-Library, it was placed in the hands of Nikolaus Grooth of Stuttgart for
-restoration, who succeeded only too well in removing all the original
-beauty of the colouring, though leaving the drawing much as he found it.
-Though following to the best of his ability Holbein’s colour-scheme, he
-completely destroyed its harmony, and obliterated all signs of the
-delicacy of the painter’s brushwork by the garish tones and smooth
-finish which he gave to the whole surface.[212] The picture thus retains
-little of its early beauty, charm, and freshness, but in spite of the
-superadded paint of the restorer, it is an undoubted and an important
-work by the master of about the year 1520. This can be seen most
-clearly, perhaps, when the picture is studied from photographs, in which
-the eye is not misled by gaudy and inharmonious colour. It is, no doubt,
-owing to this painful restoration that more than one earlier writer has
-refused to regard it as Holbein’s handiwork. On the other hand, Woltmann
-was of opinion that Grooth’s restoration was limited to careful cleaning
-and slight retouching, and he states that this is proved by existing
-records in the minutes of the University.[213] The general effect of the
-small pictures of which it is composed is also marred by the heavy
-upright bars of the gold frame which divide each wing into two parts.
-
-The top is circular, and Holbein has divided each panel into two by a
-horizontal band of scroll and leaf ornament in gold. The four scenes in
-the upper half, running from left to right, are “Christ on the Mount of
-Olives,” “The Kiss of Judas,” “Christ before the High Priest,” and “The
-Scourging”; and in the lower half, “Christ Mocked,” “Christ bearing the
-Cross,” “The Crucifixion,” and “The Burial.” This arrangement gives a
-series of high, narrow compartments, about 26 in. high by 13 in. wide,
-and in the filling of them the artist has adapted his composition to
-this somewhat unusual shape with remarkable skill.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 31.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  CHRIST BEARING THE CROSS
-  Details of the outer sides of the wings of the “Passion” Altar-piece
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE CRUCIFIXION
-  Details of the outer sides of the wings of the “Passion” Altar-piece
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: “NOLI ME TANGERE” AT HAMPTON COURT]
-
-In spite of the cruel treatment to which it has been subjected, enough
-of Holbein’s original work remains to show a striking advance in
-composition, power of conception, and dramatic feeling when compared
-with the “Passion” pictures produced by the two brothers some four or
-five years earlier. Each one of the subjects forms a small but complete
-picture in itself, but at the same time they have been combined, by a
-judicious arrangement of light and shade, into one harmonious whole. In
-each composition the story is told with considerable dramatic force, and
-the facial types are in most cases less grotesque than in the earlier
-“Passion,” in which an exaggerated ugliness of feature is made use of in
-order to bring home to the spectator the hateful character of the
-persecutors of Christ. Here and there the drawing is somewhat faulty,
-more particularly where violent action is shown, as in the movements of
-the soldiers with whips and rods in “The Scourging.” In several of the
-scenes the lighting is managed with admirable effect. In “Christ on the
-Mount of Olives” the black darkness of the night is brightly illuminated
-by the flying angel upholding the Cross, the radiance falling upon the
-uplifted face of the kneeling Saviour and on the heads of the disciples
-sleeping at his side, while in the distance the light from a single
-torch glitters on the helmets of the advancing soldiers. In the next two
-scenes the light comes entirely from the torches of the soldiery. In the
-“Kiss of Judas” it illuminates the trunk and lower branches of a great
-tree, the heads of Christ and Judas, and the uplifted spears and
-battle-axes of the mob of gesticulating and shouting men who are roughly
-binding their captive. In the foreground St. Peter, kneeling over the
-body of Malchus, holds the knife aloft with which he is about to strike
-off the latter’s ear. The scene is full of dramatic movement. In “Christ
-before the High Priest,” the torches light up the front of an elaborate
-Renaissance building and the raised seat of Caiaphas. Both the
-“Scourging” and “Mocking” take place within the interior of an equally
-elaborate edifice, with large arches and marble pillars, the light in
-the former coming through circular windows. In the “Scourging” the
-utmost vehemence is displayed in the actions of the soldiers; in the
-“Mocking” the figure of Christ has great nobility of character. In
-“Christ bearing the Cross” (Pl. 31 (1)) the foreground is crowded with
-figures issuing through the gateway of the town, one of the round towers
-of which rises to the top of the picture, while in the distance are seen
-the walls and roofs and bridges of a city by a river, with horsemen and
-other figures, and lofty snow mountains in the background. In “Christ on
-the Cross” (Pl. 31 (2)) the three crucified figures stand out strongly
-against an inky black background. In the final scene the dead body of
-Christ is borne across a green meadow towards the entrance to the tomb,
-which is cut in a lofty rock, in the fissures of which trees and bushes
-are growing, while some way off the Virgin and others with her stand
-overcome with grief. The whole composition of this altar-piece shows the
-influence of Holbein’s Italian visit in more ways than one; and in it he
-has abandoned to a very great extent the earlier practice of his country
-in the figures of his soldiers, who are no longer dressed in the German
-costume of his day, but in the Roman helmet and accoutrements such as he
-must have seen in contemporary Italian pictures, more particularly those
-of Mantegna. Although the types of some of the heads are distinctly
-German, recalling similar heads in his father’s pictures and his own
-earlier works, the predominating influence is Italian. At about the time
-of his visit to Italy Luini and Gaudenzio Ferrari were at work together
-upon the screen for the ancona in the chapel of Sant’ Abbondio in the
-cathedral at Como, and it is suggested, not only that Holbein must have
-studied this, and earlier works by the two Italian masters in the same
-building, such as the great altar-piece in the Sant’ Abbondio Chapel now
-regarded as largely Ferrari’s work, and the beautiful altar-piece by
-Luini in the neighbouring chapel of St. Jerome, but that possibly he
-also entered the studio of one or the other of them for a short period.
-Reminiscences of Ferrari in particular can be traced in this and other
-sacred paintings produced by Holbein at about this time.[214] For his
-background motives he appears to have made use in some instances of
-buildings close at hand; in others traces of his journey over the Alps
-can be seen. Thus, in the “Scourging” the setting recalls the Romanesque
-architecture of the neighbouring church of Othmarsheim, that of the
-“Mocking” the interior of the cathedral of Basel, while the round tower
-in the “Cross-Bearing” resembles the flanking towers to one of the gates
-of the same city.[215]
-
-The small picture of “Mary Magdalen at the Holy Sepulchre,” or “Noli Me
-Tangere,”[216] in Hampton Court Palace (No. 599) (Pl. 32), is closely
-allied to the Basel altar-piece, and was probably painted at about the
-same period, possibly in 1520 or the following year. The light of dawn
-is stealing over the landscape, driving away the darkness of night, well
-suggesting “the early morning, when it was yet dark.” On the right rises
-a great rock, with trees and bushes growing over it, and at its base the
-square opening of the tomb, from which issues a dim, supernatural light,
-making visible the two angels in white raiment seated at the head and
-foot of the grave. In the centre of the foreground stands Mary Magdalen,
-a look of wonder on her face, holding a marble vase of spikenard in her
-left hand, and the right stretched out towards the risen Christ, who
-shrinks back, both hands held up with a gesture of repulsion, as he
-exclaims, “Touch Me not.” Mary’s head is bound with a turban, and a dark
-cloak almost covers her dress. This figure is reminiscent of an Italian
-model. In the distance are seen the small figures of Peter and John,
-hastening away from the empty sepulchre to spread the news of the
-Resurrection. Peter, still doubting his eyes, is eagerly gesticulating
-as he strides over the ground, while John, who “saw and believed,” walks
-more calmly by his side. Behind them rises a tall tree into the dim
-morning sky, of the pyramidal shape so familiar in Italian paintings of
-the period, while in the background the breaking dawn lights the crosses
-on Calvary. It is, as Knackfuss says, “a wonderful masterpiece of
-poetical painting.”[217]
-
-The face of Our Lord bears a strong resemblance to that of the Christ in
-the “Christ before the High Priest” subject in the Basel altar-piece.
-Indeed, both in treatment and feeling, there is a close resemblance
-between these two works. The landscape in the Hampton Court picture has
-much in common with that of “Christ on the Mount of Olives” and of “The
-Entombment” of the altar-painting. In the latter, too, is to be found
-the same bush-grown rock of yellow colour, with the square opening of
-the sepulchre, while in each picture the light and shade and colouring
-are much alike.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 32.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  “NOLI ME TANGERE”
-  Christ appearing to Mary Magdalen
-  HAMPTON COURT
-]
-
-When attention was first called to this work some forty years ago,
-critics were divided in their opinions as to its authorship. Dr.
-Woltmann ascribed it to Bartholomäus Bruyn, and several other names in
-place of Holbein’s have been suggested from time to time. His latest
-English biographer, Mr. Gerald Davies, assigns it to “a painter of the
-German school, who had probably seen and been deeply influenced by the
-grave and earnest works of Holbein at Basel.” “Neither on the grounds of
-its design nor of its technique,” he says, “do I find myself able to
-accept it as a work of Holbein,” and he proceeds to draw attention to
-“the angular and uncouth projection of the forward leg in the figure of
-our Lord, an exaggeration which is repeated with even more unnatural
-emphasis in the distant figure of St. Peter as he walks and gesticulates
-at the side of St. John. The action, moreover, of the hands of the chief
-figure, intended to be expressive of the “Noli Me Tangere,” is somewhat
-exaggerated and theatrical.”[218] He calls attention to other details
-which he thinks prove that the work cannot be from Holbein’s brush. The
-type of the head, however, and the action of the hands, as well as the
-position of the feet, very closely resemble more than one of Holbein’s
-small figures in his designs for woodcuts, more particularly the Christ
-in one of the little pictures on the frontispiece to Coverdale’s Bible,
-in which the action is almost identical, while other instances could be
-given. The picture has suffered in the course of time, and, like the
-Basel altar-piece, has not escaped repainting in parts, but remains
-nevertheless an undoubted example of Holbein’s sacred art at, or shortly
-after, the period when he had just settled down in Basel as a member of
-the Guild “zum Himmel.” Modern German criticism is agreed as to its
-authorship. Dr. Ganz places it at the end of Holbein’s first visit to
-England.
-
-[Sidenote: “NOLI ME TANGERE” AT HAMPTON COURT]
-
-This picture has been in the royal collections of England since the
-reign of Henry VIII, and in the inventory of his pictures at Whitehall,
-taken at his death in 1547, it was entered as “Item, a table with the
-picture of our Lord appearing to Mary Magdalen” (No. 33), while it
-occurs again in that of James II (No. 520), “Our Saviour appearing to
-Mary Magdalen in the garden.” That in those early days the picture was
-regarded as a work of Holbein’s is proved by an entry in Evelyn’s
-_Diary_, under the date September 2, 1680, describing several days spent
-by him in the examination of the contents of the library and private
-rooms at Whitehall during the absence of Charles II at Windsor. He says:
-“In the rest of the private lodgings contiguous to this (_i.e._ the
-library), are divers of the best pictures of the great masters, Raphael,
-Titian, &c., and, in my esteeme, above all, the _Noli me tangere of our
-blessed Saviour to Mary Magdalen after his Resurrection_, of Hans
-Holbein, then which I never saw so much reverence and kind of heavenly
-astonishment express’d in a picture.” Nothing is known of its earlier
-history, or how it came to England, but it is not unnatural to suppose
-that it was brought over by Holbein himself, as an easily portable
-example of his powers as a painter of sacred subjects. It is doubly
-valuable as being the only work by him of this particular class now
-remaining in this country. On the other hand, it is quite possible that
-it was painted in England in 1527 for one of his new patrons. Mr. Ernest
-Law points out that there is a rendering of this same subject by Lambert
-Sustris, a German painter, and pupil of Christopher Schwartz of Munich,
-who flourished about the end of the sixteenth century. This last-named
-work, both in the figure of Christ, and in several other points, bears a
-close resemblance to the Hampton Court picture, to which, indeed, it may
-have owed its inspiration.[219]
-
-Holbein’s rapidly-maturing mastery of technique and power in expressing
-the most poignant emotion, as well as his complete understanding of the
-architecture of the Renaissance and skill in making brilliant use of it
-as a setting for his figures, is shown in two panels in the Basel
-Gallery, which at one time evidently formed a small diptych such as
-would be used in some household chapel. They represent “Christ as the
-Man of Sorrows” and “Mary as Mater Dolorosa” (No. 317) (Pl. 33),[220]
-and are carried out in a brown monochrome, with the exception of the sky
-seen through the arches, which is a bright blue, the two contrasted
-tones producing a very harmonious colour effect. In each panel the
-background consists of an elaborate arrangement of pillars, arches, and
-vaulting, richly carved and decorated with panels, friezes, and
-medallions of ornament, which recall the very similar fantastic details
-of Renaissance architecture in the left wing of the Freiburg
-altar-piece, and more than one of his designs for painted glass of this
-period.[221] In the “Mater Dolorosa” one of the friezes represents a
-band of small naked putti, which, according to Dr. Kœgler, is based upon
-a similar frieze in the cathedral of Como,[222] while other figure
-subjects are contained in the medallions; in the “Man of Sorrows” the
-decoration is entirely of floriated ornament. The general effect
-produced is one of great richness, almost superabundance, of
-ornamentation, and lavishness of architectural detail. In spite of this,
-the two figures are not overwhelmed by it, but at once arrest the
-attention. Christ is seated on the steps between two pillars, nude, with
-the exception of a loin-cloth, crowned with thorns, his head sinking in
-agony on his left shoulder. Mary, a veil over her head, and the folds of
-her robes falling in straight parallel lines, kneels with open,
-outstretched hands, and gazes with grief-stricken countenance at the
-Saviour’s sufferings. Very reverent feeling is shown in the conception
-of each figure. The nude form of Christ indicates a very accurate study
-of the human body, while the expression of pain and intense sorrow has
-been admirably seized. The solitude of this grief-stricken figure is
-intensified by the grandeur and richness of the building in which he is
-seated, deserted by all men. An equally fine conception of deep though
-restrained sorrow is shown in the face of the Virgin, and in the
-beautiful, expressive hands. A peculiarity of this diptych is that the
-horizon is placed below the level of the picture, although it is so
-small that it can never have been intended for hanging at a considerable
-height, such as the arrangement of the horizon-line would suggest. It
-may be, therefore, that it is the preliminary study for some larger
-wall-painting, finished with unusual care, or a reduced copy made by
-Holbein from some altar-piece of his which has now disappeared, probably
-during the disturbances of 1529. It forms part of the Amerbach
-Collection, and is described in the catalogue as: “Item zwei H. Holbeins
-mit olfarb gmalte täfelin darin Christus vnd Maria in eim ghüs, mit
-steinfarb.”
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 33.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  CHRIST, THE MAN OF SORROWS
-  Diptych, painted in brown monochrome, with blue sky
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  MARY, MATER DOLOROSA
-  Diptych, painted in brown monochrome, with blue sky
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: DRAWING OF THE “HOLY FAMILY”]
-
-There is a drawing in the Basel Gallery representing the “Holy Family”
-(Pl. 34),[223] which is remarkable for the rich setting of Renaissance
-architecture in which Holbein has placed his figures. The arrangement is
-so elaborate that the latter at first appear to be of only secondary
-importance. On the topmost of a flight of steps the Infant Christ is
-learning to walk, his hands held by his mother and Anna, who are seated
-on either side of him. On the left the aged Joachim, whose pronounced
-features recall more than one head in the earlier “Passion” series, is
-looking on from behind a pillar, while Joseph stands with his arm round
-another pillar on the opposite side. Behind the group is a semicircular
-niche, the upper part scalloped like a shell, supported by columns and
-outstanding pillars, the latter with a sculptured frieze of putti round
-the base. The capitals of the columns and the frieze which they support
-are decorated with foliated designs in which figures are mingled. A
-lunette in the arch which crowns the niche is ornamented in a similar
-way, and contains a tablet with the signature “Hans Hol.” Over a
-projecting cornice is a sculptured figure of Samson slaying the lion.
-The architectural motive throughout is strongly Italian, and, indeed, in
-parts bears a striking resemblance to the Porta della Rana of the
-cathedral of Como,[224] while the whole drawing furnishes still further
-strong evidence that Holbein must have crossed the Alps, and that
-designs such as this were not mere efforts of his imagination. It is a
-pen drawing on a brown-red ground, washed with grey-black and heightened
-with white in the parts where the light falls, and its date is about
-1520 or 1521. It is a study for a picture, or, more probably, for a
-wall-painting, to be placed at some height, as the horizon-line is well
-below the level of the ground. The strongly-marked perspective of the
-background, too, which slants rapidly towards the right, suggests such a
-purpose, and that it was to form the left wing of some considerable
-scheme of wall decoration, with a more important central subject, and a
-corresponding right wing. A smaller drawing, also at Basel, of the same
-date and style, a pen and wash drawing, heightened with white on a grey
-ground, represents the Virgin, seated on a similar high step between two
-pillars, suckling the Child.[225] With the exception of the two columns,
-one of which is unfinished, the background is left blank, but in the
-painting for which it was a study it is natural to suppose that the
-architectural setting would have been as elaborate as in the “Holy
-Family,” which it resembles in its low horizon-line.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 34.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE HOLY FAMILY
-  _Washed drawing on a red ground_
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-There is a third drawing, in the Städtisches Museum, Leipzig, which
-belongs to the same period as the two just described, and has many
-points in common with them.[226] It is a pen drawing heightened with
-white on a dark grey ground, and represents the Madonna seated on a
-stone bench over which her cloak is spread, supporting the Infant Christ
-in his first attempts to walk. The Child, with one arm and leg uplifted,
-is laughing with delight, and the attitude of the Virgin, with head bent
-down, and her long hair blown on one side as though by a breeze, is one
-of great beauty. In this arrangement of the hair, though more free, and
-in the type of the Madonna’s face, though more beautiful, this drawing
-bears a close resemblance to the more elaborate of the two in the
-Amerbach Collection. It is signed and dated “H. H.” and “1519” on two
-panels on either side of the carpet or pavement beneath the Virgin’s
-feet, and was possibly made shortly after Holbein’s return from Lucerne
-to Basel. It is a most sympathetic and natural study of maternal love
-and the happiness of childhood, and has a grace and charm which the two
-other drawings, made at about the same date, do not possess in the same
-degree.[227]
-
-[Sidenote: THE “DEAD CHRIST IN THE TOMB”]
-
-After the early “Cross-Bearing” panel of 1515 at Karlsruhe, there is no
-dated picture among this group of sacred paintings until the “Dead
-Christ in the Tomb,” in the Basel Gallery (No. 318), of the year 1521,
-is reached (Pl. 35).[228] This remarkable work, which forms part of the
-Amerbach Collection, is a life-size study of a dead man, and one whose
-end has, perhaps, been brought about by violence. Holbein has painted
-the corpse upon a long, low panel, and has represented it as lying
-enclosed within the narrow confines of a tomb of plain marble of a
-greenish hue, the side facing the spectator being removed in order to
-permit a view of the interior. The body, which almost fills the narrow
-space, rests on its back on a plain white cloth, over which the long
-dark hair falls. The head is seen almost in profile, but very slightly
-turned towards the front, the short brown beard pointing directly
-upwards. The light comes from some small aperture low down at the foot
-of the tomb, and falls on the soles of the feet, and illuminates the
-lower side of each prominent feature of the body, such as the under
-parts of the chin, the white swollen lips of the open mouth, the nose,
-and the eyebrows, leaving other portions in shadow, and thus
-intensifying the feeling of horror which the picture at first produces.
-It shows that Holbein, at the age of twenty-four, had attained a
-complete mastery of technical expression, for it is painful in the
-completeness of its realism. The rigidity of the limbs, the haggard
-cheeks with strongly-projecting bones, the staring, half-sunken eyes,
-the lifeless skin, the colourless face with bloodless lips, the
-emaciated body with its ribs standing out, have all been set down with
-relentless accuracy. The indication of decay in the hands and feet, and
-in the flesh turning green round the wounds in the side, helps to
-intensify the terror and horror of death which the picture is intended
-to depict. It was evidently painted from some dead body, how obtained it
-is impossible to say, but, according to an old tradition, his model was
-the corpse of a man just taken out of the Rhine by the Rhine Bridge.
-Holbein’s object in painting it was undoubtedly to give as complete a
-rendering as possible of the physical aspects of death as seen in a body
-approaching decay. It is hardly to be believed that it was his original
-intention to paint a picture of the “Dead Christ,” and that for the
-purpose he made search in Basel for a corpse to serve as his model. It
-is much more natural to suppose that, having painted this vividly
-realistic study, which no patron was likely to purchase, he made it of
-marketable value by adding the wounds and the title, and so turning it
-into a “Christ in the Tomb.” This is borne out by Basilius Amerbach’s
-entry in his inventory. He calls it “A picture of a dead man, with the
-title Jesus of Nazareth” (“Ein todten bild H. Holbeins vf holtz mit
-ölfarben cum titulo Iesus Nazarenus rex”). This Latin title, in large
-gold Roman letters, runs across a long strip at the top of the picture,
-a part of the old frame, and between each word is placed a small angel
-bearing the instruments of Christ’s torture. It is from this
-superscription, and from the stigmata, that the work receives its only
-sacred significance; in all other respects it is a remorseless, almost
-revolting, study of some man who has died a violent death, a man with
-features of no physical beauty, and in no way resembling Holbein’s
-customary type of the Christ. There is nothing of the dignity or the
-supernatural beauty which so often irradiate the inanimate countenance
-shortly after life has passed away; but, regarded as a work of art, the
-picture is in the highest sense one of great beauty by reason of the
-mastery of its technical achievement, the knowledge it displays of the
-human body, its absolute truth to nature, and the harmony of its
-colouring. The contrast of the warm olive green of the sarcophagus with
-the pale grey tones of the flesh produces an admirable effect. On a
-darker slab at the feet is the inscription “MDXXI. H.H.” A further touch
-of realism is shown in the large crack in the marble at the back of this
-slab.
-
-Possibly this picture found a place in one of the Basel churches; it has
-been suggested by Woltmann[229] that it once formed the predella to some
-altar-piece representing Christ’s Passion, and this, no doubt, is
-correct, though for the reasons given above it does not seem likely that
-the artist originally painted it for that purpose.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 35.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE DEAD CHRIST IN THE TOMB
-  Predella of an Altar-piece
-  1521
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE “SOLOTHURN MADONNA”]
-
-This “Dead Christ” remains an isolated example among the many varied
-sides of Holbein’s art. In the following year, in the “Solothurn
-Madonna” (Pl. 36)[230] he combines truth in the delineation of the human
-figure with physical and spiritual beauty, and reaches great dignity and
-nobility in his conception of character. This picture, with the
-exception of the “Meyer Madonna,” is the most important and beautiful
-altar-panel from Holbein’s brush that has survived, though by no means
-in its original condition.
-
-The composition consists of only four figures. The Virgin is seated in
-the centre, upon a small platform covered with a carpet, holding the
-Infant Christ on her lap, and, standing on either side, are St.
-Nicholas,[231] and St. Ursus, the patron saint of Solothurn. The Virgin
-is clad in a light-red robe, and over it a bright-blue sleeveless
-mantle, fastened round the neck with a cord, which hangs in somewhat
-straight and simple folds and spreads over the carpet at her feet, an
-ample garment wide enough to cover all who seek her protection. Her
-golden hair falls upon both shoulders, the upper part of the head being
-covered with a veil of thin, transparent gauze, surmounted by a golden
-crown of very decorative design studded with precious stones. She holds
-the nude Child upon her knees, her right hand grasping one chubby little
-leg, while the other is placed under his left arm. The head is perhaps
-the most attractive and sympathetic of all Holbein’s representations of
-the Madonna. There is a sweetness, modesty, and purity in its
-expression, and a quiet dignity which personify in the happiest manner
-the beauty of divine motherhood, and betray stronger evidences than had
-hitherto appeared in his work of the marked effect of his study of the
-paintings of contemporary Italian artists. The face is round and full,
-and of the German type, and in its features by no means one of ideal
-loveliness, but the happy and tender smile which hovers on the lips, and
-the deep maternal love which shines in the eyes, give to it a very real
-and arresting beauty of its own. The plump, round-headed Child is a
-delightful study from real life. The foreshortening of the little feet,
-with their crinkled-up toes and the delicately-traced folds in the skin,
-is admirable, and the small fat hands, one of which is turned away from
-the body with the palm upwards, a characteristic attitude with small
-children, are full of expression. The right hand is held as though in
-the act of benediction.
-
-St. Ursus, the patron saint of the church, and one of the martyrs of the
-Theban Legion, stands on the spectator’s right, a noble and dignified
-figure, clad from head to foot in plate armour of a fashion still worn
-in Holbein’s day. His helmet is decorated with ostrich feathers, and one
-gauntleted hand grasps the hilt of his great sword, while with the other
-he holds the banner of the Legion, a large red flag with a white cross,
-which reaches almost to the top of the picture. He appears a true
-soldier of the Church, with his dignified and martial bearing, his keen
-eye and determined mouth, half hidden by the dark moustache, each hair
-of which has been carefully drawn in the manner which Holbein practised
-in portraiture throughout his life. The colours of the flag are
-reflected in the highly-polished surface of his armour. On the opposite
-side stands St. Nicholas, the patron saint of the poor. He is dressed in
-ecclesiastical vestments of great splendour, which have evidently been
-copied by the painter from some existing example, dating from an earlier
-period than that of the painting. Over his violet chasuble are rich
-embroideries in gold and colours, with representations of the Centurion
-of Capernaum before Christ, the Saviour before Caiaphas, and the
-Crowning with Thorns. The red mitre is embroidered with gold and pearls,
-and, as recently pointed out by Dr. Ganz,[232] the figure of St.
-Nicholas himself, with his attributes, a book and three golden balls. In
-his left hand he holds his pastoral staff, and with the other drops alms
-into a bowl held up by a kneeling beggar at his feet. The beardless face
-is refined and delicate, and its spiritual character is in marked
-contrast to the vigorous and manly expression of the knightly saint who
-stands facing him. Only the uplifted face of the beggar, and the one
-hand which holds the alms-bowl, are shown. He appears as one of the
-attributes of the saint, and the artist has only indicated enough of his
-form to make this clear; otherwise he is almost entirely concealed
-behind the Virgin’s voluminous mantle. There is nothing here of the
-painful realism of poverty and disease such as is shown in the kneeling
-figures in the “St. Elizabeth of Hungary” wing of the “St. Sebastian”
-altar-piece of the elder Holbein at Munich, or in the son’s earlier
-Passion pictures in Basel.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 36.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE VIRGIN AND CHILD, WITH ST. URSUS AND A HOLY BISHOP
-  1522
-  SOLOTHURN GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE “SOLOTHURN MADONNA”]
-
-Holbein’s art had reached a point in its development when such realistic
-methods of bringing home to the spectator the lessons his pictures were
-intended to convey were discarded.
-
-A peculiarity of the picture is the exceedingly simple setting in which
-the figures are placed; whereas Holbein’s usual practice at this period
-of his life was to make an almost lavish use of architectural
-ornamentation in his backgrounds. In the “Solothurn Madonna” it consists
-of a perfectly plain round archway of stone, quite free from sculptured
-decoration, across which two thick iron bars are placed, fixed into the
-stonework as though to strengthen it, with upright cross bars running to
-the crown of the arch. It has been suggested that the vaulting of the
-church for which the picture was intended was supported and strengthened
-in the same way, and that Holbein introduced it into his altar-piece in
-order that it might be in perfect harmony with its surroundings; but the
-motive appears in more than one of the backgrounds to Ferrari’s
-pictures, such as the “Flagellation,” one of the great series of
-frescoes in the church of S. M. delle Grazie, at Varallo,[233] finished
-in 1513. Through this open archway a pale-blue sky is seen, against
-which the Virgin’s crown stands out. The light increases in brightness
-as it nears the Madonna’s head, thus forming a natural halo. This
-simplicity of treatment is also to be observed in other details. The
-Virgin is not seated upon an elaborate throne, but on some low seat or
-stool which cannot be seen. The carpet at her feet, covering the stone
-step, is green, with a geometrical diamond pattern in white and red, and
-two shields inset containing the arms of the donor and his wife,[234]
-which are partly hidden and protected by the Virgin’s cloak. Below St.
-Ursus the monogram “H. H.” and the date “1522” are painted as though cut
-in the stone step.
-
-The Virgin and the Infant Christ in this picture appear to be idealised
-portraits of Holbein’s wife and first-born child. All available evidence
-indicates either 1520 or 1521 as the date of his marriage, shortly
-before or after he became a citizen of Basel, so that his own child may
-well have served him as his model. Hans Bock the elder, the artist who
-was employed by the Basel Council to renovate Holbein’s wall-paintings
-in the Town Hall, made a free copy of the figure of the Child in this
-picture when he was in Solothurn in 1604 or the following year, and
-depicted him with a serpent as the conqueror of sin.[235] This copy, now
-in the Basel Gallery (No. 91), belonged to Amerbach, and was entered in
-the catalogue as “A naked child sitting on a serpent, a copy of a
-painting by Holbein, exactly copied in the greater part by H. Bock on
-wood in oil colours.”[236] Woltmann describes a drawing of the same
-child’s head, almost in profile, with the mother’s hand supporting it
-under the left shoulder, as in the picture, in the Weigel Collection,
-Leipzig, a silver-point drawing, signed and dated, “Hans Holbein,
-1522.”[237] It has the same large, rather round head, short neck, and
-high forehead, as in the painting, and it was probably a preliminary
-sketch for it.[238]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 37.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  PORTRAIT OF A YOUNG WOMAN, POSSIBLY HOLBEIN’S WIFE
-  ROYAL PICTURE GALLERY, MAURITSHUIS, THE HAGUE
-]
-
-[Sidenote: HOLBEIN’S PORTRAIT OF HIS WIFE]
-
-In the head of the Madonna, although Holbein has idealised and
-spiritualised his model, can be traced the predominant features of his
-wife as shown in the portrait he painted of her with their two children
-some seven years later, after his return from England to Basel in 1528,
-though the face in the latter painting has become coarsened and bears
-the marks of care and even sorrow, and has little in common with the
-beautiful Solothurn head. The latter more closely resembles the very
-fine portrait of a young woman in the Hague Gallery (No. 275) (Pl.
-37),[239] which is now regarded by some critics as a likeness of
-Holbein’s wife, painted just before or immediately after he married her,
-in the earliest part of his second Basel period. This picture is one of
-the strayed waifs from the royal collections of England, for it is
-branded on the back with the crown and “C.R.,” which denote that it was
-once in the possession of Charles I, in whose catalogue it was
-attributed to Leonardo da Vinci. It appears afterwards to have been in
-the Arundel Collection, and is most probably the portrait described in
-the 1655 inventory as “ritratto della Moglie de Holbein,” which, after
-the death of the Countess of Arundel, must have been sold in Amsterdam,
-and purchased by some Dutch collector. It fetched 65 florins at the Joan
-de Vries sale in 1738, and was afterwards in the G. van Slingelandt and
-the William V of Orange collections. It is evidently not one of the
-pictures taken over to Holland by William III during one of his visits
-to the Hague, as has been suggested, for there is nothing to show that
-it ever returned to the English royal collections, nor is it included in
-the list of works unsuccessfully reclaimed by Queen Anne from the Dutch
-States when she ascended the throne. Holbein’s authorship of this work
-has been frequently disputed, some writers regarding it as a good old
-copy after a lost original by the master, while others look upon it as a
-fine original work by some Netherlandish contemporary of Holbein’s who
-was strongly under his influence. Dr. Woltmann considered it to be most
-probably by Holbein himself, and others have followed him in this
-opinion. Dr. Ganz, in his recent book, includes it among the genuine
-works of the second Basel period, and points out that the soft, tender
-colour-scheme in which it has been carried out was the result of
-Holbein’s recent visit to Italy, and explains its earlier attribution to
-Leonardo.[240] When allowance is made for the passage of time, and the
-troubles and cares which are supposed to have embittered Elsbeth
-Holbein’s life, there is considerable likeness between this portrait of
-a comely young _haus-frau_ and the wife in the portrait of 1528-9. This
-is particularly to be noticed in the heavy-lidded, slightly-protruding
-eyes, much more pronounced in the later picture, while the general shape
-of the head and form of the features are alike in both. The likeness,
-however, is not so striking as to make it absolutely certain that in the
-Hague picture we have a portrait of Holbein’s bride. The work is without
-inscription. She is represented seated, with her crossed hands resting
-upon her white apron. Her hair is completely covered by a white gauze
-veil which is carried under the chin, and her gown, edged and lined with
-fur, is open at the front, showing the plain white, high-necked bodice
-below. Whether by Holbein or not—and it is difficult to see who else
-could have painted it—this picture has great charm. A recent writer[241]
-speaks of this picture as leaving a vivid and permanent impression on
-the spectator, by reason of the luminous freshness of its colour, the
-delicate perfume of its purity, and the exquisite, limpid sweetness
-which exhales from it as from a white rose under a blue sky in
-spring-time.
-
-In the Louvre there is a silver-point drawing, touched with Indian
-ink and red crayon, of the head and shoulders of a young woman (Pl.
-38),[242] which bears considerable likeness both to the Solothurn
-Madonna and to the portrait of 1528-9. She is represented almost
-full face, with eyes cast down, and her straight hair falling in two
-large plaits down her back. She wears a necklace with a pendant
-circular medallion with the Cross of St. Anthony, and across the
-border of her bodice, which is cut low and straight, runs the device
-“ALS.IN.ERN.ALS.IN ...” (“In All Honour”).[243] The same
-heavily-lidded eyes, prominent nose, well-chiselled mouth with its
-full lips, double chin, and slope of the shoulders, occur both in
-this drawing and in the Solothurn altar-piece, and are even more
-strongly marked in the later portrait-group, though in this earlier
-study the features as yet bear few traces of the trials and
-experiences of life, but still retain much of their youthful bloom
-and freshness, and gain a certain beauty from the happy smile which
-lights them up.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 38.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  HEAD OF A YOUNG WOMAN
-  (Probably Holbein’s wife)
-  Study for the Solothurn “Madonna”
-  _Silver-point drawing, touched with red_
-  LOUVRE, PARIS
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE “SOLOTHURN MADONNA”]
-
-All writers, however, are not agreed in seeing in the Louvre drawing and
-in the Solothurn Madonna an idealised portrait of Holbein’s wife. Those
-who hold the contrary view regard it as almost impossible that so great
-a change as that to be noted between the fair and youthful face of the
-Madonna and that of the sad and careworn, elderly wife of the family
-group could have taken place in the space of seven years. Mr. Gerald
-Davies, who fails to see the likeness, regards the Louvre drawing as the
-work, not of Holbein, but of his father, in which case it cannot be a
-portrait of Holbein’s wife,[244] unless the elder painter spent some
-time in Basel with his two sons, towards the end of his life, as stated
-by earlier writers, of which there is no documentary record. It is,
-however, impossible to agree with this writer in his ascription of this
-drawing to Hans Holbein the Elder. Mrs. Fortescue, in her recent book on
-the painter, weaves a romance around the Louvre drawing which has
-nothing to support it but imagination. Her theory is that Holbein became
-enamoured of his future wife shortly after his arrival in Basel, and
-that he then made this drawing, the fashion of the hair showing that she
-was still unmarried. The course of true love, however, did not run
-smoothly, and the consequent disappointment was the real reason of his
-“otherwise inexplicable” departure for Lucerne in 1517. During his two
-years’ absence Elsbeth married the tanner Schmid, who not long
-afterwards died, leaving her free to become the painter’s wife when he
-renewed his suit shortly after his return to Basel. This is a pretty
-little story, but there is not the slightest evidence to be found in
-support of it.[245] On the other hand, Woltmann and Dr. Ganz are no
-doubt correct in regarding the Louvre drawing as the actual first study
-for the Solothurn Madonna.
-
-[Sidenote: ST. URSULA AND ST. GEORGE]
-
-The picture was commissioned by Hans Gerster, town archivist of Basel,
-who was not a native of that city, but whose wife, Barbara Guldenknopf,
-was a member of a local family. Among Gerster’s official duties was that
-of conducting negotiations with the councils of neighbouring towns, and,
-after Basel had entered the Swiss confederation in 1501, one of the
-places to which his official duties frequently took him was Solothurn.
-There he became a close friend of the Coadjutor Nikolaus von Diesbach,
-dean of Solothurn Minster, whom he made his spiritual adviser.
-Circumstances seem to indicate that in 1522 Gerster was under some
-suspicion as to illegal dealings in the Imperial interests, which
-eventually brought about his dismissal from office, at about the same
-time as the fall of that other early patron of Holbein, Jakob Meyer, who
-lost his seat in the Council through similar causes. It has been
-suggested, therefore, that the picture was ordered for the Solothurn
-Minster on the advice of the Coadjutor, in expiation of Gerster’s
-irregular conduct. For the same reason, according to those who hold that
-the saintly figure on the left represents the Bishop of Tours, St.
-Martin was chosen as the particular saint to whom all sinners made
-appeal, and was introduced as intercessor for the donor, while the
-kneeling beggar may even be a portrait of the archivist himself. The
-chasuble the saint wears is the one specially prescribed for this
-office, while the figure of St. Nicholas on the mitre may have been
-placed there in order to associate the donor’s friend, Nikolaus von
-Diesbach, with the intercession. It is possible that the picture was a
-commission for the St. Nicholas Chapel of the Minster, founded in 1520,
-for the presence of St. Ursus, Solothurn’s patron saint, proves that it
-was intended for that place.[246] As the years went by, it suffered from
-neglect, and the name of the master who had painted it was forgotten, so
-that when, in 1648, this chapel was pulled down and rebuilt, the picture
-was regarded as of not sufficient value or beauty to be rehung over its
-altar. Between 1689 and 1717 it came into the possession of a certain
-Canon Hartmann, the Minster choirmaster, who in 1683 built and endowed
-the little chapel of All Saints on the heights above Grenchen, to which
-he presented or bequeathed the picture. Here, again, it does not appear
-to have been regarded as a work of any particular importance, and the
-process of neglect and deterioration continued; and when, in 1864, it
-was rediscovered by Herr Franz Anton Zetter of Solothurn, in the same
-small church, it was hanging high up on the wall of the choir, blackened
-with the smoke of more than two hundred years, its panels worm-eaten,
-without a frame, and suspended by a cord through two holes which had
-been bored into the picture itself. Although it was impossible to
-examine it closely, Herr Zetter was struck with its beauty, still to be
-discerned through all the discoloration and damage, and when, shortly
-afterwards, he heard that the chapel was being renovated, he made
-anxious inquiries as to its fate. For some time all search for it proved
-unavailing, but in the end it was found, face downward, and splashed all
-over with whitewash, under the boards which formed the workmen’s
-platform. He was only just in time to save it from final destruction.
-Upon examination he discovered the signature, and feeling convinced, in
-spite of scepticism on the part of others whom he consulted, that it was
-a genuine work of the master’s, he purchased it. It was placed in the
-hands of Eigner, the keeper of the Augsburg Gallery, for restoration,
-the work occupying three years. The state of the picture was so bad that
-restoration was essential, and this, on the whole, was well done, though
-it suffered to some extent during the process. There is, however, a
-seventeenth-century copy of the picture in existence, which shows that
-the restorer substituted yellow for red in the Virgin’s right sleeve,
-which does not harmonise with Holbein’s original colour-scheme. Herr
-Zetter presented the picture to the Gallery of his native town, where it
-now occupies the place of honour, so that, thanks to his acumen and
-enthusiasm, one of Holbein’s finest achievements in sacred painting has
-been saved from oblivion.[247]
-
-In composition the Solothurn Madonna bears close resemblance to a large
-woodcut, designed by Holbein, on the back of the title-page of the
-Statute Book or Town Laws of Freiburg-im-Breisgau.[248] This book, _The
-Municipal Laws and Statutes of the Praiseworthy Town of Freiburg_, by
-Ulrich Zasius, was published in Basel by Adam Petri in 1520. The Virgin
-is seated enthroned in front of a niche of Renaissance design. In her
-attitude, and the way in which she holds the Child on her knees, as well
-as in her dress and her long hair falling on her shoulders, there is
-considerable likeness to the altar-piece, as also in the two figures of
-the patron saints of Freiburg who stand on either side of her, St.
-George, with one hand resting on his shield and a flag held aloft in the
-other, and clad, like St. Ursus, in complete armour, and Bishop Lambert,
-in rich ecclesiastical dress, and holding the crozier, as St. Nicholas
-does in the Solothurn picture. The similarity between the two designs is
-particularly close in the position and movement of the arms and hands of
-the Infant Christ. The woodcut, which is signed “H. H.” on the edge of
-the step on the left, and dated 1519, is richly and grandly designed,
-the figures of the two saints having been conceived with great nobility,
-and it is possible that Holbein was so satisfied with its composition
-that he made use of it two years later when Gerster came to him for an
-altar-piece.[249]
-
-Only one other picture bears Holbein’s signature and the date 1522. This
-is the full-length representation of “St. Ursula,”[250] which with its
-companion, “St. George,” is in the Karlsruhe Gallery. They evidently
-formed the wings of an altar-piece, the central panel of which is
-missing. St. Ursula, who carries a number of long arrows in her arms,
-symbols of her martyrdom, is clad in the fashion of the rich citizen’s
-wife of Holbein’s day, as seen in the set of his costume studies in the
-Basel Gallery, and wears a golden crown and a nimbus with a band of
-Renaissance ornamentation. Behind her, the branches of a fig-tree stand
-out against the blue sky, and low down on the horizon is a landscape
-with a tower. Her necklace, with an openwork medallion containing the
-cross of St. Anthony, closely resembles the one in the Louvre sketch of
-Holbein’s wife as a young woman. In the companion panel, St.
-George,[251] with his flag grasped in his left hand, stands over the
-prostrate dragon, which he has transfixed with his spear. Here again the
-background consists chiefly of blue sky with a distant hilly landscape.
-The types of the two heads are not unlike the “Adam and Eve” study of
-1517, while the St. Ursula also recalls the Solothurn Madonna, though
-the face is less idealised. It is possible that his wife also sat for
-this picture. The costume of St. George, who is crowned with a nimbus
-containing his name, is very similar to that of the Archangel Michael in
-the beautiful study in the Basel Gallery already described.[252] The
-“St. Ursula” is signed and dated “HANS HOLBEIN MDXXII.”
-
-[Sidenote: ORGAN-CASE DOORS IN BASEL MINSTER]
-
-These two panels have been renovated and retouched, and, in consequence,
-much of Holbein’s original brushwork has vanished. For this reason they
-have been regarded by some writers as merely works of the Holbein
-school. They are accepted as genuine, however, by such modern critics as
-Dr. Ganz and Herr Knackfuss, while Woltmann,[253] who speaks of the face
-and bust of St. Ursula as delicately finished in Holbein’s happiest
-manner, though the lower part of her figure and that of St. George are
-so inferior as to suggest a less skilful hand, conjectured that they
-were probably designed, and in part painted, by the master himself, and
-executed under his direction, but without very careful supervision. It
-has also been suggested that they were the result of a poorly-paid
-commission for some village church, and that Holbein, in consequence,
-did not take much trouble over them; but such a supposition has little
-probability, for Holbein was never satisfied with inferior work, but
-always gave of his best, both in great things and small. Mr. Gerald
-Davies refuses to accept “these weak and slightly affected figures” as
-possible work of the painter who in the same year produced so great a
-picture as the Solothurn Madonna.[254] There can be little doubt
-however, that, though damaged, they are from the hand of the master
-himself.
-
-The two large paintings in monochrome on canvas, for the decoration of
-the inner sides of the doors of the case which covered in the organ in
-the Minster of Basel when it was not in use, must not be omitted in any
-consideration of Holbein’s work for church decoration.[255] They
-survived the iconoclastic outbreak of 1529; possibly the mob did not
-regard them as religious paintings, or they may have escaped owing to
-their position high up on the wall of the nave, and so not easily
-reached. Merian mentions them in his _Topographia Helvetiæ_, published
-in 1622,[256] and in 1775 Emanuel Büchel made a water-colour drawing of
-them in their original position,[257] for his collection of the
-monuments, sculptures, and paintings in Basel Minster, from which
-drawing it is to be seen that they decorated the upper part of the
-organ. The organ-case was of wood, richly carved in the style of the
-early Renaissance, and Holbein’s decorations were painted in brown
-monochrome in order to produce the effect of similar carving, as though
-they formed an integral part of the case itself. The organ was restored
-in 1639, when the doors were repainted by Sixt Ringle, and in 1786 it
-was replaced by a new one, Holbein’s decorations and some of the old
-carved woodwork being deposited in the Public Library. The doors
-suffered a second “restoration” in 1842, and in the following year were
-removed to the Basel Picture Gallery (No. 321).[258] Quite recently much
-of the over-painting has been removed, and it is possible to obtain a
-good idea of the noble and decorative effect they must have produced
-when fresh from Holbein’s brush and in the position intended for them.
-In spite of this careful renovation, however, the damage done to them in
-earlier days was so severe that much of their original beauty has
-vanished. The figures are larger than life-size, and produce the effect
-of carved wood statues. Happily, the original study for them, a very
-beautiful and powerful pen-drawing washed with brown-black Indian ink,
-is to be found among the drawings in the Amerbach Collection (Pl.
-39).[259] The design is on six vertical strips of paper fastened
-together. The peculiar shape of the doors necessitated considerable
-ingenuity on the part of the artist in the arrangement of his material,
-and he succeeded admirably in adapting the spaces to his purpose. Each
-door is in three divisions, the innermost being the highest. In the
-left-hand shutter this inmost space contains the figure of the Emperor
-Henry II, founder of Basel Minster. In the shorter, outer division
-stands his wife, Kunigunde, and between them is a representation of the
-Minster itself. On the right-hand wing the Virgin and Child stand facing
-the Emperor, and in the outer division, St. Pantalus, the first Bishop
-of Basel; between them is a group of small nude singing and playing
-angels. The spaces above the heads of the Emperor and the Virgin, and
-the other spaces, triangular in shape, over the central part of each
-wing, are filled in with Renaissance ornamentation. The four large
-figures are designed with great nobility, and are very impressive in
-effect. The horizon lies below the level of the ground, on account of
-the height at which the doors were to be hung, a frequent practice of
-Holbein’s in his wall-paintings, and an observance of the laws of vision
-probably brought home to him by his study of Mantegna’s works. For this
-reason the figures are represented as seen from below in effective
-perspective foreshortening.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 39.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  DESIGN FOR THE ORGAN DOORS, BASEL CATHEDRAL
-  _Pen and wash drawing_
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-The Emperor, with long beard, is shown in profile, crowned, and wearing
-a royal mantle, a sceptre in his left hand. His Empress, also crowned,
-carries a large cross in her hands, and stands in the curious Basel
-manner of those days, with the body thrust forward, and the back bent,
-as in Holbein’s costume studies referred to in a later chapter.[260] The
-figure of the Virgin is nobly conceived. The Child flings his little
-arms round her neck, and presses his cheek against hers, while she
-clasps him closely to her breast with both hands. In carrying out the
-design, Holbein made one or two slight changes in the position of the
-Child. In the finished painting the right arm is not flung round the
-Virgin’s neck, but, instead, the hand rests in the bend of her elbow,
-while their cheeks no longer touch. St. Pantalus, in full ecclesiastical
-robes and mitre, holds his crozier in his left hand and stretches out
-the right, as though speaking. The group of small child-angels, three of
-whom blow trumpets, while four others hold a sheet of music from which
-they are singing, is a design of the greatest charm, the figures being
-excellently grouped, and drawn with the utmost freedom. They are sturdy
-little boys, with curly hair and small wings. One of the singers beats
-time with a stick, and another does so with his hand. In the finished
-picture this sheet of music is inscribed with the words from the “Song
-of Solomon”—“Quam pulchra es amica.” The corresponding division of the
-left wing, representing the exterior of the Minster, is just as free and
-masterly a study, and the Renaissance ornament which is so cleverly
-adapted to the remaining spaces is in the finest taste. This decorative
-filling is not the same on both doors, and it is possible that the
-artist intended the church authorities to select whichever design they
-preferred. The one chosen was that on the right-hand door, though the
-design on the left-hand one with the figure of a nude child among the
-foliage, is the more beautiful of the two. The whole composition was
-admirably suited for the purpose for which it was intended, and when the
-doors were thrown open, and the organ itself was played, the effect
-produced must have been a fine one. The dignified conception of the four
-great figures was in perfect keeping with the deep and solemn tones of
-the organ which they decorated. Neither the doors themselves, nor the
-design, are dated, but the beauty of the composition and the brilliant
-and assured technique point to a period towards the end of Holbein’s
-second sojourn in Basel, about 1525, shortly before his departure for
-England, and they are thus of about the same date as the ten designs in
-Indian ink made for painted glass, representing scenes from Christ’s
-Passion. Among the monumental works of decorative painting undertaken by
-him during his second residence in Basel, these designs stand among the
-highest. The influences which were brought to bear upon his art during
-his sojourn in Italy find in them their fullest and most dignified
-expression, happily blended with and modified by those other influences,
-springing from his native soil, under which he was trained in his
-father’s studio.
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                               CHAPTER VI
-
-  THE HOUSE OF THE DANCE AND THE WALL-PAINTINGS IN THE BASEL TOWN HALL
-
-Holbein as a mural decorator—The “Haus zum Tanz”—The “Dance of Peasants”
-  frieze—Original studies and old copies—Decoration of the inner walls
-  of the new Basel Town Council Chamber—“Charondas of Catanea”—“Zaleucus
-  of Locris”—“Curius Dentatus”—“Sapor and Valerian”—The single figures
-  placed between the large compositions—Cessation of the work before its
-  completion.
-
-
-AT this period of his life Holbein’s work was by no means confined to
-the painting of portraits and church pictures. His activity was
-ceaseless, and every moment of his time must have been fully occupied.
-In addition to many book illustrations for the publishers, and designs
-for glass-painters, armourers, and other craftsmen, he found
-considerable employment in decorating the street-fronts of houses of
-certain of the leading citizens with large wall-paintings, and, in some
-instances, painted similar decorations on the inner walls. It is evident
-from various contemporary and later references that he covered more than
-one house in Basel with decorative designs in this fashion, and that the
-art of wall-painting, practised in that city to some extent before his
-time, received a great impetus from his example. He carried it to a far
-greater pitch of excellence than had been achieved until then in any
-country but Italy, and founded a school of monumental decorative design
-which existed for a considerable period after his death, and has been
-revived again in modern times in Lucerne, if not in Basel.
-Unfortunately, nothing remains of his original work in this field except
-a few isolated designs for one or two façades, and several tracings and
-inferior copies of fragmentary remains of the actual wall-paintings; nor
-has any definite record been handed down in Basel of any particular
-dwelling so decorated by him, with the exception of the “House of the
-Dance,” which obtained a wide celebrity in his own day, and was
-evidently looked upon as his masterpiece. In carrying out the mural
-ornamentation of this building he allowed his brilliant fancy full play,
-and exercised the greatest ingenuity in turning to advantage the wide,
-flat spaces of the commonplace frontage with its irregularly-placed
-Gothic arched windows and openings, covering the whole of it with
-painted Renaissance architecture rich in columns and friezes, balconies
-and elaborate porticoes and other features, amid which characters from
-ancient history and fable and modern life were placed with admirable
-effect.
-
-[Sidenote: THE HOUSE OF THE DANCE]
-
-The “Haus zum Tanz” was so named by his fellow-citizens from the large
-frieze representing a number of peasants dancing with the wildest
-merriment and abandon, which at once took the popular fancy, though it
-only formed a part of the decoration. An original drawing for the narrow
-front façade still exists, while there is an old tracing of Holbein’s
-study for the general design, and some sixteenth-century copies of his
-sketches, from which a good idea of the decorative effect produced after
-he had finished the work can be obtained. It was a corner house, and
-stood in the Eisengasse, near the Rhine Bridge, and at that time
-belonged to the wealthy goldsmith Balthasar Angelrot, from whom Holbein
-received the commission. The decorations, probably carried out by him in
-1520, were still visible, and described by Patin, in 1676, but towards
-the end of the eighteenth century their faded remains were whitewashed
-over. The old building itself stood until 1907, when it was pulled down
-and rebuilt.[261]
-
-The plan Holbein pursued shows a marked advance in his conception of
-decorative design when compared with the earlier paintings of the
-Hertenstein house in Lucerne. In the latter large pictures filled
-practically the whole of the wide spaces between the windows, but he now
-abandoned this practice to a great extent, and subordinated the
-pictorial effect to one in which architecture played the leading part,
-the characters introduced appearing as actual figures occupied in
-various ways amid this elaborate setting. The main front of the house
-was very irregular in its features. There were no straight lines, for
-the windows differed greatly in height and breadth, and those of one
-storey were in most instances not placed exactly over those in the
-storey below them. To a painter of lesser mastership than Holbein such a
-nondescript frontage would have greatly increased the difficulties to be
-overcome in carrying out a successful decorative scheme; in his case the
-very difficulties appear to have provided an added spur to his
-imagination and the fanciful play of his humour, and he seized upon them
-and turned them to the utmost advantage. According to Dr. Ludwig Iselin,
-in his notes on Holbein written towards the end of the sixteenth
-century, the painter regarded his work upon Angelrot’s house with some
-amount of satisfaction, for when he revisited Basel in the autumn of
-1538, and saw his wall-paintings both on the house-fronts and in the
-Council Chamber rapidly fading away, he proposed to repaint them at his
-own expense, and in criticising his work found that the “Haus zum Tanz”
-was “rather good” (“Das Haus zum tantz wär ein wenig gutt”). According
-to Theodor Zwinger (1577),[262] he received only forty florins (gulden)
-for the whole of this work, very inadequate payment even for those days,
-considering the amount of labour which he must have given to it. This
-reference of Zwinger’s is of great interest, as, with the exception of
-the wall-paintings in the interior of the Basel Town Hall, it is the
-only record so far discovered of the prices the artist was in the habit
-of receiving for such undertakings.
-
-[Sidenote: THE HOUSE OF THE DANCE]
-
-The house, as already stated, was a corner one of three storeys, the
-left-hand and narrow side being the one which fronted the Eisengasse.
-The decoration covered both sides, and was painted more or less in
-perspective, so arranged that the spectator, in order to obtain the full
-effect of the design, must stand at the corner angle of the house, from
-which he could see both sides at the same time. On the ground floor he
-placed on either side of the broad arched windows and the narrower door
-at the end of the chief façade thick, stumpy columns, with garlands
-hanging below their Ionic capitals. He made skilful use of the Gothic
-forms of the openings, as they actually existed, in such a way that the
-pointed arches appeared to be merely the result of perspective
-foreshortening, as seen from the spectator’s standpoint. Above these
-arches, in the flat space beneath the first-floor windows, was painted
-the broad band containing the “Bauerntanz,” or “Dance of the Peasants,”
-which gave the house its popular name. This band was broken by a small
-oblong window over the house-door, which Holbein utilised by turning it
-into a stone table, with cans and jugs for the refreshment of the
-dancers, against which two musicians are leaning, one playing the
-bagpipes and the other a wind instrument of unusual shape. Boisterous
-mirth reigns among the dancers. Their flitting shadows are cast upon the
-wall behind them, as they give full vent to their delight in life by
-means of measures more energetic than graceful, and much
-rough-and-tumble play. Judging from the fine original study in the
-Berlin Print Room,[263] which shows a part of this frieze, the
-wall-painting itself must have produced a vivid effect of rapid,
-lifelike movement, and even of noise and laughter. Above the Dance,
-decorated pilasters supporting lofty columns, which ran up to the top of
-the building, were placed between the windows, together with antique
-figures of Mars, Venus, Cupid, and other gods. Above these again ran a
-balcony with an open balustrading, supported on projecting cornices,
-with numerous figures of Holbein’s fellow-citizens in contemporary
-costume walking about and looking over into the street below, one of
-them with a greyhound. Round the windows of the second floor, which were
-of varying heights, he gave full play to his delight in Renaissance
-architecture of a very intricate and fantastic kind, including his
-favourite round medallions containing the heads of Roman Emperors and
-other classical heroes and heroines, friezes with rich ornamentation,
-grotesque figures with human bodies and tails of dolphins, and columns
-and arches seen in strong perspective. On the top floor of all the small
-windows were given the appearance of little square towers surrounded by
-broken and ruined arches and masonry, overgrown with bushes, and behind
-and between them the blue sky. On one of the walls was a peacock, and on
-another a paint-pot with the brush stuck in it, as though left up there
-by accident by the painter after the work had been finished and the
-scaffolding removed, a pictorial joke which no doubt entertained the
-passers-by.
-
-The other frontage of the house faced a side street. On the wall nearest
-the corner Holbein painted a lofty arched doorway, with steps leading to
-the interior, above which Marcus Curtius, brandishing a battle-axe, was
-represented on a great white, rearing horse, on the point of plunging
-into the street, and close below him a Roman soldier in a crouching
-position, with right arm uplifted in self-protection, as though fearful
-that the rider would fall upon and crush him. Beyond this doorway there
-were no windows on the ground floor, but merely a few small apertures.
-Holbein covered this surface with arches and pillars with festoons, and
-a low wall below. Over this wall the spectator was supposed to obtain a
-view of the stabling below the level of the street, with a groom in
-charge of a fine horse, the latter attached to a ring at the foot of a
-lofty column, surmounted by a figure of Hebe. Between the windows on the
-floor above stood a fat and youthful Bacchus, crowned with vine-leaves,
-and holding a cup in his hand, and at his feet a cask with a second boy
-asleep against it, and a cat stealing away with a mouse in her mouth.
-Above this floor the treatment was mainly architectural, following the
-lines of that on the Eisengasse frontage. The general effect produced by
-the whole decoration must have been an exceptionally gay and brilliant
-one, both from the effective manner in which Holbein made free use of
-the Renaissance style of architecture, and from the joyous life and
-movement of the numerous figures depicted. The decoration was intended
-to amuse as well as to delight, and the tricks of perspective, together
-with a realism the main purpose of which was to deceive the eye, were
-conceived as a jest which should provide a source of continual interest
-and merriment to the passing citizens. Such a method of covering house
-walls had little in common with the work he had seen in Italy, except in
-the sumptuousness of its setting. Although it may have sinned against
-many of the right principles of mural decorative art, it nevertheless
-appealed strongly to the fancy and taste of the Baselers of that day,
-and “took the town” so completely that it set a fashion which lasted
-many years. The humour and realism of it, however, were by no means its
-foremost features; in many ways it must have produced a decorative
-effect of great beauty and richness. Though he gave free play to his
-fantastic imagination, he at the same time kept it within reasonable
-bounds, so that it never offended against good taste, except in a
-certain freedom of representation in some of the dancing couples, but
-was always subordinate to the higher aims of his art.
-
-[Sidenote: WALL-PAINTING FOR AMERBACH HOUSE]
-
-There is a large tracing of the design in the Basel Gallery, which has
-evidently been taken from Holbein’s original drawing, and there are
-other copies, almost contemporary, of his original studies for portions
-of the work, one showing the lower part of the side wall with the horse
-and groom. The Berlin Print Room, as already noted, possesses the very
-beautiful drawing from Holbein’s own hand, which is the original study
-for the front façade, showing the musicians and three of the dancing
-couples of the “Bauerntanz,” with which the Basel tracing is in close
-agreement, while in the Amerbach Collection there is a slighter version,
-with certain variations, of the upper portion of the Berlin drawing,
-showing the balcony with figures. It is a chalk and pen drawing, touched
-with Indian ink.[264] Dr. Woltmann suggested that the man with the flat
-cap on the extreme left of the balcony in the Berlin drawing, who is
-looking down into the street, is intended for a portrait of Holbein
-himself. In addition, the Basel Gallery possesses good copies of the
-frieze with the dancers (No. 353),[265] and of the portion of the façade
-with the mounted figure of Marcus Curtius,[266] made by the
-glass-painter Niklaus Rippel in 1623 and 1590 respectively. Rippel was
-master of the Basel Painters’ Guild in 1587. The “Curtius” drawing is
-inscribed “in frontispicio domus,” and is evidently a faithful
-transcript of the original; so much so that by its means it is possible
-to obtain a very adequate idea of the grandeur of Holbein’s design, more
-particularly in the magnificent group of the horse and its armed rider,
-in which the Mantegnesque influence is unmistakable. Finally, there is
-in the same Gallery an excellent reconstruction of the whole frontage
-(No. 352), a water-colour drawing made by H. E. von Berlepsch in 1878,
-based upon the Berlin study and the sixteenth-century copies of
-Holbein’s sketches.[267]
-
-One or two original studies remain, which were evidently made as designs
-for exterior wall-paintings of which all record has been lost. There is
-a slight but masterly washed pen drawing in the Amerbach Collection (Pl.
-40 (1)),[268] representing the upper part of a house in which the
-irregularly-placed windows have been adapted with the greatest skill to
-suit the purposes of the elaborate scheme of Italian architecture, one
-part of which is made to recede by a series of flat columns with
-ornamented capitals seen in sharp perspective, while the other half
-appears to project, and shows the seated figure of an Emperor, possibly
-Charlemagne, between two windows, to which Holbein has given rounded
-arches with a medallion between them containing an antique head. Dr.
-Ganz is, no doubt, right in his suggestion that this drawing is a study
-for a scheme of decoration for the façade of the family house of the
-Amerbachs in the Rheingasse, in Little Basel, and that the figure of the
-enthroned Emperor is a pictorial representation of the name—“zum
-Kaiserstuhl”—by which the house was known. Probably Holbein received a
-commission for its decoration in 1519, at the time he was painting
-Bonifacius Amerbach’s portrait.[269] In the same collection there is a
-design for a framework to surround an ordinary square-headed window,
-either for internal or external wall-painting,[270] over which he has
-thrown an ornamented arch filled in with scalloping, and crowned with a
-brazier from which flames are blowing. It is supported by pillars of
-elaborate and fantastic design, broken up into various bands of rich
-ornament, among them ox skulls with small hanging garlands. At the base,
-on each side, is a nude figure of a woman with a basket of fire on her
-head. The window, only one half of which is shown, is supported below
-with corbels, the central one with a grotesque head with an iron ring
-suspended from its mouth. A third sketch, for the ground floor of the
-Hertenstein house, has been already described.[271]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 40.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  1. STUDY FOR A PAINTED HOUSE FRONT WITH THE FIGURE OF A SEATED EMPEROR
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  2. THE AMBASSADORS OF THE SAMNITES BEFORE CURIUS DENTATUS
-  1521-22
-  Fragment of the wall-painting formerly in the Basel Town Hall
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: LEGEND OF THE INN “ZUR BLUME”]
-
-In the collection of drawings in the Louvre there is an elaborately
-drawn design for the decoration of a house with a narrow frontage and
-high-pitched gables,[272] which, although not from Holbein’s own hand,
-bears considerable resemblance to his style and methods in carrying out
-large mural paintings. It may be a contemporary copy of one of his
-designs, or, perhaps, an original work by one of the clever Basel
-artists who adopted his manner. The architectural details, however, are
-characterised by a fantastic play of fancy carried beyond the limits
-Holbein usually prescribed for himself in work of this nature. Some of
-them are frankly impossible, and if actually carried out in brick or
-stone would at once fall to pieces. This element of architectural
-absurdity is to be seen very clearly in the large capital in the centre
-supported by a much weaker and smaller one, in the curious thin bands of
-projecting stonework with circular openings through which all the
-columns pass, and the equally curious circular vaulting over the door,
-with round openings through which two cupids bend down in the act of
-supporting a coat of arms. The principal features of the design are two
-deep bands divided by the columns into panels containing combats between
-sirens and grotesque men with fish-like extremities ending in spirals of
-foliage. On either side of the windows of the second floor double
-columns are set close together, between which three nude old men are
-striving to force themselves. On the topmost storey two figures are
-looking over a balcony in front of two small windows. Medallions with
-antique heads are freely introduced, and every part of the house-face is
-so lavishly covered with small ornamentation that the eye becomes
-confused, and the general effect produced is one of restlessness and
-over-elaboration. Below the ground-floor window a fictitious opening is
-shown, in which two large dogs are fighting over a bone. Woltmann
-suggests that a passage in Dr. Ludwig Iselin’s notes has reference to
-these two animals, and may be taken as some indication that this
-particular design for house-decoration was Holbein’s own, and had been
-carried out by him in Basel. Iselin says, in speaking of the artist’s
-truthfulness to nature: “He painted a dog, at which dogs running past
-used to bark.”[273]
-
-[Sidenote: LEGEND OF THE INN “ZUR BLUME”]
-
-An old Basel legend, which, like so many other legends, has no evidence
-to support it, connects Holbein’s name with the decoration of another
-house in Basel—the inn “zur Blume” in the Fischmarktplatz. The story
-runs that the painter was deeply in debt to the innkeeper, and in order
-to pay his dues he undertook to cover the outside of the house with
-frescoes; but the work progressed too slowly for the owner, and
-Holbein’s absences in search of enjoyment were too frequent, so that the
-former kept a close watch upon him, and threatened to cut off supplies
-unless he remained at his post. The painter’s ingenuity, however, was
-equal to the emergency. When he was at work high up on the building his
-body was hidden from the view of those in the street by the scaffolding,
-but his legs were still in sight, so he painted a fictitious pair on the
-wall, as though dangling down, with feet crossed; and seeing these, the
-landlord thought all was well, and so left his artist to his own
-devices.
-
-The most important work in wall-painting undertaken by him at this
-period was the decoration of the Council Chamber in the newly-rebuilt
-Town Hall or Rathaus of Basel. In 1504 it was decided to replace the old
-building with a new one, and the work was begun in 1508 and completed
-early in 1521, the Council assembling in it for the first time on the
-12th of March in the latter year. The decoration of the interior walls
-of the chief room was given to Holbein, partly, no doubt, through the
-influence of his patron, Jakob Meyer, who was still burgomaster, though
-his troubles were already beginning, and culminated before the close of
-that year, when he was removed from office. The commission must have
-been mainly due, however, to the Council’s knowledge of Holbein’s skill
-and inventive powers in this branch of art, as shown in the decorations
-of several house-fronts in the city. The painter continued his work in
-the Chamber after the deposition of Jakob Meyer and the election of
-Adelberg Meyer, who was unrelated to his predecessor, to the post of
-chief magistrate. According to the account books of the Council, the
-commission was given to the painter on the 15th June 1521, on the day of
-St. Veit and St. Modestus, and the contract stated that he was to
-receive 120 gulden for the whole work, and that he was to be paid in
-advance by the “Drei Herrn,” who were the members of the Council who
-controlled the finances, on the day of the signing of the contract,
-forty gulden, or fifty Basel pounds, the gulden being equal to one Basel
-pound and a quarter.[274] The remaining payments, in smaller amounts,
-were made to him on the 20th July and 14th September 1521, and on the
-12th April, 16th June, 31st August and 29th November 1522. He received
-no money during the winter of 1521-22, when the work, no doubt, would be
-temporarily suspended owing to the shortness of the days and the lack of
-good light. This is one of the few instances in which we possess
-authentic records of the amounts received by Holbein for his work.
-
-[Sidenote: WALL-PAINTINGS IN BASEL TOWN HALL]
-
-The Town Hall, which stood in the market-place, with the house of Jakob
-Meyer, “zum Hasen,” adjoining it on the south, has undergone
-considerable changes since its building, so that to-day both the
-exterior and interior are by no means in the same condition as when
-Holbein was working there. In those days the Council Chamber was an
-irregular quadrangle, about 34 feet by 65 feet, and only 12½ feet high,
-and the ceiling was supported by three columns down the centre of the
-room. The wall fronting the market-place was entirely filled with large
-windows and the doors leading to the chief staircase, and provided no
-space for decorative treatment, so that Holbein’s work was confined to
-the three remaining walls, the long one opposite, which was also broken
-up by two windows and two doors, and the two narrower ones at either
-end, which were not parallel. Of these latter, the one on the north had
-a heating chamber and a large stove at one end of it, and was separated
-from the rest of the hall by a balustrade. The only unbroken wall was at
-the southern end, next Meyer’s house. It was called in the accounts the
-“back wall,” because the visitor turned his back on it on entering the
-room, and this wall was not decorated by Holbein until after his return
-from his first visit to England. Taking it altogether, the room was so
-low and so irregular in its arrangement that it was by no means well
-suited for carrying out a scheme of mural decoration on a monumental
-scale; but Holbein triumphed over all difficulties, and produced
-magnificent results, so far as can be judged from the few studies,
-tracings, and copies which remain. The subjects selected for
-representation were divided from one another by richly-ornamented
-Renaissance columns, so that the room, when finished, appeared to be
-open on all sides, here looking out upon some landscape, and there into
-some great hall or palace made to appear vast by the clever use of
-perspective. Between the principal pictures were placed smaller,
-single-figure subjects, standing in niches on a somewhat higher level,
-and forming part of the architectural framework. The subjects of the
-larger paintings were of the kind then popular north of the Rhine, and
-were intended, by means of celebrated examples taken from ancient
-history, to bring home to those who used the room, the absolute
-necessity of impartial justice in the administration of the affairs of a
-state or community, and at the same time to indicate the punishment
-which in most cases is bound to follow the breaking of the law, and to
-extol the virtues of simplicity and a love of country free from all
-self-seeking. These subjects, and the Latin inscriptions which
-accompanied them, were not Holbein’s own invention, but were, in all
-probability, selected for him by such learned friends as Myconius and
-Beatus Rhenanus.[275]
-
-The only records which remain of this great work, all of which are in
-the Basel Gallery, consist of a few fragments taken from the walls
-before the last traces of the paintings had finally faded away; original
-studies for three of the chief subjects from Holbein’s own hand; a few
-contemporary copies of his designs; and others taken from those parts of
-the design which could still be discerned at the time when the actual
-fragments of Holbein’s handiwork were cut away from the walls.
-Unfortunately the paintings themselves had but a short life. Less than
-fifty years after the last one was completed they were already in a
-deplorable condition, largely through damp. Probably the three months’
-interval which elapsed between the completion of the building and the
-beginning of its decoration was due to the desire to allow the walls to
-become thoroughly dry; but even this precaution was not sufficient to
-save Holbein’s handiwork from gradual destruction. The walls, possibly
-from faulty construction, appear never to have become entirely free from
-moisture, while the paintings were also allowed to suffer from general
-neglect. Wurstisen in his _Epitome Historiæ Basiliensis_, published in
-1577,[276] speaks of them as “delineations of the choicest things by the
-hand of the German Apelles,” but two years later the largest of them was
-reported to be so terribly injured by the weather that it was in danger
-of complete destruction. The Council, therefore, commissioned the
-painter Hans Bock to make a copy of it in oils on canvas, which, when
-completed, was hung on the wall in front of the original painting. This
-“large piece,” which Bock copied in 1579, was probably the whole of the
-back wall, containing the “Rehoboam” and the “Samuel and Saul.” This
-work occupied his whole time for twenty-six weeks, and his application
-for payment for this half-year’s work, dated the 23rd November 1579, to
-be found among the Basel archives. In it he demands one hundred florins,
-a sum which the Council evidently considered too great, although it
-works out at little more than a shilling a day in modern money, a
-moderate but not a contemptible wage as rates of payment went in those
-days. Among the reasons Bock gives for asking so much is that far more
-is really due to a copyist, who has to imitate laboriously the work of
-another, than to one who paints merely from his own fancy; and he goes
-on to say that, “among all the Holbein pieces in the painted hall, this
-is not only the greatest in length, but also contains the most difficult
-and laborious work, as, besides landscape, there are one hundred faces
-drawn perfectly or partially, so that I must copy them all piece by
-piece, besides many horses, weapons, and other things.”[277] The details
-he mentions were only to be found in one of the paintings, that of
-“Samuel and Saul,” though it did not contain nearly one hundred heads,
-but with the adjoining picture of “Rehoboam,” which Bock probably
-included, the number would be nearly correct.
-
-[Sidenote: DESTRUCTION OF THE WALL-PAINTINGS]
-
-One hundred years later the wall-paintings were still to be seen, though
-rapidly deteriorating. They are mentioned by Tonjola (1661), who quotes
-the various inscriptions which accompanied them,[278] and by Patin
-(1676), who speaks of the three walls of this hall as painted by
-Holbein. After this all traces of them were gradually lost, damp and
-neglect almost obliterating them. They were no longer visible in 1796,
-for Peter Ochs does not mention them in his description of the Council
-Chamber.[279] Even Bock’s copy seems to have fallen to pieces, and in
-the end the walls were covered with tapestry hangings, and Holbein’s
-work was completely forgotten. In 1817, however, when some repairs were
-carried out in the hall, necessitating the removal of the tapestries, a
-few remaining traces of the original work were discovered. On the fresco
-of “Charondas,” on the north wall, the date 1521 was still legible.
-Seven fragments of considerable size were saved, from the three
-paintings of “Rehoboam,” “Curius Dentatus,” and “Zaleucus,” and small
-copies of the chief remains were made in water-colours by Hieronymus
-Hess for the art firm of Birmann, and these are now preserved in the
-Basel Gallery (Nos. 328-332). From such inadequate materials as these it
-is possible to obtain only a very general idea of the original beauty of
-this great undertaking. It would be supposed that these mural
-decorations, painted as they were on interior walls, would have long
-outlived Holbein’s work of a similar nature on the exterior façades of
-Hertenstein’s mansion and the House of the Dance, whereas the contrary
-was the case, for in both the last-named instances the paintings
-remained in fairly good condition until comparatively modern times. This
-indicates that the cause of the rapid destruction of the Town Hall
-decorations was not owing to Holbein’s lack of knowledge of the proper
-methods of fresco painting, but was due solely to bad building on the
-part of the Council’s architect, and, later on, to neglect at the hands
-of the authorities, who made no adequate attempt to preserve works which
-added so great a distinction to their building.
-
-The four chief subjects painted by Holbein in 1521-22 were—(1) Charondas
-of Catanea, the law-giver of the city of the Thurii, who had issued a
-decree forbidding the wearing of arms in the public assembly under pain
-of death, but himself inadvertently broke the law. Hurrying to the
-council chamber from a journey, he forgot to leave his weapons behind
-him; and on attention being called to this by one of his enemies, he
-immediately cried out, “By Zeus! the law shall be master,” and ran
-himself through with his sword. (2) Zaleucus of Locris, whose laws
-punished adultery by the loss of both eyes. His only son was found
-guilty of this crime, but the people begged him to show mercy, as the
-culprit was his heir, and their future ruler. Zaleucus resisted their
-entreaties for a long time, but in the end yielded to the extent of
-sacrificing one of his own eyes, and ordering only one of his son’s to
-be removed, thus upholding the majesty of the law. (3) Curius Dentatus,
-who, kneeling before his fire, preparing his modest meal, sends away the
-ambassadors of the Samnites, who have come with rich presents in order
-to persuade him to take no part in the war against them. (4) Sapor, king
-of Persia, who is making use of the body of the captive emperor Valerian
-as a step from which to mount his horse. Between these pictures were
-placed single figures of Christ, King David with the harp, Justice,
-Wisdom, and Temperance. The remaining large subjects, which were painted
-in 1530-31, were Rehoboam spurning the Elders of Israel, Saul rebuked by
-Samuel, and possibly Hezekiah breaking the Idols.
-
-In the picture of “Charondas” the action takes place in a lofty hall,
-its roof supported by richly-decorated columns, with long architraves
-covered with bands of sculptured figures and medallions. Charondas
-stands in front of the councillors in the act of plunging his sword into
-his breast, as with uplifted eyes he calls the gods to witness that he
-is prepared at all costs to uphold the laws. Some of the onlookers sit
-spell-bound, too overcome with surprise and agitation to attempt to stay
-his hand, while others are still disputing among themselves as to the
-necessity or justice of so severe a punishment for so trivial a fault.
-This is one of the frescoes which Hess copied in 1817,[280] and the
-Basel Gallery also possesses a contemporary copy of Holbein’s original
-design,[281] which was probably made by some pupil or assistant attached
-to his own workshop. When the two are compared, it becomes apparent that
-Holbein, when he came to paint the subject upon the wall, added
-considerably to its length. Hess’s copy is almost twice as long as it is
-high, and on either side three or four figures have been added to the
-group of councillors which do not appear in the copy of the first
-design, which is almost square in its proportions, and corresponds in
-size with Holbein’s original design for the “Sapor” subject.[282]
-
-[Sidenote: “THE BLINDING OF ZALEUCUS”]
-
-In the “Zaleucus” the scene is laid in a great chamber with a large
-arched opening at one end, through which can be seen the outer walls of
-the palace and other Renaissance buildings illuminated by sunshine. The
-blinding of the two men is depicted with great realism. The son falls
-back in his chair, with open mouth and a look of terror on his face as
-the executioner prepares to tear out his left eye. Opposite to him his
-father, crowned, in princely robes, an aged man, with long silvery
-beard, sits in his chair of state, placed in front of heavy tapestry
-hangings, freely offering himself to the torture. Holbein has very
-skilfully marked the contrast between the abject fear of the culprit,
-who appears about to scream aloud, and the old man, who makes ready to
-meet the sharp pain with dignified restraint, and only displays his
-feelings in the way in which he grips the arms of his throne. In the
-case of the son, the executioner, dressed in the body armour of a Roman
-soldier, is using considerable violence; in that of the father, he is
-first examining the eye with a lens in order that he may remove it with
-as little pain as possible. This severe object-lesson in the majesty of
-the law is witnessed by a great crowd of spectators, all clad in togas,
-who regard the scene with contending emotions of horror and compassion.
-Two fragments of the original painting are still preserved at Basel—the
-head of Zaleucus (No. 331), and that of one of the spectators (No. 332).
-Of this fresco also there is a water-colour copy at Basel made by Hess
-from the almost obliterated original,[283] and a sixteenth-century copy
-of Holbein’s design for it.[284] In this case the two copies agree in
-their proportions, and indicate that the painting was one of the smaller
-of the chief subjects with which the room was decorated. According to
-Dr. Ganz, three other old copies of this wall-painting exist, one by H.
-R. Manuel in a private collection in France, one by J. Wentz, done in
-1551, now in the Basel Collection, and the third in a glass painting of
-1580.[285]
-
-Of the picture of “Curius Dentatus” no record remains beyond the
-water-colour copy made by Hess in 1817,[286] and a fragment of the
-painting itself in a bad state of preservation, showing the heads of the
-three foremost of the five Samnite ambassadors (No. 330) (Pl. 40
-(2)).[287] From Hess’s copy it is to be gathered that this composition
-must have been an exceptionally fine one, though one of the smallest of
-the series. The characters are placed under an open portico with round
-arches through which a wide expanse of country is seen. There is a tall
-tree in the foreground, and in the distance buildings and a bridge over
-a river, and a lofty mountain. Curius, dressed in Roman armour, is
-kneeling in front of his open hearth, cooking his evening repast, and
-looking round, without rising, at the five ambassadors, who are attired
-in rich Renaissance dress, and bear golden vessels and a large dish full
-of gold. Curius, refusing their bribes, points to the turnips he is
-cooking, and exclaims: “Malo hæc in fictilibus meis esse et aurum
-habentibus imperare” (“I would rather have these in my pot and rule over
-those who have gold”). These words were painted over the picture itself.
-Each one of the larger compositions, as well as the single figures, had
-similar painted inscriptions in Latin, and other admonitory couplets
-were placed upon the walls, the text of all of them being given by
-Tonjola in his _Basilea Sepulta._ The hall in which Curius is receiving
-the Samnites fills the upper half of the fresco, and is supported on
-masonry which occupies the lower half, in which is seen the opening to a
-vaulted chamber or cellar, in front of which stands an armed man,
-possibly intended to represent the messenger of the Basel Town Council,
-as he is dressed in the black-and-white armorial colours of the city,
-and wears a small badge with the city’s coat of arms fastened to his
-shoulder. His right hand is raised to his feathered hat as though he
-were about to salute the spectator. This picture was intended to glorify
-republican simplicity, and may have had reference also to the burning
-question of the “French pensions,” which helped to bring about Jakob
-Meyer’s downfall.[288]
-
-[Sidenote: “SAPOR AND VALERIAN”]
-
-Of the fourth picture, “Sapor and Valerian,” the only record remaining
-is the beautiful design at Basel from Holbein’s own hand (Pl. 41).[289]
-The drawing is lightly washed with water-colour, chiefly red in the
-faces and the brickwork of the architectural background, and blue and
-grey in other parts. This picture was one of the narrower ones, and the
-space was crowded with figures. In the centre, the aged Emperor,
-crowned, and with a long white beard, kneels on the ground resting on
-his outspread hands, his body pressed down by the weight of Sapor, who
-places one foot on his back as he prepares to mount his horse. The
-latter, like all the other figures, is dressed in the costume of
-Holbein’s own day, with a long sword and a gold chain across his
-shoulders. The horse is held by a foot-soldier, in a blue cloak, who
-looks over his shoulder towards the spectator. The space behind the
-central group is filled with soldiers, mounted and on foot. The knights,
-some of whom are in full armour, carry long lances over their shoulders,
-which add to the effect of the scene, while the men on foot hold aloft
-great pikes. The mounted knight near the centre, with plumes all round
-his broad hat, is a noble and dignified figure, and the drawing of
-Sapor’s horse is excellent. The procession comes along the street from
-the right, and passes round the corner of the building, which fills in
-the background, as in several of the earlier “Cross-Bearing” pictures.
-This building, which is seen from an angle, with deep arched arcading
-below and a row of windows above, is a representation of the
-recently-finished Town Hall of Basel, within which the wall-painting
-itself was placed, and the quaint building next to it, with its
-battlemented cresting seen against the blue sky, is to be found marked
-on Matthaeus Merian’s plan of the city (1615). It was in reality
-separated by two other houses from the Rathaus, but Holbein, attracted
-no doubt by its picturesqueness, has moved it nearer. Over Sapor’s head
-is a large ribbon label inscribed “Sapor Rex Persar,” and below the
-Emperor is written “Valerianus Imp.” On either side are shown the
-pillars which divided the chief compositions from each other; flat
-columns, the upper half covered with carving of Renaissance design, and
-the lower with slabs of coloured marbles and a circular medallion
-containing an antique head such as is to be found in almost all
-Holbein’s architectural drawings. An inscription at the foot, which
-runs, “Hans Conradt Wolleb schanckts Mathis Holzwartenn,” gives the
-names of two consecutive owners of this drawing. Wolleb, who was
-Magistrate of Basel, died on September 9, 1571. On August 6th of that
-year the Alsatian poet, Matthias Holzwart, permitted a performance of
-his play, _King Saul and the Shepherd David_, to be given in the Basel
-market-place, and Wolleb may have presented the drawing to him at that
-time in recognition of the event. The same border also contains the
-letters A.V.E. in a monogram, probably the initials of a third owner of
-the design.[290]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 41.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  SAPOR AND VALERIAN
-  Design for one of the wall-paintings in the Basel Town Hall
-  _Pen and water-colour drawing_
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: COMPLETION OF TWO OF THE WALLS]
-
-The five single figures in painted niches which filled in the smaller
-spaces on the walls had each an appropriate inscription in Latin. The
-Basel Gallery possesses copies of Holbein’s preliminary studies for each
-one of them, which, like the similar copies of the Charondas and
-Zaleucus designs, are drawn on paper made in Basel with a water-mark
-which was not used after 1524, thus showing that they must be
-contemporary, and, as already suggested, very possibly done by some one
-in Holbein’s own studio.[291] Christ[292] is represented holding a long
-tablet with the words: “Quod tibi non vis fieri alteri non facias”
-(“What thou dost not wish to be done to thee, that do to no other”). In
-the band of ornament at his feet is a small tablet with the date 1523.
-King David[293] is shown with his harp, and a scroll over his head with
-“Juste judicate filii hominum” (“Judge justly, ye sons of men”).
-Justice,[294] crowned, stands beneath an open arch behind a balustrade,
-with her balance at her feet. With her sword, grasped in her right hand,
-and with the forefinger of her left, she is pointing to a large tablet
-suspended from the top of the arch, which contains the inscription: “O
-vos reigentes obliti privatorum publica curate” (“O ye rulers, forget
-your private affairs, and care for those of the public”). Wisdom[295] is
-shown in a shell-crowned niche. She has a double face, and her long hair
-falls below her waist. In her left hand she holds a torch, and in her
-right a book with the inscription, “Inicium sapiencie timor domini”
-(“The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom”). A scroll over the
-torch bears the words, “Experiri prius consilio quam armis prestat” (“It
-is better to try by counsel than by arms”). Finally, Moderation[296] is
-represented as a young woman with long, clinging garments, in the act of
-pouring wine from a large vessel of blown glass into a small flagon. The
-admonition in her case runs, “Qui sibi plus licere vult quam deceat sue
-studet ruine” (“He who wishes to enjoy more than is his due, acts to his
-own destruction”). Other inscriptions quoted by Tonjola appear to refer
-to further paintings, possibly single figures only, of which, however,
-no traces remain. The compositions on the “back wall,” with subjects
-from the Old Testament, painted some eight years afterwards, are
-described in a later chapter.[297]
-
-While Holbein was carrying out the earlier paintings, the sculptor
-Martin Lepzelter was also at work in the Council Chamber. He carved two
-half-length figures of prophets and four coats of arms for the pillars
-which supported the ceiling, for which he was paid eight Basel pounds on
-August 3, 1521.[298]
-
-When, on the 29th November 1522, on the Saturday before St. Andrew’s
-Day, Holbein received a final payment of twenty-two Basel pounds and ten
-shillings, which was the balance of the 120 gulden he was to receive for
-the whole work, he had completed two walls of the Council Chamber, and
-he felt that he had more than earned the amount of his commission,
-although the back wall was still untouched. He, therefore, made
-representations to the Council to this effect, and they appear to have
-felt the justice of the claim, as they could hardly have failed to do,
-when they saw in how brilliant a manner the completed portion had been
-carried out. In consequence, they agreed that he had fully earned the
-money, and ordered the balance to be paid to him, deciding “to let the
-back wall alone till further orders.”[299] In any case, as the winter
-had begun, it would have been necessary to postpone the completion of
-the work until the following spring, and, no doubt, it was the original
-intention that Holbein should finish the room as soon as the season
-permitted. For some reason, however, nothing was done in the matter
-until after his return from his first visit to England. Possibly the
-Council were too busily occupied in attempting to keep order in a city
-in which the spread of the new opinions brought about by the Reformation
-was already dividing the townsfolk into two separate camps. In the
-spring of 1522, also, Basel was engaged in several military enterprises,
-which would cause the Council to hesitate before spending money upon
-such luxuries as art, which could be dispensed with until times were
-less critical and the city’s affairs more prosperous.
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                              CHAPTER VII
-
-              DESIGNS FOR PAINTED GLASS AND OTHER STUDIES
-
-Holbein’s work as a designer for the glass-painters—Eight panels of
-  saints—The “Prodigal Son”—The “Two Unicorns”—Designs with landsknechte
-  at Berne, Basel, Berlin, and Paris—Heraldic drawings for Erasmus and
-  others—Designs showing the influence of North German art—“Virgin and
-  St. John”—The “Annunciation”—“St. Elizabeth”—“Virgin and Child with
-  kneeling donor”—The great “Passion” series—Studies of costumes of
-  Basel ladies—“St. Adrian”—Studies from the nude—“A Fight”—Animals.
-
-
-IN addition to his commissions, both public and private, for
-wall-paintings, Holbein was frequently employed in the preparation of
-designs for artificers in more than one branch of decorative art. The
-Amerbach Collection is rich in works of this class, more particularly in
-designs for glass windows. It must be remembered in studying these
-“scheibenrisse” that they were intended for painted, and not for
-stained, glass. The older method of employing translucent glass of
-various tints, in which the colour is incorporated in the body of the
-glass itself, so that the window depended for its beauty on its
-transparency, had already become, in the Switzerland of Holbein’s day, a
-little-practised and, in some districts, an almost forgotten art, its
-place being taken by glass, usually white, on which the design was
-painted in enamel colours and afterwards permanently fixed by refiring.
-Such glass painting produced the effect of a semi-opaque design on a
-translucent ground, and, beginning merely with a few brown lines to
-indicate the features, or the patterns on a dress, it had gradually
-developed, in Germany and Switzerland, into a method of pictorial
-representation which imitated as closely as possible a painted picture,
-and was, therefore, in marked contrast to the older and more beautiful
-art, in which the great aim of the artist was to produce a lovely effect
-of transparent colour. In the newer method, which in reality was opposed
-to the true nature of the medium employed, but which nevertheless became
-a thing of beauty when designed by a master, small panels, as a rule,
-were used, which were surrounded by plain white glass, so that they had
-the appearance of little pictures set in the middle of a window. The
-panels being small ones, and the subjects on them drawn on a small
-scale, it was necessary that the panes should be placed near the ground
-so that they could be properly seen, and this, again, made it essential
-that the draughtsmanship should be as careful and delicate as possible,
-design having usurped the place of colour. These glass paintings were
-usually surrounded by a framework of a decorative nature which divided
-them sharply from the plain glass around them, and helped still more to
-produce the effect of a picture. The lines of leadwork, which, in the
-older method, held the pieces of vari-coloured glass together, were
-abandoned as much as possible, as they naturally marred the delicate
-pictorial effect of the work, and were sometimes confined to the
-boundary lines of the panel. Under such conditions it was natural that
-the glass-workers should turn to artists for their supply of designs,
-since accurate draughtsmanship was now all-important.
-
-Holbein, who was largely employed by the Basel glaziers and
-glass-painters for this purpose, made the freest and finest use of this
-new convention in the decoration of windows. The convention was, no
-doubt, a wrong one, and in the end all but extinguished the older and
-more beautiful art, but Holbein took it as he found it, and brought to
-it all his mastery of design and purity of line, so that the panels he
-produced were of great beauty and fine decorative effect. In his day
-glass-painting was no longer confined to the services of the Church, but
-was introduced into the windows of all private houses of importance,
-usually in the form of single panes with the householder’s coat of arms,
-or with sacred or profane subjects, according to his tastes. Thus he had
-many opportunities of showing his skill in this form of decoration, and
-he made use of a great variety of subjects. In some instances, such as
-the “Passion” series described below, the treatment is frankly
-pictorial, and the decorative effect is confined to the framework of
-Renaissance architecture within which the subject is set; but in others,
-and more particularly those intended for the display of shields with
-armorial bearings, the design becomes largely a decorative one, in which
-the artist gives free play to his imagination and taste for
-ornamentation in the Italian manner. Whatever the subject, however, each
-drawing displays wonderfully free yet delicate draughtsmanship, skilful
-arrangement of the design in the space to be filled, and extraordinary
-facility of invention. The studies appear often to have been made to the
-exact size of the panel they were to decorate, and, as a rule, Holbein
-left the question of colour to the taste of the glass-painter; in a few
-cases, however, he indicated it by the addition of one or two slight
-tints. There can be little doubt that they were carried out largely in
-that combination of pale yellow for the higher lights and brown or
-grisaille for the darker portions and shadows which was the customary
-practice in Switzerland at that period, with touches of more positive
-colour here and there in the dresses of the figures, the landscape
-backgrounds, and the coats of arms. The designs are in most cases drawn
-with the reed pen and washed with Indian ink.
-
-[Sidenote: EIGHT PANELS OF SAINTS]
-
-Only two or three of these designs, of which some thirty or more are in
-existence, are dated, and, with the exception of four or five made
-during his sojourn in Lucerne,[300] they were all produced between the
-years 1519 and 1525 or 1526. Among the earliest are eight panels of
-Saints at Basel (Nos. 333-40),[301] which were designed in pairs, and
-were to be placed side by side in the two divisions of a single window,
-the architectural framework and background in which the figures are set
-corresponding in almost all details in each pair of designs, so that it
-is evident that they were intended to be seen together, forming between
-them a complete picture. They were probably produced for the decoration
-of some large hall, or the aisle of a church. Two other drawings
-belonging to the same series are contemporary copies after Holbein from
-the hand of some follower, one of which bears the date 1520 and the coat
-of arms of the town of Basel, proving that the designs were made, most
-probably towards the close of 1519, shortly after his return from
-Lucerne. They appear to have been done for the cloisters at Wettingen.
-
-The first pair represent the Virgin standing with the Infant Jesus in
-her arms,[302] in the left division, and some prince of the Church in
-the robes of a bishop in the right.[303] This last figure has been
-described as that of St. Pantalus, the patron saint of Basel, but there
-is little resemblance in expression to the fine head of that bishop in
-Holbein’s design for the organ shutters in the minster. Here the face is
-full of arrogance, rather than piety, and the prelate bears himself
-proudly as though conscious of his exalted position. His mitre and
-ecclesiastical robes are richly embroidered and ornamented. A marked
-peculiarity in the drawing of all the figures in this series is their
-appearance of stumpiness, the legs being too short for the bodies. A
-similar defect is to be noted in some of Holbein’s earlier designs for
-book ornaments. In the case of these glass designs it may have been that
-they were to be enlarged afterwards by the glass-painter, and placed at
-some height from the floor, and that Holbein, therefore, attempted
-foreshortening. This, however, is not very probable, as all his designs
-for this purpose seem to have been intended for small paintings, to be
-placed near the eye, and it is much more likely that this characteristic
-of his figures was a fault, also to be noticed in his earlier woodcut
-designs, of which he afterwards broke himself. The two in question are
-placed in an architectural setting of a somewhat fantastic design, with
-large open arches through which an extensive mountainous landscape is
-seen. Below the hills, on the right of the bishop, are the houses of a
-village and a stone crucifix by the wayside, and on the left a torrent
-rushing down a mountain gorge crowned with trees, and forming a large
-waterfall under a bridge of one wide arch where the stream joins the
-plain. The same landscape is continued in the background of the panel of
-the Virgin and Child, the river wandering away through another gorge
-among the hills on the left. This view is strongly reminiscent of the
-St. Gotthard district and the Devil’s Bridge over the Reuss, and affords
-some slight additional proof of Holbein’s expedition across the
-Alps.[304]
-
-A second pair represent St. Anna with the Virgin and Child, and St.
-Barbara.[305] Here again the unusual shortness of the figures is very
-apparent. St. Barbara, who is dressed in the rich costume of a Basel
-lady of the sixteenth century, stands in the characteristic attitude,
-with the upper part of her body bent backwards, and the heavy dress held
-up in front by the hand, as is the case in each one of the series of
-studies of ladies’ costumes by Holbein to be described later, which thus
-appears to have been the customary habit of walking at that time. The
-setting is less fantastic and elaborate than in the two panels just
-described, and consists in each of an open arch supported by pillars,
-with sculptured figures above the capitals. Although the details of the
-ornamentation of the columns do not exactly agree in the two designs,
-they are evidently a pair. On the left-hand panel, as in the one on the
-same side in the preceding set, there is an empty shield for a coat of
-arms, and the background is also a mountainous landscape, though drawn
-in less detail. In the design of St. Catherine,[306] which forms one of
-a pair with St. John the Baptist, the background is almost entirely
-filled with a building with pointed arches supported by short pillars,
-but on the left a narrow strip of landscape is visible, with an archway
-or bridge across a road with a building on the far side of it, and
-distant mountains behind. The face of the saint is a very charming one,
-and her hair falls in elaborate ringlets down her back, and is
-surmounted with a jewelled crown. In the pair representing St. Andrew
-and St. Stephen, Dr. Ganz recognises, in the arcading with flat
-pilasters and shallow scallop-crowned niches in front of which the
-saints are standing, an architectural motive taken from the cathedral of
-Como.[307] There is no need to describe every figure in this series in
-detail, each one of which wears a halo, a symbol of which Holbein
-afterwards made very little use.
-
-[Sidenote: THE “PRODIGAL SON” WINDOW]
-
-Two other designs for painted glass in the Basel Gallery are of about
-the same date as these eight sheets with figures of saints, and were
-done in the earlier years of his second Basel period, either in 1519 or
-1520. One represents the “Prodigal Son,” and the other is an heraldic
-device with two unicorns supporting a shield. The former is a very
-effective design, in which the Prodigal Son is shown tending a herd of
-swine (Pl. 42 (2)).[308] He strides along, barefooted, in ragged
-clothes, through which his bare knees protrude, his long staff on his
-shoulder, and his short sword grasped in his left hand. His head is
-turned towards the spectator, and there is a look of misery and despair
-on his face. The animals he is driving have come to a halt round the
-trunk of a large oak tree which fills the greater part of the left-hand
-side of the sheet, and is one of the most considerable pieces of
-tree-drawing Holbein ever designed. Some of the pigs are devouring the
-fallen acorns; others raise their snouts as though expecting the food to
-drop from the branches into their mouths. Their keeper, whose miserable
-thoughts are far away from his task, unconsciously thrusts the end of
-his staff into the eye of one of the herd. The background is a landscape
-of wide expanse, with a large walled-in building with farm outhouses on
-the bank of a river in the middle distance, and a range of mountains on
-the horizon. The whole is surrounded by a simple framework consisting of
-a single arch supported by pillars, with two nude sculptured figures in
-the angle above the capitals. The rather weak and wavering line of the
-flattened arch, and the similar hesitating double spiral which runs
-round the pillars, together with the very simple ornamentation of arch,
-capitals and bases, indicate that the design is quite an early one,
-though the drawing of the figure and the accompanying animals is
-excellent and full of character. An empty shield for a coat of arms is
-placed in the right-hand corner against the column, and a flat space is
-left below for an inscription.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 42.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  TWO LANDSKNECHTE
-  Design for painted glass
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE PRODIGAL SON
-  Design for painted glass
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-The sheet with the two unicorns[309] is much more elaborate in its
-architectural treatment, and is a design of great decorative effect. The
-two beasts stand on their hind-legs, and support with their forelegs an
-empty shield of Italian fashion. The animals themselves are
-realistically drawn, and are not treated merely as conventional heraldic
-beasts, the sense of reality being increased by the head of the one on
-the left, which is turned round over its back, so that the horns of both
-point in the same direction, but at different angles. They are placed
-beneath a very richly-decorated edifice which Holbein appears to have
-taken from one of the monumental tombs to be seen in many of the cities
-of Northern Italy. The principal feature is a barrel-shaped wooden roof,
-supported by a flattened arch and double pillars at the sides and in the
-centre. At either side of this roof-like structure rise short chimneys
-of Italian design, and above it is a deep frieze with Renaissance
-carvings supported by three short pillars. As Dr. Ganz points out,[310]
-the design has features in common with the fine tomb of Andrea Fusina,
-now in the Archæological Museum in Milan, while the three sculptured
-antique heads which crown the lower columns have their counterpart both
-in the Certosa of Pavia and the church of S. Maria delle Grazie in
-Milan. The whole design, in fact, so closely resembles in its elaborate
-architecture these Renaissance monuments, that it is impossible to
-believe that it was the result of Holbein’s imagination alone, but
-rather was due to personal knowledge and actual study. In the landscape
-background is seen a country château with a projecting tourelle.
-
-[Sidenote: FIGURES OF LANDSKNECHTE]
-
-Among these designs for painted glass there is a considerable group in
-which the mercenary soldier or landsknecht of Holbein’s day forms the
-chief subject. These warriors are introduced as heraldic supporters of
-shields, and were intended, no doubt, for the use of burghers and nobles
-who had seen military service, while others were designed for the city
-authorities. The fact that in most cases the shields are left blank
-shows that Holbein produced them as stock patterns for the
-glass-painters, which could be adapted to the use of any customer who
-desired a military subject for his window. In these designs Holbein has
-made effective use of the picturesque and sumptuous dress and
-richly-decorated weapons these bold and reckless fighting-men affected.
-One of the earliest of them in point of date is in the Historical Museum
-of Berne.[311] It is, unfortunately, only the lower half of a design, of
-which the remaining portion is now lost. Only the legs, the lower part
-of the body, and the left hand, with which the landsknecht grasps his
-sword, are seen, together with part of the shaft of his lance. His right
-foot is hidden by a large shield containing the coat of arms of the city
-of Basel. The bases of the columns on either side very closely resemble
-those in the glass design of the “Prodigal Son,” which places the date
-at about 1520. The soldier is represented as standing on a platform
-above the river Rhine, and down below, seen between and on either side
-of his outstretched legs, is a distant landscape, drawn in a free and
-masterly manner, of exceptional interest on account of its elaborate
-detail. Across the rapidly-flowing river stretches a wide tressel bridge
-supported on wooden piers, which leads to an arched gateway in a high
-tower. Along the river bank, on either side of the bridge, are a number
-of houses, and behind them a town within steep fortified walls, with
-many buildings huddled together, and a church tower rising above the
-surrounding roofs. In the distance ranges of snow mountains close in the
-view. Trees and a high rock on the near side of the water fill the
-background on the left-hand side of the design. The view Holbein has
-thus shown is by no means an exact representation of Basel as seen from
-across the water, but is rather the simplified type of a Rhine town of
-his day. It is not improbable that the artist, in addition to the
-wall-paintings in the new Town Hall, also supplied designs for the
-windows in some of the rooms, in which case this fragment of a drawing,
-which contains the city coat of arms, may very possibly have formed a
-part of such decoration.[312]
-
-The other sheets with landsknechte were produced some few years after
-the Berne study, though, according to an old copy of one of them, not
-later than 1524. In most of them the motive consists of two warriors
-supporting an empty shield between them. It was first used by Holbein in
-1517 in a glass painting for Hans Fleckenstein of Lucerne,[313] and was
-followed a year or two afterwards by the beautiful design in the Basel
-Gallery and the still later and equally beautiful study in the Berlin
-Print Room. The date of the last-named drawing can be fixed with some
-certainty from an old copy which is inscribed 1523. The example at Basel
-(Pl. 42 (1))[314] must have been done shortly after the completion of
-the wall-paintings of the Hertenstein house. In the decorative details
-of the architectural setting it bears a close resemblance to the glass
-design of the Madonna with the view of Lucerne in the background, of the
-year 1519, while the warrior on the right is seen again in an early
-glass design in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris.[315] The double
-columns carrying the arch in the Basel drawing are richly ornamented,
-and at the base are supported by a number of small nude sculptured
-figures. Festoons of laurel leaves and ribbons hang down from the arch—a
-feature to be found in many of these designs—and in the angles over the
-capitals are round medallions with antique heads, which was also a
-favourite decorative motive with Holbein, and, as already noted, is
-rarely missing from any of his Renaissance frameworks. The two
-landsknechte wear breastplates over their gay attire, and large slouched
-hats with many feathers. The one on the left, a bearded man, carries
-sword and dagger, and holds a battle-axe on his shoulder; the one on the
-right, clean shaven, leans upon the shaft of his lance. The two figures
-are splendidly conceived and drawn with the greatest force and truth;
-and the whole design affords proof of how considerable an effect his
-stay in Lucerne and his short visit to Northern Italy had upon his art,
-and of the extraordinarily rapid manner in which his genius for
-decorative design, and his delight in the invention of these settings of
-Renaissance architecture, developed under these new influences. The
-background of this particular design, which, according to Dr. Ganz, is
-strongly reminiscent of the country in the Vierwaldstättersee, shows the
-tall tower of some village church, the lower part of which is hidden by
-the beautifully-designed Italian shield which the two warriors support,
-situated in a hilly landscape, with the sharp peaks of a range of
-mountains in the distance.
-
-[Sidenote: FIGURES OF LANDSKNECHTE]
-
-A similar background is shown in the design in the Berlin Print
-Room,[316] though only the red roof of the church tower appears above
-the shield. This drawing has been touched with colour in places, the
-faces of the two landsknechte with red, and also the roofs of the houses
-of the village seen in the distance, the landscape with green and brown,
-while colour is also used in several of the decorative details, such as
-the festoons hanging from the wide flattened arch. The attitudes of the
-two shield-bearers are more natural and less forced than in the Basel
-sheet. They are dressed in the same fashion, the man on the right
-wearing his large feathered hat fastened to his back, and leaning on a
-large pike held with both hands. The soldier on the left, an exceedingly
-graceful figure, with a long lance placed point downwards, rests one
-hand on the shield, and with the other touches his sword hilt. The
-architectural setting is similar in general design to that of the Basel
-example, though here the arch is supported by pairs of short slender
-columns, with sculptured figures of Judith and Lucretia standing on the
-capitals, and above them Samson and Hercules, while a long frieze over
-the arch contains a battle of nude foot soldiers and horsemen, in the
-midst of a shallow stream.
-
-In another drawing in the Basel Gallery,[317] the shield, a fine
-heraldic design, completely fills the right-hand side of the sheet. It
-contains a coat of arms consisting of two pears hanging from a branch
-and a star on either side, and, surmounting the shield, a helmet with
-large upstanding wings, between which is placed a branch with a single
-pear, elaborate scroll-work falling on either side. On the left stands a
-fierce-looking landsknecht, with his plumed hat on his back, and a great
-two-handed sword upon his shoulder. Over the crown of the arch, but not
-forming part of the architectural design, is a battle scene with four
-men fighting, two with long lances and one with a gun. This drawing,
-which is a most effective one, is signed “H.H.” The design in the
-Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris,[318] appears to be one of the earliest of
-all, produced during his stay in Lucerne. It is evident, from the figure
-on the left-hand side, that it was ordered in celebration of a wedding,
-the richly-dressed young lady wearing a bridal crown being the
-newly-wedded wife of the landsknecht standing on the right. Each one
-supports a shield with a coat of arms, the woman’s consisting of three
-arrows, and the man’s of an anchor. The soldier, with long pike over his
-shoulder, has a strong facial likeness, as already mentioned, to the
-warrior on the right of the Basel design, while the face of his wife is
-of the same type as the head in the Louvre study for the Solothurn
-“Madonna.” In the background is a castle on a precipitous rock by the
-side of a lake, shut in by a mountain range. The framework consists of
-two columns with grotesque heads in the capitals, supporting some
-elaborate scroll-work in place of an arch. Several other drawings in
-which these mercenaries form the subject are in existence,[319]
-including a study from life of a seated landsknecht at Berlin,[320]
-which was formerly in the Lawrence and Suermondt Collections.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 43.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  DESIGN FOR PAINTED GLASS
-  With the Coat of Arms of the Von Hewen Family
-  1520
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-A glass design at Basel (No. 341), remarkable for the beauty and freedom
-of its luxuriant Renaissance scroll design, and also for its fine
-architecture, bears the date 1520 (Pl. 43).[321] This design is without
-supporting figures, the whole of the centre of the sheet being filled
-with a blank shield, surmounted by two helmets with elaborate crests,
-one with the rampant body of a winged goat, and the other with a pair of
-curved trumpet-shaped horns. From them flows, down either side of the
-shield, a mass of beautifully-drawn scroll and leaf ornament. This
-elaborate coat of arms, designed for a married couple, is placed in an
-architectural setting resembling a Romanesque church portal. The
-circular arch is supported by six pillars on either side. At the base of
-the two nearer ones kneel warriors in Roman armour, supporting a blank
-tablet for some inscription; above each is a small blindfolded and
-trumpet-blowing cupid, with a body ending in foliated scrolls, and on
-the capitals stand sculptured figures of Mercury and Cronos, the
-devourer of mankind, resting on his scythe, and about to swallow a small
-naked child. Behind their heads are two tablets, chained to the crown of
-the arch, one inscribed “MERCHVRIVS EIN PLONET,” and the other, “ANNO
-DOMINI·M·D·XX·H.” The upper moulding of the arch is filled with small
-sculptured figures of saints, kings, warriors, and others of humbler
-rank. In the lower right-hand corner is written “d he’ von Hewen,”
-showing that the design was made for a member of the noble family of Von
-Hewen, who was probably a churchman, and, judging from the inscription
-round the helmet on the right—“DHIOEQV”—a knight of the Order of St.
-John. Dr. Ganz suggests,[322] therefore, that the orderer of the glass
-was Wolfgang von Hewen, Canon of Trier, Strasburg, and Chur, who became
-Rector of Freiburg University in 1504. There is in the Basel Gallery a
-companion drawing with the coat of arms of the Von Andlau family, which,
-however, is not so fine a design.[323]
-
-Another and still more elaborate design of a like nature, and of the
-same year, 1520, was made for Georg von Massmünster, Abbot of Murbach,
-of which the original glass painting is in a private collection in
-Basel.[324] The coat of arms which fills the centre of the panel is
-surmounted by a mitre between two croziers, and many small putti and
-other figures are introduced into the architectural setting.
-
-[Sidenote: COAT OF ARMS OF PETRUS FABRINUS]
-
-Another purely heraldic drawing may be mentioned here, although not
-intended for reproduction as a glass painting. It contains the arms of a
-compatriot of Holbein’s, Petrus Fabrinus of Augsburg, who became Rector
-of Basel University.[325] It is painted in gouache on vellum, and was
-done for insertion in the Matriculation Book of the University in 1523.
-The arms are placed in front of a Renaissance portico, supported by two
-columns of green marble, and with a triangular pediment, over which is a
-flaming brazier, while two naked cupids are seated on the capitals of
-the columns. In the angles of the arch are two medallions with antique
-crowned heads. A yellow curtain hides the whole of the lower part of the
-background. The left half of the shield shows three roses on a blue
-ground, and the right three fishes on black. It is crowned with a
-helmet, from which springs the figure of a Moor in parti-coloured dress,
-who holds in either hand, attached to ribbons from his turban, the three
-roses and the three fish.
-
-Another heraldic drawing for glass-painting is of particular interest
-because it was designed by Holbein for Erasmus.[326] It represents the
-truncated form of the god Hermes as Terminus within an arch supported by
-single columns, standing in a wide, undulating landscape. The statue is
-turned three-quarters to the left, the head surrounded by rays, the eyes
-looking upwards. Over the head, suspended by ribbons from the arch,
-hangs a large wooden tablet for an inscription, placed slantwise, like
-the figure below it. The latter bears a considerable likeness to Erasmus
-himself. The setting is unusually simple, both pillars and arch being
-almost devoid of ornament, with the exception of a panel with
-roughly-indicated winged figures terminating in floriated scrolls, and
-two roundels with the customary heads in the angles of the arch. The
-background, which consists of some open fields, with a tree or two, one
-distant house, and hilly country beyond, the whole indicated with a few
-lines and touches of green colour, slight as it is, shows to advantage
-Holbein’s knowledge of landscape perspective. There is a freedom and
-simplicity in the drawing, a dignity of conception, and a fine sense of
-proportion, which indicate that it is one of the latest in date of his
-drawings for glass, and that it was most probably made shortly before
-his departure for England in 1526. Erasmus adopted Terminus, the god of
-boundaries and established ways, as his symbol after Alexander Stuart,
-Archbishop of St. Andrews, had presented him, when in Italy, with a gold
-ring set with a cornelian on which was engraved the figure of Hermes and
-the motto “CONCEDO NULLI”;[327] and this motto Holbein has placed in
-large letters across the sky of the drawing on either side of the head.
-Thus the design, by means of the symbols used, suggests the character of
-the philosopher himself, a man who in the opinions he held would yield
-to no man, and yet in his writings confined himself to established ways,
-and broke few boundaries. This drawing is in the Amerbach Collection.
-
-In the British Museum there is a glass design representing a Wild Man of
-the Woods, drawn with the brush and washed with Indian ink and a slight
-colour wash.[328] It represents a naked bearded man, with a defiant
-look, his head and loins girt with forest leaves, holding an uprooted
-sapling in his hands, and with feet planted apart. He stands on a stone
-ledge forming the sill of a window, decorated with pilasters and
-garlands in the Renaissance style and opening upon a hollow among
-mountains covered with pines. It was purchased in 1895 with the Malcolm
-Collection, and is an exceedingly fine drawing. Sandrart appears to have
-possessed a copy of it.
-
-[Sidenote: “CHRIST ON THE CROSS”]
-
-Two glass designs, one in the Basel Gallery and the other in Paris, show
-that though Holbein at this period of his life was strongly influenced
-by North Italian art, yet the earlier influence of such German painters
-as Grünewald and Hans Baldung Grien, gained through a study of their
-great altar-pieces, had by no means been completely overshadowed. For
-some years at least after he had become a citizen of Basel these two
-divergent forces in his development both made themselves felt in varying
-degrees in much of his work, so that it is not at all easy to arrange in
-chronological order the large number of decorative designs and other
-works he produced at this time. This double influence can be easily
-traced in these “scheibenrisse” of “Christ on the Cross between the
-Virgin and St. John,” and “The Annunciation.” In the former[329] the
-influence of Grünewald is to be seen in the two standing figures, in
-both of which, and more particularly in that of St. John, the acute
-grief which overpowers them as they gaze on the crucified Christ is
-strongly, even violently, depicted. St. John, by the agitated movements
-of his whole body, his extended fingers, and his open mouth, shows how
-passionately he is suffering. The framework which surrounds them is
-over-decorated with a conglomeration of Renaissance motives. The side
-columns are covered, and their form almost hidden, by masses of plastic
-ornament, writhing snakes round the bases, and above them grotesque
-heads with long tassels hanging from their mouths; and, higher up,
-sculptured figures of a sphinx-like nature. In contrast to this, the
-background is filled with one of his naturally-treated landscape scenes,
-with a high rock on the right behind St. John, from which a tree is
-growing, and on the left a glimpse of a town by a lake, with mountains
-beyond and a cloudy sky overhead.
-
-The “Annunciation” drawing, in the collection of M. Léon Bonnat,
-Paris,[330] shows so many points in common with Grünewald’s altar-piece
-at Isenheim, not only in the general arrangement of the figures, but in
-numerous details, that it seems evident that Holbein must have been well
-acquainted with it.[331] As his father was working at Isenheim for some
-considerable time, it is exceedingly probable that his sons, even if
-they did not accompany him directly there from Augsburg, as the first
-stage on their journey to Basel, paid him one or more visits, for the
-distance between the two places was not great. Holbein has placed the
-kneeling Mary on one side of a wooden chest on which rests a cushion
-with her book; on the other side the Angel of the Annunciation has just
-alighted, an imposing winged figure, very richly and elaborately
-dressed, holding a long sceptre in one hand, and the other outstretched
-towards the Virgin. The latter is by no means one of Holbein’s most
-pleasing representations of the Mother of our Lord; it is to the angel
-the eye turns as the centre of interest. The Romanesque pillar and
-frieze behind the Virgin is a motive taken from the crypt of the Minster
-of Basel, while the wooden barrel roof of the chamber at the back, in
-which the Virgin’s bed is placed, was common in Holbein’s day throughout
-Switzerland in council chambers, courts of justice, and other large
-rooms.[332] The architectural framework resembles that of the
-“Crucifixion” drawing in the lavishness of its somewhat incongruous
-ornamental details. The bases of the columns are sheathed with grotesque
-heads from which spring large foliated scrolls, supporting wicker
-baskets filled with fruit and leaves. Dr. Ganz gives the date of the
-drawing as about 1521 or 1522.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 44.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  ST. ELIZABETH, WITH KNEELING KNIGHT AND BEGGAR
-  Design for painted glass
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-In composition and technique the foregoing drawing resembles a design
-for a glass painting in the Basel Collection, representing “St.
-Elizabeth” (Pl. 44),[333] like the last named touched with bistre. The
-figure of the saint is placed within a semicircular niche, round which
-run a number of slender, decorated pillars, apparently of wood, which
-support the dome-shaped roof with its large rosettes in compartments and
-a frieze of ox-heads and ribbons. St. Elizabeth, who is dressed in the
-rich costume of a noblewoman or wealthy burgher’s wife, with her hair
-covered by a long veil which falls down her back, holds up the front of
-her gown with her right hand in the customary Basel manner, and with the
-other pours wine or water into a bowl held by a kneeling and almost
-naked beggar, who gazes up into her face. On the other side of her
-kneels a bearded knight in full armour, with hands raised in prayer, his
-feathered helmet and his mailed gloves on the ground before him. He is
-evidently the donor of the window for which the drawing is the original
-design. His breastplate, with its high gorget, and his other
-accoutrements, resemble those worn by St. Ursus in the Solothurn
-picture, and the kneeling beggar recalls the penitent in the same work.
-The saint, a very graceful and beautifully-drawn figure, is placed on a
-low circular platform of wood or stone, giving the suggestion of a work
-of sculpture. The whole is strongly reminiscent of the more elaborate
-monumental tombs of the Italian Renaissance erected in the interior of
-some church. At the bottom of the drawing, on either side, rise the
-capitals of two columns, as though the niche in which the figures are
-placed were raised at some considerable height from the ground. These
-capitals bear small boys in Roman helmets holding empty shields. The
-graceful and refined architecture of this drawing suggests, according to
-Dr. Ganz, that it was designed after Holbein’s journey to Montpellier in
-1523, during which he became acquainted with the fine buildings of the
-French Renaissance in Besançon, Dijon, Lyon, and elsewhere.
-
-[Sidenote: “ST. ELIZABETH WITH KNEELING DONOR”]
-
-The same influence is to be seen in a second glass design at Basel,
-representing the Virgin with the Child in her arms and a kneeling donor
-on the left (Pl. 45),[334] in which the architectural setting is even
-more beautiful than in the one just described, of which it is a free
-variant. The Virgin stands, crowned, on a low sculptured pedestal in
-front of a shallow niche under a circular arch beneath a pointed
-vaulting, the filling in of which is carved like a scallop-shell, as in
-the “Meyer Madonna.” The pilasters which support it and the frieze of
-Renaissance ornamentation are flat, and the whole setting is admirable
-in its restraint and quiet beauty, and its well-balanced masses. The
-Virgin is surrounded with projecting rays from head to foot, a symbol of
-the Immaculate Conception, and the whole figure, like that in the
-foregoing design, is of tall, fine proportions, unlike so many of
-Holbein’s figures in his earlier drawings, and gives the impression of a
-carved wooden statue with rays of metal or gilded wood. The Child in her
-arms is kicking out his legs, and raises one chubby fist in the air,
-looking over his mother’s arm with a cross expression, as though angry
-at having been lifted from the ground. The armed, kneeling knight
-appears to be the same donor as in the other drawing, but is turned more
-towards the spectator, with hands uplifted as he gazes in adoration.
-This exceptionally beautiful and masterly design is said to have been
-reproduced on a considerably larger scale for a window of the church of
-St. Theodore in Little Basel. A fragment of the glass, containing the
-Madonna’s head, is preserved in the Historical Museum in Basel.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 45.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE VIRGIN AND CHILD, WITH A KNEELING DONOR
-  Design for painted glass
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-By far the most important of Holbein’s designs for glass windows are
-those forming the series of ten subjects from the “Passion of Christ,”
-in the Basel Gallery, which in dramatic power and fertility of invention
-surpass all his earlier treatments of this great subject. The range over
-which the series extends is a shorter one than in the painted
-altar-piece in eight scenes representing the same subject. The latter
-begins with the “Mount of Olives” and ends with the “Entombment,”
-whereas the glass designs start with “Christ before Caiaphas” and
-conclude with the “Crucifixion,” so that the part of the story which is
-represented is told with greater detail. In most cases the designs are
-arranged in pairs, with the architectural framework in close though not
-exact correspondence, and similarly shaped and decorated spaces left at
-the bottom for the inclusion of the appropriate scriptural text.
-Evidently in each of the windows of the church for which they were
-designed pairs of subjects were to be placed side by side. Two of the
-scenes, however, seem to be single designs, the “Mocking” (No. 3), and
-the “Ecce Homo” (No. 6), in which the setting corresponds with none of
-the other drawings; while in the two last of the series, the “Nailing to
-the Cross” and the “Crucifixion,” the architectural framework only
-agrees in its general lines, though the designs evidently form a pair.
-Apparently, therefore, the series was made for a range of six windows,
-four of them with double and two with single divisions. According to Dr.
-Ganz, the series was begun, but not completed, by Holbein in 1523, his
-journey to the south of France intervening. On his return to Basel he
-resumed the work, which was probably finished by the end of the same
-year or early in 1524. He sees differences, more particularly in the
-architecture, in certain of the drawings, such as the “Mocking,” which
-suggest that the artist had gained fresh ideas from his study of the
-buildings in the towns through which he passed on his way to
-Montpellier, where he went to deliver the portrait of Erasmus to
-Bonifacius Amerbach.
-
-[Sidenote: THE “PASSION OF CHRIST” SERIES]
-
-The series opens with “Christ before Caiaphas” (Pl. 46 (1)).[335] The
-high priest is seen from the side, seated upon a throne raised on steps
-within a richly-decorated hall, through the entrance to which the
-soldiers escorting Christ are crowding. Christ stands below his judge,
-his hands bound, and his sorrowful face turned towards one of the
-soldiers, who, with uplifted fist, is about to strike him. The second
-scene, that of the “Scourging” (Pl. 46 (2)),[336] is enacted in another
-part of the same building, showing the same low, flattened arches, and a
-corresponding pillar on the right with Renaissance carving in flat
-relief and inlaid marble. Christ, his head drooping on his shoulder, an
-almost nude figure, is bound to a broad circular column with a decorated
-top. In the action of the three soldiers who are plying their whips and
-scourges there is little of that exaggerated vehemence of action which
-is to be seen in Holbein’s earlier versions of this subject, while in
-both this and the succeeding pictures the type of face is less
-repulsive, and greater reticence is shown in the display of brutality.
-In most cases the faces of the soldiers are turned away from the
-spectator, or half hidden by their action, or only seen in profile. The
-distortion and caricature have disappeared, and his types have become
-natural ones, taken from the daily life around him. The costume in few
-instances only is that of Holbein’s time, and the soldiers wear what is
-intended to be the antique Roman dress, such as had become familiar to
-him through Mantegna’s designs. Near Christ, in “The Scourging,” a
-little behind the central group, stands a bearded man in the gown and
-hood of a monk, resting on a stick, as though superintending the
-punishment, and waiting for a confession; and in the background a
-gallery runs across the building under the arches, from which a second
-hooded figure is looking down on the scene.
-
-Unlike the other sheets of the set, the “Mocking of Christ” (Pl. 47
-(1))[337] takes place beneath the high, pointed vaulting of some Gothic
-building, with its arches open to the sky. Christ, blindfolded and with
-tied hands, his body covered by the robe they have placed over him, is
-seated in the centre, with bent head, and mouth half open with pain. One
-of the soldiers kneels, and thrusts the reed into his hand as a sceptre,
-while a second, stooping down, clutches his hair with one hand, and
-raises the other as though about to strike him in the face. On the left
-between two pillars stands a tall figure clad in a long gown, and the
-upper part of his face concealed by a hood of a peculiar pattern, with a
-hanging peak behind, such as is associated with portraits of Dante. This
-spectator, who is also to be seen among the crowd in the first design,
-has a cynical smile on his face. The whole group, which suggests a study
-for a work of plastic art, is shown in strong foreshortening, as though
-it were intended to be seen from some distance below; and the same
-effect is produced by the perspective of the vaulting and in the drawing
-of the hanging lamp, of an unusual and interesting pattern, over
-Christ’s head.[338] This drawing is, perhaps, the most beautiful of all,
-the happiest in its composition, and the most spiritual in its feeling.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 46.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  CHRIST BEFORE CAIAPHAS
-  The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE SCOURGING OF CHRIST
-  The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 47.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE MOCKING OF CHRIST
-  The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  CHRIST CROWNED WITH THORNS
-  The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE “PASSION OF CHRIST” SERIES]
-
-The remaining sheets of the series have each an independent
-architectural framework, which forms no part of the actual setting of
-the scene itself, but through which it is seen like a picture. In the
-“Crowning with Thorns” and “Pilate washing his Hands” it consists of two
-pillars with large diamond-shaped panels containing antique heads in
-medallions, and, above the elaborately-carved capitals, charmingly-drawn
-winged putti supporting the ends of a wreath which hangs from the centre
-of the frame. In the “Crowning” (Pl. 47 (2)),[339] Christ is seen from
-the side, an almost nude figure, seated on a high stone step in front of
-a building upon which Holbein has given free play to his delight in the
-richest Renaissance forms. In the Saviour’s downcast face is a look of
-intense suffering, nobly borne. Two of the soldiers press the crown of
-thorns upon his head by means of a long curved stick held across it,
-which a third man is striking violently with a stout staff, in order to
-force it securely down. A fourth kneels in front and thrusts the reed
-into the victim’s hands with a jeer. Behind them, on the left, Pilate
-stands, his wand of office held aloft. In the next scene (Pl. 48
-(1))[340] Pilate is seated on a high throne with a canopy supported by
-chains fastened to the necks of two sculptured figures, and long
-curtains, both canopy and curtains being decorated with the lilies of
-France. This throne, or judgment-seat, is placed in an open court, and
-in the background rises a Gothic building of the type to be seen in the
-streets of Basel in Holbein’s day. Pilate performs the symbolic action
-of washing his hands with the greatest vigour and determination, one
-attendant holding a large flat basin in front of him while a second
-pours in the water. On the right Christ is being led away by a crowd of
-soldiers with uplifted pikes and spears. Pilate, with head turned
-towards the departing Saviour, is calling after him, strong excitement
-shown on his face.
-
-[Sidenote: THE “PASSION OF CHRIST” SERIES]
-
-The next scene, the “Ecce Homo” (Pl. 48 (2)),[341] also takes place
-outside the hall of judgment, with a large Gothic building with
-pinnacled gables filling in the background. This building is neither
-German nor Italian in style, but of late Gothic French architecture, of
-the type of the hospital founded by the Chancellor Nicolas Rollin in
-Beaune, a town through which Holbein would be likely to pass on his way
-to Montpellier, and for this reason Dr. Ganz regards it as one of the
-latest of the series, done after the artist’s return to Basel in 1524.
-Holbein has made use of the same building in the cut of the Empress in
-the “Dance of Death.”[342] Pilate stands in the open doorway on the
-right, with Christ by his side. One hand grasps his wand of office, and
-the other is held up as though demanding silence from the crowd of
-spectators and soldiery filling the space below him, who are shouting
-and gesticulating, and pointing their fingers in scorn at the drooping
-figure by Pilate’s side. Here again the expression of suppressed anguish
-and pain on Christ’s face has been admirably suggested by the artist,
-who has also produced the effect of a large and vehemently-agitated
-crowd of people by means of a few figures cleverly grouped and
-contrasted. Behind the Saviour is seen the head of the man in the
-hood-like cap, possibly intended for some official of the Court, who is
-shown in two of the earlier designs of the set. He appears again in the
-“Cross-bearing” (Pl. 49(1)),[343] the last figure issuing from the gate,
-and here, too, Holbein, with admirable skill in composition, has
-produced the effect of a large body of excited people. The procession on
-its way to Calvary has just issued through the gateway of the town, a
-view of the street with its high-roofed houses being seen in the
-background through the archway, and on the right the outer wall with a
-circular tower at the angle. The general composition follows with some
-closeness Holbein’s earlier versions of the subject, though marked by
-less passionate action and less insistence on ugly facial types. Christ,
-a most nobly-conceived figure, in the centre of the procession, is
-stumbling under the weight of the great cross, though he has not
-actually fallen to the ground. He is urged forward by the soldiers who
-surround Him, some of whom raise their clenched fists, while one, clad
-in Roman helmet and armour, thrusts a great cudgel into his side with a
-brutal energy which is mirrored in his face. In front walk the two
-thieves, almost nude, their hands tied behind them, the one who is
-turning towards the spectator with a finely-drawn head full of
-character. Above the crowd rise the shafts and points of weapons of many
-shapes, together with the uplifted ladder and the reed. The framework
-surrounding this drawing and its fellow is exceptionally rich in its
-decorative treatment. The columns with their basket-work and flat
-stucco-like ornament are connected across the top of the sheet by an
-acanthusleaf scroll design of great beauty, recalling similar work on
-the organ shutters in Basel Minster, which surrounds and supports a
-wreath containing an antique head in the centre. The scroll-work in the
-next design, the “Stripping of Christ’s Garments” (Pl. 49 (2)),[344] is
-entwined round the bodies of two naked boys. The Saviour kneels upon the
-Cross, in the utmost misery and dejection, while two soldiers tear his
-garments from him with great violence. In striking contrast to these two
-men is the figure of the kneeling man in the front who is boring holes
-in the wood to take the nails. He bends over his work, indifferent or
-oblivious to the turmoil around him, or to the tragedy in which he is
-playing his humble part. Behind the central group there is a great
-concourse of people, among whom can be distinguished one of the thieves,
-and a man with uplifted mattock preparing a hole for the Cross, and, on
-the right, the head and shoulders of Pilate. In this scene most of the
-figures are clad in contemporary dress.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 48.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  PILATE WASHING HIS HANDS
-  The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  ECCE HOMO
-  The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 49.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  CHRIST BEARING THE CROSS
-  The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE STRIPPING OF CHRIST’S GARMENTS
-  The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-An even greater crowd is shown in the last scene but one, the “Nailing
-to the Cross” (Pl. 50(1)).[345] Christ lies stretched upon the ground,
-his body upon the Cross. One of the kneeling executioners forces down
-his right arm with both hands, while a second, with uplifted hammer, is
-driving in a huge nail through his palm. On the other side a third man
-has seized the left arm and is dragging it with violence towards him in
-order to stretch the body to the utmost. Behind them the soldiers are
-casting lots for the garments, and still farther away the crosses with
-the two thieves are being raised aloft. On the right Pilate, on a mule,
-gazes down at the agonised body of the Saviour, as does a man placed
-nearer to the spectator, wearing a scholar’s cap and gown, who bears
-some small likeness to Erasmus. In the front, on the ground, is placed a
-circular wooden box with handles, containing the executioner’s tools.
-The columns of the framework are supported by fauns. In the last scene
-of all, representing the “Crucifixion” (Pl. 50 (2)),[346] the two
-crosses with the bodies of the thieves are placed at right angles to the
-central one, on which Christ is nailed, as in the same subject in the
-painted altar-panel. This drawing is the only one in the set in which
-the Virgin and St. John are introduced. St. John, gazing upwards at the
-Saviour, whose sufferings are at length over, supports the Virgin’s
-drooping body as she leans forward with clasped hands against the foot
-of the Cross. On the opposite side, on the right, the Centurion, in full
-Roman armour, and with a large shield decorated with a Medusa head,
-lifts up his right arm as a sign of his belief. Behind him is a soldier
-with his crossbow under his arm, and his hands clasped as though he,
-too, were moved to the utmost by the tragedy. A man who has just affixed
-the placard over Christ’s head is descending a ladder raised at the back
-of the Cross, and on either side, above the heads of the crowd, are seen
-the uplifted reed with the sponge dipped in vinegar, and the spear which
-pierced the Saviour’s side. In this scene there is little of the energy
-and even violence of the earlier pictures; for the action has come to an
-end with the death of Christ, and Holbein has depicted it as though a
-hush had fallen over the multitude of people who, with uplifted faces,
-are gazing on their handiwork. Their attitudes are quiet and restrained,
-the vehemence of passion has subsided, and the presence of death has
-quelled all anger and clamour. Each picture of the series is
-characterised by great dramatic power, and a force and dignity of
-conception which shows a striking advance in Holbein’s art when compared
-with the early “Passion” scenes on canvas. In the simplicity and
-grandeur of their composition, and in the largeness of their design,
-they afford evidence that had Holbein worked on the southern side of the
-Alps, he would have equalled, if he had not surpassed, in work of this
-kind, the frescoes and wall-paintings of the great Italian masters.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 50.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  CHRIST NAILED TO THE CROSS
-  The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE CRUCIFIXION
-  The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-Replicas of seven of these ten designs, but reversed, are in the British
-Museum.[347] They are not the direct work of Holbein’s hand, but offsets
-taken from the Basel drawings by means of damped paper, a common
-practice with the artist in making decorative designs for such things as
-cups or goblets, in which the ornamentation on both sides of the object
-was similar. In the same manner Holbein obtained copies of the “Passion”
-drawings, and they were afterwards strengthened in places by retouches
-with a fine brush and Indian ink, undoubtedly the work of Holbein
-himself. They have thus very largely the character of the original
-drawings, and are equal to them in effect, though lighter in appearance
-on account of the method employed, the Indian ink shading being paler in
-colour than in the originals. In the “Cross-bearing” additional
-retouches in sepia by a later and weaker hand, which greatly mar the
-design, are to be seen. The three missing subjects are the “Scourging,”
-“Christ Crowned with Thorns,” and the “Nailing to the Cross.” This set
-was formerly in the Lawrence Collection, from which it was purchased for
-the Museum. It may possibly be the series possessed by Sandrart, which
-he calls a “Passion in folio,” of which two compositions of the set were
-missing. Sandrart offered 200 florins to anyone who would procure them
-for him, so that he could exhibit the work complete for the honour of
-the great master who designed it.
-
-[Sidenote: COSTUMES WORN BY BASEL LADIES]
-
-Among the drawings and designs of this period which were not made for
-the purpose of reproduction in painted glass, the set representing the
-costumes worn by contemporary Basel ladies is among the most important.
-There are six of these,[348] or rather five, for the sixth, which
-represents a _fille de joie_ with large hat and low-cut dress (Pl. 51
-(1)), is not regarded as a work from Holbein’s own hand. They are pen
-and wash drawings, and, with the exception of the last one, were in
-Amerbach’s possession. It is not easy to say exactly for what purpose
-they were made, but certainly not for painted glass. It has been
-suggested that they represent designs for dresses invented by
-Holbein—sixteenth-century fashion plates—which the ladies of Basel
-afterwards used as models; but a simpler and more natural explanation is
-that they are merely studies of costume made from time to time when
-Holbein saw a dress which pleased him, which would be of use in the
-carrying out of his wall-paintings, or his book illustrations, or in
-other ways. They appear to have been done during his first years in
-Basel. Perhaps the earliest of them is the one of the noble lady with a
-hat covered with ostrich feathers,[349] and her hair confined in a
-silken net at the back, who wears a dress of watered silk with a train,
-which she holds up with her right hand. This, according to Dr. Ganz, is
-of about the date 1516 or 1517, and in draughtsmanship and handling has
-much in common with the portrait of Meyer’s wife, Dorothea, while the
-embroidery and tassel-work of the bodice in both the drawing and the
-picture are very similar. The drawing of the Basel “Edeldame” (Pl.
-52),[350] taken almost from the back, which is the most beautiful of the
-series, is certainly a little later in date, and shows great freedom,
-delicacy, and truth of draughtsmanship. Her hair is covered with a
-semi-transparent striped gauze cap, of a similar pattern to the one in
-the portrait of the burgomaster’s wife. The neck and shoulders are
-covered with fine white lawn, and the plain dress is only relieved by
-deep bands of velvet, and a girdle from which is suspended a metal case
-of chased work for a measure or “house-wife” at the end of a long band.
-At least two ladies appear to have served Holbein as a model for these
-studies. The “Frau Burgermeister,” Dorothea Kannengiesser, posed as the
-Baseler “Burgersfrau,”[351] and perhaps as the “Edeldame,” while for the
-remaining studies, among them that of the patrician dame with the
-feather hat already described, a model of a more lovely and a more
-wanton appearance served him, who later on was painted by him as “Laïs
-Corinthiaca.” In a second drawing of the set the same lady appears in a
-gown with puffed sleeves and deep velvet bands, embroidered petticoat
-and head-dress, and wearing a number of ornaments round her neck,
-including an openwork collar with the word “AMOR.”[352] The same model
-appears in a third drawing (Pl. 51 (2)), in which she poses as a
-waitress, or hostess, with a tall cylindrical beer-glass supported on
-her right hand, while with the other she holds up her finely-pleated
-apron.[353] She wears a large flat hat of unusual shape on the side of
-her head, trimmed all round with bunches of feathers, and round her neck
-is a gold collar of openwork with the initials “M.O.” repeated several
-times. The “Amor” of the first-named collar or neckband was the
-invention, in all probability, of the artist himself, by adding an A and
-an R to the initials, M.O., of the lady’s name. These initials indicate
-that Holbein’s sitter was Magdalena Offenburg, and the likeness between
-these studies and the “Laïs” and “Venus” pictures is striking.[354] This
-notorious personage, by birth a Tschekkenbürlin, and the mother of
-Dorothea Offenburg, who at one time was regarded as the model of the
-“Laïs,” married, on the death of Hans Offenburg in 1514, Christof
-Truchsess von Wolhusen. She appears to have served as a model and to
-have had relationships of a doubtful character with more than one
-painter of Basel. There is a drawing of her by Urs Graf, dated 1516, to
-which he has added an indecorous marginal note reflecting upon her
-course of life.[355]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 51.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  COSTUME STUDY
-  Two drawings from a set of designs of Ladies’ Costumes
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  COSTUME STUDY
-  Two drawings from a set of designs of Ladies’ Costumes
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 52.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  “THE EDELDAME”
-  One of a set of designs of Ladies’ Costumes
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: COSTUMES WORN BY BASEL LADIES]
-
-One use to which Holbein put such drawings as these is to be seen in the
-“Dance of Death” woodcuts. In several of them in which women are
-introduced, these costume studies are closely followed; for instance, in
-the little picture of the newly-married couple, the wife’s dress is
-almost identical with that in the first drawing of the “Baseler
-Frauentrachten” series; and other dresses of the set are closely copied
-in such cuts as “The Countess” and the “Arms of Death.” These drawings,
-as already noted, show very plainly the peculiar carriage of the body in
-walking which the ladies of Basel adopted in Holbein’s day, with the
-back hollowed so that the lower part of the figure was thrust forward,
-in a very ugly fashion to modern eyes, but no doubt necessary to some
-extent owing to the length of the dress in front, which had always to be
-held up by one hand.
-
-There is a very beautiful costume study in the Library at Dessau,[356]
-which is closely allied to the Basel series. It is an exceedingly
-graceful rendering of a fair lady in an elaborate dress with long
-hanging sleeves, and a close-fitting cap over her curled hair. The body
-is slightly inclined, and with her right hand she holds up her dress,
-and from the other, which is stretched out, hangs a bridle and harness.
-There is much elegance and grace of movement in the figure, which
-Holbein has set down with a light and flowing touch. It is doubtful what
-character the model is intended to represent. Dr. Ganz calls her “Die
-schöne Phyllis,” and, from the bridle she is holding, it is very
-possible that Holbein intended her for that fair Phyllis who made the
-learned Aristotle serve her as a horse; or she may represent Nemesis,
-the driver of mankind, whom Holbein introduced into his Steelyard
-wall-painting of “The Triumph of Riches,” flying through the sky with
-somewhat similar attributes in her hands. Such a representation of
-Nemesis or Fortune was not unusual, and occurs in more than one drawing
-of the period. There is one in the Basel Gallery of “Frau Venus” by
-Niklaus Manuel Deutsch, and Dürer also makes use of the bridle in his
-“Great Fortune.”
-
-The beautiful study of “St. Adrian” in the Louvre,[357] a pen and wash
-drawing, touched with white, on grey paper, is probably the preliminary
-design for the outer side of the shutter of an altar-piece, to be
-carried out in grisaille. The saint is represented in full armour, with
-a long cloak, holding the sword and anvil, symbols of his martyrdom, in
-either hand, and a lion crouching at his feet. He stands on a stone
-parapet, in front of which is an empty shield. The figure has much in
-common with that of St. Ursus in the Solothurn Madonna picture, and
-there is a still closer resemblance in face to the “St. George” in the
-Karlsruhe panel, both of the year 1522. Holbein evidently made use of
-the same model both for the “St. Adrian” and the “St. George,” for the
-facial likeness is very close, and both wear the same bushy, curling
-hair. It is, therefore, safe, following Dr. Ganz, to date the Louvre
-drawing as of the same year, 1522. It was formerly catalogued as of the
-North Italian School.
-
-Holbein’s studies from the nude are so rare that the one of a young
-woman in the Basel Gallery is of exceptional interest.[358] It is a pen
-and wash drawing, touched with white in the high lights, on red paper.
-With the exception of the “Christ in the Tomb,” and a single leaf of the
-Basel “Sketch-Book,”[359] this nude woman is almost the only drawing of
-the kind by him that is known. It appears to have been made merely as a
-study of muscular movement, and not as a preliminary design for a
-picture. The model is stepping forward from the side of a plain stone
-pillar, a heavy stone held in either hand, the weight of which brings
-the muscles of the arms into prominence. Her hair falls in long curls
-down her back, the head is bent towards the right shoulder, and the eyes
-are cast downwards, and the lips parted. Both in movement and in the
-suggestion of the rounded softness of the figure the drawing is
-admirable, and at the same time displays an Italian influence, recalling
-similar studies by Raphael and Leonardo. Dr. Ganz places it among the
-work of Holbein’s second English period.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 53.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  A FIGHT BETWEEN LANDSKNECHTE
-  _Drawing in Indian ink_
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: “A FIGHT OF LANDSKNECHTE”]
-
-Holbein made use of the Swiss landsknechte for other purposes than that
-of painted windows. One or two of his most masterly drawings depict
-incidents in the lives of these men, whose picturesque dress and gay and
-manly bearing made a strong appeal to him. The finest and most important
-of them is the large study in the Basel Gallery representing a fierce
-conflict between two considerable bodies of warriors (Pl. 53).[360] It
-depicts the contemporary methods of warfare with the utmost vivacity and
-close adherence to truth. It is, according to Dr. Ganz, a work of
-Holbein’s last residence in Basel, probably made just before his return
-to England in 1532. In the foreground of the fight two men are at close
-quarters, one of whom, with sword whirling over his head, grips the hair
-of his opponent, who is striking at his throat with a long dagger. On
-either side of them two soldiers are forcing a space round them with
-enormous pikes, while behind is a great crowd of shouting, panting, and
-struggling men, whose lances, dashed in with a few hasty strokes, stand
-out against the sky with an extraordinary effect both of number and
-movement. In the hottest part of the fight one combatant uplifts a great
-double-handed sword, while another protects his face with his raised
-drum. Beneath their feet are many trampled bodies and shattered weapons.
-The composition is a very fine one, and the draughtsmanship of
-extraordinary vigour and vitality. One can almost hear the cries and
-yells, and the clash of the arms, so completely has Holbein realised the
-scene, and so vividly set it down on paper with rapid but unerring
-pencil.[361]
-
-It is impossible to give here even a list of his many drawings, of which
-so large a number are in the Basel Gallery. In the Amerbach Collection
-there is a sheet with studies of a recumbent lamb and a lamb’s
-head,[362] both drawn with the utmost delicacy in silver-point and
-slightly washed with water-colour, most faithful renderings of nature,
-perhaps made as a preliminary study for some picture of the youthful St.
-John; and a second sheet with a drawing of the underside of a bat with
-outstretched wings,[363] carried out with the same minute care, the red
-veins, which show through the transparent membranes of the wings, being
-put in with water-colour. In the same collection there are numerous
-designs for jewellery, dagger-sheaths, cups and other vessels, for the
-use of silversmiths and metal-workers; but as much of Holbein’s best
-work of this kind was produced in England, discussion of them may be
-reserved until a later chapter dealing with his designs for the London
-goldsmiths.
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                              CHAPTER VIII
-
-                  PORTRAITS OF ERASMUS AND HIS CIRCLE
-
-Portraits of Erasmus and Ægidius by Quentin Metsys—Copy of the “Erasmus”
-  at Hampton Court and the original in Rome—Portraits of Erasmus by
-  Holbein sent to London—The Longford Castle “Erasmus” and copies of
-  it—The Louvre portrait, and the study for it at Basel—Holbein’s
-  journey to the South of France—Drawings of the sepulchral effigies of
-  the Duke and Duchess of Berry—The Greystoke portrait and the version
-  at Parma—The Basel roundel—Woodcut portraits of Erasmus—Portraits of
-  Froben—Melanchthon—Holbein’s drawing of himself at Basel.
-
-
-THE portraits painted by Holbein prior to his departure from Basel to
-England were not numerous, even when allowance is made for the probable
-disappearance or destruction of several of which no trace now remains.
-There are less than a dozen in all, even when the three different
-versions of Erasmus are included. The Burgomaster Meyer and his wife,
-Benedikt von Hertenstein, Amerbach, Froben, Erasmus, and his own
-portrait almost complete the list, to which may be added the two
-versions of Magdalena Offenburg as “Venus” and as “Lais,” and the
-portrait at the Hague now said to represent his wife shortly after he
-married her. Considering the mastery he had already displayed in this
-branch of art, it is extraordinary that he did not receive more
-commissions for portraits from his fellow-citizens. He found a good
-patron in Erasmus, however, who was always ready to sit for his
-likeness. He was painted by several well-known artists, and employed
-Holbein on more than one occasion. He presented several of these
-portraits to friends and supporters in England and elsewhere, and as he
-had many admirers who were anxious to possess one, Holbein’s original
-pictures of him were copied a number of times both during the
-philosopher’s lifetime and afterwards.
-
-Although Erasmus paid his first visit to Basel in 1513 for the purpose
-of making the acquaintance of Froben, who was about to publish several
-of his works, including his edition of the New Testament, and renewed
-this visit on several occasions, sometimes remaining there for months at
-a time, he did not make the city his permanent home until 1521. Both
-during these earlier visits and after he had settled in Basel, he made
-Froben’s home his own. This house, “zum Sessel,” was in the Fischmarkt,
-but after Froben’s death in 1526, Erasmus moved to the house of Froben’s
-son, “zum Luft,” now No. 18 in the Bäumleingasse, and it was in this
-latter house that he died in 1536. He was attracted by the freedom and
-independence of the life within the city, and the opportunities it
-afforded both for quiet study and daily intercourse with many learned
-men, and also by the number and fame of its printers and their presses.
-
-[Sidenote: PORTRAITS OF ERASMUS AND ÆGIDIUS]
-
-The earliest portrait of Erasmus of which we have a record is the one
-painted by Quentin Metsys in Antwerp in 1517, which formed the left-hand
-side of a double portrait or diptych, of which the other half contained
-the portrait of Peter Ægidius, the learned traveller, and town-clerk of
-Antwerp,[364] to whom the _Utopia_ was dedicated, and whose garden was
-selected by More as the scene in which Raphael Hythlodæus told the
-imaginary story of that island city. It was painted as a joint-gift from
-Erasmus and Ægidius to Sir Thomas, and the two portraits were hinged
-together, and sent over to England. Several letters in the
-correspondence of More and Erasmus have reference to this present. The
-painting was delayed in the first place by the serious illness of Peter,
-and then by indisposition on the part of Erasmus. “I was well enough,”
-Erasmus tells More, “but some fool of a doctor prescribed for me a
-couple of pills for purging my bile, and I, still more foolishly,
-followed his advice; my picture had been previously begun, but, from the
-physic I took, when I came back to the painter, he declared that my
-features were not the same, so that his work is delayed for a few days
-until I become more alive.” The portraits were finished by the 16th of
-September 1517, and sent to More, who was then at Calais, in charge of
-Erasmus’ “famulus,” Peter Cocles. More’s letter of thanks, dated October
-6th, expressed the greatest delight with the gift, and contained a Latin
-poem in honour of the portraits, in which they were both minutely
-described. In a postscript he spoke in admiration of the way in which
-Quentin had imitated his (More’s) handwriting on the letter which Peter
-holds in his hand.
-
-These two portraits no longer hang together, and until quite recently
-all traces of the “Erasmus” had been lost. The “Ægidius” is now in
-Longford Castle, in the possession of Lord Radnor, and with it hangs a
-portrait of Erasmus; but the latter is not by Metsys, but by Holbein. At
-what period the original pair were parted is not known, but the two in
-Longford Castle were purchased at Dr. Meade’s sale in 1754, the first
-Lord Folkestone giving 105 guineas for the “Erasmus,” which was rightly
-sold as by Holbein, and 91 guineas for the “Ægidius,” also described as
-by the same painter; and for many years both portraits were regarded as
-the work of Holbein. Dr. Meade placed Latin inscriptions on the frames,
-in which the names of Erasmus, Ægidius, and Holbein were joined
-together. In more recent years the authorship of the “Ægidius” has been
-rightly ascribed to Metsys, while Holbein’s signature, and the date 1523
-on the “Erasmus” prove conclusively that it is not the original
-companion-half of the diptych painted in Antwerp in 1517, further proof
-of this being afforded by the fact that both subjects are represented
-looking to the spectator’s left, instead of towards one another, and
-that the “Erasmus” is painted on a considerably larger scale than the
-other, which would not have been the case had the portraits been
-intended as a pair. The matter was finally cleared up by the late Mr.
-John Gough Nichols.[365] Ægidius[366] is represented in a fur coat,
-holding in his left hand a letter addressed to himself in the
-handwriting of Sir Thomas More,[367] and his right touching a book which
-is inscribed “Antibarbaroi” in Greek capitals. An ivory sand-castor and
-a gold cup and cover are on one of the shelves at the back, which are
-covered with books. There is a replica of it in the Antwerp Museum,
-which differs slightly in a few of the details, and is either a fine
-contemporary copy or from the hand of Metsys himself, though until quite
-recently it was still officially described as a portrait of Erasmus by
-Holbein.[368]
-
-[Sidenote: THE “ERASMUS WRITING”]
-
-Until a year or two ago all traces of the original “Erasmus” by Metsys
-had disappeared, but Herman Grimm, Woltmann, and H. Hymans all
-identified a picture at Hampton Court as a reduced copy of the original.
-This is the “Erasmus Writing” (No. 594-331), a small half-length, turned
-to the right, but with both eyes seen. He is writing in a book which
-lies on a desk in front of him. Other books are on a shelf at the back,
-with the titles inscribed on the edges of the leaves, all of them works
-by Erasmus published before 1517. Mr. Ernest Law[369] suggests that it
-is identical with the picture in Charles I’s catalogue described as
-“Some schollar without a beard, in a black habit and a black cap,
-looking downwards upon a letter which he holds in both hands, being
-side-faced, less than life; which was sent to the King by his Majesty’s
-sister, by Mr. Chancellor, Sir Henry Vane, Lord Ambassador from the King
-to the King of Sweden, painted upon the right light—done by Cornelius
-Vischer.” The poorness of the execution, the indistinctness of the
-lettering on the books, and the utter gibberish of the words which
-Erasmus is writing, betray the hand of some ignorant copyist, though
-enough of the wording can be traced to show that the philosopher is
-engaged in setting down the title and first words of his commentary on
-St. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans, which was begun in 1517.[370] There is
-a second copy of this portrait in the Amsterdam Museum; and in the 1904
-edition of the Amsterdam Catalogue (p. 200), a third example was first
-described, which is now generally regarded as the work of Metsys himself
-and the missing half of the diptych. It is in Rome, until recently in
-the collection of the late Count Stroganoff, and was in the possession
-of Count Alexander Stroganoff as early as 1807. It is slightly smaller
-than the “Ægidius” at Longford Castle, but has evidently been cut down,
-as the height of the heads as seen against the shelves at the back is
-the same in both pictures. Metsys represented the two friends as though
-seated in a single chamber. Erasmus is placed on the left, facing the
-right, and engaged in writing, and Ægidius is on the other side of the
-room, looking up with More’s letter in his hand, and pushing forward his
-own book of travels as though about to present it to the Englishman. The
-same bookshelves run across the background in both portraits.[371] The
-picture has been recently presented by Count Stroganoff’s heirs to the
-Corsini Gallery in Rome.
-
-Three or four years later Erasmus’ likeness was taken by Albrecht Dürer,
-who met him during his tour in the Netherlands in July 1520. Dürer
-appears to have made two drawings[372] of him at this time, and some
-years afterwards, in 1526, he engraved his head from memory, with the
-aid of one of these two studies. This engraving[373] by no means equals
-Holbein’s several portraits of the scholar, either as a likeness, or in
-its subtle expression of character. Erasmus, writing to Pirkheimer, said
-that it was not at all like him, but that this was not surprising, as he
-had greatly changed in five years.
-
-[Sidenote: THE “ERASMUS AND FROBEN” DIPTYCH]
-
-There is no direct evidence to prove that Holbein painted any portrait
-of Erasmus before the year 1523, though it is very possible that he did
-so. Perhaps the earliest may be the one mentioned by Remigius Faesch,
-who infers, in his manuscript life of the painter, that Holbein once
-painted a double picture of the friends Erasmus and Froben.[374] It is
-said that after the sudden death of the latter in 1527, from injuries
-caused by a fall on the pavement, Erasmus obtained the two portraits,
-and had them hinged together, as a perpetual memorial of their great
-friendship. After the death of Erasmus in 1536 this diptych remained in
-Basel for nearly a century, and was then bought, about the year 1625, by
-Michel Le Blond, the well-known collector of works of art, for one
-hundred golden ducats, and shortly afterwards sold by him to the Duke of
-Buckingham. The Duke afterwards gave the panels to Charles I. On the
-back of the “Froben” portrait at Hampton Court there is pasted a piece
-of paper inscribed—“This picture of Frobonus was delivered to his M^t.
-by ye Duke of Buckingham [before he went to the] Isle of Ree,” the five
-words in brackets being now illegible. In King Charles’ Catalogue they
-are entered as, “The picture of Frobonius, with his printing tools by
-him, being Erasmus of Rotterdam’s printer and landlord at Basil. Done by
-Holbein”; and, “The picture of Erasmus of Rotterdam, in a high black
-frame; done by Holben, fellow to the aforesaid piece of Frobenius,
-painted upon the right light.” They were sold separately, after the
-King’s execution, by order of the Commonwealth, and fetched larger
-prices than almost any other pictures from the royal collection. They
-were valued at £100 each, and at that price were purchased by Mr.
-Milburne and Colonel Hutchinson respectively. They were returned to the
-royal collection at the Restoration, and in 1672 Patin saw them hinged
-together as they had been in earlier days. They are now in Hampton
-Court.
-
-While in the possession of Charles I, or more probably Le Blond,[375]
-these two portraits were “restored,” and by no means improved. Four
-inches were added to the top of the “Frobenius” in order to make it a
-pendant to the “Erasmus,” and the backgrounds were repainted and altered
-by Von Steenwyck. The original background of the “Frobenius” was either
-plain or a simple room with a window, but has been changed to a lofty
-apartment with pillars and a paved floor, part of the original
-blue-green ground being left behind the head; in the “Erasmus” it has
-been turned into an elaborate arrangement of stone pillars and arches,
-resembling the gloomy interior of a church. Walpole states that Von
-Steenwyck’s name and the date 1629 are on the “Frobenius,” but this
-inscription cannot now be discovered. The latter is by far the finer
-work of the two.
-
-The portrait of Froben, which most modern critics do not admit to be an
-original work, is described below. The companion portrait of Erasmus—No.
-597 (324)—is certainly only a copy, and not a very good copy, of some
-original by Holbein, possibly the Longford “Erasmus,” to which it bears
-a close resemblance. It was accepted by Wornum as a genuine work of the
-early Basel period,[376] but modern criticism is unanimous in condemning
-its authenticity. Its only claim, and a very slight one, to genuineness
-is that it was formerly hinged to the portrait of Froben; but Mr. Ernest
-Law[377] throws doubt on the story that Erasmus himself had the two
-joined together, which he regards as a myth, and suggests that the
-joining was done by some picture-dealer in Basel after Erasmus’ death,
-or by Le Blond himself when he purchased them. In the Hampton Court
-picture[378] the scholar is represented at half-length, less than life,
-turned slightly to the left. He is dressed in the usual black coat
-trimmed with fur, and a black cap. The hands, excellently drawn, rest on
-a closed red-bound book in front of him. The original plain background,
-as already stated, has been elaborated and spoilt by Von Steenwyck. It
-is probable that the double portrait spoken of by Faesch, of which he
-had a copy, was not the original work of Holbein, and in that case the
-supposition, based on his manuscript, that at some unknown period in the
-history of the diptych the “Erasmus” was removed, and a copy substituted
-for it, is equally incorrect.[379]
-
-Most possibly the picture now at Hampton Court was the one actually
-purchased by Le Blond in Basel, to whom it would be sold as a genuine
-work by Holbein. A still less probable supposition is that a change took
-place after the sale of the royal collection in 1650, when the picture
-was in the possession of Mr. Milburne, who, it is suggested, at the
-Restoration returned a copy in place of the original.
-
-[Sidenote: PORTRAITS OF ERASMUS]
-
-The first portraits of Erasmus by Holbein to which a date can be given
-are the Longford Castle example and the profile likeness in the Louvre,
-both of which were painted in 1523, probably towards the end of that
-year, when the artist was about twenty-six; and it is generally agreed
-that these are the two which were sent to England by Erasmus in 1524. In
-a letter to his friend Wilibald Pirkheimer at Nuremberg, dated June 3rd
-of that year, Erasmus says: “Only recently I have again sent two
-portraits of me to England, painted by a not unskilful artist. He has
-also taken a portrait of me to France.” That the painter to whom Erasmus
-refers was Holbein is proved by a passage in Beatus Rhenanus’
-_Emendations of Pliny_, published by Froben in March 1526, and written
-in the previous year. In speaking of the most celebrated German painters
-of the day, he mentions Dürer in Nuremberg, Hans Baldung in Strasburg,
-and Lucas Cranach in Saxony, and concludes with Hans Holbein in
-Switzerland, “born in Augsburg, but for a long time a burgher of Basel,
-who last year painted, most successfully and finely, two portraits of
-our Erasmus of Rotterdam, which he afterwards sent into England.”[380]
-One of the two sent to England was a present to William Warham,
-Archbishop of Canterbury, whose yearly pension to Erasmus was increased
-about this time. The latter wrote to Warham on September 4, 1524: “I
-hope that the portrait painted of me, which I sent to you, has reached
-you, so that you may have somewhat of Erasmus should God call me hence.”
-It is not known for whom the second portrait was intended. No reference
-to it is to be found in the numerous letters despatched to England by
-Erasmus in that year, addressed, among others, to Fisher, Tunstall,
-Wolsey, and the King himself. It was not, apparently, meant for Sir
-Thomas More, for he already possessed the portrait of his friend by
-Metsys, and it is not very probable that Erasmus would send him a
-second. Nor does More speak of it in his letters to Basel, although he
-is certain to have done so had he received so valuable a gift, for he
-was lavish in his praise and his thanks for the Metsys portrait in 1517.
-It has been generally supposed that the well-known letter from More to
-Erasmus, in which he speaks of Holbein as a wonderful artist, affords
-proof that Sir Thomas had seen one or both of these two portraits, and
-that it was of them he was speaking when he praised the painter’s skill.
-The date of this letter is given as December 18, 1525, in the published
-works of Erasmus, but Herman Grimm showed that it was incorrect, and
-altered the year-date to 1524, in which Woltmann followed him. This,
-however, is also an error. The real date of the letter is 1526, as is
-proved by the literary work of Erasmus mentioned in it; and it has,
-therefore, nothing to do with the two portraits sent over in 1524, but
-was written shortly after Holbein’s arrival in London, when More had
-made his personal acquaintance.[381]
-
-It is impossible to say which of the two portraits of 1523 is the
-earlier in date. No doubt the preliminary drawings for both were made in
-the little room or study in which the scholar sat daily at work upon his
-own writings, or supervising the publication and correcting the proofs
-of other volumes issued by Froben, for whom he was then acting as a kind
-of editor-in-chief. In the Longford Castle example (Pl. 54)[382] Holbein
-has shown his sitter to the waist, turned to the left, the face seen in
-three-quarters. He is wearing his invariable dress of black lined with
-sable, and over it a dark cloak trimmed with black fur, and a black
-doctor’s cap over his grey hair. He gazes in front of him, with a
-half-smile in his blue eyes and on his fine, sensitive mouth. His hands
-rest on a red book placed on the table before him, on the gilt edges of
-which is inscribed, partly in Greek and partly in Latin characters,
-“ἩΡΑΚΛΕΙΟΙ ΠΟΝΟΙ ERASMI ROTERO—” (The Herculean labours of Erasmus of
-Rotterdam)—the end of the last word being hidden by the sable cuff of
-the cloak. The background shows on the left a flat, richly-ornamented
-pillar and capital of Renaissance design, and on the right a green
-curtain hung from a rod by rings, partly drawn aside, and revealing a
-shelf on which are three books and a glass water-bottle. On the cover of
-the book which leans against the latter is the date “MDXXIII.,” and on
-the edge of the same volume is a damaged couplet in Latin, now partly
-defaced, which J. Mähly, after supplying several missing words, read as
-follows:—
-
-            “Ille ego Joannes Holbein, en, non facile ullus.
-             Tam mihi mimus erit quam mihi momus erat.”[383]
-
-These lines, no doubt, were composed by Erasmus himself in praise of the
-artist. Traces of further inscriptions, now undecipherable, are to be
-seen on the edges of the other books. This work shows an extraordinary
-advance in Holbein’s powers as a portrait-painter when compared with
-even so fine a work as the “Bonifacius Amerbach,” painted four years
-earlier. The modelling of both head and hands is searching in its truth,
-and he rarely accomplished anything more perfect in the subtlety of its
-delineation of character, and in a realism without exaggeration or
-hardness of detail. We see the “little old man,” as Dürer described him
-when he met him in Brussels some years earlier, just as he was in
-reality, the marks of age on his strongly-lined face, and about the eyes
-something of the tired look of the scholar and bookman, but the face
-still stamped with mental energy, and a calm, tolerant, and dignified
-outlook on life. A faint smile lights up his features, as though
-satisfied both with his own accomplished work and with the world in
-which he was living. For penetrating insight, indeed, this portrait is
-almost unsurpassed. It shows that side of the character of Erasmus which
-is displayed in his familiar letters to friends, in his _Praise of
-Folly_, and his _Colloquies_, a gentle, genial sense of humour which
-sweetened his intercourse with his fellows.[384] A sheet in the Print
-Room of the Louvre contains a slight, almost obliterated, study for the
-head in this picture, but full face, and a masterly drawing for the
-right hand, full of character;[385] a second contains two studies of the
-left hand, and one of the right hand holding the pen in the Louvre
-portrait (Pl. 55).[386] In the catalogue of the Meade sale it was stated
-that the picture had been at one time in the Arundel Collection.[387]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 54.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  ERASMUS
-  1523
-  _From the picture in the collection of the Earl of Radnor at Longford
-    Castle_
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE LONGFORD CASTLE “ERASMUS”]
-
-This version of Erasmus was repeated and copied more than once, with
-slight modifications, during the lifetime of the sitter as well as after
-his death. Such versions are to be found at Turin, Vienna, and
-elsewhere, the best of which is the one in the collection of Mr. Walter
-Gay, in Paris;[388] while there are others, less closely following the
-original, such as the “Erasmus” at Hampton Court already described,
-which forms a pendant to the “Frobenius.” There is a fine portrait of
-Erasmus in Windsor Castle by George Pencz[389] of Nuremberg, a pupil of
-Dürer’s, which is evidently based on the Longford Castle picture, or a
-good copy of it,[390] which bears the artist’s initials and the date
-1537, so that it was painted the year after the scholar’s death. It has
-a plain green background, on which the shadow of the head is cast, and
-part only of the clasped hands are shown. The dress closely resembles
-that worn by Erasmus in the Longford Castle picture. This portrait,
-though it lacks much of the character of the original which inspired it,
-reproduces many of its small details, including the peculiar patch of
-darkened skin between the left cheek-bone and the ear, which is to be
-seen in almost all Holbein’s portraits of him.[391] It was bought by the
-Duke of Hamilton in Nuremberg and presented by him to Charles I in 1652.
-It was No. 13 in Van der Doort’s Catalogue of that King’s collections.
-Everything indicates that the original picture of which this is a
-version was in England in 1537; but as there is no record of any visit
-paid to this country by Pencz, he must have worked, not from the
-Longford original, but from one of the variants painted about 1530,
-after Holbein’s return to Basel from England.
-
-The portrait in the Louvre (Pl. 56)[392] is smaller than the Longford
-Castle picture. Erasmus is shown in profile to the left, about
-two-thirds the size of life, seated at a table, writing, his eyes cast
-down on the paper, which he holds in position with his left hand upon a
-book he is using as a writing-desk. In his right[393] is a reed pen. His
-dress is the same as in Lord Radnor’s picture, and his black cap almost
-conceals his grey hair. In the background on the left is a damask
-curtain of dark bluish green, with a pattern of trees and lions in sage
-green, and powdered with small red and white flowers; and, on the right,
-some wooden panelling. The inscription on the paper he holds is now
-quite illegible, but in the study for the picture, in the Basel Gallery,
-it is still to be plainly read, and shows that the scholar is setting
-down the title of the work upon which he was engaged at the time he was
-sitting to Holbein. It runs—
-
-                  “In Evangelium Marci paraphrasis per
-                   D. Erasmum Roterodamium aucto[rem]
-                   Cunctis mortalibus ins[itum est].”
-
-This is the heading of his paraphrase of the Gospel of St. Mark, upon
-which he was at work in 1523, and gives the date of the picture. The
-inscription on the Louvre portrait was undoubtedly the same.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 55.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  STUDY FOR THE HANDS OF ERASMUS
-  _Drawing in silver-point and red and black chalk_
-  LOUVRE, PARIS
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 56.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  ERASMUS
-  1523
-  LOUVRE, PARIS
-]
-
-[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF ERASMUS IN THE LOUVRE]
-
-This portrait, like the one in Longford Castle, is painted with the
-utmost perfection, in dark but warm tones; it almost surpasses the other
-both in colouring and in its mastery of expression. The features are
-firmly set, the sitter’s thoughts entirely concentrated on his work, so
-that he is oblivious to all else but the matter in hand. The drawing of
-the hands is masterly. The complexion is warm and healthy, and the
-eyebrows, unlike the hair, locks of which straggle below the cap, have
-not yet turned grey. This picture was once in the possession of the
-Newton family. On the back of the pine panel on which it is painted is
-pasted a paper memorandum, now partly destroyed, which runs: “Of
-Holbein, this ... of Erasmus Rotterdamus was given to ... Prince by Jos.
-Adam Newton.” In addition there is a red seal with the Newton arms and
-their motto, “Vivit post funera virtus,” as well as the brand of Charles
-I (C. R. surmounted by a crown), and of the French royal collection (M.
-R.—_i.e._ Musée Royal—also below a crown). King Charles afterwards
-exchanged this picture and a “Holy Family” by Titian with Louis XIII for
-Leonardo’s “St. John the Baptist,” through the medium of the French
-Ambassador, the Duc de Liancourt. After Charles’s execution the Leonardo
-returned to the French royal collections, being purchased at the sale by
-the French banker Jabach for £140, and presented by him to Louis XIV. In
-the catalogue of the Louvre by MM. Lafenestre and Richtenberger it is
-stated that the “Erasmus” was “painted for Sir Thomas More,” but this is
-mere conjecture, and probably not correct. It was engraved by François
-Dequevauvillers for the “Galerie du Musée Napoléon,” and etched by Félix
-Bracquemond about 1860. A facsimile of the first state of this fine
-plate was reproduced in the _Gazette des Beaux-Arts_[394] shortly after
-the etcher’s death.
-
-The original study for the Louvre portrait, in the Basel Gallery (No.
-319),[395] is painted in oil on paper, afterwards fastened down on
-panel. With the exception of a plain background, and some slight
-differences in the costume, it agrees in all points with the more
-elaborately finished picture. Erasmus is using a book bound in red as a
-writing-desk, which rests upon a second volume. The tablecloth is green.
-His upper lip shows several days’ growth of iron-grey hair. Although not
-so fine in execution, it is nevertheless a remarkable and lifelike
-study. The present plain green background, however, is not original. It
-had at one time a patterned tapestry hanging behind the figure, as can
-be seen in the woodcut taken from it by Rudolf Manuel in the Latin
-edition of Sebastian Münster’s _Cosmography_, published in 1550, which
-has an inscription beneath it referring to the portrait in terms of high
-praise, and stating that Holbein painted it from life.[396] It is
-described in the Amerbach inventory as “Ein Erasmus mit olfärb vf papir
-in eim ghüs H. Holbeins arbeit,” and it appears to have belonged to
-Bonifacius almost from the day it was painted. All evidence points to
-this oil-study being the third portrait mentioned by Erasmus in his
-letter to Pirkheimer of the 3rd June, 1524, which was taken by the
-painter into France. Bonifacius Amerbach was absent in that country,
-studying law at Avignon under Alciat, and afterwards at the University
-of Montpellier, for two years, from May 1522 to May 1524.[397] In his
-absence Erasmus sent him his own portrait as a present, and by the hands
-of the artist who painted it. If the date of the letter to Pirkheimer is
-correct, Holbein must have paid his visit to the South of France in the
-early spring of 1524. The letter to Pirkheimer, written in the beginning
-of June, states that the pictures had been sent to England and France
-“recently,” but, according to Woltmann, Amerbach was back again in Basel
-in May, before the date of the letter, so that the sequence of events
-becomes a little confused. It is, of course, possible that Amerbach
-received the portrait on the eve of his departure from Montpellier, and
-that he may even have made the journey home in Holbein’s company; while
-Erasmus may not have troubled himself to inform his correspondent that
-the portrait sent into France was already back again in Basel.
-
-[Sidenote: VISIT TO THE SOUTH OF FRANCE]
-
-Nothing is known of this journey undertaken by Holbein, but it is not at
-all likely that he set out solely as the messenger of Erasmus, for the
-set purpose of delivering the portrait to Amerbach. It is much more
-probable that the desire for travel was still strong in him, and that
-the spirit of adventure, combined with the wish to discover fresh fields
-for the practice of his art, may have sent him forth as a wanderer
-again. In this connection, Dr. Ganz points out the somewhat strange
-coincidence that at this very time, the 19th April 1524, his patron,
-Jakob Meyer, set out from Basel for Lyon, with a band of two hundred
-men, in order to join the French expedition about to proceed against
-Milan.[398] Holbein may have seized the opportunity of travelling with
-him, not necessarily as a fighting man, but for the sake of company on
-his journey. The route followed was probably through Besançon, Dijon,
-Beaune, Macon, Lyon, and down the Rhône to Avignon, Nimes, and
-Montpellier. In these cities he would see many fine examples of French
-Renaissance architecture, the influence of which, as already pointed
-out, can be detected in certain of his designs for glass-painting; and
-it is highly probable, also, that he must have had opportunities of
-studying to some extent the work of the Clouets and their school, with
-whose art, both in point of view and technique, his own had certain
-features in common, and that their portraits, with their enamel-like
-surfaces, and more particularly their lifelike and elegant
-portrait-studies in coloured chalks, must have made a considerable
-impression upon him.[399] Beyond such influences as these, to be seen in
-his later work, there is nothing to indicate such a journey, nor, if it
-were actually taken, for how long he was absent from Basel.[400] The
-scarcity of dated works between 1523 and 1526 may suggest a lengthy
-absence abroad, but this is more than counterbalanced by the fact that,
-with the exception of a couple of drawings, there is nothing from his
-hand, either portrait, or church picture, or wall decoration, so far
-discovered, which can be shown to have been carried out in France. It is
-possible, though not probable, that the greater number of the “Dance of
-Death” woodcuts, which were first published in 1538 at Lyon, were
-finished by 1523, and that Holbein, during his stay in that city, may
-have made arrangements with the Trechsels for their publication; but
-there is nothing to show that this was the objective of his journey.
-Moreover, everything seems to indicate that Holbein merely supplied the
-designs for these woodcuts to the engraver Lützelburger, and had no
-further monetary interest in them or their publication in which case his
-visit to Lyon need not necessarily have had anything to do with
-them.[401]
-
-The two drawings to which reference has been made are in the Basel
-Collection, and are studies of two life-size sepulchral effigies of the
-early fifteenth century, in the cathedral of Bourges, representing the
-Duke Jehan de Berry, who died in 1416, and his wife, kneeling with hands
-clasped in prayer. In Holbein’s day the monument was still in its
-original position in the private chapel of the Dukes of Berry,
-afterwards pulled down, when the figures were removed to the ambulatory
-of the choir. Other parts of the monument are now in the local museum.
-Holbein’s masterly touch has vivified the somewhat stiff and formal
-attitudes of these kneeling figures, in which, however, can be seen the
-beginnings of that realism and individuality which formed so marked a
-characteristic of the work of a later period of sculpture. These two
-fine drawings,[402] of which that of the Duchess (Pl. 57)[403] is the
-more beautiful, have almost the appearance of being studies from life
-instead of mere transcripts from the stone, and this effect is
-heightened by the skilful use the artist has made of touches of red and
-yellow crayons to his black chalk drawings. The sharp features of the
-Duchess, with high forehead and pointed nose, seen in profile, are full
-of expression. She wears the costume of the early fifteenth century,
-with a high ruff and heavy gold necklace, her golden hair enclosed in a
-fine net, and surmounted by a diadem set with square stones and jewels.
-It is now only possible to compare Holbein’s truth of likeness to the
-original in the case of the statue of the Duke, for in that of the
-Duchess the head was broken off during the French Revolution, and was
-replaced by another some forty years later, lacking all expression, and
-with a royal crown instead of the ducal diadem.
-
-These two studies, however, cannot have been made during Holbein’s visit
-to Southern France in 1524; the draughtsmanship of them points to a
-later period, when his art had reached its greatest pitch of perfection.
-The position of Bourges, too, in the very centre of France, was far
-distant from the route he would take to reach Montpellier. Nor can they
-be connected with his first journey to England in 1526, for on that
-occasion he passed through Antwerp, his direct route being down the
-Rhine; and he made use, no doubt, of the same waterway on his return to
-Basel in 1528. In all probability the visit to Bourges took place in
-1538. In the late summer of that year Holbein went with Philip Hoby to
-Joinville and Nancy on Henry VIII’s business,[404] and took the
-opportunity of paying a visit of a few weeks’ duration to his family and
-old friends in Basel. On his return to England he is supposed to have
-taken his eldest son with him as far as Paris, where he apprenticed him
-to the goldsmith Jakob David, and from Switzerland Bourges would be on
-the route to the capital of France.[405]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 57.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE DUCHESS OF BERRY
-  _Drawing in black and coloured chalks_
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-After Holbein’s return to Switzerland from England in 1528 he painted
-Erasmus again. A number of versions of this third type exist, of which
-the finest are the small Greystoke portrait, which in 1909 passed into
-the collection of the late Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan, and the small roundel
-in the Basel Gallery. One of the versions, in the Parma Gallery, bears
-the date 1530. Erasmus had retired to Freiburg with Amerbach in 1528 in
-order to avoid the iconoclastic disturbances in Basel, and he must have
-given Holbein a sitting, most probably in that town, between 1528 and
-1530. These later portraits closely follow the Longford Castle type as
-regards the pose and the position of the head, three-quarters face to
-the spectator’s left, and the details of the dress; but the sitter
-appears considerably older, and in every instance the background is a
-plain one.
-
-[Sidenote: THE GREYSTOKE PORTRAIT OF ERASMUS]
-
-The Greystoke picture[406] has every appearance of being a work from
-Holbein’s own brush. The masterly modelling, the fine and subtle
-draughtsmanship, the wonderful expression of the mouth and the still
-keen and brilliant eyes, are too good and too true to life to be the
-work of a mere copyist. The cheeks are more sunken and the face more
-heavily lined than in the portraits of 1523. The eyebrows are still
-dark, but the hair which straggles from below the black cap is white,
-and is drawn with all the minute care and delicacy with which Holbein
-always portrayed it in his portraits, and the stubble of a beard of a
-few days’ growth is also indicated with the touch of a master. The
-hands, resting on a narrow ledge in front of him, and half concealed by
-the deep fur cuffs of his gown, are not so good, and are much less
-expressive than was usual with Holbein. The picture is in a fine state
-of preservation, and the colour scheme is rich and harmonious, though
-the plain blue background has turned to a greenish hue in the course of
-time. Upon it, to the left of the head, is a small white label, with the
-inscription, “Erasmus Roterodamus,” which appears to be fastened to the
-wall with red wafers and a pin, like the label in the portrait of the
-Duchess of Milan. According to Sir Sidney Colvin,[407] both labels were
-probably the work of the same hand, and are of later date than the
-paintings. He suggests that the inscription on the “Erasmus” portrait
-was added to it when it was in the Arundel Collection.
-
-On the back of the panel is an interesting inscription, written,
-according to the same authority, in a hand of not later date than
-1530-50. It runs as follows:—
-
-                    “Haunce Holbein me fecit
-                     Johanne[s] Noryce me dedit
-                     Edwardus Banyster me possidit.”
-
-John Norris, or Noryce—the name was spelt in various other ways—was one
-of the minor officials of Henry VIII’s court, filling the part of
-gentleman usher, which he afterwards held under Edward VI and Queen
-Mary, dying in 1564 as chief usher of the Privy Chamber to the latter
-queen. Among other offices which he obtained was that of Controller of
-Windsor Castle. He was son and heir of Sir Edward Norris of Bray and
-Yattendon in Berkshire, and elder brother of that ill-fated Henry
-Norris, one of Henry’s close companions, who was involved in the tragic
-fate of Anne Boleyn. The inscription shows that at some time, probably
-during Holbein’s life, John Norris owned this portrait of Erasmus, and
-that he presented it to a friend named Edward Banister. According to Sir
-Sidney Colvin’s researches, this Banister was also employed about the
-Court. In 1526 he appears as a gentleman usher out of wages for the
-county of Hants, and in 1539 he was one of the representatives of the
-same county appointed to receive Anne of Cleves at Calais and escort her
-to England. The inscription on the picture was probably written by
-Banister himself.
-
-This portrait may have been the one in the possession of John, Lord
-Lumley, son-in-law of Henry Fitzalan, twelfth and last Earl of Arundel
-of that creation. In the Lumley inventory of 1590 it is described as “Of
-Erasmus of Roterdame, drawne by Haunce Holbyn.” Among his other
-portraits by Holbein, Lord Lumley also possessed the full-length of the
-Duchess of Milan, and it is most probable that the label with the
-inscription was added to both portraits when in his collection. The
-“Erasmus” was afterwards in the famous collection of Thomas Howard, the
-great Earl of Arundel, from which it passed by bequest of Alathea,
-Countess of Arundel, to her grandson, Charles Howard, into that of the
-Greystoke branch of the Howard family, where it remained, at their seat
-in Cumberland, until its recent purchase by Mr. Morgan. The Earl of
-Arundel possessed two portraits of Erasmus by Holbein,[408] the second
-being the Longford Castle picture. While in this collection the
-Greystoke version was engraved by Lucas Vorsterman, a very excellent
-print, undated, in which the figure is in reverse of the picture.[409]
-It was engraved again, when in the same collection, by Andreas Stock,
-the plate being dated from the Hague, 1628. In this engraving the
-position is the same as in the portrait, which suggests that Stock
-merely copied from Vorsterman, and not from the picture itself. In the
-inscription at the foot of Stock’s engraving it is stated that the
-portrait from which it was taken was the one which Erasmus himself told
-Sir Thomas More he very greatly preferred to the one of him by Albrecht
-Dürer; but the statement appears to have no real foundation in fact.
-Whether the portrait was sent to England by Erasmus in charge of Holbein
-when he returned to England in 1532, as a present to some friend or
-admirer, or whether the artist brought it over in the ordinary way of
-his business, it is now impossible to say. It is now in the Metropolitan
-Museum, New York.
-
-[Sidenote: PARMA PORTRAIT OF ERASMUS]
-
-The Greystoke portrait closely resembles the Parma picture, which is
-regarded by most critics as an original work, though to the present
-writer it appears to be no more than a fine contemporary copy or
-adaptation of Mr. Morgan’s picture or the Basel roundel. The Parma
-example,[410] in which Erasmus is shown with his hands holding open one
-of his own books, has the date 1530 on the plain background, two figures
-on either side of the head.[411] Documentary evidence[412] exists,
-showing that Holbein had painted one or more portraits of Erasmus at
-this period. One of them was in the possession of Goelenius, professor
-at Louvain, and in 1531 Johannes Dantiscus, Bishop of Kulm, and
-afterwards of Ermeland, was anxious to obtain a copy of it, and wrote
-asking to have this done for him by a painter of Malines. Goelenius, in
-reply, sent to his friend the original portrait as a gift. The Bishop,
-however, not to be outdone in generosity, returned the present, at the
-same time saying that the portrait was an earlier one than he had
-supposed, and that he wanted one of a more recent date. In answer to
-this Goelenius wrote that fortunately he was on terms of such close
-friendship with Holbein that he could get him to do anything he wished,
-and would procure from him a portrait of Erasmus which he had quite
-recently painted. Some portrait, whether an original or only a copy, was
-eventually sent, and it has been suggested that it was the portrait now
-in the Parma Gallery. When Dantiscus became Bishop of Ermeland, he
-would, in all probability, take the portrait with him; and this district
-was afterwards devastated by the Swedes during the Thirty Years’ War,
-and many of the art treasures of the province carried to Sweden. Some of
-these spoils of war became the property of Queen Christina, who took
-them with her to Italy, where she lived in later life, and among the
-works so taken, it is conjectured, may well have been the Erasmus
-portrait now at Parma.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 58.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  1. ERASMUS
-  Roundel
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  2. PHILIP MELANCHTHON
-  Roundel
-  PROVINZIAL MUSEUM, HANOVER
-]
-
-The little roundel in the Basel Gallery (No. 324) (Pl. 58 (1)),[413]
-which is about four inches in diameter, forms part of the Amerbach
-Collection, and, no doubt, came into the possession of Bonifacius on the
-death of Erasmus. It agrees in all respects with the Greystoke portrait,
-though only the head and shoulders are shown, and it is not quite so
-masterly in its execution. It is very possibly the original study made
-by Holbein in Freiburg, upon which the Greystoke and other portraits
-were based. It has a plain blue-green background, and is perhaps not
-quite in its original state. There is a third “Erasmus” at Basel, the
-small panel in the Faesch Collection (No. 356),[414] a good old copy of
-the roundel in the Amerbach Collection. All three are mentioned by
-Patin. It would serve no useful purpose to enumerate and describe the
-many other versions of the roundel, the Greystoke, and the Longford
-portraits, which exist in various European collections at St.
-Petersburg,[415] Cassel, Karlsruhe, Vienna, Turin,[416] Rotterdam,
-Lausanne,[417] and elsewhere. As already stated, they were in great
-demand among the admirers of Erasmus, so that numerous copies must have
-been made. In the lifetime of Amerbach’s son Basilius there were no less
-than five in Basel, and when Richard Strein of Vienna wrote to him
-asking him to procure him a portrait of the great humanist, Amerbach, in
-reply, wanted to know which of the five he would like copied. The copy
-by Pencz, already described, may have been taken from one of these later
-portraits rather than from the Longford portrait of 1523. The copy at
-Rotterdam is said to have been presented by the Basel Council to the
-Rotterdam Council in 1532.
-
-[Sidenote: WOODCUTS PORTRAIT OF ERASMUS]
-
-Two other portraits of Erasmus by Holbein cannot be overlooked. These
-are the two beautiful woodcuts from his designs, which, from the
-fineness and accuracy of their execution, must have been cut by Hans
-Lützelburger. The first is a small round portrait,[418] showing the head
-and shoulders only, in profile, turned to the spectator’s right, seen
-against a plain background, and inscribed round the plain circular
-framework “Erasmus Roterodam.” It is evidently of about the same date as
-the Louvre portrait, and may have been one of the first of Holbein’s
-designs engraved by Lützelburger, who settled in Basel about 1523. The
-delicate and rather emaciated features of the scholar have been
-reproduced with wonderful skill. It was first used on the back of the
-title-page of the _Adagiorum opus Des. Erasmi Roterodami_, published by
-Froben in 1533, and again in _Des. Erasmi Rot. Ecclesiastæ sive de
-ratione concionandi libri quatuor_ (1535).
-
-The second,[419] and still more beautiful, woodcut is considerably
-larger, being 11¼ inches high by 9 inches wide (Pl. 59). In his
-catalogue Amerbach calls it “Erasmus Rotterdamus in eim Ghüs.” Erasmus
-is represented at full length, standing, turned three-quarters to the
-right, in his doctor’s cap and furred gown, his right hand resting on
-the head of a truncated figure of Terminus, towards which he points with
-his other hand. The framework or “ghüs” within which he is placed shows
-to the fullest advantage Holbein’s complete mastery of Renaissance
-design, and is equal to the finest contemporary Italian work of the
-kind. It is purer in style, and lighter and more elegant in effect, than
-the greater number of his earlier designs for woodcuts. Two pillars with
-caryatid figures, with long beards and folded arms, and baskets of fruit
-on their heads, support a round arch above which on either side are nude
-figures with cornucopiæ, from which hang long wreaths of fruit and
-foliage. The whole is surmounted by a winged cherub above a lion’s head,
-from the mouth of which hangs a tablet inscribed “ER. ROT.” At the base
-a larger tablet is supported by two fish-tailed female figures. As a
-portrait this engraving is as fine as either the Longford or the Louvre
-pictures. The small head is full of force and character; and equally
-fine is the expression on the smiling face of the Terminus, while the
-treatment of the draperies is just as admirable. It is difficult to know
-which to admire the most, the beauty of the artist’s design and
-draughtsmanship, or the wonderful fidelity of the engraver, who in
-cutting it has lost little or nothing of the delicacy of Holbein’s
-touch, for both are masterly.
-
-The original pear-wood block is in the Basel Gallery. Early proof
-impressions of it are in the British Museum, the Berlin and Munich Print
-Rooms, and elsewhere. These have a two-lined Latin inscription on the
-tablet at the base—
-
-              “Corporis effigiem si quis non vidit Erasmi,
-               Hanc scite ad vivum picta tabella dabit.”
-
-(If anyone has not seen Erasmus in his bodily shape, this cut, drawn
-from life, will give his counterfeit.) The design was evidently made for
-a complete edition of the works of Erasmus, but no such publication has
-been met with in which this impression with the single distich appears.
-The woodcut is first encountered in the complete edition of his writings
-published by Froben’s son, Hieronymus, and Nic. Episcopius in 1540, with
-a four-lined inscription, in which Holbein’s name is coupled with that
-of Erasmus in terms of high praise—
-
-               “Pallas Apellæam nuper mirata tabellam,
-                  Hanc ait, æternum Bibliotheca colat.
-                Dædaleam monstrat Musis Holbeinnius artem,
-                  Et summi Ingenii Magnus Erasmus opes.”
-
-No one but Lützelburger can have cut it, so that the design must have
-been made before Holbein’s first visit to England. Why Froben made no
-earlier use of it, it is impossible to say.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 59.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  ERASMUS
-  _From a woodcut in the British Museum_
-]
-
-[Sidenote: PORTRAITS OF FROBEN]
-
-The history of the double portrait of Erasmus and Froben, as far as it
-is known, has been already given. The version of Froben, at Hampton
-Court[420]—No. 603 (323)—is a drawing on parchment, afterwards fastened
-down on a panel, and roughly finished as a picture, and has little of
-the careful elaboration of Holbein’s painted portraits. It is a
-half-length figure, less than life-size, turned to the right, the face
-seen almost in profile. The arms are folded, and the hands, thrust
-within the sleeves of his brown cloak, which is lined with fur at the
-neck, are not seen. He wears no cap, and his straight hair is growing
-thin. The head is seen against what now appears to be a window or
-opening, sea-green in colour, which is part of the original plain
-background, afterwards repainted by Von Steenwyck with various pillars
-and mouldings. In front is a narrow stone ledge, over the greater part
-of which hangs what appears to be a white cloth, on which is inscribed,
-“IOANNES FROBENIUS TYP. HHOLBEIN P.” which is not the original
-handiwork of the painter. The face is a kindly but ugly one, and bears
-out the character given to him by Erasmus, who was overcome with grief
-at his sudden death. “All the friends of the belles lettres,” he wrote
-to a friend, “should put on mourning attire and shed tears at the death
-of this man, and should wreath his grave with ivy and flowers. Never
-before have I felt how great is the power of sincere friendship. I bore
-with moderation the death of my own brother; but what I cannot endure is
-the longing for Froben. So simple and sincere was his nature that he
-could not have dissembled had he wished. To show kindness to everyone
-was his greatest delight, and even if the unworthy received his
-benefits, he was glad. His fidelity was immovable, and as he himself
-never had evil in his mind, he was never able to cherish suspicion of
-others.”
-
-There is a similar portrait of Froben in the Basel Gallery (No.
-357),[421] an old copy, which was presented to the Basel University by
-Christian von Mechel, who acquired it as an original work by Holbein
-from the publisher Enschede at Haarlem in 1792, and was transferred to
-the Gallery in 1811. In the letter making the gift he speaks of it as
-softer, richer, and more powerful than the usual Holbein style. A third,
-and inferior, example was lent to the Tudor Exhibition in 1890 by Sir
-Henry B. St. John Mildmay, Bt. (No. 134), which is perhaps identical
-with the small portrait in oil which belonged to Walpole and was sold in
-1842 at the Strawberry Hill sale for 19 guineas.
-
-The genuineness of the Hampton Court portrait of Froben has been often
-disputed, and to-day the consensus of opinion is not in its favour. Both
-Waagen and Woltmann regarded it as a copy, and more recent writers,
-among them Dr. Ganz, hold the same view. Even those who consider it to
-be a genuine work by Holbein are forced to own that it is by no means a
-fine example of his portraiture. The head, however, has more character
-than is usually found in a copy, and, no doubt, its present condition is
-due to some extent to the mishandling it received from Von Steenwyck,
-who probably did not confine his attentions solely to the background. It
-is possible, therefore, to regard it as an original study by Holbein,
-which has suffered somewhat severely in the course of years. Mr. Ernest
-Law speaks of it as a genuine though not first-class example, and refers
-to the version at Basel as “little more than a clumsy imitation” of
-it.[422] The Basel Catalogue, on the other hand, says that the latter
-portrait, which is an old copy or else an original which has suffered
-severely from repainting, is “incomparably better than the
-seventeenth-century replica at Hampton Court.” Woltmann considered the
-Basel version to be merely a late Netherlandish copy,[423] while
-Knackfuss says that it is “very bad as regards colouring.”[424]
-
-[Sidenote: ROUNDEL OF MELANCHTHON]
-
-Another friend and correspondent of Erasmus, Philip Melanchthon, was
-painted by Holbein, though there is no evidence to show when or how they
-met. The small roundel in oils of the young German scholar in the
-Provinzial Museum at Hanover (Pl. 58 (2))[425] may perhaps have been
-done as a pendant to the circular “Erasmus” at Basel. It is almost
-exactly the same size, about four inches in diameter, and is carried out
-with an almost equal delicacy and freedom of touch, as though it were a
-study direct from nature. Melanchthon is shown nearly in full profile to
-the right, with dark smooth hair falling on his ears, and a scanty beard
-and moustache. His coat and plain white shirt are open in front, showing
-the bare chest. The background is grey, but may possibly have been at
-one time blue. The head itself is not free from retouching. It is
-preserved in its original circular box, the inner side of the cover
-being decorated in grey monochrome with a very beautiful design of
-foliage and fruit intermingled with the heads and figures of satyrs in
-the Renaissance style from Holbein’s own hand, and across the centre a
-cartouche with the following inscription in gold: “Qui cernis tantum
-non, viva Melanthonis ora, Holbinus rara dexteritate dedit,”[426] which
-is perhaps the sitter’s own personal tribute to the skill of the
-painter. The style of the Renaissance decoration indicates that in all
-probability the portrait was painted during Holbein’s third stay in
-Basel (1528-32).[427] Melanchthon attended the Imperial Diet at Speier
-in 1529,[428] and a little later visited his mother in Bretten, and it
-is by no means impossible that he also went to Freiburg to see Erasmus,
-and that while there, some time during 1530, Holbein painted the
-roundels of both friends. A second version of this portrait was in the
-possession of Horace Walpole, in which the inscription runs round the
-outer edge. It fetched fifteen guineas at the Strawberry Hill sale in
-1842, and is now in the collection of Sir William van Horne in Montreal.
-
-With these portraits of Erasmus and some of his most intimate friends
-may be placed Holbein’s own portrait of himself (_Frontispiece_), the
-very exquisite drawing in the Basel Gallery (No. 320),[429] in which he
-is represented almost full face, wearing a large red hat, a brown-grey
-cloak or overcoat with bands of black velvet, and a white shirt tied
-with strings at the neck. He is beardless, with short dark-brown hair,
-and brown eyes. The study is on paper, and is drawn in Indian ink and
-coloured chalks, and washed with water-colour which has faded in parts.
-This drawing, like the portrait of Holbein’s wife and children, and the
-one of Von Rüdiswiler of Lucerne by Ambrosius Holbein, has been at some
-time cut out round the outlines, and afterwards mounted on a greyish
-paper, which produces the slight effect of hardness which must certainly
-have been missing in its untouched state.[430] In 1907 the plain blue
-background was carefully renewed from an old example.
-
-Some writers have held that it is not absolutely certain that this
-drawing really represents the painter. In the Amerbach inventory of 1586
-it is described as, “Item ein tafelen gehort darin ein conterfehung
-Holbeins mit trocken farben (a counterfeit of Holbein in dry colours,
-_i.e._ crayons), so im grossen kasten vnder Holbeins kunst ligt”; and in
-the later inventories it is described in much the same way. Knackfuss,
-among others, says that from these words it is not positively to be
-concluded that the “counterfeit” was of Holbein himself. There can be
-little doubt, however, that Amerbach intended to describe it as a
-portrait of Holbein by himself; if it had been a drawing of some unknown
-sitter he would have so described it. As far back as 1676 it was
-published by Patin in his edition of the _Praise of Folly_ as Holbein’s
-portrait from his own hand. It bears, too, a strong likeness to the
-portraits of Holbein as a boy by the elder Hans, both in the “St. Paul”
-picture and in the drawing of 1511 of the two brothers at Berlin. There
-is the same massive head, with its fine forehead, breadth of
-cheek-bones, strong chin, and firm mouth. It has great resemblance, too,
-when due allowance has been made for the passing of twenty years or so,
-to the miniature portraits of himself which he painted at the end of his
-life. It may be accepted, indeed, without reservation as a genuine
-portrait of Holbein, of about the date 1523-5, when he was some
-twenty-six years old.[431] As a portrait it is a magnificent study. The
-face is a strong one, of a somewhat serious cast, but with a suggestion
-of humour about the finely shaped mobile mouth and in the clear brown
-eyes. The broadly built head with its high forehead indicates strength
-of character and intellectual capacity, and there is a quiet dignity and
-a sense of power in the whole countenance and in the carriage of the
-youthful figure, which one would expect to find in the likeness of a
-painter possessed, as Holbein was, of such brilliant technical abilities
-and so wonderful a creative genius.[432]
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                               CHAPTER IX
-
-                     DESIGNS FOR BOOK ILLUSTRATIONS
-
-Holbein’s work for the Basel publishers—Imperfection of the cutting of
-  his earlier book illustrations—His connection with Hans
-  Lützelburger—His first title-page—More’s _Utopia_—the Table of
-  Cebes—Luther’s translation of the New Testament—Title-page to the
-  quarto edition—Work for Luther’s translation of the Old Testament—“The
-  Sale of Indulgences”—“Christ the True Light”—Woodcuts representing
-  incidents of common life, dancing, merry-making, &c.—Initial letters
-  and alphabets—Trade-marks and devices for printers.
-
-
-THROUGHOUT the whole period of his first residence in Basel a
-considerable part of Holbein’s time was occupied with the production of
-designs for book illustrations, such as title-pages, head and
-tail-pieces, ornamental borders, initial letters, and printers’ marks.
-Including the “Dance of Death” and Old Testament illustrations, and the
-various alphabets of his designing, Woltmann enumerates more than three
-hundred woodcuts or metal engravings, large or small, for which Holbein
-made the drawings. Much of his work of this kind was done for Froben,
-but he was also frequently employed by Adam Petri, Thomas Wolff, and
-other printers and publishers.
-
-The old contention that Holbein himself cut the blocks bearing his own
-designs, which at one time produced much acrimonious dispute and a
-voluminous literature, has long since been abandoned, and there is
-absolutely nothing to be said in its favour. He must, however, have had
-a thorough working knowledge of the technical side of woodengraving, and
-of the limits within which it was necessary to confine his art; and
-within those limits he produced the most splendid results.
-
-A number of his earlier designs were not cut in wood, but in metal. The
-method was similar to that of wood-cutting, the drawing being left in
-relief, as on the wood block, a process exactly opposite to copperplate
-engraving, in which the lines to be reproduced are incised. Several of
-his title-pages and ornaments from metal blocks bear the initials I.F.
-upon them, and it was at one time considered that they were probably the
-work of Froben himself,[433] who is described more than once as
-“chalcographer,” or a worker in metal. The term, however, may mean only
-a designer and caster of type, which was a trade Froben followed side by
-side with that of a publisher. The I.F. of these engravings was not
-Froben, but Jakob Faber, who was the best of the cutters in metal who
-worked after Holbein. Froben, no doubt, employed a permanent staff of
-engravers, both for his own publications and also for the sale of blocks
-and plates to other publishers. Faber was possibly one of those who
-found more or less regular employment in his service, and another was
-the engraver with the signature “C.V.,” who engraved the eight metal
-cuts in illustration of the Lord’s Prayer, which appeared about 1523,
-badly printed, in two rare editions of the _Precatio Dominica_ of
-Erasmus, copies of which are included in the William Mitchell Collection
-in the British Museum. The proofs in the Basel Gallery have German text;
-the Mitchell set, with a clause of the Paternoster in French printed at
-the top of each cut, is a unique state, and the impressions are very
-early and sharp. The same “C.V.” engraved in metal the Evangelists in
-the Greek Testaments of 1524 and 1540.
-
-One of the finest of Faber’s metal-cuts is the folio title-page issued
-by Cratander in 1525, representing Christ before God the Father,
-surrounded by a great crowd of boy-angels, in the lunette at the top,
-the symbols of the four Evangelists in niches shown in perspective at
-the sides, and the Apostles at the foot. This title-page is made up of
-four separate plates, each of which bears the initials “I.F.”[434] Quite
-recently (1913) the British Museum has received from the National
-Art-Collections Fund a rare Book of Hours, printed at Lyon in 1548,
-containing fourteen metal-cuts by Faber after Holbein’s designs.
-
-[Sidenote: HANS LÜTZELBURGER]
-
-According to Woltmann, many copper plates after Holbein’s designs were
-still in existence in Basel as late as 1852, in the possession of the
-family of a publisher named Haas, but were subsequently sold on a
-division of the property, all further traces of them being lost.[435]
-These metal engravings of Holbein’s book ornaments as a rule do but
-little justice to the original designs, and compare very unfavourably
-with the later wood engravings cut by Hans Lützelburger. They miss much
-of the strength and character of Holbein’s line, and are marked by a
-hardness of effect which is by no means pleasing.
-
-Many of the earlier wood engravings, too, suffer in the same way from
-the imperfection of the cutting, inferior workmen having been employed
-to reproduce them, just as in the case of the book illustrations of
-Ambrosius Holbein, who was employed by Froben quite as often as his
-brother Hans, and whose work also suffered from inadequate translation.
-It thus becomes difficult, in the case of several unsigned prints, to
-decide which of the two young men was the designer of them. In these
-earlier efforts, too, Hans had not reached to that pitch of excellence
-in adapting his design to the requirements of the wood-cutters to which
-he attained some years later, when he was working in conjunction with
-Lützelburger, nor had his powers of draughtsmanship and composition yet
-found their complete expression. Having at length met with an engraver
-who could do full justice to his ideas, and one who was as great a
-master in one branch of art as he himself was in another, Holbein’s
-genius for decorative design matured rapidly, so that the two men
-between them produced works in this field which have never been
-surpassed. They worked together from the autumn of 1522 until
-Lützelburger’s death and Holbein’s departure from Basel in 1526.
-
-Modern researches have failed to glean much information about the life
-and career of Lützelburger. On a tablet below a wood engraving of his
-cutting representing a battle between peasants and naked men in a fir
-wood in Utopia, designed by the unknown Augsburg master N.H., he signs
-himself “HANNS. LEVCZELLBVRGER. FVRMSCHNIDER. 1.5.2.2.” At a later date,
-on the proofs of Holbein’s “Dance of Death” alphabet, he calls himself
-“Hanns Lützelburger, furmschneider, genant Franck,” that is, “Hans
-Lützelburger, wood-engraver, called Franck.” This is printed in movable
-type, the first H being an ornamented Roman capital, while the other
-letters of the name are in the German character. He was one of the group
-of wood-engravers who were working at Augsburg about 1516-19, under the
-direction of Jost de Negker, on the blocks for the Emperor Maximilian,
-and his name is written or his monogram cut upon the back of nine of the
-“Triumph” blocks, still preserved at Vienna, and he also cut nine of the
-series of “Saints connected with the House of Habsburg” in 1516-17. All
-available evidence indicates that the “Battle of Naked Men” was engraved
-in Augsburg. In the same year, 1522, Lützelburger cut an alphabet for
-the printer Schöffer at Maintz, of which the letter L is signed
-“H.L.F.,” and the same date and initials occur on two specimen
-ornamental alphabets evidently designed by the same unknown artist.[436]
-Whether he was residing at Maintz at the time is uncertain, but by the
-autumn of 1522 Lützelburger had moved to Basel, and was at work on Adam
-Petri’s folio New Testament. There he remained until his death in the
-summer of 1526, in constant collaboration with Holbein, engraving, among
-many other designs, the “Dance of Death” woodcuts and many of the Old
-Testament illustrations. What little is known of him points rather to
-Augsburg than to Basel as his place of birth, though, according to Herr
-His-Heusler’s researches, a family of that name was then living in
-Basel, the names of both a Michael and a Jakob Lützelburger appearing in
-the baptismal register of St. Leonhard between 1529 and 1533; while the
-same name occurs frequently in the parish register of the adjacent town
-of Colmar during the first half of the sixteenth century. Further
-documents discovered by His-Heusler show that Lützelburger died in Basel
-before the 23rd June 1526, and that he was insolvent at the time. Among
-his creditors were the printer, Melchior Trechsel, of Lyon, for an
-advance of 27 florins 15 shillings, and Hans zum Sessel (Froben), for 3
-florins 10 shillings. Trechsel, the publisher of the “Dance of Death”
-and “Old Testament” woodcuts, on hearing of Lützelburger’s death, also
-demanded certain wood blocks ordered by his firm, for which the money
-had been advanced, upon which the deceased had been at work. These
-blocks were sent to him on the condition that he appointed some person
-of substance in Basel as security, in case some other creditor proved to
-have prior claims on the estate; and in accordance with this arrangement
-he appointed Johan Lukas Iselin as his surety.[437] In the list of
-Lützelburger’s furniture and effects seized by the court he is described
-merely as “Hans Formschneider,” but there is no doubt that this
-“form-cutter” was Lützelburger, who at the time of his death was cutting
-the block of “The Waggoner” for the “Dance of Death,” which he left
-incomplete.
-
-Holbein drew all these designs directly on the wood block. There is not
-a single sketch or study in existence for any one of the very numerous
-book illustrations and decorations which he produced.[438] His
-title-pages consist, in almost every case, of an ornamental framework of
-Renaissance design with small panels on either side containing figure
-subjects, usually taken from classical history or mythology, and across
-the bottom a larger panel in which the chief subject is depicted. These
-title-pages do not always consist of a single block, but of four
-separate borders or strips, not always used together, but combined with
-others, or used singly as chapter-headings or sidepieces. These
-title-pages, designed in the first place for some particular book, were
-thus afterwards often made to serve for the ornamentation of other
-publications, with which at times their subjects had very little
-connection; and they were also copied by various publishers and printers
-in other cities of Switzerland and in Germany and elsewhere.
-
-[Sidenote: “MUCIUS SCÆVOLA AND LARS PORSENA”]
-
-Holbein’s earliest design for this purpose, drawn in 1515, shortly after
-his arrival in Basel, and signed with the abbreviated name “Hans Holb.,”
-has been already described.[439] This title-page, with its nine little
-cupids, which has suffered from inferior cutting, but nevertheless has
-considerable charm, was first used by Froben in the winter of 1515, and
-appeared in a number of books issued during the next five years,
-including More’s _Utopia_, published by Froben in 1518. The first of his
-designs from ancient history formed the title-page to _Æneæ Platonici
-Christiani de immortalitate animæ_, issued by Froben in 1516, and also
-appeared in the Basel edition of the _Utopia_, and again in Erasmus’
-_Praise of Matrimony_ in 1518. It represents the story of Mucius Scævola
-and Lars Porsena (Pl. 60),[440] but has been so badly cut that much of
-the dramatic force of Holbein’s composition has been lost. When Porsena,
-the Etruscan king, was blockading Rome, after his attempted entry into
-the city had been frustrated by the bravery of Horatius Cocles, Mucius,
-a young Roman nobleman, resolved to rid his country of the invader. In
-disguise he entered the hostile camp, and, approaching the tent in which
-Porsena sat, with his secretary, dressed in similar fashion to his
-master, by his side, plunged his dagger into the latter’s body,
-mistaking him for the king. He was seized by the guards, and condemned
-to death, but thrust his right hand into a fire which was already
-lighted for a sacrifice, and held it there without flinching, to show
-how little he heeded pain. Amazed at his bravery, Porsena allowed him to
-go free; and Mucius afterwards received the name of Scævola, or the
-left-handed, on account of his courage. Holbein has depicted the two
-chief incidents of this legendary story side by side across the bottom
-of the title-page. On the right is an open tent, in which Mucius is
-stabbing the secretary, who is seated at a table by the side of the
-king. On the left, Mucius, held by a guard, plunges his hand into the
-fire in the presence of Porsena and his courtiers. Over each of the
-principal characters is a label with his name, and in the background is
-a small walled city labelled “Roma.” The figures, which are clad in
-sixteenth-century costume, are short and stumpy, these faults, no doubt,
-being exaggerated by the inadequate rendering of the engraver. The sides
-of the page consist of two narrow panels of conventional foliated
-design, with small figures, springing from vases, while the upper border
-contains a group of naked children, blowing trumpets and dragging one of
-their number in triumph. A small shield in the middle of the left-hand
-border contains Holbein’s initials, “H.H.”
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 60.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  MUCIUS SCÆVOLA AND LARS PORSENA
-  First used in 1516
-  _From a copy of More’s “Epigrams” in the British Museum_
-]
-
-Froben, on the recommendation of Erasmus, undertook the publication of
-Sir Thomas More’s _Utopia_ in 1518, and the edition was lavishly
-ornamented with woodcuts, title-pages, and initials, in honour of the
-author. The book had been already published in Louvain in the winter of
-1516. Gerardus Noviomagus, of Nimeguen, writing to Erasmus on November
-12th of that year, says that his friend Theodoricus has undertaken to
-print it, and that Paludanus will show him “a cut of the island by a
-great artist,” in order that Erasmus may make any suggestions he may
-think necessary.[441] In Froben’s edition this “cut of the island” was
-drawn by Ambrosius Holbein, as also the charming little picture of
-Hythlodæus recounting his adventures in Utopia. As already stated, two
-of Hans Holbein’s designs were re-used for this work, the title-page
-with the children for the dedication to Ægidius, and the “Scævola” for
-More’s _Epigrams_, which were added to the volume, together with others
-by Erasmus, for which Urs Graf provided a title-page with the beheading
-of St. John the Baptist. The title-page to the book itself, with the
-story of Tarquin and Lucrece,[442] was designed by Ambrosius, who in
-this instance took a much more important share in the work of
-illustration than his brother, and he was possibly the “great artist” of
-whom Noviomagus spoke in his letter.
-
-[Sidenote: THE TABLE OF CEBES]
-
-The title-page for the Statute Book of Freiburg-im-Breisgau, published
-in 1520, with the beautiful design of the patron saints of that city on
-the back, has been already described.[443] It is more finely cut than
-most of these earlier book illustrations, as is also the title-page
-representing the “Table of Cebes” (Pl. 61), perhaps the most important
-work of the kind undertaken by Holbein before his connection with
-Lützelburger began.[444] The unknown cutter of this block has rendered
-Holbein’s design with considerable truth and artistic feeling. It is
-founded on the Πιναξ or “Table,” a philosophical work of Cebes of
-Thebes, the disciple and friend of Socrates, a book which enjoyed a
-great popularity. It gives an allegorical picture of human life, as
-explained by an old man to a circle of youths, and is intended to show
-that true happiness is only to be attained by the cultivation of the
-mind and the possession of real virtue. The “Picture” described in the
-book was shown to the sage in a temple of Chronos, and was a painting
-containing many figures, representing the progress of man towards the
-desired goal. Holbein has followed the text very closely. The whole
-picture is surrounded by a wall, which indicates the limits of human
-life. Outside this wall, at the bottom of the design, are groups of
-naked children, representing the souls of those who have not yet entered
-life. They are playing and fighting, and some are begging admittance of
-the old man, labelled “Genius,” who stands beneath the archway of the
-portal. On the right, within the first courtyard, is the winged, naked
-figure of Fortune on her rolling sphere, between two groups of people,
-on the one side those on whom she has smiled and on the other the
-unfortunate ones, who are railing at her; on the left is the seated
-figure of a woman, richly dressed, representing Seduction or Persuasion,
-with her attendant ladies as False Opinions. She holds out a gold cup to
-tempt the newcomer to life from the true path. Behind, gazing over the
-wall into the second courtyard, is the Traveller on life’s journey. He
-next encounters Avarice, Lust, Incontinence, and other pitfalls, all
-represented by small and characteristic groups of figures. Then, passing
-through a gate, he follows a winding road, encountering on the way Pain
-and Sorrow, the latter an old woman crouching in a ruined hut, who
-threatens him with a whip, until he is welcomed at a further gateway by
-Penitence, who holds out both hands in welcome. All danger, however, has
-not yet been overtaken, for within he meets with False Discipline, a
-grandly dressed lady and her attendants, but he gives her only a
-sidelong glance as he hastens forward. The road now becomes rougher and
-narrower, and he comes next upon a group of people engaged in the
-pursuit of all the arts and sciences, which they regard as the end of
-life. After this he has to clamber up steep rocks, which he does with
-the help of Fortitude and Courage, the latter holding a golden cup in
-either hand. Further on, at the entrance to the innermost enclosure, he
-kneels before True Discipline, who, in the guise of a saint, with a
-halo, stands on a small pedestal, attended by Truth and Conviction. From
-here he enters the Castle of True Happiness, and again kneels, this time
-to receive the laurel crown, the reward for his avoidance of all evil
-and error on his life’s journey, which is placed on his head by
-Happiness, who sits enthroned in the centre, in front of a castellated
-building. She wears a crown and holds a sceptre, and her head is
-surrounded by a halo of brilliant light. On either side are groups of
-the Virtues. Many of the small figures in this design have great charm,
-and the whole composition is well arranged and full of interest. Holbein
-has signed it on one of the stones of the wall in the lower left-hand
-corner with his initials in the form of a monogram, a small H within a
-larger one. This woodcut was first used in the edition of Tertullian
-published by Froben in 1521, and in the following year it formed the
-title-page of Erasmus’ Latin edition of the New Testament. It became
-very popular, and was frequently used for dictionaries, lexicons, and
-similar publications during the next sixty years, being copied and
-imitated by numerous printers.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 61.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  “THE TABLE OF CEBES”
-  First used in 1521
-  _From a copy of Perotto’s “Cornucopiæ” in the British Museum_
-]
-
-[Sidenote: LUTHER’S NEW TESTAMENT]
-
-The first fruits of the collaboration of Holbein and Lützelburger
-appeared in an edition of Luther’s German translation of the New
-Testament, which was issued by Adam Petri in Basel in December 1522. For
-this Holbein drew a very beautiful title-page,[445] which, although it
-bears no name or initials, is unmistakable in its authorship (Pl. 62).
-The sides of the design are occupied with niches within which stand St.
-Peter and St. Paul, grandly conceived figures of great nobility and
-dignity. St. Peter, on the left, has a great key in one hand, and an
-open book in the other, from which, with head and eyes cast down, he is
-reading. On the right is St. Paul, with a long, flowing beard, holding a
-sword across the open volume of his gospel. The architectural background
-is simple, with shell ornamentation behind the heads of the two saints.
-In the four corners of the page are the symbols of the four
-Evangelists—the Angel, Eagle, Lion, and Bull—which serve as heraldic
-supporters to the volumes of the gospels. In the centre at the top are
-the arms of Basel, with the motto “INCLYTA BASILEA,” and at the bottom
-is placed the printer’s mark, a naked child riding on a harnessed lion,
-and bearing a standard with Petri’s monogram, and antedated 1523, the
-background filled in with roses, a very fine design. A second edition of
-this folio volume was published in March 1523, and at the same time one
-in octavo. In the latter the title-page[446] closely follows the one in
-the folio edition, and the book is also embellished with other woodcuts
-of Holbein’s designing. On the first page of each gospel is a cut of the
-figure of the Evangelist enclosed within a framework of Renaissance
-design (Pl. 63).[447] The first three are each shown within a room, on
-the wall of which is a framed picture illustrating that part of the
-career of Christ most fully treated by the respective writers. St.
-Matthew looks up from his writing, and listens to the kneeling Angel,
-who raises a finger in admonition. The picture on the wall represents
-Christ in the manger, with Mary kneeling, and Joseph kindling a fire.
-St. Mark is seen from behind, deep in thought, the Lion crouching by his
-side. The picture hanging above him is of Christ rising from the Tomb.
-St. Luke, busily writing, wears a high cap, the Bull standing at the
-back of the desk. Christ on the Cross forms the subject of the picture
-on the wall. In each of these three pictures the Evangelist’s desk or
-writing-table and seat form an interesting feature, as each one is of a
-different design, and illustrates the furniture of Holbein’s own day.
-St. John is represented in the wilderness, seated among rocks, writing
-his gospel, his candle sheltered from the wind by stones, and the Eagle
-looking down upon it. Christ appears in glory in the sky over the
-distant mountains, and the saint is gazing up at the vision. This
-woodcut is without an ornamental framework. Four other designs by
-Holbein are included in the volume.[448] At the head of the Acts of the
-Apostles is a representation of the Outpouring of the Holy Spirit. The
-Epistle to the Romans is headed by the figure of St. Paul, preaching,
-his sword under his arm, beneath a richly-decorated portal. The other
-two represent the Conversion of Saul and St. Peter’s Vision of the
-Unclean Beasts, and there are also a number of initial letters (Pl. 63).
-The beautiful engraving of the title-page and many of the woodcuts
-points to the hand of Lützelburger, though none of them are signed by
-him. Another fine woodcut with the figure of St. Paul, with sword and
-book, standing within an architectural niche, is to be found in the
-Greek New Testament issued by T. Platter of Basel in 1540.[449]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 62.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  TITLE-PAGE TO LUTHER’S “NEW TESTAMENT”
-  First used in 1522
-  _From a copy in the British Museum_
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 63.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE FOUR EVANGELISTS
-  Woodcuts, and Initial Letters used on the first page of each gospel,
-    in the 1523 edition of Luther’s New Testament
-  S                              D
-  _From a copy in the British Museum_
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE FOUR EVANGELISTS
-  Woodcuts, and Initial Letters used on the first page of each gospel,
-    in the 1523 edition of Luther’s New Testament
-  D                              I
-  _From a copy in the British Museum_
-]
-
-In the same year, 1523, a second Basel publisher, Thomas Wolff, issued a
-quarto edition of Luther’s translation of the New Testament, in the
-decoration of which both Holbein and Lützelburger were employed. The
-title-page[450] shows Holbein’s fertility of invention, his power of
-dramatic representation, and his sense of style to the greatest
-advantage. In the centre of the upper border St. John is baptizing the
-Saviour in the river Jordan, the angel standing on the bank with his
-garments, and on either side are the symbols of the four Evangelists.
-The lower border contains Wolff’s device, a philosopher in a niche
-enjoining silence, his monogram, and the motto, “Digito Compesce
-Labellum,” and on either side of it the Vision of St. Peter and the
-Conversion of St. Paul, who, dressed in German costume, is flung from
-his horse. On the right-hand border St. Paul is shown on the island of
-Melita, shaking off the viper from his hand into the fire, and in the
-background the wreck of the ship; on the left-hand border is a
-representation of the Baptism of the Treasurer of the King of Ethiopia
-by St. Philip, while in the distance is depicted the journey of the same
-eunuch along a hilly road shaded by trees. He is riding in a small
-four-wheeled carriage, drawn by two horses tandem fashion, with the
-driver mounted on the after one—one of the methods of travelling in
-Holbein’s own day. This title-page is a masterpiece of the engraver’s
-art, and is signed “H.L.FVR.” on the footstool on which St. Paul is
-kneeling, in the lower border. Holbein also furnished twenty-one
-illustrations to the Revelation of St. John for the same edition,[451]
-which, however, for the most part were very badly cut, so that
-Lützelburger cannot have been the engraver of them. They were used again
-in Adam Petri’s folio New Testament of the same year. They are
-particularly interesting as representing the same subjects as those
-treated by Dürer in his first important work, which must have been known
-to Holbein, who, however, has borrowed very little in his rendering of
-the Visions. He shows less imagination and grandeur of conception than
-Dürer, but follows the text with even closer fidelity, and treats each
-subject with greater simplicity and clearness.[452] The last one of the
-series, the Angel showing the Saint the New Jerusalem (Pl. 70 (3)),
-contains a view of Lucerne with its covered bridge.
-
-[Sidenote: THE “CREATION OF EVE”]
-
-For Adam Petri’s reprint of Luther’s translation of the Old Testament,
-published in December 1523, for which a title-page was provided by Urs
-Graf, Holbein, in addition to numerous initial letters, was the designer
-of the large woodcut which was placed at the head of the first chapter
-of Genesis, representing the Creation of Eve,[453] a very beautiful
-conception, in which God the Father is uplifting Eve from the side of
-Adam, while a small angel tugs at his mantle. The earlier days of the
-Creation are also represented—the Earth as a small island with various
-animals upon it, surrounded by a strip of water containing fish, and
-round this again a ring of clouds and stars, and a final circle of
-angels, above whom the Almighty is shown again, blessing his work. In
-the four corners are placed the heads of the four winds. Several other
-illustrations were drawn by Holbein for this edition, but in most
-instances they are marred by bad cutting.
-
-One of the finest of his designs for woodcuts is the one representing
-the Death of Cleopatra and the Sacrileges of Dionysius of Syracuse (Pl.
-64),[454] first used by Froben in 1523 as the title-page for several
-works by Erasmus. The framework, in the form of a sculptured monument in
-the Italian style, is exceptional among Holbein’s work as a
-book-illustrator, being shown in marked perspective as though seen from
-the right. At the foot, beneath an arch, the dying Cleopatra, at full
-length on the ground, holds an asp in each hand. On either side is
-represented an act of sacrilege on the part of the Tyrant of Syracuse.
-On the right he is reaching up to pluck off the golden beard from the
-statue of Æsculapius, and on the left he is robbing the statue of
-Jupiter of its golden mantle and ornaments. Above the frieze on the top
-are Cupids riding on dolphins. The figures throughout are finely
-conceived, and the Italian influence is marked.
-
-Another fine title-page of his designing was cut for Bugenhagen’s
-_Interpretation of the Psalms_, published by Petri in March 1524, and
-afterwards used in Münster’s _Cosmography_, and elsewhere, in which the
-principal subject is David dancing before the Ark;[455] and there are
-others of which the scope of this book does not permit any description.
-
-Two important woodcuts, “Christ the True Light,” and “The Sale of
-Indulgences” (Pl. 65),[456] from their oblong shape were probably
-intended to be placed at the head of some broadsheet written by a
-supporter of the Reformation. In these designs, in which Lützelburger’s
-extraordinary skill in delicate and at the same time forcible use of the
-cutter’s knife has rendered with the utmost fidelity the beauty of
-Holbein’s line, the artist shows himself to have been in close sympathy
-with the new movement, in defence of which he brings to bear
-considerable powers of ridicule and satire. The rarity of these two
-prints is owing, no doubt, to the fact that the Basel Council maintained
-at that time a very severe censorship over all theological
-controversies, and strictly prohibited every publication or picture
-dealing with such debatable topics. These two woodcuts, therefore,
-attacking with merciless scorn the clergy, ecclesiastical abuses, and
-superstitions, would come under the ban of the Council, and, at the same
-time, every copy falling into the hands of the clerical party would be
-destroyed. Hence only three or four copies of each are known.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 64.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE CLEOPATRA TITLE-PAGE
-  First used in 1523
-  _From a copy of Erasmus’ “Christiani Matrimonii Institutio” in the
-    British Museum_
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 65.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  1. CHRIST THE TRUE LIGHT
-  _From proofs in the British Museum_
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  2. THE SALE OF INDULGENCES
-  _From proofs in the British Museum_
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE “SALE OF INDULGENCES”]
-
-The “Sale of Indulgences” is divided into two parts. On the right is
-shown the interior of a church, with the Pope enthroned, and surrounded
-by his cardinals. In the decorations of the building the arms of the
-Medici occur many times. Leo X is handing a letter of indulgence to a
-kneeling Dominican. In the choir-stalls on either side are seated a
-number of Church dignitaries. On the right, one of them rests his hand
-on the head of a kneeling youth and with a stick points to a large
-iron-bound chest for the money-offerings, into which a woman is putting
-her contribution. At a table on the left various Dominicans are
-preparing and selling indulgences. One of them repulses a beggar, who
-has nothing to give in exchange for the remission of his sins, while
-another is carefully checking the money which a suppliant is counting
-out on the table, and holding back the letter until the full amount has
-been received. The small figures are very lifelike, and the whole
-composition is a bitter satire upon the traffic of the Church. The
-left-hand half of the picture shows a landscape in which three true
-penitents are beseeching forgiveness from God the Father, who appears
-with outstretched arms in the clouds above them. Over the head of each
-figure is a label inscribed, “K. David,” “Manasses,” and “Offen-Synder,”
-respectively. The first-named kneels, with his harp by his side on the
-ground; the others stand with clasped hands and bowed heads.
-
-The second sheet, called in the Amerbach inventory “Christus vera lux,
-philosophi et papa in foveam cadentes,” is divided into two halves by a
-magnificent candlestick which rises in the centre, the flame surmounted
-by a large halo of light. The stem contains sculptured figures of the
-four Evangelists, and the base is supported by their four symbols. On
-the left, Christ, a finely-conceived figure, points to the light with
-uplifted hand, and addresses a group of citizens, peasants, beggars, and
-other simple folk, who listen eagerly to his words. On the right, a
-procession of the clergy and learned men turn their backs upon the true
-light, and wander forth into the wilderness, led by Plato and Aristotle,
-the first of whom has stumbled into a deep pit, while the second is
-about to fall after him. They are followed by the Pope, a bishop,
-canons, and other churchmen, and monks of various orders, and a figure
-which appears to represent Erasmus. Behind them rise lofty snow
-mountains, while a distant city is seen across the plain in the centre,
-and trees on the left. This woodcut bears witness to the rapidly growing
-change in the point of view of the Reformers, who were already parting
-company with their former allies, the humanists and scholars. Holbein in
-this design gives expression to the popular feeling of his day in Basel,
-which was beginning to regard classical learning with suspicion as a
-supporter of the theology to which it was opposed. This woodcut was used
-in 1527 to illustrate a large broadsheet, the “Evangelistical Calendar”
-of Dr. Johannes Copp.
-
-Holbein’s fertility of invention in this field was not confined to
-subjects chosen from the Bible or from classical literature. Numerous
-woodcuts occur in which he has made excellent use of incidents taken
-from the ordinary life of his day. There is a well-known border
-representing a group of peasants chasing a fox which has stolen a goose
-from the farmyard, an engraving on metal, which, in spite of the
-inferiority of the cutting, is full of humour and rapid movement.[457]
-The small figures, carrying flails, spades, and other hastily
-snatched-up weapons—among them a girl with a hayrake on her shoulder and
-a soldier with his spear—are running at full speed, while behind them an
-old man, leaning on a stick, stands among the remaining geese and shouts
-directions for the fox’s capture. Another border shows a peasants’
-dance,[458] very similar in treatment to the same subject in the
-wall-painting of the House of the Dance. These two borders, with two
-side ones, representing children climbing trees, were frequently used by
-Cratander of Basel in books published between 1526 and 1534, and a
-second “Peasants’ Dance”[459] is often found in Adam Petri’s
-publications. Similar borders with dancing or playing children
-frequently occur. Most of them appear to have been cut in metal by
-Faber.
-
-[Sidenote: ALPHABETS WITH PEASANTS & CHILDREN]
-
-Both peasants and children were favourite themes with him in his designs
-for initial letters, which formed an important part of the decoration of
-the books issued from the Basel presses. He produced a number of
-complete alphabets, from A to Z, in which the little pictures which
-surrounded the letters formed a connected series of designs. Almost
-invariably the letter itself was shown in plain Roman type, placed
-within a small square, the background being filled in with small figures
-which have no actual connection with the letter, but are so combined
-with it as to produce a very decorative effect. One of the most
-beautiful of these alphabets, of which complete proof-sheets are to be
-found at Basel and Dresden, represents the merry-makings of a rustic
-fair,[460] and was used by both Froben and Cratander. The series opens
-with two musicians playing bagpipes, and the ten next letters represent
-dancing couples. In succeeding letters the peasants are represented
-making love, fighting, playing games and practical jokes, drinking, and
-other scenes in which the humour is too gross for modern tastes, and
-concluding with the return from the fair, the peasant riding home with
-his wife behind him, and the visit of the doctor on the following
-morning, made necessary by over-indulgence in merry-making. The cutting
-of the set is so beautiful that it must be from the hand of
-Lützelburger; no other engraver then working in Basel was capable of
-such minutely fine work, or could do such full justice to Holbein’s
-genius for filling such small spaces with designs which appear so
-spacious and so large in style.
-
-Another alphabet, which was evidently also cut by Lützelburger and used
-by Cratander, of which there is a proof-sheet at Basel, is devoted to
-the games of children.[461] They are represented dancing, playing music,
-tilting on hobby-horses, riding on one another’s backs, hair-pulling,
-wrestling, and so on, while in one instance a small boy is chasing a cat
-with a bird in its mouth. Holbein was always very happy in his treatment
-of children, and in this instance, as in the Peasants’ Alphabet, the
-delicacy of the execution is wonderful. There are three other alphabets
-dealing with children, and portions of others,[462] in one of which they
-are engaged in various trades and employments, and appear as carpenters,
-millers, masons, fishermen, bakers, painters, doctors, and so on.
-Another alphabet gives scenes from the Old Testament,[463] and a second
-consists of Greek initials.[464] Other letters, far too numerous to
-enumerate here, represent ornaments, flowers, animals, still life, love
-scenes, and soldiers. The most famous series of all, however, is the one
-known as the “Alphabet of Death,” which is described in the next
-chapter.
-
-[Sidenote: WOODCUTS PRODUCED IN ENGLAND]
-
-Holbein also designed a number of marks or devices for the various
-printers who employed him, which were used on the first and last pages
-of their publications. For Johann Bebelius he drew a palm-tree with a
-heavy weight pressing down the branches among which it is placed; in a
-second design for the same publisher a naked man is shown beneath this
-weight, who attempts with hands and feet to resist the pressure.[465]
-Cratander’s trade-mark was Fortune or Opportunity, a naked goddess, with
-long flowing hair and winged feet, poised on a revolving ball, a
-broad-bladed knife in her hand. Valentine Curio’s device was the Table
-of Parrhasius, a hand drawing[466] on a panel one straight line between
-two others, enclosed, like the mark of Cratander, within an ornamented
-shield. For Thomas Wolff[467] Holbein drew the figure of a scholar or
-publisher issuing from a doorway, his finger on his lips enjoining
-silence, with the inscription: “Digito compesce labellum.” The devices
-of Matthias Bienenvater or Apiarius of Berne and Christopher Froschover
-of Zürich, contain punning allusions to their name. The former[468]
-represents a bear climbing a tree after honey, with the bees swarming
-round him; for the latter[469] Holbein made three different designs,
-each one containing frogs. In one the frogs are climbing a tree, with a
-beautiful landscape background of hills and peasants’ houses, the whole
-within a Renaissance framework, and evidently cut by Lützelburger; in
-the two others a boy is represented riding on a large frog, one of them
-with a background representing the Lake of Zürich, with villages at the
-foot of the mountains, and the other with a hilly landscape with a
-castle on a height. Lastly, a very beautiful device made for Reinhold
-Wolfe[470] appears to have been produced during Holbein’s last residence
-in England, though the cutting of the block was most probably done in
-Basel. It represents three boys flinging sticks into an appletree laden
-with fruit, and bears his motto “Charitas.”[471] Wolfe, who was settled
-in London, was possibly some relation of Thomas Wolff, the Basel
-publisher, and so may have sent his book illustrations to Switzerland to
-be engraved. This particular device, in any case, is too finely cut to
-have been done in England at that period. Wolfe was the publisher of
-John Leland’s _Naeniæ_, which contained a woodcut portrait of Sir Thomas
-Wyat after Holbein,[472] and also of the same writer’s poem on the birth
-of the Prince of Wales, which was not issued until 1543. On the back of
-the title-page of the last publication is the device of the Prince, “Ich
-Dien” under a crown of ostrich feathers, within a halo, which appears to
-be after a design by Holbein.[473] A few other woodcuts which date from
-the artist’s last residence in England are referred to in a later
-chapter.[474]
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                               CHAPTER X
-
-            THE “DANCE OF DEATH” AND OLD TESTAMENT WOODCUTS
-
-The “Dance of Death” in literature and art—Early examples in Basel—Date
-  of Holbein’s “Dance of Death” woodcuts—Early proofs—Date of
-  publication—Description of the first edition—Reasons for delay in
-  publication—Description of the separate woodcuts—Holbein’s “Alphabet
-  of Death”—His illustrations to the Old Testament.
-
-
-HOLBEIN’S fame as a designer of woodcuts, which had spread throughout
-Europe before the close of the sixteenth century, was due almost
-entirely to his celebrated “Dance of Death” pictures, and, in a lesser
-degree, to his Old Testament illustrations, both first published in
-1538, though they were drawn, and for the greater part cut, between the
-years 1523 and 1526. They attained an immediate and widespread
-popularity, a popularity which has been a lasting one. Edition after
-edition followed in quick succession, and throughout the succeeding
-years down to the present day hardly a decade has passed without a fresh
-version being given to the world.
-
-For centuries before the birth of Holbein the subject of Death in both
-pictorial and literary art was a favourite one throughout Europe, and
-more particularly among the German-speaking peoples, to whose
-imagination it made a strong appeal. Its representation both in painting
-and in literature was of common occurrence long before he made use of
-it, and by his genius rendered it immortal. The whole history of the
-subject is of great interest, and a voluminous literature has gathered
-round it, upon which it is not possible to touch in these pages. From
-the Middle Ages onwards these representations of the Dance of the Dead
-became common, and were painted on the walls of churches, the cloisters
-of convents, and castle halls. Well-known examples of such
-wall-paintings at one time existed in Paris, Blois, Berlin, Dresden,
-Lubeck, Strasburg, Basel, Berne, and other places, while in England a
-famous one was painted on the north side of St. Paul’s Cathedral during
-the reign of Henry VI. With the invention of printing, small versions of
-the pictures were issued in book form, and beneath them the old verses
-which accompanied the earlier wall-paintings, pointing out the terrors
-of death, and exhorting the wicked to repentance ere it was too late. In
-course of time the illustrations assumed greater importance, the number
-of the figures was increased, and the verses played only a secondary
-part.
-
-[Sidenote: WALL-PAINTINGS OF “DANCE OF DEATH”]
-
-More than one early wall-painting of the Dance existed in Basel in
-Holbein’s day, and there can be little doubt that the constant sight of
-them stirred his imagination, and influenced his conception of the
-subject when he in his turn made use of it. The earliest in point of
-date was the one in the Klingenthal nunnery in Little Basel, which is
-said to have been dated 1312; but it is doubtful whether much of this
-wall-painting remained by the beginning of the sixteenth century. Only a
-few badly-damaged portions were in existence in 1773, when it was
-rediscovered by Emanuel Büchel, a baker, who made coloured copies of
-what was left, which are now in the Basel Gallery. No traces of the
-original painting are now to be seen. The better-known Dance of the
-Dominican monastery in Great Basel in the suburb of St. John was of
-later date, executed probably towards the end of the fourteenth or early
-in the fifteenth century. According to tradition, for which there is no
-absolute proof, it was painted after the deliverance of Basel from the
-horrors of the terrible plague which raged there in 1439. It was copied
-or adapted from the older Klingenthal painting, closely following its
-arrangement of the various couples, but showing a great advance in
-artistic treatment, and in the variety and movements of the dancers. It
-consisted of about forty life-sized groups. In course of time it became
-so faded that in 1568 it was restored by Hans Hug Kluber, who made
-several additions to it; and it was again repaired in 1616, and in 1703.
-After that it was allowed to fall into a state of dilapidation, and in
-1815 the wall of the cemetery of the monastery on which it was painted
-was pulled down by order of the Council, for the purpose of street
-improvements. A few remnants of it are still preserved in the Gallery,
-as well as coloured copies made by Emanuel Büchel in the same year as
-those he took from the Klingenthal painting. It is also well known from
-the engravings made after it by Merian in the seventeenth century.[475]
-This wall-painting was formerly regarded in Basel as the work of
-Holbein, a legend which was a long time dying. The mistake, no doubt,
-originally arose through the wide celebrity attained by the artist’s
-woodcut designs of the Dance, underneath which were printed verses taken
-from the older wall-paintings, so that the confusion between the two
-gradually grew, at first in Germany and elsewhere outside Switzerland,
-until in the end the error became established in Basel itself. At one
-time, too, the almost equally celebrated “Dance of Death” in the
-cemetery of the Dominican monastery in Berne, painted with the most
-biting satire by Niklaus Manuel, called Deutsch, was also attributed to
-Holbein. This wall-painting, which was finished before the year 1522,
-had completely perished by 1660, and the only records of it now
-remaining consist of a few drawings copied from it before its
-disappearance.
-
-Holbein’s designs for the “Dance of Death”[476] were all made, and
-nearly all the blocks were cut, before Lützelburger’s death in the
-summer of 1526 and his own departure for England later in that year.
-This is not only proved by the evidence of the cuts themselves, which
-display a hand so masterly that it can only be that of Lützelburger, but
-also more directly from a series of copies of twenty-three of them
-preserved in the Berlin Museum. These are circular studies, about five
-inches in diameter, on brown paper, enlarged from the original blocks.
-They are somewhat coarse in execution, and appear to have been made for
-reproduction as glass-paintings. That they are not the original designs
-for the woodcuts, or taken from such designs, but were copied from the
-woodcuts themselves, is proved, first, by the fact that they are not
-reversed, as they would have been if based on the original drawings,
-and, secondly, that the one of “The Duchess” repeats the initials “H.L.”
-on the bedpost with which Lützelburger signed his work. These copies,
-therefore, must have been executed after the actual cutting of the
-blocks; and as one of them (“The Emperor”) is dated “1527,” it gives a
-date before which both the woodcuts, and the designs for them, must have
-been prepared. The copies were taken, no doubt, from one or other of the
-several proof impressions which were printed off while the work of
-cutting was in progress, complete sets of which are in the British,
-Berlin, and Basel Museums, the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, and the
-Grand Ducal Cabinet at Karlsruhe, while less complete sets are to be
-found elsewhere. The Basel set is printed on four folio sheets, on one
-side of the paper only, with ten cuts on each page, and the title of
-each subject printed over it in German, in italic movable type, as in
-all but one of the other proof impressions known. These proofs include
-the whole of the subjects in the first printed edition of 1538, with the
-exception of the one of “The Astrologer,” and they are of the greatest
-beauty and sharpness, and are printed in a fine black ink. The
-Bibliothèque Nationale also possesses a second but incomplete set of
-proofs, but among the subjects that of “The Astrologer” is included,
-which is missing in the other sets, which seems to indicate that it is a
-little later in date. This is the only copy extant, and, like the
-earlier ones, the set is printed on one side of the paper only, but has
-slight variations in the titles, which are printed in upright German
-Gothic characters instead of the more usual sloping Latin lettering.
-
-[Sidenote: REASONS FOR DELAY IN PUBLICATION]
-
-Lützelburger’s work upon the blocks was probably spread over several
-years. The “Alphabet of Death,” which appears to have been undertaken
-before the “Dance,” was first used in 1524, and Holbein’s designs for
-both series must have been prepared during that year and the following
-one. This was the period of the Peasants’ War, years of misery and
-bloodshed throughout Switzerland, and the state of feeling which it
-excited can be traced to some extent in these little pictures. This
-unsettled state of public affairs may have been the cause, otherwise
-almost inexplicable, of the long delay in the publication of the
-“Dance,” which was not issued until twelve years after the engraver’s
-death, and then not in Switzerland, but France. The acuteness of the
-religious controversy which divided Basel into two hostile factions,
-resulted, in 1524, in an edict of the Council forbidding the publication
-of all controversial matter; and although it is difficult to see much
-cause for controversy in the “Dance of Death,” it is easy to understand
-that in those days of doubt and disturbance the Basel publishers may
-well have hesitated to produce anything which might be considered as
-coming, however indirectly, within the ban of the civic authorities.
-Otherwise it seems certain that such a printer as Froben, or one of the
-other leading publishers, who knew so well the capabilities of both
-artist and engraver, would have been only too pleased to issue so fine a
-result of their united labours. Publication in Basel being debarred for
-the time, Lützelburger appears to have entered into negotiations with
-the Trechsels of Lyon, to whom, in the end, the blocks were transferred.
-The engraver was working for them at the time of his death, most
-probably on the “Dance” itself, one of the subjects of which, “The
-Waggoner,” he left unfinished, and the Trechsels, as already
-explained,[477] were put to some trouble before they could obtain
-possession of it. Probably Holbein had nothing to do with this
-transaction. He seems to have received a commission from Lützelburger
-for the designs, and to have had no further interest in the venture.
-
-It is equally difficult to explain the delay on the part of the
-Trechsels in publishing the book, unless for a similar reason—a belief
-that the times were inopportune for the issue of such a satire. The cuts
-were at length published in 1538 under the title of “Les Simulachres &
-Historiees Faces de la Mort, avtant elegammēt pourtraictes, que
-artificiellement imaginées” (The Images and Storied Aspects of Death as
-elegantly delineated, as ingeniously imagined). From this it will be
-seen that the popular title for the work, “The Dance of Death,” by which
-it was already known by the end of the sixteenth century, is an
-incorrect one. The woodcuts were “Pictures of Death,” and though the
-characters introduced are largely those of the earlier representations,
-Holbein has entirely abandoned the general motive of a dance of the
-living and the dead, which was the leading characteristic of the
-numerous wall-paintings. Instead, each sheet forms a separate dramatic
-scene, in which Death, in the guise of a skeleton, claims the living as
-his prey. In Basel, however, where the wall-painting of the Dominican
-monastery was one of the most familiar sights, and one in which the
-citizens took great pride, the title by which it was known, “The Dance
-of Death,” was also popularly applied to the woodcuts shortly after
-their appearance, and the name has adhered to them ever since.
-
-[Sidenote: FIRST EDITION OF THE DANCE]
-
-The first edition is in the form of a small quarto. On the title-page
-below the title is a printer’s mark or emblem, which is not of Holbein’s
-designing or Lützelburger’s cutting, representing three heads—of an old
-man, a youth, and a woman—joined together, two in profile, and the
-central one, that of the woman, full face, with a star on her forehead,
-and a wreath above. From the shoulders spring a pair of peacock’s wings,
-the whole resting on a pedestal, on the top of which is an open book
-inscribed in Greek characters, “Gnothi Seauton,” and at the foot a
-serpent and two chained globes, one surmounted by a small cross, and the
-other with two wings. This emblem has the further motto “Usus me
-Genuit.” At the bottom of the page is printed, “A Lyon, Soubz lescu de
-Coloigne, M.D.XXXVIII.” At the end of the book, within an ornamental
-border, is the imprint: “Excvdebant Lvgdvni Melchior et Gaspar Trechsel
-Fratres. 1538.” Next to the title-page comes a preface of six pages,
-which is followed by seven pages descriptive of “diverses tables de
-Mort, non painctes, mais extraictes de l’escripture saincte, colorées
-par Docteurs Ecclesiastiques, et umbragées par Philosophes.” After these
-verbal sketches come the woodcuts themselves, forty-one in all, each one
-printed on a separate page, and, in place of the German titles of the
-various sets of early proofs, a text in Latin above the pictures, and
-beneath them a four-lined verse in French, written by Gilles Corrozet,
-containing moral reflections appropriate to the various subjects. The
-subjects themselves are not arranged in the same order as in the proof
-impressions, in which the clergy are separated from the laity, and the
-men from the women, beginning with the Pope and ending with the Little
-Child. In the Lyon edition the Emperor follows the Pope, and is in turn
-followed by the King, the Cardinal, the Empress, and so on. The pictures
-are succeeded by a series of descriptions of Death and reflections on
-mortality of a didactic character, under the title, “Figures de la Mort
-moralement descriptes, & depeinctes selon l’authorité de l’scripture &
-des sainctz Peres,” the whole being brought to a conclusion with a
-discourse, “De la Necessite de la Mort qui ne laisse riens estre
-pardurable.”
-
-A passage in the French preface is of considerable interest, as it
-relates to the engraver of the woodcuts. This preface is dedicated “A
-moult reverende Abbesse de religieux Couuent S. Pierre de Lyon, Madame
-Jehanne de Touszele, Salut dun vray Zele.” The convent of Saint Pierre
-les Nonnains, of which Madame Jehanne was abbess, was a religious house
-of long standing, among its inmates being many noble and wealthy ladies.
-The author of this preface, who only signs it with his motto, “D’un vray
-zelle,” was Jean de Vauzelles, Pastor of St. Romain and Prior of
-Montrottier, poet and scholar, one of three famous brothers who took a
-leading part in the literary life of Lyon. The passage referred to may
-be translated as follows: “But to return to our figured representations
-of Death, we have greatly to regret the death of him who has imagined
-(_imaginé_) such elegant figures as are herein contained, as much
-excelling all those heretofore printed (_patronées_) as the pictures of
-Apelles or of Zeuxis surpass those of modern times; for his funereal
-histories, with their gravely versified descriptions, excite such
-admiration in beholders, that the figures of Death appear to them most
-lifelike, while those of the living are the very pictures of mortality.
-It therefore seems to me that Death, fearing that this excellent painter
-(_painctre_) would paint him in a manner so lively, that he should be no
-longer feared as Death, and apprehensive that the artist would thus
-become immortal, determined to shorten his days, and thus prevent him
-finishing other subjects which he had already drawn. Among these is one
-of a waggoner, knocked down and crushed under his broken waggon, the
-wheels and horses of which appear so frightfully shattered and maimed
-that it is as fearful to see their overthrow as it is amusing to behold
-the liquorishness of a figure of Death, who is perceived roguishly
-sucking the wine out of a broken cask, by means of a reed. To such
-imperfect subjects, as to the inimitable heavenly bow named Iris, no one
-has ventured to put the last hand, on account of the bold drawing,
-perspectives, and shadows contained in this inimitable chef d’œuvre,
-there so gracefully delineated, that from it we may derive a pleasing
-sadness and a melancholy pleasure, as in a thing mournfully
-delightful.”[478]
-
-[Sidenote: VAUZELLES’ PREFACE TO THE BOOK]
-
-This passage is rather confusing, and at one time was supposed to refer
-to the designer, and not to the engraver of the woodcuts, and that
-Holbein, therefore, who was alive in 1538, could not have been the
-author of the designs. Now, however, that more modern research has
-proved that Lützelburger died in the summer of 1526, leaving several
-blocks which had been commissioned by the Trechsels unfinished, it
-becomes clear that Vauzelles, in his preface, is praising the
-woodcutter, and not the artist. It is true that the word “painctre” is
-used in one place, and that the term “imaginé” has been taken in the
-modern sense by earlier writers, whereas it is from the Latin
-“imaginatus” which has the same meaning as “sculptus.” In old French
-“ymaginier” is the same as “tailleur d’images,” just as “sculptor” was
-the common Latin expression for a stone-cutter or engraver. There is the
-possibility that Vauzelles was ignorant of Holbein’s share in the work,
-and imagined that both the designing and cutting of the blocks were the
-work of one man; but this is not very probable, for in the same year the
-Trechsels published the Old Testament woodcuts, also engraved by
-Lützelburger, in a second edition of which, issued in the following
-year, 1539, Holbein’s name as the designer is expressly mentioned in
-Nicolas Bourbon’s Latin verses which were added to the volume. Bourbon
-was in Lyon at the time, and in a new edition of his _Nugæ_, published
-shortly afterwards, he included a Latin epigram, not given in the first
-edition of 1533, headed, “De morte picta à Hanso pictore nobili,” which
-undoubtedly refers to Holbein as the painter or deviser of the “Dance of
-Death.” Taking these facts into consideration, it does not seem probable
-that Vauzelles would have been ignorant of Holbein’s connection with the
-work. In any case, the publishers must almost certainly have known it,
-and it may be conjectured that Bourbon’s verses were written expressly
-to accompany the “Dance,” just as his other lines were written for the
-Old Testament woodcuts, but that for some reason they were not used for
-that purpose.
-
-Woltmann’s contention that Holbein’s name was purposely suppressed on
-account of the satirical character of the pictures, and that the preface
-was written with the intent to mystify, may be the correct solution.
-Holbein’s interest, he says,[479] like that of the publisher, rendered
-it desirable that they should appear anonymously. In Lyon every movement
-towards the Reformation was zealously opposed by the bishop and the
-authorities, and the bloody edict against heretics issued by Francis I
-was put in force. Many of these pictures of Death, especially sheets
-such as the Pope or the Nun, might have given offence to the strict
-Catholic party. This would possibly have been all the more serious, had
-the book appeared with the name of Holbein, who was at that time
-residing at the court of the Protestant King of England, and was a
-citizen of Basel, in Switzerland, from whence the new doctrines
-emanated.
-
-These arguments, however, as far as the suppression of Holbein’s name is
-concerned, seem a little far-fetched. If certain of the woodcuts were
-likely to give offence, it is difficult to see how such offence could be
-removed by merely withholding the artist’s name. It is probable, as
-already pointed out, that Holbein had no personal interest in the
-publication either of the “Dance” or the Old Testament pictures, his
-active co-operation in the work having ceased twelve years or more
-earlier, when he had completed Lützelburger’s commission for the
-designs; and under such circumstances it is not likely that the
-Trechsels would have consulted him as to the use of his name or
-otherwise. The most reasonable explanation seems to be that it was
-omitted from the preface through an oversight or some confusion on the
-part of Vauzelles as to the separate identities of the artist and
-engraver, which the publisher did not consider was important enough to
-rectify. If it was safe to issue the book, there was surely no need to
-indulge in mysteries as to its authorship.
-
-The book had an almost instantaneous success, and new editions followed
-in the course of a few years. The second edition was issued in 1542 from
-the same address, but by the brothers Frellon—“A Lyon, A lescu de
-Coloigne, chez Jan et François Frellon, freres”—and it has been assumed
-that the new publishers had acquired the business of the Trechsels. The
-latter were Germans who had settled in Lyon, the father, Johann
-Trechsel, having started business there as a printer in 1487. The
-Frellons were equally well known in the town as publishers, and it is
-probable that they had become the proprietors of the rival establishment
-by 1538, and that the Trechsels were then only conducting the printing
-under their orders, for the preface to the Old Testament pictures, first
-published in that year, is signed by Franciscus “Frelläus,” and
-subsequent editions of both publications bore the name of this firm. A
-third edition, in Latin, was published in the same year, 1542, with the
-title “Imagines de morte et epigrammata e Gallico idiomate in Latinum
-translata,” &c. The fourth appeared in 1545, with the title, “Imagines
-Mortis,” &c., in which Corrozet’s French verses under the cuts were
-translated into Latin by George œmmel or Æmilius, Luther’s
-brother-in-law. The only addition to the illustrations was a cut
-representing a lame beggar, introduced as a tail-piece to one of the
-discourses on death at the end of the book, but so poorly engraved that
-it is difficult to trace Holbein’s hand in the design. A fifth edition
-was issued in the same year, 1545, also under the title “Imagines
-Mortis,” in which eleven new cuts were added to those which had appeared
-in earlier editions, or twelve, counting the one of the “Lame Beggar.”
-These new subjects were, “The Soldier,” “The Gamblers,” “The Drunkards,”
-“The Fool,” “The Robber,” “The Blind Man,” “The Waggoner,” and four
-subjects with naked children, in one of which they are represented as
-hunters, in another they lead a horse upon which one of them is mounted,
-bearing a standard, while in a third they are engaged in carrying one of
-their comrades in triumph. These latter cuts have no real connection
-with the subject-matter of the book, although French verses and Latin
-texts were added to them in an endeavour to find one, however
-far-fetched, but the designs are undoubtedly Holbein’s, and must have
-been drawn by him on the blocks and cut by Lützelburger. It may be
-conjectured that after the engraver’s death they were sent to Lyon with
-other unfinished blocks which the Trechsels had ordered from him. Three
-more editions were issued in 1547, the third of them with the title,
-“Les Images de la Mort,” and the original French verses of the first
-edition; and in 1549 a version was published with Italian title and
-text. In the preface to the latter, Jehan Frellon, who was the sole
-publisher from 1547 onwards, makes complaint of a pirated edition which
-had been printed in Venice two years previously.
-
-[Sidenote: LATER EDITIONS OF THE BOOK]
-
-Further editions followed in 1554 and 1562, the number of illustrations
-in the last-named being increased to fifty-eight by the addition of five
-new cuts, thus making seventeen more pictures than had appeared in the
-original edition of 1538. Two of these fresh illustrations, “The
-Bridegroom” and “The Bride,” rightly belong to the series, and though
-they made their first appearance nineteen years after Holbein’s death,
-were undoubtedly drawn by him, and in all probability at the same time
-as the other designs of the series, between 1523 and 1526. The remaining
-additions consist of three more subjects with children, which again have
-every appearance of the same authorship. In one of these they appear as
-Bacchanalians, in another as musicians, and in the third they are
-carrying a suit of Roman armour.
-
-It is needless to enumerate the many editions which followed these
-earlier ones. Inferior copies and pirated editions, in which much of the
-beauty of the original woodcuts was lost, were numerous, and appeared in
-many parts of Europe. The earliest copy was apparently the small folio,
-entitled “Todtentantz,” printed at Augsburg in 1544, and published by
-Jost de Negker.[480] In the following year appeared the pirated Venetian
-copy. Five editions of a third version, with fifty-three cuts, were
-published in Cologne between 1555 and 1573, while another copy appeared
-at Wittemberg in 1590. Of the copperplate engravings copied from them
-the most important were the set of thirty etched by Wenceslaus Hollar
-between 1647 and 1651, which appear to be based not on one of the
-original Lyon editions, but on the copy produced at Cologne. Forty-six
-of the subjects were etched by David Deuchar in 1788, but these are of
-very inferior workmanship, and mere caricatures of Holbein’s designs. In
-1789 a free copy was cut by John Bewick, the younger brother of the more
-famous Thomas, and published under the title of “Emblems of Mortality.”
-Turning to more recent days, they were reproduced upon stone in 1832
-with great care by Joseph Schlotthauer, Professor in the Academy of Fine
-Arts at Munich; and these were re-issued in England by John Russell
-Smith in 1849. The best modern wood engravings after them are those cut
-by Bonner and John Byfield for Douce’s “Holbein’s Dance of Death” in
-1833. The “Dance” has also been rendered in photo-lithography for an
-edition issued by H. Noel Humphreys in 1868, and for the Holbein Society
-in 1879. In 1886 Dr. F. Lippmann edited for Mr. Quaritch a set of
-reproductions of the engraver’s proofs in the Berlin Museum; and the
-_editio princeps_ has been facsimiled by one of the modern processes for
-Hirth of Munich, as vol. x. of the Liebhaber-Bibliothek, 1884.[481]
-
-[Sidenote: BEAUTY AND DRAMATIC FORCE]
-
-These woodcuts are among the finest manifestations of Holbein’s art.
-Small as they are, they have a largeness of design, a dramatic force and
-fertility of invention, and a brilliance of draughtsmanship which place
-them not only among the greatest achievements of the artist, but of the
-century in which he worked. Each little picture tells its tale and
-points its moral with the utmost clearness, and the interest never flags
-throughout the series, although each one is merely a variation on a
-single theme. Detail there is in plenty, but it does not confuse the
-main action of the play, but rather helps to make the meaning which
-underlies it still clearer. There is nowhere a line too much or too
-little. The space to be filled is so small that these details are
-minute, yet Holbein’s line is so broad, and his hand so unerring, that
-nothing is confused or meaningless. The spacing of each cut is masterly,
-so that they produce the effect of a great design set forth on some
-spacious canvas. Few as the touches of the pencil may be, they are
-sufficient to give each small figure its own individual appearance and
-character, as though it were an actual portrait studied from the life,
-while the action is natural and unexaggerated, and well expresses the
-particular emotion called forth in each separate case by the sudden and
-unexpected appearance of Death.
-
-Death is represented throughout the series as a skeleton, occasionally
-with scanty, tattered garments, and wearing the most characteristic
-portions of the dress of the particular mortal he is about to snatch
-from the world of the living. Thus, in the woodcut of the Pope, Death
-wears a cardinal’s hat; in the Abbot he has a mitre on his head, and
-carries a crosier across his shoulder; and in the Knight he is dressed
-in chain mail. In two of the pictures, the Empress and the Nun, Death is
-represented as a woman, and in several there are two skeletons who seize
-or attend the victim. In his representation of them Holbein displays
-little anatomical knowledge, but in spite of this the dead bones live,
-and in their movements, their expression, and their suggestion of the
-grim horror of death, produce an effect of vivid reality, which could
-not be bettered even though he had thought fit to give them greater
-scientific accuracy. In almost every case Death greets his prey with a
-mocking, ironical grin, and in most instances, too, he comes quietly,
-his presence unnoticed by those about to fall into his clutches; and
-with natural, unexaggerated movements and actions he assumes the
-principal part in the drama. In a few instances, however, he makes known
-his presence in a more aggressive manner, and seizes his victims with
-such violence that they cry aloud in terror or rage, and struggle to
-break away from his merciless grip. The victims whom he treats in this
-fashion are those who have themselves led violent lives. His action, in
-short, is always appropriate to the character and worldly position of
-those whose days he is about to cut short. He comes always as a mocker,
-and the prevailing note of the whole series is one of irony.
-
-The first four cuts form, as it were, a preface to the actual “Dance of
-Death” which follows. The first of all represents the Creation. The
-Almighty bends over Adam, who lies asleep on a small island amid the
-waters, and draws Eve from his side. Then comes one of Adam and Eve in
-Paradise. The serpent, with human head, is twined round the branches of
-the tree, beneath which Adam is reaching up to pluck the fruit, while
-Eve is seated below, leaning against a rock. All around them, as in the
-first sheet, are animals—a stag, a sheep, a goat, a dog, a monkey, a
-rabbit, a hedgehog, a lizard, and so on—while in the branches of the
-beautifully drawn tree are a number of birds. The third cut represents
-the Expulsion from Paradise, with the angel with the flaming sword
-flying in a cloud over the heads of the guilty couple. In this cut Death
-makes his first appearance. Playing upon his viol, he leads the way,
-dancing as he goes. This is one of the few instances throughout the set
-in which Holbein has so represented Death; in most of the illustrations
-he does not follow at all closely the earlier wall-paintings, in which
-the living and the dead are shown dancing together. In the next scene
-Adam is at work clearing the rough ground, with Death at his side
-helping him to uproot a tree, and Eve seated, half naked, in the
-background, suckling her child, her distaff held across one arm. This is
-followed by a design headed in the proof impressions “Gebeyn aller
-Menschen” (Bones of all Men), a crowd of skeletons in front of a
-charnel-house, with drums, trumpets, and other musical instruments, as
-though forming the orchestra which is to provide the music for the play
-which is about to follow. Some wear fantastic head-dresses, and their
-winding-sheets still hang around them in tatters.
-
-[Sidenote: THE EMPEROR, AND OTHERS]
-
-The Dance opens with the Pope upon his throne, whom Death seizes as he
-is about to place the crown upon the head of a king who kneels to kiss
-his foot. Round him stand high dignitaries of the Church, among whom is
-a second figure of Death, a mocking figure, wearing a cardinal’s hat
-surmounted with a cross, and holding another cross aloft. In the curtain
-over the throne lurks a small devil or demon, and a second, holding a
-bull with five seals, flies over the heads of the ecclesiastics. In this
-the satire is so bold that it was altered in some of the later editions
-of the book. The Emperor (Pl. 66 (1)), too, sits on his throne,
-underneath a baldachin supported by Renaissance pillars, the Golden
-Fleece across his shoulders, the sword of justice in his hand, and the
-orb on a cushion at his feet. He is surrounded by his counsellors, and
-on the right a poor man kneels demanding justice. The Emperor, who bears
-a recognisable likeness to Maximilian, turns from him with frowning face
-towards the rich oppressor, who attempts, with little success, to excuse
-himself. Death has sprung upon the throne behind the monarch, and is
-about to tear the imperial crown from his head. On the ground is the
-hour-glass, with the sand almost run out, which is introduced into
-nearly all the pictures. The King (Pl. 66 (2)), who sits at table within
-an open loggia, is evidently intended to represent Francis I. The face,
-small as it is, has a strong resemblance to his portraits, and the
-curtain behind his chair is patterned with the lilies of France. The
-table is crowded with dishes, among which stands the hour-glass. Death
-mingles with the serving-men, and pours wine from a jug into a bowl for
-the King to drink. Between the pillars of the room can be seen the
-houses of the city. The Cardinal (Pl. 66 (3)), a distinguished figure,
-sits among the vine-trees, and, just as he presents a letter of
-indulgence to a kneeling man, Death, a grisly figure with long wisps of
-hair hanging from skull and chin, tears his hat from his head. Next
-comes the Empress (Pl. 66 (4)), walking in the garden in front of her
-palace, with her ladies of honour around her, one of whom bears her
-train. Death, disguised as one of her women attendants, leads her by the
-arm to the brink of an open grave, of which she and those with her are
-quite unconscious. She is followed by the Queen, whom Death, in the
-motley of a court jester, seizes by one hand, and drags away, while in
-the other he holds his hour-glass aloft. She shrieks aloud in terror,
-while the cavalier who accompanies her attempts to set her free, and her
-maid-of-honour flings up her arms in despair. The scene takes place in
-front of a Renaissance loggia, with open country and a village in the
-distance.
-
-The woodcut of the Bishop is one of the most beautiful of the designs.
-Death takes the arm of the aged prelate and gently leads him away. It
-illustrates the text: “I will smite the shepherd, and the sheep of the
-flock shall be scattered abroad.” Behind the two chief actors the sheep
-and their distracted shepherds are seen wandering in all directions. The
-background is a very picturesque landscape with high mountains, on one
-of which rises a castle, and the western sun, filling the sky with
-light, is just sinking behind their crests. Next comes the Duke with his
-retinue, of whom a poor woman with her child begs alms, and as he turns
-his head away in refusal, Death, crowned with a wreath of vine-leaves,
-reaches forward as though to pluck his ermine cape from his shoulders.
-Underneath a tree, in the branches of which is placed the hour-glass,
-the same grim skeleton, with mitre on head and crozier on shoulder,
-seizes the fat Abbot by the robes, and pulls him after him, his victim
-vainly protesting, and striving to hurl his breviary at his attacker’s
-head. In similar fashion he drags along the Abbess by her scapulary from
-the convent gateway with its little belfry. She cries aloud in her
-terror, clutching her beads in her clasped and trembling hands, while
-the porteress joins in her lamentations, raising her arms to heaven. The
-Nobleman shows less fear when his time comes. He flourishes his long
-sword over his head, and attempts at the same time to push away Death,
-who drags him towards a bier on the ground with the hour-glass resting
-upon it. In striking contrast to the violence of this scene is the
-following one of the Canon or Prebendary, who is entering a church,
-attended by his falconer, his jester, and his page. Death, wearing a
-hood, walks quietly by his side, holding his hour-glass in front of him,
-as though to show the worldly churchman, whose face is not visible, that
-the sands have nearly run out. The unjust Judge stretches out his hand
-to receive a bribe from the rich man, while the poor petitioner on the
-other side is ignored; but Death, unnoticed, stands on a ledge behind
-his chair and breaks in two the Judge’s staff. The next picture harps
-upon the same theme. The Advocate (Pl. 66 (5)) is receiving his fee from
-a wealthy citizen whom he has helped in despoiling a poor man, who
-stands with clasped hands in the background. Death thrusts himself
-between them, hour-glass held aloft, and drops into the Advocate’s open
-hand a few gold coins. The action takes place in a street of gabled
-houses and cobbled pavements, a transcript of a corner of Basel of
-Holbein’s own day. The Counsellor (Pl. 66 (6)), in his furred gown and
-cap, is also shown in the street, deep in consultation with a nobleman,
-and oblivious to the entreaties of a man clad in rags, who, hat in hand,
-touches him on the shoulder to attract his attention. Perched upon the
-Advocate’s back, a little winged devil with curly tail blows into his
-ear with a small pair of bellows; while Death, as a sexton, lies at his
-feet, with spade and hour-glass, ready to trip him up.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 66.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE DANCE OF DEATH WOODCUTS
-
-  1. THE EMPEROR
-
-  2. THE KING
-
-  3. THE CARDINAL
-
-  4. THE EMPRESS
-
-  _From proofs in the British Museum_
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  5. THE ADVOCATE
-
-  6. THE COUNSELLOR
-
-  7. THE PREACHER
-
-  8. THE PRIEST
-
-  _From proofs in the British Museum_
-]
-
-[Sidenote: PREACHER, PRIEST, NUN, AND OTHERS]
-
-One of the most beautiful designs of the series shows the Preacher (Pl.
-66 (7)) in his pulpit, expounding a false doctrine which he believes to
-be the true one, his hands held forth in exhortation. Behind him stands
-the other preacher, Death, wearing a stole, and with a jaw-bone upraised
-over the unheeding victim’s head as though about to strike him down. The
-members of his congregation, some standing, some seated on low stools,
-gaze upwards with close attention, except one who has fallen asleep with
-his head against the pulpit base. Both the preacher and several of his
-listeners, especially the woman seated in the front on the right, are
-very expressive figures, and are drawn with masterly precision. Next
-comes the Priest (Pl. 66 (8)), one of the few of Death’s victims whom
-Holbein has depicted without a touch of irony or satire. He passes along
-the street in his robes, bearing the sacrament to the bedside of some
-dying man, preceded by Death, who acts as his sacristan, with bell and
-lantern, his hour-glass tucked under his arm. Very different is Death’s
-treatment of the Mendicant Friar, whom he seizes roughly by the hood,
-just as he is about to enter his monastery with well-filled box and
-begging-bag. There is bitter satire, too, in the picture of the Nun,
-kneeling in front of the altar in her cell, but her head turned behind
-her towards the young gallant who sits on the edge of her bed and plays
-his lute. Behind them Death, in the guise of an old hag, stretches forth
-a hand to extinguish the altar candles. Two skeletons accompany the Old
-Woman, who totters along a rough road by the aid of a stick, telling her
-rosary as she goes. One of them dances in front, playing with two sticks
-a musical instrument slung from his shoulders, while the other, crowned
-with a wreath, and a malicious grin upon his fleshless face, takes her
-by the arm, and dances by her side.
-
-To the Physician in his chamber Death leads an old man broken down in
-health, and at the same time warns him that his hour, too, has come. A
-dog is curled up asleep in the foreground, and over the Physician’s head
-is a shelf with books and glass water-bottles as in Holbein’s portrait
-of Erasmus in Longford Castle. The setting of the Astrologer is one of
-the most effective and elaborate of the series. His chair and the
-circular table, covered with books and mathematical instruments, at
-which he sits, are richly carved and ornamented. He is gazing at a
-celestial globe which hangs over his head, while Death strives to
-attract his attention by holding a skull for his inspection. The Rich
-Man, in a gloomy chamber with a window with heavy double bars, sits
-surrounded by his money-chests and bags, a heap of gold spread before
-him on the table. He springs up in a fury of anger at the sight of
-Death, perched on a stool and filling a large bowl with money from the
-heap. It is as bitter to him to lose his wealth as his life. Equally
-furious is the feeling displayed by the Merchant, upon whom Death
-pounces, seizing him by both hair and cloak, at the moment when he is
-examining and checking his bales and barrels of merchandise which have
-just been unshipped on the quay. A companion, a bearded man, cries out
-in fear, with uplifted hands. Behind them the masts and spars of the
-ships in the harbour stand out against the sky. Terror, too, is the
-keynote of the Mariner. The storm is raging violently, the wind howls,
-and the waves dash over the ship. The greater part of the sail has blown
-away, and the sailors have abandoned all hope, and wring their hands in
-terror, as Death clambers over the side and snaps the mast in two.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 67.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE DANCE OF DEATH WOODCUTS
-
-  1. THE OLD MAN
-
-  2. THE COUNTESS
-
-  3. THE NOBLE LADY
-
-  4. THE DUCHESS
-
-  _From proofs in the British Museum_
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  5. THE PLOUGHMAN
-
-  6. THE YOUNG CHILD
-
-  7. THE LAST JUDGMENT
-
-  8. THE ARMS OF DEATH
-
-  _From proofs in the British Museum_
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE DUCHESS, AND OTHERS]
-
-Some of the finest designs are to be found among the remaining woodcuts.
-Death, clad in chain mail, runs a lance through the body of the Knight,
-a man in full armour, with huge plumes in his helmet, who gives a last
-despairing cry and attempts to strike down his enemy with his sword. A
-low-lying landscape stretches out in the distance, lit up by the rays of
-the fast-sinking sun. The Count has little of the Knight’s bravery. He
-clasps his hands in terror as Death, disguised as a peasant, with his
-flail flung on the ground, prepares to strike him down with his own
-heraldic escutcheon. On the other hand, the Old Man (Pl. 67 (1)), bent
-with the weight of years, tottering down his garden with the help of a
-thick stick, finds in Death nothing but a kindly companion, who leads
-him gently by the hand to the edge of a deep grave dug in the turf,
-while with the other hand he plays a dulcimer. The Countess (Pl. 67 (2))
-in her chamber, to whom her maid is handing a sumptuous dress, is helped
-in her toilet by Death, who fixes round her shoulders a necklace of dead
-men’s bones. The Nobleman’s Wife (Pl. 67 (3)) walks along hand in hand
-with her husband, who gazes on her with affection, oblivious to all
-else, while a grinning skeleton precedes them, beating vigorously on his
-drum. The woodcut of the Duchess (Pl. 67 (4)) is the one which
-Lützelburger has signed with his initials in an escutcheon on the foot
-of the bedpost. The lady, fully dressed, springs up from her sleep in
-fright, as Death at the end of the bed tears the coverlet from her. A
-second skeleton plays the fiddle, while her greyhound crouches terrified
-on the floor. Death is also accompanied by a music-making comrade when
-he encounters the Pedlar with his heavily-laden pack on his back, and
-clutches him by the sleeve.
-
-Once again he comes in the guise of a friend to the old and weary
-Ploughman (Pl. 67 (5)), in rags and barefooted, his hair straggling
-through his broken hat. Death helps him in ploughing the last furrow,
-and flogs forward the worn-out team of thin and miserable horses. At the
-end of the field with its long ploughed lines a delightful landscape
-lies stretched, with the houses of a village nestling among the trees,
-the church tower rising from the hillside on one of the lower spurs of
-the Swiss mountains, the whole peaceful scene flooded with the light of
-the setting sun. This background is, perhaps, the most beautiful of all,
-and yet its lovely effect is produced with the simplest means. The long
-list of Death’s victims concludes with the Young Child (Pl. 67 (6)),
-whom he leads by the hand through the doorway of a miserable,
-half-ruined cottage, with broken roof open to all weathers. The child
-turns back in terror, its free hand stretched towards its mother, who
-kneels stirring the pot on the scanty fire, the smoke of which half
-fills the room. Both she and an older child gaze after the little one
-with mouth wide open in astonishment and fear, and hands uplifted to
-head. The original series concludes with two cuts, one representing the
-Last Judgment (Pl. 67 (7)), with Christ enthroned on the rainbow over
-the celestial globe, with the saints around him, and down below a crowd
-of men and women newly risen from the grave; and the other showing the
-Arms of Death (Pl. 67 (8)), which recalls, in its arrangement, more than
-one of Holbein’s designs for painted glass. The shield, on which is
-placed a skull, with a worm hanging from its jaws, is shattered and torn
-in places, as though fashioned from a great bone which has mouldered in
-the grave. A tattered winding-sheet is draped round it, and it is
-surmounted by a helmet with an hour-glass for a crest, from the base of
-which two skeleton arms grasping a large stone are raised aloft. The
-supporters are a man and woman in the rich costume of Holbein’s day,
-each of whom rests a hand on the escutcheon, the latter gazing down at
-it, while the former points to the skeleton arms and looks towards the
-spectator as though to urge him to remember that death is the end of all
-things. In the background rise the peaks of the Alps beneath a cloudy
-sky. Dr. Woltmann saw in these two figures likenesses of Holbein and his
-wife, but they evidently represent personages in a higher sphere of
-life.
-
-[Sidenote: THE WAGGONER AND OTHERS]
-
-The eight additional subjects which were included in the edition of 1545
-were, with possibly one exception, designed by Holbein, and it seems
-almost certain that the cutting of most, if not all, of the blocks had
-been begun by Lützelburger, and that they were sent to Lyon after his
-death in 1526, as part of the commission he had received from the
-Trechsels. The first of them represents the Soldier, who is attacking
-Death with his two-handed sword. The latter is armed with a great bone
-and a circular shield. The ground beneath them is strewn with the dead
-and dying, and over the hills in the background comes rushing a body of
-soldiers, with a second skeleton beating a drum as he leads the charge.
-Next we have the Gamester, seated at table with two comrades. Death
-clutches him by the throat, and a devil seizes him by the hair. One of
-the party is counting his gains, and cards are strewn over the floor.
-This is followed by the Drunkard, a scene with men and women in the
-middle of a disorderly carouse, among whom Death stalks, and, pulling
-back the head of one of them, a gross and bloated old man, pours wine
-down his throat from a tankard. The Fool dances over the rough ground,
-one finger in his mouth, and a long bladder grasped in the other hand,
-as though about to strike at Death, who, falling into his humour, dances
-by his side to the music of the bagpipes he is playing. The Robber,
-hidden in the recesses of a wood, is springing from behind the trees in
-order to snatch the market-basket from the head of a barefooted woman
-who passes by as night is falling, but Death has him by the neck before
-he can accomplish his purpose. In the next scene he is leading the Blind
-Man by his stick towards the water into which the next step or two will
-plunge him; and then comes the Waggoner, the woodcut which in the
-preface is mentioned by name as the one which the engraver left
-unfinished. Vauzelles’ description of it is not in complete accord with
-the finished block. The driver is not crushed beneath his waggon, but
-stands with hands clasped over his head, and a look of mingled fear and
-consternation on his face. The horse within the shafts has fallen on the
-side of a steep hill, and the cart with its great barrels is overturned.
-Death springs up behind, and untwists the stick by which the cord which
-fastens the barrel is kept taut. A second skeleton carries away one of
-the waggon wheels, which has been broken off. The concluding design
-shows the Beggar, lame and blind, and almost nude, seated among the
-straw and rubbish in front of some rich man’s house, his hands raised as
-though imploring Death to come for him; but he is the only one from whom
-Death keeps aloof. This block, as already noted, is so badly cut that it
-is not easy to say with certainty whether Holbein was the designer of
-it. In the “Young Wife” of the 1562 edition, Death is dancing as he
-leads her away in tears, while they are preceded by a gaily dressed
-gallant who plays a guitar. In the companion cut, Death also dances, and
-blows a trumpet, as he drags off the “Young Husband” by the corner of
-his cloak. In the background is a ruined building.
-
-It would be difficult to find a happier partnership than that which
-existed between the designer and the engraver of this great Dance.
-Lützelburger has reproduced Holbein’s dramatic story with the utmost
-sympathy and understanding, and from a technical point of view the
-cutting comes as near perfection as possible. Holbein’s delicate and
-expressive line is retained almost unimpaired, and there is no
-pretentious elaboration of detail merely to show the skill of the
-woodcutter. With the simplest methods—with sparing use of cross-hatching
-for the indication of light and shade—methods best suited to the
-material used, the most beautiful results have been obtained, for which
-designer and engraver must share the praise. So admirably are these cuts
-executed, says Chatto, “with so much feeling and with so much knowledge
-of the capabilities of the art, that I do not think any wood-engraver of
-the present time is capable of surpassing them. The manner in which they
-are engraved is comparatively simple: there is no laboured and
-unnecessary cross-hatching where the same effect might be obtained by
-simpler means; no display of fine work merely to show the artist’s
-talent in cutting delicate lines. Every line is expressive; and the end
-is always obtained by the simplest means. In this the talent and feeling
-of the engraver are chiefly displayed. He wastes not his time in mere
-mechanical execution—which in the present day is often mistaken for
-excellence;—he endeavours to give to each character its appropriate
-expression; and in this he appears to have succeeded better, considering
-the small size of the cuts, than any other wood-engraver, either of
-times past or present.”[482]
-
-In this great work “in little” Holbein’s imagination found its fullest
-and most expressive play, and it is small wonder, therefore, that the
-Dance soon gained a wide popularity. Almost from the beginning it
-appears to have been well known as Holbein’s work, and numerous
-references to it occur in contemporary literature. The learned Conrad
-Gesner, of Zürich, a younger contemporary of the artist, expressly
-ascribes it to him in his _Partitiones Theologicæ_, &c., published in
-1549. The passage runs: “Imagines Mortis expressæ ab optimo pictore
-Johanne Holbein cum epigrammatibus Georgii Æmylii, excusæ Francofurti et
-Lugduni apud Frellonios, quorum editio plures habet picturas. Vidi etiam
-cum metris Gallicis et Germanicis, si bene memini.” Van Mander, whose
-_Het Schilder Boek_ was first published in 1604, includes the Dance
-among Holbein’s works; and Joachim von Sandrart, in his Life of the
-artist, tells a charming story which indicates in how high an estimation
-Holbein’s designs were held just one hundred years after he drew them on
-the wood. Sandrart, who was a pupil of Gerard Honthorst at Utrecht,
-says: “I remember that in the year 1627, when the celebrated Rubens was
-proceeding to Utrecht to visit Honthorst, I accompanied him as far as
-Amsterdam; and during our passage in the boat I looked into Holbein’s
-little book of the _Dance of Death_, the cuts of which Rubens highly
-praised, recommending me, as I was a young man, to copy them, observing
-that he had copied them himself in his youth.” Sandrart was then a young
-man of twenty, and was on his way to England with his master. “And after
-this,” he adds, “Rubens held a beautiful and laudatory discourse almost
-the whole way upon Holbein, Dürer, and other old German painters.”[483]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 68.
-
-
-[Illustration]
-
-[Illustration]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE DANCE OF DEATH ALPHABET
-
-  _From proof in the Royal Print Cabinet, Dresden_
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE “DANCE OF DEATH” ALPHABET]
-
-Holbein’s Alphabet of Death (Pl. 68),[484] also engraved by
-Lützelburger, displays all the inventive power and dramatic feeling of
-the larger Dance. These diminutive inch-square letters show the
-engraver’s wonderful delicacy of cutting, and his power of reproducing
-the artist’s designs in almost their full beauty and force. Much of the
-space in each one of them is occupied by the plain Roman letter itself,
-behind which the subject is arranged, and Holbein has succeeded in
-placing his minute figures so ingeniously that the action is not
-concealed by the letters to an extent detrimental to the clearness of
-the story. Isolated examples of the use of these letters in printed
-books occur as early as 1524, the letter N appearing in the Greek New
-Testament issued by Bebelius in that year, and a number of them are to
-be found in the publications of several Basel printers from 1525
-onwards. This proves that the Alphabet was designed at about the same
-time, if not before, the Dance. The subjects of the twenty-four letters
-(J and U are not included) are, with few exceptions, the same as in the
-larger woodcuts, although in most cases they are treated differently. It
-is possible that Holbein, in drawing these letters on the blocks, became
-so fascinated with his theme, and delighted with the skill of his
-engraver, that he determined to carry it still further, and on a more
-important scale, in which the play of his poetic and ironic fancy could
-find even wider scope, without the hampering presence of the letters
-themselves. The backgrounds of the Alphabet are plain, but in the more
-than quadrupled space which the size of the Dance woodcuts permitted, he
-was able to add many details which helped to point his moral and tell
-his tale more vividly, and also those wonderful backgrounds, landscapes,
-street scenes, the interiors of palaces, offices, and hovels, which form
-so charming and characteristic a part of each little picture.
-
-The smaller series begins, like the Dance, with the concourse of
-skeletons playing weird music for the dancers who follow, from the Pope
-in the letter B down to the Young Child in the letter Y. In certain
-instances, such as the Bishop (H), the Monk (O), the Soldier (P), the
-Fool (R), and the Gamblers (X), the action has a close resemblance to
-that in the cuts dealing with the same characters in the Dance, though
-differing in slight details. Thus the Fool in the Alphabet wears cap and
-bells, and Death, instead of dancing with him and playing the pipes, is
-seizing him violently by the shoulder. In a number of the letters two
-skeletons are shown, and they are occasionally aided by a small devil.
-The little child is torn from the cradle in the sight of its agonised
-mother, the Queen is dragged away by a rope round her neck, the Nun is
-led off gently by the hand, with head downcast, and the Drunkard, prone
-on the ground, has his last draught poured roughly down his throat,
-while the second skeleton seizes him by the leg as though to pull him
-up. Three new subjects are introduced into the series: the Courtesan,
-whom Death, wearing the high hat of a gallant, closely embraces, while
-his companion crawls away on his hands and knees, the hour-glass
-balanced grotesquely on his back; the Hermit, who is led gently from his
-cell, and the Horseman, behind whose back Death has sprung. The letter Z
-contains a reproduction of the Last Judgment conceived in a similar
-fashion to the woodcut of the Dance. The inclusion in this Alphabet of
-the Fool, the Soldier, and the Gamblers, who appear for the first time
-in the 1545 edition of the Dance, after the death of both artist and
-engraver, and the similarity of the conception in both series, afford
-further proof that the new subjects added to the Dance seven years after
-it was first published were drawn by Holbein on the blocks, although
-portions of the cutting of them were probably the work of some other
-hand than Lützelburger’s.
-
-[Sidenote: EARLY EDITIONS OF THE WOODCUTS]
-
-The third great work in which these two masters collaborated was the
-series of woodcut illustrations to the Old Testament,[485] first
-published, like the Dance of Death, at Lyon by the brothers Trechsel,
-and in the same year, 1538. The total number of these woodcuts is
-ninety-one, but the whole of them are not included in the earlier
-editions. The first issue (1538) contains eighty-eight of them, the rare
-“Fall” (1), “Nathan rebuking David” (40), and “Isaiah lamenting over
-Jerusalem” (72) being absent. In the second edition (1539) only the
-first of the series, “The Fall” is missing. In addition to these
-illustrations, the first four woodcuts of the “Dance of Death”—the
-Creation, the Temptation, the Expulsion, and Adam tilling the
-Ground—were borrowed from that publication, and placed at the beginning
-of the new one. The Bible cuts, which vary slightly in their dimensions,
-are of different form, being oblong and almost double the size of those
-of the Dance. They were issued as a small quarto picture-book, instead
-of being included, as was probably the artist’s or the engraver’s
-original intention, as illustrations to an edition of the Bible. In the
-same year, however, as the first issue of the book, they were used for
-the latter purpose, the complete set of ninety-one appearing in a Latin
-edition of the Bible produced by another Lyon printer, Hugo a Porta,
-though with the imprint of the Trechsels. The title of the first edition
-is as follows: “Historiarum veteris Instrumenti Icones ad vivum
-expressæ. Una cum brevi sed quoad fieri potuit, dilucida earundem
-expositione. Lugduni, sub scuto Coloniensi. M.D.XXXVIII.” The title-page
-contains an emblematic cut almost exactly similar to the one in the
-Dance, and with the same motto, “Usus me genuit.” The imprint at the end
-is also the same, with the names of Melchior and Gaspar Trechsel, and
-the date. The address to the reader is signed “Franciscus Frellæus” in
-the first two editions, but in subsequent issues the surname was given
-as “Frellonius.” This seems to indicate that the Frellons were already
-associated with the Trechsels in the business, of which they shortly
-afterwards obtained full control, the third edition (1543) of the Old
-Testament illustrations being published in their name, “apud Joannem et
-Franciscum Frellonios fratres,” and from the same address, “sub scuto
-Coloniensi.” Chatto[486] suggests that they were the actual publishers
-of the first editions of both the Bible cuts and the Dance, but for
-reasons of policy, connected with the satirical nature of the
-subject-matter of the designs, their names were withheld until the
-success of the two publications was assured. There is no mention of
-Holbein’s name in the first edition, but a year later, in the second,
-the publisher’s address is followed by a set of Latin verses by
-Holbein’s friend, Nicolas Bourbon, the French poet, in which the
-artist’s name, as the author of these designs, is coupled with Apelles,
-Zeuxis, and other famous painters of classical times, whom he is said in
-all ways to eclipse. Other verses in French were added, from the pen of
-Gilles Corrozet, which form more or less a rhyming paraphrase of
-Frellon’s address, in which the reader is exhorted to avoid seductive
-paintings of Venus, Diana, Helen, Dido, and other ladies celebrated in
-fable and poetry, and to turn instead to those sacred pictures taken
-from the Holy Scriptures, from the study of which far greater profit is
-to be obtained. Corrozet, no doubt, was also responsible for the French
-explanatory verse which, together with the appropriate Latin text,
-accompanied each woodcut, just as he was the author of the “descriptions
-severement rithmées” of the Dance of Death. There is no need to give a
-list of the later editions, which are almost as numerous as those of the
-Dance. An English edition was published in 1549, with the title—“The
-Images of the old Testament, lately expressed, set forthe in Ynglishe
-and Frenche with a playn and brief exposition. Printed at Lyons by Johin
-Frellon, the yere of our Lord God, 1549.”
-
-These illustrations were drawn on the blocks by Holbein at about the
-same date as the Dance of Death pictures. This is proved not only from
-the fact that a number of them were engraved by Lützelburger, and that
-in style and composition they closely resemble the “Todtentanz” and
-other Basel designs by Holbein before his departure for England in 1526,
-but also because copies of more than half of them are to be found in the
-Bible published by Froschover in Zürich in 1531, showing that at least
-proofs of them were well known among Swiss publishers long before they
-were issued in book form in Lyon. There is a proof impression of the
-whole series in the Basel Gallery, on sheets printed only on one side,
-which was probably struck off immediately after the blocks were
-completed. It begins with the very rare “Fall,” which otherwise only
-appears in Hugo a Porta’s Bible of 1538, being missing in all editions
-in which the pictures appear alone, its place being taken in the latter
-by the four introductory sheets borrowed from the Dance of Death. The
-two other woodcuts already noted as missing from the first edition (Nos.
-40 and 72), and absent, too, from the Latin Bible, are also to be found
-among the Basel proof impressions. In one instance, the “David and
-Uriah” (No. 39) there are two versions among these proofs, in one of
-which a background of wall, window, and curtain is introduced, but so
-badly engraved that it was evidently decided to abandon or alter the
-block in favour of the second version, in which the two figures are
-shown against a plain, white surface.
-
-A large number of the illustrations were engraved by Lützelburger, but
-side by side with them are others which are the work of a far less
-skilful hand or hands. In one or two instances, such as the “Joel” (No.
-86) and the “Zechariah” (No. 90), the workmanship is so rude that it is
-difficult to say with certainty that they are based on Holbein’s own
-designs. Woltmann suggests that these woodcuts were originally
-commissioned by Adam Petri, with the intention of using them to
-illustrate later editions of his German Old Testament, but that on
-account of the acute religious strife which then existed in Basel, it
-was thought advisable to hold them in reserve.[487] Even though
-Holbein’s name had been withheld from these designs, as it was from the
-Dance of Death, his authorship of them would still remain undoubted, for
-in style and method they are in exact agreement with the Dance woodcuts,
-and certain of the figures recall the still earlier “Praise of Folly”
-drawings. The children in some of these Bible cuts, such as those who
-jeer at the Fool (No. 69, Psalm lii.), those among the captive
-Midianites (No. 26, Numbers xxxi.), and those mocking Elisha (No. 47, 2
-Kings ii.), all delightfully sympathetic little figures, have the
-closest resemblance to the children in the Duke or Elector, and the
-Young Child woodcuts of the Dance. The same resemblances are to be seen
-between many of the other figures, some of which still retain that
-stumpiness which marked his delineation of the human form at that time,
-and in the minor details, such as the representation of smoke and water,
-of trees, and in the landscape backgrounds. In the cut of Esther
-kneeling before Ahasuerus (No. 65, Esther ii.), the curtain at the back
-of the King’s throne is covered with fleurs-de-lis, as in the
-representation of the King in the other series, showing that when
-kingship was in question Holbein’s thoughts turned to Francis I, as the
-most notable monarch of his day. Many other instances of resemblance can
-be easily perceived when a close comparison of the two sets of designs
-is made.
-
-[Sidenote: THEIR EXCELLENCE AS ILLUSTRATIONS]
-
-Regarded as illustrations to the books of the Old Testament, these
-woodcuts are in all ways admirable. Holbein has brought to their making
-less of that imaginative power and biting humour which characterise the
-marvellous little pictures of the great Dance. He has concentrated his
-skill rather upon the faithful and accurate telling of these sacred
-stories as they are given in the text itself, and he does this with a
-perfect understanding of their strong dramatic power and their equally
-strong human interest. They are historical rather than spiritual in
-their conception, filled with the actual spirit of the narrative itself,
-to the exclusion of all else. He is revealed in them as a teller of
-stories of the first rank, with the power of seizing the most dramatic
-moment of each incident he depicts with unfailing instinct, and then
-representing it with a few unerring strokes of his pencil clearly and
-simply, with no over-elaboration of needless detail or overcrowding of
-characters. All that is absolutely necessary he gives, and no more; but
-within these narrow limits, a space only of a few square inches, he
-produced a series of designs admirable in composition, dignified and
-noble in conception, and yet free and dramatic in action.[488]
-
-It is impossible within the limits of this book to attempt even a short
-description of these illustrations. Among the finest are Abraham
-sacrificing Isaac (No. 5), Jacob blessing Ephraim and Manasseh (No. 9)
-(Pl. 69 (1)), Moses and the Burning Bush (No. 11), the Brazen Serpent
-(No. 25), the Submission of the Midianites (No. 26), Ruth and Boaz (No.
-32) (Pl. 69 (2)), Hannah and Elkanah (No. 33), the Death of Jeroboam’s
-Son (No. 45), Elisha and the Children (No. 47), David before the Ark
-(No. 53), Solomon blessing the Faithful (No. 55), the Blinding of Tobit
-(No. 61), Job (No. 62), Esther and Ahasuerus (No. 65), Judith with the
-Head of Holofernes (No. 67) (Pl. 69 (3)), Daniel in the Lion’s Den (No.
-84), Amos (No. 87) (Pl. 69 (4)), and Jonah under the Walls of Nineveh
-(No. 88). Considerable charm is added to a number of them by the beauty
-of the landscape or architectural background, put in with a few simple
-but masterly lines, as in the Burning Bush (No. 11), in which Moses
-kneels to unfasten his shoes, his sheep grazing round him; in Moses
-receiving the Commandments (No. 21) (Pl. 70 (1)), with the people at
-work in the vineyards, and in the distance a harvest waggon passing
-along a road towards a village on the plain; and in the walled city of
-Jerusalem with the Temple rising in its midst, in the Return from the
-Captivity (No. 58) (Pl. 70 (2)). Many others could be cited, as well as
-subjects containing dramatic battle scenes, recalling the masterly study
-of a fight of landsknechte in the Basel Gallery which has been described
-on a previous page.[489] This is particularly the case in the cut
-showing the Defeat of Sennacherib’s Army (No. 57). Other animated battle
-scenes occur in David learning of the Death of Saul (No. 37), and David
-triumphing over the Philistines (No. 38).
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 69.
-
-                         OLD TESTAMENT WOODCUTS
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  1. JACOB BLESSING EPHRAIM AND MANASSEH
-
-  2. RUTH AND BOAZ
-
-  _From proofs in the British Museum_
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  3. JUDITH WITH THE HEAD OF HOLOFERNES
-
-  4. AMOS PREACHING
-
-  _From proofs in the British Museum_
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 70.
-
-                         OLD TESTAMENT WOODCUTS
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  1. MOSES RECEIVING THE TABLES OF THE LAW
-
-  2. THE RETURN FROM THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY
-
-  _From proofs in the British Museum_
-]
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  3. THE ANGEL SHOWING ST. JOHN THE NEW JERUSALEM
-  Revelation xxi.
-  Woodcut from Adam Petri’s New Testament, 1523
-
-  _From a copy in the British Museum_
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE OLD TESTAMENT ALPHABET]
-
-Holbein also went to the Old Testament for the subjects of an Alphabet
-of twenty-four letters, engraved on metal, and of considerable
-size.[490] They begin with the Creation of Eve, and conclude with
-Jacob’s journey into Egypt. The letters N to Y are occupied with the
-story of Joseph, which is thus given in considerable detail. In the
-letter O, representing Joseph and Potiphar’s wife, the bed on which the
-latter sits has curtains ornamented with the French lilies.
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                               CHAPTER XI
-
-            THE MEYER MADONNA AND THE DEPARTURE FOR ENGLAND
-
-Commission from Jakob Meyer for the “Meyer Madonna”—Description of the
-  picture at Darmstadt—Preliminary studies for the heads—The copy at
-  Dresden—History of the two pictures—Magdalena Offenburg and the “Lais
-  Corinthiaca” and “Venus”—Lack of work in Basel owing to the disturbed
-  state of the city—Holbein’s departure for England.
-
-
-THE year 1526 was by no means a favourable one for the members of the
-Basel guild of painters, although, in all probability, it was in this
-very year that Holbein received one of his most important commissions,
-the famous altar-piece known as the “Meyer Madonna,” now in the
-Grand-ducal palace of Darmstadt, in the possession of the Grand Duke of
-Hesse. At this period ecclesiastical dissension had reached its acutest
-pitch, and party feeling ran so high that there was little time or
-inclination among the leading citizens for the patronage or even the
-consideration of the fine arts. The Reformers, then in the ascendant in
-the control of public affairs, were strongly opposed to all forms of
-pictorial or decorative art for church use, and it was this side of the
-painter’s craft which, until then, had been the most lucrative. Times,
-indeed, were so bad for them that in January of this year the Painters’
-Guild had been forced to petition the Council for permission to remain
-in Basel in the pursuit of their art in order that they might obtain
-means for the support of their families. Holbein, in spite of his
-outstanding merits and the high reputation he had made for himself in
-his adopted city, felt the pinch of adverse circumstances almost as
-severely as his brother painters. The authorities, unwilling,
-apparently, to complete the decorations of the Town Hall, had no
-remunerative work to give him. From November 1523, when he received the
-last instalment of his money for his wall-paintings in that building,
-down to the beginning of 1526 there is no record of any civic payment
-made to him. On the 3rd of March, however, in the latter year, he
-received the meagre sum of two Basel pounds ten shillings, about equal
-to two gulden, for the painting of some shields or coats of arms for the
-borough of Waldenburg, a township on the slopes of the Jura within the
-jurisdiction of Basel, no doubt for the decoration of the court of
-justice or public hall of that place. The entry runs as follows:
-“Sampstag nach Reminiscere, 1526: Item ij ll. x sh. geben Holbein dem
-moler, für etliche schilt am stettlin Waldenburg vergangener Iaren
-zemolen.”[491] Unimportant commissions of this nature cannot have been
-of much help in keeping the wolf from the door, and that he was willing
-to undertake such mere journeyman’s work, in which his splendid talents
-could have little opportunity for their full display, affords proof that
-for the time being an artist’s life in Switzerland was a very precarious
-one.
-
-[Sidenote: MEYER’S COMMISSION FOR A PICTURE]
-
-Happily for him, at about this time his old patron Jakob Meyer “zum
-Hasen” gave him a commission for a votive picture, in which he and the
-members of his family were to be represented as kneeling in adoration
-under the direct protection of the Virgin Mary, a work in the painting
-of which his genius found complete expression.[492] Meyer, who since
-1521 had been removed from all public offices, was a thorough-going
-adherent of the old religion, and the party to which he belonged was by
-this time in the minority; but his sturdy belief remained unshaken, and
-in 1529, immediately before the fiercest iconoclastic outburst in the
-city, he was at the head of the Catholic party. At the time when the
-greater number of his fellow-citizens were beginning to view with
-disfavour all sacred paintings, he proved that he had the courage of his
-convictions by ordering this picture, in which his faith was very
-plainly expressed. It is doubtful whether it was intended to be placed
-over an altar in some chapel in one of the Basel churches, or to be hung
-in Meyer’s own house, but in either case it was a definite public
-profession of his faith.
-
-The figures in the picture (Pl. 71) are about three-quarters of the size
-of life. The Virgin is not represented on her throne, but stands amid
-the donor’s family as the Mother of Grace, her mantle spread over them
-as a sign of her protection. Holbein has placed her in the centre of the
-composition in front of a shallow niche with a circular arch, fluted
-like a shell, against which her head is relieved. In her arms she clasps
-the Infant Christ, whose head rests against her shoulder, his left arm
-outstretched over the kneeling suppliants below as though in
-benediction. The edge of her cloak falls over the shoulders of Meyer,
-who kneels on the left, with hands clasped, gazing upwards in
-adoration.[493] In front of him kneels his elder son, a youth of about
-sixteen, whose attention is diverted from his prayers by his small
-brother, a little naked boy with curly hair, standing upright on the
-Turkey carpet which is placed beneath the group, whom he is holding with
-both hands. The child stands, with left arm outstretched, gazing at his
-open palm. On the right-hand side is a group of three kneeling women,
-Meyer’s second wife, Dorothea Kannengiesser von Tann, with her daughter
-Anna in front of her, and, next to the Virgin, a third woman who has
-been taken to represent either the Burgomaster’s first wife, Magdalena
-Baer, who died in 1511, and was a widow when he married her, or her
-daughter by her earlier marriage. It has been also suggested that the
-figure represents Meyer’s mother, or his mother-in-law, but it is most
-probable that it is a portrait of his first wife, for it was by no means
-unusual at that time to combine both the living and the dead in such a
-votive picture.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 71.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE MEYER MADONNA
-  DARMSTADT
-]
-
-[Sidenote: DESCRIPTION OF THE PICTURE]
-
-This picture is Holbein’s greatest masterpiece of sacred painting, noble
-and dignified in feeling and composition, remarkable for the direct and
-striking veracity of its portraiture, and the splendour of its rich,
-subdued colour. There is extraordinary expression in Meyer’s head, with
-its rapt, tense look, in which the depth of his faith is clearly
-portrayed. His ruddy complexion and blue shaven chin form a strong
-colour contrast with the fresher, paler flesh tints of his two sons, in
-whom the likeness to the father can be plainly traced. There is an equal
-contrast, too, between the face of the living wife, energetic and
-capable, and that of the other woman, seen in profile, whose features
-are nearly concealed by the white hood and the chin band she is wearing,
-giving almost the appearance of grave-clothes, though it was a
-head-dress then in common use, as can be seen from a number of Holbein’s
-book illustrations. In the Virgin’s face, with its downcast eyes, there
-is a look of heavenly tranquillity. Her complexion is fair, and her
-cheeks have a rosy tinge. She wears a golden crown set with pearls and
-precious stones, below which her golden hair falls upon her shoulders
-and over her mantle, and is painted with all Holbein’s minute care and
-complete technical mastery. The pale, delicate flesh tints are continued
-in the body of the Infant Christ and in the hands of his mother, the two
-heads forming a lovely chord of colour in perfect harmony with the
-reddish marble and grey stone of the niche against which they are set.
-The Virgin’s dress is dark blue, which has turned almost green with the
-passing of time, with under-sleeves of gold, in the painting of which
-actual gold has been used, as also in the crown, and in Anna Meyer’s
-head-dress and other ornamental parts of the picture. Her girdle is red,
-and her mantle a greenish grey. Meyer’s hair is black, and his black
-surcoat is lined with light-brown fur. The kneeling boy wears a dress of
-light brown trimmed with bands of dark red velvet, and red hose, and
-from his belt hangs an elaborate purse with long blue tassels. The
-colouring of the group on the spectator’s right is largely black and
-white. The two elder women are in black, with plain white head-dresses.
-The daughter’s dress is also white, decorated with deep bands of gold
-material embroidered with pearls, her head-dress being formed of two
-similar bands, with crimson tassels, which almost conceal the brown
-braided hair, and a little wreath of white and red flowers on the top.
-She gazes across the picture at her little brother, her rosary in her
-hands, of which, owing to the long sleeves of her dress, only the tips
-of her fingers can be seen. The Turkey carpet, which falls over the low
-step upon which the figures are grouped, has an elaborate pattern of
-red, green, black, and white on a yellow-brown ground. The monotony of
-its geometrical design is broken by a large irregular fold in the
-centre, as though the rug had been hastily thrown down and not
-straightened out. On either side of the shell-shaped circular niche the
-carved pilasters of two low columns are seen above the heads of the
-kneeling figures, and the green branches of a vine or fig-tree stand out
-against a bright-blue sky.
-
-The picture, like the Solothurn Madonna, is of peculiar shape, the top
-of the panel following the lines of the architectural background. It
-measures about 4 ft. 8½ in. (1.44 m.) to the top of the circular niche,
-and 3 ft. 8½ in. (1.125 m.) to the horizontal edge above the pilasters
-at the side, and is nearly 3 ft. 3½ in. (1.01 m.) wide. It is possible
-that in its original state it was furnished with a pair of shutters. It
-is now generally agreed that its date is about 1525 or 1526, and that it
-was the last work of importance painted by Holbein before he left Basel.
-Meyer took a second wife in 1513, and their daughter Anna, who
-afterwards married Nikolaus Irmi, appears in the picture to be about the
-age of twelve, which gives the year 1526 as the one in which Holbein
-received the commission. Nothing is known of the two boys, who must have
-died young, for Meyer left no male heirs. After his decease his widow
-was twice married, and on her death in or about 1549 her heir was her
-daughter Anna. The elder boy was perhaps the son of the first wife. The
-technical qualities of the painting, too, place it in the years
-immediately preceding Holbein’s first visit to England.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 72.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  JAKOB MEYER
-  _Drawings in black and coloured chalks_
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  DOROTHEA KANNENGIESSER
-  Studies for the Meyer Madonna
-  _Drawings in black and coloured chalks_
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-There are three preliminary studies for the picture in the Basel
-Gallery, portrait heads of the ex-burgomaster, his wife, and their
-daughter.[494] All three are drawn in his customary manner in black
-chalk, with spare use of coloured chalks and water-colour here and
-there. The head of Meyer (Pl. 72 (1)),[495] in black and red, is in the
-same position as in the picture, and placed against a greenish
-background. His wife (Pl. 72 (2))[496] is also taken in the position she
-occupies in the finished work, but her head-dress is a different one,
-and the chin and the greater part of the mouth are hidden by a linen
-band similar to the one worn by the unknown kneeling woman. Red is used
-in the face, and brown for the hair, which is seen through the muslin
-cap, and for the fur lining to the collar of her gown. The daughter,
-Anna,[497] is shown almost at three-quarter length, with the arms and
-hands visible. She wears the same dress with embroidered bands as in the
-picture, but her hair, instead of being almost hidden by the elaborate
-cap, hangs down straightly below her waist. More colour is used in this
-drawing than in the others, the face being worked in flesh tints, the
-hair of a golden-brown colour, the girdle red, and the ornaments of the
-collar in yellow, while the background is washed with pale green. The
-effect produced is very delicate and beautiful, and the portrait is
-perhaps finer and more natural than in the picture itself. These
-drawings closely resemble in style those which Holbein produced shortly
-afterwards in England, and approach them very nearly in their complete
-mastery of expressive line.
-
-[Sidenote: THE BATTLE OF THE PICTURES]
-
-For many years the fine early copy of the Meyer Madonna in the Dresden
-Gallery[498] was regarded as Holbein’s original work, and one of the
-greatest treasures of the collection, and it was not until 1822, when
-the Darmstadt picture, purchased in that year by Prince William of
-Prussia from a Parisian picture-dealer, was first brought to the notice
-of connoisseurs, that any doubt was thrown upon the authenticity of the
-better-known example, which was then almost universally regarded as one
-of the greatest masterpieces of the German school. A few German critics
-of note, among them Dr. Kugler, admitted that the Darmstadt picture was
-a genuine work by Holbein, but it was many years before anyone had the
-temerity to refuse a like honour to the famous example in Dresden. The
-first to do so publicly was Wornum, in his Life of Holbein, published in
-1867, and he was followed by Woltmann, A. von Zahn, and others.[499] In
-spite of such critics, however, both pictures were still regarded by
-most people as from Holbein’s own hand, and it was not until the Holbein
-Exhibition, held in Dresden in 1871, when the two panels were placed
-side by side, and a close comparison became possible, that the undoubted
-genuineness of the Darmstadt painting was admitted by all except the few
-who had a personal interest in upholding the prestige of the Dresden
-Gallery, and who, therefore, refused to believe that their own picture
-was a mere copy, however good. Throughout the autumn of 1871, a fierce
-battle raged between the contending parties, and Dresden was split up
-into two hostile camps. A manifesto was issued by thirteen of the
-leading critics, headed by Woltmann, Thausing, De Lutzow, and A.
-Bayersdorfer, affirming their belief that the Darmstadt picture was
-indubitably a genuine work by Holbein, with considerable and later
-retouches in the heads of the Virgin, the Infant Christ, and the
-Burgomaster, and that the Dresden Madonna was a free copy of it, in
-which the hand of Holbein was not to be seen in any part. The other
-party retaliated with a manifesto of their own, in which they claimed
-that the modifications of the design in the Dresden example were so
-free, and were such great improvements, particularly in the spacing and
-the proportions of the figures, that no one but Holbein could have
-accomplished it, and that he alone could have given so lofty an ideality
-and beauty of expression to the figure of the Virgin, and that the
-picture remained a monument which attested the culminating point of
-German art. The Darmstadt picture, on the other hand, they found to be
-so badly obscured by dirty varnish and partial repaints that it was
-impossible to judge seriously the question of its originality. An
-interesting account of the dispute was given in the _Gazette des
-Beaux-Arts_[500] by the artist Rudolf Lehmann, who was a staunch
-upholder of the genuineness of the better-known picture. He saw in it a
-greater beauty, maturity, and nobility, and held that the modifications
-were so intelligent as to be in reality corrections of the earlier work,
-and therefore only from the hand of the master himself.
-
-The Darmstadt picture had certainly suffered from retouching in many
-places, but in 1887 it underwent a careful cleaning at the hands of
-Hauser of Munich, by means of which the dirt and the spurious paint were
-removed. It was then found to be in a very perfect state of
-preservation, with the original splendour of its colour almost undimmed,
-and the details as fine and as clear as when Holbein first painted them.
-The differences between the two pictures are many, but in colour, in
-expression, and in technical achievement the one at Darmstadt is far
-superior. The copyist who produced the Dresden picture has apparently
-attempted to improve upon the original, by beautifying the face of the
-Madonna, which has lost much of its character in the process, and giving
-a more graceful form to the rather thickset, stumpy figure of the
-original, so characteristic of Holbein. The proportions of the
-background have been also changed, with the same idea of improvement.
-The copyist appears to have thought that the top of the semicircular
-niche pressed too closely upon the Virgin’s head, and he accordingly
-raised it, thus relieving what he considered to be a cramped position;
-whereas in Holbein’s original arrangement, in which the diameter of the
-semicircle cuts across the shoulders of the figure, the spacing is more
-effective than in the copy, in which the line passes through the
-Virgin’s neck. In the same way the pilasters over the kneeling figures
-on either side have been raised well above the heads, so that the upper
-parts of the columns become visible. In richness and harmony of colour
-the Darmstadt version is far finer. In the Dresden copy the Virgin’s
-dress is green, which proves that it was painted at some time
-considerably later than the original, when the blue of the latter had
-taken on a greenish tint from the discoloration of the varnish. Again,
-the extraordinary delicacy and precision of the draughtsmanship of all
-the details of dress is far more marked in the original work, in which,
-too, there is much greater expression and animation in the faces.
-
-[Sidenote: HISTORY OF THE DARMSTADT PICTURE]
-
-The history of the Darmstadt picture can be traced, with few breaks,
-from the day it was painted. On the death of Dorothea Meyer about 1549
-it passed into the possession of her daughter Anna and the latter’s
-husband, Nikolaus Irmi, or Irmy (1507-52). Anna Irmi, who married, after
-Irmi’s death, Wilhelm Hebdenring, and died a widow in 1558, left it to
-her daughter Rosa or Rosina, who, in 1576, married, as his third wife,
-Remigius Faesch, burgomaster of Basel. Rosa died about 1606, and shortly
-afterwards Faesch sold the picture for one hundred golden crowns
-(_coronatos aureos solares_) to a certain Lucas Iselin. This information
-is contained in a Latin manuscript in the Basel Library, which was
-written about the middle of the seventeenth century by a second Remigius
-Faesch, grandson of the burgomaster. He was a doctor of laws, and a
-collector of pictures, and his manuscript bears the title, “Humanæ
-Industriæ Monumenta.” The thirty-fifth folio is concerned with Holbein,
-and from it the history of the picture may be taken a step farther.
-Faesch says: “In the year 163-, the above-named painter, Le Blond,
-bought here of the widow and heirs of Lucas Iselin, of St. Martin’s, a
-painting on wood, about three Basel ells in size, the height and width
-being the same; in which were represented the foresaid Burgomaster Jakob
-Meier, together with his sons on the right side, and on the opposite
-side his wife with the daughters, all painted from life, kneeling before
-the altar. I possess copies of a son and a daughter, painted in Belgium
-from the picture itself by Joh. Ludi. Le Blond paid for the picture 1000
-imperials, and sold it afterwards for three times as much to Maria de’
-Medici, Queen Dowager of France, mother of King Louis XIII, while she
-was residing in Belgium, where she died. Whither it afterwards went, is
-uncertain.” A marginal note, added by Faesch, probably at a later date,
-further states: “This panel belonged to my grandfather, the Burgomaster
-Remigius Faesch, from whom Lucas Iselin gained possession of it,
-ostensibly for the ambassador of the King of France, and paid 100 gold
-crowns for it about the year 1606.”[501]
-
-Lucas Iselin died in 1626, and his heirs appear to have sold the picture
-some years afterwards to Michel Le Blond, the German engraver, who lived
-for the greater part of his life in Amsterdam, where he was occupied in
-providing engraved plates of ornaments for the use of jewellers, and was
-also a picture collector and dealer. He acted as agent to the Court of
-Sweden at Amsterdam, and in 1625 he negotiated for the Duke of
-Buckingham the purchase of a large collection of works of art from
-Rubens. He was a friend of Sandrart, Holbein’s biographer, and travelled
-with him in Italy.
-
-Sandrart, in his Life of Holbein, continues the history of the picture,
-and in speaking of Le Blond’s collection, says: “This gentleman has long
-ago” (_lang vorher_)—he refers to some time before he, Sandrart, was in
-Amsterdam, about 1640-45—“sold to the bookkeeper (or banker) Johann
-Lössert, at his urgent request for the sum of 3000 gulden, a standing
-figure of the Virgin painted on a panel, holding her little Child in her
-arms, and under her is a carpet on which some figures are kneeling
-before her, taken from life.”[502] Sandrart’s description shows that the
-picture in question was undoubtedly the Meyer Madonna, and this is
-confirmed by Patin’s account. The latter had access to the Faesch
-manuscript, and speaks of it as “A standing Mary on a panel with the
-Child on her arm, under her a carpet on which some figures are kneeling
-before her, painted from the life.”
-
-[Sidenote: HISTORY OF THE DARMSTADT PICTURE]
-
-Sandrart’s story indicates that Faesch must have been wrong in stating
-that Le Blond sold the picture to Maria de’ Medici, then in exile in
-Holland; she appears to have been contented with a copy of it. Sandrart
-himself took sketches of some of the figures, and others were made,
-according to Faesch, by Joh. Ludi. This was Johannes Lüdin, a pupil of
-Sarburgh, who has been confused by earlier writers with Giovanni da
-Lodi, an obscure painter whose work is to be found in several churches
-in Lodi. Wornum thought that Giovanni might have been the author of the
-Dresden copy of the picture,[503] but later researches have shown this
-to be a mistake. Quite recently (1911), Dr. E. Major has identified it
-as a copy made for Queen Maria de’ Medici by Bartholomäus Sarburgh, a
-portrait-painter who, in 1634, was living at the Hague, which was about
-the time the picture went to Holland. Sarburgh, who was born about 1590,
-worked in Basel and in Berne, and may have known the painting in his
-youth. It is extremely probable, in Dr. Major’s opinion, that the
-Dresden example is identical with the copy known to have been in the
-possession of the French Queen.[504] There are numerous copies of
-Holbein’s works by Sarburgh still in Basel, and several portraits by him
-in the Picture Gallery of that city.
-
-It has also been suggested that Faesch was mistaken in saying that Le
-Blond bought the picture from Iselin’s widow in Basel, and that in
-reality he obtained it from Iselin himself at some earlier date; for in
-1621 there was an important example of Holbein’s work in Amsterdam which
-the Earl of Arundel was anxious to obtain. Sir Dudley Carleton, writing
-to the Earl from the Hague, 22nd June 1621, says: “Having wayted lately
-on y^e K. and Q. of Bohemia to Amsterdam, I there saw y^e picture of
-Holben’s yo^r L^p. desires; but cannot yet obtayne it, though my
-indeavours wayte on it, as they still shall doe.”[505] Sir Dudley,
-however, gives no description of the picture, which he was unable to get
-for the Earl, so that it is impossible to say more than that there is
-some probability that it may have been the Meyer Madonna.
-
-Sandrart, who was a personal friend of Le Blond, is no doubt correct
-when he says that the latter sold it direct to the banker Johann
-Lössert; and it remained in the possession of that family for some
-seventy or eighty years. It next appears in a sale of the pictures of
-Jacob Cromhout and Jasper Loskart, held at Amsterdam on the 7th and 8th
-May 1709, the latter evidently a descendant of Johann Lössert. According
-to the catalogue, both owners were deceased, and the greater number of
-the pictures seem to have belonged to Cromhout, the catalogue-heading
-concluding with the words, “and some other fine pictures coming from the
-cabinet of the deceased Herr Jasper Loskart.”[506] It is possible that
-the two owners were relations, or partners in business, as the coat of
-arms of the Cromhouts is on the old frame of the Darmstadt panel,
-indicating that at some time or other the picture had been transferred
-from the one family to the other.[507] The picture was No. 24 in the
-sale, and was described as, “A capital piece, with two doors,
-representing Mary with Jesus on her arm, with various kneeling figures
-from life, by Hans Holbeen—fl. 2000”; just double the price paid for a
-large altar-piece by Rubens in the same sale, and equal to about £160 in
-modern money, a large price for a picture in those days. It will be seen
-that in 1709 it still had wings, which have since disappeared.
-
-For more than one hundred years after the Cromhout sale all traces of
-the picture are missing, though it appears to have been in England for
-at least a part of the time, for on the back is written in English: “No.
-82, Holy Family, Portraits, A.D.,” the latter initials indicating that
-when here it was attributed to Dürer. On the old seventeenth-century
-frame there are, in addition to the Cromhout coat of arms, the armorial
-bearings of a member of the Von Warberge family and his wife, apparently
-indicating yet another ownership. It reappeared in 1822, when it was
-purchased by Prince William of Prussia from the Parisian picture-dealer
-Delahante, through the latter’s brother-in-law, Spontini, at that time
-royal musical director in Berlin, at a cost of 2500 or 2800
-thalers—about £420. On the death of the Prince its purchase for the
-Berlin Museum was urged by Dr. Waagen, but the authorities were not
-willing to consider it. On the division of the Prince’s property, it was
-assigned to his daughter, Princess Elizabeth, who married Prince Charles
-of Hesse-Darmstadt in 1836; and from that day the picture has remained
-in the private apartments of the old palace.
-
-[Sidenote: HISTORY OF THE DRESDEN VERSION]
-
-The first definite information about the Dresden version is that at the
-beginning of the eighteenth century it was in Venice, in the possession
-of the Delfino family, from whose representative, Giovanni Delfino, it
-was purchased by Count Francesco Algarotti on the 4th September 1743,
-for Augustus III, Elector of Saxony, for one thousand sequins. A
-previous attempt to buy it had been made by the Duke of Orleans in 1723.
-It is to be gathered from Algarotti’s correspondence that the picture
-had been bequeathed to Delfino’s father by the Venetian banker Avogadro,
-and, according to an old servant of the latter’s, named Griffoni, his
-master had obtained it in or about the year 1690 in Amsterdam as payment
-for a debt of 2000 sequins owing to him by the house of Lössert, which
-had recently become bankrupt. Algarotti was of opinion that it was the
-very picture mentioned by Sandrart. As, however, the original picture
-was still in Amsterdam in 1709 (the date of the Cromhout sale), nearly
-twenty years after Avogadro is said to have received it, the version
-which went to Venice can only have been a copy, which it is now known to
-be. It appears, therefore, that at one time Loskart or Lössert possessed
-two versions of the picture; and it may be conjectured that at the time
-of the bankruptcy, or perhaps earlier, the original was sold to or taken
-over by Cromhout, and the early seventeenth-century copy retained, until
-it was given to Avogadro in lieu of the debt. It is not, however,
-necessary to suppose that the transaction was an underhand one, and that
-a copy was knowingly palmed off on the banker as an original, for very
-possibly by that time both pictures were regarded as genuine works by
-Holbein.
-
-At the time the Venetian example was purchased for the Elector of
-Saxony, it was generally regarded as a portrait-group of the More
-family, owing to the similarity of the names Meyer and More. Horace
-Walpole, who saw it in Venice, gave it its correct title. He says, when
-referring to the various examples existing of the More family group:
-“The fifth[508] was in the palace of the Delfino family at Venice, where
-it was long on sale, the first price set, 1500_l._ When I saw it there
-in 1741 they had sunk it to 400_l._, soon after which the present King
-of Poland bought it.... The old man is not only unlike all
-representations of Sir Thomas More, but it is certain that he never had
-but one son. For the colouring, it is beautiful beyond description, and
-the carnations have that enamelled bloom so peculiar to Holbein, who
-touched his works till not a touch remained discernible! A drawing of
-this picture by Bischop was brought over in 1723, from whence Vertue
-doubted both of the subject and the painter; but he never saw the
-original! By the description of the family picture of the Consul Mejer,
-mentioned above, I have no doubt but this is the very picture—Mejer and
-More are names not so unlike but that in process of time they may have
-been confounded, and that of More retained, as much better known.”[509]
-
-The cost of the picture was 1000 sequins, or 22,000 livres de
-Venise—about £458 in English money—and the expenses in connection with
-its purchase, packing, and forwarding to Dresden, came to some £125
-more, including a liberal present to the painter Tiepolo, who helped in
-the negotiations, and smaller gratuities to various retainers of the
-Delfino family. The total cost, therefore, was considerably more than
-three times the price paid for the original painting in the Amsterdam
-sale.
-
-Although the Meyer Madonna possesses no hidden meaning, and is merely a
-customary representation of a donor and his family kneeling in adoration
-before the Virgin and Child, yet a number of fanciful interpretations
-were given to it in the last century, of which some echoes still remain.
-It has been suggested that it is a votive picture to commemorate the
-recovery of a sick child, whom the Virgin has taken into her arms,
-placing her own child on the ground among the donors. This idea was
-carried still farther by others, who saw in the infant on the Madonna’s
-breast the soul of a dead child; while a third theory propounded was to
-the effect that the little one was merely the soul of the woman kneeling
-next the Virgin, supposed to be Meyer’s first wife. These are all
-sentimental refinements of nineteenth-century German criticism, first
-voiced by such writers as Ludwig Tieck and Friedrich Schlegel, and in
-all probability would never have been heard of had the original picture
-been in Dresden instead of the copy. In the latter the unknown copyist
-has not been so successful in the figure of the infant Christ as in
-other portions of the picture. It is far less animated than in the
-original, and a little sickly and unhappy in expression, and it was
-this, no doubt, which first suggested these over-refinements of meaning.
-Ruskin was on the side of the sentimentalists. He says: “The received
-tradition respecting the Holbein Madonna is beautiful, and I believe the
-interpretation to be true. A father and mother have prayed to her for
-the life of their sick child. She appears to them, her own Child in her
-arms. She puts down her Christ before them, takes their child into her
-arms instead; it lies down upon her bosom, and stretches its hands to
-its father and mother, saying farewell.”[510] As a matter of fact, there
-is nothing of death or sickness about the work, which tells its story
-with the utmost simplicity and mastery of means, without needing such
-refined subtleties for its proper explanation.
-
-[Sidenote: HOLBEIN’S MODEL FOR THE VIRGIN]
-
-It is difficult to follow Holbein’s latest English biographer, Mr. G. S.
-Davies, in his belief that the influence of Gherardt David can be seen
-in this work, and, in particular, to find, as he does, indications of
-Holbein’s acquaintance with David’s great picture of the “Madonna with
-the Saints and Angels,” now in the Rouen Museum, but in Holbein’s day,
-and for three centuries afterwards, in the Carmelite Church in Bruges,
-for which it had been painted. “I do not think that any one who
-thoroughly knew the Darmstadt Holbein can fail,” he says, “as he looks
-at this masterpiece of the Flemish painter, to be at once reminded by
-something in the feeling and in the type of Madonna, and even in such
-details as the choice of crown and robe, in the outspread mantle, in the
-fashion of the robe, in the wavy golden hair lying along the shoulder,
-and in the pose of the head as she looks down at the Child, of the
-greater German master. Holbein’s is a stronger, more intensely
-sympathetic, more real and convincing vision; but the original type
-seems to be common to both men.”[511] To render this possible, a visit
-to Bruges on Holbein’s part becomes necessary, and Mr. Davies considers
-it to be most probable that he did so either on his way to England in
-1526 or on his return in 1528, and he states, but without bringing
-forward any proofs, that Holbein “spent several months in or about
-Antwerp” on the former journey, and that he would not be likely to omit
-a visit to so great a centre of art as Bruges. This theory also
-necessitates the alteration of the date of the painting of the Meyer
-Madonna, whereas everything points to its completion before Holbein left
-Basel for England; nor will he find many to agree with him that in this
-great picture, so essentially German in feeling, strong traces of
-Flemish influence are to be seen. Such alien influence as can be traced
-in it is undoubtedly Italian.
-
-For the Meyer Madonna, Holbein’s wife no longer served as the model for
-the Virgin, as she had done for the Madonna of Solothurn. Her place was
-taken by that lady of somewhat notorious character in Basel, Magdalena
-Offenburg. As pointed out in an earlier chapter, she had already twice
-served Holbein as a model for his costume studies of Basel ladies,[512]
-and she also sat to him for the two pictures of “Venus” and “Laïs
-Corinthiaca” in the Basel Gallery, in which the similarity of features
-to those of the Virgin in the Darmstadt altar-piece is very marked,
-while all three bear an evident likeness to the model of that one of the
-costume studies in which the sitter wears a necklace with the recurring
-initials “M. O.” Her daughter Dorothea, wife of Joachim von Sultz, who
-at one time was considered to be the lady represented in the “Laïs” and
-“Venus” pictures,[513] led an equally scandalous life. She was divorced
-in 1545, and both she and her husband were imprisoned, and afterwards
-expelled the country.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 73.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  MAGDALENA OFFENBURG AS VENUS
-  1526
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  MAGDALENA OFFENBURG AS LAIS
-  1526
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE “LAÏS” AND “VENUS” PICTURES]
-
-These two small, delicately painted portraits of Magdalena Offenberg as
-“Laïs” and “Venus,” the former being dated “1526,” were among the last
-works produced by Holbein before he left Basel for England. They bear a
-very close resemblance to one another, except in the position of the
-head, so that one appears to be almost a copy of the other. In the
-Amerbach catalogue of 1586 they are described as: “Zwei täfelin doruf
-eine Offenburgin conterfehet ist vf eim geschriben Lais Corinthiaca, die
-ander hat ein kindlin bÿ sich. H. Holb. beide, mit ölfarben vnd in
-ghüsern.” In each the figure is about one-third the size of life, and
-the costume is the same, a rich dress of dark red velvet with slashings
-showing white silk puffs, each fastened at top and bottom with gold
-tags. The wide upper sleeves are of a deep gold hue. In each picture she
-is shown at almost three-quarter length, behind a plain stone parapet,
-with a dark green curtain as background. In the “Laïs” (No. 322) (Pl. 73
-(2))[514] she wears a closely-fitting gold-embroidered head-dress or cap
-on her fair hair, and with her left hand grasps the folds of a blue
-mantle draped across her knees. On the parapet in front of her—which is
-inscribed “Lais Corinthiaca. 1526,” in Roman letters, as though incised
-in the stone—is placed a little heap of scattered gold coins, and she is
-holding out her right hand, with palm upwards, as though asking for more
-of them in payment for her favours. The pose is slightly varied in the
-“Venus” (No. 323) (Pl. 73 (1)),[515] which is undated, the head being
-bent a little to the right, instead of to the left, and there are small
-changes in the costume. The lower sleeves of red slashed velvet are
-omitted, and the arms are bare to the elbow, while the head-dress is
-black, with a little gold ornamentation. The position of the hands is
-almost the same, though the left one is hidden by the head and shoulders
-of a small naked, red-haired Cupid, whose right arm rests on the parapet
-with two long arrows in his hand. The golden coins are missing, but the
-open palm of the lady’s right hand carries the same suggestion as in the
-“Laïs.” The old frame still retains the curious and singularly
-inappropriate inscription, “Verbum Domini manet in æternum,” which was
-upon it when the Amerbach Collection was purchased by the town of Basel
-in 1662.
-
-[Sidenote: HOLBEIN AND MAGDALENA OFFENBURG]
-
-The face is a refined one, with a high forehead, long nose, finely cut
-lips, and fair complexion, and in the “Laïs” in particular, does not
-suggest the supposed character of the sitter as tradition has handed it
-down. It is possible that the painter to some extent idealised her
-features. The “Venus” is less tender and attractive in expression; so
-much so, indeed, that Woltmann[516] suggests that it was painted at an
-earlier date, and that the “Laïs” was a renewed and more successful
-attempt to represent the same idea. What that idea may have been has
-given rise to considerable speculation. Wornum[517] quotes an old legend
-to the effect that the artist could not obtain payment for the “Venus”
-picture, and so, in revenge, he painted her as the famous courtesan,
-Laïs of Corinth, the mistress of the great painter Apelles; but this
-explanation is an absurd one. Woltmann’s suggestion is that both
-pictures were painted for some lover of the lady, who wished, in the
-first instance, to express his love, and then, later on, his contempt.
-It is more probable that the pictures were the result of relationships
-between the painter himself and Magdalena, though beyond the fact that
-she served him more than once as a model, there is no proof of this.
-This supposed connection between Holbein and the lady has given rise to
-much imaginative writing in recent monographs. In one of them we are
-told that “when Holbein inscribed his second portrait of Dorothea with
-the words Laïs Corinthiaca, the midsummer madness must have been already
-a matter of scorn and wonder to himself. His whole life and the works of
-his life are the negation of the groves of Corinth. The paint was not
-long dry on the Goddess of Love—at any rate, her dress was not worn
-out—before he had seen her in her true colours: the daughter of the
-horseleech, crying ‘Give, give.’ And so he painted her in 1526; to
-scourge himself, surely, since she was too notoriously infamous to be
-affected by it. As if in stern scorn of every beauty, every allure, he
-set himself to record them in detail.... Laïs is far more beautiful, and
-far more beautifully painted, than Venus. No emotion has hurried the
-painter’s hand or confused his eye this time. In vain she wears such
-sadness in her eyes, such pensive dignity of attitude, such a wistful
-smile on her lips. He knows them, now, for false lights on the wrecker’s
-coast. No faltering; no turning back. He can even fit a new head-dress
-on the lovely hair, and add the puffed sleeves below the short ones. He
-is a painter now; not a lover.... The plague was raging in Basel all
-through that spring and summer, but I doubt if Holbein shuddered at its
-contact as at the loveliness he painted,”[518] and so on. This is all
-very pretty, but the imagination of the writer has run away with her.
-What suggestion could be more fantastic than that in painting the Venus,
-Holbein’s love for the lady was so great that both hand and eye faltered
-in depicting her charms, and that he could only do full justice to her
-beauty when his affection was dead and her loveliness made him shudder?
-A more recent writer[519] is of opinion that Holbein succumbed to the
-charms of Magdalena Offenburg before his marriage, and that she deigned
-to honour the young Swabian painter with her favours almost directly
-after his return to Basel from Lucerne. Though forced to confess that he
-can find no traces of her as Holbein’s model in any of his finished
-paintings of the period before Elsbeth Schmidt came into his life, in
-his opinion she served him in that capacity not only for the series of
-studies of the costumes worn by the Basel ladies, but also for his early
-glass designs of the Madonna gazing down at the Infant Christ in her
-arms, the St. Barbara of the same set, and the fine design of a wooden
-statue of St. Michael, all three of which have been already
-described.[520] No doubt the type of face in all these studies is much
-the same, but there is a tendency in this search for likenesses to go
-too far, and to see Magdalena Offenburg or Elsbeth Schmidt as the only
-models used by Holbein at this time. In some instances the likeness is
-largely imaginary. His wife, the same writer continues, may not have
-been beautiful, but she certainly had charm, as the portrait at the
-Hague proves, and Holbein must have loved her when he painted her. For
-two years afterwards he remained the devoted husband, using her as the
-model for the Solothurn Madonna, the Virgin of the Basel organ doors,
-and for the glass design of the Mary in the niche with the cavalier
-kneeling before her. Then, after this short period of happiness, her
-place in the pictures and designs is again taken by Magdalena. The
-impudent creature appears as the St. Ursula of the Karlsruhe painting,
-and the “arrows in her hands are those with which in succeeding years
-she is to pierce the poor heart of the painter’s wife.” In the Meyer
-Madonna, this writer sees in the Virgin nothing but the elegant, banal
-visage of the courtesan, and a complete want of all humanity. The “Laïs”
-and “Venus” of 1526, he adds, affirm finally and cynically the victory
-of the mistress over the legitimate wife, while the last and worst
-insult of all was in using his own eldest child as the model for the
-Cupid, and placing him in the company of the hateful rival, who in the
-end robbed his wife of all her beauty and all her happiness. There may
-be some truth in this attempt to reconstruct a few pages of Holbein’s
-life-story, but there is little proof to support it. Where proof is
-lacking, however, the writer’s imagination fills the gaps; but it is not
-fair to condemn the painter upon such evidence as this, or to hold him
-guilty of infamous conduct upon the strength of a few supposed
-likenesses in his pictures or designs.
-
-Whatever Holbein’s personal relations to Magdalena Offenburg may have
-been, she appears to have been a good model, which is in itself quite
-sufficient to explain the fact that he painted these two portraits of
-her. That he held her in no particular esteem may be gathered from the
-name he gives her, just as Niklaus Manuel Deutsch, as noted in a
-previous chapter, wrote an offensive remark as to her character on the
-drawing he made of her. Her face, as represented by Holbein, is fair,
-but devoid of any strong feeling, though Knackfuss holds that “a deep
-and quiet sorrow lies in the expression of the refined face;” and that
-“the sense of the two paintings is explained by their juxtaposition: the
-gold which she desired cannot make the young woman happy; love alone can
-do so.”[521] This last-named writer considers that the pictures were not
-painted to some one’s order, but for the artist’s own amusement.
-
-A question of much more interest in connection with these two works is
-their authorship. They differ from all other portraits by Holbein of the
-Basel period, because in them the Milanese influence upon his art is
-seen at its strongest, so that more than one writer of repute has
-refused to admit that they are his work. Rumohr regarded them as from
-the hand of some Netherlandish painter, and Waagen was of opinion that
-Holbein painted them under Netherlandish influence. Wornum considered
-them to be the work of some Milanese. “The style of the painting,” he
-says, “is more Milanese, in colouring and in treatment, than anything
-else, exceedingly elaborate, cool in colour, dry in manner, and
-altogether unlike any other known work by our painter. In this case I
-have not the slightest faith in the Amerbach inventory.... The two
-portraits have a decided Milanese character, in the manner of the
-scholars of Leonardo da Vinci. A visit to Milan could not have had such
-a wonderful influence on Holbein’s taste as is shown in these portraits,
-or if such be allowed to be possible, it is just as remarkable that he
-should have laid this taste down again without leaving a trace
-behind.”[522]
-
-Mr. Davies follows Wornum, but goes still farther in suggesting the name
-of the North Italian artist who painted them. He says: “I may say at
-once that I am quite unable to see any Netherlandish influence or
-probable authorship in the pictures. On the other hand, I see the
-strongest evidence of Lombard influence, and that in so direct a fashion
-and to such a degree that I believe them to be the work of some Lombard
-artist who had come under the influence of the later work of Raphael.
-The name of Cesare da Sesto at once occurs to one, and if it were not
-for the date 1526 on the Laïs picture, there would be no great
-difficulty in accepting it as a work by him which had found its way
-across from Milan—possibly even in the pack of Holbein himself.”[523] He
-acknowledges the difficulty of the date—Da Sesto was dead in 1526—and
-also of the red-haired Cupid in the Venus picture, so evidently both
-German and from Holbein’s own hand, and bearing so close a resemblance
-to the children in other pictures of his, such as the Meyer Madonna and
-the Family Group of 1528; but in spite of this, his final opinion is
-that they are most probably the work of Cesare da Sesto. He further
-suggests that Holbein, “possessing, or seeing in the possession of
-Amerbach, these two small examples, very similar in attitude and
-motive,” sought to give them variety, by inserting the figure of Cupid
-in the one, and thus giving this Italian lady the character of Venus,
-and in the other the gold coins and the title of Laïs, “so as to turn a
-somewhat unmeaning picture of a woman into a quasi-classical
-personality.” “The Offenburg tradition,” he adds, “I should wholly
-reject, nor indeed can I persuade myself that these pictures are
-portraits by Holbein either of that shadowy lady or of any other lady
-whatever. They appear to me to be pictures, not of some well-marked
-personality, but merely Lombard school types.”
-
-[Sidenote: MILANESE INFLUENCE IN THE LAÏS]
-
-It is impossible to follow Mr. Davies in this attribution. Woltmann’s
-opinion, with which most modern critics are in agreement, that they are
-genuine works by Holbein in which Lombard influence is more strongly
-marked than in most of his other Basel paintings, is the correct one.
-The two panels are unmistakably the product of a northern painter
-working under some southern influence, and just as unmistakably the work
-of Holbein himself, as a close comparison with his other work of this
-period shows very plainly. This Milanese influence was the result of his
-visit to Lombardy, and is to be traced in a greater or lesser degree in
-all that he accomplished previously to his first visit to England.
-“Their warm, transparent technique and the realistic ungracefulness of
-the draperies,” says Mr. C. J. Holmes, speaking of the Laïs and its
-companion, “make them characteristic northern works, just as the
-Raphaelesque folds and cool opaque pigment of Cesare da Sesto in his
-later paintings—the small Madonna in the Brera, for example—are
-characteristically southern.”[524] Possibly for once in a way Holbein
-was making a conscious attempt to imitate the manner of some artist of
-the North Italian school whose work he had seen and admired, perhaps in
-Basel itself, so that the Lombard influence is more pronounced than in
-those pictures and designs in which he was less evidently making an
-experiment based upon what he had seen in Italy, and in which his own
-native genius was the predominating force. For the same reason it is
-very possible that in the Laïs and the Venus, Holbein, instead of
-following his model closely, gave play to his imagination, and
-attempted, as the type of face, with downcast eyes, and pensive, almost
-melancholy charm of expression suggests, to emulate the Leonardesque
-manner, so that at the best they are merely idealised representations of
-the notorious Magdalena Offenburg.
-
-There is no doubt that during the summer of 1526, in spite of his
-reputation as a painter, he found it increasingly difficult to gain a
-living, and that, in consequence, he made up his mind to seek his
-fortunes in some other country, and finally decided to visit England. In
-those early days of the Reformation in Switzerland, when the
-ecclesiastical disputes were assuming so acute a form, and risings of
-the peasants and other violent disturbances were growing common, there
-was very little opportunity for artists to find remunerative employment,
-and Holbein suffered with the rest. The town authorities had no time for
-considering such important public works as the completion of the Town
-Hall decorations, and all that they could find for him to do was an
-ill-paid job or two at long intervals, such as the one already
-mentioned,[525] which in happier times would have been hardly worth his
-attention. Basel, indeed, no longer offered a means of livelihood to a
-painter with a wife, a stepson, and two children of his own to keep.
-Throughout this year, too, the plague was raging in the city, and this
-may have proved the last straw which definitely turned his thoughts in
-the direction of England.
-
-Numerous legends have grown up around this journey of his, which for the
-most part have no foundation in fact. The commonest, first voiced by Van
-Mander, is to the effect that the Earl of Arundel, when passing through
-Basel on his way home from Italy some years previously, was so delighted
-with Holbein’s work that he urged him to try his fortunes in England.
-Later on, when Holbein had taken his advice, he was asked by Sir Thomas
-More, who it was who had suggested this course to him. Holbein replied
-that he had forgotten the nobleman’s name, but, taking up a piece of
-charcoal, he rapidly sketched a face, which the Chancellor instantly
-recognised. Another version gives the Earl of Surrey as Holbein’s
-adviser; but the tale is a pure legend, and has been told of more than
-one painter.
-
-Another story, which has been often repeated, gives as the reason of his
-departure the desire to escape from the constant tempers of an
-ill-humoured wife, and that he therefore left Basel surreptitiously,
-without obtaining the necessary leave of absence from the Town Council.
-His earlier biographers all describe his relationships with his wife as
-not very cordial ones, but they merely copied from one another, and this
-again may be mere legend. Patin, in particular, whose account of Holbein
-is palpably exaggerated and often false, describes him as a drunkard,
-who led a disorderly life, and was always so poverty-stricken that
-Erasmus and Amerbach had frequently to come to his assistance—a
-statement entirely devoid of fact, and sufficiently disproved by
-Holbein’s brilliant performances in many branches of art. Patin also,
-when speaking of Holbein’s journey to England, makes use of another
-favourite story told of numerous artists. He says that on his way he
-passed through Strasburg, and called on the principal painter of the
-town, but found him out. An unfinished portrait stood on the easel,
-whereupon Holbein painted a fly on the forehead, and then left. When the
-painter returned he attempted to brush it away, imagining it to be a
-real one, and was so impressed by his unknown visitor’s skill, that he
-at once sought him out, but found that he had already left the town.
-
-[Sidenote: REASONS FOR LEAVING BASEL]
-
-It is, of course, possible that Holbein’s domestic relations by that
-time were not as cordial as in earlier days, and that his supposed
-connection with Magdalena Offenburg may have rendered them still less
-pleasant, and that this may have had something to do with his departure;
-but this again is mere conjecture, of which no actual proof is
-forthcoming. Want of work was undoubtedly the chief, and possibly the
-only cause of his journey, and no doubt it was largely the advice of
-Erasmus which finally decided him to take the step. Erasmus, who had
-already sent more than one example of Holbein’s skill as a
-portrait-painter to England, had a large circle of friends and patrons
-here, to whom he could recommend the artist. To Warham and More, at
-least, Holbein’s portrait of Erasmus had already provided an informal
-introduction, and they may have been aware, also, though this is less
-likely, that it was he who designed the title-page used in the edition
-of the _Utopia_ published by Froben in 1518, signed “Hans Holb.” In 1525
-a certain Thomas Grey and his youngest son were living with Erasmus in
-Basel, according to a letter from the latter to Lupset;[526] and Grey,
-too, may have advised Holbein to seek fortune at Henry’s court. “Grey,”
-says Erasmus, “reports that there is no disturbance in England,” and
-this news may have proved an added inducement to the painter to quit a
-country agitated with religious and civil contention for a more peaceful
-locality where the arts could flourish in peace.
-
-Before leaving Basel, Holbein made one last attempt, as already
-recounted,[527] to obtain from the Antonine Abbey of Isenheim the
-painting materials which his father had left there some years
-previously. The strongly-worded letter, dated 4th July 1526, which the
-Burgomaster of Basel, Heinrich Meltinger, wrote at his request, is
-addressed to the “venerable Herr Vicar and preceptor of the Order of St.
-Antonius at Isenenn, our dear and gracious Master,” and runs as follows:
-“Venerable, gracious, and dear sir, receive our friendly and ready
-service. Hans Holbein, painter, our citizen, has proposed to us to paint
-an altar-panel, such as his deceased father painted in former years. He
-left some implements of an expensive kind, weighing about three hundred
-and two cubic measures, with you at Isenheim, which he, Hans Holbein,
-repeatedly during the lifetime of his father, and at his desire, and
-also after his decease, being his heir, demanded of you, but could never
-obtain; for what reasons he knows not. Thus the matter has been delayed
-to such an extent that the peasants, he is informed, have wasted these
-implements in the last uproar, and when he again desired them of you, as
-his father’s heir, you referred him, with his request, to the peasants,
-with whom he has nothing to do, and to whom he has intrusted nothing,
-and notified to him an appointment on the Saturday after the next Ulrici
-(7th July) at Ensisheim. We, having heard his business, and given
-credence to it, and being well inclined to further him, have not allowed
-him to keep such an appointment, or to make any demand of the peasants
-(with whom he, as we have heard, has nothing to do), but have firm
-confidence in you, that you will weigh the matter thoroughly, and hand
-over to him, as the heir of his deceased father, completely and without
-difficulty, the aforementioned implements, or, in case nothing of them
-now exists, compensate him for their loss, and so show yourself towards
-him in the affair, that he may feel that our intercession has been
-advantageous, and that no further steps are necessary. Such behaviour on
-your side we wish for him, to whom it is justly due.”[528]
-
-This letter affords proof that Ambrosius Holbein was dead, for in it
-Hans is mentioned more than once as his father’s heir, and it also shows
-that the Basel Council were not so actively opposed to the painting of
-altar-pieces as other incidents of the time suggest. Nothing further is
-known of this altar-panel which Holbein proposed to paint for them.
-
-[Sidenote: ERASMUS’ LETTER OF INTRODUCTION]
-
-It is evident that the materials, which would now have been very useful
-to him, had been destroyed or dispersed in the peasant rising, and that
-he obtained neither colours nor redress. He left Basel for England on or
-about August 29, 1526, as appears from a letter of introduction of that
-date which he carried with him from Erasmus to his friend Peter Ægidius,
-the learned traveller and town-clerk of Antwerp, in which Holbein was
-recommended to his notice as the artist who had painted Erasmus. Ægidius
-is also asked to introduce him to Quentin Metsys. The part of the letter
-which refers to Holbein (though not by name) runs as follows:—
-
-“The bearer of this letter is the man who painted my portrait. I do not
-trouble you with any commendation of him, though he is an excellent
-artist (_artifex_). If he wants to call on Quentin, and you have not
-leisure to introduce him, you can send a servant with him to show him
-the house. The arts are freezing in this part of the world, and he is on
-his way to England to pick up some angels there (_petit Angliam ut
-corrodat aliquot Angelatos_—Erasmus plays upon the words Angles and
-Angels). You can send on any letters you like by him.”[529] There is no
-reason to suppose that Holbein delayed his departure after receiving
-this letter from his patron, who must also have supplied him with
-introductions to More, Warham, and other friends in England. It was, no
-doubt, necessary for him to arrange with the Town Council for leave of
-absence, and this having been done, he must have started not later than
-the first days of September, reaching London towards the close of the
-same month.
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                              CHAPTER XII
-
-  NATIVE AND FOREIGN ARTISTS IN ENGLAND DURING THE REIGN OF HENRY VIII
-
-Henry VIII’s patronage of the fine arts—English painters in his
-  service—John Browne—The Paynter-Stayners’ Company—Andrew Wright—John
-  Hethe—Foreign artists at Henry’s Court—Gerard, Lucas, and Susanna
-  Hornebolt—Katherine Maynors and Henry Maynert—Johannes Corvus—The
-  Italian painters and sculptors—Paganino—Pietro Torrigiano—Vincent
-  Volpe—Alessandro Carmillian—Antonio Toto and Bartolommeo
-  Penni—Benedetto da Rovezzano and Giovanni da Maiano—Nicolas Bellin of
-  Modena—Girolamo da Treviso.
-
-
-BEFORE describing the work carried out by Holbein during his first visit
-to this country, it may be of service to give a short account of the
-state of art in England at that period, and of the various foreign
-painters and craftsmen then settled in London, and of the few native
-artists whose names have survived.
-
-England under Tudor rule offered a far better field for lucrative
-employment than Basel for a painter of Holbein’s genius. Henry VIII was
-still at the highest point of his reputation as a monarch, popular with
-all classes of his subjects, and an ardent patron of literature and the
-fine arts. He was himself one of the most accomplished men of his time
-within his own realm. He was proficient in Latin, French, Spanish, and
-Italian, and assiduous in all affairs of state. He was passionately fond
-of music, and skilful both in its practice and theory, playing well upon
-the lute, organ, and harpsichord. He also sang and danced well. “His
-delight in gorgeous pageantry and splendid ceremonial,” says Dr.
-Brewer,[530] “if without any studied design, was not without advantage.
-Cloth of gold and tissue, New Year’s gifts, Christmas masquerades, and
-May Day mummeries, fell with heavy expense on the nobility, but afforded
-a cheap and gratuitous amusement to the people. The roughest of the
-populace were not excluded from their share in the enjoyment. Sometimes,
-in a boisterous fit of delight, he would allow and even invite the
-lookers-on to scramble for the rich ornaments of his own dress and those
-of his courtiers. Unlike his father, he showed himself everywhere. He
-entered with ease into the sports of others, and allowed them with equal
-ease to share in his.”
-
-[Sidenote: HENRY VIII AS A PATRON OF ARTS]
-
-Henry’s Court was considered to be the most magnificent of its time.
-Large sums were spent on luxuries, on dress, and in other directions.
-Foreign jewellers, and dealers in the fine arts, found in the King a
-ready purchaser. He was interested in architecture, and gave a close
-personal attention to the building and decoration of his various
-palaces. He was a collector of beautiful armour and weapons, and
-employed many foreign craftsmen in different decorative arts. In
-painting he took an equal pleasure, and he was the first of the English
-kings to form an important collection of pictures, which was hung in a
-gallery in his palace of Whitehall, of which he himself kept the key. He
-threw out inducements to foreign artists to settle in England and enter
-his service, and in his patronage of the fine arts displayed a keen but
-friendly rivalry with Francis I. These foreigners were chiefly Italian,
-though a certain number of painters and craftsmen had come over from the
-Netherlands. Among them all, however, there was no one who in any way
-approached the greatness of Holbein as an artist. Several men of
-considerable skill and some artistic pretensions remained in England for
-more or less lengthy periods, but there was no master of the first rank
-either from Italy or Flanders. Unlike his rival, Francis I, Henry was
-unable to attract to his Court men of such outstanding powers as
-Leonardo da Vinci, Benvenuto Cellini, or Primaticcio, all of whom
-entered the service of the French Crown. Holbein, indeed, had nothing to
-fear from the rivalry of any foreigner at that time settled in London,
-and still less from the numerous English painters, who were of little
-importance and of mediocre abilities. Native talent, indeed, was at a
-very low ebb. The influence of the Italian revival of learning made
-itself felt in this country at an earlier date than that of the
-renaissance of the arts. No school of English painting was in existence
-capable of taking advantage of such influence, and of basing a new
-native art upon it. The English painters, indeed, were hardly painters
-at all in the modern sense. Many of them were mere house-painters and
-decorators; tradesmen occupied in various more or less artistic ways,
-but rarely, if ever, in the painting of pictures or portraits. They were
-painters of heraldic devices and shields, of banners and armour, of
-walls, ceilings, and ships, which can be definitely assigned to any one
-of them; even such third-rate productions as those preserved at Hampton
-Court, like “The Battle of Spurs,” or “The Field of the Cloth of Gold,”
-for generations attributed to Holbein, were probably not from the hand
-of an Englishman, but the work of foreigners.
-
-At the time of Holbein’s arrival in London, in the winter of 1526-1527,
-the leading English artist was John Browne, who was serjeant-painter to
-the King, an office he held for more than twenty years. He was appointed
-to the post on the 20th December 1511, in the third year of Henry’s
-reign, with an allowance of twopence a day out of the issues of the
-lordship of Whitley, in Surrey, and four ells of cloth at Christmas,
-annually, of the value of 6_s._ 8_d._ an ell, from the keeper of the
-great wardrobe, for his livery.[531]
-
-[Sidenote: JOHN BROWNE, SERJEANT-PAINTER]
-
-On the 24th September 1511 he received the balance of his bill for
-painting the streamers, banners, flags, and staves belonging to the
-King’s ship, _The Mary and John_, amounting to £16, 14_s._ 8_d._, and on
-the 17th December in the same year, £142, 4_s._ 6_d._ for painting and
-staining banners for _The Mary Rose_ and _The Peter Pounde Garnarde_
-(Pomegranate).[532] Browne occasionally employed the services of Vincent
-Volpe, an Italian, for this banner-painting, and also from time to time
-supplied the materials for the royal revels. Thus, for the jousts on the
-1st June 1512, “2,100 of party gold” for surcoats was bought from him
-for £2, 6_s._, and in the following year he received 10_d._ for the hire
-of sails “to shadow the percloos for the pageant.”[533] In June 1513 he
-received £4, 8_s._ 8_d._ from the royal purse for painting “divers of
-the Pope’s arms in divers colours,” and on the 10th April in the
-following year he rendered an account for work done on the King’s royal
-ship, the _Great Harry_ or _Henry Grace à Dieu_, which included the
-supply of flags, banners, and streamers, two of them with crosses of St.
-George, and painting sixty staves in the King’s colours in oil at 6_d._
-apiece.[534]
-
-Browne was among those employed upon the temporary buildings at Guisnes,
-which included a banqueting house and a chapel, and lodgings for Henry
-and his Queen and the members of the English and French Courts, erected
-for the purpose of Henry’s state visit to France, and his meeting with
-Francis, known as the Field of the Cloth of Gold. Sir Nicholas Vaux
-wrote to Wolsey that they would be able to finish the square court by
-the last day of May, provided John Rastell, Clement Urmeston, and John
-Browne, the King’s painter, “do make and garnish all the roses—a
-marvellous great charge, for the roses be large and stately.”[535] Later
-on complaint is made from the same correspondent, that Browne, who has
-to gild the roofs, has not yet reached Calais.[536] For this work he
-received two payments of £66, 13_s._ 4_d._, and £333, 6_s._ 8_d._ For
-the masking at New Hall on the 19th February 1520, he was paid £19,
-13_s._ 4_d._ for the beating and putting on the scales of gold and
-silver on the garments and bonnets of seven children, one in red,
-powdered with gold suns and clouds; the second in yellow, powdered with
-moons and clouds; the third in blue, powdered with drops of silver; the
-fourth powdered with gold primroses; the fifth with silver honeysuckles;
-the sixth with gold stars, and the seventh with silver snowflakes.[537]
-
-By right of his office of serjeant-painter he had the provision of coats
-for the heralds. Thus, in 1520 he received 40_s._ for a tabard of
-sarcenet painted for Nottingham pursuivant.[538] In 1523 he rendered an
-account of “parcellis of stuff” made for the “high and myghty prynce
-Charlis duke of Suffolke, then beyng a poynttyd to be lyffetenant
-generall of Kyngis royall armye in to the partyes of France.” The items
-included a standard wrought with fine gold and silver on double sarcenet
-fringed with silk (£3), banners with the Duke’s arms, a coat of arms
-wrought with fine gold and silks and in oil on double sarcenet for his
-herald, and escutcheons in metal on paper royal, and others in colour,
-and on buckram, each with his arms, and so on, the total bill amounting
-to £26, 3_s._[539] In 1524, for the revels at Greenwich, in which a
-castle was assaulted in the tilt-yard, he provided the painted cloths of
-which the sham buildings were made—“iiij pessys of clothe payntyng of
-Antuyke, wherewith the Kastell was envenyd,” and for various banners and
-coats of arms, £4, 10_s._[540] For revels held on the 10th November
-1527, Browne supplied all the materials, including paints, glue,
-scissors, gold-foil, &c., to the amount of £21, 6_s._ 0½_d._, which were
-used for making trees, bushes, branches, roses, rosemary, hawthorn,
-mulberries, panes of gold, “flosynge of stars,” &c., for a “place of
-plesyer” erected under the superintendence of Richard Gibson at
-Greenwich. The masque was a theological one, in which Luther and his
-wife appeared, as well as the Apostles, Religion, Heresy, and similar
-characters.[541] These various details, which could be multiplied, are
-sufficient to indicate the kind of work upon which the King’s
-serjeant-painter was usually engaged; and all the other English painters
-were men of a similar stamp—decorators, scene-painters of a kind, but
-rarely, if ever, painters of a panel picture.
-
-[Sidenote: ANDREW WRIGHT, SERJEANT-PAINTER]
-
-Browne prospered in his calling, and on May 7, 1522, was elected an
-Alderman of London for the Ward of Farringdon Without. At first he was
-unwilling to accept office, and was committed to ward for refusal, but
-afterwards complied, and was appointed one of the Aldermen to the
-Haberdashers’ Company. In the following year, on July 25th, he was
-translated to the Ward of Farringdon Within. His service, however,
-always appears to have been an unwilling one, and in 1525, before he had
-served the office of Sheriff or Mayor, he was on his own request
-discharged from the office of Alderman, for which he gave to the Chamber
-of London two great standing salts of silver-gilt. “He made his will on
-the 17th September 1532, and on the 21st of the same month he conveyed
-to his brethren of the Paynter-Stayners a house in Trinity Lane, which
-he had purchased nearly thirty years before, and which has from that
-time continued to be the Painters’ Hall. Dying soon after, he was buried
-in the church of St. Vedast, at the west end of Chepe; and his will was
-proved on the 2nd December following.”[542]
-
-This will, and the documents in connection with the transference of the
-house to the Paynter-Stayners, make us acquainted with the names of many
-of the English painters at work in London at that period. He left all
-his books of arms and badges and books of tricks of arms to his
-apprentice, Rychard Bygnalle, as well as painting materials and other
-materials at cost price to a second apprentice or “servaunte,” John
-Childe. To Richard Calard and John Howell, both brother painters, he
-left his best “prymmer” and a doublet respectively. Among other English
-painters mentioned in the deed of September 21st, 1532, were Andrew
-Wright, who succeeded him as serjeant-painter, Christopher Wright,
-Richard Rypyngale, Richard Laine, Thomas Alexander, John Hethe, Richard
-Gates, Thomas Crystyne, William Lucas, Richard Hauntlowe, and Robert
-Cope. A later conveyance (of 1549) adds the names of several members of
-the Wysdom family, and David Playne, Thomas Ballard, Thomas Uncle,
-Thomas Cob, Thomas Spenser, John Feltes, William Wagynton, William
-Cudnor, Richard Flint, Richard Wright (probably a son of Andrew), and
-Melchior Engleberd, a foreigner who had become naturalised.[543]
-
-Walpole[544] mentions John Browne’s portrait as still preserved in
-Painter-Stainers’ Hall, but it is not a contemporary work. It represents
-him attired in the gown and gold chain of an alderman, and was probably
-painted some time after the Great Fire of 1666, to take the place of an
-earlier one that had been destroyed.
-
-Andrew Wright succeeded John Browne. On June 19, 1532, he received a
-grant of the “reversion of the office of the King’s serjeant-painter,
-with an annuity of £10 out of the small custom and subsidy of tonnage
-and poundage in the port of London, as the said office was granted by
-patent 12th March, 18 Hen. VIII, to John Browne.”[545] In the King’s
-accounts for February 1532 he appears, in the phonetic spelling of the
-day, as “Andrewe Oret,” receiving on the 20th of that month £30 for
-“painting of the King’s barge, and the covering of the same.”[546]
-During 1532 he was at work in Westminster Palace. Thirty-one painters
-were occupied there upon a large wall-painting of the Coronation of
-Henry VIII, “made and set out in the Low Gallery by the orchard, as also
-upon the outsides of the walls of the New Gallery.” Both Englishmen and
-foreigners were engaged. Isaac Lebrune, who appears to have been the
-foreman painter, received a shilling a day; John Augustyne and Nic.
-Lasora, tenpence; William Plasyngton, sevenpence; and Robert Short,
-sixpence. Andrew Wright’s share was the gilding of the gallery roof,
-including the painting and gilding of four “cases of iron for
-clockis,”[547] the latter being very similar to at least one piece of
-work undertaken by Holbein in Basel shortly after his return from his
-first visit to England.
-
-In a list of debts, dated 1536, owing by Queen Anne Boleyn at her death,
-occurs the name of “Androw, paynter,” for 29_s._ 4_d._, which probably
-refers to Wright;[548] and on the 29th September 1539, his name, as the
-King’s painter, appears in the Great Wardrobe accounts as one of the
-royal creditors.[549] Again, on the 17th July in that year (1539) he is
-mentioned in Thomas Cromwell’s accounts as Andrew Wryte or Wryght, “for
-things done at my Lord’s stallation,” as Knight of the Garter, £21,
-7_s._;[550] while in May 1541 he is paid by warrant, out of the King’s
-household expenses, £39, 6_s._ 8_d._ “for the painting of certain coats
-of arms for the heralds at arms.”[551]
-
-Wright died in the same year as Holbein, but a few months earlier, and
-his will was proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury on the 29th
-May 1543. “He left estates at Stratford-le-Bow, at ‘the Gleane’ in the
-parish of St. Olave, Southwark, ‘the Bottle’ in Bermondsey, and at
-Cowden, in Kent, where he had a manufactory of ‘pynck.’ (Pink was a
-vegetable pigment, answering to the _giallo santo_ of the Italians, and
-_stil-de-grain_ of the French.) He desired to be buried, like his
-predecessor, Browne, in the church of St. Vedast, and requested his
-friend Garter (Christopher Barker) to be overseer of the will, a
-circumstance which testifies to his connection in business with the
-College of Heralds.”[552] He left £40 and all his vessels and apparatus
-for the making of pink to his eldest son, Christopher, and £40 to the
-younger son, Richard, and £4 a year so long as he lived with his mother.
-
-[Sidenote: THE HORNEBOLT FAMILY]
-
-John Hethe, or Heath, another member of the Painter-Stainers’ Company,
-one of the painters to whom John Browne’s house was consigned, was also
-in the royal employment, and was very probably one of the men engaged at
-Nonsuch Palace.[553] His will is dated 1st August 1552, and in it he
-leaves to his elder son, Lancelot, “my frames, tentes, stoles, patrons,
-stones, mullers, with the necessaries belonging or appertaining to
-Payntour’s crafte,” and to his second son, Lawrence, “all my moldes and
-molded work that I served the Kinge withal,” while to each of his
-apprentices he bequeathed 6_s._ 8_d._ and a grindingstone, and to his
-Company 20_s._, “to make them a recreation or banket ymmediatlye after
-my decease.”[554] Among the list of the things which he wished to be
-left in his house so long as his wife dwelt there, he mentions “pictures
-in tables,” which at first sight would seem to indicate that he
-occasionally painted pictures. It is more likely, however, that these
-were works by other artists, for, like his brother painter-stainers, he
-appears to have been chiefly a decorator and a maker of moulded and
-coloured work for house-fronts and royal residences such as Nonsuch and
-other more temporary purposes, such as masques and revels, and the
-ornamentation of buildings erected for particular occasions, which were
-pulled down when done with, while the moulded work was preserved for
-future use. The more valuable of these moulds were often kept in leather
-cases made on purpose for them.
-
-Of far greater importance as artists, and more dangerous rivals to
-Holbein in his search for work in England, were the numerous Italians
-and Netherlanders at that time settled here, and, in most instances,
-attached to the Court. The most important group of painters of the
-latter nationality were the three members of the Hoorenbault, Hornebolt,
-or Hornebaud family, Gerard, Lucas, and Susanna. This family belonged to
-Ghent, and from the first years of the fifteenth century had been
-painters and masters of the Guild of St. Luke. The exact relationships
-of the three are not entirely clear. Walpole rolled the two men into
-one, and called him Gerard Luke Horneband.[555] Mr. Nichols[556]
-suggests that Luke was Gerard’s elder brother, and that Susanna was
-their sister. Mr. Wornum[557] regarded Gerard as the father of the other
-two.
-
-There are several Hoorenbaults named Lucas in the lists of the masters
-of the Ghent Guild—one in 1512, who was sub-dean in 1525; another who
-was admitted in 1533, and was sub-dean in 1539; and a third Lucas, the
-son of Lucas, admitted in 1534.[558] The name Gerard does not occur in
-the lists, but in the communal accounts for 1510-11, there are payments
-to Gheraerd Hurebaut, scildere, for painting a plan of part of the town
-of Ghent and its neighbourhood. He painted altar-pieces for the church
-of St. Bavon, designed vestments, and was employed as an illuminator of
-books by Margaret of Austria at Antwerp and Mechlin.[558] Albrecht Dürer
-met him at Antwerp in 1521, when on his journey through the Netherlands,
-and noted in his diary—“Item, Master Gerhart, Illuminator, has a young
-daughter, about eighteen years of age, her name is Susanna; she has made
-a coloured drawing of Our Saviour, for which I gave her a florin; it is
-wonderful that a woman should be able to do such a work.”
-
-[Sidenote: THE HORNEBOLT FAMILY]
-
-This Gerard was married to Margaret Svanders, of Ghent, daughter of
-Derich Svanders and widow of Jan van Heerweghe.[558] She died at Fulham
-on 26th November 1529 in the house of her daughter Susanna, who was then
-the wife of John Parker, the King’s bowman and a yeoman of the robes, as
-may be gathered from a brass plate with a Latin inscription in Fulham
-Church, in which her husband is spoken of as Gerard Hornebolt, the most
-noted painter of Ghent.[559] There is no evidence to show that it was
-this Gerard who came to England, and Mr. Cust’s surmise is probably
-correct,[560] that the Lucas, Gerard, and Susanna who were employed at
-Henry’s Court, were the children of Gerard and Margaret Hoorenbault.
-Luke was always in receipt of a higher salary than Gerard from the royal
-purse, his monthly wages being 55_s._ 6_d._, whereas Gerard only
-received 33_s._ 4_d._ This would hardly have been the case had the
-latter been his father. Luke was probably the elder brother. The elder
-Gerard was dead in Ghent in 1540-1, when his son Joris was served as his
-heir. His wife Margaret seems to have been only in England on a visit to
-her daughter and son-in-law when she died at Fulham in 1529. The three
-Hornebolts, as their name was anglicised, appear to have arrived in
-England only a year or two before Holbein. The exact date of their entry
-into Henry’s service cannot be ascertained, as, unfortunately, none of
-the royal household accounts prior to October 1528 have been preserved,
-and in that month both Luke and Gerard are entered as receiving the
-salaries mentioned above.
-
-Both Vasari and Lodovico Guicciardini (1567) speak of Lucas Hurembout as
-a well-known illuminator of Ghent, and state that his sister Susanna was
-so renowned for similar work that she was induced to come to England by
-Henry VIII, where she was in great favour at the Court, and died here
-rich and honoured. Immerzeel in his _De Levens en Werken der Hollandsche
-en Vlaamsche Kunstschilders_ (1842) says that she married an English
-sculptor named Whorstley, and died at Worcester, but upon what authority
-he based this statement is not known.
-
-Luke Hornebolt received a grant of denization by patent dated 22nd June
-1534, in which he is described as a native of Flanders, with licence to
-keep in his service four journeymen or covenant servants, born out of
-the King’s dominions, notwithstanding the statute of 14 & 15 Henry VIII
-to the contrary. By a second patent of the same date he received a
-“grant of the office of King’s painter, and of a tenement or messuage in
-the parish of St. Margaret in Westminster, an empty place on the east
-side of the same tenement, the south of which looks upon the hermitage
-of St. Katherine, and the north part on a tenement lately built by the
-Crown.”[561] He died in London in May 1544; his will, which is dated 8th
-December 1543, was proved on 27th May 1544. He received his wages up to
-April in that year, but in May is entered as “Item, for Lewke
-Hornebaude, paynter, wages nil quia mortuus.” In his will he calls
-himself Lucas Hornebolt, “servante and painter unto the Kinges
-majestie,” and requests to be buried where it shall please his friends
-in the parish of St. Martins-in-the-Fields beside Charing Cross. He
-leaves his wife, Margaret, possibly an Englishwoman, and his daughter,
-Jacomyne, his executrices, with two-thirds of his property to the former
-and one-third to the latter. Richard Airell was appointed overseer of
-the will, and William Delahay and Robert Spenser were the witnesses.
-
-Nothing is definitely known as to the paintings produced by these three
-artists in England, though it is very possible that certain of the
-numerous portraits of Henry VIII still in existence were painted by Luke
-and Gerard, and that some of the miniatures of him were from the brush
-of Susanna, all such paintings, in earlier days, being attributed to
-Holbein. The portrait of Henry VIII in Warwick Castle, and similar
-versions in Kimbolton Castle, St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, and elsewhere,
-are now generally ascribed to one or other of the Hornebolts. The
-last-named version is dated 1544, so that Holbein could not have painted
-it. Another version, belonging to the Marquis of Bute, was said by Dr.
-Waagen, who saw it at Luton House, to be “exactly like the picture by
-Holbein at Warwick Castle, only less finished. If by Gerard Horebout, as
-stated here, it is a copy from Holbein.”
-
-The very fact that tradition attached the name of an almost unknown
-artist to this picture of the King, in the days when it was the fashion
-to regard every portrait of Henry VIII as a work of Holbein’s, is
-sufficient to suggest that the tradition is in all probability the
-correct one. “When tradition,” says Mr. Wornum, “notwithstanding the
-mischievous activity of presumptuous ignorance, has still handed down
-works with comparatively obscure names attached to them, the fact alone
-should go a great way towards its confirmation as truth.”[562] Dr.
-Waagen, however, never hesitated to discard such attributions, and often
-saw Holbein in pictures which more modern criticism has shown could not
-have been from his brush.
-
-Lucas is said to have given Holbein his first instructions in
-miniature-painting, and no doubt all three members of the family were
-miniaturists and illuminators, and were employed in producing the small
-portraits of the King and the members of his family so often required by
-Henry for sending abroad as gifts to other reigning monarchs or as
-presents to subjects whom he wished to honour. Thus, in the summer of
-1527, the King sent, through his representative in Paris, portraits of
-himself and the Princess Mary to Francis I. Whether these were
-miniatures or not is uncertain, but upon the backs of them were painted
-various royal devices, which were explained to the French King, who
-“liked them singularly well, and at the first sight of Henry’s
-‘phisonamye’ took off his bonnet, saying he knew well that face, and
-further, ‘Je prie Dieu que il luy done bone vie et longue.’ He then
-looked at the Princess’s, standing in contemplation and beholding
-thereof a great while, and gave much commendation and laud unto the
-same.”[563] These two portraits may have been painted by one or other of
-the Hornebolts.
-
-[Sidenote: MINIATURES OF THE KING IN DEEDS]
-
-More than one deed of the period, preserved in the Record Office, is
-ornamented with an initial letter containing a portrait of Henry VIII.
-Thus, on one confirming to Wolsey’s College at Oxford all the
-possessions granted to them by the King, dated 5th May 1526, there is a
-fine miniature of Henry in the initial letter done by an artist of
-considerable ability.[564] Other deeds having reference to the
-Cardinal’s College at Ipswich have the royal miniature and arms, as well
-as Wolsey’s arms and insignia, beautifully tricked by some foreigner;
-and another, dealing with the same college, with a miniature of the
-King, the royal supporters, &c. &c., with an architectural column by the
-side of the initial letter, and an angel bearing the letters “H.R.”[565]
-These are all of the year 1528, while another, dated 1st January 1529,
-is illuminated in the same way, and is equally well done.[566] In an
-account of Wolsey’s for preparing these deeds for the college there is
-an item: “For vellum and making great letters for my Lord his patents,
-13_s._” Also “To Hert, for vellum, parchment and drawing of great
-letters, 39_s._ 2_d._” The writing appears to have been chiefly done by
-Stephen Vaughan, for which he received £6, 17_s._ 9_d._, and among the
-payments made to several people “for writing,” there is mention of one
-“Gerarde,” who was very possibly Gerard Hornebolt.[567] It is,
-therefore, not unlikely that Lucas and Gerard were responsible for the
-miniatures at the head of such deeds. Who “Hert” or Hart, was, who drew
-the “great letters,” there is so far no evidence to show, but he was
-probably an Englishman.
-
-The work of Lucas Hornebolt as a painter of portrait-miniatures, and his
-almost certain identity with the “Master Lukas” who first instructed
-Holbein in this branch of art, is dealt with in a later chapter. In
-April 1532 he received the grant of a royal licence to export 400
-quarters of barley, in which he is called “Luke Hornebolt, a native of
-Flanders;”[568] and in 1536-7 (28 Hen. VIII), in connection with some
-revels and masques at Hampton Court, occurs the item, “To Lucas
-Horneholte, painter, for painting with black upon paper, of 3 bulls and
-3 small rolls, 5_s._”[569] Among the presents received by the King on
-New Year’s Day, 1539, was a fire-screen from Lucas Hornebolt, which is
-entered in the royal accounts thus: “By Lewcas paynter a skrene to set
-afore the fyre, standing uppon a fote of woode, and the skrene blewe
-worsted.”[570] He was given in return a gilt cruse weighing 10½ oz., and
-his servant who delivered it 6_s._ 8_d._, Holbein and Antonio Toto
-receiving similar presents at the same time.
-
-Gerard Hornebolt’s service in the royal household was of shorter
-duration than Luke’s. Up to May 1531 his name always occurs in the
-treasurer’s accounts in conjunction with his brother, but there is a
-break in the records from that date until Lady Day 1538, the household
-books for that period having disappeared, and from October 1538 Luke’s
-name alone appears. His death is not recorded, as it was the custom to
-do when salaries were concerned, by some such entry as “wages nihil quia
-mortuus,” as was done in the case of his brother Luke in 1544; so that
-it is probable that he returned to Ghent at some date between 1531 and
-1538, leaving his brother and sister permanently settled in England. In
-this connection it is interesting to note that in a list of payments
-made by Sir Richard Wingfield in Calais between the 8th January 1513 and
-the 21st November 1514, there is an entry of £33, 6_s._ 8_d._ paid to
-“the glazier of Antwerp (possibly Galyon Hone) for glazing the great
-east window in St. Nicholas’ Church, Calais, by the King’s command,” and
-that 25_s._ was paid “to a painter of Gaunt for taking the portraiture
-of the King’s visage to be set in the said window.”[571] The name of the
-elder Gerard may be suggested as the artist employed for this purpose,
-as one of the leading painters of Ghent. It does not follow from the
-entry that the drawing was supplied by some painter then settled in
-England, while the small fee paid almost precludes the possibility that
-an artist was sent over specially from Calais to London to sketch the
-King; but Gerard Hoorenbault appears to have been resident in Antwerp at
-about that time (1513), and the commission may have been given him by
-the Antwerp glazier who was carrying out the work.
-
-In addition to Susanna Hornebolt, two other skilled Netherlandish
-miniaturists of her sex came over to England during the later years of
-Henry VIII’s reign. What little is known of Livina Teerlinc, or Terling,
-as she was called in this country, is given in a later chapter.[572]
-Nothing is known about the second miniaturist, Katherine Maynor or
-Maynors, except that she received a patent of denization in November
-1540, in which she is described as a “widow, painter, born at Antwerp in
-Brabant.”[573] She may, perhaps, have been some relation of Henry
-Maynert, painter, one of the witnesses to Holbein’s will; or even the
-widow of the John Maynard who, with John Bell, was employed upon the
-painting of Henry VII’s tomb.
-
-[Sidenote: JOHANNES CORVUS]
-
-Another notable painter from the Low Countries who was a contemporary of
-Holbein’s in England, was Johannes Corvus, of Flanders, whose style of
-painting can be judged by two well-authenticated portraits—that of
-Richard Foxe, Bishop of Winchester, in Corpus Christi College, Oxford,
-of which college he was the founder; and that of Princess Mary Tudor,
-sister of Henry VIII and widow of Louis XII, painted in 1532, when she
-was the wife of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, which was lent to the
-Exhibition of Early English Portraiture at the Burlington Fine Arts Club
-in 1909 by Mr. H. Dent-Brocklehurst (No. 28). A similar manner of
-painting is to be found in a series of portraits of Princess Mary Tudor,
-afterwards Queen, including the one in the National Portrait Gallery,
-dated 1544, which is attributed to Corvus in the catalogue. This picture
-has much resemblance to a portrait of a Tudor princess, possibly Queen
-Elizabeth, belonging to Mrs. Booth, of Glendon Hall,[574] which has
-always borne the traditional name of Katherine Parr. To this group may
-be added the portrait of Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk, in the National
-Portrait Gallery.[575] If the portraits of Queen Mary are by Corvus, he
-may be identified with some certainty as the “one John that drue her
-Grace in a table,” for which he received £5 in 1544, as noted in the
-Princess Mary’s Privy Purse Expenses.
-
-“Corvus,” says Mr. Cust, “may be safely identified with one Jan Raf, or
-Rave, who was admitted to the Guild of Painters at Bruges in 1512, and
-with the “Jehan Raf, painctre de Flandres,” who in 1532 painted for
-Francis I “une carte ou est figuré les villes et pays d’Angleterre,” and
-in 1534, “ung pourtraict de la ville de Londres dont il a ci-devant fait
-présent au dict Seigneur.” These entries show that Jehan Raf was sent to
-England from France, possibly more than once. The fact that no portraits
-are attributed to him in England between 1532 and 1544 may be accounted
-for by his return to France during the supremacy of Holbein, after whose
-death he found an opportunity of establishing himself at the English
-Court.”[576]
-
-With regard to Guillim Stretes, the Dutchman, Gerlach Fliccius, or
-Garlicke, as he is termed in the inventory of the pictures in Lumley
-Castle made in 1590, and the clever painter who used the monogram H.E.,
-whose true identity as one Hans Eworthe or Eewouts has been recently
-discovered by Mr. Lionel Cust by means of the same inventory,[577] as no
-works of theirs have been so far discovered in this country having a
-date prior to that of Holbein’s death in 1543, consideration of them is
-reserved until a later chapter dealing with Holbein’s successors.
-
-Among the foreign painters and sculptors who found employment in England
-under Henry VIII, the Italians were by far the most numerous, though the
-inducements offered were not sufficiently alluring to artists of the
-highest rank, such as were to be found from time to time at the French
-Court. Many of them, no doubt, were brought over by the various merchant
-representatives of the leading Italian business houses, such as the
-Bardi, the Cavalcanti, the Corsi, the Frescobaldi, and others. Italian
-workmen were frequently employed upon buildings, more particularly in
-the south-east of England, where Italian handiwork and influences can be
-easily observed, as at Hampton Court, Sutton Place, Layer Marney, East
-Bursham, and elsewhere, both in the use of terra-cotta, plaster-work in
-ceilings and friezes, arabesque work in mullions and mouldings, and in
-other directions. On more than one house the stone figures and carvings
-were the work of master workmen brought over from Italy, while the few
-good Tuscan sculptors employed by Henry VIII exercised considerable
-influence upon the English craftsmen with whom they worked—an influence
-which did not immediately die away upon their departure.
-
-The first Italians to come over were chiefly sculptors and makers of
-ornaments, workers in marble and alabaster and plaster. The few painters
-who accompanied them were of much the same type as their English
-contemporaries, decorators of houses, and makers of heraldic designs,
-colourers of sculpture and painters of banners and badges, though
-probably more skilful than the English, and capable on occasion of
-painting a picture.
-
-The first of the sculptors employed was Guido Mazzoni, or Paganino, of
-Modena, known here as Master Pageny, who was entrusted with the task of
-designing and erecting the tomb of Henry VII and his wife, for which
-that monarch had left very elaborate instructions. Paganino was chosen,
-no doubt, on account of the fame of his tomb of Charles VIII at St.
-Denis.[578] His design, however, was not to Henry VIII’s liking, so that
-the commission was taken from him and given to Pietro Torrigiano of
-Florence. In an estimate for the making of this tomb drawn up in 1509,
-the names of the several artificers it was proposed to employ are
-given.[579] Among them were Humphrey Walker, the founder, Nicholas Ewen,
-the coppersmith and gilder, John Bell and John Maynard, the painters,
-and Robert Vertue, Robert Jenyns, and John Lobons, the King’s three
-master masons. In it Paganino is termed “Master Pageny.” Several of
-these men were employed on the tomb later on under Torrigiano’s
-directions.
-
-[Sidenote: PAGANINO AND PIETRO TORRIGIANO]
-
-Pietro Torrigiano, born in Florence in 1472, studied as a young man in
-the academy founded by the elder Lorenzo de’ Medici, under Bertholdo,
-where he broke Michelangelo’s nose in a quarrel, and was forced to fly
-to Rome. There he was employed by Pope Alexander VI on stucco-work in
-the Vatican. After an interlude spent in soldiering he returned to art,
-and occupied himself in making small figures in bronze and marble,
-which, together with numerous drawings and designs, he sold to
-Florentine merchants, who probably sent some of them over to their
-representatives in London. In a cause tried before the Council at the
-Palace of Greenwich in 1518 between Pietro di Bardi and Bernardo
-Cavalcanti, Torrigiano appeared as a witness, which shows that he was
-closely connected with them, and it was, no doubt, upon their
-recommendations that he was persuaded to come to England, possibly for
-the very purpose of designing Henry VII’s tomb.[580] Vasari says that in
-England “did Torrigiano receive so many rewards, and was so largely
-remunerated that, had he not been a most violent, reckless, and
-ill-conducted person, he might there have lived a life of ease, and
-brought his days to a quiet close.”
-
-The work on the tomb was begun in 1512, the date of the indenture
-between Torrigiano and the King being 26th October of that year. He
-appears to have been resident in the precinct of St. Peter’s,
-Westminster, for some time before that date, making preparations and
-engaging workmen, and also working on the beautiful monument to the Lady
-Margaret Beaufort, Henry VII’s mother, who was buried in the Abbey on
-the 30th June 1509. Other works of his in England include the fine
-monument to Dr. John Younge, Master of the Rolls, in the Rolls Chapel,
-erected about 1516-7, and perhaps the monument to Sir Thomas Lovell in
-the priory of Holywell in Shoreditch. In such works as these Torrigiano
-reached a very high pitch of excellence.
-
-The tomb of Henry VII was finished in 1518, and so delighted Henry VIII,
-that he at once commissioned the Italian to design one for himself and
-Queen Katherine, of white marble and black touchstone, which was to be
-one-fourth larger than the one just finished, and not to cost more than
-£2000. It was to be placed in a separate chapel, adorned with frescoes,
-and Torrigiano returned to Italy to engage competent workmen and artists
-to assist him. “Benvenuto Cellini narrates that when he was about
-eighteen years old, there came to Florence a sculptor named Piero
-Torrigiani, who arrived from England, where he had resided many years.
-Happening to see Cellini’s drawings, Torrigiano told him that he had
-come to Florence to enlist as many young men as he could, for he had
-undertaken a great work for the King, and wanted some of his own
-Florentines to help him. As the work included a great piece of bronze,
-he thought that Cellini would be useful for that purpose. Cellini, who
-did not accept the offer, remarks on Torrigiano’s splendid person and
-most arrogant spirit, and how he talked every day about his gallant
-feats among those beasts of Englishmen.”[581]
-
-Torrigiano returned to England in 1519 or 1520, bringing several Italian
-artists with him, but for some reason—possibly a dispute—his contract
-for Henry VIII’s tomb was never carried out. He thereupon left England
-for Spain, where he is said to have gained a great reputation, but,
-quarrelling with the Duke d’Arcos, to whom he had sold a statue of the
-Virgin, he broke it to pieces with a hammer. This brought him within the
-clutches of the Inquisition, and he is said, according to legend, to
-have starved himself to death in prison in Seville in 1522, through rage
-and grief. This story, however, appears to be largely imaginary.
-
-[Sidenote: ANTONIO TOTO AND VINCENT VOLPE]
-
-For the work on Henry VIII’s tomb in England he had enlisted the
-services of a young painter called Antonio Toto del Nunziata, of
-Florence, who, together with one Antonio di Piergiovanni di Lorenzo,
-sculptor, of Settignano, made a contract with Torrigiano in September
-1519, to work with him for four and a half years in France, Italy,
-Flanders, England, Germany, or any other part of the world.[582] Toto
-either stayed behind in London when his master went to Spain, or
-returned to England from that country on Torrigiano’s death, and
-remained in the King’s service for many years; but there is no record to
-show what became of Antonio di Lorenzo. Before giving a short account of
-Toto, a few words must be said of the Neapolitan, Vincent Volpe, who
-appears to have been the first of the Italian painters regularly
-employed by Henry VIII. Much of the work he undertook was of a
-decorative character, of the same nature as that carried out by John
-Browne, Andrew Wright, and other members of the Painter-Stainers’
-Company.
-
-Volpe was often engaged upon work for the royal navy. The first
-reference to him in the State Papers occurs in the year 1512, in an
-account for the painting of ships’ banners. Among the payments made was
-one “to Mr. Domynyke Cyny, clerk, in reward for the use of Vincence of
-Naples and Alexe of Myllen, painters, £6, 13_s._ 4_d._”[583] In April
-1514 he was at work with John Browne and others on the royal ship _Henry
-Grace à Dieu_, for which “Vincent Vulp, painter, by the King’s command,”
-painted and made various streamers and banners, one with a dragon, one
-with a lion, one with a greyhound, and so on.[584] In June of the
-previous year he received £30 for similar work for seven ships, his name
-being entered in the King’s Book of Payments as Vincent Woulpe.[585]
-
-In June 1516, as Vincent Volpe, he appears to be definitely in the
-King’s service, with a salary of £20 a year, paid quarterly.[586] Early
-in 1518, his name occurs in some accounts as Vincent, the King’s
-painter. He was sent to Antwerp apparently in connection with glass
-designs for windows for the church or some building in Calais.[587] In
-1520 he was employed at Guisnes with John Browne and others in the
-decoration of the temporary buildings erected for the Field of the Cloth
-of Gold.[588] He received £40 for work done or purchases made in
-Antwerp, and twenty crowns (£4, 6_s._ 2_d._) for his costs in going
-there. There is some uncertainty, however, about the date of these two
-last accounts, and both may refer to the same journey. In May 1524 he
-was employed in connection with the funeral of Sir Thomas Lovell, K.G.,
-to make twenty-four small escutcheons in metal, “with my master’s arms
-in the garter, to be set on the altars at the interment,” for which he
-received 15_s._ For the same funeral, one John Wolffe, painter, was
-employed for providing stuff, £33, 3_s._[589] The name Wolffe occurs
-more than once in connection with painting ships. Very possibly Vincent
-Volpe is intended, or this John may have been a relation.
-
-[Sidenote: ALESSANDRO CARMILLIAN]
-
-Volpe was also one of the many artists engaged in the decoration of the
-Banqueting House at Greenwich for the reception of the French envoys in
-1527, dealt with in Chapter xiv., upon which Holbein also was employed.
-He appears, together with John Browne, to have provided various
-materials and also to have done some of the painting, for which he
-received a weekly wage, the entry running, “To Italian painters, Vincent
-Vulp and Ellys Carmyan at 20_s._ the week.”[590] In the treasurer’s
-accounts for quarter’s wages due at Christmas 1528 he is entered as
-receiving 50_s._ a quarter, but this is apparently a mistake in
-transcribing, for as early as 1516 he was getting a salary of £20 a
-year, and in September 1529, the larger amount is again entered against
-his name, to be paid quarterly. In May 1530 he received £15, 4_s._ 9_d._
-for trimming the King’s new barge, and in December of the same year £3,
-10_s._ “for paynting of a plat of Rye and Hastings”[591]—evidently a
-bird’s-eye view showing the fortifications and defences, such as were
-frequently made for the King. On New Year’s Day, 1532, he presented the
-King with two long and two round targets.[592] He appears to have died
-or to have left the country shortly after this. Mr. Nichols suggests
-that it is “by no means improbable that Vincent Volpe may have been the
-painter of some of those curious military pictures, something between
-plans and bird’s-eye views, that are still to be seen on the walls of
-Hampton Court”—the large painting of the “Field of the Cloth of Gold,”
-the “Embarkation of Henry VIII from Dover,”[593] and others.
-
-In the entry respecting Volpe quoted above, in connection with the
-Banqueting House at Greenwich in 1527, he is coupled with another
-Italian painter, “Ellys Carmyan.” The latter, who was in receipt of a
-regular salary from the King, it has been customary to regard as a
-woman, because the Christian name is entered in the accounts more than
-once as Alice. Thus in December 1528,[594] the entry for quarter’s wages
-is “Alice Carmillion, painter, 33_s._ 4_d._” The writer, however, is of
-opinion that Carmillian was a man. At other times the name is given as
-Alys, Ellys, Alye, and other variations, and the surname is spelt
-Carmillion or Carmillian. This artist is more often described as a
-“millyner” than as a painter. The payment quoted above immediately
-precedes that of Volpe in the accounts, and the two painters were
-usually employed together at this period. In the payments for ships’
-banners in 1511,[595] Volpe is joined with one Alexe of Myllen, painter.
-This Alessandro of Milan is evidently the same person as Ellys or Alys
-Carmillian; the change from Alexe to Alys is an easy one, and Bryan
-Tuke’s spelling of foreign names in his accounts is characterised by
-remarkable variety. It is not likely that a woman would be employed upon
-such work as the painting of a building; and the term “millyner” occurs
-much more frequently in recording payments to men than to women in the
-royal accounts. Mr. Digby Wyatt suggests that the name was Elisa
-Carmillione, Milanesa, and that she was a Milanese miniaturist.[596] It
-has been suggested, too, that this painter was a relative of Peter
-Carmeliano, of Brescia, the poet, Latin secretary to Henry VII and one
-of the King’s chaplains, who became lute player to Henry VIII.[597]
-
-Carmillian was one of those who supplied materials for the work carried
-out at Westminster Palace in 1532. One of the entries in connection with
-this runs: “To Elys Carmenelle, of London, painter, for 200 Flemish
-paving tiles, 30_s._”[598] On New Year’s Day 1529 he, or rather his
-servant, received a reward of 10_s._ in return for his gift to the
-King.[599] Carmillian’s salary was only £6, 13_s._ 4_d._ a year, paid
-quarterly.[600]
-
-Antonio Toto, who, as already noted, was brought over to England by
-Torrigiano, was an artist of greater capabilities than Volpe and
-Carmillian. He spent nearly forty years in England, and throughout the
-whole of the time appears to have been in the royal service. He usually
-worked in conjunction with another Italian painter, Bartolommeo Penni,
-their names almost always appearing together in the Household Accounts.
-Toto was the son of one Toto dell’ Nunziata, a painter of Florence of
-some standing, a maker of “puppets,” and a great practical joker, as
-Vasari relates. The son was a fellow-pupil with Perino del Vaga in
-Ridolfo Ghirlandajo’s studio. Toto took part with his master in painting
-a Madonna and Child in the church of San Pietro Scheraggio, a building
-no longer in existence. Vasari says that he was taken to England by some
-Florentine merchants, and there executed all his works, “and by the King
-of that province, for whom he wrought in architecture (as well as in
-sculpture and painting), and for whom he built his principal palace, was
-most handsomely rewarded.”
-
-The “principal palace” referred to by Vasari was evidently Nonsuch, near
-Cheam, in Surrey, which was begun in 1538 by Henry VIII, who acquired
-the site, previously called Cuddington, in that year. The original and
-principal structure was of two storeys, the lower being of substantial
-and well-wrought freestone, and the upper of wood, “richly adorned and
-set forth, and garnished with a variety of statues, pictures (_i.e._
-coloured figures in relief), and other artistic forms of excellent art
-and workmanship, and of no small cost”—it is thus described in the
-survey of the Parliamentary Commissioners in 1650.[601] This singular
-building remained in good condition for more than a century, and was
-described by both Evelyn and Pepys in 1665. The former says that the
-plaster statues and basso-relievos “must needs have been the work of
-some celebrated Italian.” Pepys speaks of the same features as “figures
-of stories and good painting of Rubens or Holbein’s doing.” In the
-earliest account of it, published in Braun’s _Urbium Præcipuarum Mundi
-Theatrum Quintium_, in 1583, it is stated that Henry VIII “procured many
-excellent artificers, architects, sculptors, and statuaries, as well
-Italians, French, and Dutch as natives, who all applied to the ornament
-of this mansion the finest and most curious skill they possessed in
-their several arts, embellishing it within and without with magnificent
-statues, some of which vividly represent the antiquities of Rome and
-some surpass them.” A view of the palace by Joris Hoefnagel accompanied
-this account, which gives an excellent idea of the building before the
-additions were made to it by Lord Lumley.
-
-If Vasari is to be believed, Toto was the chief architect of this
-building; in any case, it may be taken for granted that he was one of
-the leading Italians employed there. In the royal accounts he is always
-spoken of as “paynter,” but the term included the makers of works in
-coloured plaster, with which the exterior of Nonsuch was covered.
-“Toto’s earliest education,” says Mr. Digby Wyatt, “had specially fitted
-him for dealing with such an infinity of allegorical and quasi-pictorial
-sculpture as that with which we shall find Nonsuch to have been adorned;
-since his father, in whose ‘bottega’ he was first brought up, obtained
-his nickname of ‘Nunziata’ from his annually furnishing all the quantity
-of imagery with which the feast of the Annunciation was wont to be set
-forth in a tangible shape at Florence.”[602]
-
-[Sidenote: TOTO AND PENNI]
-
-“Antony Toto and Barthilmewe Penne” first appear in the Household
-Accounts in 1530, “upon several warrantes being dated the iiijth day of
-June, anno xxij, for their wages, after the rate of xxv _li_ a year to
-every of them, to be paid unto them quarterly, & during the Kinges
-pleasure.”[603] Thus each received £25 a year, the payment for the two
-being always entered in one account, £12, 10_s._ each quarter, and
-22_s._ 6_d._ each annually for their livery coats. On one occasion the
-scribe has confused them, and has entered them as “Anthony Pene and
-Bartilmew Tate.”[604] There are some interesting items concerning Toto
-in the Hampton Court Accounts,[605] from which we learn that in addition
-to his work as an architect and decorator he was employed as a painter
-of pictures. Thus, in 1530, there is an entry: “To Antonye Tote,
-painter, for the painting of five tables standing in the King’s
-library—First, one table of Joachim and St. Anne. Item, another table,
-how Adam delved in the ground. Item, the third table, how Adam was
-droven out of Paradise. Item, the fourth table, of the burying of our
-Lord. Item, the fifth table, being the last table, of the burying of our
-blessed Lady. The said Antonye taking for the said five tables, by a
-bargain in great, £6, 13_s._ 4_d._” Toto was also a restorer of old
-pictures, for on the same page is the following: “Item, to the said
-Antonye for sundry colours by him employed and spent upon the old
-painted tables in the King’s privy closet, 13_s._ 4_d._”; and again,
-“also paid to Antoyne Tote, painter, for the painting of four great
-tables—that is to say, one table of our [Lady] of Pity; another table of
-the four Evangelists; the third of the Maundythe [the feet-washing on
-Maundy Thursday?]. The fourth [title omitted]. The said Antonye taking
-for the said tables, by a bargain with him made, by great, 20_l._ soll.”
-These entries show that painters at Henry’s Court received separate
-payment for pictures and other special works, and that their salaries
-were in the nature of retaining fees. They also received a daily wage
-when engaged on work of some duration, as can be gathered from several
-quotations from the accounts already given. In 1530 Toto was engaged in
-this way at one shilling a day, and with him were associated Philyp
-Arkeman (10_d._), Lewes Williams (9_d._), and John Devynk (3_d._). The
-work consisted of “new painting and gilding certain antique heads
-brought from Greenwich to Hanworth at the King’s commandment, and new
-garnishing of the same.” In June 1532 he was employed upon a similar
-job: “Also paid to Anthony Tote and John De la Mayn, the King’s
-painters, for their wages, coming from London to Hanworth for to see the
-finishing and setting up of certain antique heads new painted and
-gilded, either of them by the space of three days at xii_d._ the day,
-for themselves and their horses.”[606] These were the terra-cotta
-roundels modelled by Giovanni da Maiano, the John De la Mayn of the
-accounts, which appear to have been painted and gilded by Toto.
-
-[Sidenote: ANTONIO TOTO, SERJEANT-PAINTER]
-
-On 15th January 1532 he received a special sum of £20 by the King’s
-commandment, for some service not mentioned.[607] He became a
-naturalised Englishman in 1538, his patent of denization being dated
-26th June in that year. In it he is described as a native of Florence,
-in the Emperor’s dominions.[608] In the same year he was employed by
-Cromwell on some work at Havering, for which he was paid 51_s._ 1_d._ on
-26th May.[609] On the 28th November 1538 he and his wife Helen received
-a grant in survivorship of two cottages and land in Mycheham (Mitcham),
-near Nonsuch, which was to be held by payment of a red rose at St. John
-Baptist’s Day annually.[610] On the following New Year’s Day he
-presented the King with a “depicted table of Calomia” (the Calumny of
-Apelles)[611]; and on the 1st of January 1541 a “table of the story of
-King Alexander.”[612] On the 14th of April 1541 he obtained a licence to
-import 600 tuns of beer,[613] and on the 2nd December 1542 he received a
-lease of the manor of Ravesbury, in Surrey, which belonged to Sir
-Nicholas Carew, attainted, for forty years, at £42, 6_s._ 8_d._
-rental.[614]
-
-Toto succeeded Andrew Wright as the King’s serjeant-painter in 1543, and
-he continued to hold the same position throughout the reign of Edward
-VI, and in that capacity he provided the tabards for the heralds, and at
-the coronation of Edward furnished all materials required by the
-College, whether in satin, damask, or sarcenet, for Kings, Heralds, and
-Pursuivants. He also devised patterns and painted the properties for the
-court masques. Thus, at Shrovetide 1548, he received 20_s._ as a reward
-for his pains in drawing patrons (patterns) for the masks, and a similar
-amount a year or two later for attending the Revels and drawing and
-devising for painters and others. In 1550 he supplied “antique moulded
-heads” for a temporary banqueting house, and in 1552 he was employed in
-preparing properties for a masque on the State of Ireland, and received
-4_s._ for painting an Irish halberd, sword, and dagger, and a coat and
-cap with eyes, tongues, and ears for Fame.[615] On New Year’s Day 1552
-he presented King Edward with “the phismanye of the Duke of —— (name
-obliterated), steyned upon cloth of silver, in a frame of woode,” for
-which he received in return a gilt salt with cover weighing a little
-over nine ounces. He was still serjeant-painter at the death of Edward
-VI, and for the King’s funeral had an allowance of seven yards of black
-cloth, with three more for his servant.[616] It is to be supposed that
-the numerous pictures Toto presented to Henry VIII and his son were of
-his own painting, though there is no actual proof of this; his chief
-works in England appear to have been architectural and decorative.
-
-His fellow-worker, Bartolommeo Penni, another Florentine, may possibly
-have come with him to England in 1519. He was, in any case, settled in
-London and in the service of the King in the summer of 1522, for in a
-valuation of the lands and goods of the inhabitants of London of that
-date, he is entered in the parish of St. Martin Orgar as “Bartholomew
-Penny, stranger, in fees of the King yearly, £25.”[617] Penni may
-possibly have been a brother of Gian Francesco Penni, called Il Fattore,
-one of Raphael’s pupils, and of Luca Penni.[618] The latter was at work
-for some years at Fontainebleau under Rosso, and, according to Vasari,
-afterwards repaired to England; but there appears to be no foundation
-for this statement, Vasari having probably confused him with
-Bartolommeo.[619] In the royal accounts his name is always coupled with
-that of Toto when his quarterly salary is paid, but otherwise there is
-no record of him, except his patent of denization, dated 2nd October
-1541, in which he is described as a subject of the Duke of
-Florence.[620] For some reason Penni did not sue for the letters patent
-for more than a year later, when the King’s style and great seal had
-been altered, so that by the Lord Chancellor’s command they were not to
-bear date until the 28th January 1543, and a fine of 13_s._ 4_d._ was
-inflicted. Beyond this, nothing is known about him, but the work he
-undertook for the Crown must have been of a similar nature to that done
-by Toto.
-
-[Sidenote: ROVEZZANO, MAIANO, AND BELLIN]
-
-Two Florentine sculptors of note, Benedetto da Rovezzano and Giovanni da
-Maiano, were at work here throughout the whole of Holbein’s sojourn in
-England. It is probable that they were brought over by Wolsey on purpose
-to work on the great tomb and monument he was erecting for himself in
-the tomb-house at St. George’s Chapel, Windsor, and after Wolsey’s fall,
-when Henry VIII seized upon the materials and such of the work as had
-been finished and proceeded to adapt it for a tomb of his own, the two
-sculptors were retained in the King’s service, though Benedetto, at
-least, was anxious to return to Florence before Wolsey’s downfall. Their
-names occur constantly in the royal accounts. Rovezzano is sometimes
-entered as “Benedict, the King’s tomb-maker.” Giovanni da Maiano was a
-noted worker in terra-cotta, and Wolsey employed him on such work at
-Hampton Court. On the 18th June 1521 he rendered an account to Wolsey
-for ten roundels of terra-cotta (_rotundæ imagines ex terra depictæ_) at
-£2, 6_s._ 8_d._ each, and three histories of Hercules at £4 each, “for
-the Palace at Anton Cort.”[621] These were the roundels already spoken
-of in connection with Toto. Maiano was one of the artists associated
-with Holbein in the decoration of the Greenwich Banqueting House, in the
-accounts of which he is entered as John Demyans. He was in the royal
-service, and received a salary of £20, being entered in October 1528 as
-“John Demayns, gravour.”[622] In 1526 his name occurs in the accounts of
-Thomas, Lord Rocheford. “To Mane, the painter, for making the pattern of
-your seal of arms, 3_s._ 4_d._,” and it was as a seal-engraver that he
-was largely engaged at the Court. In Cromwell’s accounts the two
-sculptors are sometimes entered as Benedict Rovesham or Rovesame and
-John de Manion or Manino. Their work on Henry’s tomb appears to have
-gone on until 1536, when the project was abandoned for a time. Both men
-seem to have left England shortly afterwards.
-
-Nicolas Bellin of Modena was one of the most prominent of the Italian
-artists engaged at the English Court during the latter half of Holbein’s
-residence in England. Mr. Lionel Cust[623] suggests that “the similarity
-of name would lead to a possible identification of this Niccolo with
-Niccolo dell’ Abbate da Modena, who arrived in France after the
-accession of Henri II, and took an important share in the decorative
-paintings at Fontainebleau, where he died in 1571”; but the latter, who,
-as a painter, was by far the more important artist of the two, did not
-reach France from Italy until 1552, whereas Bellin had been in the
-employment of Francis I as early as 1517.[624]
-
-Bellin was a designer and worker in plaster. He is called in the English
-accounts both “carver” and “moulder,” as well as “paynter.” His name
-appears in the French royal accounts between 1517 and 1533, and M.
-Dimier infers from lack of any later reference to his name, that he died
-shortly after the latter date; but he had, in reality, moved over to
-England. He took a considerable share in the decoration of
-Fontainebleau, where he worked under Primaticcio, and perhaps under
-Rosso, upon the ornamental borders and decorations in plaster and stucco
-with which the various wall-paintings were surrounded. “All visitors to
-Fontainebleau,” says M. Dimier,[625] “carry away a recollection of the
-extraordinary mixture of painting and sculptured ornament displayed in
-the gallery. The high relief and the abundance of the stucco, which hems
-in the pictures on all sides and in places even overlaps their edges,
-make a unique and inspiring effect, in which the balance of the two arts
-would have been disturbed if Rosso had not scattered among the stuccos
-little cartouches of painting and placed grounds of gold behind them
-charged with paintings in varied colours.” This was the kind of work
-upon which Bellin was employed in France, as can be gathered from the
-following entry in the “Account of Nicolas Picart,” which was lot 466 in
-the sale of the late Sir Thomas Phillips’ collections, 1903: “A Nicolas
-Bellin dit Modène, painctre, la somme de cent livres tournois ... pour
-cinq mois entiers qu’il avoit vacqué et besongné avec Francisque de
-Primadicis dit de Boullongne, aussi painctre, es ouvraiges de stucq et
-paincture encommancez à faire pour le roy nostre dit seigneur, en sa
-chambre de la grosse tour de son chasteau au dit Fontainebleau, à 20
-livres par mois.”[626]
-
-[Sidenote: NICOLAS BELLIN OF MODENA]
-
-By 1538 he was already in the service of the King of England, for in
-December in that year he received a quarter’s wages, on a warrant dated
-on the previous 21st April, at the rate of £10 a year, and 20_s._ a year
-for his livery.[627] He is styled Nic. (Nicolas) de Modecio, but in the
-following March (1539) he appears as Nicholas de Modena.[628] Bellin did
-not come to England entirely of his own free will. He was, in fact,
-obliged to fly from France, and the King and his ministers made every
-effort to get him back again. Francis I wrote to Marillac, his
-ambassador in London, on 10th September 1540,[629] drawing his attention
-to the fact that some time earlier he had demanded “a subject and
-servant named Modena, who should be confronted with the president
-Gentils (also spelt Gentilz and Jentill) upon certain malversions he had
-made, but he has not been sent,” and Marillac is ordered to make lively
-remonstrances thereupon. From the ambassador’s reply,[630] of a week
-later, it is to be gathered that Modena, who is described as one of the
-accomplices of the President Gentilz, had been delivered by Henry’s
-Council, in the spring of 1538, to the Bishop of Tarbes, then
-representing Francis in London, but had not been permitted to be sent to
-France, “as he was a native of Italy, although of Milan, which, they
-knew, belonged to Francis.” Marillac is afraid that the same reasons
-will again be alleged against his extradition, and in writing to
-Montmorency, the Grand Constable, on the same date,[631] says that he
-will make representations to the King’s Council touching Modena, “about
-whom they are sure to make difficulty, as he is an Italian.” Sir John
-Wallop, the English ambassador to France, also wrote about the matter to
-Henry VIII, informing him that Modena was wanted “about an account of
-100,000 crowns of which President Jentill beguiled the King.”[632] Henry
-in his answer said, “as for Modena, he (Francis) never demanded him as a
-traitor according to the treaty, yet Henry gave him up to the French
-ambassador (the Bishop of Tarbes) at his request, and the latter
-afterwards put him at liberty.”[633] The Council wrote to the same
-effect, saying, “the King is not bound to deliver him, as he is not a
-French subject, but born in the duchy of Milan, being in the Emperor’s
-hands. And the King said that when the French King should be Duke of
-Milan he would be ready to observe the treaties.”[634] In a final letter
-to Francis on 21st October 1540, Marillac calls Modena a “painter and
-sculptor,” and says that “the King said he would not speak of Modena
-until justice had been done in his own case” (_i.e._ the detention in
-France of Blanche Rose).[635] A further interesting reference to Modena
-is to be found in a long letter from Wallop to Henry VIII, written from
-Melun on 17th November 1540, in which he describes a visit to
-Fontainebleau and an interview with Francis.[636] The letter also shows
-how keen an interest the two kings took in one another’s building
-operations, and their willingness to assist one another with materials
-and designs. Francis asked Wallop many questions about Hampton Court,
-and said that he had heard that Henry used much gilding in his houses,
-especially in the roofs, but for his part he preferred natural wood, “as
-ebony, brasell, &c., which was more durable; he would show me
-Fontainebleau, especially his gallery there. He has found mines of
-marble nigh the sea-side, white at Marguyson, and black at Sherbroke
-(Cherbourg), and you might have some for nothing if you liked to send
-for it; also divers moulds of antique personnages that he hath now
-coming out of Italy, with which he shall have done within three or four
-months.” Wallop then describes a visit to “Fountayne de Bleawe” on the
-following Sunday, when the King showed him the “antycall borders” in his
-bedchamber, helping him to mount a bench that was too high for him, in
-order that he might examine them more closely. Francis afterwards showed
-him the Gallery, which Wallop describes, and refers Henry to “_Modon,
-who wrought there at the beginning_,” for details. One side of the
-gallery, he says, “is all antique of suche stuff as the said Modon
-makith your Majesties chemenyes.”[637] Such things, he adds, would suit
-the gallery at St. James’s, and the French King would gladly give the
-pattern.
-
-By a warrant of 14th January 1540[638] the wages of “Nicholas de Modeno”
-were increased to £20 a year, and on 3rd October 1541 he received a
-patent of denization, with licence to have two apprentices and four
-journeymen or “covenant servants,” in which he is described as “Nic.
-Bellin, a native of the city of Modena, in Italy, in the dominions of
-the Duke of Ferrara.”[639] According to Mr. Nichols,[640] on New Year’s
-Day 1534, among the royal rewards was one “to Nicolas Modena, that
-brought the King a story of Abraham,” 6_s._ 8_d._ (_i.e._ to his
-servant). This is not given in the abstract in the State Papers, but, if
-correct, would seem to prove that Modena was in England some years
-before he was regularly employed in the royal service, and earlier than
-the letters with reference to his extradition suggest. The last year in
-which he is mentioned in the French accounts is 1533, which agrees with
-a possible arrival in England towards the end of that year, when he
-might seek to draw attention to his abilities by presenting a picture to
-the King. There appears, however, to be no further reference to him
-until 1538.
-
-[Sidenote: NICOLAS BELLIN OF MODENA]
-
-In the autumn of 1546 he was engaged upon work for some Revels at
-Hampton Court, arranged for the entertainment of the Admiral of France,
-for which he received £15. “Nich’as Modena, paynt’, for garments of here
-(hair) upon lether, for wildme’, to s’ve for torcheberers, w^{th} thayr
-hed peces, staves, and clubbes, taken in great for all, 15_li._”[641]
-These wildmen were satyrs or savage green-men, so much in vogue in mimic
-entertainments of this period. Modena was also engaged in freshening up
-and altering a certain Mount, used in some Revels for the Coronation
-festivities of Edward VI, this mount being probably the same apparatus
-for a pageant which had been employed some forty years before, in the
-reign of Henry VIII, and had been laid up in the store of the Master of
-the Revels as a valuable piece of machinery. The entry runs:[642] “To
-Nych’as Modena, stranger, for as well his owne wages and 22 other
-carvers’ wages, workeing upon the mouldyd w’ke appertayning to the
-mount, as also for clay, plaster parys, sewett, whyte paper, flower,
-glewe, syes, wax, here, colis (coals) for drying, with other
-necessaries.” It will be noticed that he is still termed stranger,
-though possessed of a patent of denization.
-
-In the following year, at Shrovetide 1548, he is termed
-“moulder”—“Nicholas Modena, moulder, for 6 heads of heres (hair) for
-masks a’ 10_s._, 60_s._; trimming, color^g, and lyning 16 vysowres, at
-12_d._, 16_s._”[643] In the roll of New Year’s gifts 1552, received by
-the King, is an entry showing that he presented a picture. “By Modeno a
-feire picture paynted of the Frenche King his hoole personage, sett in a
-frame of wodde,” and there was given in return “To Modeno, an Italian,
-oone guilte salte with a cover,” weighing x oz. iij qrt’ di.” Another
-picture by him, the portrait of a boy, was in the Arundel Collection,
-and is entered in the 1655 inventory as “Ritratto d’un fanciullo,” by
-“Nicolo da Modena.”
-
-At the funeral of King Edward VI, “Modena, maker of the King’s picture,”
-received four yards of black cloth, and he is mentioned again as
-“Nicholas Modena, kerver, four yards.” The “King’s picture” referred to
-in this extract was not a painting, but the coloured effigy carried and
-displayed on the King’s coffin, as was the usual custom. Machyn, in his
-Diary, in his account of the same funeral, uses the term “picture” for
-the effigy—“then the chariot covered with cloth of gold, and on the
-chariot lay a picture, lying richly with a crown of gold, and a great
-collar, and a sceptre in his hand, lying in his robes, and the garter
-about his leg, and a coat in embroidery in gold.”[644] Modena’s share in
-this effigy would be the modelling of the head in the likeness of the
-King. Sir George Scharf[645] suggested that the very beautiful little
-whole-length figure of Henry VIII, carved in buff honestone, belonging
-to Mr. H. Dent-Brocklehurst, last exhibited at the Burlington Fine Arts
-Club in 1909 (Case A, No. 28), was the work of Nicolas Modena. It was
-apparently founded on Holbein’s Whitehall painting of the King. “It has
-evidently been painted, as traces of blue and crimson on the dress still
-remain in some of the hollows.” Sir George drew attention to the
-similarity of this exquisite piece of work, in its wooden frame, to
-Modena’s gift to Edward VI of the fair painted picture of the French
-king, whole length, set in a frame of wood, mentioned above.
-
-[Sidenote: GIROLAMO PENNACCHI DA TREVISO]
-
-Another Italian painter of considerable distinction who was in England
-during the latter part of Henry’s reign, was Girolamo Pennacchi da
-Treviso, son and pupil of Piermaria Pennacchi, born at Treviso in 1497,
-an imitator of Raphael, who worked chiefly at Bologna, Venice, and
-Genoa, and, so Vasari relates, came to England mainly on account of his
-unsuccessful rivalry with Perino del Vaga.[646] According to the same
-authority he was a good portrait-painter, and in England received
-encouragement and patronage from the King. “In his service he exercised
-his talents as architect and engineer. He erected buildings in the
-Italian style which delighted and surprised the King beyond measure, who
-constantly loaded him with gifts, and assigned him a stipend of 400
-scudi a year, giving him leave also to build himself a handsome house at
-the King’s own expense. Girolamo lived most happily, and in the utmost
-content, thanking God and his good fortune for having placed him in a
-country where his merits were so well appreciated. But this unusual
-happiness did not last long; he went in his capacity of engineer to
-inspect the fortifications of Boulogne, during the siege, where a
-cannon-ball struck him lifeless off his horse. He thus died in 1544, at
-the early age of thirty-six.”[647] He painted chiefly in fresco, so that
-little of his work remains. There is an important example of his art in
-the National Gallery, No. 623, an altar-piece painted for the Boccaferi
-Chapel in the Church of San Domenico at Bologna, representing the Virgin
-and Child enthroned, with SS. Joseph, James, and Paul, which was
-formerly in the Solly and Northwick collections. There is no other work
-in this country which can be pointed out as being with any certainty
-from his brush, but Sir George Scharf was of opinion that the striking
-full-length portrait of Sir Thomas Gresham at the age of twenty-six,
-dated 1544, in Mercer’s Hall, is, by its superior merit and its
-accordance in many respects with the style of Girolamo, in all
-probability by that painter, and also the portrait of the Earl of Surrey
-at Knole, attributed to Guillim or Gillam Stretes. The portrait of Sir
-Anthony Wingfield, lent by Mr. T. Humphry Ward to the Burlington Fine
-Arts Club Exhibition in 1909 (No. 56, attributed to Holbein), is also
-suggested, by the compilers of the catalogue, as a possible work of the
-same artist. He is generally referred to in the royal accounts as
-“Hierome Trevix Bollonia” or “Jeronimo Italion,” and received a salary
-of £25 a quarter. It may be inferred from Vasari’s statement as to his
-erecting buildings in the Italian style, that he was employed at
-Nonsuch.
-
-In addition to these more important artists and craftsmen, a number of
-minor painters, native and foreign, were at work in England during
-Henry’s and the succeeding reigns, such as Nicholas Lyzarde, John Crust,
-John Simson, and the three members of the Bernardi family—Theodore,
-Lambert, and Anthony; but little or nothing is known about them beyond
-their names, and they need no comment here. With some of the more
-important men dealt with in this chapter Holbein must often have come in
-contact, and with certain of the Netherlanders, such as the Hornebolts,
-he seems to have been on terms of friendship.
-
-    NOTE.—Much of the information given in this chapter about the
-    foreign artists who practised in England under Henry VIII is the
-    result of a long and careful examination, on the part of the
-    writer, of the _Calendars of Letters and Papers, Foreign and
-    Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII._ Since the final proofs of
-    the chapter were passed for printing, his attention has been
-    called to a very interesting paper on “The Italian Artists in
-    England during the Sixteenth Century,” read by Mr. R. W. Carden
-    before the members of the Society of Antiquaries on 28th March
-    1912, and published in the Society’s _Proceedings_, second
-    series, vol. xxiv. (1911-12), pp. 171-204, issued early in 1913.
-    In this paper, more particularly that part of it dealing with
-    Bellin of Modena, Mr. Carden covers much the same ground as the
-    present writer, and his information is based on a similar study
-    of the _Letters_, &c. He gives, however, further new and
-    valuable details of the work and lives of Torrigiano, Toto,
-    Rovezzano, Maiano, and Bellin, and strives to prove that the
-    latter and Niccolo dell’ Abbate were one and the same man. He
-    also shows that Bellin, in 1551, was engaged upon the completion
-    of Henry VIII’s tomb, and that he was then living within the
-    precinct of Westminster Abbey, as Torrigiano did before him.
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                              CHAPTER XIII
-
-        THE FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND: PORTRAITS OF THE MORE FAMILY
-
-Holbein’s arrival in England and his reception by Sir Thomas More—The
-  More Family Group and the Basel study for it—The various copies of the
-  picture at Nostell Priory, East Hendred, Burford Priory, and
-  elsewhere—The Sotheby miniature—Studies for the heads in the Windsor
-  Collection—The portrait of Sir Thomas More—Miniature of More in the
-  late Mr. Pierpont Morgan’s Collection—Portrait of Lady More—Margaret
-  Roper—Drawing of unknown lady in the Salting Collection—Portrait at
-  Shere said to represent Margaret Roper.
-
-
-THE date of Holbein’s arrival in England can be fixed with some
-certainty. The letter of introduction he carried from Erasmus to Peter
-Ægidius in Antwerp, as already pointed out, was dated 29th August 1526,
-and it must have been written on the eve of the painter’s departure from
-Basel. Travelling was slow in those days, and Holbein would not be in a
-position to afford to make the whole journey on horseback. As he carried
-letters from Erasmus, the latter may have helped him with his travelling
-expenses, but no doubt the greater part of the journey would be made by
-boat down the Rhine, and for the rest he would trudge on foot, the
-materials of his craft on his back.
-
-[Sidenote: HOLBEIN’S JOURNEY TO ENGLAND]
-
-There is no evidence to show that he made a stay of any length in
-Antwerp; nor any record of a meeting with Ægidius or Metsys, though such
-meetings must almost certainly have taken place, for the former would be
-likely to do everything in his power to oblige Erasmus. Woltmann
-suggests that he stayed in Antwerp for at least some weeks, in order to
-earn some money, while Mr. Davies thinks that he made a somewhat lengthy
-sojourn in the Netherlands before coming to England.[648] “One may take
-it almost for granted,” he says, “that a man of his sympathies, the
-fountain of whose art had already flowed down to him by Flemish
-channels, would not fail to use his opportunity for visiting the great
-Flemish primitives, the Van Eycks, Memlinc, Van der Weyden, Gerard David
-in their own homes. Ghent and Bruges lay at no great distance seaward,
-and whether he took ship at Flushing, or chose the longer land route and
-the shorter sea passage by Calais—an expensive method for one whose
-pockets were as empty as Holbein’s—he would, one feels sure, have made
-the pilgrimage to those two cities.”[649]
-
-Dr. Waagen also believed that Holbein made a considerable delay in
-Antwerp, for the purpose of painting the portrait of Ægidius, now in
-Longford Castle, at that time considered to be from his hand; and he
-also held the theory that the “Laïs Corinthiaca” and the “Venus” were
-painted on the same occasion, seeing in them a Netherlandish influence.
-Mr. Davies, in a second passage, to which reference has been made,[650]
-asserts that Holbein “spent several months in or about Antwerp on his
-way to England in 1526.” He admits, however, that he is dealing with
-mere probabilities, and it is much more likely that Holbein would waste
-as little time as possible in reaching the country in which he hoped to
-improve his fortunes, and would tarry only a day or two in Antwerp, in
-order to make the acquaintance of Metsys; and that he then either took
-ship at that port, or, which is less probable, tramped on to Calais, the
-customary point of embarkation for England. He may thus have reached
-London easily by the beginning or middle of October 1526. It is, in any
-case, quite certain that he did not spend “several months in or about
-Antwerp.” This is proved both by a letter from Sir Thomas More to
-Erasmus, dated 18th December, and by the fact that the preliminary
-studies, or, at least, the general study for the grouping in the More
-family portrait, now in the Basel Gallery, must have been finished
-before the 7th February 1527.
-
-Holbein, of course, would carry with him a letter of introduction from
-Erasmus to More, and very possibly to Warham, Fisher, and other
-correspondents of the philosopher then in England. There is no reason to
-throw doubt on Carel van Mander’s statement that he was received as a
-guest in Sir Thomas More’s hospitable house in Chelsea. Van Mander’s
-biography contains numerous inaccuracies, although he wrote only some
-sixty years after Holbein’s death; but in this instance he is probably
-correct. More, who was noted for his hospitality, would welcome to his
-home any friend sent to him by Erasmus, and would do all that he could
-to help a foreigner, who can have had little or no knowledge of the
-English language. Van Mander’s statement has been copied and amplified
-by later writers until the legend runs that Holbein spent the greater
-part of three years under More’s roof; but this is not at all likely to
-have happened. During the painting of the great family picture, or, in
-any case, while the preliminary studies were being made, and other
-single portraits of members of More’s household taken, Holbein, no
-doubt, remained as a guest at Chelsea, if only for the convenience of
-the several sitters, but that he stayed throughout the whole of his
-first English visit as More’s guest is doubtful. He would, naturally,
-wish for a studio and lodging of his own, however humble, where he would
-be free to do just as he liked. Whether he set up his easel in the
-village hard by his patron’s house, or in London itself, where he would
-find a number of compatriots, it is not now possible to say, though an
-item in the royal accounts in connection with the festivities at
-Greenwich in 1527[651] seems to indicate that he had settled in the
-city; while, on the other hand, nearly all the portraits painted by him
-at this time were of men who were among More’s most intimate personal
-friends, whom Holbein would be more likely to meet in Chelsea than in
-London.
-
-More certainly did everything in his power to help the painter. He not
-only gave him commissions for single portraits of himself and his wife,
-and, possibly, of his favourite daughter, Margaret Roper, but also for
-the large family group already mentioned. It is to be supposed that
-Holbein had carried with him some specimens of his handiwork by which
-Sir Thomas could judge of his ability, and he would almost certainly
-have with him proofs of the “Dance of Death” woodcuts, in themselves
-more than sufficient testimony to the brilliance of his artistic powers.
-Sir Thomas must also have had earlier knowledge of his skill both as a
-portrait-painter and a book-illustrator, in the likenesses of Erasmus
-already sent to this country, and in the various books by Erasmus and
-others, including his own _Utopia_, issued by Froben and other printers
-of Basel, which Holbein had helped to decorate.
-
-[Sidenote: MORE’S LETTER TO ERASMUS]
-
-In a long letter to Erasmus, mentioned above,[652] dated 18th December,
-More gives a few words of praise and a promise of help to their common
-friend and protegé: “Your painter, dearest Erasmus, is a wonderful
-artist, but I fear he is not likely to find England so abundantly
-fertile as he had hoped; although I will do what I can to prevent his
-finding it quite barren.”[653] This letter, as already stated, is dated
-1525 in the published letters of Erasmus, but the correct date is 1526,
-as first pointed out by Mr. F. M. Nichols, F.S.A.[654] It has been
-generally supposed that it was written after More had seen certain
-portraits of Erasmus sent over from Basel about 1524, and that his
-promise of help to the painter had reference to a projected visit to
-England on the part of Holbein. Mr. Nichols, however, proves
-conclusively that it was written after More had made his personal
-acquaintance. “The true date,” he says, “is shown not only by the
-allusion to Holbein, who was evidently in England at the time, but still
-more certainly by the literary work of Erasmus mentioned in it. The
-first part of the _Hyperaspistes_ (the answer of Erasmus to the _Servum
-Arbitrium_ of Luther), printed in the spring of 1526, and the
-_Institution of Christian Marriage_, printed in August of the same year,
-are both mentioned as already published, and the second part of
-_Hyperaspistes_ as expected. This last book was published at the close
-of the same year, 1526, not much after the date of the letter as here
-corrected.” More, therefore, wrote to Erasmus in praise of Holbein after
-he had received practical proof, in the shape of his studies for the
-Family Group, of what the latter was capable in the way of portraiture.
-
-The earliest work undertaken by the artist was the painting of this
-group of his host’s family, and the several individual portraits of
-certain members of the Chelsea household, of which the first would be
-undoubtedly that of his new patron.
-
-The inscriptions on the study for the Family Group, now in the Basel
-Gallery, prove conclusively that the beautiful sketch of the general
-arrangement of the picture was finished, and possibly the picture itself
-begun, before 7th February 1527, thus indicating that Holbein must have
-started upon it with little delay. This fact is made clear through the
-researches of Mr. Nichols, included in a second and earlier paper read
-before the Society of Antiquaries in 1897,[655] dealing with the correct
-birth-year of Sir Thomas More. It is impossible to give here even a
-short summary of the evidence which he brings forward, evidence which
-proves that More was born on 7th February 1477, a year earlier than the
-date until then supposed to be the correct one. He then proceeds to show
-the bearing of this new year-date upon the Basel sketch. The sketch has
-the name and age of the persons represented in it written against each
-figure, and it is important to observe that there is a strong
-probability that these inscriptions were written or dictated by More
-himself. They are correctly written in Latin, while the painter’s notes
-on the same drawing are in German; and, as Mr. Nichols says, the
-information, including on the one hand the age of More’s venerable
-father, and on the other that of his domestic fool, could scarcely have
-been furnished by any one but More himself. Woltmann recognises the
-handwriting as undoubtedly that of More from its remarkable resemblance
-to the address on the letter held in the hand of Peter Ægidius in the
-Longford Castle portrait, which More declared was copied quite as
-closely as he could have copied it himself.
-
-[Sidenote: BASEL STUDY FOR THE FAMILY GROUP]
-
-In the Basel sketch he has written above his own portrait, _Thomas Morus
-anno 50_—that is, _anno quinquagesimo_, “in his fiftieth year”—and,
-according to the corrected birth-date, Sir Thomas was in his fiftieth
-year from 7th February 1526 to 7th February 1527, which proves that the
-big picture had been completely planned out, and probably well advanced,
-before the latter date. In support of this contention, it will be found
-that not only the age of More himself, but that of other members of his
-family where they can be verified, point to the same date. Thus,
-Erasmus, who prided himself on his remarkable memory for the ages of his
-friends, says that John More, Sir Thomas’s only son, was just about
-thirteen in the summer of 1521, so that he would be in his nineteenth
-year in the autumn and winter of 1526, which is the age attributed to
-him on the sketch; while the dates of the birth and death of John More’s
-wife, Anne Cresacre, are known, and tally with the “anno 15” on the same
-drawing. More’s eldest child, Margaret Roper, is described as in her
-twenty-second year, and though the precise date of her birth is not
-known, the marriage of her parents took place in the twentieth year of
-Henry VII (21st August 1504-21st August 1505), which is consistent with
-her birth at any time between the summer of 1505 and the 7th February
-1506, and therefore with her being in her twenty-second year at the date
-attributed to the sketch. It appears, therefore, that the evidence of
-all these inscriptions either confirms that date or is not inconsistent
-with it.
-
-This proves that the Family Group was the first work undertaken by
-Holbein in England, and that in the intervals of painting the larger
-picture he was engaged upon a single portrait of Sir Thomas More and
-upon others of certain of the latter’s friends.
-
-Unfortunately, the picture itself, if ever completed by Holbein, has
-disappeared. “For nothing,” says Walpole, “has Holbein’s name been
-oftener mentioned than for the picture of Sir Thomas More’s family. Yet
-of six pieces extant on this subject, the two smaller are certainly
-copies, the three larger probably not painted by Holbein, and the sixth,
-though an original picture, most likely not of Sir Thomas and his
-family.”[656]
-
-The Basel sketch (No. 345)[657] (Pl. 74), upon which the various
-pictures still in existence are based, affords the most faithful record
-we possess of the great work itself, now lost, or buried under the
-handiwork of some inferior painter. It represents a large apartment with
-a group of ten persons, with two smaller figures seen through an open
-door in a room at the back. Sir Thomas More is seated in the centre of
-the group, dressed in long robes, his hands concealed in a muff. In
-attire, attitude, and expression the sketch agrees very closely with the
-portrait of More in the possession of Mr. Edward Huth. On his right
-hand, to the spectator’s left, is seated his old father, Sir John More,
-a judge of the King’s Bench (anno 76), looking straight out of the
-picture. By Sir John’s right side stands Margaret Gigs (anno 22), a
-relative of the family, afterwards married to Dr. John Clement. She has
-a book in her left hand, to which she points with her right, as though
-emphasizing a passage she is reading to the old man, towards whom she
-stoops. In front of her, and still further to the spectator’s left, the
-outside member of the group, stands Elizabeth Dancey (anno 21), More’s
-second daughter, with a book under her arm, drawing on her glove.
-
-On the opposite side, on the spectator’s right, in the foreground, is a
-group of three, which includes More’s second wife, Alice Middleton (anno
-54), on the extreme right, kneeling on a prie-dieu, with a chained
-monkey by her side jumping up against her dress; Margaret Roper (anno
-22), More’s eldest and favourite daughter, seated on the ground on a low
-stool in front of her stepmother, an open book held in her lap, gazing
-in front of her, as though lost in thought over the volume she has been
-reading; and Cecilia Heron (anno 20), the youngest girl, seated behind,
-and partly concealed by her sister, with a book and rosary in her hand,
-and her head turned as though speaking to Lady More. In the centre,
-behind Sir Thomas, stand, on the right, his only son, John More (anno
-19), looking down, absorbed in a book, and on the left, Anne Cresacre,
-his betrothed, a girl in her fifteenth year. The group is completed by
-the bluff figure of Henry Patenson, More’s jester, who stands to the
-right of More’s son, with arms akimbo in the favourite fashion of Henry
-VIII. Over his shoulder, through a doorway, with a kind of porch of open
-woodwork which projects into the apartment, are seen the heads of the
-two small figures mentioned above. The room in which the group is placed
-is probably the dining-hall. On the left there is a sideboard reaching
-to the ceiling, with a flower-vase, tankards, and silver plate. On the
-sill of a window on the opposite side of the room there are a jug, a
-candlestick, and some books. The wall at the back in the centre is
-covered with a curtain, in front of which a clock with weights is
-hanging, and a violin near it.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 74.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  STUDY FOR THE MORE FAMILY GROUP
-  _Drawing in Indian ink, with corrections and inscriptions in brown_
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE NOSTELL PRIORY PICTURE]
-
-The whole arrangement is of a somewhat formal and stately character, and
-both in the attitudes and occupations of the figures indicates a house
-of learning; even in the foreground books are scattered all over the
-floor. This masterly sketch, small as it is, is full of character. Each
-figure has marked individuality, and Holbein, with a few slight touches
-of his pencil, has in every case given a most truthful likeness, as may
-be proved by comparison with the larger studies of seven of the heads
-now in the Windsor Collection. From this brilliant study it is quite
-possible to gain a very adequate idea of how splendid the finished
-picture must have been, if, indeed, Holbein ever completed it. Whether
-the Basel drawing was merely Holbein’s first arrangement of the
-grouping, hastily done, or a drawing made at More’s request from the
-outlined design on the canvas for the purpose of sending it to Erasmus,
-is uncertain; but, in any case, the portraiture of all the heads, which
-are only sketched in a few lines, is complete and striking, and every
-touch stamps it as the work of one who was a master before he had
-reached his thirtieth year.
-
-There are various copies of this great family picture in England, mostly
-of late origin and showing numerous differences. The only one which has
-any real claim to be considered the original work is the large canvas
-belonging to Lord St. Oswald at Nostell Priory, near Wakefield, which
-has been for many years in the possession of the Winn family (Pl.
-75).[658] Most writers have identified it with the picture mentioned by
-Carel van Mander, whose book was first published in 1604, as seen by him
-in London in the possession of Andries de Loo, who had collected a
-number of Holbein’s works. “This lover of art,” he says, “had a large
-canvas, painted in water-colours, on which was depicted, as large as
-life, from head to foot, the learned and famous Thomas Morus, with his
-wife, sons, and daughters, all magnificently arrayed, a piece worthy to
-be seen and highly extolled.” On De Loo’s death, he continues, it was
-purchased by one of More’s grandsons, who was also named More. According
-to the family history, however, the buyer was the son of Margaret Roper,
-of Well Hall, Eltham, near Blackheath, where it still remained in 1731,
-when it was carefully described by the Rev. J. Lewis. It eventually
-passed by marriage to Sir Rowland Winn, of Nostell Priory, the ancestor
-of the present owner. Van Mander, it will be noted, says that this
-picture was in water-colours, or tempera, on canvas, which, if true,
-seems to indicate that it was not the work now at Nostell Priory, though
-repeated repairing and varnishing may have rendered the method of its
-painting uncertain to decide. Van Mander’s account of Holbein’s career
-is by no means free from inaccuracies, but the evidence seems to point
-to the fact that his history of the picture is substantially
-correct.[659]
-
-There are considerable but, with two exceptions, not very important
-differences between the Nostell Priory picture and the Basel sketch. The
-latter is seen at once to be a first study for the grouping of the
-former, to which the artist adhered closely in almost all points. In the
-first place, it is interesting to note that the only two alterations
-suggested on the sketch itself, in Holbein’s own handwriting—“Dise soll
-sitzen” (she is to be sitting), placed against Lady More, and
-“Klafikordi vnd ander Sithespill vf dem bank” (harpsichords and other
-instruments on a shelf), to the left on the wall at the back, close by
-the cupboard or sideboard, where only a violin is hanging in the
-sketch—have both been carried out in the completed picture, though in
-the end the painter put the instruments on the sideboard in place of the
-silver plate, instead of on a shelf.
-
-The two chief points in which the finished picture deviates from the
-sketch are the change in the positions of Elizabeth Dancey and Margaret
-Gigs, and the introduction of More’s “famulus,” John Heresius or Harris,
-who stands in the doorway at the back, with a roll of parchment in his
-hands, while beyond him, in the farther room, is a man standing at a
-large bay-window, holding a book which he is reading. The positions of
-Elizabeth Dancey and Margaret Gigs have been reversed. The former now
-stands next to Sir John, while the latter has taken her place on the
-extreme left, and, instead of stooping, stands upright, looking in front
-of her, but with her right hand still pointing to the open book in her
-left. Her head-dress is less elaborate than in the Basel sketch, and
-follows closely the plain white hood she is shown as wearing in the
-beautiful study at Windsor, erroneously inscribed “Mother Jak.” Two dogs
-are also introduced—a “cur-dog” at the feet of Sir John, and a “Bologna
-shock” at the feet of Sir Thomas, to quote from Mr. Lewis.[660] The
-various accessories in the room have also been to some extent changed,
-both on the sideboard and on the window-sill on the right. The titles of
-the books are given in most cases. Thus Margaret Roper holds open
-Seneca’s _Œdipus_ at the chorus in Act iv., Elizabeth Dancey has
-Seneca’s _Epistles_ under her arm, while _Boetius de Consolatione
-Philosophiæ_ is on the sideboard.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 75.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE MORE FAMILY GROUP
-  Lord St. Oswald’s collection
-  NOSTELL PRIORY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE NOSTELL PRIORY PICTURE]
-
-The critics are by no means agreed as to the merits of this picture. Dr.
-Waagen came to the conclusion that it was nothing more than an old copy,
-yet he dated it as about 1530 on technical grounds, due to the redness
-of the flesh tints, which he regarded as a characteristic of Holbein’s
-painting at that period—a strange conclusion to reach after giving it as
-his opinion that it was only a copy. Passavant, Vertue, and Walpole
-considered that it was made up by some inferior painter from Holbein’s
-separate studies of the heads. “As the portraits of the family,” says
-Walpole, “in separate pieces,[661] were already drawn by Holbein, the
-injudicious journeyman stuck them in as he found them, and never varied
-the lights, which were disposed, as it was indifferent in single heads,
-some from the right, some from the left, but which make a ridiculous
-contradiction when transported into one piece.”[662] Wornum’s opinion
-was that “the picture is without question unequal in its parts, some
-portions certainly being unworthy of Holbein; others, though much
-better, still bear no trace of the great master’s hand; the want of
-finish, too, is in parts apparent. The dogs are very bad, especially the
-foremost one; notwithstanding all this, however, there may be a genuine
-Holbein groundwork beneath.”[663] Woltmann, who saw it when it was in
-the National Portrait Exhibition of 1866, agreed with Waagen that it was
-only a good old copy. “Still this large picture is in a high degree
-interesting. Though the hand that copied it betrays, indeed, an able but
-in nowise clever painter, though the coldness of the execution is
-apparent in the unattractive accessories, still it shows us, to a
-certain extent, with what careful and delicate study the original
-picture had been executed.”[664]
-
-The late Mr. F. G. Stephens examined the picture very carefully in 1880,
-and embodied the result of his study in one of his series of articles on
-“The Private Collections of England,” published in the _Athenæum._[665]
-He came to the conclusion that certain portions were undoubtedly from
-the brush of Holbein, but that upon the greater part of the canvas he
-had merely sketched or pounced in the design, which had then been
-finished by some other painter not skilled enough to follow up with any
-success the lines laid down by the greater master, who for some unknown
-reason had abandoned the completion of the work. At the same time he was
-of opinion that even the parts which he attributed to Holbein by no
-means remained in the state in which he left them. His final conclusion
-was that Holbein left the canvas with only one head, that of Sir Thomas
-More, nearly finished; certain other heads—of Judge More, and the group
-of three on the right, Margaret Roper, Cecilia Heron, and Lady More—far
-advanced in execution, and one or two others in the background carried
-only a little further than the designing stage. Beyond this Holbein did
-not go; the remainder was left in outline, subject to correction to be
-made as the work proceeded. The man engaged to complete the picture
-covered the canvas as well as he could, but failed to retain any of the
-beauty of Holbein’s original design, or to introduce the generalising
-and systematic light and shade with which Holbein would have brought
-each part into harmony, or even to transfer to the canvas the animated
-portraiture and other high qualities of the cartoons which were
-available for that purpose. Most of the figures are of extreme
-disproportion, heads being too large for the bodies, and bodies too
-large for the legs, while the actions are awkward, and many of the faces
-lack animation and intelligence. The dogs are so bad that Mr. Stephens
-was of opinion that they were added even later by a third and still less
-skilful painter. On the other hand, he regarded the head of More as “a
-marvellous rendering of insight into human character, reproducing with
-extreme subtlety the utmost energy of thoughtfulness as marked on a
-visage where a far-seeing, vigorous soul has, so to say, written itself
-in every line and feature, and manifested itself in those penetrative
-yet meditating eyes, those fine thin lips, and affected the fine reserve
-of every lineament.”
-
-[Sidenote: THE PICTURE LEFT INCOMPLETE]
-
-This solution is possibly the correct one. All the other versions of the
-picture in existence are based on the Nostell Priory example. The Basel
-sketch was not available for the purpose, having been sent to Erasmus,
-and it is far from likely that all these works were copied or adapted
-from some original painting by Holbein now lost. At the death of Sir
-Thomas More much of his property was seized by the Crown, but even if
-such a picture were taken from the family, it does not follow that it
-would be destroyed. Thus there is every probability that the version
-seen by Van Mander in the collection of De Loo was the original picture,
-and that it was the one now in Nostell Priory. The most natural
-supposition is that Holbein was unable to finish it through want of
-time. He was back in Basel not later than the summer of 1528, as on the
-29th August of that year, exactly two years from the date of Erasmus’
-letter to Ægidius, he purchased a house in that city. As a citizen of
-Basel he must have obtained leave of absence before starting for
-England, and such leave would probably be for two years only, with
-penalties attached to it if he failed to return in time. His stay in
-England cannot have lasted much more than eighteen months, and during
-that period he was very busily occupied. As already shown, the Basel
-sketch for the big picture must have been made before 7th February 1527,
-on which day More was fifty years old. Curiously enough, on the day
-following, 8th February, Holbein started upon an important work of
-decoration, described below,[666] which occupied his entire time from
-that date until early in April, and for which he received payment from
-the royal purse. During the remainder of his first English visit he was
-engaged upon a number of portraits, including those of Sir Thomas More,
-Lady More, Archbishop Warham, Sir Henry Guldeford and his wife, the
-Godsalves, Kratzer, and possibly one or two others, such as Fisher,
-Reskimer, and Bryan Tuke, while in the intervals between these
-commissions he was, no doubt, busily at work upon the heads of the
-Family Group. His recall to Basel may have been peremptory, and so have
-forced him to leave in a hurry. In any case, he must have parted on good
-terms with More, for he was entrusted with the Basel sketch for delivery
-to Erasmus as a present from the author of the _Utopia._ Very possibly
-he promised to come back in order to finish the picture, but when a year
-or two had passed by without sign of his return, Sir Thomas, having
-given up all hope of seeing him again, may have decided to get it
-finished by some other painter. When the Nostell Priory picture was
-carefully cleaned some thirty-five years ago, it was found to be dated
-1530, a date which well agrees with this theory. The same date, 1530, is
-on the Basel sketch, but it is below the drawing and by a later hand,
-and may have been added by some one who had knowledge of the date on one
-or other of the versions of the picture in England, or from the
-supposition that More was fifty in that year. The sketch was badly
-engraved by Nicolas Cochin in the _Tabellæ Selectæ_ of Caroline Patin,
-published in 1691, and on this engraving no date is given. Von Mechel
-engraved it in 1794 in his _œuvres de Jean Holbein_, with the date 1530,
-so that it was added to the drawing between these two dates. Von Mechel
-gives both a facsimile of the original sketch and an engraving which he
-inscribes “Ex tabula Joh. Holbenii in Anglia adservata”; but none of the
-alterations which Holbein, according to his written notes on the sketch,
-proposed to carry out in the finished picture, are shown in this
-engraving, which proves that it was not copied from any original
-painting. Dr. Woltmann discovered Mechel’s model in a sepia drawing in
-the Gothic House at Wörlitz, which is evidently a copy of the original
-Basel design, executed long after Holbein’s time, and bearing some
-written notices in Lavater’s hand.[667]
-
-A careful description is given by Mr. Wornum[668] of the various
-versions of the picture still in existence, all of which are based on
-the Nostell Priory example. Two of them were originally of the same size
-as the latter, which is 8 ft. 4 in. high by 11 ft. 8 in. wide. One of
-these in Walpole’s time was at Barnborough in Yorkshire, the seat of the
-Cresacres, and in 1867 in the possession of Mr. Charles John Eyston of
-East Hendred, Berkshire; and the other, a similar work, was formerly at
-Heron in Essex, the seat of Sir John Tyrrell, and afterwards in the
-collection of Lord Petre at Thorndon, near Brentford.
-
-[Sidenote: THE BURFORD PRIORY VERSION]
-
-The East Hendred version measures 7 ft. 8 in. high by 9 ft. 9½ in. wide.
-At some time or other it had suffered from damage or decay on the
-right-hand side, and has been cut down to fit a panel, so that the
-figure of Lady More and her monkey and the more advanced of the two
-dogs, together with the window and the vase of flowers, have
-disappeared. With the exception of these changes and a few other
-unskilful repairs, this picture is in the main identical with the one at
-Nostell Priory, though very inferior to it. The Thorndon picture is also
-on canvas, and is 8 ft. 3 in. high by 11 ft. 2 in. wide. It is in a
-better state than the East Hendred example, and is copied from the same
-source, with slight changes. There is only one dog, Lady More is seated
-in a large scarlet arm-chair, and there are slight differences in the
-minor details, while Sir Thomas is shown with a moustache. Both these
-pictures are coarsely painted, and have little but an historical
-interest.[669] Wornum also describes a picture on canvas, 4 ft. 7 in. by
-3 ft. 9 in., of Sir Thomas and his father, the latter in his scarlet
-robes, at Hutton Hall,[670] which was lent to the Tudor Exhibition, 1890
-(No. 150), by Sir Henry Vane, Bt., and is apparently copied from the
-central portion of the Nostell Priory canvas, with the addition of a
-coat of arms, and two original inscriptions over the heads, and the date
-1530. Sir Thomas’s age is given as 50 (Ætatis 50), but Sir John’s as 77,
-instead of “Anno 76” as in the sketch. Otherwise, in all these pictures,
-the ages of the sitters agree with the sketch, though the latter was
-done in 1527 and the former in 1530. This may be perhaps explained by
-the fact that Sir Thomas wished the ages to be kept as they were at the
-time when the studies were made, rather than when the picture was
-completed by another hand.
-
-One other version of importance was in Walpole’s day at Burford Priory,
-Oxfordshire, the seat of William Lenthall, the Speaker (Pl. 76 ),[671]
-who purchased the estate from Viscount Falkland, together with the
-pictures in the house. This version of the Group, before the Speaker
-owned it, had been in the possession of the Mores, at Gubbins, in
-Hertfordshire. By what means it passed into the hands of Lenthall, says
-Walpole, is uncertain. He is said to have purchased a number of pictures
-from the royal collections at Whitehall and Hampton Court, but the More
-Family Group did not come from that source, nor was it acquired from
-Viscount Falkland, for, according to Dallaway (note to Walpole, vol. i.
-p. 91), it was described by Aubrey in 1670 when in Lenthall’s earlier
-home at Besselsleigh, Berks, who says that it had an inscription in
-golden letters of about sixty lines. It was bought in at the Lenthall
-sale at Christie’s in 1808 for one thousand guineas. It reappeared in
-the saleroom in 1833, when it fetched only one hundred guineas, and came
-into the possession of the Strickland family of Cokethorpe Park,
-Ducklington, Oxfordshire, and, later on, passed from them by marriage to
-the Cottrell-Dormer family. A few years ago it was under consideration
-by the Trustees of the National Portrait Gallery, but was not purchased,
-and, finally, it made a third appearance at Christie’s on 26th February
-1910, when it was acquired by Sir Hugh P. Lane for nine hundred and
-fifty guineas. It measures 7 ft. 6 in. high by 11 ft. wide, and is dated
-1593.[672] It contains eleven figures, and is made up from the original
-composition and portraits of later members of the family. Seven of the
-figures of Holbein’s group have been pushed to the spectator’s left, the
-ones omitted being Lady More, Margaret Gigs, Patenson, and the
-secretary, Harris. Elizabeth Dancey has been moved to the centre, behind
-and between her two seated sisters. The right side of the picture
-contains a group of four people of a later generation, the Chancellor’s
-grandson, Thomas More, and his wife, Maria Scrope, and their two sons,
-the elder of whom was the Thomas More who wrote the life of his
-great-grandfather. In the background there is a sideboard on the left,
-as in the Basel sketch, with two vases of flowers, and musical
-instruments, and the hanging clock is shown in its original position in
-the centre; but on the left the framed portrait of a lady has been
-introduced. In addition, coats of arms have been painted above seven of
-the heads without regard to the background itself. In an account of the
-Priory and its contents, communicated to the _Gentleman’s Magazine_ for
-August 1799 (vol. lxix. pt. 2, p. 644), by an anonymous correspondent,
-who describes the big picture in some detail, the portrait hanging on
-the wall is said to represent the wife of Sir John More. There is a
-large miniature painting of the picture, which was in the Tudor
-Exhibition, 1890 (No. 1087),[673] lent by Major-General F. E. Sotheby,
-and attributed to Peter Oliver, as it was by Walpole, who says: “The
-painter of this exquisite little piece is unknown, but probably was
-Peter Oliver.”[674] The picture and the miniature do not agree, however,
-in all the details. The latter includes twelve figures, for Patenson is
-introduced in the background peeping through a curtain in the centre.
-Only two coats of arms are shown, over the heads of Sir Thomas More and
-his father, and on the right-hand side, behind the later group of
-portraits, in place of the wall with the lady’s portrait there is an
-open archway through which is seen the Mores’ walled garden at Chelsea
-and a distant view of London. According to the _Dictionary of National
-Biography_, the large picture was the work of Rowland Lockey, who was
-working about 1590-1610. He was a pupil of Nicholas Hilliard, and was
-extolled by Richard Haydock (1598) and Francis Meres (1598) as among the
-eminent artists then living in England. It is stated in Nichol’s
-_History of Leicestershire_[675] that he painted “a neat piece in oil,
-containing in one table the picture of Sir John More, a judge of the
-King’s Bench, _temp._ Henry VIII, and of his wife, and of Sir Thomas
-More, lord chancellor, his son and his wife, and of all the lineal heirs
-male descended from them, together with each man’s wife unto that
-present year.” The expression “neat,” however, would apply more aptly to
-the large miniature group, and it is very possible that he was the
-author of it.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 76.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THE MORE FAMILY GROUP
-  The Version formerly at Burford Priory. Now in the possession of
-    Messrs. Parkenthorpe.
-]
-
-[Sidenote: THE PORTRAIT OF SIR THOMAS MORE]
-
-There are separate studies for the heads of seven of the sitters in the
-family picture among the Holbein drawings in Windsor Castle. Sir John
-More,[676] Sir Thomas, his son John,[677] his daughters Elizabeth[678]
-and Cecilia (Pl. 77),[679] Anne Cresacre,[680] and Margaret
-Clement.[681] These are all larger than the majority of the sketches in
-the collection, and on white unprimed paper. There are two drawings of
-Sir Thomas (Pl. 78),[682] which, although the face is taken from the
-same point of view, are not replicas, but distinctly separate studies;
-the pose is slightly different, and the hair quite unlike, and it may
-perhaps be conjectured that one of them is the study made for the Group,
-and the other a later study made shortly before the artist left England.
-
-In addition to the family picture, Holbein painted separate portraits of
-Sir Thomas, Lady More, and, possibly, Margaret Roper. The portrait of
-More is the well-known one belonging to Mr. Edward Huth,[683] which has
-been frequently exhibited, most recently at the Burlington Fine Arts
-Club in 1909 (No. 53). Before it came into the possession of the Huth
-family it was in the collection of an Irish nobleman, from whom it was
-acquired—in payment for a picture-cleaning bill, so it is said—by
-Farrer, the picture-dealer, who sold it to Mr. Henry Huth for £1200. It
-was probably the first work painted by Holbein after his arrival in
-England, and finished early in 1527. It is based on the head in the
-Windsor Collection, and the position corresponds with the figure in the
-Basel sketch. It is a half-length, seated, three-quarters to the
-spectator’s right, with dark hair, and clean-shaven, but the grey of the
-moustache and beard indicated. He is dressed in black cap, black gown
-lined with brown fur, with deep fur collar, and a golden collar of SS.
-with portcullis clasps and Tudor rose pendant. His right elbow rests on
-a table to the left, and he holds a folded paper in both hands. The
-background consists of a green curtain with a gold fringe, looped back
-by a gold cord. The date “MDXXVII” is inscribed on the edge of the
-table.
-
-This noble representation of a noble man is one of the finest portraits
-painted by Holbein in this country. It has suffered somewhat in the
-course of time, but still remains a wonderful study of character,
-penetrating in its insight. The nobility of More’s nature, the strength
-of his will, the gentleness of his disposition when not roused to just
-anger, the firmness of the finely-cut lips, and the penetrating glance
-of his bright eyes, have been mirrored by Holbein as though in a glass.
-Both the statesman and the scholar stand revealed with that searching
-power of seizing the essentials of a man’s nature which is one of the
-greatest qualities of Holbein’s art.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 77.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  CECILIA HERON
-  _Drawing in black and coloured chalks_
-  WINDSOR CASTLE
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 78.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  SIR THOMAS MORE
-  _Drawing in black and coloured chalks_
-  WINDSOR CASTLE
-]
-
-A portrait of Sir Thomas was in the Orleans Gallery in 1727, and a
-second was in the possession of Lord Lumley in 1590, and was sold from
-Lumley Castle in 1785, to Mr. Hay, of Savile Row.[684] The latter was
-probably the one now belonging to Mr. Huth, and is the original from
-which so many copies have been made.[685] The panel on which it is
-painted measures 29 in. by 23½ in. There are also a variety of portraits
-scattered about the European museums to which the name of Sir Thomas
-More has been attached erroneously. The small portrait by Holbein of Sir
-Henry Wyat, father of Sir Thomas Wyat, in the Louvre, was long regarded
-as a likeness of More, and is still so described in the official
-catalogue.[686] There is another small panel, in the Brussels Museum
-(No. 641), to which the names of Holbein and More were attached on the
-frame-label until quite recently, although both ascriptions are absurd.
-It represents a bearded man with one hand thrust within the folds of his
-cloak, and a small book held open with the fingers of the other, and a
-small dog on the table in front of him. It was recognised as the work of
-some second-rate French artist more than fifty years ago, and bears not
-the slightest resemblance to Holbein’s style.[687] M. A. J. Wauters
-suggests that it is the work of Nicolas Denisot (1515-1559), a French
-poet and painter of modest capacities, who was in England for three
-years as French tutor to the three daughters of the Protector Somerset.
-Under his guidance these young ladies wrote Latin elegies to Margaret of
-Navarre, which were published under his editorship. A portrait of
-Margaret, dated 1544, is attributed by M. Bouchot to Denisot. More
-recently this work has been attributed to Corneille de Lyon, and is said
-to be a portrait of Henry Patenson. There is certainly a slight likeness
-between it and the head of Patenson in the Basel study for the More
-Family Group.
-
-[Sidenote: LEGEND ABOUT A PORTRAIT OF MORE]
-
-A curious legend with regard to a portrait of More which Henry VIII is
-said to have possessed, was contributed to the _Athenæum_ by Dr.
-Augustus Jessop.[688] He found it among the papers of the Hon. Roger
-North, in a somewhat elaborate “Register of Pictures” at one time in
-North’s custody. In giving an account of a portrait of Pope Gregory XIV,
-which his brother Montague had bought at Marseilles in 1693, he adds:
-“This picture is judged to be by Pomerantius, painter to Gregory XIV,
-who was in England _tempore_ Henry VIII, concerning whom the following
-story is told. _The picture of Sir T. More done by Holbein_ was in
-Whitehall when the news was brought to Henry VIII that Sir Thomas More
-was beheaded. And the King fell into a passion upon the news, and
-running to the picture, _tore it down and threw it out of the window.
-And the picture in the fall broke in three pieces_; but Pomerantius,
-then coming by, took it up, carried it home, and so put it together and
-mended the colours that it is not to be discovered that it was ever
-broke.”
-
-However much or however little truth there may be in this story, which
-was apparently current in the seventeenth century, it is certain, in any
-case, that “Pomerantius” can have had nothing to do with its rescue.
-Niccolo Circignano (Il Pomarancio) was born in 1519, and would be a lad
-of sixteen at the time when More was executed; nor is there any evidence
-to show that he was ever in England. He appears to have spent the
-greater part of his life in Rome. The account errs, also, in saying that
-he was painter to Gregory XIV, for he died in 1590, aged seventy-two, in
-which year Gregory XIV became Pope. North’s story is very similar to the
-one told by Baldinucci.[689] The latter, who describes the picture as a
-stupendous portrait, says that Henry kept it in an apartment together
-with those of some other eminent men. “It happened that on the very day
-of the ex-chancellor’s death (after the king had reproached her), the
-wicked Queen Anne Boleyn cast her eyes upon it, and seeing the
-expressive face of her enemy looking at her as if he were still
-living—she never forgave his refusal to be present at her wedding—she
-was seized with a feeling of either horror or remorse, and unable to
-endure the steady gaze and the reproaches of her own conscience, she
-threw open the window of the palace, and exclaiming, ‘Oh me! the man
-seems to be still alive,’ flung the picture into the street: a passer-by
-picked it up and carried it away, and eventually it found a
-resting-place in Rome, where in Baldinucci’s time it was still preserved
-in the Palazzo de’ Crescenzi.”[690] If this story has any foundation in
-fact, it is possible that Circignano may have put the picture in order
-after it reached Rome; but it can hardly have been the one belonging to
-Mr. Huth, as Dr. Jessop suggested. Wornum was of opinion that this
-legendary work might possibly be identified with an unnamed portrait by
-Holbein mentioned by an earlier Italian writer than Baldinucci,
-Francesco Scannelli, who, in an account of “an ultramontane painter
-named Olbeno,”[691] after praising the portrait of Morette, then in the
-gallery of the Duke of Modena, for its exact imitation of nature, says:
-“A similar excellence is shown in the small portrait by the same master,
-now at Rome in the possession of Monsignor Campori.” Mr. Wornum also
-suggested that this small work praised by Scannelli might be identical
-with the portrait of Sir Henry Wyat in the Louvre, which at the time he
-was writing (1867) was generally regarded as a portrait of More.
-
-[Sidenote: MINIATURE OF SIR THOMAS MORE]
-
-Holbein’s work as a miniature painter is dealt with in a later chapter,
-but while speaking of the portraits of More, it is impossible to omit
-reference to the exceedingly fine miniature painting of him to which
-attention was first called by Dr. Williamson.[692] It was then in the
-possession of the Quicke family, of Newton St. Cyres, Devon; but in July
-1905, it was sold at Messrs. Christie’s by the order of the trustees of
-the late Mr. John Quicke, and passed into the collection of the late Mr.
-J. Pierpont Morgan. In position, dress, and accessories it bears a close
-resemblance to Mr. Huth’s picture, upon which it may have been
-based.[693] It is circular, 2⅜ in. in diameter, painted on thin paper,
-mounted on a playing card, and is contained in a metal and enamel frame.
-On the back of the card, in a hand very little later than the date of
-the portrait, is written the one word “Holben,” while on the reverse of
-the frame is inscribed “THOMAS MORUS CANCELLARIVS HOLBEIN PINX.” The
-background is bright blue. For close upon one hundred years it had been
-in the house in Devonshire, and had attached to its frame a small scrap
-of paper, on which was written, in a script of the early Stuart period,
-the information as to whom it represented, and by whom it was painted.
-The Ropers were connected with the Quickes by marriage, and as the
-connection dates from a period soon after the death of Sir Thomas More,
-the family tradition which states that the portrait has been handed down
-from the time when the great statesman perished on the scaffold has
-every likelihood of being true.
-
-It has usually been asserted that the portrait of Sir Thomas More is the
-only independent portrait of a member of the More family painted by
-Holbein, with the possible exception of the panel at Knole, which by
-some is regarded as a likeness of Margaret Roper. There was, however, a
-small panel portrait, 14 in. by 10 in., exhibited at the Royal Academy
-Winter Exhibition, 1910 (No. 106), as by Holbein, lent by General Lord
-Methuen, which is undoubtedly a portrait of Lady More. It was catalogued
-under the erroneous title of “Mrs. Anne Roper,” with a note which stated
-that it “has also been thought to be a portrait by Mabuse, of Margaret,
-Countess of Richmond and Derby, mother of Henry VIII.” There was no Mrs.
-Anne Roper in Holbein’s day; and the “Anne” is probably a mistake for
-“Margaret” on the part of the person who first misnamed the picture. The
-portrait really represents Margaret Roper’s stepmother, as a comparison
-with the head of Lady More in the Basel sketch conclusively proves.
-There is a strong likeness between the two, and the position of the
-figure, with the head slightly bent down, and an open book held in both
-hands on her lap, is the same in both. It is a half-length figure,
-seated to the left, with a dark dress trimmed with fur and red
-under-sleeves, black angular head-dress with black fall, and a white cap
-underneath. She wears a triple gold chain round her neck, with crucifix
-attached, and a medallion brooch with three pendant pearls. The
-background is a dark blue-green. The brushwork is weak and hesitating,
-but it is possibly a much-damaged and repainted original panel by
-Holbein, though practically nothing of the master’s own handiwork is now
-visible. If not a badly-damaged original, it must be a nearly
-contemporary copy from a lost picture by him, rather than one taken from
-the figure in the Nostell Priory version. Curiously enough, the use of
-the name “Anne” in conjunction with Roper—Lady More’s name was
-“Alice”—is also to be found on the back of a miniature after Holbein in
-the Royal Collection, which at one time, before the inscription was
-uncovered, was said to represent Queen Katherine of Aragon. It is
-inscribed in two lines—“Anna Roper Thomæ Mori Filia. W. Hollar pinxit
-post Holbeinium, 1652.” Here the “Anne” is evidently a mistake for
-“Margaret” or “Mar.,” perhaps made by Hollar himself when copying the
-original; or, possibly, the original may have been a portrait of Lady
-More, a companion miniature to the one already described of Sir Thomas,
-to which an erroneous title had become attached before Hollar was
-employed to copy it.[694]
-
-The portrait of Margaret Roper at Knole, which for many years has been
-generally known as Queen Katherine of Aragon, was exhibited by Lord
-Sackville at the Burlington Fine Arts Club in 1909 (No. 44).[695] The
-same portrait was lent, as “Queen Katherine,” to the National Portrait
-Exhibition in 1866 (No. 78), by the Countess Delawarr. It is probably a
-nearly contemporary copy of a lost original by Holbein, and corresponds
-closely, excepting for slight differences in the hands, with the figure
-in the Basel sketch. It is a three-quarters length, on panel, 25½ in. by
-19½ in., the figure turned three-quarters to the left, with
-diamond-shaped hood embroidered with gold, a square-cut black and white
-dress, edged with jewels, over a transparent chemisette, and cloth of
-gold sleeves. A string of black beads and a fine gold chain are round
-her neck, and a cinquefoil jewel at her breast. She holds a book open
-with both hands, on a table in front of her. The inscription, “Queen
-Cathrine,” is in an eighteenth-century hand.
-
-[Sidenote: DRAWING OF AN ENGLISH LADY]
-
-There is a brilliant drawing of an English lady by Holbein in the
-collection bequeathed by Mr. George Salting to the nation (Pl. 79),
-which was included in the same exhibition at the Burlington Fine Arts
-Club (No. 72), a study in black and red chalks, heightened with white,
-and reinforced with Indian ink, upon pale pink-tinted paper.[696] The
-sheet has been cut round the outline by some vandal, but the drawing
-itself is entirely free from the retouching which disfigures certain of
-the Windsor heads. The high lights on the cheek, nose, and eyes are put
-in with white, and red chalk is used sparingly on the lips and
-elsewhere. The band of hair which shows beneath the coif is washed with
-yellowish brown. It has been suggested by more than one critic that it
-is a portrait of Margaret Roper, but as Mr. Campbell Dodgson, who
-contributed a note upon it for the Vasari Society, points out, so far as
-the evidence of the Basel drawing goes, the identification appears
-possible, but not convincing. It is not one of the preliminary studies
-for the picture itself, which were done on white paper, and if it
-represents Margaret Roper, she must have sat again to Holbein after his
-return to England in 1532. According to the same authority, it is
-probably the “Portrait of a Lady,” lot 48 in the Jonathan Richardson
-sale, 1746, in which case it was bought by Knapton, whose drawings were
-sold in 1804. Later on it was in the collections of the Marquis of
-Stafford and Lord Ronald Sutherland Gower. It is certainly one of the
-very finest Holbein drawings in existence. “No portrait-study of a
-woman,” says Sir Claude Phillips, “even in the great Windsor series,
-equals this in the spiritual beauty which illumines and transforms—or
-rather interprets—a presentment of quiet and unforced realism. But
-rarely the great portraitist allows himself thus to lay bare for the
-beholder the inner workings of the soul; as a rule he contents himself
-with a supreme truth which is not infrequently as difficult to unravel
-as Nature herself.”[697]
-
-Finally, there is a picture belonging to the Bray family of Shere,
-which, from an old inscription on the frame, is said to be a portrait of
-Margaret, whose daughter was one of the four wives of Sir Edward
-Bray.[698] The likeness to the Basel sketch, however, is not very
-evident, and the picture has no pretence to be by Holbein. The sitter
-wears a close-fitting white cap with long ends falling on her breast,
-and holds a rosary attached to a large circular ornament which forms
-part of her girdle. The background is a landscape, with a view of the
-bend of a wide river running between high cliffs.[699]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 79.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  PORTRAIT OF AN ENGLISH LADY
-  _Drawing in black and red chalk, and Indian ink_
-  SALTING BEQUEST, BRITISH MUSEUM
-]
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                              CHAPTER XIV
-
-    THE FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND: OTHER PORTRAITS AND DECORATIVE WORK
-
-Holbein’s work for the temporary Banqueting House at Greenwich—The “Plat
-  of Tirwan”—Portraits of Sir Henry and Lady Guldeford—William Warham,
-  Archbishop of Canterbury—John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester—Thomas and
-  John Godsalve—Niklaus Kratzer, the astronomer—Undated portraits—Sir
-  Bryan Tuke—Reskimer—Sir Henry Wyat—Sir Thomas and Lady Eliot—Drawing
-  of an unknown man at Chatsworth.
-
-
-POSSIBLY one of the causes which prevented the immediate completion of
-the large picture of the More family in the spring of 1527 was the
-commission Holbein received at this time for decorative work of an
-important nature, for which he obtained payment from the royal purse.
-Early in 1527 negotiations were in progress between Henry VIII and
-Francis I for an alliance, which was to be strengthened in the future by
-the marriage of the Princess Mary, then eleven years of age, and
-heir-presumptive to the English throne, with either Francis himself or
-one of his sons. The ratification of this alliance was celebrated at
-Greenwich on Sunday, the 5th of May 1527, by a series of festivities
-with which Henry entertained the French ambassadors. A mass, at which
-the King and ambassadors swore to observe the league, was followed by a
-tournament, and, in the evening, a grand banquet, in a magnificent
-building, specially erected for the occasion, in the decoration of which
-there is every reason to believe that Holbein took a leading part.
-
-Hall, in his _Triumphant Reigne of Kyng Henry the VIII_, published in
-1548, gives a long description of this banqueting house, and its
-contents, from which a short extract may be quoted here:—
-
-“The Kyng against that night had caused a banket house to bee made on
-the one syde of the tylt yarde at Grenewyche of an hundreth foote of
-length and XXX foote bredth, the roofe was purple cloth full of roses
-and Pomgarnettes, the wyndowes were al clere stories with currious
-monneles strangely wrought, the Jawe peces and crestes were karved with
-Vinettes and trails of savage worke, and richely gilted with gold and
-Byse, thys woorke corbolying bare the candelstyckes of antyke woorke
-whiche bare little torchettes of white waxe, these candelstickes were
-polished lyke Aumbre: at the one syde was a haute place for herawldes
-and minstrelles.” Then, after bestowing his admiration on the cupboards
-of gold and silver plate, he continues his description of the building:
-“At the nether ende were twoo broade arches upon thre Antike pillers all
-of gold burnished swaged and graven full of Gargills and Serpentes,
-supportying the edifices the Arches were vawted with Armorie, al of Bice
-and golde, and above the Arches were made many sondri Antikes and
-divises.”
-
-“When supper was done,” he adds later, “the kyng, the quene and the
-ambassadors ... rose and went out of the banket chambre bi the forsaied
-Arches, and when they were betwene the uttermoste dore and the Arches
-the kyng caused them to turne backe and loke on that syde of the Arches,
-and there they sawe how Tyrwin was beseged, and the very maner of every
-mans camp, very connyingly wrought, whiche woorke more pleased them then
-the remembrying of the thyng in dede. From thens they passed by a long
-galerie richely hanged into a chambre faire and large.” In this chamber,
-after a Latin oration and other set recitations, some hours were spent
-in masking and dancing, after which a return was made to the
-banquet-house for a second supper. “And after that all was doen the kyng
-and all other went to rest, for the night was spent, and the day even at
-the breakyng.... These two houses ... the kyng commaunded should stand
-still, for thre or foure daies, that al honest persones might see and
-beholde the houses and riches, and thether came a great nombre of
-people, to see and behold the riches and costely devices.”
-
-[Sidenote: THE BANQUETING HOUSE]
-
-This temporary building was apparently the most elaborate of its kind
-erected in England during the reign of Henry VIII, and it may be taken
-for certain that Holbein had much to do with it, both as regards work
-from his own brush, and also in the supervision of a number of other
-painters and decorators employed upon it. The accounts of the expenses
-incurred in its building are still preserved in the Record Office, and
-abstracts from them are published in the _Calendars of Letters and
-Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII._ More detailed
-abstracts are given by Mr. F. M. Nichols, F.S.A., who went through the
-original documents most carefully, in a paper read before the Society of
-Antiquaries, on March 31, 1898.[700]
-
-Throughout these detailed accounts of the wages paid by Richard Gibson,
-there is constant mention of one “Master Hans,” and however common such
-a Christian name may have been in Germany, there is no record of any
-other foreign artist in England at this period named Hans but Holbein,
-who elsewhere is more than once referred to as Master Hans. Sir Henry
-Guldeford, comptroller of the King’s household, an intimate friend of
-More, and a correspondent of Erasmus, had official charge of the
-erection of this banquet-house, and his portrait was painted by Holbein
-in the same year, and possibly at about the same time, for Guldeford is
-represented as wearing his chain as a Knight of the Garter, which honour
-was bestowed upon him on April 24, 1527. He must thus have had full
-knowledge of Holbein’s capabilities, and would naturally turn to him for
-assistance on this occasion, when everything had to be done in a hurry,
-and as many painters as possible pressed into the service. Then again,
-Sir Henry Wyat, treasurer of the Chamber, whom Holbein also painted
-during his first visit to England, was associated with Guldeford in the
-building of this “banketing-house,” so that the painter would have a
-second friend at court. It seems practically certain, therefore, that
-Holbein was the “Master Hans” of the accounts.
-
-Work was begun on the 15th January, 1527, and about a dozen painters
-were employed for the next three weeks, at wages ranging from 6_d._ to
-12_d._ a day. Only one of them, Robert Wrytheoke, received a shilling a
-day. He was a maker of moulds and casts, and supplied the plaster
-figures and ornamental pillars. On Friday, the 8th February, the
-following entry appears for the first time:—
-
-“Master Nycolas at the kyngs plessyer.
-
-“Master Hans the day iiii._s._”[701]
-
-This entry is repeated, with only four days’ interval, until Saturday
-the 3rd of March. According to Mr. Nichols, the same distinction between
-the terms of the two painters’ employment is kept up throughout all the
-entries, the meaning of which appears to be that while Holbein’s payment
-was fixed by agreement at 4_s._ a day, the remuneration of Master
-Nycolas was left to be subsequently settled at the discretion of his
-employers.
-
-In the course of the work Holbein came in contact with many of the chief
-English painters and a number of the foreign artists in Henry’s service,
-and it is interesting to note, as some indication of the estimation in
-which he was already held by certain of the court officials, that he was
-more highly paid than any of his associates. Among those who assisted in
-the work were John Browne, the King’s serjeant-painter, who supplied
-much of the material; “Vincent Vulp and Ellys Carmyan, Italian
-painters,” who received 20_s._ a week; John Demyans (Giovanni da Maiano)
-and the “Italian painters and gilders, Nicholas Florentine, at 2_s._,
-and Domyngo (Domenico), at 16_d._ day and night.” This Nicholas of
-Florence was probably the same man as the Master Nycolas mentioned above
-as associated with Holbein. Among the casters of lead employed were two
-other Italians, Archangell and Raphael, while John Rastall supplied
-“divers necessaries bought for the trimming of the Father of Heaven,
-lions, dragons, and greyhounds holding candlesticks.” A number of other
-names are included, chiefly English mercers, embroiderers, saddlers,
-plumbers, hosiers, and other tradesmen.
-
-Detailed accounts of the materials used are given, and frequent entries
-occur of colours “spent by Master Hans and his company on the roof”—“Mr.
-Hans and the painters on the four cloths”—“Black collars for Mr. Hans,
-3_s._ 4_d._”—and so on. These extracts seem to show that Holbein was
-employed to direct all the painters and gilders engaged, and no doubt
-the decorations were largely of his design. It has been impossible, so
-far, to identify Master Nycolas, then in the King’s service, who worked
-with him. He cannot have been Nicolas Bellin, who was occupied at
-Fontainebleau at this period, and did not visit England until some ten
-years later. The only other Italian named Nicolas mentioned in the State
-Papers was Nicolas Lasora, who, in 1532, was employed on the decoration
-of Westminster Palace.[702]
-
-[Sidenote: “THE PLAT OF TIRWAN”]
-
-Holbein and Nycolas were thus occupied at Greenwich for nineteen days,
-with the interval of one Sunday’s rest, having been kept at work during
-two other Sundays, when the ordinary workmen were taking holiday.
-Holbein’s daily attendance at the Banqueting House appears to have
-ceased on Sunday, the 3rd of March, though this was by no means the end
-of his connection with the decoration of the building. For the next
-month he was busily engaged either in London or at Chelsea in painting a
-large composition for the decoration of the back of the triumphal
-arch—the picture spoken of in such high terms by Hall, showing “how
-Tyrwin was beseged.” This picture was so far advanced by the 11th March
-that it and a number of other painted canvases were placed temporarily
-in position for the inspection of the King. Holbein had completed his
-particular share in the work by the 4th of April, when the picture was
-fetched from London by Lewis Demoron, who received 16_d._, “for his
-bote-hire to London for fetching of the plat of Tirwan.” The complete
-decoration of the building was not finished till the 5th May, on the eve
-of the festivities, and no doubt Holbein resumed his supervision, though
-it is not mentioned in the accounts. For his large painting, which
-occupied him for about three weeks, he received the payment of £4,
-10_s._, which is equal to about £60 or £70 of modern money. The entry in
-the accounts runs as follows: “Paid to Master Hans for the payneting of
-the plat of Tirwan which standeth on the baksyde of the grete arche, in
-grete iiij_l._ x_s._”—the words “in grete” meaning that he received a
-sum down for the work, instead of a daily wage.
-
-Mr. F. M. Nichols first called attention to this work of Holbein’s in
-_The Hall of Lawford Hall_, published in 1891, and in the same year Mr.
-Alfred Beaver, in his _Memorials of Old Chelsea_, referred to some of
-the details in Dr. Brewer’s abstracts. Mr. Beaver was of opinion that
-the old picture of the “Battle of Spurs” at Hampton Court, in earlier
-days attributed to Holbein, was the very “plat of Tirwan” in question.
-This, however, is not correct. “The Battle of Spurs” was certainly not
-painted by Holbein, but by some much inferior artist. It has been
-attributed to Vincent Volpe and other of the minor foreign artists then
-in England, and probably was painted in commemoration of the victory
-shortly after the battle itself, which took place in 1513. It is on
-wood, and measures 4 ft. 4 in. high by 8 ft. 6 in. wide, whereas
-Holbein’s picture was on canvas, and was evidently much larger, for we
-learn from Richard Gibson’s accounts that it took twenty-four ells of
-fine canvas “for the lyning of the baksyde of the grete Arche wheruppon
-Tirwin is staynyd,” at a cost of 15 shillings. “It thus appears,” says
-Mr. Nichols, “that about 90 feet of fine canvas (which we may suppose to
-have been a yard or not much less in width) was required to cover the
-back of the arch, and the main decoration of this widespread surface of
-some 20 or 30 square yards appears to have been the picture in
-question.”
-
-The two pictures differed materially in subject. It is to be gathered
-from Hall’s account that Holbein’s painting represented the actual siege
-of Terouenne, whereas the Hampton Court panel shows the pursuit of the
-French cavalry and their surrender to the English, though the town of
-Terouenne, with its fortifications and houses, is shown plainly in the
-middle distance. In any case the subject, the defeat of the French by
-the English, seems to have been a singularly inappropriate one for the
-particular occasion for which it was painted, the ratification of a
-solemn treaty between England and France, and there was little delicacy
-in Henry’s humour in pointing it out to his guests! Even Hall intimates
-that they were more pleased with the painting of it than with the
-remembrance of the incident. The subject may have been suggested by
-Guldeford, who was Henry’s standard-bearer at Terouenne, and knighted
-after Tournay. The picture itself has disappeared, like so many of
-Holbein’s large decorative works; not even a study for it has been so
-far discovered.
-
-It is somewhat extraordinary, considering Henry’s evident appreciation
-of this “plat,” and the interest he took in the general decoration of
-the Banqueting House, that Holbein was not at once taken into the royal
-service. His work at Greenwich must have afforded ample proof of his
-powers as an artist, and the King was only too anxious to offer
-inducements to the best foreign painters to settle in England. It has
-been suggested that this lack of recognition was due to jealousy on the
-part of certain other painters then employed about the Court, but this
-does not appear a very plausible explanation, for Henry was by no means
-a man to be influenced in this way. This lack of royal patronage is all
-the more extraordinary when it is remembered that at the time Holbein
-was at work as a portrait-painter for several of Henry’s favourite
-servants, and that in all probability the portrait of More, if not
-others, had been seen by the King, who is said to have been fond of
-paying unexpected visits to the future Lord Chancellor at Chelsea.
-Whatever the reason, however, the fact remains that Holbein’s name does
-not appear in the royal accounts until much later, nor is there any
-portrait of the King by him of this date, or of Queen Katherine, or any
-other evidence to show that he held any official position at Court
-during his first residence in England.
-
-[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF SIR HENRY GULDEFORD]
-
-There are only three portraits by Holbein which bear the date 1527—those
-of Sir Thomas More, Sir Henry Guldeford, and Archbishop Warham; and only
-two of the date 1528—Niklaus Kratzer, the King’s German astronomer, and
-the double portrait of Thomas Godsalve of Norwich, and his son John,
-though several others, undated, may be ascribed to this period with some
-certainty. The portrait of Guldeford (Pl. 80),[703] in the royal
-collection at Windsor Castle, was probably begun shortly after Holbein’s
-work at Greenwich was finished, and was painted to commemorate the
-sitter’s advancement as a Knight of the Garter on April 24, a few days
-before the festivities took place, as he is wearing the chain of the
-order across his shoulders.
-
-He is shown at half-length, the body turned slightly to the spectator’s
-right, the light coming in from the left. He is clean shaven, with bushy
-hair covering his ears, and wears a doublet of patterned cloth of gold,
-cut square, above a white shirt. Over it is a dark gown with a wide
-collar of brown fur and short sleeves, leaving the gold sleeves of his
-doublet uncovered. The thumb of his left hand is thrust into his girdle,
-and in his right hand he holds the white staff of his office as
-Comptroller of the Household. On the brim of his flat black cap is a
-circular medallion the design on which cannot now be deciphered. In the
-Print Room of the British Museum, however, there is an etching of this
-hat-badge, or “singular ornament on an escutcheon,” as a note upon the
-print terms it, which apparently was made when the picture was at
-Kensington Palace early in the eighteenth century, from which it appears
-that it represented a clock, a pair of compasses, and other instruments.
-Guldeford wears a thin double gold chain round his neck, the lower part
-of which is hidden by his doublet, and over his shoulders the Collar of
-the Order of the Garter with the pendant George. The background is dark
-green, with a dark green curtain on the spectator’s right, hanging by
-rings on an iron rod, which extends right across the upper part of the
-picture, and on the left a sprig of vine-tree foliage. In the upper
-left-hand corner is painted a white label, on which is inscribed in
-cursive letters: “ANNO D. MCCCCCXXVII. ETATIS SUÆ XL IX.” The age
-painted on the cartel is somewhat perplexing, as it indicates that the
-sitter was forty-nine in 1527, whereas during the proceedings relating
-to the divorce of Queen Katherine,[704] Guldeford himself declared that
-his age in 1529, two years later, was only forty. Mr. Law suggests as a
-solution that at some time or other, in some process of restoration, the
-figures have been tampered with, and the fact that the XL is separated
-from the IX by a blank space of about a figure in width, adds some
-probability to his suggestion, while the face seems scarcely to be that
-of a man as old as forty-nine.[705]
-
-The masterly original drawing for this portrait, in the Windsor
-Collection,[706] is inscribed “Harry Guldeford Knight,” and this,
-according to the same writer, may be the sole authority for the name
-bestowed on the picture, the untrustworthiness of some of these
-inscriptions being well known. Hollar’s engraving of the portrait,
-however, which was made in 1647, is inscribed with the name of
-Guldeford; and the fact that there is a companion engraving of his wife,
-entitled “the Lady Guldeforde,” and inscribed “Holbein pinxit, W. Hollar
-fecit, ex collectione Arundeliana A^o 1647, Ætatis 28, A^o 1527,”
-confirms the claims of this picture to be an authentic portrait of Sir
-Henry Guldeford. Both portraits were in the Arundel Collection, and are
-entered in the 1655 inventory as “Ritratto del Cavaglier Guildford” and
-“Ritratto della moglie sua.” They came to the Earl with other works by
-Holbein from the Lumley Collection. In addition to these portraits, Lord
-Arundel also possessed a miniature or small oil painting of
-Guldeford—“Ritratto del Cavaglier Guiltfort in piccolo.” It is possible
-that this small portrait is the one which Hollar copied, as his
-engravings of Guldeford and his wife are both roundels.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 80.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  SIR HENRY GULDEFORD
-  1527
-  WINDSOR CASTLE
-]
-
-[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF SIR HENRY GULDEFORD]
-
-There is a miniature at Windsor, a portrait obviously of the same man,
-in which the face is younger, and the collar of the Garter is absent,
-which apparently was painted some years before Holbein came to England,
-and may be the one formerly in the Arundel Collection.[707] A small copy
-of the Windsor picture, inscribed “Ser. Harry Gylldford,” was lent to
-the Tudor Exhibition, 1890 (No. 146), by the Hon. H. Tyrwhitt
-Wilson.[708] Guldeford was the only son of Sir Richard Guldeford, K.G.,
-by his second wife, Joan, sister of Sir Nicholas Vaux, afterwards Lord
-Vaux of Harrowden. He was a great favourite of the King’s, and his
-companion in all his sports and pastimes. He received many honours from
-the royal hands, and became successively Squire of the Body, King’s
-Standard-Bearer, Knight Banneret, Master of the Revels, Comptroller of
-the Household, and Master of the Horse. He remained in high favour with
-Henry, in spite of the enmity of Anne Boleyn, caused by his opposition
-to the divorce except after a papal sentence. He died in 1533, shortly
-after Holbein’s second arrival in England.
-
-This portrait, which is one of the finest of Holbein’s works now in the
-Royal Collection, is a dignified and lifelike representation, full of
-character, while the details of the rich and elaborate dress, and the
-sumptuous collar of the Garter, are painted with exquisite truth and
-care. The face has a peculiar yellow tint, concerning which Woltmann
-remarks: “It has been taken for granted that the head has been painted
-over; but such is not the case—on the contrary, it is in a remarkably
-good state of preservation. The colour must have been a peculiarity of
-the person portrayed. This may be inferred from its being indicated in a
-like manner in the drawing at Windsor Castle.”[709]
-
-Little is known of the history of the panel. In 1590 it, or a replica of
-it, was in the possession of Lord Lumley at Lumley Castle, together with
-the companion panel of Lady Guldeford, and it is described in the
-inventory as “Of Sir Henry Guilfourd, Coumptroller to K’. H’. 8, drawne
-by Haunce Holbyn.” It reappears, as noted above, in the seventeenth
-century in the Earl of Arundel’s Collection, while in the eighteenth
-more than one reference to it in contemporary literature shows that it
-was then in Kensington Palace.[710] It was engraved in a small circle in
-Anstis’ _Order of the Garter_, 1724, in which his age is given as forty;
-by Vertue in 1726 for Knight’s _Life of Erasmus_, and again in 1791 by
-Schiavonetti, after a drawing by S. Harding, and described as “from an
-original picture by Holbein in the possession of Sir William
-Burrell”—that is, from the copy, possibly an almost contemporary
-one,[711] which was destroyed in the Knepp Castle fire in January 1904,
-together with one of Lady Guldeford, and other replicas of well-known
-Holbein portraits.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 81.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  JOHN FISHER
-  Bishop of Rochester
-  _Drawing in black and coloured chalks_
-  WINDSOR CASTLE
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY
-  _Drawing in black and coloured chalks_
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 82.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  UNKNOWN ENGLISHMAN
-  Bishop of Rochester
-  _Drawing in black and coloured chalks_
-  BASIL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY
-  _Drawing in black and coloured chalks_
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-The portrait of Lady Guldeford,[712] lent by Mr. Frewen to the National
-Portrait Exhibition at South Kensington in 1868, and to the Royal
-Academy Winter Exhibition, 1880 (No. 171), was at Lumley Castle in 1590,
-and is entered in the inventory as “Of the La. Guilfourd, wife to Sir
-Harry Guilfourd, Coumptroller, drawne by Haunce Holbyn”; and at a later
-period was in the Duke of Buckingham’s Collection at Stowe. This once
-fine portrait has been much rubbed, repaired, and over-varnished, but
-according to Sir George Scharf and the late Mr. F. G. Stephens, its
-genuineness as a work of Holbein is unquestionable. This is proved, says
-the latter,[713] “by the vigorous expression of the penetrating eyes of
-the lady, the still evident luminosity of the flesh, the imperiousness
-of the delicately cut nostrils, the exquisite execution of the details,
-and the energy imparted to the much injured hands. The fine painting of
-the sleeve of gold illustrates the practice of Holbein and his school in
-employing leaf gold to impart lustre to the fabric.... The best proof of
-the genuineness of ‘Lady Guildford’ is the exquisite execution of the
-branch of vine in the background, a feature which appears in several of
-Holbein’s paintings.... The Guildford portraits are both distinguished
-by the energy of the motives they exhibit, the precision, mastery, and
-complete softness of the modelling; this is the unfailing test of the
-genuineness of work ascribed to Holbein.... Another test is supplied by
-the flossy silk-like character of the hair and beards of the sitters
-whenever the works have, as in the ‘Reskimer,’ escaped restoration.”
-This portrait is now in the collection of Mr. W. C. Vanderbilt, New
-York; and there is a good early miniature copy of it in the possession
-of Mrs. Joseph,[714] which in earlier days was said to represent
-Katherine of Aragon. That it is a portrait of Lady Guldeford, however,
-is proved by Hollar’s engraving,[715] with which it is in close
-agreement. There is a fine drawing of an English lady, in black and
-coloured chalks, in the Basel Collection (Pl. 81 (2)),[716] which
-appears to be a study for this portrait, though, if so, Holbein made
-several slight alterations when he came to paint the picture. It shows
-the six gold bands or chains which are looped across the lady’s breast
-and carried over the shoulders, and the head-dress is the same. There is
-a second study of a lady of Henry VIII’s Court at Basel (Pl. 82
-(2)),[717] also in black and coloured chalks, which has considerable
-facial likeness to Lady Guldeford, though there are slight differences
-in the ornamentation of the angular head-dress and bodice. Two links of
-a heavy chain are drawn in detail on the breast. In the same collection
-there is a portrait drawing of this lady’s husband (Pl. 82 (1)),[718]
-which in turn bears a considerable resemblance to the Windsor head of
-Guldeford, while the dress, cap, and bushy hair over the ears are the
-same. It is possible that these two drawings represent Sir Henry and his
-wife.
-
-[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF WILLIAM WARHAM]
-
-One of the finest of the earlier drawings in the Windsor Collection is
-the magnificent head of William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury,[719]
-which, though badly rubbed and damaged, remains a wonderful example of
-the truth and vividness of Holbein’s portraiture. It is on unprimed
-paper, 17 in. high by 12 in. wide. It was natural that the painter
-should turn to Warham for employment, not only through his close
-friendship with Sir Thomas More, but as the friend also and generous
-patron of Erasmus; and, no doubt, the artist carried with him from Basel
-a letter of recommendation from the latter, who also some little time
-before had sent his own portrait by Holbein as a gift to the Archbishop.
-Warham was seventy years old when Holbein painted him, and had long
-since retired from all active political life, having relinquished his
-post as Lord Chancellor to Wolsey in 1515. He still, however, retained
-his high ecclesiastical office, in spite of more than one indignity put
-upon him by the Cardinal. He was a leading representative of the older
-age then passing away, and his last days were far from happy ones.
-
-There are two versions of Holbein’s portrait of him, almost identical,
-and both based upon the Windsor drawing, one in Lambeth Palace[720] and
-the other in the Louvre (Pl. 83).[721] He is represented at half-length,
-seated, turned towards the left, his hands resting on a cushion covered
-with gold brocade. He is dressed in his episcopal robes, with a deep fur
-collar, and a black, closely-fitting cap. On the spectator’s right, on
-the table, is an open service book, and farther back on a shelf, behind
-the sitter’s left shoulder, are other books and his jewelled mitre; and
-to the left a magnificent crucifix of gold and jewels. The background
-consists of a curtain, which is yellowish brown in the Lambeth picture,
-and green in the Louvre version. The latter is the more brilliant and
-harmonious in colouring, and painted in a thicker impasto, the Lambeth
-example being greyer in tone and more dryly executed, and, perhaps, more
-carefully modelled. Both have suffered somewhat from the passage of
-time, more particularly in the face, but both are evidently from
-Holbein’s own hand, and are masterly studies of character, representing
-the wrinkled old man, saddened by adversities, and by the modern
-movements which he had not strength to stem, but always kindly and
-generous to all scholars and others who needed his help, and a sincere
-lover of learning. Both pictures have a cartel in the top right-hand
-corner with the inscription “Anno Dm̅̅. MDxxvij. Etatis sue LXX.,” and
-round the base of the crucifix the words “AVXILIVM MEVM A DEO” (My help
-is from God). In the execution of the numerous details of the ornaments,
-the jewels decorating the mitre, the patterns of the embroideries, the
-lettering, and particularly in the figure of Christ on the crucifix, the
-mastery of Holbein’s brush is everywhere in evidence. They are drawn
-with the utmost delicacy and truth, and while adding to the
-sumptuousness of the picture in no way detract the attention from the
-nobility and dignity of the portrait itself.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 83.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  WILLIAM WARHAM, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY
-  1527
-  LOUVRE, PARIS
-]
-
-[Sidenote: PORTRAITS OF WARHAM AND FISHER]
-
-The Lambeth version is said to have been presented to Warham by Sir
-Thomas More or by Holbein himself, though there is no reason to suppose
-that it was not paid for in the usual way by the sitter. “It was lost
-during the civil wars, but was recovered again, as was supposed, by Sir
-William Dugdale, who restored it to Lambeth in the time of Archbishop
-Sancroft.”[722] Walpole states that “Archbishop Parker entailed this,
-and another of Erasmus, on his successors; they were stolen in the civil
-war, but Juxon repurchased the former.”[723] The “Erasmus,” which did
-not return to its original resting-place, was, no doubt, the one by
-Holbein sent over by the sitter as a present to Warham. The same writer
-says that the “Warham” was at one time in De Loo’s collection, and was
-afterwards in the possession of Sir Walter Cope, who had several works
-by Holbein, which passed by marriage to the Earl of Holland. The history
-of the Louvre portrait is not known, but it belonged at one time to the
-Newton family, and later on to Louis XIV. It is possible that it was
-painted for Erasmus, and that it is the version which belonged to the
-Earl of Arundel, which is entered in the 1655 inventory as “Warramus
-Vescovo de Canterbury.” The Louvre picture, which is the larger of the
-two, is considered by some critics to be the original painting, the
-Lambeth version being a replica from Holbein’s brush; others hold that
-the latter is the original and the better work of the two, but the point
-is not easy of solution unless the two pictures could be exhibited side
-by side. There are two other versions of the portrait at Lambeth Palace,
-but both are inferior copies. A panel of far higher qualities was lent
-by Viscount Dillon to the Tudor Exhibition, 1890 (No. 107),[724] and to
-the Oxford Exhibition, 1904 (No. 21).[725] This picture, which is an
-almost exact replica of the Louvre and Lambeth examples, has
-considerable claims to be considered an original work which has
-suffered, more particularly in the face and hands, from repainting. It
-has a beautifully rich golden tone, and certain of the details, more
-particularly the little gilded figure of Christ on the crucifix, are
-drawn with too great a mastery to be from the hand of any copyist. The
-writing on the cartellino in the background is also fine and full of
-character, very unlike the work of an imitator. Some lack of strength in
-the handling and characterisation of face and hands may, however, point
-to a good, contemporary worker. Evelyn, in his _Diary_, 1664, mentions
-this portrait at Ditchley as a head of a Pope.
-
-Another high ecclesiastic, and friend of Erasmus and More, John Fisher,
-Bishop of Rochester, was painted by Holbein during his first visit to
-England, probably at about the same time as Warham. Unfortunately the
-picture itself is missing, but three preliminary drawings for it are in
-existence, one at Windsor (Pl. 81 (1)), a second in the British Museum,
-and the third until recently in the possession of Mr. J. P. Heseltine.
-The first,[726] in black and coloured chalks, is, perhaps, the finest,
-the somewhat hard, ascetic character of the face being rendered with
-extraordinary expression with a few bold and forceful touches. The lines
-of the body and dress are merely indicated in outline. He is wearing the
-close-fitting black doctor’s cap, and the face, almost in full, is
-turned slightly to the spectator’s left. At the bottom of the study is
-the inscription, “Il Epyscop^o de resester fo tagliato il Cap^o l’an^o
-1535” (The Bishop of Rochester beheaded in 1535), which seems to
-indicate that the drawing was once in the possession of some Italian.
-The drawing in the British Museum[727] is more carefully finished, and
-was probably made from the Windsor sketch. It was once in the Richardson
-Collection, and was bequeathed to the Museum by the Rev. C. M.
-Cracherode. It has no inscription. The powerful drawing which formed
-part of the Heseltine collection, dispersed in 1912, is on a reddish
-ground.
-
-In this drawing Holbein has accomplished, with the simplest means, one
-of his finest and most subtle studies of character. The pale face, and
-thin, determined lips, with a faint, scornful smile upon them, and the
-brightness of the eyes, still undimmed in spite of his age, fully
-express the character of one who was ever ready to do battle for his
-opinions, and to die rather than betray his convictions. Mingled with
-this obstinacy the painter has expressed that kindliness towards all who
-came in contact with him, which Erasmus extolled so highly, and that
-personal purity of life which, together with his profound learning,
-formed one of his most striking characteristics. Froude says of him:
-“Fisher was the only one of the prelates for whom it is possible to feel
-esteem. He was weak, superstitious, pedantic, and even cruel towards the
-Protestants. But he was a sincere man, living in honest fear of evil, so
-far as he understood what evil was, and he could rise above the menaces
-of temporal suffering under which his brethren of the episcopal bench
-sank so rapidly into humility and subjection.”[728]
-
-As stated above, the portrait which Holbein must evidently have painted
-from this preliminary study has disappeared. The picture in St. John’s
-College, Cambridge, which was lent to the Tudor Exhibition in 1890 (No.
-138), was ascribed to Holbein in the catalogue, but is not by him,
-though it may be a copy of the lost original. He is shown with a staff
-in one hand and a glove in the other, and it is inscribed “A^o Ætatis
-74,” which, as Fisher was born in 1456, would date the panel 1528.
-Dallaway, in his annotations to Walpole, notes another version at
-Didlington, Norfolk.[729] There was a second portrait of Fisher in the
-Tudor Exhibition (No. 61), lent by the Hon. H. Tyrwhitt Wilson, a
-half-length, holding a prayer book in both hands.
-
-[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF THE GODSALVES]
-
-Only two paintings by Holbein are known with the date 1528—the double
-portrait in the Dresden Gallery and the “Kratzer” in the Louvre. The
-former,[730] a small square panel (Pl. 84), represents Thomas Godsalve,
-of Norwich, and his son John, afterwards knighted. The figures,
-considerably less than life-size, are shown to the waist, seated at a
-table, turned slightly to the spectator’s right. The father, a
-ruddy-faced old man, dressed in the usual black cap and dark overcoat or
-robe with a heavy fur collar, holds a quill pen, with both hands resting
-on a sheet of paper in front of him, on which he has just written:
-“Thomas Godsalve de Norwico Etatis sue anno quadragesimo septo.” The
-son, dressed in a similar costume, is seated on the spectator’s left, a
-little behind his father. He wears no cap upon his dark hair, which,
-like the older man’s, is long, hiding the ears, and cut straight across
-the forehead. In his left hand, partly concealed in the folds of his
-cloak, he holds a paper. Both men are clean shaven, and wear white
-shirts, that of the son being decorated round the neck with black
-Spanish work. An inkpot is on the table, and in the left upper corner,
-above Sir John’s head, a cartellino is affixed to the plain background
-bearing the date—“Anno Dm. M. D. xxviij.” The picture is a fine example
-of Holbein’s work at this period, and is in an excellent state of
-preservation.[731] There is no drawing of Thomas Godsalve among the
-Windsor studies, but of the son there is an exceptionally fine one (Pl.
-85).[732] It is carried out in body-colours, and is much further
-advanced than the other drawings in the collection, and, though somewhat
-rubbed, is a most masterly example of Holbein’s veracity of portraiture.
-It cannot be regarded, however, with certainty, as a preliminary study
-for the Dresden picture for two reasons. In the first place, the sitter
-appears to be several years older than in that picture, and although the
-figure is seated and the position of the body is much the same, the
-poise of the head is different, and the face is turned more directly
-towards the spectator, while the hands, holding a sheet of paper, rest
-on a table or rail in front of him; and in the second place, it is
-practically a finished drawing, and is perhaps an example of Holbein’s
-occasional practice of preparing his portraits on paper or parchment,
-which he afterwards fastened to the panel before giving them the final
-touches. He wears a coat of violet open in front and showing the white
-shirt, and over it a black gown trimmed with yellow sable, and a black
-cap with a circular badge, of which the design is not indicated. The
-hair and eyebrows are finished with a hair pencil. The background is a
-plain one of azure blue. He has a thin face, a large and sharp nose, and
-blue eyes, with a scanty growth of beard on his shaven chin. He gazes at
-the spectator with a serious, thoughtful expression; in which Woltmann
-saw something puritanical, no doubt because Godsalve, as he notes,
-presented the King with a New Testament as a New Year’s gift in
-1539.[733] In the following year he gave a perfumed box. Blomefield[734]
-mentions this drawing as being in his time in the Closet at Kensington
-Palace. There is a miniature of Godsalve in the Bodleian Library.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 84.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  THOMAS AND JOHN GODSALVE
-  1528
-  ROYAL PICTURE GALLERY, DRESDEN
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 85.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  SIR JOHN GODSALVE
-  Drawing in black and coloured chalks and water-colour.
-  Reproduced by gracious permission of H.M. the King.
-  _Windsor Castle_
-]
-
-The father, Thomas Godsalve, who died in 1542, was registrar of the
-consistory court at Norwich, and the owner of landed property in
-Norfolk. He was an intimate friend of Thomas Cromwell. In a letter to
-the latter, dated Norwich, November 6, 1531, after thanking Cromwell for
-kindnesses shown to his son, he says: “I send you half a dozen swans of
-my wife’s feeding”;[735] and a year or two later he sends “six swans and
-a maund with pears of my own grafting.”[736] The son, John Godsalve, who
-died in 1556, became Clerk of the Signet to Henry VIII, and was present
-at the siege of Boulogne. He was knighted at the coronation of Edward
-VI, and a year or two later was made Comptroller of the Mint. Various
-letters from him are included in the Calendars of State Papers. In one
-of them (1533), addressed to Eustace, clerk of the works at Hampton
-Court, he appears in the character of a “snapper-up of unconsidered
-trifles.” “Send me,” he writes, “as many golden balls as you can
-conveniently procure, and such fanes (vanes?) and other things at your
-pleasure. Help the bearer into the spicery to have an antique which I
-left there; of which he has the key. Send me also the head under the
-stair, and whatsoever other things your gentle heart can lovingly depart
-from.”[737] John Godsalve had some connection with the Steelyard, a
-number of whose merchants were painted by Holbein, for in November 1532,
-he and one William Blakenhall received a grant in survivorship of the
-office of common meter of all cloths of gold and silver tissue,
-“tynsett,” satin, damask, and other cloths and canvas of aliens and
-others called “foreyns,” _alias_ “le Stilliarde,” in the city of London,
-with the usual fees, &c.[738] He also obtained a small share of the
-plunder from the monasteries, and, in July 1534, an annuity of £8 “to
-him and his heirs for ever out of the issues of the manor of Stokesly,
-in Rydham, Norfolk, in the King’s hands by the attainder of Thomas,
-cardinal of York.”[739] In 1535 he received the offices of Constable and
-Keeper of the Castle and Gaol of Norwich, succeeding Sir Henry Wyat and
-Sir Thomas Boleyn in the posts.[740]
-
-The portrait of Niklaus Kratzer,[741] of Munich, Henry’s German
-astronomer, in the Louvre (Pl. 86), is a half-length figure placed
-behind a table, which is covered with the instruments of his profession.
-He wears the usual flat black cap, and a black coat or doublet open at
-the neck, showing a glimpse of a red under-garment and white shirt, and
-over all the prevailing dark overcoat or gown with fur collar. In his
-right hand he holds a pair of compasses or dividers, and in his left a
-decagonal sundial, like the one shown in the “Ambassadors” picture.
-Behind him on the right various mathematical and astronomical
-instruments are hanging on the wall, and others, including a cylindrical
-sundial and an astrolabe, are placed on a shelf on the left. Among the
-numerous objects on the table are scales and rulers, scissors, and his
-seal, together with a sheet of paper with a Latin inscription giving his
-name, his age, forty-one, and the date 1528. Part of this inscription is
-confused and injured, and Holbein’s Latin was not of the best. The
-Louvre catalogue gives the reading as: “Imago ad vivam effigiem expressa
-Nicolai Kratzeri monacenssis q. (qui) bauarg. (bavarus) erat
-quadragessimū ... annū tpr̃e (tempore) ilio gplebat (complebat) 1528.”
-The illegible word after “quadragessimū” is given as “primo” in the
-replica mentioned below. The light falls from the right on his face,
-which, though rather heavy in features, is an interesting one, with an
-indication of humour about the eyes and mouth, which is in accord with a
-contemporary description of him in one of the letters of Nicolas
-Bourbon, the poet, another of Holbein’s friends. The numerous
-instruments and accessories are depicted with all the truth and loving
-care in which Holbein delighted. Carel van Mander, who saw the picture
-in London when in the possession of Andries de Loo, and speaks of it as
-“een feer goedt Conterfeytsel en meesterlijck ghedan,” calls particular
-attention to the beauty with which the instruments are delineated.
-Kratzer was the hero of the story told by the same writer. When asked by
-King Henry why he spoke English so badly, he replied, “Pardon, your
-Majesty, but how can a man learn English in thirty years?”
-
-Little is known about the history of the picture, which has suffered
-somewhat severely from the passage of time. As noted, it was once in the
-possession of De Loo, together with the Warham, the Thomas Cromwell, one
-of the versions of Erasmus, and the More family group.[742] According to
-Wornum,[743] it was formerly at Holland House;[744] and Walpole states,
-erroneously, that there is a drawing for it among the Windsor
-heads.[745] A replica or good contemporary copy was lent by Viscount
-Galway to the Tudor Exhibition, 1890 (No. 129), in which the inscription
-and date tally with the Louvre example. A miniature of Kratzer, in the
-late Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan’s collection, is described in Chapter XXV.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 86.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  NIKLAUS KRATZER
-  1528
-  LOUVRE, PARIS
-]
-
-Kratzer, born in Munich, was educated at Cologne and Wittemberg. He came
-to England as a young man, and in 1517 was admitted a fellow of Fox’s
-new College of Corpus Christi, Oxford. Later on Wolsey gave him the post
-of lecturer on astronomy and mathematics at Oxford, and Henry VIII
-appointed him his astronomer, with a salary of £20 per annum. While at
-Oxford he designed two sun-dials, one in Corpus Christi garden, and the
-other on a pillar in St. Mary’s Church, the latter remaining in position
-until 1744. He died about 1550, and many of his works fell into the
-hands of the notorious Dr. Lee. Albrecht Dürer, during his visit to the
-Netherlands in 1520, made a drawing of Kratzer, as well as one of
-Erasmus. He notes in his diary: “In Antwerp I took the portrait of
-Master Nicolas, an astronomer, who resides with the King in England; he
-was very useful to me; he is a German, a native of Munich.”
-
-[Sidenote: NIKLAUS KRATZER AND HOLBEIN]
-
-Kratzer and Holbein appear to have become close acquaintances, as was
-only natural with two men of the same nationality in a foreign country.
-One of the few contemporary letters in which the painter is mentioned by
-name is one from Kratzer to Thomas Cromwell, referred to more
-particularly in a later chapter,[746] in which the astronomer announces
-that he has sent the Lord Privy Seal by Holbein’s hands a book just
-received from Germany. Like the Steelyard merchants, Kratzer was in the
-habit of serving the King as a forwarder and translator of letters and
-papers from abroad, and was sent on occasional journeys to the Continent
-on royal service. On one of these occasions, in October 1520, Tunstall,
-who was in the Netherlands for political purposes, wrote to Henry VIII
-saying that in Antwerp he had met “Nicholas Craczer, an Almayn, deviser
-of the King’s horologes, who said the King had given him leave to be
-absent for a time.” Tunstall asked him to stay till he had ascertained
-if the King would allow him to remain until the coronation and the
-assembly of the Electors were over. “Being born in High Almayn, and
-having acquaintance of many of the princes, he might be able to find out
-the mind of the Electors touching the affairs of the Empire.”[747] Like
-Holbein and some of the other foreigners in England, Kratzer was not
-averse from an occasional commercial speculation. Thus, in October 1527,
-he received licence to import from Bordeaux and other parts of France
-and Brittany 300 tons of Toulouse woad and Gascon wine.[748] His name,
-spelt in a variety of fashions, frequently appears in the royal
-accounts, but as a rule only in connection with the payment of his
-quarter’s salary. On April 29, 1531, however, there is an entry: “To
-Nicholas the Astronomer for mending of a clock, 6_s._”[749] Some of the
-mathematical and astronomical instruments in the “Ambassadors” picture
-may possibly have been of Kratzer’s making.
-
-Several undated portraits may be ascribed to this period with some
-certainty; and some others with perhaps less confidence. As a general
-rule, though it is not without exceptions, Holbein’s portraits of his
-first English period may be distinguished from those of his second by
-the fashion in which the sitters wear their hair. In 1526-8 the
-prevailing custom in England was to wear it cropped straight across the
-forehead, while it was allowed to hang down lower than the ears all
-round the rest of the head, the face being clean shaven. A very distinct
-change of fashion took place in the spring of 1535, when Henry VIII
-began to grow a beard, and ordered his own household to cut their hair.
-Stow, in his _Annales_,[750] says: “The 8th of May the King commanded
-all about his court to poll their heads, and to give them example, he
-caused his own head to bee polled, and from thenceforth his beard to bee
-notted and no more shaven.” This marked change in the dressing of the
-hair was, of course, not followed by everyone, but it became so general
-that it is of great assistance in helping to give approximate dates to a
-number of pictures and drawings. Of the two, the cut of the hair is a
-better indication of date than the beard or moustache, which were worn
-more at pleasure. Occasionally long hair is found in conjunction with
-the beard, and in other cases some men remained faithful to the earlier
-fashion. Thus Sir Richard Southwell (1536) and the Duke of Norfolk
-(1540) are examples of long hair and a shaven face after 1535. Some of
-the German merchants resident in London conformed to the English
-fashion, but certain of them will be found with beards before 1535,
-while others again, painted several years later, are clean shaven. It
-must not be forgotten, however, that Holbein had returned to England
-nearly three years before the King’s edict of 1535, so that certain
-portraits which have been usually ascribed to his first English period
-on account of the cut of the sitter’s hair, may very possibly have been
-painted five or six years later.
-
-[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF SIR BRYAN TUKE]
-
-The portrait of Sir Bryan Tuke, of which several versions exist, the
-best known being the one in the Munich Gallery (Pl. 87),[751] is
-ascribed by some writers to Holbein’s later English period, though the
-shaven face and the way in which the hair is worn indicate the earlier
-date of the first London visit. This test is not, of course, infallible,
-but it seems probable, nevertheless, that Tuke was painted in 1527 or
-1528. The date of his birth is not known, but he received his first
-public appointment, as king’s bailiff at Sandwich, in 1508, and became
-Clerk to the Signet in the following year. On more than one of the
-replicas of the portrait his age is given as fifty-seven.
-
-Tuke was a scholar, and one of the More circle, secretary to Cardinal
-Wolsey, and French secretary to Henry VIII, and as Treasurer of the
-Household was responsible for the payments to Holbein for his share in
-the work of the Greenwich Banqueting House, and, later on, of his
-salary. He was also Clerk of the Parliament and Master of the Posts. He
-is represented in the Munich version at half-length, three-quarters to
-the left, with clean-shaven face and long hair, wearing a black cap with
-ear-pieces, a gown of black silk, lined with brown fur, and a fur
-collar, over a black doublet also fur-lined and fastened with a gold
-button, and sleeves of fine chequered black and gold stuff. A gold
-jewelled cross, on which the pierced hands and feet of Christ are
-represented in enamel, is suspended round his neck by a gold chain. With
-the forefinger of his left hand, which holds his gloves, he indicates a
-paper in front of him, inscribed “NVNQVID NON PAVCITAS DIERVM MEORVM
-FINIETVR BREVI,” and, in smaller letters, “JOB cap. 10.” An hour-glass
-rests on the table behind the paper, in front of his right hand. In the
-background the figure of Death is seen against a green curtain, holding
-his scythe in his left hand and with the first finger of the right
-pointing to the hour-glass. It is signed “IO. HOLPAIN” in the old
-Augsburg orthography. From overcleaning and other causes the hands and
-face have lost much of the delicacy of their modelling, and the flesh
-tints remain unpleasantly red, and the face has a hardness and sharpness
-which, no doubt, it did not originally possess. Mr. Wornum, who,
-however, only saw the picture when it was hung too high for proper
-examination, considered it to be “painted in the taste and manner of Von
-Melem.” “This picture,” he says, “is not a bad one, but the signature is
-suspicious, as that of our painter; and the style does not proclaim it
-to be the work of Holbein.”[752] Woltmann, on the other hand, says that
-it “declares itself as strikingly as possible to be the work of Holbein,
-and it is one of the two genuine paintings among the eight portraits
-ascribed to him in the Pinakothek,” and adds that though so greatly
-damaged, “yet still from its truth and lifelike feeling, as well as from
-its masterly execution, it is an excellent portrait.” The picture,
-however, is now regarded merely as a good workshop replica of the
-original painting, and is so described in the latest edition of the
-Munich catalogue. It appears to have been in the Wittelsbach Collection
-in 1597, and in the description of it in the inventory of that date, the
-figure of Death is not mentioned, and was probably added later.[753]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 87.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  SIR BRYAN TUKE
-  ALTE PINAKOTHEK, MUNICH
-]
-
-The best version of this picture is the one which at one time was in the
-possession of the Methuen family at Corsham Court, Wilts, and afterwards
-belonged to Mr. R. Sanderson, at whose sale at Christie’s in 1848 it was
-purchased for the Marquis of Westminster.[754] It was bequeathed by the
-Marchioness of Westminster to her daughter, Lady Theodora Guest, and now
-belongs to the latter’s daughter, Miss Guest, of Inwood. It was in the
-National Portrait Exhibition, 1868 (No. 625), in the Royal Academy
-Winter Exhibition, 1880 (No. 188), and in the Burlington Fine Arts Club
-Exhibition, 1909 (No. 43), lent by Miss Guest.[755] This version is
-almost identical with the one in Munich, but the skeleton and hour-glass
-are missing, and on the green-brown background is inscribed “BRIANVS
-TVKE, MILES. AN^O ETATIS SVÆ LVII,” with his motto, “Droit et Avant,”
-below. It is in all ways a finer work than the Munich example, and
-undoubtedly by Holbein, and, in all probability, the original upon which
-all the others were based. At least three other versions exist, all
-without the skeleton. One of them, on canvas, was in the possession of
-Mr. William M. Tuke, of Saffron Walden, in 1869, who purchased it in
-Yorkshire in 1845, it having been formerly in the collection of a Mr.
-Winstanley. Another is, or was, in the possession of Mr. John Leslie
-Toke of Godington Park, Kent, which is said to have been in expression
-and features more of the type of Sir Thomas More; while a third
-belonged, in 1870, to Mr. J. R. Haig.[756] One or other of these
-versions was owned in the seventeenth century by Lord Lisle, son of the
-Earl of Leicester, as noted by Evelyn in his _Diary_ under the date 27th
-August 1678.
-
-[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF RESKIMER]
-
-The portrait of the Cornishman, Reskimer,[757] at Hampton Court, has
-been ascribed by most critics to Holbein’s first English period, and so
-is included in this chapter, although the exceptionally long beard,
-which reaches almost to his waist, and the hair, which, though not
-polled, is short enough to show the ears, would indicate a date after
-1535. It has suffered somewhat in the course of time, but in its
-technique it resembles Holbein’s work at the beginning of his second
-English period, and so was probably painted at about that time. There is
-a fine drawing for it in the Windsor Collection,[758] which is
-inscribed, “Reskemeer a Cornish Gent.,” in which the hair and beard are
-carefully wrought. This study appears to be among the earlier drawings
-in the collection.
-
-“The portrait,” says Mr. Law, “represents a youngish man, not more than
-twenty-eight, we should say, seen in a nearly complete profile, turned
-to the left, the light coming in from the right. He is dressed in a
-plain, dark-coloured coat or mantle; with the small white collar of his
-shirt showing, the two strings of which hang down untied. His two hands,
-which are drawn and painted with all Holbein’s strength and precision,
-are both seen, the knuckles of the left being turned frontwards to the
-spectator, and the palm of the right upwards, with the fingers just
-touching the end of his beard. He wears a flat black cap slantwise over
-the right side of his head. His hair is red, as is also his long peaked
-beard. The background is a bluish green, with a sprig of vine.” Some
-such branch of vine or fig frequently appears in the backgrounds of
-Holbein’s earlier portraits. It is on wood, or, possibly, according to
-Mr. Wornum,[759] on paper or parchment attached to oak, 1 ft. 6½ in.
-high by 1 ft. 1½ in. wide. The brand of Charles I—“C.R.” crowned—is on
-the back of the panel.
-
-Nothing of its history is known, except that it was in Charles I’s
-collection, and is described in his catalogue, page 8, as follows: “A
-side-faced gentleman out of Cornwall, in his black cap, painted with a
-long peaked beard, holding both his hands before him; some parts of a
-landskip. Being less than life, upon a defaced cracked board, painted
-upon the wrong light. Done by Holbein, given to the King by the deceased
-Sir Rob. Killigrew, Vice-Chamberlain to the Queen’s Majesty.” Mr. Law
-suggests, no doubt correctly, that it was said to be “a gentleman out of
-Cornwall” in the catalogue on the authority of the inscription on the
-Windsor drawing.
-
-The name is spelt in many ways in the records—Reskemeer, Reskimear,
-Rekymar, Reshemer, Reskemyr, Reskimer, and so on. The portrait is
-usually considered to represent John Reskimer, of Marthyn or Murthyn,
-though there is no authority for this except the fact that a John
-Reskimer was living at about this time. Among the various references to
-men of this family in the State Papers, Reskimers of more than one
-Christian name appear. A Mr. Reskemar is mentioned in 1527 as belonging
-to Wolsey’s household, and in 1532 the name of John Reskymer, son and
-heir of John Reskymer, occurs in connection with a grant of land in
-Cornwall.[760]
-
-The John Reskemeer or Reskimer whose portrait this is said to be was the
-son of William Reskemeer, fourteenth in descent from the first of that
-name who settled in Cornwall, and Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John
-Arundel of Telverne. By his wife Catherine, daughter of John Trethurff,
-he had several children, his son William succeeding him;[761] though,
-according to a pencil note in the copy in the British Museum of John
-Chamberlaine’s “Imitations of Holbein’s Drawings,” he married Jane, one
-of the daughters of Robert, natural son of Henry, Lord Holland, the last
-Duke of Exeter. He was High Sheriff of Cornwall in 1557, and his seat,
-Marthyn, was one of the eight parks in that county in 1602.
-
-There is a fine portrait in the Prado, Madrid, representing an elderly
-Englishman of extremely plain features and with an exceptionally large
-nose,[762] which Woltmann, who first drew attention to it, regarded as a
-genuine work of Holbein’s first English period. His clean-shaven face
-with its many heavy wrinkles is of a very ruddy brown colour. His small
-black cap has long ear-pieces, and he wears the customary dark cloak or
-overcoat, with a collar of black embroidered or watered silk, open at
-the top, and looped together with a cord, showing the white shirt below,
-cut straight without a collar of any kind. It is a half-length, almost
-full face, the head and eyes turned slightly to the left. He holds a
-rolled-up paper in his left hand. It bears the stamp of truth in every
-line of the rugged countenance. Modern criticism, however, refuses to
-accept it as a work from Holbein’s brush. Dr. Bode and other German
-writers consider it to be by the Master of the “Death of Mary.”
-
-[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF SIR HENRY WYAT]
-
-A small portrait of undoubted genuineness, although badly over-painted,
-and belonging to the first English period, is the likeness of Sir Henry
-Wyat in the Louvre (Pl. 88),[763] which for many years was known as a
-portrait of Sir Thomas More. According to Mr. Lionel Cust,[764] this
-panel is in all probability the same as the portrait of “Cavaglier
-Wyat,” painted in 1527, by Holbein, which was in the possession of
-Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel, and among those pictures which, after
-his widow’s death at Amsterdam in 1654, were disposed of by her son,
-Viscount Stafford, to M. Jabach of Cologne, from whom they were
-purchased by Colbert for the collection of Louis XIV, and so came into
-the Louvre. Several copies of it exist. There is an excellent replica in
-the National Gallery of Ireland[765] (No. 370), which was acquired at
-the sale of the Magniac Collection in 1892; while a copy of it belongs
-to Constance, Countess of Romney, with which goes a picture of Wyat’s
-famous cat, which picture, according to Sir Martin Conway,[766] may
-likewise represent an original by Holbein. A somewhat later, probably
-seventeenth-century, picture belonging to Lady Romney, is made up out of
-a combination of the two—master and cat—with a background of prison wall
-and window.
-
-In the Louvre picture Sir Henry is represented at half-length, slightly
-turned to the right, wearing a black skull-cap over his long hair, and
-the customary overcoat with deep fur collar, and green under-sleeves;
-from his shoulders hangs a large heavy gold chain, to which a gold cross
-is attached, which he grasps with his right hand, and holds a folded
-paper in his left. He is clean-shaven, and has a large rounded nose. The
-wrinkled face, the small tremulous mouth, and the tired eyes with the
-sadness of their expression, produce a very lifelike effect of old age.
-The chain is put on with real gold, in a way which Holbein practised
-from time to time in England. Although it has suffered severely, it
-seems to be an undoubted example of the first English period. It is
-about 15½ in. high by 12 in. wide. Woltmann saw a copy of it in London
-in the Robinson Collection, probably the one now in Dublin, and he
-speaks both of it and of the one belonging to Lady Romney as of high
-artistic merit.[767] Sir Henry Wyat, of Allington Castle, Kent, who had
-served Henry VII, was appointed as a member of the Privy Council by
-Henry VIII on his accession to the throne. He died in 1537. Holbein
-probably became acquainted with him when at work on the Greenwich
-Banqueting House.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 88.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  SIR HENRY WYAT
-  LOUVRE, PARIS
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 89.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  SIR THOMAS ELYOT
-  _Drawing in black and coloured chalks_
-  WINDSOR CASTLE
-]
-
-[Sidenote: HIS EARLIER ENGLISH PORTRAITS]
-
-In addition to these undated portraits, there are several studies for
-paintings now lost which it is the custom, both from the style of
-drawing and the fashion of hair and dress, to attribute to this earlier
-period. The truly magnificent head of an unknown man at Chatsworth, and
-the almost equally fine drawing of Sir Thomas Elyot (Pl. 89),[768]
-author of the “Boke called the Governour,” and friend of More, and that
-of his wife, Lady Elyot,[769] among the Windsor heads, have thus been
-ascribed to 1527-8; but in these three cases the draughtsmanship is so
-extraordinarily true and delicate, and at the same time so strong and so
-full of character in every touch, that one is inclined to place them
-some six or seven years later as work of the first years of Holbein’s
-second English period. The Chatsworth drawing[770] is outlined in black
-with the point of the brush on flesh-coloured paper, with a spot of red
-here and there. “It would be useless to dilate upon the qualities of
-this masterpiece,” says Mr. S. Arthur Strong, “in which Holbein seems to
-touch the highest point attainable by human faculty within the chosen
-limits. By the side of such work as this, Leonardo da Vinci himself
-would appear conventional, almost effeminate.”[771] This praise is by no
-means excessive, as the drawing is wonderful in its truth, its
-combination of delicacy and strength, and its beauty. There is a second
-head of an unknown man by Holbein at Chatsworth,[772] of a later date,
-and in no ways as fine as the earlier one. It is in black chalk with a
-wash of red, and it has been dashed in with rapid, vigorous strokes,
-though with little of the subtlety of the first.
-
-With the exception of several doubtful examples, such as the Dr. John
-Stokesley, Bishop of London,[773] in Windsor Castle, which, though a
-work of high quality, has characteristic features in the painting which
-preclude its attribution to Holbein, the above-mentioned pictures
-constitute the tale of the painter’s achievement in England during his
-first visit, which lasted only some twenty months or so. During that
-time, however, he not only spent a couple of months or more over the
-decoration of the Greenwich Banqueting House, and made numerous studies
-for the big More Family Group, and carried that picture itself some way
-towards completion, but also painted portraits of Sir Thomas and Lady
-More, Archbishop Warham, Sir Henry and Lady Guldeford, Thomas and John
-Godsalve, Niklaus Kratzer, Sir Henry Wyat, and Sir Bryan Tuke, so that
-his output was a considerable one.
-
-In addition to these, there is the portrait of Reskimer, and possibly
-others of Margaret Roper, Sir Thomas and Lady Elyot, and Sir Nicholas
-Carew,[774] while it is almost certain that he also painted one of
-Bishop Fisher, although the drawing for it is now the only record which
-remains. This list, which includes fourteen or more portraits, shows
-that Holbein, in spite of lack of official recognition from the King,
-received sufficient patronage from the More circle and the Court to keep
-him very busily and remuneratively occupied.
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                               CHAPTER XV
-
-                    THE RETURN TO BASEL (1528-1532)
-
-Return to Basel and purchase of a house—Iconoclastic outbreaks in that
-  city—Destruction of sacred paintings and sculptures—Lack of work, and
-  death or absence of old patrons—Portrait of his wife and children—His
-  relationships with his wife—Completion of the wall-paintings in the
-  Council Chamber of the Town Hall—“Rehoboam rebuking the
-  Elders”—“Meeting of Samuel and Saul”—Portrait of Erasmus painted in
-  Freiburg—Book illustrations—Repainting the faces of the clock on the
-  Rhine Gate—Holbein’s return to England.
-
-
-UNTIL the discovery in 1870, by Dr. Édouard His-Heusler,[775] that
-Holbein purchased a house in Basel in August 1528, it was generally
-supposed that the painter remained in England until the spring or summer
-of 1529. In September of the latter year Erasmus wrote letters to Sir
-Thomas More and Margaret Roper thanking them very heartily for the
-drawing of the family picture which Holbein had brought to him. This was
-the study now in the Basel Gallery. Erasmus was then living in Freiburg,
-and it was supposed that the painter halted there on his way home on
-purpose to deliver this sketch and letters which he was bearing from
-Chelsea. This supposition has now to be abandoned.
-
-[Sidenote: HOLBEIN’S PURCHASE OF TWO HOUSES]
-
-There is no doubt that Holbein had received a two years’ leave of
-absence from the Basel Town Council, and that his only reason for
-leaving England, where he was busily and lucratively occupied, was the
-fact that he was bound by the laws of his adopted city to return within
-the stipulated period, or otherwise to run the risk of forfeiting his
-rights of citizenship, and incurring other punishment, in addition to
-possible trouble with his own particular guild. By an order of the
-Council dated 1521, no one subject to the jurisdiction of Basel was
-allowed to take service with, or receive pension money from, any foreign
-prince or community; and this law may have been one of the reasons why
-Holbein did not enter into Henry VIII’s service at this time, as it
-would be necessary before doing so to obtain the Council’s special
-permission, as he did later on in his career.
-
-Holbein’s purchase of a house in Basel was made on August 29, 1528,
-exactly two years after the date of Erasmus’ letter to Ægidius, given to
-the painter on the eve of his departure for England. The record of the
-sale is to be found in the “Fertigungsbuch,” and from the entry it
-appears that both Holbein and his wife were present in person at the
-completion of the transaction. It was bought from the clothweaver
-Eucharius Rieher, and the price was 300 gulden or florins, which shows
-that Holbein had brought home money in his purse, though only one-third
-of the purchase price was paid, and the remainder secured by a mortgage.
-It was a two-storeyed house, overlooking the Rhine, in the St. Johann
-Vorstadt, next door to Froben’s bookstore, and its site is now occupied
-by No. 22. Within living memory it was still standing, outwardly very
-little changed since the days in which Holbein and his family lived in
-it; as also the smaller cottage next door, which the painter purchased
-some years later, on the 28th March 1531, for 70 gulden, from the
-fisherman Uly von Rynach, on part of the site of which a factory has
-since been erected.
-
-[Sidenote: ERASMUS AND MORE FAMILY GROUP]
-
-Here Holbein settled down to work again, but, if one may judge from the
-few examples of his brush which can be ascribed to this period, he must
-have found Basel a far less profitable field for his labours than
-England. During his absence Switzerland had fallen on evil days. At
-about the date of his return the religious differences had reached their
-climax, and in Basel violent outbreaks of hostilities were taking place.
-At Easter, 1528, the Council had been obliged to give way to the extent
-of allowing divine worship according to the Reformed ritual in some of
-the churches, and permitting the removal of all sacred pictures from
-their walls. The Council, indeed, did their best to prevent sedition.
-Their recommendation that “no man should call another papist or
-lutheran, heretic, adherent of the new faith or the old, but each should
-be left unharassed and unscorned in his own belief,” fell on unheeding
-ears.[776] Such prudent advice was ill-suited to the passions which had
-been aroused. In the following year all the Catholic members of the
-Council were forcibly removed by a mob of armed citizens, and this
-action was followed by a number of excesses. On Shrove Tuesday, 1529, a
-furious outburst of iconoclasm occurred. The Cathedral was attacked by a
-crowd of some hundreds of reformers, who broke open the doors, and
-pulled down and dashed to pieces all the pictures and altars. The
-Council issued orders and edicts which were powerless to stay the
-fanaticism of the rioters, who visited in turn the other churches and
-monasteries in the city, destroying everything that was not hastily
-hidden from them. On the following day, Ash Wednesday, the destruction
-continued. Four hundred men, headed by the public executioner, paid a
-second visit to the Cathedral, broke up everything that still remained,
-and of the fragments made five large bonfires. Pictures and wooden
-images were burnt, wall-paintings were whitewashed over; and however
-beautiful such works of art might be, their merits were insufficient to
-save them. The reformers’ hearts were hot against what they considered
-the gross idolatry of their opponents, and nothing was spared from the
-fire upon which they could lay their furious hands. Here and there a
-picture or relic was saved, among them at least one work of Holbein’s,
-the early “Last Supper,” already described, though it appears to have
-been badly damaged at the time, and restored later on.[777] No doubt
-more than one of his pictures perished, together with others by such
-Basel painters as Urs Graf, Niklaus Manuel Deutsch, and Hans Herbster.
-His beautiful shutters for the Cathedral organ happily escaped; it may
-be that they were hung too high to be easily reached, and were thus
-protected from the first outbreak, and afterwards, when the edict was
-issued forbidding all sacred pictures in the churches, they would be
-allowed to remain on the walls under the order which permitted the use
-of all paintings of a character to which no adoration could be
-shown.[778] Erasmus, in a letter to Pirkheimer, gives a graphic
-description of what took place on these two days of fanatical
-destruction. “There was no one,” he says, “who did not fear for himself,
-when these dregs of the people covered the whole market-place with arms
-and cannons. Such a mockery was made of the images of the saints, and
-even of the Crucifixion, that one would have thought that some miracle
-must have happened. Nothing was left of the sculptures, either in the
-churches or in the cloisters, in the portals or in the monasteries.
-Whatever painted pictures remained were daubed over with whitewash,
-whatever was inflammable was thrown upon the pile, whatever was not was
-broken to pieces. Neither pecuniary nor artistic value could save
-anything.”
-
-This tumultuous state of affairs proved too much for Erasmus, who had a
-detestation of all forms of violence, and only wished for peaceful
-surroundings in which to pursue his work. More than one of his noble
-patrons, from whom he received pensions, objected to his continued
-residence in a city in which the Protestant party were dominant. He had,
-too, some fear for his own life; for though he was an adherent of
-neither side, his opinions were not popular with the reformers. So he
-now turned his back upon the city which he had made his permanent home
-since 1521, and in which, old and sickly as he was, he had hoped to end
-his days, and removed to the neighbouring city of Freiburg, where the
-Catholic party were in the ascendancy. Thither Bonifacius Amerbach
-accompanied him, and remained with him for some time.
-
-As Holbein found Erasmus still in Basel when he returned there in August
-1528, he must have presented Sir Thomas More’s gift to him on his
-arrival. There could be no reason for delay unless he had in some way
-mislaid the sketch. Nor is it likely that Erasmus would have waited for
-thirteen months before writing to More to thank him; if he had done so,
-he would at least have made some apology for his remissness. Yet in his
-published works his letter of thanks is dated Freiburg, 5th September
-1529, so that the matter is not easy of explanation, unless this again
-is another mistake in dating on the part of the editor of the letters.
-If the correct date of the letters to More and his daughter is 1528, not
-1529, then Erasmus wasted little time before writing to More to thank
-him for the drawing. It seems certain that the scholar, highly delighted
-with the picture of his friends, and the letters from them which
-accompanied it, would not let many days go past without acknowledging
-them.
-
-In his letter to Sir Thomas he says: “Oh that it were once more granted
-me in life to see such dear friends face to face whom I contemplate with
-the utmost joy imaginable in the picture, which Holbein (Olpeius) has
-brought me!”[779] On the next day, September 6th, he wrote to Margaret
-Roper: “I can scarcely express in words, Margaret Roper, thou ornament
-of thine England, what hearty delight I experienced when the painter
-Holbein (Olpeinus) presented to my view your whole family in such a
-successful delineation, that I could scarcely have seen you better had I
-been myself near you. Constantly do I desire that once more, before my
-goal is reached, it may be granted me to see this dear family circle, to
-whom I owe the best part of my outward prosperity, and of my fame,
-whatever they may be, and would owe them rather than to any other
-mortal. A fair portion of this wish has now been fulfilled by the gifted
-hand of the painter. I recognise all, yet none more than thee, and from
-the beautiful vestment of thy form I feel as if I could see thy still
-more beautiful mind beaming forth.... Greet thy mother, the honoured
-Mistress Alice, many times from me; as I could not embrace her myself, I
-have kissed her picture from my heart.”[780] In the first letter Erasmus
-writes Holbein’s name as Olpeius, confusing him for the moment with an
-old “famulus” of his own, Severinus Olpeius. In the second letter, in
-which he calls him Olpeinus, he gets nearer to the correct name. In her
-answer to this last letter, dated November 4th, Margaret says: “Quod
-pictoris tibi adventus tantæ voluptati fuit, illo nomine, quod utriusque
-mei parentis nostrumque omnium effigiem depictam detulerit, ingentibus
-cum gratiis libenter agnoscimus.”[781]
-
-Holbein must soon have discovered that his prospects of remunerative
-employment were far from promising, when compared with the field he had
-so recently abandoned. Fortunately he had some little money in his
-pockets when he returned, and perhaps for some months, before the
-religious dissensions came to so acute a head, he may have found
-profitable work. But the outburst in the spring of 1529 put an abrupt
-end to all painting of sacred pictures or work of any kind for the
-churches. The 18th clause (“upon pictures”) in an order passed by the
-Reformation party in that year stated: “We have no pictures in our
-churches, either in the city or country, because they formerly gave much
-incitement to idolatry, therefore God has so decidedly forbidden them,
-and has cursed all who make images. Hence, in future, by God’s help, we
-will set up no pictures, but will seriously reflect how we can provide
-comfort for the poor needy ones who are the true and living images of
-God.”[782] For a painter who had to make a living for a wife and family
-such conditions were serious enough, for they cut off one of his chief
-sources of employment. Judging from the numerous studies in the Basel
-Gallery, Holbein, before his first visit to England, must have been
-frequently engaged on pictures, wall-paintings, and designs for windows
-for churches, all of which, with few exceptions, such as the Meyer
-Madonna and one or two others, perished before the fury of the mob. It
-was natural that he should look forward to a continuance of work of this
-nature, and however strongly, in his heart, he may have believed in the
-Reformation itself, he must have been in little accord with it in its
-treatment of art. Nor was it a time when the leading citizens of Basel
-had leisure or desire for so peaceful an occupation as sitting for their
-portraits. The times were far too strenuous. Several of his earlier
-friends, and patrons, too, were no longer there to help him. Froben had
-died two years before he got back, and Erasmus was about to wipe the
-dust of Basel from his feet, while Amerbach was a temporary absentee.
-His old friend, Jakob Meyer “zum Hasen,” was still a prominent figure
-among the Catholic minority, and, therefore, had little influence to
-place at his service. Under such adverse conditions it is, perhaps, not
-wonderful that only one panel painting of the second Basel period can be
-pointed to with any certainty—the portrait-group of his wife and two
-elder children. This, and the remaining wall-paintings in the Council
-Chamber of the Town Hall, are the only works of importance of which we
-have any record.
-
-[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN]
-
-The portrait of his wife and his two elder children, Philip and
-Katherine, in the Basel Gallery (No. 325) (Pl. 90),[783] was, no doubt,
-one of the first things he undertook after his arrival. In any case, it
-was painted in 1528 or 1529. It is in oils on four pieces of paper
-fastened together, and at some subsequent time has been cut out round
-the figures and mounted on a panel, thus spoiling the delicacy of the
-outlines. The figures are life-size, and the wife, who is seated, facing
-the spectator, is shown at almost three-quarters length. She wears a
-dark green bodice without ornament, cut very low and straight across the
-breast, and a dark-brown over-garment trimmed with a thin band of fur.
-Her light brown hair is covered by a transparent veil which comes low
-over her forehead, and a small brown cap on the back of her head. On her
-left knee she supports a red-haired baby, about eighteen months old,
-born during Holbein’s absence, dressed in a cap and an undyed woollen
-garment, while her right hand rests on the shoulder of a boy of about
-six or seven, with long fair hair, wearing a dark blue-green dress above
-which the white collar of his shirt is visible. The lad, who is shown in
-profile, is looking upwards to the right, and presses against his
-mother’s knee. His head and shoulders only are shown.
-
-The picture is dated, but in the cutting out process it underwent prior
-to its fastening upon the wood panel, which was done before 1586, as is
-to be gathered from the Amerbach inventory, the last figure has been
-shorn away, and only “152” remains. It is almost certain that this date
-was 1528 or 1529, probably the former, for Holbein, once more united
-with his wife and family, would be likely to give expression to his
-pleasure by painting their portraits. In the greater energy of its
-conception and the vigour of its treatment it more closely resembles the
-portraits painted in England than his earlier Basel work.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 90.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  HOLBEIN’S WIFE AND CHILDREN
-  1528-9
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN]
-
-There are other versions of this picture in existence, among them a good
-late sixteenth-century copy in the Lille Museum,[784] which has a blue
-background. Like the Basel example, it is on paper pasted upon wood, but
-it has not been cut out round the outlines, while on a piece of paper
-added to the top of the panel there is an inscription in gold, which
-runs—
-
-                 “Die Liebe zu Gott heist Charitas,
-                  Wer Liebe hatt der tragtt kein hass,”
-
-thus turning it into a representation of Charity. A second[785] example,
-though a work of no particular skill, is of interest because it gives
-what was probably the background of the original work before it was cut
-down, one of those architectural compositions with pilasters and an
-ornamental frieze which Holbein so frequently used as a setting for his
-earlier portraits, part of which forms a high-backed seat in which the
-wife is placed. This copy, which belongs to Herr E. Trümpy, of Glarus,
-shows some small differences, in the boy’s hair, the folds of the
-draperies, &c., but it has suffered so much that it is difficult to pass
-judgment upon it. It must have been painted before the original work was
-cut down towards the end of the sixteenth century. That the picture
-represents the painter’s wife and children is certain, for it was in the
-possession of Amerbach, whose son entered it in his inventory as
-“Holbeins fraw vnd zwei kinder von im H. Holbein conterfehet vf papir
-mit olfarben, vf holtz gezogen.”
-
-This picture is painted with greater breadth and freedom than was his
-custom. The delicacy of handling which marked almost all that he did has
-given place to a more rapid but none the less truthful execution. The
-baby is by no means a beautiful child, and the mother’s plainness of
-countenance is almost repulsive at the first glance. Her expression is
-one of deep dejection, her face careworn and unhappy, and her eyes are
-rimmed with red, suggesting ill-health or sorrow. The grouping is
-unconventional, and it may be that the artist began to paint them just
-as he happened to see them, without any elaborate posing or attempt to
-make a picture of them. The wonderful truth with which he has realised
-them, however, the fine rich colour, and the luminous painting of the
-flesh tones, combine to make it one of his greatest works, in the study
-and appreciation of which the want of physical beauty in the principal
-sitter and the severe plainness of the costumes are overlooked and
-forgotten. Though only six years later than the Solothurn Madonna and
-the portrait at the Hague, Elsbeth Holbein has already lost all
-appearance of youth, and the cares of life have left heavy traces behind
-them. Her features are now not merely homely, but heavy and
-uninteresting, while her figure is solid, ample, and ungraceful. Yet it
-is still possible to recognise the likeness, no doubt somewhat idealised
-in the earlier work, but here set down with remorseless truth. The cause
-of this loss of youth and good looks, due, according to some modern
-critics, to Holbein’s neglect and his infatuation for Magdalena
-Offenburg, has been touched upon in an earlier chapter. M. de Wyzewa,
-who is one of those who hold this theory, regards this Basel family
-group as one of the few pictures in which Holbein completely reveals his
-artistic soul. “I doubt,” he says,[786] “if there exists in the world
-another painting comparable to this for subtle and dolorous beauty of
-expression.” In its revelation of truth it is an act of accusation
-against the painter himself, such as is not to be found in any written
-account of him by his contemporaries, who, it is suggested, influenced
-by his importance as an artist and by his connection with big and
-influential people, did not think it wise to speak the truth about him.
-It was Magdalena who was the chief cause of this domestic misery, we are
-told. She was “l’odieuse rivale qui l’a dépouillée de sa beauté et de
-son bonheur, et de toute sa fortune par-dessus le marché, qui a réduit
-l’exquise jeune femme du portrait de la Haye à devenir le fantôme
-navrant du portrait de Bâle; voilà peut-être le grief qui aura pesé le
-plus cruellement sur le cœur ulcéré d’Elisabeth Holbein! Et qui sait si
-ce remords-là ne s’est point dressé au premier plan dans l’âme du
-peintre lui-même, lorsqu’en 1529 celui-ci a éprouvé le besoin de nous
-crier sa confession de mari et de père, en même temps qu’il allait nous
-révéler la puissante, l’émouvante grandeur de son génie d’artiste?”
-
-The boy in the picture, who appears to be six or seven years old, may
-well have been the model for the Infant Christ in the Solothurn Madonna.
-The group has been painted with a speed and spontaneity which is not
-usual in Holbein’s portraits, with their minute finish and careful
-elaboration of details. This unwonted vigour of handling, however, gives
-to it a freedom and a largeness which make it unique among the varied
-manifestations of his genius. It has many of the qualities of a
-brilliant sketch, in which both likeness and character have been set
-down with direct and masterly power.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 91.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  PORTRAIT OF A YOUNG WOMAN
-  _Unfinished study in oils_
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-A very remarkable portrait study of a young woman in the Basel Gallery
-(No. 326) (Pl. 91),[787] which comes from the Faesch Cabinet, bears a
-close resemblance to the Family Group, and is ascribed by Dr. Ganz to
-the same year, 1528, to which it undoubtedly belongs. The subject,
-evidently a woman of Holbein’s own class, is extremely plain, with heavy
-features, and dark eyes and hair. She is represented to the waist,
-turned slightly to the spectator’s left, her long hands, with numerous
-rings, crossed in front of her. It is drawn with the pencil, and
-coloured with oil colours thinly laid on and mixed with white upon a
-red-toned ground. The background is a plain, deep blue. It is
-unfinished, the turban-like cap, and the outer bodice of the dress
-having the colour only slightly indicated. It is of the utmost interest,
-as it affords evidence of Holbein’s methods of working at this period,
-methods which he employed in painting his wife and children, also done
-in oils on paper; and it is, in addition, a wonderfully powerful study
-in portraiture, lifelike, vigorous, and subtle.
-
-[Sidenote: RESUMES WORK IN COUNCIL CHAMBER]
-
-Little is known of Holbein’s work in Basel during this period. No other
-portrait from his brush has been so far discovered; but, happily for
-him, in the summer of 1530 the Town Council found some employment for
-him worthy of his great talents, work which occupied him for the
-remainder of the year. They resolved to finish the internal decoration
-of their Council Chamber, which Holbein had left incomplete some years
-earlier, and he was naturally selected as the painter most fitted to do
-it. For this work he received in all 72 florins, in four separate
-payments between July 6 and November 18, 1530, a sufficiently modest sum
-for five months’ work, which included at least two large wall-paintings;
-but, nevertheless, better pay than he had gained for his earlier
-frescoes in the same room, for the original arrangement was that he
-should decorate the whole chamber for the sum of 120 gulden, and for
-that sum he had covered all but the “back wall” with large pictures.
-
-The new subjects, which may have been selected in 1521, when the work
-was first begun, were “Rehoboam rebuking the Elders of Israel,” and “The
-Meeting of Samuel and Saul.” A third subject, “Hezekiah ordering the
-Idols to be broken in pieces,” was probably only one of the single
-figures which were placed between the larger compositions. Unlike the
-earlier wall-paintings, of which the subjects were taken from classical
-antiquity, the ones upon which Holbein was now occupied were drawn from
-the Old Testament, and were selected for the purpose of setting forth
-the evil effects of bad government and the punishment which follows the
-obstinacy of rulers who oppose their will to the will of God. The
-“Hezekiah”[788] was chosen, no doubt, as an apt illustration of the
-wisdom of obeying the commands of God in the sweeping away of all false
-idols and images, as exemplified in the iconoclastic outbreaks in Basel
-itself in the previous year, the painting of which Holbein must have
-undertaken with mixed feelings.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 92.
-
-
-[Illustration]
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  “KING REHOBOAM REBUKING THE ELDERS”
-  Three fragments of the wall-painting formerly in the Basel Town Hall
-  1530
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 93.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  REHOBOAM REBUKING THE ELDERS OF ISRAEL
-  Study for the wall-painting in the Basel Town Hall, 1530
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-Two fine preliminary designs for the “Rehoboam” and the “Samuel and
-Saul” form part of the Amerbach Collection, drawings which may have been
-made as early as 1521. Among the few fragments of the original
-wall-paintings preserved in the Basel Gallery, there are two showing the
-head and the raised hand with pointing little finger of Rehoboam (No.
-328) (Pl. 92 (3)),[789] the head being drawn in profile, whereas in the
-study it is full face, indicating a change in the design when carried
-out on the wall. In the centre of the composition, as shown in the
-drawing (Pl. 93),[790] King Rehoboam, seated upon a lofty throne beneath
-a rich canopy backed by a curtain decorated with a fleur-de-lys device,
-bends forward, his left hand stretched before him in vehement action,
-with little finger extended towards the group of Israelitish elders
-standing below him, some of whom turn away in despair. With his right
-hand he points to a scourge held by an attendant on the left. The moment
-depicted is when he cries out in a rage: “My little finger shall be
-thicker than my father’s loins; my father hath chastised you with whips,
-but I will chastise you with scorpions.” Behind the throne, within the
-rails enclosing a large vaulted chamber in the Renaissance style, are a
-number of figures, on the one side the older councillors who had served
-his father, Solomon, whose advice he neglected, and on the other the
-younger courtiers whose bad counsel he followed. On the right of the
-composition is a glimpse of a hilly landscape, with the Crowning of
-Jeroboam by the revolted tribes in the middle distance. The drawing is
-washed in Indian ink, with touches of colour in the sky, in the circular
-openings at the back of the hall, in the landscape, the faces of the
-figures, and the rails and the floor. The story is told very simply and
-clearly, but with considerable dramatic force, such as would make an
-instant appeal to those for whom the lesson it contained was intended.
-The figures are rather short and stumpy, a fault to be noticed in many
-of Holbein’s earlier designs for books, wall-paintings, and painted
-glass; but the composition is a dignified one, and the large painting
-based upon it must have been a noble work. As stated above, the
-fragments of the original painting which have been preserved show that
-Holbein deviated from the sketch in essential points. The head of
-Rehoboam, which is a masterpiece of strong expression, is seen in sharp
-profile. There are also in the same Gallery two fragments containing
-groups of heads of the Israelite Messengers (No. 329) (Pl. 92 (1 and
-2)).[791] Traces of gold are still visible on these remains of the
-original work, showing that Holbein made use of gilding in
-wall-paintings as well as in portraits.
-
-[Sidenote: “THE MEETING OF SAMUEL AND SAUL”]
-
-The wall-painting of “Samuel and Saul” was the largest of all the
-decorations in the Council Chamber, and that it was painted side by side
-with the “Rehoboam” on the only wall in the room unbroken by door or
-window is evident from the fact that in the sketches the same dividing
-column appears in both. It was probably about 7 or 8 feet high by 16 or
-17 feet long, and if the same proportion was preserved in both designs,
-the “Rehoboam” must have been about 13 feet long. The moment chosen for
-representation is the return of Saul from his conquest of the
-Amalekites, and his meeting with the Prophet Samuel. Instead of obeying
-the command of God, and destroying men, women, children, and flocks, he
-has spared them, and carried them and much spoil away with him. Samuel
-has come forth in anger, and Saul, perceiving him, has dismounted, and
-advances to meet him bent in reverence. The prophet heaps reproaches
-upon him. “Hath the Lord as great delight in burnt offerings and
-sacrifices as in obeying the voice of the Lord? Because thou hast
-rejected the word of the Lord, He hath also rejected thee from being
-king.” The right half of the composition is crowded with foot-soldiers
-and horsemen, wearing Roman helmets, among whom the conquered King Agag
-is borne captive. In the distance are seen the captured herds and
-flocks, and the burning villages on the hillsides. The composition is a
-finely-balanced one, and the noble, menacing figure of the Prophet is
-well contrasted with the cringing figure of the King, conscious, now
-that the flush of victory is passing, that he has failed to fulfil the
-sacred commands. The army behind him is most effectively grouped, and
-the soldiers’ lances, seen darkly against the sky, produce much the same
-effect of grandeur and of numbers as in Velazquez’s great picture. In
-the left upper corner is a long white tablet—no doubt in the finished
-painting it was shown hanging from the painted framework surrounding the
-picture—on which the Latin text, quoted by Tonjola, was inscribed.
-
-The sketch (No. 347) (Pl. 94)[792] has been slightly washed with colour,
-blue in the sky, the stream in the middle distance, the trees, and the
-hills, and brown over the landscape, which combines with the blue to
-produce green in the trees and hillsides, while the flames from the
-burning villages are bright red. The figures are drawn in brown and
-shaded with a wash of cool grey. It is not possible from this, however,
-to gain much idea of the actual colouring of the wall-painting, but,
-from the darting flames and the volumes of heavy smoke rolling across
-the sky and blotting out a part of the landscape, it is possible that
-the general effect attempted was one of strong contrasts of chiaroscuro,
-such as are to be seen in the Basel Passion picture. Still, the sketch,
-small as it is, affords ample evidence of the greatness of Holbein’s
-power of design in large compositions crowded with figures, and
-emphasizes the seriousness of the loss suffered through the destruction
-of the whole of his wall-paintings and larger decorative works.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 94.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  SAMUEL AND SAUL
-  Study for the wall-painting in the Basel Town Hall
-  _Pen drawing in brown touched with water-colour_
-  BASEL GALLERY
-]
-
-Beyond the Town Hall frescoes, little remains to show in what manner he
-was employed during the remainder of his stay in Basel. There is a fine
-design for a dagger-sheath, richly decorated with Renaissance ornament,
-in the Basel Gallery, dated 1529 (Pl. 45 (1), Vol. ii.);[793] but this
-is the only work of the kind that can be given definitely to this
-period, though possibly some of the other designs for dagger-sheaths and
-bands of ornament in the Basel Gallery, described in a later
-chapter,[794] were made during these years. He also produced a number of
-designs for woodcuts, among them a series of illustrations for the
-_Cosmography_ and several astronomical works by Sebastian Münster of
-Munich, published by Heinrich Petri. Münster was in Basel in the autumn
-of 1529, and it is possible, so Dr. Ganz suggests,[795] that his
-fellow-townsman, Niklaus Kratzer, whose portrait Holbein had so recently
-painted, drew his attention to the artist’s skill in the delineation of
-scientific and mathematical instruments, such as Münster required for
-the illustration of his books. In this way, no doubt, the author and the
-artist came into personal contact. Holbein drew for him a number of fine
-designs, such as figures representing the signs of the Zodiac, drawings
-of sun-dials, and a variety of mathematical and astronomical
-instruments, and a great astronomical table, first published in 1534,
-but starting from the year 1530, with ornamental accessories and
-representations of the four seasons, a work of great beauty.[796]
-
-He also painted a new portrait of Erasmus, most probably in Freiburg,
-for the portrait at Parma, which is one of the best of various almost
-contemporary copies, is dated 1530. The small circular picture in the
-Basel Gallery is very possibly the original study painted directly from
-the sitter. These portraits and the roundel of Melanchthon in the
-Provinzial Museum at Hanover, which is probably of the same period, have
-been described in a previous chapter.[797]
-
-[Sidenote: REPAINTING OF RHINE GATE CLOCK]
-
-There is only one other record to show that he received any further
-employment from the civic authorities after the completion of the Town
-Hall paintings. On October 7, 1531, he was paid “17 pfund 10 schilling,”
-or fourteen gulden, for repainting the two clocks on the Rhine Gate
-(“von beden Uren am Rinthor zemalen”).[798] This commission was for
-renovating the two faces of the old clock, which was decorated with the
-grotesque figure of the “Lallenkönig,” with distorted countenance
-stretching out his tongue towards Little Basel. This undertaking seems
-very paltry after the big decorative works upon which he had been
-occupied twelve months earlier, but was apparently all that the
-authorities had to give. It is an exaggeration, however, to speak of it,
-as some writers do, as contemptible work for an artist of his standing.
-Mrs. Fortescue says of it: “As soon as Holbein got his pay for this
-disgraceful commission—a pay he was now much too hard pressed to
-refuse—he quietly slipped away from Basel without taking the Council
-into his confidence.”[799] To Holbein, who by no means regarded himself
-as a portrait-painter only, but to whom all decorative work, however
-large or however small, was equally an occasion for giving of the best
-that was in him, the ornamentation of a clock face would in no ways
-appear to be work in any way disgraceful or beneath him; nor is there
-the slightest evidence to show that he ran away from Basel like a thief
-in the night. Throughout his life, indeed, his methods were orderly, and
-such as became a citizen and guildsman of his adopted town. He must,
-nevertheless, have suffered many anxieties, for times were unpropitious
-in Basel, and offered few opportunities for the remunerative practice of
-the fine arts.
-
-Both in 1529 and 1530 great scarcity prevailed. The religious
-excitement, too, grew in strength, and the Protestant persecutions
-became as severe as the papal ones which had preceded them. Holbein
-himself fell under suspicion. On June 18, 1530, just when he was
-beginning to work on the Town Hall frescoes, he was called upon,
-together with a number of other citizens, to justify himself for not
-having taken part in the Communion instituted in the Basel churches
-after the abolition of the Catholic ritual in 1529. He gave as an answer
-that he demanded, before approaching the Lord’s Table, that the
-signification of the holy mystery should be better explained to him. It
-appears that the information given to him was sufficient to satisfy his
-conscience, as he did not persist in his refusal. His friend, Bonifacius
-Amerbach, was more obdurate, and so had the ban passed upon him.
-
-In 1531 open war broke out between the different cantons, through stress
-of religious differences. This was possibly the last straw in Holbein’s
-case. Work growing daily more difficult to obtain, his thoughts would
-naturally turn to the happier fields for his genius which England
-afforded, and he determined to return there. The exact date of his
-departure is unknown, but it must have been towards the end of 1531 or
-in the early spring of 1532; perhaps the latter date is the more
-probable of the two, as the journey, in the way in which he would be
-forced to make it, would be an unpleasant, if not a difficult, one in
-winter.[800]
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                       POSTSCRIPT TO CHAPTER XIV
-
-         A NEWLY DISCOVERED PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY
-
-THE discovery of a new portrait by Holbein must always be a matter of
-the highest interest to students of the master’s art, and when the panel
-so discovered is one in practically faultless condition and of
-exceptional attraction, its importance as an addition to the list of the
-painter’s works cannot be easily exaggerated. It is pleasant, therefore,
-to have to record the fact that such a portrait was brought to light for
-the first time during the present year (1913). The portrait in question
-formed part of a collection of pictures and engravings removed from
-Rotherwas House, near Hereford, the seat of the Bodenham family, early
-in the year, the greater number of which were sold by auction in London
-last February. The Holbein picture, however, was first heard of at a
-sale at Messrs. Puttick and Simpson’s rooms in Leicester Square on April
-8th. It was in a very dirty state, and its beauty was almost entirely
-obscured by a thick coat of dark varnish, with which it had been covered
-some two centuries or more ago. It had also two slight abrasions above
-and below the right eye. Across the left sleeve was painted in white, in
-late eighteenth-century lettering, the inscription “Margaret Tudor,
-Queen of Scotland.” This attribution, however, was changed by the
-compilers of the sale catalogue to “Mary, Queen of Scots,” and it was
-described as by an unknown artist of the early English School. The
-bidding for this picture started at £10, and it was finally acquired for
-340 guineas by Mr. Ayerst H. Buttery.
-
-Upon careful cleaning the false inscription at once came away, and after
-the removal of the varnish the picture was found to be, as already
-stated, in a practically faultless condition—except for the two small
-abrasions—and in the original state in which it was left by the artist,
-thanks, no doubt, to the varnishing process it had undergone. It is
-unsigned, and has no inscription giving the name and age of the sitter,
-but in spite of this it is difficult to doubt its authorship. Holbein
-was the only painter then in England who possessed so fine a technique.
-It has been carefully examined by several leading authorities on the
-painter, among them Dr. Friedländer, of the Kaiser Friedrich Museum,
-Berlin, and all are agreed that it is a splendid example of Holbein. A
-detailed description of it, with several suggestions toward the solution
-of the identity of the sitter, was first published by Mr. Maurice W.
-Brockwell, in the _Morning Post_ of June 28, 1913.
-
-
-                           VOL. I., PLATE 95.
-
-
-[Illustration:
-
-  PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY
-  (Formerly in the possession of the Bodenham family, Rotherwas Hall,
-    Hereford)
-  _Reproduced by kind permission of Mr. Ayerst H. Buttery_
-]
-
-It is on panel, 31 inches high by 23½ inches wide (Pl. 95). The lady is
-shown full face, and almost three-quarters length, holding with both
-hands a very small open prayer-book or breviary, which is attached to a
-ribbon round her waist by a plain chain. The dress is of deep maroon
-satin, with the upper part of the bodice of black velvet. The latter is
-open at the throat, the points of the collar being turned back, showing
-the white lining. This style of collar occurs very rarely in Holbein’s
-pictures, and is to be seen in only two others of his finished portraits
-of ladies—those of Catherine Howard and Lady Butts. In these two,
-however, the “revers” are quite plain, whereas in Mr. Buttery’s picture
-they are richly embroidered in black with a floral design, suggesting
-carnations, conventionally treated, while round the edge runs a narrow
-border with a row of conventionalised flowers of a somewhat similar
-pattern, which occurs again on the white ruffs at her wrists. Her long
-and thin arms are encased in tightly fitting sleeves, terminating in the
-then fashionable “hanging” or “over” sleeves, partly of black velvet,
-which are exceptionally full and heavy, with slashings filled in with
-white silk embroidered in black with a design suggesting acorns arranged
-in groups of four. The skirt, or petticoat, of which little can be seen,
-shows an elaborate floral pattern. The lady wears no rings, but has a
-plain gold chain wound twice round her neck. The collar of the bodice is
-fastened together by a small brooch or pin set with a dark “table”
-stone, from which is suspended a circular medallion or pendant of gold
-and enamel, with the figure of a lady in a red dress, seated in a
-high-backed chair, and playing a lute or viol. Above this figure is a
-scroll with the legend, “Praise the Lord for evermore.” The whole is
-enclosed within a border of scroll-work, with a grotesque head in white
-enamel on either side, green leaves at the bottom and a red rose at the
-top. The head-dress is of the curved shape introduced from Paris, and
-not the more customary angular English hood. It has two bands of
-elaborately wrought goldsmith’s work, and is filled in with cerise-red
-satin, which makes a very beautiful colour contrast with the plain
-blue-green background, against which the head is so effectively placed.
-The arrangement of the fair hair, such of it as can be seen, is both
-unusual and attractive, being parted in the centre, while on either side
-bands, of slightly lighter colour than the rest, are brought forward
-over the ears, which are completely hidden. Individual golden hairs are
-indicated against the dark background, and both hair and head-dress have
-been rendered with all Holbein’s minute and loving care and dexterity of
-draughtsmanship.
-
-The face is a most expressive one. Both the mouth and the grey,
-contemplative eyes are full of character, suggested in the most subtle
-manner and with unerring brushwork. The modelling of the flesh is of
-extraordinary delicacy. The lady, whoever she may be, though not perhaps
-strictly beautiful has considerable pretensions to good looks, and her
-whole personality, indeed, is one of great charm. The colour-scheme,
-too, is one of exceptional attraction. The contrast between the
-sombre-coloured garments with glinting lights upon them, and the pale
-and pearl-like face, standing out against the blue-green of the
-background, is most harmonious, and the band of red in the head-dress
-adds to and sets off the delicate blondness of her features. Another
-point to be noted is the skill with which the slight ripples in the
-plainly-cut bodice and upper sleeves have been indicated, as well as the
-little inequalities and furrows in the satin of the head-dress, where
-the material has slightly puckered at the edge by which it is fastened
-to the ornamental bands. The portrait, indeed, is one of the most
-beautiful and attractive ever produced by the painter.
-
-Little or nothing is known of the history of this picture, and at
-present the identity of the sitter has not been established. The ancient
-family of Bodenham was settled at Rotherwas long before Henry VIII came
-to the throne. It was the recent death of Mr. Charles Bodenham, the last
-direct descendant of this family, which brought about the sale of the
-estate together with the family mansion and the whole of its contents.
-“The entire property,” says Mr. Brockwell, “seems to have been first
-purchased by a firm at a south coast watering-place, who being in no
-special way attracted by the æsthetic and financial value of the
-contents of the house, without much ado proceeded to pass them on to a
-well-known trading firm in Hereford. Fifty-three pictures and
-thirty-five engravings were disposed of at the end of February last by
-auction in London. Before that time, it is understood, a picture”—the
-picture now in question—“had been, for sentimental reasons, offered for
-£15 to distant connections of the Bodenham family, an offer that was not
-accepted, and it was ultimately put up for sale at Messrs. Puttick and
-Simpson’s.” The Tudor panelling of the house was sold for a great sum of
-money to an American collector.
-
-Thomas Bodenham was one of the leading gentlemen of Herefordshire during
-Henry VIII’s reign. His name occurs frequently on lists of sheriffs,
-magistrates, gaol deliveries, and the like, in his own county, but
-otherwise there is no mention of him in the _Calendars of Letters and
-Papers_, and he does not appear to have been attached to the Court. It
-is not, therefore, very probable that the portrait represents his wife
-or daughter, though this would provide the most natural solution of the
-sitter’s identity. Most critics who have seen the picture are decidedly
-of the opinion that it was produced during Holbein’s first visit to
-England, in 1526-8, an opinion based largely on the painting of the
-hands, undoubtedly the least satisfactory part of the panel. They are
-hard and stiff in the modelling, and have none of the expressiveness
-which is so marked a characteristic of Holbein’s painting of hands
-during the last ten or twelve years of his life. In some other respects
-the picture shows qualities which would seem to place it some years
-later in the painter’s career, towards the beginning of his second and
-longer residence in this country. One feature which may possibly
-indicate a later date than 1527 is the dress, and more particularly the
-French hood. It is true that instances are known of the wearing of this
-head-dress in England as early as 1527, but at that time its use seems
-to have been confined to a few ladies of the highest aristocracy about
-the Court. The angular hood with its long black fall was then the almost
-universal headgear, and remained so for some years longer. The fashion
-of the latter, and the method of wearing it, can be well seen in
-Holbein’s costume study of a lady in the British Museum. (No. 11 in Mr.
-Binyon’s Catalogue. Not in Woltmann. Reproduced by Ganz in _Die
-Handzeichnungen von Hans Holbeins des Jüngeren_, x. 4.) This drawing
-consists of two whole-length studies on one sheet. In one of them the
-lady stands turned three-quarters to the left, her hands in front of
-her, holding a rosary; in the other she is seen more from the back, the
-left hand raised and pointing. It is in Indian ink and brush outline,
-partly washed with Indian ink, and the flesh tints in red. It is signed
-twice, “H. H.” and “H. H. B,” but these signatures are false. An
-excellent idea of the costume of the period and of the method by which
-the fall was attached to the hood can be gained from this effective
-drawing, which was formerly in the Malcolm and Lawrence collections.
-
-The lady of the picture appears to be about twenty-two or twenty-three
-years of age, and it is, of course, quite impossible that she can be
-Margaret Tudor, whose features are well known, and who was nearly forty
-in 1527, while Mary, Queen of Scots, born in 1542, is still more
-impossible. The “French Queen,” Mary Tudor, the King’s second sister,
-was born in 1498, and so was twenty-nine in 1527; but here again several
-authentic portraits of her exist, and these bear little or no
-resemblance to Mr. Buttery’s lady. It must be remembered, too, that all
-evidence points to the fact that Holbein had no connection with the
-Court during his first visit to England. It is very probable that the
-luting figure on the medallion is intended to represent St. Cecilia, and
-that the sitter, as Mr. Brockwell points out, was named after her. This
-suggested to him that it might be a portrait of Sir Thomas More’s second
-daughter, Cecilia Heron, who was twenty years of age in 1527 when the
-More Family Group was painted; but this theory had to be abandoned, for
-there is little or no likeness between the lady of the picture and the
-head of Cecilia in the Windsor collection. It is probable that
-medallions with a figure of St. Cecilia were by no means uncommon at
-that time. Two of them are mentioned in lists of jewels belonging to the
-Crown at the period in question. These lists will be found in the
-_Calendars of Letters and Papers._ Among the entries in the first list,
-dated 1528 (_C. L. P._, vol. iv. pt. ii. 5114) are the following:—“A
-brooch with a gentlewoman luting, with a scripture above it,” and “a
-gentlewoman, holding a leyer in her hand, silver-gilt (delivered to Mr.
-Wyat).” In the second list, dated 1530 (_C. L. P._, vol. iv. pt. iii.
-6789), which appears to be a copy of the first, the same entries occur
-with slight differences:—“A brooch with a gentlewoman luting, and a
-scripture about it,” and “_Images._ A gentlewoman, holding a layer in
-her hands, silver-gilt (Mr. Wyat).” There are not, however, sufficient
-grounds for suggesting that the lady in question is wearing one of these
-particular royal jewels, and that, therefore, she was closely connected
-with the King, or even a member of Sir Thomas Wyat’s family, though the
-richness and elaborateness of the dress and the exceptionally fine
-embroidery seem to indicate a personage of high quality. It is to be
-hoped that further researches will solve the mystery of this fair
-unknown. In the meanwhile, the portrait provides a very notable and
-welcome addition to the tale of the master’s work, and one not easily
-surpassed by any other among his portraits of ladies. Thanks to the
-great kindness of Mr. Buttery the picture is reproduced here.
-
-
-                             END OF VOL. I.
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
-                               FOOTNOTES
-
-
------
-
-Footnote 1:
-
-  Anton Werner, _Der Sammler_, No. 143, 1907.
-
-Footnote 2:
-
-  Anton Werner, _Der Sammler_, No. 143, 1907.
-
-Footnote 3:
-
-  Entries in the Augsburg Bürgerbuch and Steuerbücher.
-
-Footnote 4:
-
-  See Glaser, _Hans Holbein der Ältere_, p. 171.
-
-Footnote 5:
-
-  _Katalog der Œffentlichen Kunstsammlung in Basel_, 1908, p. 66.
-
-Footnote 6:
-
-  Woltmann, A. H., 20.
-
-Footnote 7:
-
-  Woltmann, A. H., 25.
-
-Footnote 8:
-
-  Woltmann, _Holbein und seine Zeit_, i. 67.
-
-Footnote 9:
-
-  See Willy Hes, _Ambrosius Holbein_, p. 149.
-
-Footnote 10:
-
-  Woltmann, 1-4. The first and third reproduced by Curt Glaser, _Hans
-  Holbein der Ältere_, Pl. ii.
-
-Footnote 11:
-
-  The “Death of Mary” in the Basel Gallery, formerly part of the Afra
-  altar-piece in the chapel of the Kaisheimer-Hofes in Augsburg, bears
-  an almost illegible date, which the Basel catalogue gives as 1490, but
-  is more probably 1495. See Curt Glaser, _Hans Holbein der Ältere_, p.
-  23, and Pl. iii.
-
-Footnote 12:
-
-  Woltmann, 5. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. v.; Davies (central part), p.
-  4.
-
-Footnote 13:
-
-  Or Rehlingen.
-
-Footnote 14:
-
-  Woltmann, 6. See Glaser, p. 36.
-
-Footnote 15:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 49. First cited by Hassler in _Verhandlungen des Vereins
-  für Kunst und Altertum in Ulm und Oberschwaben_, ix. and x., 1855, p.
-  79.
-
-Footnote 16:
-
-  Woltmann, 207-210. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xii.
-
-Footnote 17:
-
-  Three of them reproduced by Glaser, Pls. x. and xi.
-
-Footnote 18:
-
-  Woltmann, 238-253. Ten of the panels reproduced by Glaser, Pls.
-  xiv.-xix.
-
-Footnote 19:
-
-  Woltmann, 7. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xxii.
-
-Footnote 20:
-
-  Woltmann, 8. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xxvi.; Davies (left-hand panel
-  only), p. 12.
-
-Footnote 21:
-
-  Glaser, 230. Woltmann, 277. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. i.
-
-Footnote 22:
-
-  Glaser, 218 and 153. Woltmann, 160 and 170. The first reproduced by W.
-  Hes (_Ambrosius Holbein_), Pl. i. (2), and by Woltmann and Frisch in
-  _Hans Holbein des Ä. Silberstiftzeich. im Berlin_, Pl. 64; the second
-  by Glaser, Pl. xxxvii.; Davies, p. 1; Woltmann, vol. i., frontispiece;
-  and elsewhere.
-
-Footnote 23:
-
-  Glaser, 233. Reproduced by Davies, p. 14.
-
-Footnote 24:
-
-  Davies, p. 16.
-
-Footnote 25:
-
-  For details of these payments, taken from the account books St.
-  Moritz, see Woltmann, ii. p. 30.
-
-Footnote 26:
-
-  Woltmann, i. pp. 96-97, ii. 31. (Extracts from the Augsburger
-  Gerichtsbücher.)
-
-Footnote 27:
-
-  The altar-piece of 1512 for the Convent of St. Catherine is referred
-  to in the next chapter. See pp. 23-5.
-
-Footnote 28:
-
-  Woltmann, 254-258. Central panel and inner sides of shutters
-  reproduced by Glaser, Pls. xxx., xxxi.; the latter reproduced by
-  Davies, p. 22; outer sides of shutters by Woltmann, vol. i. pp. 88,
-  89.
-
-Footnote 29:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 95.
-
-Footnote 30:
-
-  Woltmann, vol. ii. p. 132, not numbered; reproduced by Glaser, Pls.
-  xxxii., xxxiii.; A. Seeman, in _Zeitschr. f. bild. Kunst_, xiv. p.
-  197, 1903 (in colour); Arundel Club, 1907, Pl. 4.
-
-Footnote 31:
-
-  See note at end of this chapter.
-
-Footnote 32:
-
-  Raczynski, _Les Arts en Portugal_, 1846, p. 295.
-
-Footnote 33:
-
-  Glaser, p. 100; Reber, in _Kunstchronik_, xiv. p. 493, 1903.
-
-Footnote 34:
-
-  Glaser, p. 105.
-
-Footnote 35:
-
-  W., 41, 127-31, 279. G., 104-10.
-
-Footnote 36:
-
-  W., 131-2, 226, 279-80. G., 109-14.
-
-Footnote 37:
-
-  W., 109. G., 133.
-
-Footnote 38:
-
-  W., 110. G., 134.
-
-Footnote 39:
-
-  W., 117-18, 224. G., 137-9.
-
-Footnote 40:
-
-  W., 119. G., 140.
-
-Footnote 41:
-
-  W., 120. G., 141.
-
-Footnote 42:
-
-  W., 121. G., 142.
-
-Footnote 43:
-
-  W., 122. G., 143.
-
-Footnote 44:
-
-  W., 149. G., 172.
-
-Footnote 45:
-
-  W., 148. G., 169.
-
-Footnote 46:
-
-  W., 143. G., 164.
-
-Footnote 47:
-
-  W., 141-2. G., 165-6.
-
-Footnote 48:
-
-  W., 111-12. G., 135-6.
-
-Footnote 49:
-
-  W., 153-4. G., 156-7.
-
-Footnote 50:
-
-  W., 231. G., 154.
-
-Footnote 51:
-
-  W., 34. G., 170.
-
-Footnote 52:
-
-  W., 145-6. G., 167-8.
-
-Footnote 53:
-
-  W., 155-7. G., 209-11.
-
-Footnote 54:
-
-  W., 159. G., 213.
-
-Footnote 55:
-
-  W., 133-4. G., 115-17.
-
-Footnote 56:
-
-  W., 124-5, 225. G., 100-2.
-
-Footnote 57:
-
-  W., 126. G., 103.
-
-Footnote 58:
-
-  W., 108. G., 151-2. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xxxvi.
-
-Footnote 59:
-
-  Woltmann, 284.
-
-Footnote 60:
-
-  Glaser, p. 133.
-
-Footnote 61:
-
-  _Burlington Magazine_, October 1908, pp. 37-43.
-
-Footnote 62:
-
-  Berlin, 2558. Glaser, 216. Woltmann, 158.
-
-Footnote 63:
-
-  The portrait and both drawings reproduced by Mr. Dodgson in his
-  article; and the portrait in the _Illustrated Catalogue of the
-  Burlington Fine Arts Club Exhibition_, 1906, Pl. xxxi.
-
-Footnote 64:
-
-  In May of the present year (1913) the “Fountain of Life” picture was
-  removed from the Palacio das Necessidades to the Museu Nacional de
-  Arte Antiga in Lisbon.
-
-Footnote 65:
-
-  See page 254.
-
-Footnote 66:
-
-  Published in 1868.
-
-Footnote 67:
-
-  Woltmann, i. p. 101.
-
-Footnote 68:
-
-  Woltmann, 14-17.
-
-Footnote 69:
-
-  Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xxix.
-
-Footnote 70:
-
-  Glaser, p. 85.
-
-Footnote 71:
-
-  Reproduced by Davies, p. 16.
-
-Footnote 72:
-
-  This band of ornament, which is different in each panel, recalls the
-  very similar scroll-work by the younger Hans used in the upper part of
-  the organ shutters at one time in the cathedral church of Basel.
-
-Footnote 73:
-
-  “IVSSV. VENER. PIENTQVE MATRIS VERONI . . W . . . E. H. HOLBAIN IN
-  AVG. ÆT. SVÆ XVII.” Wornum, p. 88. Woltmann, ii. p. 4.
-
-Footnote 74:
-
-  _Kunstwerke und Künstler in Deutschland_, 1845.
-
-Footnote 75:
-
-  Already mentioned, see p. 11. Glaser, 153. Woltmann, 107.
-
-Footnote 76:
-
-  See page 5.
-
-Footnote 77:
-
-  See Hes, p. 12, and footnote giving Woltmann’s various surmises as to
-  the date and figures inscribed on the drawing.
-
-Footnote 78:
-
-  Woltmann, 160. Glaser, 218. Reproduced by Woltmann, _H. H. des Ä.
-  Silberstiftzeichnungen_, &c., Pl. lxiv.; Hes, Pl. i.
-
-Footnote 79:
-
-  Woltmann, 43. Glaser, 203. Reproduced by His in his publication of the
-  elder Holbein’s drawings, Pl. lxxiv.; Hes, Pl. iii.
-
-Footnote 80:
-
-  Woltmann, 58. Glaser, 265. Reproduced by His, Pl. lvii.; Hes, Pl. iv.
-
-Footnote 81:
-
-  Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xiii.; Hes, Pl. v.
-
-Footnote 82:
-
-  Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xvii.
-
-Footnote 83:
-
-  See Hes, p. 15.
-
-Footnote 84:
-
-  Parthey, No. 1418.
-
-Footnote 85:
-
-  Or possibly from such miniatures as those in the Duke of Buccleuch’s
-  collection. See vol. ii. pp. 230-1.
-
-Footnote 86:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 477. Dr. Paul Ganz suggests that one of these portraits
-  may have been the small roundel belonging to Lord Spencer,
-  traditionally known as a portrait of Holbein, but considered by him to
-  represent the jeweller, Hans of Antwerp. See Ganz, _Holbein_
-  (Klassiker der Kunst), p. 253. This large miniature is described more
-  fully in vol. ii. pp. 14-15.
-
-Footnote 87:
-
-  Walpole, _Anecdotes_, ed. Wornum, 1888, i. p. 93.
-
-Footnote 88:
-
-  See vol. ii. pp. 230-1.
-
-Footnote 89:
-
-  This small roundel is now considered to be a portrait of Hans of
-  Antwerp. See vol. ii. p. 14.
-
-Footnote 90:
-
-  Davies, p. 14.
-
-Footnote 91:
-
-  Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to i. 10.
-
-Footnote 92:
-
-  His name does not appear in the Augsburg rate-books after 1509, and
-  after 1512, the date on one of his brother’s portrait-studies of him,
-  no further trace of him is to be found in his native city.
-
-Footnote 93:
-
-  Reproduced by Davies, p. 33; Knackfuss, fig. 1; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 3.
-
-Footnote 94:
-
-  Woltmann, 359.
-
-Footnote 95:
-
-  S. Vögelin, “Ein wiedergefundenes Meisterwerk Holbeins,” in
-  _Frankfurter Zeitung_, 1871 (Nos. 236-7, 244, 248), and _Der
-  Holbein-tisch auf der Stadtbibliothek in Zürich_, Wien, 1878.
-  Reproduced as a whole and in detail, together with a reconstruction,
-  by Ganz in _Holbein_ (_K. der K._) pp. 6-9.
-
-Footnote 96:
-
-  Woltmann, 7, 8. Reproduced by Knackfuss, figs. 2, 3; Ganz, _Holbein_,
-  pp. 19, 20.
-
-Footnote 97:
-
-  Woltmann, 168. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 4; and in outline by
-  Reinach, _Répertoire de Peintures_, i. p. 401 (as by H. H. the Elder).
-
-Footnote 98:
-
-  Reproduced by Reinach, _Répertoire_, i. p. 4.
-
-Footnote 99:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 5. Wrongly described in Reinach,
-  _Répertoire_, as “The Flagellation.”
-
-Footnote 100:
-
-  Dr. Willy Hes considers this portrait to be by Herbster himself. See
-  p. 60.
-
-Footnote 101:
-
-  Woltmann, 27. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 4; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 21.
-
-Footnote 102:
-
-  Woltmann, 24. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 22.
-
-Footnote 103:
-
-  Woltmann, 25. Reproduced by Davies, p. 38; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 23.
-
-Footnote 104:
-
-  Woltmann, 26. Reproduced by Davies, p. 40; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 25.
-
-Footnote 105:
-
-  Woltmann, 28. Reproduced by Davies, p. 42; Knackfuss, fig. 5; Ganz,
-  _Holbein_, p. 24.
-
-Footnote 106:
-
-  Davies, p. 40.
-
-Footnote 107:
-
-  Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 233.
-
-Footnote 108:
-
-  Woltmann, 51. Reproduced by Ganz, _Handzeichnungen Schweizerischer
-  Meister_, iii. 8; Knackfuss, fig. 66.
-
-Footnote 109:
-
-  See Appendix (A).
-
-Footnote 110:
-
-  Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 8.
-
-Footnote 111:
-
-  Woltmann, Woodcuts, 193. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 67.
-
-Footnote 112:
-
-  Woltmann, 234. Reproduced by Davies, p. 186; A. F. Butsch, _Die
-  Bücher-Ornamentik der Renaissance_, 1878, Pl. 41; Wornum, dedication
-  page.
-
-Footnote 113:
-
-  Woltmann, 111.
-
-Footnote 114:
-
-  This inscription, however, is now regarded as a rather doubtful one,
-  and it is possible that the book was never permanently in the
-  possession of Erasmus. See Hes, _Ambrosius Holbein_, pp. 83-94, where
-  the history of the book and the various theories as to its ownership
-  and the authorship of the drawings are very fully discussed.
-
-Footnote 115:
-
-  See Ganz, _Hdz. Schweiz. Mstr._, note to i. 52.
-
-Footnote 116:
-
-  Dr. Hes subjects the drawings to careful analysis, and gives a
-  complete list, together with the suggested authorship of each of them,
-  in _Ambrosius Holbein_, pp. 90-94 and 161-166.
-
-Footnote 117:
-
-  Twelve of them reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schweiz. Mstr._, i. 52; the
-  whole set by Mantz, but so badly engraved that they are of little
-  service for purposes of comparison; the whole of the drawings now
-  attributed to Ambrosius by Hes, Pls. xvi.-xx., and p. 139.
-
-Footnote 118:
-
-  Dr. Hes points out the similarity of this figure to that of the
-  schoolmistress in the “Schoolmaster’s Signboard,” and considers that
-  Ambrosius had a share in the painting of the latter. See _Ambrosius
-  Holbein_, p. 93.
-
-Footnote 119:
-
-  By Ambrosius Holbein.
-
-Footnote 120:
-
-  The name, however, was not written by Erasmus, but is a later
-  addition.
-
-Footnote 121:
-
-  Woltmann, under H. H. the Elder, 182. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 6;
-  Ganz, _Holbein_ (_K. der K._), p. 203; Hes, Pl. xxxiv.
-
-Footnote 122:
-
-  Dr. Hes regards this portrait as the work of Herbster himself. See
-  _Ambrosius Holbein_, p. 145.
-
-Footnote 123:
-
-  Woltmann, under H. H. the Elder, 106, but he afterwards attributed it
-  to the younger Hans. Reproduced by Ganz, _Handzeichnungen
-  Schweizerischer Meister_, &c., ii. 2; Hes, Pl. xxiv.
-
-Footnote 124:
-
-  Woltmann, 5, 6. Reproduced by Knackfuss, figs. 10, 11; Ganz, _Holbein_
-  (_K. der K._), pp. 10, 11.
-
-Footnote 125:
-
-  Woltmann, 11. Reproduced by Davies, pp. 44, 46; Knackfuss, figs. 14,
-  15; Ganz, _Holbein_, pp. 12, 13.
-
-Footnote 126:
-
-  On the back of the portrait of Meyer, Holbein painted, four years
-  later, the sitter’s coat of arms, surmounted by a scroll inscribed
-  “I.M. 1520.” (Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 30.) There is a good
-  old copy of the wife’s portrait in the collection of Mr. Ralph
-  Brocklebank, Haughton Hall, Tarporley, which was previously in the
-  William Graham collection; and a copy of both portraits in the Basel
-  Gallery, No. 350, from the Faesch collection.
-
-Footnote 127:
-
-  According to Stödtner, these portraits show the influence of
-  Burgkmair.
-
-Footnote 128:
-
-  Woltmann, 33, 34. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 18 and
-  iii. 7, and the “Meyer” in _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 2; the
-  “Dorothea” by Davies, p. 46; both by Knackfuss, figs. 12, 13.
-
-Footnote 129:
-
-  “—ogen schwarz—baret rot mosfarb—brauenn gelber dan das har—grusen wit
-  brauenn.”
-
-Footnote 130:
-
-  Woltmann, 9. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 16; Ganz, _Holbein_ (_K.
-  der K._) p. 14.
-
-Footnote 131:
-
-  Ganz, _Holbein_ (_K. der K._), p. 233.
-
-Footnote 132:
-
-  Reproduced by Law, _Royal Gallery of Hampton Court_, p. 154.
-
-Footnote 133:
-
-  This theory is held by Herr Th. von Liebenau. See his _H. H. des Jüng.
-  Fresken am Hertensteinhause zu Luzern_, &c., 1888.
-
-Footnote 134:
-
-  Woltmann, 16. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 52; Hes,
-  Pl. xxx.
-
-Footnote 135:
-
-  E. His, “Die Baseler Archive über H. H.,” in Zahn’s _Jahrbuch_, 1870,
-  p. 113. Woltmann, i. p. 135; Hes, p. 16.
-
-Footnote 136:
-
-  Woltmann, 5. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxxvi.
-
-Footnote 137:
-
-  Woltmann, Woodcuts, 18-21. See Hes, p. 23, who reproduces all four
-  woodcuts, Pls. xiv.-xv.
-
-Footnote 138:
-
-  Woltmann, 2, 3. No. 294 reproduced in the Basel Catalogue, 1908, and
-  both by Hes, Pl. xxxi., xxxii.
-
-Footnote 139:
-
-  Woltmann, 24. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxix.
-
-Footnote 140:
-
-  Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxviii.
-
-Footnote 141:
-
-  Woltmann, 23. See Hes, pp. 124-6. Reproduced by him, Pl. xxxiii.
-
-Footnote 142:
-
-  Woltmann, 1. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxiii.
-
-Footnote 143:
-
-  Woltmann, 4.
-
-Footnote 144:
-
-  Woltmann, under Hans the Younger, 203. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxxvii.;
-  Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 204.
-
-Footnote 145:
-
-  See Hes, pp. 144-6.
-
-Footnote 146:
-
-  Woltmann, 6. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 6; Hes, Pl.
-  xxvi.
-
-Footnote 147:
-
-  Woltmann, 7. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxvii.
-
-Footnote 148:
-
-  Woltmann, 8. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xvi.; Hes, Pl. xxv.
-
-Footnote 149:
-
-  Woltmann, 10. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 22;
-  Knackfuss, fig. 39; Hes, Pl. xxii.
-
-Footnote 150:
-
-  Woltmann, 22. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxxv.
-
-Footnote 151:
-
-  This picture was included in the Exposition de la Toison d’Or, Bruges,
-  1907, No. 130.
-
-Footnote 152:
-
-  Woltmann, Woodcuts, 7. Reproduced by Butsch, _Die Bücher-Ornamentik
-  der Renaissance_, Pl. 46; Hes, Pl. x.
-
-Footnote 153:
-
-  Woltmann, Woodcuts, 17.
-
-Footnote 154:
-
-  Woltmann, Woodcuts, 16.
-
-Footnote 155:
-
-  See Woltmann, ii. pp. 205-214; Hes, pp. 27-80, and Pls. vi.-xv.; also
-  Butsch.
-
-Footnote 156:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 39; Hes, Pl. xxi.
-
-Footnote 157:
-
-  See Hes, p. 148. Reproduced by Vasari Society, No. 17, Pt. i., 1905-6.
-
-Footnote 158:
-
-  Woltmann, 103. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 40; and in
-  _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 4; and _Holbein_, p. 154.
-
-Footnote 159:
-
-  Woltmann, 216.
-
-Footnote 160:
-
-  Woltmann, i. p. 143. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 16.
-
-Footnote 161:
-
-  Woltmann, 53. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 3; and in
-  _Holbein_, p. 154; the left-hand half by His, _Dessins d’Ornaments de
-  Hans Holbein_, Pl. ii.
-
-Footnote 162:
-
-  Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to ii. 3.
-
-Footnote 163:
-
-  For completer details, see Th. von Liebenau, _Hans Holbeins d. J.
-  Fresken am Hertenstein Hause in Luzern_, 1888; P. Ganz, “Hans Holbeins
-  Italienfahrt,” in _Süddeutsche Monatshefte_, 1909, vol. vi. p 596.
-
-Footnote 164:
-
-  Parthey, 1548. Woltmann, ii. p. 166, who doubts that the original was
-  by Holbein.
-
-Footnote 165:
-
-  Eight of them reproduced by Ganz, together with a reconstruction of
-  the façade by A. Landerer, in _Holbein_, pp. 153-158.
-
-Footnote 166:
-
-  Reproduced in the _Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of New York_,
-  vol. i. No. 12 (Nov. 1906); _Burlington Magazine_, Oct. 1906, p. 53;
-  Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 15.
-
-Footnote 167:
-
-  Woltmann, 58. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 41 (_a_).
-
-Footnote 168:
-
-  See _Süddeutsche Monatshefte_, 1909, p. 599.
-
-Footnote 169:
-
-  See pp. 140-3, 150, &c.
-
-Footnote 170:
-
-  Woltmann, 16. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 19; Ganz, _Holbein_, p.
-  55.
-
-Footnote 171:
-
-  See p. 40.
-
-Footnote 172:
-
-  According to Dr. Ganz, the architectural motives are derived from the
-  loggia of the Cathedral of Como. See _Holbein_, p. 236.
-
-Footnote 173:
-
-  See chapter vii.
-
-Footnote 174:
-
-  Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, notes to ii. 3, 51, iii. 9, 35; _Holbein_,
-  pp. xvi.-xviii.
-
-Footnote 175:
-
-  Woltmann, 83, who calls the figure St. Pantalus. Reproduced by Ganz,
-  _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 35.
-
-Footnote 176:
-
-  For further proofs, see Appendix (B).
-
-Footnote 177:
-
-  Gauthiez, _Holbein_, p. 52, and the same writer’s “Holbein sur la
-  route d’Italie,” in _Gazette des Beaux-Arts_, Dec. 1897, Feb. 1898.
-
-Footnote 178:
-
-  One is to be seen in the “Fountain of Youth” decoration for the
-  Hertenstein house.
-
-Footnote 179:
-
-  Woltmann, 29. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 53.
-
-Footnote 180:
-
-  Woltmann, 107. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 34.
-
-Footnote 181:
-
-  For two others, see Appendix (B).
-
-Footnote 182:
-
-  Woltmann, 99. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 10; and in
-  _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 5; Knackfuss, fig. 27.
-
-Footnote 183:
-
-  See Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 10.
-
-Footnote 184:
-
-  Reproduced by His, _Jahrbuch der Kgl. Preussischen Kunstsammlungen_,
-  1894, p. 208.
-
-Footnote 185:
-
-  Gauthiez, p. 56.
-
-Footnote 186:
-
-  _Index Operum Holbenii_, appendix to _Moriæ Encomium_, 1676, Nos.
-  47-51. Walpole, _Anecdotes_, ed. Wornum, p. 77.
-
-Footnote 187:
-
-  Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 187, and note upon it, p. 249, from which this
-  information is taken.
-
-Footnote 188:
-
-  Reproduced in _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 45, with note by Meyenburg.
-
-Footnote 189:
-
-  See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xviii.
-
-Footnote 190:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 145.
-
-Footnote 191:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xl.
-
-Footnote 192:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 145.
-
-Footnote 193:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 183.
-
-Footnote 194:
-
-  From Pantaleon, _Heldenbuch_, vol. iii.
-
-Footnote 195:
-
-  For an exhaustive account of the formation and history of the Amerbach
-  Collection, which contains transcripts from the earliest inventory,
-  prepared by Basilius Amerbach, down to the one drawn up when the
-  collection was taken over by the city, see _Die Entstehung des
-  Amerbach’schen Kunstkabinets und die Amerbach’schen Inventare_, by Dr.
-  Ganz and Dr. Emil Major, in the 59th annual report (1907) of the Basel
-  Gallery.
-
-Footnote 196:
-
-  Woltmann, 10. Reproduced by Davies, p. 60; Knackfuss, fig. 20; Ganz,
-  _Holbein_, p. 29.
-
-Footnote 197:
-
-  Wornum, _Holbein_, p. 117.
-
-Footnote 198:
-
-  See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xvi.
-
-Footnote 199:
-
-  See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xix.
-
-Footnote 200:
-
-  See p. 138.
-
-Footnote 201:
-
-  See Appendix (E).
-
-Footnote 202:
-
-  Ganz, _Holbein_, pp. 188-191.
-
-Footnote 203:
-
-  Woltmann, 155, 156. Reproduced by Knackfuss, figs. 58, 59; Ganz,
-  _Holbein_, pp. 56-59.
-
-Footnote 204:
-
-  There is considerable likeness between this group of the Infant Christ
-  and the boy angels surrounding him, and the one in the beautiful “Holy
-  Family” by Gaudenzio Ferrari at Dorchester House, more particularly in
-  the figure of the angel with small wings and close-fitting dress, who,
-  in Holbein’s picture, kneels in front of the Child with his back to
-  the spectator, and in the other is shown in profile, supporting him.
-  According to Miss Halsey (_Gaudenzio Ferrari_, p. 86), the Dorchester
-  House picture was “probably painted about 1521.”
-
-Footnote 205:
-
-  Knackfuss, p. 83.
-
-Footnote 206:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 178.
-
-Footnote 207:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 176. Wornum, p. 112 (quoting from Hegner, _Hans Holbein
-  d. J._ 1827, and Schreiber, _Geschichte des Münsters zu Freiburg_,
-  &c.).
-
-Footnote 208:
-
-  Woltmann, 20. Reproduced by Knackfuss, figs. 54, 55, and 56; Ganz,
-  _Holbein_, pp. 46-54; Mrs. Fortescue, Pl. 9.
-
-Footnote 209:
-
-  According to Peter Ochs, it was painted for the Council Chamber of the
-  Basel Town Hall. Boisserée (1829) was of opinion that the damaged
-  panel of “The Last Supper,” already described, originally formed the
-  central panel of this altar-piece.
-
-Footnote 210:
-
-  Sandrart, _Teutsche Akademie_, ii. p. 82.
-
-Footnote 211:
-
-  Wornum, pp. 68-71.
-
-Footnote 212:
-
-  That the restorer made changes, more particularly in the colour, can
-  be seen from two old copies of the “Betrayal” and the “Crucifixion”
-  subjects, now in the depot of the Basel Gallery, which indicate the
-  picture’s original state.
-
-Footnote 213:
-
-  Woltmann, Eng. trans., p. 128.
-
-Footnote 214:
-
-  See Ethel Halsey, _Gaudenzio Ferrari_, pp. 58, 69, &c.; Ganz,
-  _Holbein_, p. xxii., &c. The technique, also, closely resembles that
-  of the Milanese school, differing considerably from Holbein’s earlier
-  practice.
-
-Footnote 215:
-
-  Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 235.
-
-Footnote 216:
-
-  Reproduced by Ernest Law, _Holbein’s Pictures at Windsor Castle_, Pl.
-  x.; Davies, p. 98; Knackfuss, fig. 57; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 80.
-
-Footnote 217:
-
-  Knackfuss, p. 81.
-
-Footnote 218:
-
-  Davies, p. 98.
-
-Footnote 219:
-
-  _Holbein’s Pictures at Windsor Castle_, p. 32.
-
-Footnote 220:
-
-  Woltmann, 19. Reproduced by Davies, p. 76; Knackfuss, figs. 60, 61;
-  Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 45.
-
-Footnote 221:
-
-  See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 235.
-
-Footnote 222:
-
-  _Jahrbuch der preuss. Kunsts._, 1907, vol. 28.
-
-Footnote 223:
-
-   Woltmann, 62. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 51;
-  Knackfuss, fig. 65.
-
-Footnote 224:
-
-  _Ganz, Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to ii. 51. A photograph of the
-  sculptures on this doorway is reproduced by Dr. Ganz in his _Holbein_,
-  p. xix.
-
-Footnote 225:
-
-  Woltmann, 52. Reproduced by Davies, p. 224; Knackfuss, fig. 64.
-
-Footnote 226:
-
-  Woltmann, 172. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 6.
-
-Footnote 227:
-
-  See also Appendix (C).
-
-Footnote 228:
-
-  Woltmann, 14. Reproduced by Davies, p. vii.; Knackfuss, figs. 45 and
-  46; Ganz, _Holbein_, pp. 32, 33.
-
-Footnote 229:
-
-  Woltmann, vol. i. p. 174.
-
-Footnote 230:
-
-  Woltmann, 247. Reproduced by Davies, p. 80; Knackfuss, fig. 47; Ganz,
-  _Holbein_, p. 36.
-
-Footnote 231:
-
-  Or, according to some writers, St. Martin of Tours.
-
-Footnote 232:
-
-  _Holbein_, p. 234.
-
-Footnote 233:
-
-  See Ethel Halsey, _Gaudenzio Ferrari_, p. 42, and Ganz, _Holbein_, p.
-  234.
-
-Footnote 234:
-
-  First deciphered by Herr F. A. Zetter-Collin. The carpet itself
-  recalls more than one very similar carpet in Ferrari’s pictures,
-  though the latter are much finer in design; in a “Madonna and Child”
-  belonging to Sig. Vittadini at Arcorre, for instance, or the “Christ
-  before Herod” in the Varallo frescoes.
-
-Footnote 235:
-
-  See note to No. 91 in Basel Catalogue, 1908.
-
-Footnote 236:
-
-  “Ein nackend kindlin sitzt vf einer schlangen kompt von Holbeins
-  gemeld durch H. Bocken vf holtz mit olfarben mehrteil nachgemolt.”
-
-Footnote 237:
-
-  Woltmann, No. 173. Eng. by J. C. Loedel for Weigel’s _Hdz. berühmter
-  Meister._
-
-Footnote 238:
-
-  Woltmann, vol. i. p. 183.
-
-Footnote 239:
-
-  Woltmann, 161. Reproduced by Sir Claude Phillips, _The Picture Gallery
-  of Charles I_, _Portfolio_ monograph, 1896, p. 63; Ganz, _Holbein_, p.
-  60.
-
-Footnote 240:
-
-  See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 237.
-
-Footnote 241:
-
-  T. de Wyzewa, in a review of Dr. Ganz’ book, “À propos d’un Livre
-  nouveau sur Holbein le Jeune,” in _Revue des Deux Mondes_, January 15,
-  1912.
-
-Footnote 242:
-
-  Woltmann, 234. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 14;
-  Mantz, p. 45.
-
-Footnote 243:
-
-  In a woodcut by Lucas Cranach, representing Sibylla of Cleves, the
-  same motto is shown embroidered in pearls on her cap and collar. See
-  Campbell Dodgson, _Catalogue of Early German and Flemish Woodcuts, &c.
-  in the British Museum_, ii., p. 320.
-
-Footnote 244:
-
-  Davies, p. 83.
-
-Footnote 245:
-
-  Mrs. Fortescue, _Holbein_, p. 96.
-
-Footnote 246:
-
-  Amiet, _Hans Holbeins Madonna von Solothurn_, &c., 1879.
-
-Footnote 247:
-
-  See F. A. Zetter-Collin, “Die Zetter’sche Madonna von Solothurn,” in
-  _Festschrift des Kunst-Vereins der Stadt Solothurn_, 1902; and
-  _Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins_, New Series, vol. xi.
-  p. 442.
-
-Footnote 248:
-
-  Woltmann, _Holzschnittwerk H. H._, 217 and 218. Reproduced by
-  Knackfuss, fig. 40.
-
-Footnote 249:
-
-  See Woltmann, vol. i. p. 199.
-
-Footnote 250:
-
-  Woltmann, 169. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 48; Ganz, _Holbein_, p.
-  35; Woltmann (woodcut by Knaus), vol. i. p. 179.
-
-Footnote 251:
-
-  Woltmann, 170. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 49; Ganz, _Holbein_, p.
-  34.
-
-Footnote 252:
-
-  See page 79.
-
-Footnote 253:
-
-  Woltmann, p. 179.
-
-Footnote 254:
-
-  Davies, p. 99.
-
-Footnote 255:
-
-  Woltmann, 4. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, pp. 61-64.
-
-Footnote 256:
-
-  Quoted by Woltmann, vol. i., p. 175.
-
-Footnote 257:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xxvii.
-
-Footnote 258:
-
-  See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 237.
-
-Footnote 259:
-
-  Woltmann, 98. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii., 19, 20;
-  Davies, p. 74; Knackfuss, figs. 62, 63; His, _Desseins_, &c., viii.,
-  ix.
-
-Footnote 260:
-
-  See pp. 157-9.
-
-Footnote 261:
-
-  See Ganz, _Holbein_, pp. 246-7.
-
-Footnote 262:
-
-  _Theodori Zwingeri methodus apodemica_, 1577, p. 199—quoted by
-  Woltmann, i. 149.
-
-Footnote 263:
-
-  Woltmann, 118. Reproduced by Davies, p. 54; His, Pl. xxiv.; Ganz,
-  _Holbein_, p. 160.
-
-Footnote 264:
-
-  Woltmann, 94. Reproduced by him (woodcut), i. 151.
-
-Footnote 265:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 162.
-
-Footnote 266:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 161.
-
-Footnote 267:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 159.
-
-Footnote 268:
-
-  Woltmann, 48. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 10;
-  Knackfuss, fig. 41.
-
-Footnote 269:
-
-  Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, p. 26.
-
-Footnote 270:
-
-  Woltmann, 39. Reproduced by His, Pl. xxii. (i.).
-
-Footnote 271:
-
-  See pp. 68-9.
-
-Footnote 272:
-
-  Woltmann, 235, who regarded it as a genuine example of Holbein’s
-  earlier Basel period. Reproduced by His, Pls. xviii.-xx.
-
-Footnote 273:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 148-9.
-
-Footnote 274:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 153-4.
-
-Footnote 275:
-
-  See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 247.
-
-Footnote 276:
-
-  Quoted by Woltmann, i. 152.
-
-Footnote 277:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 159 (note), and Eng. trans., p. 173.
-
-Footnote 278:
-
-  _Basilea Sepulta_, p. 382.
-
-Footnote 279:
-
-  _Geschichte der Stadt und Landschaft Basel_, 1786-1822, vol. v. pp.
-  394-400.
-
-Footnote 280:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 165.
-
-Footnote 281:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 164.
-
-Footnote 282:
-
-  The head of Charondas was introduced into a glass painting by H. J.
-  Plepp in 1581. See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 247. A badly over-painted
-  fragment with the head from the wall itself is preserved in the Basel
-  Gallery.
-
-Footnote 283:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 167.
-
-Footnote 284:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 166.
-
-Footnote 285:
-
-  Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 247.
-
-Footnote 286:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 168.
-
-Footnote 287:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 31.
-
-Footnote 288:
-
-  Woltmann, i. p. 157.
-
-Footnote 289:
-
-  Woltmann, 47. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 13, and also
-  in _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. xi., and _Holbein._ 163.
-
-Footnote 290:
-
-  See Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to i. 13.
-
-Footnote 291:
-
-  See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 247.
-
-Footnote 292:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 171.
-
-Footnote 293:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 171.
-
-Footnote 294:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 169.
-
-Footnote 295:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 170.
-
-Footnote 296:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 170.
-
-Footnote 297:
-
-  See pp. 347-50.
-
-Footnote 298:
-
-  See Woltmann, i. p. 158 (note); Eng. trans., p. 172 (note).
-
-Footnote 299:
-
-  “Vnnd dwyl die hindere wand noch nit gmacht vnnd gemolet ist, vnnd er
-  vermeint an dysem das gelt verdient habenn, sol man dieselbig hindere
-  want bis vff wytherenn bescheit lossenn an ston.”—Der Dreyer Herren
-  Gedenkbüchlein. (Woltmann, i. 159.)
-
-Footnote 300:
-
-  See pp. 78-9, and Appendix (B).
-
-Footnote 301:
-
-  Woltmann, 82-89.
-
-Footnote 302:
-
-  Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 22; His, Pl. xvii.
-
-Footnote 303:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 35; His, Pl. xvi.
-
-Footnote 304:
-
-  See Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 35.
-
-Footnote 305:
-
-  Reproduced by Knackfuss, figs. 23, 24.
-
-Footnote 306:
-
-  Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 25.
-
-Footnote 307:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 8.
-
-Footnote 308:
-
-  Woltmann, 101. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 24.
-
-Footnote 309:
-
-  Woltmann, 93. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 9; His,
-  Pl. iii.
-
-Footnote 310:
-
-  Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 9.
-
-Footnote 311:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 49.
-
-Footnote 312:
-
-  See Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to ii. 49.
-
-Footnote 313:
-
-  See also Appendix (B).
-
-Footnote 314:
-
-  Woltmann, 92. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 36;
-  Knackfuss, fig. 37; His, Pl. i.
-
-Footnote 315:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 7.
-
-Footnote 316:
-
-  Woltmann, 119. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 36 (in colours); His, Pl.
-  xv.
-
-Footnote 317:
-
-  Woltmann, 96. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 35.
-
-Footnote 318:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 7.
-
-Footnote 319:
-
-  Appendix (B).
-
-Footnote 320:
-
-  Woltmann, 121.
-
-Footnote 321:
-
-  Woltmann, 49. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 24.
-
-Footnote 322:
-
-  _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 24.
-
-Footnote 323:
-
-  See Appendix (D).
-
-Footnote 324:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xxi.
-
-Footnote 325:
-
-  Woltmann, 112. Reproduced by His, Pl. v.; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 30.
-
-Footnote 326:
-
-  Woltmann, 102. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 38; His,
-  Pl. iv.
-
-Footnote 327:
-
-  See Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 38.
-
-Footnote 328:
-
-  British Museum, 13, Binyon Catg., ii. p. 329. Woltmann, 209.
-
-Footnote 329:
-
-  Woltmann, 95. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 53 (see
-  note to the plate by Meyenburg).
-
-Footnote 330:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 54, and in _Hdz. von H.
-  H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 13. See his notes to both plates.
-
-Footnote 331:
-
-  See Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 54.
-
-Footnote 332:
-
-  See Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 54.
-
-Footnote 333:
-
-  Woltmann, 90. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 35; His,
-  Pl. vii.
-
-Footnote 334:
-
-  Woltmann, 91. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 42, and in
-  _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 15; Knackfuss, fig. 26; His, Pl. vi.
-
-Footnote 335:
-
-  Woltmann, 66. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 28; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 1).
-
-Footnote 336:
-
-  Woltmann, 67. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 22;
-  Davies, p. 72; Knackfuss fig. 29; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 2).
-
-Footnote 337:
-
-  Woltmann, 68. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 39;
-  Knackfuss, fig. 30; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 3).
-
-Footnote 338:
-
-  See Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 39.
-
-Footnote 339:
-
-  Woltmann, 69. Reproduced by His, Pl. x.; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 4).
-
-Footnote 340:
-
-  Woltmann, 70. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 31; His, Pl. xi.;
-  Woltmann, i. p. 173; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 5).
-
-Footnote 341:
-
-  Woltmann, 71. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 17;
-  His, Pl. xii., Mantz, p. 44 (No. 6).
-
-Footnote 342:
-
-  See Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, p. 36.
-
-Footnote 343:
-
-  Woltmann, 72. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 50;
-  Knackfuss, fig. 32; His, Pl. xiii.; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 7).
-
-Footnote 344:
-
-  Woltmann, 73. Reproduced by Mantz, p. 44 (No. 8).
-
-Footnote 345:
-
-  Woltmann, 74. Reproduced by Davies, p. 68; His, Pl. xiv.; Mantz, p. 44
-  (No. 9).
-
-Footnote 346:
-
-  Woltmann, 75. Reproduced by Davies, p. 70; Knackfuss, fig. 33;
-  Woltmann, i. p. 174; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 10).
-
-Footnote 347:
-
-  Woltmann, 177-183; British Museum, 1-7, Binyon Catg., ii. pp. 327-8.
-  See Appendix (D).
-
-Footnote 348:
-
-  Woltmann 76-81. All six reproduced by Mantz, eng. by Edouard Lièvre,
-  p. 128.
-
-Footnote 349:
-
-  Woltmann, 76. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 11, and in
-  _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 3; Knackfuss, fig. 42.
-
-Footnote 350:
-
-  Woltmann, 80. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 37;
-  Davies, p. 136; Knackfuss, fig. 44.
-
-Footnote 351:
-
-  Woltmann, 78. Also wearing a gauze cap.
-
-Footnote 352:
-
-  Woltmann, 77. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 43.
-
-Footnote 353:
-
-  Woltmann, 79.
-
-Footnote 354:
-
-  See pp. 245-6.
-
-Footnote 355:
-
-  Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 11.
-
-Footnote 356:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 26; and see his
-  note, p. 44.
-
-Footnote 357:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 55, and in _Hdz. von H.
-  H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 12.
-
-Footnote 358:
-
-  Woltmann, 104. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 36, and in
-  _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 28; Knackfuss, fig. 68.
-
-Footnote 359:
-
-  And the Lachner glass design. See Appendix (B).
-
-Footnote 360:
-
-  Woltmann, 63. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 10;
-  Knackfuss, fig. 69.
-
-Footnote 361:
-
-  This drawing is only the central part of the design, the left-hand
-  half being in the Albertina, Vienna (Woltmann, 259). For the drawing
-  at Frankfurt of the transport ship with landsknechte, see Vol. ii. p.
-  264.
-
-Footnote 362:
-
-  Woltmann, 105. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 17.
-
-Footnote 363:
-
-  Woltmann, 106. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 18.
-
-Footnote 364:
-
-  Ægidius was thirty-one when the portrait was painted, and had been
-  appointed town-clerk seven years previously.
-
-Footnote 365:
-
-  _Archæologia_, xliv. pp. 435 _et seq._
-
-Footnote 366:
-
-  Reproduced by Sir Claude Phillips, _Art Journal_, 1897, p. 101;
-  Arundel Club, 1905; Catalogue of the Pictures in the Earl of Radnor’s
-  Collection, 1909, vol. i. No. 80; A. Machiels, _Gaz. des Beaux-Arts_,
-  Nov. 1911, heliotype.
-
-Footnote 367:
-
-  Inscribed “Viro Literatissimo Petro Egidio Amico Charissimo
-  Antuerpiæ.”
-
-Footnote 368:
-
-  Eng. by F. Leuwers, 1873. For a description and history of the two
-  pictures, see H. Barclay Squire, in Lord Radnor’s Catalogue, note to
-  No. 80, vol. i. pp. 44, 45.
-
-Footnote 369:
-
-  Law, _Royal Gallery of Hampton Court_, 1898, p. 215.
-
-Footnote 370:
-
-  A poor reproduction of this portrait—which Wornum (p. 143) regarded as
-  a fine, genuine work by Holbein, but in some of its details recalling
-  Metsys—accompanies M. Henri Hymans’ article “Quentin Metsys et son
-  Portrait d’Erasme,” in the _Bulletin des Commissions Royales d’Art et
-  d’Archéologie_, 1882; reproduced also by J. R. Haarhaus, “Bildnisse
-  des Erasmus,” _Zeits. für bild. Kunst_, Nov. 1898.
-
-Footnote 371:
-
-  See André Machiels, “Les Portraits d’Erasme,” _Gazette des
-  Beaux-Arts_, November 1911, pp. 349-61, who reproduces the Rome
-  portrait; also W. Barclay Squire, _Lord Radnor’s Catalogue_, addit.
-  note to No. 80.
-
-Footnote 372:
-
-  One of these drawings is in the collection of M. Léon Bonnat, Paris,
-  and is reproduced in the _Gaz. des Beaux-Arts_, 1879, i. p. 269.
-
-Footnote 373:
-
-  Reproduced by A. Machiels, _Gaz. des Beaux-Arts_, Nov. 1911, p. 355.
-
-Footnote 374:
-
-  See Appendix (E).
-
-Footnote 375:
-
-  According to Walpole, _Anecdotes_, ed. Wornum, 1888, i. p. 344, the
-  pictures were “altered” by Von Steenwyck for King Charles.
-
-Footnote 376:
-
-  Wornum, p. 140.
-
-Footnote 377:
-
-  Law, _Holbein’s Pictures at Windsor Castle_, 1901, p. 28.
-
-Footnote 378:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 207.
-
-Footnote 379:
-
-  See Appendix (E).
-
-Footnote 380:
-
-  See A. Horawitz, _Zeitschrift für bildende Kunst_, viii. p. 128.
-  Quoted by Woltmann, i. p. 286.
-
-Footnote 381:
-
-  F. M. Nichols, _Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries_, second
-  series, xvii. No. I., pp. 132-145.
-
-Footnote 382:
-
-  Woltmann, 214. Reproduced by Davies, frontispiece; Sir Claude
-  Phillips, _Art Journal_, 1897, p. 102; Earl of Radnor’s Catalogue, No.
-  81; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 37; Machiels, _Gaz. des Beaux-Arts_, Nov.
-  1911, p. 357. Exhibited Royal Academy Winter Exhib., 1873, No. 178.
-
-Footnote 383:
-
-  In _Jahrbücher des Vereins von Alterthumsfreunden im Rheinlande_,
-  1868, p. 269, quoted by Woltmann, i. p. 288. For other readings by
-  Grimm, &c., see W. Barclay Squire in Lord Radnor’s Catalogue, note to
-  81.
-
-Footnote 384:
-
-  See Sir Claude Phillips, _Art Journal_, 1897, p. 103. Also Waagen,
-  _Galleries and Cabinets_, 1857, p. 356, who says that it is “alone
-  worth a pilgrimage to Longford Castle.”
-
-Footnote 385:
-
-  Woltmann, 232. Reproduced by Davies, p. 110; Ganz, _Holbein_, p.
-  xxiii.
-
-Footnote 386:
-
-  Woltmann, 231. Reproduced by Davies, p. 110; Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem
-  Jüng._, Pl. 16.
-
-Footnote 387:
-
-  It is possibly the portrait noted by Evelyn in his _Diary_, August 10,
-  1655—“I went to Alburie to visit Mr. Howard.... He shew’d me many rare
-  pictures, particularly ... _Erasmus_ as big as the life, by Holbein.”
-  This could hardly refer to the small Greystoke portrait.
-
-Footnote 388:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 206. Mr. Barclay Squire notes copies
-  of Mr. Gay’s version in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, presented by Sir
-  James Thornhill in 1728, and one in Archbishop Tenison’s School,
-  Leicester Square (note to No. 81, Lord Radnor’s Catalogue).
-
-Footnote 389:
-
-  See Colvin, _Burlington Magazine_, vol. xvi. Nov. 1909, p. 71.
-
-Footnote 390:
-
-  Woltmann, 224. Reproduced by Davies, p. 108; Knackfuss, fig. 52; Sir
-  C. Phillips, “Picture Gallery of Charles I,” _Portfolio Monograph_,
-  1896, p. 23; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 39.
-
-Footnote 391:
-
-  The study for this hand, in the Louvre, has aleady been mentioned (see
-  Pl. 55).
-
-Footnote 392:
-
-  Reproduced by Cust, _Royal Collection of Paintings, Windsor Castle_,
-  Pl. 47.
-
-Footnote 393:
-
-  Or perhaps the small roundel at Basel mentioned below.
-
-Footnote 394:
-
-  Vol. xxix., 1884, p. 423.
-
-Footnote 395:
-
-  Woltmann, 12. Reproduced by Woltmann, vol. i. p. 315, fig. 57; Ganz,
-  _Holbein_, p. 38.
-
-Footnote 396:
-
-  Woltmann, ii. p. 99.
-
-Footnote 397:
-
-  Woltmann, i. p. 290.
-
-Footnote 398:
-
-  Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xxvi.
-
-Footnote 399:
-
-  See Ganz, _Holbein_, pp. xxv.-vi.
-
-Footnote 400:
-
-  See Appendix (F).
-
-Footnote 401:
-
-  He may have gone, of course, as Lützelburger’s representative.
-
-Footnote 402:
-
-  Woltmann, 44 and 45.
-
-Footnote 403:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._ iii. 25; Knackfuss, fig. 53.
-
-Footnote 404:
-
-  See Chapter xxi., Vol. ii. p. 138 _et seq._
-
-Footnote 405:
-
-  See Vol. ii. p. 162.
-
-Footnote 406:
-
-  Reproduced in the _Burlington Magazine_, vol. xvi., November 1909,
-  frontispiece; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 91.
-
-Footnote 407:
-
-  _Burlington Magazine_, vol. xvi., November 1909, pp. 67-71.
-
-Footnote 408:
-
-  Only one of these has Holbein’s name attached to it in the Arundel
-  inventory of 1655. The two are entered as “Erasmo di Holbein” and
-  “Ritratto d’Erasmo Roterodamo.” See above, p. 171, note 4.
-
-Footnote 409:
-
-  Reproduced in _Burlington Magazine_, vol. xvi., November 1909.
-
-Footnote 410:
-
-  Woltmann, 240. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 86.
-
-Footnote 411:
-
-  The much inferior version in the Besançon Museum (reproduced by Ganz,
-  _Holbein_, p. 215) is an almost exact replica of the Parma picture.
-
-Footnote 412:
-
-  See M. Curtze, _Beiblatt der Zeitschrift für bildende Kunst_, 1874,
-  ix. 537 ff.; Woltmann, vol. ii. p. 15; and Colvin, _Burlington
-  Magazine_, vol. xvi. p. 68.
-
-Footnote 413:
-
-  Woltmann, 13. Reproduced by Davies, p. 112; Knackfuss, fig. 114; Ganz,
-  _Holbein_, p. 90.
-
-Footnote 414:
-
-  Woltmann, 23.
-
-Footnote 415:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 214; the hands and body follow the
-  Longford picture, while the head is like the Parma version.
-
-Footnote 416:
-
-  Woltmann, 250. Reproduced by André Machiels, _Gaz. des Beaux-Arts_,
-  November 1911, p. 359, who regards it as an original work by Holbein.
-
-Footnote 417:
-
-  Woltmann, 171.
-
-Footnote 418:
-
-  Woltmann, 207. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 51.
-
-Footnote 419:
-
-  Woltmann, 206. Reproduced by Woltmann, i. 357, fig. 63; Knackfuss,
-  fig. 112; Machiels, _Gaz. des Beaux-Arts_, November 1911, p. 358; and
-  elsewhere.
-
-Footnote 420:
-
-  Reproduced by Law, _Holbein’s Pictures in Windsor Castle_, viii. p.
-  27, and in _Royal Gallery of Hampton Court_, p. 220; Sir C. Phillips,
-  “The Picture Gallery of Charles I,” _Portfolio Monograph_, 1896, p.
-  111; Davies, p. 28; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 207.
-
-Footnote 421:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 208.
-
-Footnote 422:
-
-  Law, _Holbein’s Pictures_, &c., p. 28.
-
-Footnote 423:
-
-  Woltmann, i. p. 289.
-
-Footnote 424:
-
-  Knackfuss, p. 78.
-
-Footnote 425:
-
-  Woltmann, 164. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 113; Ganz, _Holbein_, p.
-  92.
-
-Footnote 426:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 92.
-
-Footnote 427:
-
-  On this point see Koegler, _Jahrbuch d. Pr. K.-S._, 1911, and Ganz,
-  _Holbein_, p. 239.
-
-Footnote 428:
-
-  Woltmann, ii. p. 359.
-
-Footnote 429:
-
-  Woltmann, 43. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 50
-  (in colours), and _Holbein_, frontispiece; Davies, p. 100; Knackfuss,
-  fig. 21; Wornum, frontispiece, eng. by C. W. Sharpe.
-
-Footnote 430:
-
-  According to Dr. Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 232, this cutting-out was in all
-  probability done in the eighteenth century, when at the same time the
-  hat and mantle were freshened with water-colours.
-
-Footnote 431:
-
-  Dr. Ganz points out (_Holbein_, p. 232), that it was not until after
-  his journey into France, in 1523-4, that he made use of coloured
-  chalks in his drawings.
-
-Footnote 432:
-
-  Another drawing of this period in the Basel Gallery, the Young Man
-  with the big hat, is described in Vol. ii. pp. 259-60.
-
-Footnote 433:
-
-  Including Woltmann, in the first edition of his book, Eng. trans., p.
-  205.
-
-Footnote 434:
-
-  The same initials occur on the title-page to Hall’s _Chronicle_, 1548.
-  See Vol. ii. p. 79.
-
-Footnote 435:
-
-  Woltmann, Eng. trans., p. 205.
-
-Footnote 436:
-
-  See Campbell Dodgson, _Burlington Magazine_, vol. x., Feb. 1907, pp.
-  319-22; also the same writer’s Catalogue of Early German and Flemish
-  Woodcuts in the British Museum, vol. ii., 1911, p. 295, &c.
-
-Footnote 437:
-
-  See His, “Hans Lützelburger,” &c., in _Gazette des Beaux-Arts_, 2^e
-  Période, vol. iv. pp. 481-9 (December 1871).
-
-Footnote 438:
-
-  Mr. Frederic Lees, however, mentions as clearly by Holbein, “a drawing
-  for the celebrated _Dance of Death_ series, and the only one of the
-  forty which now exists,” which is in the collection of M. Emile
-  Wauters in Paris.—_The Studio_, vol. li. No. 213, p. 213 (December
-  1910).
-
-Footnote 439:
-
-  See pp. 44-5 and Pl. 11.
-
-Footnote 440:
-
-  Woltmann, 223. Reproduced by Butsch, _Die Bücher-Ornamentik der
-  Renaissance_, Pl. 45; and by Mantz, _Hans Holbein_, p. 26.
-
-Footnote 441:
-
-  _Calendars of Letters and Papers, Hen. VIII_, vol. ii. pt. i. 2540.
-
-Footnote 442:
-
-  Woltmann, A. H., 4. Reproduced by Butsch, Pl. 43. Already used by
-  Froben in more than one book in the previous year (1517).
-
-Footnote 443:
-
-  Woltmann, 217, 218. See p. 111.
-
-Footnote 444:
-
-  Woltmann, 227. Reproduced by Butsch, Pl. 54; Knackfuss, fig. 50;
-  Mantz, p. 43.
-
-Footnote 445:
-
-  Woltmann, 215. Reproduced by Butsch, Pl. 57.
-
-Footnote 446:
-
-  Woltmann, 216.
-
-Footnote 447:
-
-  Woltmann, 184-7.
-
-Footnote 448:
-
-  Woltmann, 188-91.
-
-Footnote 449:
-
-  Woltmann, 192. Reproduced in _Holbein_, “Great Engravers” Series (A.
-  M. Hind), 1912.
-
-Footnote 450:
-
-  Woltmann, 213.
-
-Footnote 451:
-
-  Woltmann, 150-70.
-
-Footnote 452:
-
-  See Woltmann, i. 218-20.
-
-Footnote 453:
-
-  Woltmann, 171.
-
-Footnote 454:
-
-  Woltmann, 226.
-
-Footnote 455:
-
-  Woltmann, 212.
-
-Footnote 456:
-
-  Woltmann, 195, 196. Reproduced by Woltmann, i. pp. 237-38.
-
-Footnote 457:
-
-  Woltmann, 231. Reproduced by Butsch, Pl. 64; Woltmann, i. p. 200.
-
-Footnote 458:
-
-  Woltmann, 232. Reproduced by Butsch, Pl. 64; Wornum, p. 13, &c.
-
-Footnote 459:
-
-  Woltmann, 233.
-
-Footnote 460:
-
-  Woltmann, 253. Four of the letters reproduced by Woltmann, Eng.
-  trans., p. 218.
-
-Footnote 461:
-
-  Woltmann, 254.
-
-Footnote 462:
-
-  Woltmann, 255-9.
-
-Footnote 463:
-
-  Woltmann, 251.
-
-Footnote 464:
-
-  Woltmann, 266-8.
-
-Footnote 465:
-
-  Woltmann, 238_a_, 238_b._
-
-Footnote 466:
-
-  Woltmann, 239-41.
-
-Footnote 467:
-
-  Woltmann, 242, 243.
-
-Footnote 468:
-
-  Woltmann, 244, 245.
-
-Footnote 469:
-
-  Woltmann, 246-8.
-
-Footnote 470:
-
-  Woltmann, 249. A number of these marks reproduced by Butsch, Pls. 50,
-  51.
-
-Footnote 471:
-
-  See Appendix (G).
-
-Footnote 472:
-
-  Woltmann, 209.
-
-Footnote 473:
-
-  Woltmann, 205.
-
-Footnote 474:
-
-  See Vol. ii. pp. 76-9.
-
-Footnote 475:
-
-  See Woltmann, i. chap. xi.; Chatto, _Treatise on Wood Engraving_, ed.
-  Bohn, chap. vi.; Douce, _Dance of Death_, 1858, pp. 30-37.
-
-Footnote 476:
-
-  Woltmann, 92-149.
-
-Footnote 477:
-
-  See p. 190.
-
-Footnote 478:
-
-  Chatto, _A Treatise on Wood Engraving_, ed. 1861, pp. 330-1.
-
-Footnote 479:
-
-  See Woltmann, i. 269.
-
-Footnote 480:
-
-  See Campbell Dodgson, _Catalogue of Early German and Flemish
-  Woodcuts_, &c., vol. ii. p. 207. The cut of “The Duchess” has the date
-  1542, and that of “The Advocate” the engraver’s monogram, HVE, from
-  which it appears that Jost de Negker did not cut the blocks himself,
-  but was only the publisher.
-
-Footnote 481:
-
-  See introductory note by Austin Dobson to the edition published by
-  George Bell & Sons, 1898. The whole set reproduced by Mantz, pp.
-  83-87; and by Davies, pp. 196-200, from the proofs in the British
-  Museum; and in Heinemann’s “Great Engravers” Series, _Holbein_, ed. A.
-  M. Hind, 1912, which includes the cuts of the 1562 edition.
-
-Footnote 482:
-
-  Chatto, _Treatise_, &c., pp. 324-5.
-
-Footnote 483:
-
-  Chatto, _Treatise_, &c., p. 365; Woltmann, i. p. 240; Wornum, p. 25.
-
-Footnote 484:
-
-  Woltmann, 252. The set reproduced by Davies, p. 194; Knackfuss, fig.
-  71; and elsewhere. They are used as the initial letters in this book.
-
-Footnote 485:
-
-  Woltmann, 1-91. The whole series reproduced by Mantz, pp. 92-108; and,
-  with the exception of seven, by A. M. Hind, in _Holbein_, “Great
-  Engravers” series, 1912; thirteen by Davies, p. 188.
-
-Footnote 486:
-
-  Chatto, _Treatise_, &c., p. 366.
-
-Footnote 487:
-
-  Woltmann, 1st ed., Eng. trans., p. 233.
-
-Footnote 488:
-
-  A considerable number of the subjects appear to have been suggested to
-  Holbein by the small woodcuts in the Malermi Bible, published in
-  Venice in 1490, which, in turn, had been more or less adapted from the
-  Cologne Bible of 1480; but the material so used by Holbein was
-  completely transformed by the magic of his pencil. See A. M. Hind,
-  _Holbein_, in “Great Engravers” series, p. 10.
-
-Footnote 489:
-
-  See pp. 160-1.
-
-Footnote 490:
-
-  Woltmann, 251.
-
-Footnote 491:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 316.
-
-Footnote 492:
-
-  Woltmann, 143. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 89; Ganz, _Holbein_, p.
-  65; and elsewhere.
-
-Footnote 493:
-
-  Dr. Ganz points out the resemblance between this picture and
-  Mantegna’s “Madonna of Victory” in the Louvre. In the latter the
-  kneeling suppliants are also protected by the Virgin’s cloak, and the
-  movement of her hand, outstretched in benediction over Gonzaga’s head,
-  is just the same as that of the Infant Christ in the Meyer votive
-  picture (_Holbein_, p. xxviii.).
-
-Footnote 494:
-
-  Woltmann, 40-42.
-
-Footnote 495:
-
-  Reproduced by Davies, p. 90; Knackfuss, fig. 86.
-
-Footnote 496:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 18 (in colour);
-  Davies, p. 92; Knackfuss, fig. 87.
-
-Footnote 497:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 56; Davies, p. 94;
-  Knackfuss, fig. 88.
-
-Footnote 498:
-
-  Reproduced by Davies, p. 88; Knackfuss, fig. 90; Ganz, _Holbein_, p.
-  209.
-
-Footnote 499:
-
-  See Wornum, p. 166; Woltmann, i. pp. 300-14.
-
-Footnote 500:
-
-  December 1871, iv., 2nd period, pp. 516-19.
-
-Footnote 501:
-
-  Woltmann, ii. pp. 49-50. See Appendix (E).
-
-Footnote 502:
-
-  Woltmann, i. p. 296.
-
-Footnote 503:
-
-  Wornum, p. 171.
-
-Footnote 504:
-
-  _Anzeiger für Schweiz. Altertumskunde_, N. F. xii. 4. Sarburgh painted
-  a portrait of Remigius Faesch. See Appendix (E).
-
-Footnote 505:
-
-  Sainsbury, _Original unpublished Papers, illustrative of the Life of
-  P. P. Rubens_, &c., 1859, Appendix, No. liii. p. 290. Quoted by
-  Wornum, p. 170.
-
-Footnote 506:
-
-  Woltmann, i. p. 298; ii. p. 56.
-
-Footnote 507:
-
-  The history of the Dresden copy, given below, bears out this
-  supposition.
-
-Footnote 508:
-
-  Elsewhere he speaks of it as the sixth.
-
-Footnote 509:
-
-  Walpole, _Anecdotes_, &c., ed. Wornum, 1888, i. 93.
-
-Footnote 510:
-
-  Ruskin, “Sir Joshua and Holbein,” _Cornhill Magazine_, March 1860, p.
-  328; reprinted in _On the Old Road_, vol. i. pt. i., pp. 221-236.
-
-Footnote 511:
-
-  Davies, p. 94-5.
-
-Footnote 512:
-
-  See p. 158.
-
-Footnote 513:
-
-  She was, however, born in 1508, and so would be too young for the lady
-  of these pictures.
-
-Footnote 514:
-
-  Woltmann, 17. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 91; Ganz, _Holbein_, p.
-  40.
-
-Footnote 515:
-
-  Woltmann, 18. Reproduced by Davies, p. 102; Knackfuss, fig. 92; Ganz,
-  _Holbein_, p. 41.
-
-Footnote 516:
-
-  Woltmann, 1st ed., Eng. trans., p. 289. Omitted in 2nd ed.
-
-Footnote 517:
-
-  Wornum, p. 163.
-
-Footnote 518:
-
-  Mrs. G. Fortescue, _Holbein_, p. 105-6.
-
-Footnote 519:
-
-  T. de Wyzewa, “À propos d’un Livre nouveau sur Holbein le Jeune,”
-  _Revue des Deux Mondes_, 15th Jan. 1912.
-
-Footnote 520:
-
-  See pp. 79 and 137-8.
-
-Footnote 521:
-
-  Knackfuss, p. 115.
-
-Footnote 522:
-
-  Wornum, pp. 162-4.
-
-Footnote 523:
-
-  Davies, pp. 102-3.
-
-Footnote 524:
-
-  _Burlington Magazine_, vol. iv. No. xi. (Feb. 1904) p. 187.
-
-Footnote 525:
-
-  See p. 233.
-
-Footnote 526:
-
-  _Calendars of Letters and Papers, &c., Hen. VIII_, iv. Pt. i. 1547.
-
-Footnote 527:
-
-  See p. 22.
-
-Footnote 528:
-
-  Woltmann, 1st ed., Eng. trans., p. 292.
-
-Footnote 529:
-
-  _Erasmi Opera_, iii. 951.
-
-Footnote 530:
-
-  _Calendars of Letters and papers, &c., Hen. VIII_, i. preface, p. xxv.
-
-Footnote 531:
-
-  _C. L. P._, i. 2053.
-
-Footnote 532:
-
-  _C. L. P._, i. 5720.
-
-Footnote 533:
-
-  _C. L. P._, ii. Pt. ii., Revels Accounts, p. 1499.
-
-Footnote 534:
-
-  _C. L. P._, i. 4954.
-
-Footnote 535:
-
-  18th April 1520. _C. L. P._, iii. Pt. i. 750.
-
-Footnote 536:
-
-  21st May 1520. _C. L. P._, iii. Pt. i. 825.
-
-Footnote 537:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iii. Pt. ii., Revels Accounts, p. 1551.
-
-Footnote 538:
-
-  _Memoir of Henry FitzRoy, Duke of Richmond and Somerset_, Camden
-  Society, 1855, p. 87.
-
-Footnote 539:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iii. Pt. ii. 3517.
-
-Footnote 540:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. i. 965.
-
-Footnote 541:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. ii. 3564.
-
-Footnote 542:
-
-  J. Gough Nichols, _Archæologia_, xxxix. pp. 23-25 (1862).
-
-Footnote 543:
-
-  See _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 25.
-
-Footnote 544:
-
-  Walpole, _Anecdotes of Painting_, ed. Wornum, 1888, i. 64.
-
-Footnote 545:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v. 1139 (30).
-
-Footnote 546:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v., Privy Purse Expenses of Hen. VIII, Feb. 1532.
-
-Footnote 547:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v. 952.
-
-Footnote 548:
-
-  _C. L. P._, x. 914.
-
-Footnote 549:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xiv. Pt. ii. 238.
-
-Footnote 550:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xiv. Pt. ii. 782 (p. 336).
-
-Footnote 551:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xvi. 1489 (f. 188).
-
-Footnote 552:
-
-  J. Gough Nichols, _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 27.
-
-Footnote 553:
-
-  See p. 276.
-
-Footnote 554:
-
-  J. Gough Nichols, _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 34.
-
-Footnote 555:
-
-  Walpole, _Anecdotes of Painting_, ed. Wornum, 1888, p. 62.
-
-Footnote 556:
-
-  _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 30.
-
-Footnote 557:
-
-  Wornum, p. 22.
-
-Footnote 558:
-
-  Lionel Cust, _Introductory Notes to the Catalogue of the Burlington
-  Fine Arts Club Exhibition of Early English Portraiture_, 1909, pp. 47,
-  48.
-
-Footnote 559:
-
-  See Nichols, _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 29.
-
-Footnote 560:
-
-  Lionel Cust, _Introductory Notes, Catg. Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib.
-  Early English Portraiture_, 1909, p. 48.
-
-Footnote 561:
-
-  _C. L. P._, vii. 922 (14 and 15).
-
-Footnote 562:
-
-  Wornum, p. 32.
-
-Footnote 563:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. ii. 3169.
-
-Footnote 564:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. i. 2152.
-
-Footnote 565:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. ii. 4435, 4572, 4574-77, 4652.
-
-Footnote 566:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. iii. 5163.
-
-Footnote 567:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. ii. 5117.
-
-Footnote 568:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v. 978 (15).
-
-Footnote 569:
-
-  _Loseley Manuscripts._
-
-Footnote 570:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xiii. Pt. ii. 1280, f. 55 b.
-
-Footnote 571:
-
-  _C. L. P._, i. 5604.
-
-Footnote 572:
-
-  See Vol. ii. pp. 238-9.
-
-Footnote 573:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xvi. 305 (25).
-
-Footnote 574:
-
-  Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib., 1909, No. 29.
-
-Footnote 575:
-
-  Lionel Cust, _Introductory Notes_, _Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib.
-  Catg._, 1, 1909, pp. 45, 46.
-
-Footnote 576:
-
-  See also Scharf, _Archæologia_, xxxix. pp. 47-9.
-
-Footnote 577:
-
-  See _Burlington Magazine_, vol. xiv., March 1909, pp. 366-8.
-
-Footnote 578:
-
-  See Cust, _Catg. Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib._, 1909, p. 60.
-
-Footnote 579:
-
-  _C. L. P._, i. 775.
-
-Footnote 580:
-
-  See M. Digby Wyatt, “On the Foreign Artists employed in England during
-  the Sixteenth Century,” _Transactions of the Royal Institute of
-  British Architects_, 1868, p. 220.
-
-Footnote 581:
-
-  Cust, _Catg. Burlington Fine Arts Club Exhibition_, 1909, p. 61.
-
-Footnote 582:
-
-  Cust, p. 61.
-
-Footnote 583:
-
-  _C. L. P._, i. 5720.
-
-Footnote 584:
-
-  _C. L. P._, i. 4954.
-
-Footnote 585:
-
-  _C. L. P._, ii. Pt. ii. p. 1461.
-
-Footnote 586:
-
-  _C. L. P._, ii. Pt. ii. p. 1472.
-
-Footnote 587:
-
-  _C. L. P._, ii. Pt. ii. 3862.
-
-Footnote 588:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iii. Pt. i. 826. See p. 259.
-
-Footnote 589:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. i. 366.
-
-Footnote 590:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. ii. 3104.
-
-Footnote 591:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v., Privy Purse Expenses.
-
-Footnote 592:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v. 686.
-
-Footnote 593:
-
-  _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 28.
-
-Footnote 594:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v., Treasurer of the Chamber’s Accounts, p. 305.
-
-Footnote 595:
-
-  See above, p. 273.
-
-Footnote 596:
-
-  _Transactions of the Royal Institute of British Architects_, p. 227.
-
-Footnote 597:
-
-  Lewis Einstein, _The Italian Renaissance in England_, 1902, p. 196,
-  and Cust, _Catg. Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib._, 1909, p. 64.
-
-Footnote 598:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v., 952 (p. 446).
-
-Footnote 599:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v., Treasurer of the Chamber’s Accounts, p. 307.
-
-Footnote 600:
-
-  Mr. Cust gives his salary as £20 per annum, but the entry in the
-  accounts is always 33_s._ 4_d._ a quarter, not a month, though this,
-  of course, may be an error of book-keeping.
-
-Footnote 601:
-
-  See M. Digby Wyatt, _Transactions_, &c., p. 225.
-
-Footnote 602:
-
-  _Transactions_, &c., p. 225.
-
-Footnote 603:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v., Treasurer of the Chamber’s Accounts, p. 319.
-
-Footnote 604:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v., Privy Purse Expenses, March 1531. “To Anthony Pene and
-  Bartilmew Tate, paynters, for ther lyveray at 22_s._ 6_d._ a pece,
-  45_s._”
-
-Footnote 605:
-
-  Vol. c. 6, 12. Quoted by Wornum, p. 204, note.
-
-Footnote 606:
-
-  _Hampton Court Accounts_, Wornum, p. 205, note.
-
-Footnote 607:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v., Privy Purse Expenses.
-
-Footnote 608:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xiii. Pt. i. 1309 (35).
-
-Footnote 609:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xiv. Pt. ii. 782 (p. 335).
-
-Footnote 610:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xiii. Pt. ii. 967 (46).
-
-Footnote 611:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xiii. Pt. ii. 1280 (f. 53_b_).
-
-Footnote 612:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xvi. 1489 (f. 165).
-
-Footnote 613:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xvi. 779 (18).
-
-Footnote 614:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xvii. 1251 (13).
-
-Footnote 615:
-
-  _Loseley Manuscripts_, edit. Kempe, pp. 81, 84, 89.
-
-Footnote 616:
-
-  _Archæologia_, xii. pp. 381, 391.
-
-Footnote 617:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iii. Pt. ii. 2486.
-
-Footnote 618:
-
-  See J. Gough Nichols, _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 38: and Cust, _Catg.
-  Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib._, 1909, p. 63.
-
-Footnote 619:
-
-  See Dimier, _French Painting in the Sixteenth Century_, pp. 115, 116.
-
-Footnote 620:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xvi. 1308 (4).
-
-Footnote 621:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iii. Pt. i. 1355.
-
-Footnote 622:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v., Treasurer of the Chamber’s Accounts, p. 305.
-
-Footnote 623:
-
-  _Catg. Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib._, 1909, p. 65.
-
-Footnote 624:
-
-  See Dimier, _French Painting in the Sixteenth Century_, pp. 60, 86.
-  Also the same writer’s _Le Primatice_, 1900. The name was sometimes
-  spelt Belin.
-
-Footnote 625:
-
-  p. 75.
-
-Footnote 626:
-
-  Quoted in _Burlington Gazette_, II. i. May 1903, p. 55.
-
-Footnote 627:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xiii., Pt. ii. 1280 (f. 47b).
-
-Footnote 628:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xiv. Pt. ii. 781 (f. 68).
-
-Footnote 629:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xvi. 37.
-
-Footnote 630:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xvi. 59.
-
-Footnote 631:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xvi. 60.
-
-Footnote 632:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xvi. 82.
-
-Footnote 633:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xvi. 115.
-
-Footnote 634:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xvi. 163, 168.
-
-Footnote 635:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xvi. 182.
-
-Footnote 636:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xvi. 276. See also Appendix (H).
-
-Footnote 637:
-
-  See Appendix (H).
-
-Footnote 638:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xvi. 308 (f. 119b).
-
-Footnote 639:
-
-  _C. L. P._, xvi. 1308 (5).
-
-Footnote 640:
-
-  _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 37.
-
-Footnote 641:
-
-  Loseley Manuscripts, “Revels at Hampton, 16 July to 6 Sep., 38 Hen.
-  VIII.”
-
-Footnote 642:
-
-  Loseley Manuscripts, “Coronation of Ed. VI.”
-
-Footnote 643:
-
-  Loseley Manuscripts, “Shrovetide Revels, 2 Ed. VI.”
-
-Footnote 644:
-
-  Quoted by Nichols, _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 37.
-
-Footnote 645:
-
-  _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 55.
-
-Footnote 646:
-
-  Cust, _Cat. Burl. F.A. Club Exhib._, 1909, p. 64; National Gallery
-  Catalogue.
-
-Footnote 647:
-
-  Vasari, as quoted by Scharf, _Archæologia_, xxxix. pp. 53, 54.
-
-Footnote 648:
-
-  See above, p. 245.
-
-Footnote 649:
-
-  Davies, p. 115.
-
-Footnote 650:
-
-  See page 245. Davies, p. 94.
-
-Footnote 651:
-
-  See below, p. 315.
-
-Footnote 652:
-
-  See p. 169.
-
-Footnote 653:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iv. pt. i. 1826; _Erasmi Opera_, iii. 951.
-
-Footnote 654:
-
-  _Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries_, Second Series, xvii. No.
-  i. pp. 132-145.
-
-Footnote 655:
-
-  _Proceedings_, Second Series, xvi. No. iii. pp. 321-327.
-
-Footnote 656:
-
-  Walpole, _Anecdotes_, &c., ed. Wornum, 1888, i. 90. The sixth picture
-  to which he refers is the Meyer Madonna.
-
-Footnote 657:
-
-  Woltmann, 35. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 192, _Hdz. Schwz.
-  Mstr._, i. 55, and _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 23; Davies, p. 116;
-  Knackfuss, fig. 93.
-
-Footnote 658:
-
-  Engraved by Dean for _The Bijou_, 1829.
-
-Footnote 659:
-
-  One of the versions of the picture was in the Earl of Arundel’s
-  collection, and is entered in the 1655 inventory as “Tomaso Moro con
-  la sua famiglia.” In the same collection there was a portrait of
-  More’s son, entered as “Il figliolo de Tomaso Moro,” but without the
-  name of the artist. See Appendix (I) for the history of the Nostell
-  picture.
-
-Footnote 660:
-
-  Roper’s _Life and Death of Sir Thomas More_, &c., ed. Rev. J. Lewis,
-  1731, p. 169.
-
-Footnote 661:
-
-  The heads in the Windsor Collection.
-
-Footnote 662:
-
-  Walpole, _Anecdotes_, &c., ed. Wornum, 1888, p. 92.
-
-Footnote 663:
-
-  Wornum, p. 244.
-
-Footnote 664:
-
-  Woltmann, 1st ed., Eng. trans, p. 322. For Vertue’s account, see
-  Appendix (I).
-
-Footnote 665:
-
-  Nos. lviii. and lix., “Nostell Priory, Wakefield,” _Athenæum_, Sept.
-  18, 25, 1880.
-
-Footnote 666:
-
-  See pp. 311-16.
-
-Footnote 667:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 350, note.
-
-Footnote 668:
-
-  Wornum, pp. 231-246.
-
-Footnote 669:
-
-  See Appendix (I).
-
-Footnote 670:
-
-  Wornum, pp. 245-6.
-
-Footnote 671:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 193.
-
-Footnote 672:
-
-  According to Mr. W. Roberts, _Memorials of Christie’s_, 1897, vol. i.
-  p. 81, the measurements of the picture, as given in the sale catalogue
-  of 1808, are 10 ft. by 15 ft.
-
-Footnote 673:
-
-  Reproduced in the catalogue, p. 214.
-
-Footnote 674:
-
-  Walpole, _Anecdotes_, &c., ed. Wornum, 1888, p. 92.
-
-Footnote 675:
-
-  Vol. iii. pt. i. p. 490.
-
-Footnote 676:
-
-  Woltmann, 275; Wornum, i. 6; Sir R. Holmes, i. 4.
-
-Footnote 677:
-
-  Woltmann, 276; Wornum, i. 42; Sir R. Holmes, i. 7.
-
-Footnote 678:
-
-  Wrongly inscribed “The Lady Barkley.” Woltmann, 278; Wornum, ii. 34;
-  Sir R. Holmes, i. 5.
-
-Footnote 679:
-
-  Woltmann, 279; Wornum, ii. 12; Sir R. Holmes, i. 6.
-
-Footnote 680:
-
-  Woltmann, 277; Wornum, ii. 35; Sir R. Holmes, i. 8.
-
-Footnote 681:
-
-  Wrongly inscribed “Mother Jak.” Woltmann, 280; Wornum, ii. 40; Sir R.
-  Holmes, i. 9.
-
-Footnote 682:
-
-  Woltmann, 273, 274; Wornum, i. 3, 4; Sir R. Holmes, i. 3 and ii. 18.
-
-Footnote 683:
-
-  Woltmann, 207. Reproduced by Davies, p. 118; _Catalogue of the Tudor
-  Exhibition_, 1890, p. 44; A. F. Pollard, _Henry VIII_, p. 114;
-  _Burlington Fine Arts Club Exhib. Catg._, Pl. xviii.; Ganz, _Holbein_,
-  p. 69. The portrait is now in America. See Appendix (I).
-
-Footnote 684:
-
-  _Catg. Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib._, 1909, p. 95. The entry in the
-  Lumley inventory is—“Of Sir Thomas Moore, Lo. Chancello^r, drawne by
-  Haunce Holbyn.”
-
-Footnote 685:
-
-  One of these copies was in 1867 in the possession of Mr. Charles J.
-  Eyston, of East Hendred (Wornum, p. 246), and a second in the
-  collection of the Marquis of Lothian. There was a small circular
-  portrait of More, on wood, 4 in. in diameter, in Charles I’s
-  collection (No. 48), in a black cap, furred gown, and red sleeves.
-  Evelyn notes in his Diary, under the date Feb. 15th, 1649:—“Sir
-  William Ducy shew’d me some excellent things in miniature, and in oyle
-  of Holbein’s _Sir Tho. More’s_ head.” Among the numerous copies in
-  existence is one by Rubens in the Prado, Madrid. A portrait of More,
-  “invested with the collar of the Garter, by Holbein; upon a pedestal
-  is inscribed the date, MDXXVII,” was included in the sale of the Duke
-  of Bedford’s pictures from Woburn Abbey, on 30th June 1827, and
-  fetched 70 guineas.
-
-Footnote 686:
-
-  See p. 335.
-
-Footnote 687:
-
-  Mr. W. F. Dickes, however, reproduces it in his book, _Holbein’s
-  “Ambassadors” Unriddled_, p. 80, as a portrait by Holbein of the Count
-  Palatine Philipp! Engraved by Vorsterman as a portrait of More by
-  Holbein. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 225.
-
-Footnote 688:
-
-  _Athenæum_, June 19, 1886, No. 3060, p. 820.
-
-Footnote 689:
-
-  Quoted by Wornum, p. 248.
-
-Footnote 690:
-
-  Wornum, pp. 248, 249.
-
-Footnote 691:
-
-  _Il Microcosmo della Pittura_, 1657, ii. 265.
-
-Footnote 692:
-
-  _History of Portrait Miniatures_, 1904, vol. i. p. 8.
-
-Footnote 693:
-
-  Reproduced in Dr. Williamson’s book, Pl. iii. No. 2, and in colours in
-  the _édition de luxe_ of Mr. Pierpont Morgan’s Catalogue, No. 5; and
-  by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 227 (1), who includes it among the copies after
-  Holbein.
-
-Footnote 694:
-
-  In the exhibition of miniatures held at South Kensington in 1865 there
-  was one of “Alicia, wife of Sir Thomas More,” attributed to Holbein,
-  lent by Mr. J. Heywood Hawkins (No. 1146).
-
-Footnote 695:
-
-  Reproduced in the _Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib. Catg._, Pl. xiv; Ganz,
-  _Holbein_, p. 194.
-
-Footnote 696:
-
-  Reproduced by Vasari Society, Pt. i. No. 31; _Burl. Fine Arts Club
-  Exhib. Catg._, Pl. xxix.
-
-Footnote 697:
-
-  _Daily Telegraph_, 23rd March 1910.
-
-Footnote 698:
-
-  Reproduced in _The Ancestor_, vi., June 1903.
-
-Footnote 699:
-
-  The drawing in the Windsor Collection inscribed “Lady Henegham” bears
-  considerable likeness to the Margaret Roper of the Basel sketch, and
-  some writers hold that it represents her, and that it is a study for
-  the Family Group. The position, however, in the Windsor study is
-  exactly reversed, the sitter being shown in profile to the right, so
-  that it is not probable that it was a preliminary drawing for the big
-  group. Though the resemblance is marked, it is not so close as that
-  between the “Queen Katherine” portrait at Knole and the Basel sketch,
-  and the same criticism applies to the ornaments and dress, which in
-  the two last-named are identical, whereas the “Lady Henegham” drawing
-  shows differences, particularly in the jewellery. See also vol. ii. p.
-  258. The question of the authorship of the various versions of the
-  More Family Group is dealt with more fully in Appendix (I).
-
-Footnote 700:
-
-  _Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries_, Second Series, vol. xvii.
-  No. i. pp. 132-145, from which the quotations from Hall, and other
-  facts in this chapter, have been taken.
-
-Footnote 701:
-
-  For these and the following extracts, see _C. L. P._, iv. pt. ii.
-  3097-98, 3104, 3107.
-
-Footnote 702:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v. 952. See p. 262. The name suggests Nicholas Lysard or
-  Lyzarde, serjeant-painter to Queen Elizabeth, who was also in the
-  service of Henry and Edward VI. He died in 1570, and has been usually
-  regarded as an Englishman. See vol. ii., pp. 309-10. Possibly,
-  however, Lasora was not an Italian. He may have been the “Nic.
-  Leysure, a German,” mentioned in the royal accounts, in September
-  1539, as receiving payment under a warrant for 200 _cr. soleil_ for
-  life.
-
-Footnote 703:
-
-  Woltmann, 264. Reproduced by Law, _Holbein’s Pictures at Windsor
-  Castle_, Pl. i.; Davies, p. 130; Knackfuss, fig. 100; Ganz, _Holbein_,
-  p. 72.
-
-Footnote 704:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iv. pt. iii. 5774.
-
-Footnote 705:
-
-  Law, _Holbein’s Pictures_, &c., p. 3.
-
-Footnote 706:
-
-  Woltmann, 282; Wornum, i. 1; Sir R. Holmes, i. 11. Reproduced by
-  Davies, p. 210. A second fine drawing of Guldeford, on a reddish a
-  different version from the one at Windsor, was in Mr. J. P.
-  Heseltine’s collection of drawings, dispersed in 1912.
-
-Footnote 707:
-
-  Mr. Lionel Cust notes a roundel painting of Guldeford in the
-  collection of Lord Kinnaird at Rossie Priory (_Burl. Mag._, August
-  1912, p. 258).
-
-Footnote 708:
-
-  On panel, 25½ in. × 20½ in.
-
-Footnote 709:
-
-  Woltmann, “Holbein at the National Portrait Gallery,” _Fortnightly
-  Review_, vol. vi. 1866, p. 160; also _Life_, i. 344.
-
-Footnote 710:
-
-  _The English Connoisseur_, 1776, vol. i. p. 145; Dodsley’s _London and
-  its Environs Described_, vol. iii. p. 268 (quoted by Mr. Law, p. 4).
-
-Footnote 711:
-
-  See Law, p. 4.
-
-Footnote 712:
-
-  Woltmann, 206.
-
-Footnote 713:
-
-  _Athenæum_, 17th January 1880.
-
-Footnote 714:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 227 (2).
-
-Footnote 715:
-
-  Parthey, 1410. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 260.
-
-Footnote 716:
-
-  Woltmann, 32. Reproduced by Davies, p. 224; Knackfuss, fig. 105;
-  Mantz, p. 175.
-
-Footnote 717:
-
-  Woltmann, 37. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 11.
-
-Footnote 718:
-
-  Woltmann, 36.
-
-Footnote 719:
-
-  Woltmann, 281; Wornum, i. 2; Sir R. Holmes, i. 12. Reproduced by
-  Davies, p. 126; Knackfuss, fig. 96.
-
-Footnote 720:
-
-  Woltmann, 208. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 70.
-
-Footnote 721:
-
-  Woltmann, 225. Reproduced by Davies, p. 126; Knackfuss, fig. 97; Ganz,
-  _Holbein_, p. 71.
-
-Footnote 722:
-
-  Wornum, p. 218, quoting from Lysons and Brayley.
-
-Footnote 723:
-
-  Walpole, _Anecdotes_, &c., ed. Wornum, 1888, i. 79.
-
-Footnote 724:
-
-  Reproduced in the illustrated edition of Catalogue, p. 64.
-
-Footnote 725:
-
-  Reproduced in the illustrated edition of the Oxford Catalogue.
-
-Footnote 726:
-
-  Woltmann, 283; Wornum, i. 24; Sir R. Holmes, i. 13. Reproduced by
-  Davies, p. 128; Knackfuss, fig. 98.
-
-Footnote 727:
-
-  British Museum, 9; Woltmann, 198. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H.
-  dem Jüng._, Pl. 24.
-
-Footnote 728:
-
-  Froude, _Henry VIII_, i. 301.
-
-Footnote 729:
-
-  Walpole, _Anecdotes_, &c., ed. Wornum, i. p. 81.
-
-Footnote 730:
-
-  Woltmann, 144. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 103; Ganz, _Holbein_, p.
-  74.
-
-Footnote 731:
-
-  It was at one time in the Arundel Collection, and is entered in the
-  1655 inventory as “2 Ritratti in un quadro col nome de Thomas
-  Godsalve.” It was purchased for Dresden in Paris in 1749.
-
-Footnote 732:
-
-  Woltmann, 286; Wornum, i. 31; Sir R. Holmes, i. 36. Reproduced by
-  Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 25; Davies, p. 218.
-
-Footnote 733:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 345.
-
-Footnote 734:
-
-  _Norfolk_, vii. 214.
-
-Footnote 735:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v. 514.
-
-Footnote 736:
-
-  _C. L. P._, vii. 1189 (25th Sept. 1534).
-
-Footnote 737:
-
-  _C. L. P._, vi. 576.
-
-Footnote 738:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v. 1598 (12).
-
-Footnote 739:
-
-  _C. L. P._, vii. 1026 (2).
-
-Footnote 740:
-
-  _C. L. P._, viii. 802 (26).
-
-Footnote 741:
-
-  Woltmann, 226. Reproduced by Davies, p. 132; Knackfuss, fig. 102;
-  Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 73.
-
-Footnote 742:
-
-  It appears to have been at one time in the Arundel Collection, and is
-  entered in the inventory of 1655 as “Ritratto d’un Mathematico.” As
-  all the other portraits just mentioned were also in the Earl’s
-  possession, it is natural to suppose that they were obtained by him
-  directly from De Loo.
-
-Footnote 743:
-
-  Wornum, p. 222.
-
-Footnote 744:
-
-  According to Walpole, the Kratzer which was at Holland House “till the
-  death of the Countess of Warwick, wife of Mr. Addison,” was a second
-  version; perhaps the one now belonging to Viscount Galway. This
-  version, according to the same authority, appears to have been in the
-  possession of Sir Walter Cope before passing into the Holland House
-  collection.
-
-Footnote 745:
-
-  Walpole, _Anecdotes_, &c., ed. Wornum, i. 79.
-
-Footnote 746:
-
-  See chap, xxi., vol. ii. p. 152.
-
-Footnote 747:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iii. pt. i. 1018, 1019. It was during this same visit to
-  Antwerp that Dürer drew Kratzer’s portrait.
-
-Footnote 748:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iv. pt. ii. 3540 (28).
-
-Footnote 749:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v., Privy Purse Expenses.
-
-Footnote 750:
-
-  Ed. Howes, p. 570.
-
-Footnote 751:
-
-  Woltmann, 219. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 104; Ganz, _Holbein_, p.
-  211.
-
-Footnote 752:
-
-  Wornum, p. 295.
-
-Footnote 753:
-
-  See Ganz, _Holbein_, note to 211, p. 251; and K. Voll, _Suddeutsche
-  Monatshefte_, 1905, ii. 8, p. 177.
-
-Footnote 754:
-
-  Woltmann, 213. Wornum, p. 294.
-
-Footnote 755:
-
-  Reproduced in the _Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib. Cat._, Pl. xiii.; Ganz,
-  _Holbein_, p. 79.
-
-Footnote 756:
-
-  See _Notes and Queries_, 4th series, v. p. 313; _Athenæum_, Nos. 2186,
-  2187 (Sept. 18, 25, 1869); and _Dict. of Nat. Biog._, under “Tuke.”
-
-Footnote 757:
-
-  Hampton Court, 610 (325). Woltmann, 162. Reproduced by Ernest Law,
-  _Holbein’s Pictures_, &c., Pl. ix.; Davies, p. 184; Cat. Tudor Exhib.,
-  1890, No. 72, p. 32; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 113.
-
-Footnote 758:
-
-  Woltmann, 308; Wornum, i. 17; Sir R. Holmes, i. 48. Reproduced by
-  Knackfuss, fig. 143.
-
-Footnote 759:
-
-  Wornum, p. 216.
-
-Footnote 760:
-
-  _C. L. P._, v. 1363.
-
-Footnote 761:
-
-  See Law, _Holbein’s Pictures_, &c., p. 29.
-
-Footnote 762:
-
-  Woltmann, 217. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 101; Ganz, _Holbein_, p.
-  224.
-
-Footnote 763:
-
-  Woltmann, 227. Reproduced in _Masterpieces of Holbein_ (Gowan’s Art
-  Books, No. 13), p. 19; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 78.
-
-Footnote 764:
-
-  _Burlington Magazine_, December 1909, p. 159.
-
-Footnote 765:
-
-  On panel, 14 in. high by 12½ in. wide.
-
-Footnote 766:
-
-  _Burlington Magazine_, December 1909, p. 154.
-
-Footnote 767:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 341.
-
-Footnote 768:
-
-  Woltmann, 284; Wornum, i. 34; Sir R. Holmes, i. 38. Reproduced by
-  Davies, p. 216.
-
-Footnote 769:
-
-  Woltmann, 285; Wornum, ii. 19; Sir R. Holmes, i. 39. Reproduced by
-  Davies, p. 216.
-
-Footnote 770:
-
-  Woltmann, 140. Reproduced by S. Arthur Strong in _Drawings by the Old
-  Masters at Chatsworth_, 1902, Pl. liv.; _Burlington Magazine_, vol.
-  i., April 1903, p. 224.
-
-Footnote 771:
-
-  S. Arthur Strong, _Drawings, &c._, and in _Critical Studies and
-  Fragments_, p. 133.
-
-Footnote 772:
-
-  Woltmann, 141. Reproduced by Strong in _Drawings_, &c., 1902, Pl. lv.;
-  _Burlington Magazine_, vol. i., May 1903, p. 354.
-
-Footnote 773:
-
-  Reproduced by Law, _Holbein’s Pictures_, &c., Pl. iv.; Knackfuss, fig.
-  99.
-
-Footnote 774:
-
-  See Vol. ii. pp. 87-9.
-
-Footnote 775:
-
-  _Die Basler Archive über H. H. dem Jüngern_, in Zahn’s _Jahrbücher für
-  Kunstwissenschaft_, iii. 123, 1870.
-
-Footnote 776:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 354.
-
-Footnote 777:
-
-  See pp. 75-6.
-
-Footnote 778:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 355.
-
-Footnote 779:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iv. pt. iii. 5922. _Eras. Ep._, p. 1230.
-
-Footnote 780:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iv. pt. iii. 5924. _Eras. Ep._, p. 1232.
-
-Footnote 781:
-
-  _C. L. P._, iv. pt. iii. 6048. _Eras. Ep._, p. 1743.
-
-Footnote 782:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 356.
-
-Footnote 783:
-
-  Woltmann, 15. Reproduced by Davies, p. 134; Knackfuss, fig. 107;
-  _Œffentliche Kunstsammlung in Basel_, 57th annual report, new series,
-  iii. p. 1, 1907; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 83.
-
-Footnote 784:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 213, who mentions other copies at
-  Aix-les-Bains, Constance, in the Albertina, &c. At the time Dr.
-  Woltmann was writing his book it was in Cologne, in the possession of
-  Herr Brasseur, the picture-dealer.
-
-Footnote 785:
-
-  Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 212.
-
-Footnote 786:
-
-  “A propos d’un Livre nouveau sur Holbein le Jeune,” in _Revue des Deux
-  Mondes_, 15th January 1912.
-
-Footnote 787:
-
-  Woltmann, 46. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 23 (in
-  colour); and in _Holbein_, p. 89. Possibly it represents a sister or
-  near relation of Elsbeth Holbein.
-
-Footnote 788:
-
-  See Woltmann, i. p. 159.
-
-Footnote 789:
-
-  Woltmann, 21. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 84.
-
-Footnote 790:
-
-  Woltmann, 65. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 4 (in
-  colour), and in _Holbein_, p. 172; Knackfuss, fig. 115.
-
-Footnote 791:
-
-  Woltmann, 21. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 85.
-
-Footnote 792:
-
-   Woltmann, 64. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 23, and
-  in _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 27 (both in colours), and in
-  _Holbein_, p. 173; Knackfuss, fig. 116.
-
-Footnote 793:
-
-  Woltmann, 56. See Vol. ii. p. 278.
-
-Footnote 794:
-
-  See Vol. ii. pp. 277-8, 281.
-
-Footnote 795:
-
-  Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xxxiv.
-
-Footnote 796:
-
-  Koegler, _Jahrbuch der preuss. Kunstsammlungen_, 1911.
-
-Footnote 797:
-
-  See pp. 179-80 and 184-5.
-
-Footnote 798:
-
-  Woltmann, i. 362.
-
-Footnote 799:
-
-  _Holbein_, p. 136.
-
-Footnote 800:
-
-  See Appendix (J).
-
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
-
-
-
-
- ● Transcriber’s Notes:
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-    ○ Typographical errors were silently corrected.
-    ○ Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only
-      when a predominant form was found in this book.
-    ○ Text that was in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_).
-
-
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-
-<div style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Hans Holbein the Younger, Volume 1 (of 2), by Arthur B. Chamberlain</div>
-
-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
-at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you
-are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the
-country where you are located before using this eBook.
-</div>
-
-<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Hans Holbein the Younger, Volume 1 (of 2)</div>
-
-<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Arthur B. Chamberlain</div>
-
-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: January 03, 2021 [eBook #64208]</div>
-
-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</div>
-
-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Character set encoding: UTF-8</div>
-
-<div style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Produced by: Tim Lindell, Barry Abrahamsen, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)</div>
-
-<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HANS HOLBEIN THE YOUNGER, VOLUME 1 (OF 2) ***</div>
-
-<div  class='figcenter id001'>
-<img src='images/cover.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p><span class='small'>The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c000' />
-</div>
-<div>
-  <h1 class='c001'>HANS HOLBEIN THE YOUNGER</h1>
-</div>
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c002' />
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-  <div class='nf-center'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Frontispiece</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='frontis'  class='figcenter id002'>
-<img src='images/frontis.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>HANS HOLBEIN<br /><br />Self-Portrait<br /><br /><i>Drawing in Indian ink and coloured chalks, washed with water-colour</i><br /><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c005'>HANS HOLBEIN</span></div>
-    <div class='c000'><span class='c006'>THE YOUNGER</span></div>
-    <div class='c007'>BY</div>
-    <div class='c000'><span class='c008'>ARTHUR B. CHAMBERLAIN</span></div>
-    <div class='c000'><span class='small'>ASSISTANT KEEPER OF THE CORPORATION ART GALLERY, BIRMINGHAM</span></div>
-    <div class='c002'><span class='c003'>WITH 252 ILLUSTRATIONS, INCLUDING 24 IN COLOUR</span></div>
-    <div class='c002'>IN TWO VOLUMES</div>
-    <div class='c000'>VOL. I</div>
-    <div class='c002'><span class='c009'>NEW YORK</span></div>
-    <div><span class='c010'>DODD, MEAD AND COMPANY</span></div>
-    <div><span class='c009'>1913</span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c002'>
-    <div>Printed by <span class='sc'>Ballantyne, Hanson &amp; Co.</span></div>
-    <div>at the Ballantyne Press, Edinburgh</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c002' />
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c002'>
-    <div><span class='large'><i>TO MY WIFE</i></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c002' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_vii'>vii</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>PREFACE</h2>
-</div>
-<div class='c012'>
-  <img class='drop-capi' src='images/dc-i.jpg' width='100' height='98' alt='' />
-</div><p class='drop-capi0_8'>
-IN this book the writer has endeavoured to give as
-complete an account as possible of the life and career
-of the younger Holbein, together with a description
-of every known picture painted by him, and of the
-more important of his drawings and designs. The
-earlier books devoted to the subject—such as Wornum’s <i>Life and
-Works</i>, 1867, and Dr. Woltmann’s two volumes—although they must
-always remain of the utmost help to the student, are now in some
-respects out of date. The second edition of the latter’s great work,
-in which he modified and corrected many passages in the earlier issue,
-has never been fully translated into English; while the latest book of
-importance on the subject published in this country, <i>Hans Holbein the
-Younger</i>, by Mr. Gerald S. Davies, M.A., 1903, is mainly devoted to
-the art of the painter, and does not profess to give complete biographical
-details of his life. In recent years many new facts as to
-Holbein’s career have been discovered, and fresh pictures by him
-unearthed, while modern criticism has reversed some of the earlier
-conclusions respecting the authorship of a certain number of works at
-one time attributed to him. Much valuable information upon the
-subject has been published at home and abroad, largely in periodicals
-devoted to such matters and in the transactions of artistic and learned
-societies, by various well-known students of the master in Germany
-and Switzerland, chief among whom must be mentioned Dr. Paul
-Ganz, the director of the Public Picture Collection in Basel, now recognised
-as the leading authority on Holbein, together with Dr. Hans
-Koegler, Dr. Emil Major, H. A. Schmid, and other writers too numerous
-to mention here; while in England equally valuable contributions to
-our knowledge have been made from time to time by such critics as
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_viii'>viii</span>Mr. Lionel Cust, M.V.O., Sir Sidney Colvin, Mr. Campbell Dodgson,
-Sir Claude Phillips, Miss Mary F. S. Hervey, and a number of others,
-in the pages of the <i>Burlington Magazine</i> and elsewhere. Much
-valuable information is also to be found in two recently-published
-volumes—Dr. Curt Glaser’s <i>Hans Holbein der Ältere</i>, 1908, and Dr.
-Willy Hes’ <i>Ambrosius Holbein</i>, 1911.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The writer has availed himself as fully as possible of the newer
-facts and conclusions embodied in such papers and communications,
-the source of information in all cases being fully acknowledged. A
-very careful study of the Calendars of Letters and Papers, Foreign
-and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, extending over a number
-of years, has enabled him to add some fresh items of information
-about the painter and certain of his sitters, and of several of the
-artists who were his contemporaries in England. He has dealt at
-some length, though necessarily in a condensed form, with the chief
-painters and craftsmen, both English and foreign, who were at work
-in London under Henry VIII, much of the information thus brought
-together having been hitherto scattered about in a variety of publications
-not always conveniently accessible to the student. He thus
-hopes that the book will to some extent serve the purpose for which
-it is primarily intended—the provision, in as concise a form as possible,
-of a complete biography of the painter, embodying all the more recent
-discoveries; and he trusts that it may be of some small service to those
-who are interested in Holbein, but have neither the time nor the
-opportunity to avail themselves of the many scattered sources of information
-which he has attempted to bring together within the covers
-of a single book.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>By the gracious permission of His Majesty the King, the writer has
-been allowed to include among the illustrations, reproductions, in
-some instances in colour, of a number of pictures and drawings by
-Holbein in the royal collections; and he has to thank the Lord
-Chamberlain and Mr. Lionel Cust, M.V.O., Surveyor of the King’s
-Pictures, for the kind assistance they rendered him in obtaining such
-permission. He has also to express his grateful acknowledgments to
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_ix'>ix</span>a number of owners and collectors for similar permission to reproduce
-works by the master in their possession, among them Her Majesty the
-Queen of Holland, who has graciously allowed the inclusion of the
-beautiful miniature of an Unknown Youth; the Duke of Devonshire,
-G.C.V.O.; Earl Spencer, G.C.V.O.; the Earl of Radnor; Lord
-Leconfield; the Earl of Yarborough; Sir John Ramsden, Bt.;
-Sir Hugh P. Lane; the late Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan; Major Charles
-Palmer; and the Barber-Surgeons’ Company. Special thanks are
-due to Lord St. Oswald for permitting the large “More Family Group”
-at Nostell Priory to be photographed for the purposes of this book,
-and for allowing the writer to take notes from a very interesting
-manuscript containing a description of the various versions of the
-Family picture compiled by his grandfather, Mr. Charles Winn. He has
-also to record his great indebtedness to Mr. Ayerst H. Buttery for
-giving him the privilege of reproducing the recently discovered portrait
-of an Unknown English Lady, formerly in the possession of the
-Bodenham family at Rotherwas, near Hereford. His thanks also are
-due to Senhor José de Figueiredo, director of the National Museum
-of Ancient Art, Lisbon, for permission to include the elder Holbein’s
-“Fountain of Life” among the illustrations, as well as to the directors
-of a number of galleries and museums, including the Public Picture
-Collection, Basel; the National Gallery, British Museum, and Wallace
-Collection; the Kaiser Friedrich Museum, Berlin; the Imperial
-Gallery, Vienna; the Louvre, Paris; the Royal Picture Gallery, The
-Hague; the Metropolitan Museum of New York; the Royal Hermitage
-Gallery, St. Petersburg; and the Galleries of Dresden, Munich,
-Hanover, Rome, Florence, Solothurn, and elsewhere.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In addition, he has the pleasure of recording his great indebtedness
-to Mr. Lionel Cust, M.V.O., for kind assistance and advice; to Mr.
-Maurice W. Brockwell, for much valuable help in many directions;
-to Mr. Campbell Dodgson, who was good enough to assist in the
-selection of woodcuts from the British Museum Collection for the
-purposes of reproduction; to Dr. George C. Williamson, through whose
-kindness the writer has been able to make use of his Catalogue of the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_x'>x</span>late Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan’s Collection of Miniatures; to the Editors
-of the <i>Burlington Magazine of Fine Arts</i> for permission to include
-the writer’s paper on Holbein’s visit to “High Burgony”; to Mr.
-James Melville for transcribing from the Balcarres MSS. a long letter
-from the Duchess of Guise referring to that visit; to Herr F. Engel-Gros
-for information about the interesting roundel in his possession,
-which possibly represents the painter Lucas Hornebolt; and to Dr.
-James H. W. Laing, of Dundee, to whom he is deeply indebted for
-most generously undertaking the very onerous task of reading the
-whole of the proofs. He wishes also to offer his grateful thanks to
-his publishers, and in particular to Mr. Hugh Allen, for the great care
-and trouble they have spent upon the book, and for their hearty
-co-operation in attempting to make it as complete a record as possible
-of the great master to whom it is devoted.</p>
-<div class='c014'>A. B. C.</div>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='small'><span class='sc'>Birmingham</span>, <i>August 1913.</i></span></p>
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_xi'>xi</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>CONTENTS</h2>
-</div>
-<div class='fs80'>
-
-<table class='table0' summary=''>
-<colgroup>
-<col width='11%' />
-<col width='76%' />
-<col width='11%' />
-</colgroup>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'><span class='xsmall'>CHAP.</span></td>
-    <td class='c016'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c017'><span class='xsmall'>PAGE</span></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>I.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER AND HIS FAMILY</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#Page_1'>1</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>II.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>YOUTHFUL DAYS IN AUGSBURG</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#Page_23'>23</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>III.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>FIRST YEARS IN SWITZERLAND</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#Page_32'>32</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>IV.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>WORK IN LUCERNE AND THE VISIT TO LOMBARDY</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#Page_57'>57</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>V.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>CITIZEN OF BASEL</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#Page_82'>82</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>VI.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE HOUSE OF THE DANCE AND THE WALL-PAINTINGS IN THE BASEL TOWN HALL</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#Page_116'>116</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>VII.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>DESIGNS FOR PAINTED GLASS AND OTHER STUDIES</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#Page_135'>135</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>VIII.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>PORTRAITS OF ERASMUS AND HIS CIRCLE</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#Page_162'>162</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>IX.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>DESIGNS FOR BOOK ILLUSTRATIONS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#Page_187'>187</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>X.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE “DANCE OF DEATH” AND OLD TESTAMENT WOODCUTS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#Page_204'>204</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>XI.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE MEYER MADONNA AND THE DEPARTURE FOR ENGLAND</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#Page_232'>232</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>XII.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>NATIVE AND FOREIGN ARTISTS IN ENGLAND DURING THE REIGN OF HENRY VIII</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#Page_256'>256</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>XIII.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND: PORTRAITS OF THE MORE FAMILY</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#Page_288'>288</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>XIV.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND: OTHER PORTRAITS AND DECORATIVE WORK</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#Page_311'>311</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>XV.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE RETURN TO BASEL (1528-1532)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#Page_338'>338</a></td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-<table class='table0' summary=''>
-<colgroup>
-<col width='88%' />
-<col width='11%' />
-</colgroup>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c016'><span class='sc'>Postscript to Chapter XIV.</span> A NEWLY-DISCOVERED PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#Page_353'>353</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c016'>FOOTNOTES FOR ALL CHAPTERS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#Page_359'>359</a></td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-</div>
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_xii'>xii</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>ILLUSTRATIONS</h2>
-</div>
-<div class='fs80lh'>
-
-<table class='table1' summary=''>
-<colgroup>
-<col width='6%' />
-<col width='81%' />
-<col width='12%' />
-</colgroup>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>HANS HOLBEIN: SELF-PORTRAIT</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#frontis'><i>Frontispiece</i></a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Reproduced in colour.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>1.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE BAPTISM OF ST. PAUL</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-01'>11</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Left-hand panel of the “Basilica of St. Paul” altar-piece. By <span class='sc'>Hans Holbein the Elder</span>.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Museum, Augsburg.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>2.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE ST. SEBASTIAN ALTAR-PIECE</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-02'>15</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Central panel. By <span class='sc'>Hans Holbein the Elder</span>.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Alte Pinakothek, Munich.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>3.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) ST. BARBARA. (2) ST. ELIZABETH</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-03'>16</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Inner sides of the wings of the “St. Sebastian” altar-piece. By <span class='sc'>Hans Holbein the Elder</span>.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Alte Pinakothek, Munich.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>4.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE FOUNTAIN OF LIFE</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-04'>17</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>By <span class='sc'>Hans Holbein the Elder</span>.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>National Museum of Ancient Art, Lisbon.</i> Reproduced by kind permission of the Director, Senhor José de Figueiredo.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>5.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>STUDY FOR THE PORTRAIT OF A LADY OF AUGSBURG</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-05'>21</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Silver-point drawing. By <span class='sc'>Hans Holbein the Elder</span>.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>British Museum.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>6.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>AMBROSIUS AND HANS HOLBEIN</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-06'>25</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Silver-point drawing. By <span class='sc'>Hans Holbein the Elder</span> (1511).</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Royal Print Room, Berlin.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>7.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>VIRGIN AND CHILD (1514)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-07'>33</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>8.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) HEAD OF THE VIRGIN MARY. (2) HEAD OF ST. JOHN</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-08'>37</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>9.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE LAST SUPPER</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-09'>40</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>10.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE SCOURGING OF CHRIST</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-10'>41</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>11.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>HOLBEIN’S EARLIEST TITLE-PAGE</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-11'>45</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>First used in 1515.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>From a copy of More’s “Utopia” in the British Museum.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xiii'>xiii</span>12.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>MARGINAL DRAWINGS IN A COPY OF THE “PRAISE OF FOLLY”</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-12'>48</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) <span class='sc'>Folly Leaving the Pulpit.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(2) <span class='sc'>Penelope at her Loom.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(3) <span class='sc'>The Pope.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(4) <span class='sc'>The Cardinal.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(5) <span class='sc'>The Bishop.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(6) <span class='sc'>Nuns Kneeling before an Altar-piece.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>13.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>MARGINAL DRAWINGS IN A COPY OF THE “PRAISE OF FOLLY”</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-13'>49</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) <span class='sc'>The Basket of Eggs.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(2) <span class='sc'>Nicolas de Lyra.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(3) <span class='sc'>King Solomon.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(4) <span class='sc'>Young Nobleman.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(5) <span class='sc'>Folly and his Puppet.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(6) <span class='sc'>Erasmus at his Desk.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(7) “<span class='sc'>A Fat and Splendid Pig from the Herd of Epicurus.</span>”</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>14.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE TWO SIDES OF A SCHOOLMASTER’S SIGN-BOARD (1516)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-14'>51</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>15.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>DOUBLE PORTRAIT OF JAKOB MEYER AND HIS WIFE, DOROTHEA KANNENGIESSER (1516)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-15'>52</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>16.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) HEAD OF JAKOB MEYER. (2) HEAD OF DOROTHEA KANNENGIESSER</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-16'>55</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Drawings in black and coloured chalks. Studies for the double portrait of 1516.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>17.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>ADAM AND EVE (1517)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-17'>56</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>18.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>PORTRAITS OF TWO BOYS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-18'>60</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>By <span class='sc'>Ambrosius Holbein</span>.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>19.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>STUDY OF A YOUNG GIRL NAMED “ANNE” (1518)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-19'>61</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Silver-point and red chalk drawing. By <span class='sc'>Ambrosius Holbein</span>.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>20.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE FOUNDING OF BASEL</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-20'>61</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Design for painted glass. By <span class='sc'>Ambrosius Holbein</span>.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>21.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN YOUNG MAN (1518)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-21'>61</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>By <span class='sc'>Ambrosius Holbein</span>.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Royal Hermitage Gallery, St. Petersburg.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>22.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>ILLUSTRATION TO SIR THOMAS MORE’S “UTOPIA”</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-22'>62</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>By <span class='sc'>Ambrosius Holbein</span>.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>From a woodcut in the British Museum.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>23.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>DESIGNS FOR THE WALL-PAINTINGS OF THE HERTENSTEIN HOUSE, LUCERNE</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-23'>68</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) <span class='sc'>Leæna and the Judges.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(2) <span class='sc'>Architectural Decoration of the Ground Floor.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>24.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>PORTRAIT OF BENEDIKT VON HERTENSTEIN (1517)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-24'>72</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Metropolitan Museum, New York.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xiv'>xiv</span>25.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE LAST SUPPER</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-25'>75</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Central panel of a Triptych.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>26.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE ARCHANGEL MICHAEL AS WEIGHER OF SOULS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-26'>79</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Drawing.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>27.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>MINERS AT WORK</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-27'>80</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Drawing in Indian ink, pen, and bistre.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>British Museum.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>28.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>BONIFACIUS AMERBACH (1519)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-28'>85</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Reproduced in colour.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>29.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) ADORATION OF THE SHEPHERDS. (2) ADORATION OF THE KINGS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-29'>88</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Inner sides of the wings of the Oberried altar-piece.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>University Chapel, Freiburg Minster.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>30.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE PASSION OF CHRIST</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-30'>91</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Outer sides of the wings of an altar-piece.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>31.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) CHRIST BEARING THE CROSS. (2) THE CRUCIFIXION</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-31a'>94</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Details of the outer sides of the wings of the “Passion” Altar-piece.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>32.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>“NOLI ME TANGERE”</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-32'>95</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Christ appearing to Mary Magdalen. Reproduced by gracious permission of H.M. the King.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Hampton Court Palace.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>33.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) CHRIST, THE MAN OF SORROWS. (2) MARY, MATER DOLOROSA</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-33'>98</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Diptych, painted in brown monochrome, with blue sky.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>34.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE HOLY FAMILY</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-34'>99</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Washed drawing on a red ground.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>35.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE DEAD CHRIST IN THE TOMB (1521)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-35'>101</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Predella of an altar-piece.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>36.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE VIRGIN AND CHILD, WITH ST. URSUS AND A HOLY BISHOP (1522)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-36'>103</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Solothurn Gallery.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>37.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>PORTRAIT OF A YOUNG WOMAN, POSSIBLY HOLBEIN’S WIFE</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-37'>106</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Reproduced in colour.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Royal Picture Gallery, Mauritshuis, The Hague.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>38.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>HEAD OF A YOUNG WOMAN, PROBABLY HOLBEIN’S WIFE</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-38'>108</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Study for the Solothurn “Madonna.” Silver-point drawing, touched with red.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Louvre, Paris.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xv'>xv</span>39.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>DESIGN FOR THE ORGAN-CASE DOORS, BASEL CATHEDRAL</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-39'>113</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Pen and wash drawing.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>40.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) STUDY FOR A PAINTED HOUSE FRONT WITH THE FIGURE OF A SEATED EMPEROR. (2) THE AMBASSADORS OF THE SAMNITES BEFORE CURIUS DENTATUS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-40a'>121</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>The latter a fragment of the wall-painting in the Basel Town Hall.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>41.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>SAPOR AND VALERIAN</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-41'>131</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Design for one of the wall-paintings in the Basel Town Hall. Pen and water-colour drawing.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>42.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) TWO LANDSKNECHTE. (2) THE PRODIGAL SON</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-42a'>139</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Designs for painted glass.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>43.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>DESIGN FOR A PAINTED WINDOW WITH THE COAT OF ARMS OF THE VON HEWEN FAMILY (1520)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-43'>144</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>44.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>ST. ELIZABETH, WITH KNEELING KNIGHT AND BEGGAR</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-44'>148</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Design for painted glass.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>45.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE VIRGIN AND CHILD, WITH A KNEELING DONOR</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-45'>149</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Design for painted glass.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>46.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) CHRIST BEFORE CAIAPHAS. (2) THE SCOURGING OF CHRIST</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-46a'>151</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>47.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) THE MOCKING OF CHRIST. (2) CHRIST CROWNED WITH THORNS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-47a'>152</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>48.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) PILATE WASHING HIS HANDS. (2) ECCE HOMO</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-48a'>153</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>49.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) CHRIST BEARING THE CROSS. (2) THE STRIPPING OF CHRIST’S GARMENTS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-49a'>154</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>50.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) CHRIST NAILED TO THE CROSS. (2) THE CRUCIFIXION</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-50a'>155</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>51.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) COSTUME STUDY. (2) COSTUME STUDY</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-51a'>157</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Two drawings from a set of designs of ladies’ costumes.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xvi'>xvi</span>52.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>“THE EDELDAME”</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-52'>157</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Drawing from a set of designs of ladies’ costumes.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>53.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>A FIGHT BETWEEN LANDSKNECHTE</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-53'>160</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Drawing in Indian ink.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>54.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>ERASMUS (1523)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-54'>169</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Reproduced by kind permission of the Earl of Radnor.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Longford Castle, Salisbury.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>55.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>STUDY FOR THE HANDS OF ERASMUS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-55'>171</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Drawing in silver-point and red and black chalk.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Louvre, Paris.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>56.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>ERASMUS (1523)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-56'>172</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Reproduced in colour.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Louvre, Paris.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>57.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE DUCHESS OF BERRY</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-57'>176</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Drawing in black and coloured chalks. Reproduced in colour.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>58.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) ERASMUS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-58a'>180</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Roundel.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(2) PHILIP MELANCHTHON</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-58b'>180</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Roundel.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Provinzial Museum, Hanover.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>59.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>ERASMUS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-59'>181</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>From a woodcut in the British Museum.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>60.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>MUCIUS SCÆVOLA AND LARS PORSENA</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-60'>191</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Woodcut first used in 1516.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>From a copy of More’s “Epigrams” in the British Museum.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>61.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>“THE TABLE OF CEBES”</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-61'>193</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Woodcut first used in 1521.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>From a copy of Perotto’s “Cornucopiæ” in the British Museum.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>62.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>TITLE-PAGE TO LUTHER’S “NEW TESTAMENT”</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-62'>195</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Woodcut first used in 1522.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>From a copy in the British Museum.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>63.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE FOUR EVANGELISTS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-63'>195</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Woodcuts and Initial Letters used on the first page of each gospel in the 1523 edition of Luther’s “New Testament.”</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>From a copy in the British Museum.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>64.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE “CLEOPATRA” TITLE-PAGE</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-64'>198</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Woodcut first used in 1523.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>From a copy of Erasmus’ “Christiani Matrimonii Institutio” in the British Museum.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xvii'>xvii</span>65.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) CHRIST THE TRUE LIGHT. (2) THE SALE OF INDULGENCES</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-65'>198</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Woodcuts.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>From proofs in the British Museum.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>66.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE DANCE OF DEATH WOODCUTS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-66'>217</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) <span class='sc'>The Emperor.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(2) <span class='sc'>The King.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(3) <span class='sc'>The Cardinal.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(4) <span class='sc'>The Empress.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(5) <span class='sc'>The Advocate.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(6) <span class='sc'>The Counsellor.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(7) <span class='sc'>The Preacher.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(8) <span class='sc'>The Priest.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>From proofs in the British Museum.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>67.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE DANCE OF DEATH WOODCUTS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-67'>220</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) <span class='sc'>The Old Man.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(2) <span class='sc'>The Countess.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(3) <span class='sc'>The Noble Lady.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(4) <span class='sc'>The Duchess.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(5) <span class='sc'>The Ploughman.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(6) <span class='sc'>The Young Child.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(7) <span class='sc'>The Last Judgment.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(8) <span class='sc'>The Arms of Death.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>From proofs in the British Museum.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>68.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE DANCE OF DEATH ALPHABET</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-68'>224</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>From a proof in the Royal Print Cabinet, Dresden.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>69.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE OLD TESTAMENT WOODCUTS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-69'>230</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) <span class='sc'>Jacob Blessing Ephraim and Manasseh.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(2) <span class='sc'>Ruth and Boaz.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(3) <span class='sc'>Judith with the Head of Holofernes.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(4) <span class='sc'>Amos Preaching.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>From proofs in the British Museum.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>70.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE OLD TESTAMENT WOODCUTS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-70'>230</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) <span class='sc'>Moses receiving the Tables of the Law.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(2) <span class='sc'>The Return from the Babylonian Captivity.</span></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>From proofs in the British Museum.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(3) <span class='sc'>The Angel showing St. John the New Jerusalem</span> (Revelation xxi.). Woodcut from Adam Petri’s “New Testament,” 1523.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>From a copy in the British Museum.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>71.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE MEYER MADONNA</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-71'>233</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Darmstadt.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>72.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) JAKOB MEYER. (2) DOROTHEA KANNENGIESSER</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-72a'>236</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Studies for the Meyer Madonna. Drawings in black and coloured chalks.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>73.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) MAGDALENA OFFENBURG AS VENUS (1526). (2) MAGDALENA OFFENBURG AS LAÏS (1526)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-73a'>246</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>74.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>STUDY FOR THE MORE FAMILY GROUP</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-74'>293</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Drawing in Indian ink, with corrections and inscriptions in brown.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>75.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE MORE FAMILY GROUP</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-75'>295</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Reproduced by kind permission of Lord St. Oswald.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Nostell Priory, Wakefield.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>76.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THE MORE FAMILY GROUP</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-76'>301</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>The version formerly at Burford Priory, now in the possession of Messrs. Parkenthorpe, London. Reproduced by kind permission of Sir Hugh P. Lane.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xviii'>xviii</span>77.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>CECILIA HERON, DAUGHTER OF SIR THOMAS MORE</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-77'>303</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Drawing in black and coloured chalks. Reproduced by gracious permission of H.M. the King.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Windsor Castle.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>78.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>SIR THOMAS MORE</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-78'>303</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Drawing in black and coloured chalks. Reproduced by gracious permission of H.M. the King.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Windsor Castle.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>79.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>PORTRAIT OF AN ENGLISH LADY</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-79'>309</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Drawing in black and red chalk and Indian ink.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Salting Bequest, British Museum.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>80.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>SIR HENRY GULDEFORD (1527)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-80'>317</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Reproduced in colour, by gracious permission of H.M. the King.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Windsor Castle.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>81.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) JOHN FISHER, BISHOP OF ROCHESTER</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-81a'>321</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Drawing in black and coloured chalks. Reproduced by gracious permission of H.M. the King.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Windsor Castle.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(2) PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY, POSSIBLY LADY GULDEFORD</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-81b'>321</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Drawing in black and coloured chalks.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>82.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>(1) UNKNOWN ENGLISHMAN. (2) UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-82a'>321</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Drawings in black and coloured chalks.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>83.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>WILLIAM WARHAM, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY (1527)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-83'>322</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Reproduced in colour.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Louvre, Paris.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>84.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>THOMAS AND JOHN GODSALVE (1528)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-84'>325</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Royal Picture Gallery, Dresden.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>85.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>SIR JOHN GODSALVE</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-85'>326</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Drawing in black and coloured chalks and water-colour. Reproduced by gracious permission of H.M. the King.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Windsor Castle.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>86.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>NIKLAUS KRATZER (1528)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-86'>327</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Reproduced in colour.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Louvre, Paris.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>87.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>SIR BRYAN TUKE</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-87'>331</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Alte Pinakothek, Munich.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>88.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>SIR HENRY WYAT</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-88'>335</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Reproduced in colour.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Louvre, Paris.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'><span class='pageno' id='Page_xix'>xix</span>89.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>SIR THOMAS ELYOT</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-89'>336</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Drawing in black and coloured chalks. Reproduced by gracious permission of H.M. the King.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Windsor Castle.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>90.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>HOLBEIN’S WIFE AND CHILDREN (1528-9)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-90'>343</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Reproduced in colour.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>91.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>PORTRAIT OF A YOUNG WOMAN</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-91'>346</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Unfinished study in oils.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>92.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>KING REHOBOAM REBUKING THE ELDERS (1530)</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-92'>348</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Three fragments of the wall-painting formerly in the Basel Town Hall.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>93.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>KING REHOBOAM REBUKING THE ELDERS</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-93'>348</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Study for the wall-painting formerly in the Basel Town Hall.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>94.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>SAMUEL AND SAUL</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-94'>350</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Pen drawing in brown touched with water-colour. Study for the wall-painting  formerly in the Basel Town Hall.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Public Picture Collection, Basel.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr><td>&nbsp;</td></tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>95.</td>
-    <td class='c016'>PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY</td>
-    <td class='c017'><a href='#pl-95'>354</a></td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'>Formerly in the possession of the Bodenham family, Rotherwas Hall, Hereford. Reproduced by kind permission of Mr. Ayerst H. Buttery.</td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-  <tr>
-    <td class='c015'>&nbsp;</td>
-    <td class='c016'><i>Mr. Ayerst H. Buttery, London.</i></td>
-    <td class='c017'>&nbsp;</td>
-  </tr>
-</table>
-
-</div>
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_xx'>xx</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>NOTE</h2>
-</div>
-<p class='c012'>The following abbreviations are used in the footnotes to this book:—</p>
-<p class='c018'><i>C. L. P.</i>, for Calendars of Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of
-the Reign of Henry VIII.</p>
-<p class='c018'>Davies, for <i>Hans Holbein the Younger</i> (Gerald S. Davies).</p>
-<p class='c018'>Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, for <i>Holbein d. J., des
-Meisters Gemälde in 252 Abbildungen</i> (Klassiker der Kunst).</p>
-<p class='c018'>Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, for <i>Handzeichnungen Schweizerischer Meister</i>,
-ed. Dr. Paul Ganz.</p>
-<p class='c018'>Ganz, <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, for <i>Handzeichnungen von Hans Holbein
-dem Jüngeren.</i></p>
-<p class='c018'>Woltmann, for <i>Holbein und seine Zeit</i> (A. Woltmann).</p>
-<p class='c018'>Wornum, for <i>Some Account of the Life and Works of Hans Holbein</i>
-(R. N. Wornum).</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In order to obviate the constant use of a somewhat long official title, the
-Public Picture Collection, Basel, is generally referred to in this book as the
-Basel Gallery.</p>
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c002'>
-    <div><span class='pageno' id='Page_1'>1</span><span class='c006'>Hans Holbein the Younger</span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <h2 class='c011'>CHAPTER I<br /> <br /><span class='c019'>HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER AND HIS FAMILY</span></h2>
-</div>
-<p class='c020'>The Holbein family in Switzerland and South
-Germany—Michel Holbein, the leather-dresser—Hans
-Holbein the Elder, citizen of Augsburg—His brother
-Sigmund, and his two sons, Ambrosius and Hans—The art
-of Hans Holbein the Elder and his position in the
-German School of painting—His principal pictures—Work
-in Ulm and Frankfurt—Paintings for the Convent of St.
-Catherine in Augsburg—Work for the Church of St.
-Moritz—Monetary difficulties—The St. Sebastian
-altar-piece—the “Fountain of Life” at Lisbon—His
-silver-point portrait drawings—His death at Isenheim.</p>
-<div class='c012'>
-  <img class='drop-capi' src='images/dc-d.jpg' width='100' height='101' alt='' />
-</div><p class='drop-capi1_1'>
-DURING the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the name
-of Holbein was not uncommon in various parts of
-Southern Germany and Switzerland. At Ravensburg,
-near Lake Constance, a family of that name had
-settled as paper manufacturers, their trade-mark being
-a bull’s head, which was also used by Hans Holbein
-in his coat of arms. The name is also found in the records of the
-town of Grünstadt, in Rhenish Bavaria, during the same centuries;
-while for a still longer period members of a Holbein family were
-living in Basel, where they had a house called “Zum Papst” in the
-Gerbergasse. It was from this branch that the painter was in all
-probability descended,<a id='r1' /><a href='#f1' class='c021'><sup>[1]</sup></a> and it is also possible that the Basel and
-Ravensburg Holbeins were connected. This relationship between the
-three branches may have been one of the reasons which induced the
-youthful Hans to turn his face towards Switzerland when he finally
-left Augsburg, the city of his birth.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In Augsburg itself the first reference to a burgher bearing the
-name of Holbein occurs in the middle of the fifteenth century. In
-1448 a certain Michel Holbein, who had been living at Oberschönefeld,
-in the near neighbourhood, moved into Augsburg, and settled
-there permanently. In the first entry in the records in which his
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_2'>2</span>name occurs he is called “Michel von Schönenfeld,” but in 1454
-his surname is given as “Holbain,” this being the common spelling
-of the name in Augsburg at that time, or, less frequently, “Holpain.”
-This Michel Holbein, who came from Oberschönefeld, and
-died in Augsburg about 1497, and at one time was regarded as the
-father of Hans Holbein the Elder, is no longer considered to be identical
-with the latter, who was also named Michel and was a leather-dresser
-by trade. From 1464 to 1475 the last named was living in
-a house of his own, No. 472<span class='fss'>A</span> in the Vorderer Lech, which is spoken
-of as “Michel Holbains Hus,” or “Domus Michel Holbains.” After
-1475 he changed his dwelling more than once, and his several removals
-can be traced from the rate-books, in which his addresses
-at various dates are given as “Salta zum Schlechtenbad,” “Vom
-Bilgrimhaus,” “Vom Nagengast,” “In der Prediger Garten,” and
-so on. All these places were in the Vorderer and Mittlerer Lech,
-in that part of the city to the east of the Maximilianstrasse known as
-the Diepold, in the neighbourhood of the Lech canals and streams,
-by which Augsburg is watered, along the banks of which most of
-the smaller trades of the city were carried on and the workshops of
-the artificers and metal-workers were situated. In the years 1479,
-1481, and 1482 Michel Holbein was absent from Augsburg, and appears
-to have left his wife behind him, for in 1481 it is noted against
-her in the rate-book that her husband was not with her (“Ihr Mann
-nicht bei ihr”). Michel Holbein died probably about the year 1484.<a id='r2' /><a href='#f2' class='c021'><sup>[2]</sup></a>
-His widow, whose name first occurs in the town records in 1469,
-continued to move from house to house, her addresses being given as
-“in der Strasse Am Judenberg,” “Von Sant Anthonino,” “Vom
-Diepolt,” and beyond the Sträfinger Gate.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The name of “Hanns Holbain” first appears in the records in
-the year 1494. This was the painter usually known as Hans Holbein
-the Elder, to distinguish him from his more celebrated son. Although
-there is no actual proof of the relationship, there is every reason to
-believe that Hans the Elder was one of the sons of Michel the currier.
-He lived in the same quarter of the city as the latter, his address
-in 1494 being in the “Strasse vom Diepolt,” and two years later in
-the “Salta zum Schlechtenbad.” More than once Hans Holbein’s
-mother is mentioned as living with him, thus evidently at that time
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_3'>3</span>a widow, which affords further proof in favour of the connection.<a id='r3' /><a href='#f3' class='c021'><sup>[3]</sup></a>
-In 1504 it is recorded that Sigmund, his brother, was living in the same
-house with Hans, which confirms the statement by J. von Sandrart, one
-of the earliest of Holbein’s biographers, in his <i>Teutsche Akademie</i>
-(1675), that the elder Hans Holbein and Sigmund were brothers, a
-relationship of which absolute proof is to be found in the latter’s will.
-Sigmund was born after 1477, was of age in 1503, and died in Berne
-in 1540.<a id='r4' /><a href='#f4' class='c021'><sup>[4]</sup></a> The two painter brothers had several sisters. Between
-1478 and 1480 the records speak of a daughter, Barbara von Oberhausen,
-as living with her mother, Michel Holbainin, and a few years
-later a second daughter, Anna Holbainin, who is sometimes called by
-the diminutive name “Endlin.” There appear to have been four sisters
-in all, but Sigmund Holbein mentions only three of them in his will,
-Barbara being apparently dead—Ursel (Ursula) Nepperschmid, of
-Augsburg; Anna Elchinger, living by St. Ursula am Schwall, in the
-same city; and Margreth Herwart, at Esslingen. The name of this
-last sister, Margaret, occurs in the town records from 1502 as “Gret”
-or “Margreth Holbainin.” In 1493 there is a reference to an
-“Ottilia Holbainlin,” but the use of the diminutive in this case suggests
-that she was a small child, and, therefore, more probably a
-daughter rather than a sister of Hans Holbein the Elder.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>At one time, before these authentic records of the Holbein family
-had been unearthed from the Steuerbücher and Gerichtsbücher of
-Augsburg, it was believed that a third painter named Hans Holbein
-had existed, the father of Hans Holbein the Elder. Attention was
-first called to him by Passavant in 1846, in connection with a painting
-then in the possession of Herr Samm of Mergenthau, and now in the
-Augsburg Museum. This picture, which represents the Virgin Mary
-seated on a grassy bank by a wall, with the Infant Christ in her arms,
-is signed “Hans Holbein, C.A. (<i>i.e.</i> Civis Augustanus) 1459,” a date
-too early for the picture to have been painted by Hans Holbein the
-Elder; but the inscription has been proved to be a forgery. Further
-proof of the existence of this painter was thought to have been discovered
-in connection with a second picture, forty years later in
-date, and in reality from the hand of Hans Holbein the Elder. It
-is one of a series of six pictures representing the principal basilicas of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_4'>4</span>Rome, ordered by the nuns of St. Catherine in Augsburg in 1496, on
-the occasion of the reconstruction of their convent. The names of
-the several donors of these pictures, with the prices and other details,
-are preserved in the annals of the convent, compiled by the
-nun Dominica Erhardt from old records and documents. Extracts
-from this work were supplied to Passavant, including one with reference
-to the picture of the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore, now in
-the Augsburg Gallery (Nos. 62-64), which is signed “Hans Holbain”
-on the two bells in the tower, and bears the date 1499. The passage
-in question is as follows:—</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>“Item Dorothea Rölingerin hat lassen machen unser lieben frauen
-Taffel, die gestatt oder steht 45 gulden. Vom alten Hans Holbein
-hie.” (Item. Dorothea Rölingerin has ordered of old Hans Holbein
-a panel painting of our dear Lady for the sum of 45 gulden.)</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The term “old Holbein,” Passavant thought, could only be applied
-to the grandfather of the family, for in 1499 Hans Holbein the
-Younger was still a little child, and his father too young a man to
-be termed “the old.” Later researches, however, proved that the
-extracts supplied to Passavant were incorrect, containing numerous
-amplifications and spurious additions not to be found in the original
-document, which, after considerable search, was discovered by Dr.
-Woltmann in the Episcopal Library in Augsburg. In the original
-record the price paid for the picture is given as 60 gulden, and neither
-the name of “old Holbein” nor of any other painter occurs, so that
-the myth of the grandfather Hans was finally demolished.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE MYTHICAL BRUNO HOLBEIN</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>There is no record of the birth of Hans Holbein the Elder; but
-as the earliest dated picture by him so far discovered was painted
-in 1493, it is supposed to have taken place about 1473-4.<a id='r5' /><a href='#f5' class='c021'><sup>[5]</sup></a> There
-is equal lack of information as to the date of his marriage or the name
-of his wife. It was believed at one time, on the authority of Paul
-von Stetten, that she was the daughter of Thomas Burgkmair, and
-sister of the more famous Hans Burgkmair, and that the young couple
-lived with their father-in-law; but no confirmation of this legend
-has been discovered. The two families dwelt in the same street,
-“Vom Diepolt,” but Burgkmair’s house was No. 7, while Holbein’s
-was No. 17. His family, as far as is known, consisted only of his
-two sons, Ambrosius and Hans. A third son, Bruno, is mentioned
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_5'>5</span>by Remigius Faesch (1651) in his manuscript notes preserved in the
-Basel Library, compiled from information supplied to him from the
-Amerbach papers; but beyond this short notice, and a repetition
-of it by Patin, there is no trace of a Bruno Holbein to be found. There
-are two silver-point drawings, one of the head of a child in the Bernburg
-Library,<a id='r6' /><a href='#f6' class='c021'><sup>[6]</sup></a> and the other of a mitred bishop in the Albertina,
-Vienna,<a id='r7' /><a href='#f7' class='c021'><sup>[7]</sup></a> both dated 1515 and signed with the letters B. H. in monogram,
-which it has been suggested are the work of the supposed Bruno.
-Dr. Woltmann, however, considered them to be by Ambrosius Holbein.
-The latter, he says, was known by the diminutive name of “Prosy”
-in the family circle, and as at that time in Germany the letters <i>p</i>
-and <i>b</i> were often used indifferently—as can be seen in the spelling of
-Holbein’s own name in the Augsburg records, where it is sometimes
-given as “Holbain,” and sometimes as “Holpain”—it may well be
-that the monogram on these two drawings is that of “Prosy” or
-“Brosy” Holbein.<a id='r8' /><a href='#f8' class='c021'><sup>[8]</sup></a> Modern criticism, however, has shown that the
-attribution of these two drawings to Ambrosius is a wrong one.<a id='r9' /><a href='#f9' class='c021'><sup>[9]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “BASILICA OF S. MARIA MAGGIORE”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Hans Holbein the Elder, whose exceptional ability as an artist has
-always been overshadowed by the greater genius of his celebrated
-son, was one of the most representative painters of the Swabian
-School at the close of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth
-century. His art, more particularly, but not only, in its earlier manifestations,
-shows the influence of Martin Schongauer, and, through
-Schongauer, that of Rogier van der Weyden and the Flemish School.
-The influence of Schongauer upon him is at times so marked that it
-has been suggested that he may have studied under him at Colmar
-during his younger days. Whether this be true or not, it is evident
-that Holbein was still under the spell of Schongauer’s painting during
-his stay in Isenheim towards the end of his life. The “Fountain
-of Life,” painted there in 1519, owed much of its inspiration to Schongauer’s
-“Madonna in the Rose Garden,” which Holbein must have
-seen in the not far-distant city of Colmar. Both in the types of his
-figures and the management of his draperies, as well as in the arrangement
-of his compositions, there is an echo of Schongauer’s art, which,
-however, may not have been derived through personal contact with
-that painter, but largely from the study of his numerous engravings,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_6'>6</span>which were widely popular throughout Southern Germany. Schongauer
-himself, whose father, Kasper Schongauer, was an Augsburg
-painter, had studied, or, at least, had come much under the influence
-of, Rogier van der Weyden at Tournai, and had caught from him
-something of the sweetness and grace which characterised the finest
-Flemish art of that day. These characteristics, and others representative
-of the school, he handed on in his turn to the Swabian
-painters, the elder Holbein among them. Hans Burgkmair was one
-of Schongauer’s pupils, and was afterwards a near neighbour of Holbein,
-so that he also may have been an inspiring force in the moulding
-of the art of both the older and the younger Hans. Another of Schongauer’s
-followers, Bartolomaeus Zeitblom of Ulm, is also considered
-to have had some influence upon the elder Holbein’s painting. The
-latter, at one period of his career, became a citizen of Ulm, where
-he must have encountered Zeitblom, the leading painter of that city.
-Thus his earlier works show a gradual fusion of the methods of the
-old German or Rhenish School with those of the Flemings. He began
-to paint in the days when German art was almost uninfluenced by
-the great Italian Renaissance, which was gradually but surely spreading
-over Europe, but before the close of his career he had succumbed
-to its spell. A chronological examination of his later works shows
-what a vitalising force his study of Italian models had upon his style,
-though he did not accept these changes as easily or as rapidly as some
-of his contemporaries, such as Burgkmair. Unlike the latter, however,
-he never paid a visit to Italy, but he nevertheless found it impossible
-in the end to resist the new artistic impulses with which that country
-was then flooding the rest of Europe. It was not necessary for him,
-however, to cross the Alps in order to experience the magic spell of
-the new teaching, for Augsburg was one of the first of the South
-German towns to feel the effects of the Renaissance. The two
-chief routes from Italy, the western one from Milan, and the
-eastern road from Venice, met at its gates. The greater part of
-the trade between the Venetian States and Germany passed
-through the city, and its leading merchants had business branches
-in Venice and other North Italian towns. Many members of the
-Fugger and other patrician families of Augsburg spent long periods
-in the districts immediately south of the Alps, for the purpose of
-extending their trade connections; and the active commercial intercourse
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_7'>7</span>with Italy which resulted brought not only riches to the Augsburgers,
-but knowledge and love of the new culture as well, and thus
-through the old free city of Swabia the intellectual and artistic wealth
-of the Renaissance made its way into Germany. The elder Holbein
-was among those who reaped advantage from this intercourse between
-the two countries. Without entirely abandoning the solid German
-groundwork of his art, he stripped it, more particularly in his management
-of draperies, of many of its hardnesses. His colour grew more
-harmonious, and his handling broader and more free. His figures
-became less attenuated, and his heads, treated with greater realism,
-displayed more character, while the general composition of his pictures
-showed a greater dignity of conception and a deeper sense of
-beauty. In addition to these gradual changes in his art, the new
-influence wrought a complete alteration in his methods of dealing
-with all accessories and with the architectural backgrounds against
-which his subjects were placed, Renaissance forms and ornamentation
-taking the place of the earlier Gothic settings.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The earliest dated pictures which can be ascribed to him with
-any certainty are four altar-panels in the Cathedral of Augsburg,
-of the year 1493, which at one time formed the two wings of an
-altar-piece in the Abbey of Weingarten, representing Joachim’s
-Sacrifice, the Birth and the Presentation of Mary in the Temple,
-and the Presentation of Christ.<a id='r10' /><a href='#f10' class='c021'><sup>[10]</sup></a> They display a strong Flemish
-influence, with a warm, luminous colour, and considerable dignity
-and sense of beauty in the figures.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>His next pictures of which the date is certain are of the year
-1499,<a id='r11' /><a href='#f11' class='c021'><sup>[11]</sup></a> and include the picture of the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore,<a id='r12' /><a href='#f12' class='c021'><sup>[12]</sup></a>
-the work already mentioned as ordered by Dorothea Rölingerin<a id='r13' /><a href='#f13' class='c021'><sup>[13]</sup></a>
-for the Convent of St. Catherine in Augsburg, and at one
-time attributed to the mythical grandfather Hans. It is a panel in
-the form of a broad pointed arch, corresponding, like the five other
-pictures of the series, with the vaulting of the chamber for which
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_8'>8</span>it was painted. It contains four scenes in three sections, divided
-from one another by gilded Gothic ornamentation. The lower half
-of the central compartment contains a view of the church, with a
-pilgrim kneeling at the altar. On the two bells is inscribed “Hans
-Holba—in 1499,” while an “H” is on one of the tombstones, and the
-date is repeated on the outer wall of the church. The upper part
-of the arch is filled with the Crowning of the Virgin. The division
-on the left contains St. Joseph and the Virgin adoring the Child in
-the stable, that on the right the Martyrdom of St. Dorothea, in honour
-of the donor of the picture, who is represented, a small figure, kneeling
-in prayer behind the saint. This picture is now in the Augsburg
-Museum (Nos. 62-64).</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>A second work in the same gallery (No. 61), of the same date, is,
-however, far inferior to the foregoing, the execution being careless
-and perfunctory. It was a commission from the nun Walburg Vetter,
-also for the Convent of St. Catherine, as an offering from herself, and
-in memory of her two sisters, Veronica and Christina, all three of
-whom lived, died, and were buried in the convent; and the indifference
-of the workmanship has been attributed to the fact that Holbein
-received extremely poor payment for it, only 26 gulden in all. It
-has an arched top, and is divided into a number of small compartments,
-with the Crowning of the Virgin above, and six roughly-painted
-scenes from Christ’s Passion below, in which the figures, more particularly
-of the executioners, are extremely repulsive. It is dated,
-and contains a long inscription.<a id='r14' /><a href='#f14' class='c021'><sup>[14]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Shortly after he had sent out this very inferior example of his
-art from his workshop, Holbein appears to have left Augsburg for
-a year or two, and to have settled in Ulm. His name is found in
-the Augsburg rate-books every year from 1494 to 1499, but is missing
-in 1500 and 1501, while there is a document in the Augsburg archives,
-dated Wednesday, November 6, 1499, which proves that in that
-year he had become for the time being a citizen of Ulm (“Hannsen
-Holbain dem Maller, jetzo Bürger zu Ulm”),<a id='r15' /><a href='#f15' class='c021'><sup>[15]</sup></a> though no traces remain
-of any work undertaken by him in that city. This entry is in connection
-with the contract for the purchase of a house in Augsburg
-from which Holbein received interest.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE KAISHEIM ALTAR-PIECE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_9'>9</span>In 1501 he was in Frankfurt, engaged upon an altar-piece for the
-Dominican convent church. Two large panels, which once formed
-the back of the centre portion of this work, represent the genealogy
-of Christ and that of the Dominicans,<a id='r16' /><a href='#f16' class='c021'><sup>[16]</sup></a> each in two divisions. On the
-first there is a Latin inscription stating that the work was executed
-in 1501 to the order of the Superior, one “I. W.,” and concluding
-with the words, “<span class='sc'>Hans Hoilbayn de Avgvsta me pinxit</span>.” These
-panels are now in the Städtisches Museum in Frankfurt, together
-with seven out of eight scenes of “Christ’s Passion,” which originally
-covered the outer and inner sides of the wings of the same altar-piece.<a id='r17' /><a href='#f17' class='c021'><sup>[17]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_10'>10</span>In 1502 he was back again in Augsburg, at work upon a large
-altar-piece for the monastery of Kaisheim at Donauwörth. Sixteen
-portions of it, which formed the inner and outer panels of the folding
-doors, are now in the Munich Gallery (Nos. 193-208).<a id='r18' /><a href='#f18' class='c021'><sup>[18]</sup></a> Between the
-years 1490 and 1509 the Abbot Georg Kastner spent much money
-on the adornment of the fine Gothic church of this famous imperial
-monastery, and in an old manuscript chronicle which has survived,
-there is a passage referring to this particular altar-piece, from which
-it is to be gathered that two other artificers of Augsburg, the sculptor
-Gregorius and the joiner Adolph Kastner, were associated with Holbein
-in the work. It speaks of them as three masters of Augsburg,
-who were the best masters far and near. The panels from the outer
-sides of the shutters represent scenes from the Passion, those from the
-inner ones incidents in the life of the Virgin and the childhood of
-Christ. The former are of inferior workmanship to the latter, and
-were no doubt produced wholly or in great part by an apprentice or
-assistant, for they display many exaggerated and grotesque types
-and a general lack of taste in composition. The inner panels show a
-far higher standard, and are from the hand of the elder Holbein himself,
-whose signature occurs no less than three times as “J. H.,” “Hans
-Holbon,” and finally the inscription, “Depictum per Johannem Holbain
-Augustensem 1502.” Studies for some of the heads are to be found
-in his sketch-book in the Basel Gallery. Several panels representing
-the martyrdom of the Apostles, at Nuremberg, Schleissheim, and
-elsewhere, have much in common with the Kaisheim altar-piece.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the same year (1502) Holbein was engaged for a second time
-upon work for the Convent of St. Catherine in Augsburg. This was
-a panel, in three compartments, representing the Transfiguration of
-Christ,<a id='r19' /><a href='#f19' class='c021'><sup>[19]</sup></a> a commission from a leading Augsburg citizen, Ulrich Walther,
-whose daughters, Anna and Maria, were inmates of the convent, the
-former being the prioress. It is now in the Augsburg Gallery (Nos.
-65-67). It was ordered to be made “to the praise of God and in
-honour of his two daughters,” and the price paid was 54 gulden 30
-kreuzers. Walther, who, dying at the age of eighty-six in 1505, left
-behind him one hundred and thirty-three living descendants, is represented
-kneeling in the lower part of the left-hand compartment, with
-eight sons behind him; and in the corresponding part of the opposite
-compartment are his wife, the two nuns, and twelve others, daughters
-and daughters-in-law, also kneeling in prayer. These portraits, of
-which those of the younger children in particular are of considerable
-charm, form the happiest part of the painting. In the central subject,
-the movements by which the Apostles express their surprise at the
-transfiguration of their Master are exaggerated almost to the point
-of caricature. The side panels represent the Miracle of the Loaves
-and Fishes, and the Healing of the Possessed Youth.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “BAPTISM OF ST. PAUL”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>A much finer work, painted for the same convent, is the “Basilica
-of St. Paul,”<a id='r20' /><a href='#f20' class='c021'><sup>[20]</sup></a> like the “Transfiguration,” now in the Augsburg Gallery
-(Nos. 68-70). Although undated, it is usually ascribed to the year
-1504. It was ordered by Veronica Weiser, daughter of the Burgomaster
-Bartholomäus Welser. She was one of the wealthiest of the
-sisters, and was at that time secretary to the convent, and afterwards
-succeeded Anna Walther as prioress. It follows the shape of the
-other pictures in the cloisters, that of a broad pointed arch, and is
-divided into a central and two side panels, separated by late Gothic
-gilded ornamentation. It depicts scenes from the life of St. Paul.
-In the upper arched portion is the Mocking of Christ, while the lower
-compartments contain the Conversion, Baptism, Martyrdom, and
-Burial of St. Paul, with other events in his life in the background.
-In the central division Holbein has shown the donor seated in a chair
-in front of the basilica with her back to the spectator, an evident
-portrait, although the face is not visible. The name “Thecla” is
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_11'>11</span>written on the chair-back. The division on the left hand is of much
-greater interest, for it contains portraits of the Holbein family, including
-the earliest but one known of Hans Holbein the Younger. The
-subject is the Baptism of St. Paul (Pl. <a href='#pl-01'>1</a>), who is represented, a nude
-figure, standing in a stone font in the foreground. In the right-hand
-foreground the artist has placed a group of three spectators, a middle-aged
-man and two small boys, representing, according to old tradition,
-the painter himself and his two sons, Ambrosius and Hans. The truth
-of this tradition is confirmed by three drawings by the elder Holbein
-which still exist—one, a head of himself, a study for the St. Sebastian
-altar-piece, inscribed “Hanns Holbain maler—Der alt,” now in the
-Aumale Collection at Chantilly;<a id='r21' /><a href='#f21' class='c021'><sup>[21]</sup></a> and the others, in the Berlin Print
-Room, representing the two boys in the years 1502 and 1511.<a id='r22' /><a href='#f22' class='c021'><sup>[22]</sup></a> In the
-picture the painter himself, with long hair and a flowing beard, but the
-upper lip shaved, and dressed in a fur-lined coat, stands with his right
-hand resting upon the head of the younger boy, and with the first
-finger of his left points towards him as though wishing to draw particular
-attention to him. Ambrosius, with his hair curling upon his
-shoulders, stands with his right hand placed affectionately upon his
-younger brother’s shoulder, and with his left clasps the other’s hand.
-Both boys are dressed in grey cloth gowns, with gaiters and thick
-shoes, the elder having a pen-case and ink-bottle suspended from his
-girdle. Hans, a big-headed, round-faced, chubby little lad, six or seven
-years old, has shorter hair. One hand is raised to his chest, and the
-other grasps a stick. The father’s face is not a highly intellectual one,
-but is sensitive and amiable; that of the boy Hans is stronger in character,
-with a fine forehead and good mouth. On the opposite side
-of the picture there stands a lady, seen in profile, with plaited golden
-hair and a white head-dress. Her costume is a rich one, with brocaded
-sleeves, and the lower part of her skirts edged with pearls.
-Tradition, which is possibly correct, declares this lady to be the
-mother of the two boys. There is considerable likeness between her
-and Ambrosius, and it is evident that she is taking no part in the incident
-of the Baptism beyond that of a very passive spectator. The
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_12'>12</span>costume she wears precludes her from being the donor of the picture,
-who, indeed, is already represented in the central compartment.
-Holbein apparently introduced his whole family into the work. The
-only reason for throwing doubt on the tradition lies in the elaborate
-dress she is wearing, which seems too sumptuous for a poor painter’s
-wife; for the elder Holbein at this period of his life was in frequent
-difficulties over money. Mr. Gerald Davies draws attention to a drawing
-by him in coloured chalks in the Munich Print Room, which, he
-thinks, represents the wife some years earlier, perhaps before her
-marriage.<a id='r23' /><a href='#f23' class='c021'><sup>[23]</sup></a> “It is,” he says, “a very charming drawing of a young
-woman, not of any special beauty beyond that which belongs to every
-young face which has the sparkle of happy pleasure in the lips and
-eyes; the hair is partly covered with a white cap, into which some
-delicate yellow is touched, and she wears yellow sleeves and bands of
-the same colour across the white chest front. Allowing for some years’
-difference in age, this may well, I think, be the same person as she
-who appears in the Augsburg picture. But, whether it be the mother
-of the great painter or no, it is certainly a study which shows Hans
-Holbein the Elder to have been possessed in some degree of those
-very qualities in which his son afterwards stood supreme. There is
-something of the same sympathetic power of seeing, and the same
-completeness of recording what has been seen, without pedantries and
-without makeshifts, all that gives to any given human face its charm
-and its interest.... There is in it something of inspiration which
-neither care nor industry nor strength—and there are certainly artists
-stronger than he—can give. There is in this drawing the germ, and
-something more than the germ, of the spirit of his great son.”<a id='r24' /><a href='#f24' class='c021'><sup>[24]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>This altar-piece, in which the figures are represented at about
-one-third the size of life, marks a considerable advance in Holbein’s
-art, both in technical qualities, the harmony of colouring, and in the
-drawing of the figures and natural arrangement of the draperies.
-When ordering the picture, Veronica Welser at the same time commissioned
-Hans Burgkmair to paint one of the Basilica of Santa Croce
-and the legend of St. Ursula. Only one payment, 187 gulden, is
-recorded for the two. As Burgkmair’s picture is dated 1504, it is
-natural to suppose that Holbein’s altar-piece was painted at about
-the same time.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 1.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-01'  class='figcenter id003'>
-<img src='images/i012.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE BAPTISM OF ST. PAUL<br />Left-hand panel of the “St. Paul” Altar-piece, with portraits of the Holbein Family<br /><span class='sc'>Hans Holbein the Elder</span><br /><span class='sc'>Augsburg Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE ELDER HOLBEIN’S TROUBLES</div>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_13'>13</span>Between the years 1504 and 1508 Holbein found frequent employment
-in connection with the Church of St. Moritz in Augsburg.
-Various payments are recorded in the church account books, but
-the pictures he painted cannot now be traced. Among them appear
-to have been two large altar-pieces, for which he frequently received
-small sums in advance at his own request. On the 28th October 1506,
-he agreed to supply four altar-panels for 100 gulden, receiving 10
-gulden on account. Money was evidently scarce in the Holbein
-household in these years; he was even obliged to borrow 3 gulden
-from the churchwarden’s wife. For the second altar-piece, commissioned
-on the 16th March 1508, he was to receive the considerable
-sum of 325 gulden; but, as he was evidently still in debt, the whole
-of the money was not paid directly to him, but was handed over to
-various creditors; thus 74 gulden was paid to one Thomas Freihamer.
-On the same occasion Holbein’s wife received a present of
-5 gulden from the church authorities, and his son, no doubt Ambrosius,
-one gulden.<a id='r25' /><a href='#f25' class='c021'><sup>[25]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The elder Holbein, indeed, was often in monetary difficulties,
-more particularly towards the end of his life. From time to time
-he was sued for small sums by impatient creditors. In 1503 he went
-to law with a neighbour, Paulson Mair, and on the 10th May 1515
-he was sued by his butcher, Ludwig Smid, for one gulden. In the
-following year he was twice in the courts, the second time at the
-suit of one Jörg Lotter for the small amount of 32 kreuzers. On the
-12th January 1517 his own brother, Sigmund, was obliged to take
-proceedings against him for a debt of 34 florins, money advanced to
-enable Holbein to move his painting materials to “Eysznen”—that
-is, Isenheim in Alsace—to which place he went towards the end of
-1516 for the purpose of painting an altar-piece for the monastery of
-St. Anthony. Once again, in 1521, a certain Hans Kämlin sued him
-before the justices for two sums of 40 kreuzers, and 2 florins 40 kreuzers.
-Thus, in spite of numerous commissions, which, however, were
-not always well-paid ones, he often had great difficulty in supporting
-his household in comfort.<a id='r26' /><a href='#f26' class='c021'><sup>[26]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “ST. SEBASTIAN” ALTAR-PIECE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The scope of this book does not permit a detailed description,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_14'>14</span>or even a bare list, of his numerous works. Two only of his later,
-and probably his finest, paintings must be alluded to briefly—the
-“Martyrdom of St. Sebastian,” in the Munich Gallery (Nos. 209-211),
-painted shortly before his departure from Augsburg to Isenheim,
-and the “Fountain of Life,” in Lisbon, both of which were at one time
-ascribed to his younger son.<a id='r27' /><a href='#f27' class='c021'><sup>[27]</sup></a> The “St. Sebastian” altar-piece,<a id='r28' /><a href='#f28' class='c021'><sup>[28]</sup></a>
-which in earlier days was rightly regarded as a work of the elder
-Holbein, is thought to have been one of several commissions given
-to him by the nuns of St. Catherine in Augsburg. The entry in the
-archives which is supposed to refer to it merely states that “Sister
-Magdalena Imhoff has given 3 gulden to the new Sebastian, for the
-Holy Cross on the altar, and the lay sisters 2 florins. This is the
-cost of the said picture.” Neither the name of the artist who was
-employed upon it nor the date of the order is given, and from the
-wording of the entry, and the very small price paid, it seems evident
-that it cannot refer to so important a painting as the “St. Sebastian.”
-Dr. Woltmann was probably right in suggesting that what was ordered
-was merely a painted wooden figure of the saint, which was to be
-added to a carved group of the Crucifixion on the altar of the church.<a id='r29' /><a href='#f29' class='c021'><sup>[29]</sup></a>
-The picture was first attributed to the younger Holbein by Passavant
-and Dr. Waagen, who were misled by the forged extracts from the
-St. Catherine annals, in which the passage quoted above was considerably
-amplified, the “St. Sebastian” being definitely described
-as a picture “by the skilful painter Holbein,” with the additional
-information that it was ordered in 1515, and placed in the church in
-1517, after its rebuilding, and that Magdalena Imhoff paid 10 gulden
-towards it, and the other lay sisters 2 gulden each. As a result of this
-falsification, the authorship of the picture was taken from the father
-and given to the son, and, in consequence, it was regarded for a number
-of years as an extraordinary manifestation of youthful genius. Even
-when the forgery was discovered, such critics as Dr. Woltmann and
-Mr. Wornum continued, from considerations of style, to uphold the
-picture as an early Augsburg work of the younger Holbein. The
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_15'>15</span>inner and outer panels of the wings, in particular, were considered
-to afford undoubted proof, by their high artistic merit and their
-method of handling, that they were from the brush of the son; and
-some modern critics still maintain that, if not entirely his work, they
-were nevertheless carried out by him under his father’s supervision,
-although they show a much more finished and mature style than is
-to be found in the first sacred paintings he produced in his early Basel
-days. Professor Karl Voll of Munich holds that no one but the
-younger Hans could have painted the lovely figures of St. Elizabeth
-and St. Barbara. Dr. Glaser, on the other hand, is of opinion that
-the whole altar-piece is the work of Hans Holbein the Elder. The
-picture is undated, though Passavant states that it is inscribed
-“1516.” According to Förster, in 1840 the old frame bore the inscription
-“1516, H. Holbain.” Dr. Woltmann placed it in the year
-1515, but at that date the younger Hans had already left Augsburg
-for Basel. From considerations of style, however, and the strong
-Renaissance influence it displays, it is now generally considered to
-have been executed by Hans Holbein the Elder in or about 1516,
-prior to his departure from Augsburg to Isenheim.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Judged by his authentic works of this date in Basel, it is difficult
-to allow that the younger Holbein had any serious part in the painting
-of this altar-piece, though he may have worked on some of the
-details under his father’s direction. Whether originally painted to the
-order of the nuns of St. Catherine or not, the picture is said to have
-been found in their possession on the abolition of the convent. It was
-acquired in 1809 from the church of St. Sauveur in Augsburg.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The central panel (Pl. <a href='#pl-02'>2</a>) shows the nude figure of the saint, transfixed
-with arrows, his right arm fastened by a chain above his head
-to a fig-tree. Four archers at very close quarters are shooting at him,
-the one kneeling in the left foreground, in the act of bending his bow,
-being dressed in a striped costume of blue and white, the colours of
-Bavaria, the hereditary enemy of Augsburg. Behind them stand
-spectators in rich costumes, two on either side, the foremost one on
-the right being the officer of the Emperor Diocletian, who is directing
-the execution. In the background is a river, on the far side of which
-rise the towers and buildings of a city, with the Alps beyond. The
-outer panels of the shutters are painted with the “Annunciation
-to the Virgin,” and the inner ones with the figures of St. Barbara and
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_16'>16</span>St. Elizabeth (Pl. <a href='#pl-03'>3</a>). St. Barbara, who is attired in a purple mantle,
-a blue dress embroidered with gold, and wide white puffed sleeves,
-holds a cup with the Host hovering over it. St. Elizabeth has also a
-purple mantle, and a dress edged with fur. With her left hand she
-gathers up her cloak, in which she is carrying bread for the poor, and
-with the other pours wine from a tankard into a shallow bowl held
-by one of the two beggars crouching at her feet. These two suppliants,
-both of whom are afflicted with leprosy, have been painted
-with extreme and even repulsive realism. Behind the leper on the
-right appears the head of the painter himself, kneeling in adoration.
-The background in both these panels is similar in character to the
-central one, that behind St. Elizabeth representing, so it is said, a
-view of the Wartburg, near Eisenach; while above and below are deep
-bands of rich Renaissance ornamentation, of the type of design which
-the younger Holbein afterwards carried to so high a degree of excellence.
-The whole work, though still retaining many indications
-of the earlier influences which moulded the elder Holbein’s art, is
-strongly imbued with the newer conception of painting received from
-Italy. The drawing of the nude displays greater knowledge than in
-the “St. Paul” altar-piece, the colour is finer, and the figures of
-the two saints on the shutters possess much grace and beauty. There
-are several silver-point studies for the picture in the Copenhagen
-Museum, while the study for the head of Holbein himself is, as already
-pointed out, at Chantilly.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 2.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-02'  class='figcenter id004'>
-<img src='images/i016.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE MARTYRDOM OF ST. SEBASTIAN<br />Central Panel<br /><span class='sc'>Hans Holbein the Elder</span><br /><span class='sc'>Alte Pinakothek, Munich</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 3.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-03'  class='figcenter id005'>
-<img src='images/i016-2.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>ST. BARBARA&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;ST. ELIZABETH<br />Inner sides of the wings of the St. Sebastian Altar-piece<br /><span class='sc'>Hans Holbein the Elder</span><br /><span class='sc'>Alte Pinakothek, Munich</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>“THE FOUNTAIN OF LIFE”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>It is in the “Fountain of Life” (Pl. <a href='#pl-04'>4</a>),<a id='r30' /><a href='#f30' class='c021'><sup>[30]</sup></a> painted in 1519,<a id='r31' /><a href='#f31' class='c021'><sup>[31]</sup></a> that the
-strongest proofs of the elder Holbein’s final surrender to the influences
-of the Italian Renaissance are to be discovered. This picture, like
-more than one other of his works, was formerly ascribed to the son.
-Nothing is known of its earlier history, but it is said<a id='r32' /><a href='#f32' class='c021'><sup>[32]</sup></a> to have been
-taken from England to Portugal by Catherine of Braganza, daughter
-of John IV of Portugal, and wife of Charles II, when she returned
-home a widow after the king’s death in 1685, and that it was presented
-by her to the chapel of the castle of Bemposta, where it remained
-until removed to the royal palace in Lisbon forty or fifty
-years ago. It thus appears to have belonged to the royal collections
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_17'>17</span>of England in Charles II’s time, but no traces of it are to be found
-in any inventory. If the picture ever was in this country, it can
-have been only for a short time, for about the year 1628 it was in the
-collection of the Elector Maximilian I of Bavaria, and is very carefully
-described in a manuscript catalogue of his pictures of that date,
-with the measurements, the date, and the name of the artist—“von
-Hanns Holpain ao 1519 gemalt.”<a id='r33' /><a href='#f33' class='c021'><sup>[33]</sup></a> It is signed “<span class='sc'>Iohannes Holbein
-Fecit</span> 1519,” but from its present condition this signature
-seems to have been painted over an older one. Attention was first
-called to the picture by Pietro Guarienti, keeper of the Dresden Gallery,
-who was in Portugal from 1733 to 1736. He read the name
-as “Holtein,” and considered it to be the work of one of Holbein’s
-pupils. This would indicate that the signature was then becoming
-illegible, and that it was renovated some time after Guarienti saw
-it. On the inner edge of the circular fountain in the foreground there
-is also an inscription, “<span class='sc'>Pvtevs Aqvarvm Viventivm</span>,” which has
-also been retouched by some clumsy hand, for the older writing,
-white on a brown ground, can still be seen beneath it.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The background, which occupies the upper half of the picture,
-is filled with a building or open loggia of very elaborate architecture
-in the style of the Italian Renaissance, with pillars of vari-coloured
-marbles, and capitals and friezes richly carved and decorated. In
-the central foreground, on the steps which ascend to this building, the
-Virgin appears, enthroned. The Infant Christ sits astride her right
-arm, firmly clasped against her breast. The Virgin appears to have
-been painted from the same model as the Virgin on the outer shutters
-of the “St. Sebastian” altar-piece. The Fountain of Life drips from
-a marble Cupid’s mask on the step below her feet into a small circular
-basin, on the edge of which is placed a tall vase with a spray of white
-lilies. Behind her carved chair stand St. Joseph and St. Anne, and
-on either side of her are groups of three saints, the two foremost ones
-being seated, with the folds of their dresses spread over the flower-strewn
-grass. On the right is St. Dorothy, in a richly-brocaded
-costume, and behind her kneels St. Catherine of Alexandria with her
-right hand stretched towards the Infant Christ, as a sign of their
-betrothal. On the left St. Margaret is seated, with a book and a
-long cross, and a dragon at her feet, and behind her St. Barbara is
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_18'>18</span>kneeling, holding the cup with the Host. Two other saints complete
-the near groups, and in the background a number of other saints
-are placed on either side. One of the figures is not unlike the so-called
-wife of Holbein in the “St. Paul” altar-piece. Still farther off,
-beyond the rails of the portico or temple, are three groups of singing
-and playing angels with vari-coloured wings. In the distance is an
-elaborate landscape, with a tall palm-tree, classical ruins, and a view
-of sea and mountains. Bands of dark cloud stretch across the sky,
-and the evening light still lingers over the waters, producing a peaceful
-and rather sombre effect. The composition is the most considerable
-to be found in any of the elder Holbein’s works, and is well grouped
-and arranged. The influence of Martin Schongauer can be very clearly
-traced in it, and the unusual position in which the Virgin is holding
-the Child is directly derived from Schongauer’s beautiful “Madonna
-in the Rose Garden,” which Holbein must have studied in the neighbouring
-city of Colmar.<a id='r34' /><a href='#f34' class='c021'><sup>[34]</sup></a> There were also altar-panels by Schongauer
-in the Isenheim Monastery itself, where Holbein appears to have been
-working when he painted the “Fountain of Life.” In addition to
-this direct influence, others, both Flemish and Italian, are to be traced
-in it, but well fused, so that the whole composition is unforced and
-natural, and contains passages of much beauty. There is delicacy
-and warmth in the flesh tints, and the sincerity of feeling which pervades
-all the principal figures is one of its chief charms. The rich
-architecture of the background shows good understanding and appreciation
-of the Italian models upon which it is based, and in all
-ways the picture indicates that when the elder Holbein put forth his
-greatest powers he was worthy of being ranked among the best German
-painters of the early sixteenth century.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 4.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-04'  class='figcenter id006'>
-<img src='images/i018.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE FOUNTAIN OF LIFE<br /><span class='sc'>Hans Holbein the Elder</span><br /><span class='sc'>National Museum of Ancient Art, Lisbon</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>Although he does not appear to have had many opportunities of
-exercising his skill as a portrait-painter, his very numerous studies in
-this branch of art show abilities of a very high order, and possess
-many of the qualities, though in a lesser degree, which his son afterwards
-developed to so high a pitch of perfection. Indeed, in these
-portrait-studies of men his art attains its greatest strength and finest
-accomplishment. Sixty-nine of his drawings of heads are preserved
-in the Imhoff Collection in the Berlin Museum. They are on the
-leaves of sketch-books, and were made between 1509 and 1516, in
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_19'>19</span>silver-point and pencil, some of them strengthened with white and
-with red chalk. A smaller number of heads from the same series are
-in the Copenhagen Museum, and at Basel and Bamberg, while isolated
-examples are to be found in the print rooms of more than one European
-museum. Some of the Basel drawings were made before 1508,
-and in the collection of M. Léon Bonnat, which contains several fine
-silver-points by the elder Hans, there is one of the Augsburg goldsmith,
-Jörig Seld, dated 1497.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE ELDER HOLBEIN’S STUDIES</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>These drawings, which at one time were all ascribed to his son,
-and are so attributed in the first edition of Dr. Woltmann’s book,
-represent citizens of Augsburg in all classes of life, many of them,
-no doubt, personal friends of the painter, who, in a number of cases,
-has written their names on the sketches. There is no evidence to
-show that the majority of them were preliminary studies for portraits
-for which he had received commissions; they were done partly
-for his own amusement and practice, and partly to serve as models
-for figures in his sacred paintings. They form, nevertheless, a very
-valuable record of the Augsburg life of his day, and so may be compared,
-in the wideness of their range at least, with the more brilliant
-series of drawings by his son. In numerous instances the same sitter
-has been drawn two or three times; of Johannes Schrott<a id='r35' /><a href='#f35' class='c021'><sup>[35]</sup></a> and Hans
-Griesher,<a id='r36' /><a href='#f36' class='c021'><sup>[36]</sup></a> monks of St. Ulrich, there are no less than seven and six
-respectively. Among them there are portraits of the Emperor Maximilian,<a id='r37' /><a href='#f37' class='c021'><sup>[37]</sup></a>
-on horseback, in helmet, and with sword, and of his grandson,
-afterwards Charles V,<a id='r38' /><a href='#f38' class='c021'><sup>[38]</sup></a> with a falcon on his wrist, inscribed “herzog
-karl vo burgundy.” As Charles became Duke of Burgundy in
-1515, and King of Castile in 1516, the drawing must have been made
-in the former year. There are several portraits of members of the
-great Fugger family, among them Jacob Fugger,<a id='r39' /><a href='#f39' class='c021'><sup>[39]</sup></a> the head of the
-clan; his nephews, Raimund<a id='r40' /><a href='#f40' class='c021'><sup>[40]</sup></a> and Anton<a id='r41' /><a href='#f41' class='c021'><sup>[41]</sup></a>; his cousin, Ulrich Fugger
-the Younger,<a id='r42' /><a href='#f42' class='c021'><sup>[42]</sup></a> and his wife, Veronica Gassner<a id='r43' /><a href='#f43' class='c021'><sup>[43]</sup></a>; and several more.
-Other leading Augsburg families are represented in heads of Gumprecht
-Rauner,<a id='r44' /><a href='#f44' class='c021'><sup>[44]</sup></a> Hans Nell,<a id='r45' /><a href='#f45' class='c021'><sup>[45]</sup></a> Hans Pfleger,<a id='r46' /><a href='#f46' class='c021'><sup>[46]</sup></a> and Hans Herlins,<a id='r47' /><a href='#f47' class='c021'><sup>[47]</sup></a> and
-members of the court circle by such men as Kunz von der Rosen,<a id='r48' /><a href='#f48' class='c021'><sup>[48]</sup></a>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_20'>20</span>the Emperor Maximilian’s lifelong friend and adviser. Included
-among these drawings are representations of more than one of Holbein’s
-fellow-workers in art, such as Hans Schwartz<a id='r49' /><a href='#f49' class='c021'><sup>[49]</sup></a> the wood-carver,
-and Burkhart Engelberg,<a id='r50' /><a href='#f50' class='c021'><sup>[50]</sup></a> stone-carver and architect. Representatives
-of more lowly pursuits are Gumpret Schwartz,<a id='r51' /><a href='#f51' class='c021'><sup>[51]</sup></a> schoolmaster,
-and one Grün,<a id='r52' /><a href='#f52' class='c021'><sup>[52]</sup></a> a tailor, and certain “merry fellows” of the artisan
-class. The heads of ladies are not very numerous, but one of them,
-the wife of the Guildmaster Schwartzensteiner,<a id='r53' /><a href='#f53' class='c021'><sup>[53]</sup></a> a typical example
-of the “good wife” of Augsburg, has been drawn no less than three
-times. A less reputable personage among them is Anna, known as
-“the Lomentlin,”<a id='r54' /><a href='#f54' class='c021'><sup>[54]</sup></a> who was twice expelled from the town for serious
-misconduct, and returned in the end apparently repentant, afterwards
-posing as a saint, and professing to be able to live without
-meat or drink. One of the most important groups in this series of
-drawings represents the monks of St. Ulrich, Augsburg’s famous
-monastery—Heinrich Grün,<a id='r55' /><a href='#f55' class='c021'><sup>[55]</sup></a> Leonhard Wagner,<a id='r56' /><a href='#f56' class='c021'><sup>[56]</sup></a> Conrad Merlin,<a id='r57' /><a href='#f57' class='c021'><sup>[57]</sup></a>
-Johannes Schrott, Hans Griesher, and others. Finally, there are a
-few studies of heads of members of the artist’s family, including his
-own likeness, that of his brother Sigmund,<a id='r58' /><a href='#f58' class='c021'><sup>[58]</sup></a> and the double portraits
-of his two sons, which have been already mentioned.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>PORTRAIT OF A LADY OF AUGSBURG</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>There is a small finished portrait of a lady of Augsburg, whose
-Christian name only, Maria, is known, in the collection of Sir Frederick
-Cook, at Richmond, which is the sole example of portraiture by the
-elder Holbein in England; and, indeed, with the exception of the
-portrait of a man, dated 1513, in the Lanckoronski Collection in
-Vienna,<a id='r59' /><a href='#f59' class='c021'><sup>[59]</sup></a> which is also attributed to him, it is very possibly the only
-specimen of such work by him in existence. This portrait is of particular
-interest, because it conflicts with the statement of Dr. Glaser,
-that he never painted an independent portrait.<a id='r60' /><a href='#f60' class='c021'><sup>[60]</sup></a> It was formerly
-attributed to the younger Holbein, but most critics failed to see his
-hand in it; and, when exhibited at the Burlington Fine Arts Club
-in 1906, it was described as of the South German School, with a note
-recording that the names of Schaffner and Ambrosius Holbein had
-been tentatively suggested in connection with it. Dr. Friedländer,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_21'>21</span>however, considered it to be a work of the younger Holbein in his
-early Basel period. In 1908 Dr. Carl Giehlow suggested that the
-older painter was its real author, and drew attention for the first
-time to the fact that a fine study for it exists in the British Museum
-(Pl. <a href='#pl-05'>5</a>); and further evidence in favour of this attribution has been
-brought forward by Mr. Campbell Dodgson.<a id='r61' /><a href='#f61' class='c021'><sup>[61]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The picture is on panel, 13¾ by 10½ inches. The sitter wears a
-white cap with embroidered margin of fleur-de-lis pattern. Her
-yellow bodice, trimmed at the edges with a broad band of black velvet,
-opens in front to show a white under-garment patterned in black and
-gold. The girdle is studded with gold ornaments. The hands are
-hidden, being pushed within the sleeves, as though for warmth. The
-background is plain blue, and on the back of the panel is painted
-“Maria” in an abbreviated form, evidently the sitter’s Christian name.
-On the front of the old original frame is inscribed: “<span class='sc'>Also.was.ich.vir.war.in.dem.
-34. iar.</span>” (So was I in truth in my thirty-fourth year.)</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The silver-point drawing in the British Museum is, says Mr.
-Dodgson, “a delicate piece of work, in perfect preservation, and
-so fresh and spontaneous that it must be regarded as a study from
-life, preparatory to the picture, and not as a copy from the latter.
-It is significant that only the main outlines of the costume are noted,
-and that ornamental details, which it would have taken a long time
-to draw, are reserved for the final execution of the portrait in oils;
-nothing of the kind is even suggested except the fleur-de-lis pattern
-on the cap. All the essential outlines of the figure itself, on the other
-hand, are drawn with a careful and expressive line, which notes the
-folds of the flesh beneath the chin more accurately than the creases of
-the sleeve at the elbow.” This drawing, like the portrait itself, is neither
-signed nor dated, so that it may be suggested, by those who see in the
-finished work the hand of the younger Holbein, that the drawing also
-is the work of the son. There is, however, a second drawing of the
-same lady in the Berlin Museum,<a id='r62' /><a href='#f62' class='c021'><sup>[62]</sup></a> one of the series of the elder Holbein’s
-studies, in which she is represented in almost the same position,
-and wearing the same dress, though apparently several years older.<a id='r63' /><a href='#f63' class='c021'><sup>[63]</sup></a>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_22'>22</span>It does not seem to be a repetition of the earlier drawing, but a fresh
-portrait from life made after a considerable interval. The Berlin
-drawing is undoubtedly the work of the elder painter, while the one
-in the British Museum is closer to his style than to that of his son
-at the period in question, when the latter was still in his teens, as
-shown in such early Basel drawings as the studies of Meyer and his
-wife. The new attribution, therefore, appears to be the correct one,
-the evidence in favour of the elder Holbein being, if not conclusive,
-at least very strong.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 5.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-05'  class='figcenter id007'>
-<img src='images/i022.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>STUDY FOR THE PORTRAIT OF A LADY OF AUGSBURG<br /><i>Silver-point drawing</i><br /><span class='sc'>Hans Holbein the Elder</span><br /><span class='sc'>British Museum</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>Little is known of the last eight years of his life. The “Fountain
-of Life” is the only picture painted by him during that period which
-has survived.<a id='r64' /><a href='#f64' class='c021'><sup>[64]</sup></a> It is supposed that he never returned to Augsburg,
-but died in Isenheim; but that he spent the whole period there seems
-unlikely. Isenheim is close to Basel, and it is not impossible that
-his last days were passed under the roof of his son Hans in the latter
-city. A letter, dated 4th July 1526, and addressed to the Vicar of
-the Order of St. Anthony in Isenheim by the burgomaster of Basel,
-Heinrich Meltinger, bears out this supposition.<a id='r65' /><a href='#f65' class='c021'><sup>[65]</sup></a> It was written on
-behalf of Hans Holbein the Younger, and by means of it he made a
-final attempt to obtain possession of, or compensation for, his father’s
-painting materials, which the latter had left behind him, or which
-had been detained for some purpose by the monastery authorities.
-From this letter it appears, also, that the son had made more than
-one previous attempt, during his father’s lifetime, and at the elder
-painter’s request, to get the goods returned; from which it is to be
-inferred that for some considerable time prior to his death Hans
-Holbein the Elder had left Isenheim. In 1521, as already pointed out,
-he was sued by Hans Kämlin for a small debt, but this does not necessarily
-indicate that the painter himself was in Augsburg at the time.
-His death took place in 1524, as is proved by an entry in the Handwerksbuch
-of the Augsburg Painters’ Guild of that year, in which
-“Hannss Holbain maller” is noted as deceased; but this again does
-not prove that his actual death occurred in that city.</p>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_23'>23</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>CHAPTER II<br /> <br /><span class='c019'>YOUTHFUL DAYS IN AUGSBURG</span></h2>
-</div>
-<p class='c020'>Birth of Hans Holbein the Younger—Forgeries of dates on early pictures
-attributed to him—Various portraits bearing on the question of the
-year of his birth—His early life in Augsburg—The family house on the
-Vorderer Lech—Early training in his father’s studio—Hans
-Burgkmair—Augsburg and the decorative arts.</p>
-<div class='c012'>
-  <img class='drop-capi' src='images/dc-n.jpg' width='100' height='97' alt='' />
-</div><p class='drop-capi1_0'>
-NO absolutely conclusive proof has yet been discovered
-of the exact date of the birth of Hans Holbein the
-Younger. For years the question was complicated by
-more than one forgery of dates and signatures on
-certain pictures in Augsburg, and by spurious amplifications
-made in the modern copies taken from certain
-entries in the annals of the convent of St. Catherine. Owing to these
-forgeries, Dr. Woltmann, in the first edition of his book,<a id='r66' /><a href='#f66' class='c021'><sup>[66]</sup></a> advanced the
-opinion that Holbein was born in 1495; but before the publication of
-the first volume of the second edition of his work, in 1874, these inscriptions
-and entries had been proved to be falsifications, and he then
-altered the date to 1497,<a id='r67' /><a href='#f67' class='c021'><sup>[67]</sup></a> and this is now generally accepted as correct.
-Equal doubt existed at one time as to the place of his birth. Among
-earlier writers, Carel van Mander (1604) and Patin (1676) stated that
-he was born in Basel, while Matthis Quad gave his birthplace as
-Grünstadt in the Palatinate. Sandrart (1675) was the first biographer
-to name Augsburg, which modern research has shown to be
-correct. The forgeries, no doubt, were the result of the discovery
-that Holbein was not a Swiss, as had been usually supposed, and
-were intended to supply convincing evidence that he was of German
-origin, and a citizen of Augsburg, and also to furnish proof of the
-precocity of his youthful genius.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE YOUNGER HOLBEIN’S BIRTH</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The chief forgery was an inscription on a picture in the Augsburg
-Gallery (Nos. 74-77), dated 1512, which until 1845 had always been
-rightly regarded as the work of the elder Holbein. This picture is
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_24'>24</span>one of the four panels which originally formed the inner and outer
-sides of the two shutters of an altar-piece or shrine painted for the
-convent of St. Catherine.<a id='r68' /><a href='#f68' class='c021'><sup>[68]</sup></a> The two inner panels represent the Martyrdom
-of St. Catherine<a id='r69' /><a href='#f69' class='c021'><sup>[69]</sup></a> and the Legend of St. Ulrich, the patron
-saint of Augsburg; the outer ones the Crucifixion of St. Peter, and
-the Virgin and St. Anne teaching the Infant Christ to walk. On
-the panel representing St. Catherine the date 1512 occurs on a votive
-tablet containing a Latin prayer to the saint, while on the old original
-frame the name of the painter, “Hans Holbain,” the two last letters
-of the surname now defaced, stands in gold letters.<a id='r70' /><a href='#f70' class='c021'><sup>[70]</sup></a> It was upon
-the panel representing the Virgin and St. Anne with the Infant Christ<a id='r71' /><a href='#f71' class='c021'><sup>[71]</sup></a>
-that the false inscription was placed. In this picture Mary and her
-Mother are seated, each holding a hand of the youthful Saviour, who
-stands between them on the bench making his first attempts to walk.
-Three small angels hold up a curtain behind them, and at the top
-of the panel is a band of rich Renaissance ornamentation, with two
-cupids blowing horns.<a id='r72' /><a href='#f72' class='c021'><sup>[72]</sup></a> St. Anne holds an open book on her lap
-with her left hand; and when, in 1854, the panel was separated from
-its obverse side and cleaned and restored, a Latin inscription upon
-this book came to light, parts of which were hidden by the hand of
-the saint. This inscription stated that the picture had been painted
-“by order of the venerable and most pious mother Veronica Welser—Hans
-Holbain, of Augsburg, at the age of 17.”<a id='r73' /><a href='#f73' class='c021'><sup>[73]</sup></a> Before this Dr. Waagen<a id='r74' /><a href='#f74' class='c021'><sup>[74]</sup></a>
-and several other critics had attributed this altar-piece to the younger
-Holbein because of supposed differences in style between it and the
-greater number of the authenticated works by the father. The
-newly-discovered inscription, which was accepted as genuine by Dr.
-Woltmann and most German writers, was considered to afford final
-proof of the truth of Waagen’s contention, though a few, among
-them Herman Grimm, refused to credit it. It was not until after
-the death of A. Eigner, the keeper of the Augsburg Gallery, and the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_25'>25</span>originator of the falsification, in November 1870, that it was possible
-to apply a practical test to it, with the result that it proved to
-be a modern forgery. Upon the application of turpentine the whole
-of the inscription disappeared, and traces of a much earlier and badly-defaced
-one were found beneath it. The discovery of its fictitious
-nature led to further investigation, and the final abandonment of
-the date 1495 as the year of the painter’s birth, while the picture is
-now rightly restored to the older artist who painted it.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE YOUNGER HOLBEIN’S BIRTH</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Far more reliable proof as to the correct date of Holbein’s birth
-is afforded by the fine silver-point drawing by the elder painter, in the
-Berlin Museum, of the heads of his two sons (Pl. <a href='#pl-06'>6</a>).<a id='r75' /><a href='#f75' class='c021'><sup>[75]</sup></a> Between the
-heads is written “Holbain,” and over that of the younger boy on the
-right the word “Hanns,” with the age “14” above the name. Over
-the head of the elder boy on the left the shortened name “Prosy”
-is still legible. Probably the first syllable, “Am,” has become obliterated
-in course of time, or it may be that the father merely set
-down his nickname, “Prosy.”<a id='r76' /><a href='#f76' class='c021'><sup>[76]</sup></a> The age of Ambrosius, which must
-also have been added, is now entirely effaced. At the top of the sheet
-is placed the date, which to-day is barely legible. Dr. Woltmann
-read it as “1511,” which would give the birth-year of Hans as 1497,
-and this reading is now generally accepted. The same writer imagined
-that he could trace the figure “5” above the head of Ambrosius,
-which would make his age fifteen, and thus one year older
-than his brother. In the drawing itself, however, he appears to be
-at least two or three years the senior. Dr. Willy Hes, in his recently-published
-book on Ambrosius Holbein, states that this now almost
-obliterated age-figure is “17,” and this is probably correct.<a id='r77' /><a href='#f77' class='c021'><sup>[77]</sup></a> Both
-heads are full of character. The younger boy, with round face, and
-straight hair falling on his forehead and covering his ears, though
-not a child of much personal beauty, has a pleasant, thoughtful expression.
-The forehead is a fine one, projecting over the eyes, and
-showing, according to phrenologists, a strongly-developed power of
-imagination, while the mouth is large and determined. Ambrosius
-has more mobile features, and a mass of curling hair. This drawing,
-which at one time was attributed to the younger Hans, is one of the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_26'>26</span>most masterly in the Berlin series, and shows how largely the son’s
-great gift of lifelike portraiture was inherited from his father.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE YOUNGER HOLBEIN’S BIRTH</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Dr. Hes also publishes a second drawing by the elder Holbein
-from the Berlin collection,<a id='r78' /><a href='#f78' class='c021'><sup>[78]</sup></a> which, as he was the first to point out,
-undoubtedly represents the two boys at an earlier age. This silver-point
-drawing, hitherto known merely as “Portraits of two Children,”
-and bearing the inscription “Thomasins Sohn und Tochter” in a
-later hand, represents the two boys in profile, facing one another.
-It is not of such fine quality as the drawing of 1511, but the likeness
-to Ambrosius and Hans is unmistakable. In this earlier study Dr.
-Hes considers the age of the boys to be eight and five respectively.
-The further researches of the same writer have resulted in his discovery
-of a third likeness of the elder son from his father’s pencil, a
-beautiful drawing of a curly-haired lad with looks cast downwards.
-It is among the silver-point drawings of Hans Holbein the Elder in
-the Basel collection,<a id='r79' /><a href='#f79' class='c021'><sup>[79]</sup></a> and seems to be connected with two other
-works by the Augsburg master, both also at Basel, for which, perhaps,
-it may have served as a preliminary study. One is an Indian-ink
-study for a “Death of Mary,” and the other a large oil-painting of the
-same subject (No. 301). In both the features of the youthful St.
-John, who bends over the Virgin with palm-branch and long candle
-in either hand, are evidently those of Ambrosius. This drawing<a id='r80' /><a href='#f80' class='c021'><sup>[80]</sup></a> is
-dated 1508 on a slate hanging at the head of the bed, so that the
-“St. John” represents the boy at the age of about fourteen. A still
-more youthful figure, with long hair, stands behind the wooden head
-of the bed, with clasped hands, gazing down at the Virgin. It may
-be suggested, though Dr. Hes does not call attention to it, that in
-this figure we have a third likeness of the younger Hans. The resemblance
-to the heads in the two drawings is not as close as in the
-case of Ambrosius, but is sufficiently so to permit the conjecture that the
-father intended to introduce both his boys into the picture to be
-painted from this study. The connection between these drawings and
-the picture at Basel is not, however, very clear. In the oil-painting<a id='r81' /><a href='#f81' class='c021'><sup>[81]</sup></a>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_27'>27</span>Mary is enthroned, the arrangement is entirely different, and many
-more figures are introduced; but the figure and face of the St. John
-are the same as in the Indian-ink drawing, though seen from the
-opposite side. According to the Basel catalogue, however, this
-picture was painted in 1501, and it does not appear very probable
-that the painter would have used a boy of seven as his model
-for the Saint. Behind St. John appears the curly head of a young
-man looking down; and here again, though possibly only in the
-imagination of the present writer, there is a faint resemblance to
-Hans the Younger. But this cannot be so if the picture was painted
-in 1501, when Hans was only four. The same figure of St. John occurs
-also in the “Death of Mary,”<a id='r82' /><a href='#f82' class='c021'><sup>[82]</sup></a> on one of the panels of the Kaisheimer
-altar-piece at Munich. We have thus, in these drawings, together with
-the “Basilica of St. Paul” picture of 1504, portraits of Ambrosius Holbein
-at the ages of eight, ten, fourteen, and seventeen respectively,
-and of Hans when five, seven, and fourteen,<a id='r83' /><a href='#f83' class='c021'><sup>[83]</sup></a> and also, if the likeness
-in the Indian-ink drawing of 1508 be allowed, at the age of eleven
-as well.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 6.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-06'  class='figcenter id008'>
-<img src='images/i026.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>AMBROSIUS AND HANS HOLBEIN<br />1511<br /><i>Silver-point drawing</i><br /><span class='sc'>Hans Holbein the Elder</span><br /><span class='sc'>Royal Print Room, Berlin</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>Further evidence as to his birth-date is afforded by two engravings,
-by Vorsterman and Hollar respectively, and several
-miniatures of Holbein by himself, some of the latter being only
-early copies, all of which are dated 1543, and give the age as forty-five.
-Vorsterman’s print, which is 4¾ inches in diameter, shows
-no date on the background, but round the outside is engraved
-“Ioannes Holbenius Pictor Regis Magnæ Britanniæ Sui Cæculi
-Celeberrimus Anno 1543 Ætat: 45.” Hollar’s etching is also
-circular. There is no lettering round the rim, but across the background
-is inscribed: “HH. Æ. 45—<span class='sc'>An</span><sup>o</sup> 1543.” Below is the legend—“Vera
-Effigies Johannis Holbeinii Basiliensis Pictoris et Deliniatoris
-rarissimi. Ipse Holbeinius pinxit, Wenceslaus Hollar aqua
-forti æri insculpsit. Ex Collec: Arundel: 1647.”<a id='r84' /><a href='#f84' class='c021'><sup>[84]</sup></a> The original
-paintings from which these two engravings were taken have not been
-discovered, but they were, no doubt, two small roundels in oils.<a id='r85' /><a href='#f85' class='c021'><sup>[85]</sup></a> In
-Carel van Mander’s time two such portraits were in existence. He says,
-when speaking of Holbein’s works then in Amsterdam: “At the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_28'>28</span>house of Jacques Razet, the fine arts amateur, I saw Holbein’s
-portrait, painted by himself very prettily and neatly, in miniature,
-with a small margin round it; and in the possession of Bartholomäus
-Ferreris, I saw a second, about the size of the palm of my hand, excellently
-and neatly executed in flesh tints.”<a id='r86' /><a href='#f86' class='c021'><sup>[86]</sup></a> Sandrart, who was
-in Amsterdam between 1639 and 1645, gave to the collector Le Blond
-a small round portrait of Holbein, and this is probably identical with
-the one which Van Mander saw in the possession of Razet. From
-Le Blond, who acted as agent for the Earl, it may well have passed
-into the Arundel Collection before 1647, in which year Hollar etched
-it. Vorsterman’s engraving is not dated, but it is evidently
-taken from the same or an almost similar original, and this artist
-engraved other pictures in the Arundel collection. According to
-Walpole, the picture in the Earl’s possession was dated. He says,
-quoting from one of the pocket-books of Richard Symonds:—“In
-the Arundelian collection was a head of Holbein, in oil, by himself,
-most sweet, dated 1543.”<a id='r87' /><a href='#f87' class='c021'><sup>[87]</sup></a> The various miniatures of the painter, the
-greater number of which are merely good and almost contemporary
-copies, described in a later chapter,<a id='r88' /><a href='#f88' class='c021'><sup>[88]</sup></a> have all, with one possible exception,
-the same date, 1543, upon them, and, like the engravings,
-represent the artist with a beard, wearing a black skull-cap, and, in
-those which show the hands, in the act of painting. The exception
-is the fine miniature in the Salting Collection, which is inscribed
-“<span class='sc'>Etatis svæ 35</span>,” but is without date. It is almost certain, however,
-that this miniature does not represent the painter.<a id='r89' /><a href='#f89' class='c021'><sup>[89]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>HOLBEIN’S BIRTHPLACE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The fact that the inscriptions on these various engravings and
-miniatures agree as to the date and the age of the painter does not
-necessarily prove that such date and age were placed by the artist
-himself upon the original painting on which most of them are based;
-but the probability is that such was the case, and that Holbein, therefore,
-was forty-five years old in 1543. Unless, however, more definite
-evidence is forthcoming in the future, the question must remain
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_29'>29</span>undecided, though it is practically certain that his birth took place
-either in 1497 or 1498.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Nothing is known of Holbein’s early life in Augsburg, where he spent
-the greater part of his first seventeen years. It is not very likely
-that his father took his family with him upon his painting expeditions
-to Ulm, Frankfurt, and elsewhere, although he became a burgher
-of the first-named place for a time. It was the custom at that period
-for a painter to leave wife and children at home while he visited
-other centres in search of work or to carry out commissions.
-The house in which the young Hans is supposed to have been born
-is still standing in Augsburg, and bears a recording tablet on its front.
-It is in the Vorderer Lech, No. 496<span class='fss'>A</span>, one of the quieter streets of the
-city to-day. It is thus described by Mr. Davies: “The Vorderer
-Lech obtains its name from the fact that a narrow channel of the
-Lech runs clear and green down one side of the street, separating
-the roadway from the houses on the north side. Access is gained to
-these houses in most instances by a wooden bridge or gangway which
-leads the visitor under an archway in the house itself. The house
-of the Holbeins, one of those little whitewashed buildings with the
-comfortable red-tiled roofs which are so plentiful in the city, has
-nothing to distinguish it beyond the tablet aforesaid. You pass
-under the arch, and find on either side the doors (still retaining their
-ancient hinges) and the open staircase which leads to the separate
-tenements into which the house is now divided. Ascending the staircase
-to the right, one finds the little room wherein tradition has it
-that our Hans Holbein was born, the little kitchen over which his mother
-presided, and the room which is traditionally regarded as the painting
-room of Hans Holbein the elder. It looks pleasantly out over enclosed
-gardens and picturesque roofs up towards the statelier buildings of the
-Maximilianstrasse. The house is not luxurious, but may well have been
-a house of no small comfort in the days when the Holbeins held it.”<a id='r90' /><a href='#f90' class='c021'><sup>[90]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>It is impossible to point to any work of this period which can be
-accepted without question as from the hand of the younger Holbein
-alone. Both he and his brother Ambrosius received a very thorough
-training in their father’s workshop, and for the last few years
-before their departure for Basel they must have taken an active
-though minor share in the completion of the various commissions
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_30'>30</span>which fell to the elder painter. Many attempts have been made
-to separate the work of the father from that of his sons in such
-pictures as the “St. Catherine” altar-piece panels of 1512, already described,
-and the more famous “St. Sebastian” altar-piece in Munich;
-but the critics have never been able to come to any settled agreement
-as to the particular parts of these pictures, if any, which were the
-actual work of the younger Hans. It is only possible to say with some
-certainty that he must have been employed by his father on the less
-important portions of his altar-pieces, and that such work would be
-carried out under the personal direction of the elder painter, who
-alone was responsible for the general design and composition, and
-the arrangement of the colour-scheme, if not for the actual painting
-of the figures and the chief passages of the pictures. It is not possible
-to allow, as some writers have done, that such figures as the
-St. Elizabeth and St. Barbara on the shutters of the Munich
-“St. Sebastian” altar-piece were conceived and carried out by the
-younger Holbein independently of his father, although he may have
-shared to some small extent in the actual painting of the panels.
-They display a more advanced technique, and an art in all ways
-more matured, than is to be found in the earliest independent work
-of Holbein’s first Basel period.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE DECORATIVE ARTS IN AUGSBURG</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>In his father’s studio Holbein obtained a very complete grounding
-in all the technical processes of his art, and was encouraged to develop
-that extraordinary gift for portraiture which he had largely inherited.
-The family seems to have been so frequently hard-pressed for money
-that the two boys would be obliged, at as early an age as possible,
-to begin to work seriously for a living, and in this way would gain
-much useful practical knowledge and facility in the handling of brush
-and pencil. In other respects Holbein’s art was apparently more
-strongly influenced by the example of Hans Burgkmair, who was some
-twenty-five years his senior, than by that of his own father, and more
-particularly in his ready assimilation of the newer methods and
-aspirations springing from the Italian Renaissance, which afterwards
-became so perfectly blended in his painting with those older forms
-and conceptions of the Germanic school of the fifteenth century,
-in which he was first trained in the elder Holbein’s workshop.
-Burgkmair returned from Italy about 1508, full of enthusiasm for
-the new movement, and his example must have acted as an inspiration
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_31'>31</span>to Holbein’s budding genius. Not only in his pictures and wall-paintings,
-but in his remarkable designs for woodcuts for the two
-great works in his own honour projected by the Emperor Maximilian—the
-“Weisskunig,” and the “Triumphal Procession”—Burgkmair
-exercised an undoubted influence over his younger contemporary.
-A year or two later in Basel Holbein’s art appears to have been
-affected to some extent, though indirectly, by that of Hans Baldung
-Grien and Matthias Grünewald, through the medium of some painter
-whose name so far has not been traced.<a id='r91' /><a href='#f91' class='c021'><sup>[91]</sup></a> Other causes, too, were at
-work in moulding him for his future career. The city of Augsburg
-was exceptionally well fitted for providing incentives to a young
-artist to develop his powers in many directions. The practice of
-decorating the more important buildings of the city and the mansions
-of its merchant-princes with wall-paintings both within and without
-provided work for numerous artists, and in this way, no doubt,
-Holbein first began to practise a form of art which a few years later
-he was to carry to so high a pitch of excellence in Lucerne and Basel.
-Numerous printers, too, were settled in the city, who provided
-employment for many wood-engravers and designers of book illustrations
-and ornamentation—the latter a form of art in which Holbein
-was very busily engaged during the first ten years of his residence
-in Switzerland. His skill, too, in making designs for workers in gold
-and silver, in enamels and painted glass, must have received its first
-encouragement in Augsburg, which was noted for its craftsmen. Every
-branch of handicraft, indeed, was practised there. Its armourers,
-headed by the great Kolman family, were celebrated throughout
-Europe, while the Augsburg goldsmiths were equally famous for
-the artistic excellence and fine workmanship of their productions.
-Among such masters in their various arts the youthful Holbein moved,
-and it must have been from personal intercourse with them that he
-gained his first knowledge of design, and how it should be rightfully
-applied to the service of the several decorative arts, and how best
-modified to suit the nature of the materials used in each particular
-handicraft; and that he made the most of his opportunities is proved
-by the fact that when, a few years later, he started upon an independent
-career in Basel, the first works he produced show him to have been
-even at that early age an almost complete master of decorative design.</p>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_32'>32</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>CHAPTER III<br /> <br /><span class='c019'>FIRST YEARS IN SWITZERLAND</span></h2>
-</div>
-<p class='c020'>Departure of Hans and Ambrosius from Basel—The “Virgin
-and Child” of 1514—The painted Table at Zürich—Their
-arrival in Basel—Heads of the Virgin and St. John—The
-“Cross-Bearing” at Karlsruhe—The five scenes from
-“Christ’s Passion” at Basel—Work for the Basel
-printers—Holbein’s first title-page—The marginal
-drawings to Erasmus’ “Praise of Folly”—The share of
-Ambrosius in these illustrations—The legend of the
-painter’s intemperance—The Schoolmaster’s
-Sign-Board—Double portrait of Jakob Meyer and his
-wife—The “Adam and Eve.”</p>
-<div class='c012'>
-  <img class='drop-capi' src='images/dc-t.jpg' width='100' height='99' alt='' />
-</div><p class='drop-capi1_1'>
-THE fortunes of the Holbein family, never very brilliant,
-having become still more precarious, if existing records
-are to be believed, the two sons, now approaching
-manhood, resolved to seek employment farther afield.
-Possibly in 1513, but more probably in the spring of
-1514, they turned their backs on Augsburg and set out
-for Switzerland. Whether Basel was their objective from the beginning
-or whether they arrived there more or less by chance, in the course of
-their wander-year, and finding work plentiful, resolved to make it
-their headquarters, there is no actual proof to show; but their uncle,
-Sigmund, had been settled in Switzerland for some years,<a id='r92' /><a href='#f92' class='c021'><sup>[92]</sup></a> and had
-established himself in good practice in Berne, and this fact may have
-had something to do with the resolve of the younger Holbeins to turn
-their faces in that direction. The discovery of a little picture of the
-“Virgin and Child,” dated 1514, in a small village near Constance,
-which is attributed to Hans, affords some evidence that their
-departure from Augsburg took place in that year; that they had
-reached Basel some time in the spring or early summer of 1515 is
-proved by the existence of more than one authentic work by the
-younger brother bearing that date. Not long afterwards the father
-himself left Augsburg for Isenheim, near Gebweiler, in Alsace, at no
-great distance from Basel, and, so far as is known, never returned to
-his native city, so that the old home was finally broken up.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “VIRGIN AND CHILD” OF 1514</div>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_33'>33</span>The small picture of the “Virgin and Child” (Pl. <a href='#pl-07'>7</a>) was discovered
-in the village of Rickenbach, near Constance, by Herr Anton Seder,
-and on the sale of his collection in 1876 it was acquired for the Basel
-Gallery (No. 302).<a id='r93' /><a href='#f93' class='c021'><sup>[93]</sup></a> It came originally from the Maria Wallfahrts
-(Pilgrimages) Church of Rickenbach. On the background of the panel,
-on either side of the Virgin’s head, are two coats of arms, the one on
-the left being that of the Von Botzheim family, and that on the right
-of the family of Ycher von Beringen. The picture, therefore, is supposed
-to have been ordered by Johann von Botzheim, canon of
-Constance, son of Michael von Botzheim and Anna Ycher von
-Beringen.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The Virgin is shown to the knees, a seated figure, holding the Child
-in her lap, upon whom she gazes with downcast eyes. She clasps
-him to her with her left hand, the right hand being placed under his
-chin. Her white dress of soft material is arranged in a multiplicity
-of small folds, each carefully drawn, and is decorated with a band of
-gold embroidery; the wide flowing sleeves are drawn in above and
-below the elbow with similar bands, and resemble the sleeves in
-the “St. Barbara” of the “St. Sebastian” altar-piece. The lower
-part of the dress is a very dark blue, almost black. She wears a golden
-crown, and her fair hair falls upon her shoulders, as in the famous
-Darmstadt “Madonna.” The Child lies quietly in her arms, a somewhat
-sad expression on his face, with his small toes curled up, both
-feet and hands being admirably drawn. The background is a deep
-red, and over the Virgin’s head hangs a festoon of laurel leaves,
-suspended from the painted framework which surrounds the group.
-This framework represents white stone pillars, with panels of black
-marble decorated with Renaissance ornamentation, and a number
-of small naked putti, three on either side and seven on the top. Some
-of these little winged angels salute the Virgin with trumpets, others
-carry the instruments of Christ’s Passion, and four of them hold small
-tablets for inscriptions. These delightfully natural little figures are
-painted in an ivory tone and stand out well against the dark background.
-The work is immature, but displays a very tender,
-sympathetic feeling, and possesses very considerable attractions. The
-colour-scheme, in which few tints are employed, is delicate and
-harmonious, and indicates that the artist already possessed a true sense
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_34'>34</span>of its possibilities. The type of the Virgin resembles that employed
-by the elder Holbein in such pictures as the “Fountain of Life.” The
-natural affection of mother for child is well expressed, both in the
-downcast face and in the drawing of the hands with which she holds
-the little one close to her.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>On the plinth at the base of the picture is inscribed, in Roman
-lettering: “Que virgo peperit virgoque permanet lactavit propriis
-uberibus deum portantemque gerebat ulnis prona trementibus.
-<span class='fss'>M.D.XIIII</span>.” It is regarded as the earliest authentic work of the
-younger Hans, but neither his signature nor his initials are now clearly
-distinguishable upon it, and its authorship is not absolutely certain.
-The four small tablets in the hands of the putti at one time held inscriptions.
-No traces of them remain on the two on the right, but
-portions of those on the left are still visible. On the upper one there
-appears to be part of a Latin sentence and the remains of a date
-“151—.” On the right-hand side of the lower one can still be deciphered
-some letters of a three-lined inscription, in the top line “R.A.,” in
-the middle one “C.A.” (Civis Augustanus), and in the bottom one
-the painter’s monogram. To the writer this latter appears to resemble
-more closely that of Ambrosius, “<span class="ls">A</span>H,” rather than that of Hans, “<span class="ls">H</span>H.”
-If this supposition be correct, it would indicate that the elder brother
-was the author of the picture, or, at least, that he had a share in the
-painting of it. In style it resembles almost as closely the few known
-works by Ambrosius as the earlier Basel works of Hans; indeed, in
-some ways, it approaches more nearly to the elder brother’s art, as
-seen in his drawings. In these there is a slight hesitancy and lack of
-decision in the touch which is not met with in the younger Holbein’s
-work of the same period. The tenderness of feeling displayed in the
-picture is also to be found in such drawings by Ambrosius as the head
-of a young girl inscribed “Anne,” in the Basel Gallery, while the
-putti have much in common with those which bear the shields above
-the heads of his two charming portraits of unknown boys, also at
-Basel. These putti, however, have a still greater likeness to those
-so frequently used by his brother Hans, as can be seen very plainly
-in the first title-page designed by him a year or two later; indeed,
-the whole framework of the picture recalls his handiwork. It may
-be suggested, therefore, that the Rickenbach “Madonna” was
-painted, in part at least, by Ambrosius. The two youths appear
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_35'>35</span>to have travelled together—though there is no absolute proof of this—and
-it might be expected that any small commissions picked up
-on the way would be given to the elder brother, who, again, may have
-been assisted in carrying them out by his younger companion.
-Dr. Ganz points out the close resemblances between this picture and
-a silver-point drawing at Basel attributed to the two brothers.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 7.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-07'  class='figcenter id009'>
-<img src='images/i034.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>VIRGIN AND CHILD<br />1514<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE PAINTED TABLE AT ZURICH</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>A work of a very different kind, the Painted Table at Zürich,<a id='r94' /><a href='#f94' class='c021'><sup>[94]</sup></a>
-has been regarded by some writers as the result of a commission
-received by Hans Holbein during a halt in that town on his journey
-to Basel. This, however, was not the case. It must have been
-painted after he had settled in the latter place, for it was ordered
-on the occasion of the marriage of Hans Baer, a citizen of Basel, with
-Barbara Brunner on the 24th June, 1515, either by Baer himself or
-by some friend of his as a wedding present, and the coats of arms
-of the two families are represented on it. Shortly afterwards the
-bridegroom left Basel for the Italian wars, marching as standard-bearer
-with one of the mercenary troops, and was killed at the
-battle of Marignano on the 14th of September in the same year.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>This large table-top is of wood, and oblong in shape, with a slab
-of slate inserted in the centre. This broad wooden border or framework
-is painted with hunting, fishing, jousting, and other outdoor
-scenes. One of the longer sides is occupied with a number of mounted
-knights with long lances engaged in a tournament, attended by their
-squires and servants. The action is very spirited, and several of
-the individual figures are finely conceived. The corresponding side
-is devoted to hunting scenes, including the chase of the stag, the
-wild boar, the hare, and the bear. The last-named animal is represented
-in the act of overturning a number of bee-hives. The
-decoration of one of the end borders shows the banks of a river with
-a number of men and women engaged in fishing, using both the rod
-and nets of great variety. In the meadow at the back a table is spread
-for a meal, and two women are cooking at a fire. On the other end
-is depicted a lady and gentleman out hawking, with the branches
-of the surrounding trees crowded with birds of many kinds, and rabbits
-playing on the grass, and, on the left, some game is shown in progress,
-in which young men are capturing girls in nets. The slate slab in
-the middle contains two principal subjects. One of them represents
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_36'>36</span>the old legend of “St. Nobody,” the unfortunate mythical personage
-usually accused of being the author of all breakages and accidents
-in German households, and incapable of defending himself from such
-false accusations, and, for this reason, represented by Holbein with
-a padlocked mouth, and surrounded by broken crockery and other
-objects of daily use. A comic poem on “Nobody,” by Ulrich von
-Hutten, published in Basel at about the time the table was
-painted, suggested this subject, and some lines from it are inscribed
-on a ribbon-scroll above the dejected saint. The second
-subject is also humorous, and shows a pedlar sleeping by the
-roadside, quite unconscious of a troop of monkeys who have
-plundered his pack. Over the rest of the surface a number of
-small scattered objects have been painted, as though left there
-by the owner. These formed a part of the joke, and were painted
-with a realism intended to deceive, and with the expectation that
-the spectator would attempt to pick them up. Among them are
-a pair of spectacles, a seal, a quill-pen, and penknife, scissors, a
-carnation, and a folded letter with a seal, round the margin of which
-part of the painter’s signature, “<span class='sc'>Hans Ho</span>,” can still be deciphered,
-though the coat of arms itself is not that of the Holbein family. A
-circle in the centre of the table contains the armorial bearings of Hans
-Baer and his wife.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the year 1633 the table was presented to the State Library of
-Zürich, where it was held in high estimation throughout the seventeenth
-century. Both Sandrart and Patin saw it there. The former
-describes it at some length. “In particular,” he says, “there is a
-large table which is worthy of inspection, entirely painted by our
-Hans Holbein the younger, on which, in artistic oil colours, he has
-represented the so-called Saint (Nobody) sitting sadly on a broken
-tub, his mouth fastened up with a great lock. Around him torn
-old books are lying, earthen and metal vessels, glass pans, dishes,
-and various other utensils, but all broken and destroyed. An open
-letter, on which Holbein’s name stands, is so naturally represented,
-that many people have seized it by mistake, thinking it is a real one.
-The rest of this table is ornamented with various hunting scenes and
-foliage.” Patin speaks of it as “a square table, about five spans
-broad, on which are depicted dancing, fishing, hunting, fish-spearing,
-represented for the most part playfully.” In spite of this praise, in
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_37'>37</span>course of time it became neglected, and finally disappeared, and was
-not heard of again until 1871, when it was discovered by Professor
-Salomon Vögelin, buried under thick dust and a mass of old papers,
-and in a very damaged condition.<a id='r95' /><a href='#f95' class='c021'><sup>[95]</sup></a> It now forms one of the chief
-treasures of the Zürich Library, but it has been so seriously injured by
-the neglect and ill-usage to which it was subjected for so long a time,
-that even after more than one careful attempt at restoration, much
-of Holbein’s original and entertaining work has permanently
-disappeared.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>ARRIVAL OF HOLBEIN IN BASEL</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Although the exact date of the arrival of the two brothers in Basel
-is not known, there is evidence to show that they were busily at work
-there throughout the year 1515. Possibly it may have been their
-original intention to make a halt in that city of only some months’
-duration; but they found it so profitable a field for their labours
-that they determined to remain there permanently. Basel, with its
-famous University, was at that time the home and refuge of many
-of the ablest thinkers and writers of the day, and it opened its gates
-freely to all whose advanced opinions made Germany and other parts
-of Europe undesirable as places of residence. Its many printing-presses
-were already celebrated, and the printers and publishers found
-constant employment both for learned scholars who edited for them
-new editions of the classics and the fathers of the Church, and for
-a large body of draughtsmen, designers, and wood-cutters who were
-engaged in illustrating their publications with portraits, pictures,
-title-pages, and innumerable initial letters and other ornaments.
-This well-paid and regular work which the city offered to all artists
-of ability was, no doubt, the real cause which induced the two
-brothers to become citizens of Basel.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Among the earliest works produced there by Hans were two small
-heads of saints now in the Basel Gallery (Nos. 308, 309), apparently
-intended to represent the Virgin Mary and St. John the Evangelist.
-(Pl. <a href='#pl-08'>8</a>).<a id='r96' /><a href='#f96' class='c021'><sup>[96]</sup></a> The Virgin is wearing a crown, and her long straight hair falls
-upon her shoulders, as in the Rickenbach “Virgin and Child” of the
-previous year. The type of face, too, is the same as in that picture, and
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_38'>38</span>is seen again in the “Adam and Eve” picture of 1517. St. John is
-represented as a beardless young man with curly hair, and here again
-the head closely resembles that of the man in the “Adam and Eve.”
-Each has a large golden nimbus, which stands out against a plain
-pale-blue background. These small panels are pleasant in colour,
-and carefully painted, but otherwise afford few indications of the
-artist’s future greatness. They formed part of the Amerbach collection,
-and in the inventory are described as the young Holbein’s first
-works. (“Item einer heiligen iungen und iungfrawen köpflin mit
-patenen vf holz mit ölfarb klein H. Holbein erste arbeit.”)</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 8.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-08'  class='figcenter id010'>
-<img src='images/i038a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE VIRGIN MARY<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div  class='figcenter id010'>
-<img src='images/i038b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>ST. JOHN<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>EARLY “PASSION” PICTURES IN BASEL</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The earliest work of Hans which is both signed and dated is the
-small panel in the Karlsruhe Gallery (No. 64), representing “Christ
-Bearing the Cross,” a composition crowded with small figures.<a id='r97' /><a href='#f97' class='c021'><sup>[97]</sup></a>
-In the centre Christ has fallen to his knees under the weight of the
-Cross, and is urged forward by the brutal soldiery, clad in the costume
-of the mercenary landsknechte of Holbein’s day. On the right stands
-St. Veronica holding the handkerchief, and behind her the mounted
-Centurion, with a small dog running by his horse’s feet, both animals
-very inadequately rendered. On the left is a group consisting of
-the weeping Virgin, St. John, Simon the Cyrenean, who is helping
-to raise the Cross, and Joseph of Arimathea. Behind the chief
-characters is a crowd of armed men and spectators issuing from the
-gate of a town, and in the background a hilly landscape with distant
-buildings. It is signed “H.H. 1515,” and was at one time attributed
-to the elder Holbein, and is still considered to be from his hand by
-some writers. It is so described in the first volume of the second
-edition of Woltmann’s book, but in the second volume he reverses
-his opinion, and modern criticism is mainly in agreement with this.
-Though in many ways a crude performance, it appears to be an undoubted
-work of the younger painter, conceived under the influence
-of his father. The figure of the stumbling Christ, the action of Simon,
-and of the soldiers striking at Christ are all reminiscent both of the
-“Cross-bearing” panel in the “Passion” series by the elder Holbein
-in the gallery of Prince Carl von Fürstenberg at Donaueschingen,
-(Nos. 43-54),<a id='r98' /><a href='#f98' class='c021'><sup>[98]</sup></a> and of the similar subject in the Vetter votive picture
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_39'>39</span>of the year 1499 in the Augsburg Gallery (No. 61). Upon the back
-of the Karlsruhe picture are the badly-damaged remains of a second
-“Passion” subject, the “Crowning with Thorns,” also by the younger
-Hans, first published by Dr. Paul Ganz in his recent book, which
-also has much in common with the same two works by the
-elder Holbein.<a id='r99' /><a href='#f99' class='c021'><sup>[99]</sup></a> The work, again, is closely akin to the five
-scenes from “Christ’s Passion” in the Basel Gallery (Nos. 303-307),
-which are certainly among the very earliest productions of the younger
-Hans. Two of these, “The Last Supper” and “The Scourging
-of Christ,” belonged to Bonifacius Amerbach, and are the best of the
-set, the remaining three having been acquired in 1836 at a sale in
-Basel. They are painted on canvas, instead of on panel, an unusual
-method for pictures of any value in those days, and for this reason
-it is supposed that they were ordered for some special purpose, such
-as the decoration of a church during Holy Week, after which they
-would be rolled up and put away until wanted again in the following
-year. The hasty execution which they betray possibly arises from
-the same cause. They may have been wanted in a hurry, and the
-pay for them was perhaps too small to allow of careful, elaborate
-work, which, indeed, would not be necessary, considering the
-temporary purpose for which they were intended. They have also
-been taken as affording indications that the young painters did not
-immediately on their arrival set up an independent workshop of their
-own, but entered for a period the service of some Basel artist as
-journeymen painters for a weekly wage.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The composition of these “Passion” pictures, it is urged, is too
-elaborate to be the unaided invention of the two young men, and
-it is therefore assumed that the designs were provided by some other
-painter, and that Hans and Ambrosius carried them out under his
-instructions. The name of Hans Herbster, whose portrait by the
-elder brother<a id='r100' /><a href='#f100' class='c021'><sup>[100]</sup></a> is now in the Basel Gallery (No. 293) has been suggested
-in this connection. On the other hand, although it is not easy at
-the first glance to recognise the workmanship of Hans in these
-coarsely-painted pictures, it is equally difficult to point to any one
-among the older painters then in Basel who, judged by existing
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_40'>40</span>works, was capable of producing compositions of this importance;
-in any case, the colour-scheme was probably Holbein’s own, as well
-as the vigorous expression given to the heads, which, however, in
-some of the subjects is exaggerated to the verge of caricature.
-The grotesquely ugly and brutal executioners in “The Scourging”
-have much in common with such works of Hans Holbein the
-Elder as the Passion scenes at Donaueschingen, and it may very
-well be that these five pictures were the unaided productions of Hans
-and his brother, based upon the knowledge of similar paintings by
-their father, in the execution of which they had in all probability
-given him assistance, and that they did not renew their prentice days
-in Herbster’s or any other workshop, but started as independent
-painters from the first.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the “Last Supper” (No. 303) (Pl. <a href='#pl-09'>9</a>),<a id='r101' /><a href='#f101' class='c021'><sup>[101]</sup></a> the meal is laid on two
-tables placed at right angles, with Christ sitting at the angle, and he is
-represented in the act of passing the bread across the table to Judas,
-who, dressed in yellow, is half rising from his seat. The supper takes
-place in an open loggia or courtyard, the background being filled
-with archways and openings through which the deep blue sky is seen.
-In the distance on the right is a representation of the Washing of
-Peter’s feet. In the night scene on the Mount of Olives (No. 304),<a id='r102' /><a href='#f102' class='c021'><sup>[102]</sup></a>
-the kneeling Christ lifts up his arms with a passionate movement.
-The angel, a much fore-shortened figure in red draperies, flies head
-foremost from the skies bearing the host. Christ and St. Peter, who
-is asleep in the left foreground, are darkly clad. The background,
-with its tall, gloomy trees, is illuminated by the torches and lanterns
-of the soldiers entering the garden, while the light of the coming dawn
-is just breaking along the horizon.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 9.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-09'  class='figcenter id011'>
-<img src='images/i040.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE LAST SUPPER<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>EARLY “PASSION” PICTURES IN BASEL</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The “Arrest in the Garden” (No. 305)<a id='r103' /><a href='#f103' class='c021'><sup>[103]</sup></a> is a composition crowded
-with figures, and is full of movement and noise. In the centre Judas
-is kissing Christ, who is surrounded by armed men; and on the left
-Peter, with uplifted sword, has just struck off the ear of Malchus,
-who, screaming with pain, and flinging one arm over his head, has
-fallen prone on the ground, while Christ reaches down his hand to
-heal the wound. Clever use is made of the spears, maces, and other
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_41'>41</span>upraised weapons of the soldiery, which are seen against the dark sky.
-Many of the movements of the figures are awkward and ugly, and
-the faces of the men who are dragging Christ away are repulsive and
-exaggerated, but the general effect produced is an impressive one,
-and the grouping is noteworthy as the work of a youth of seventeen
-or eighteen.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The picture of the “Handwashing” (306)<a id='r104' /><a href='#f104' class='c021'><sup>[104]</sup></a> is the finest of the
-series, more particularly in the left-hand half of the composition,
-which represents Pilate in the act of washing his hands in a golden
-dish. He is clad in dark green, with an ermine cape over his shoulders,
-and an Eastern turban, and is seated on a throne or daïs with pillars
-of coloured marbles and an arch filled in with a shell design. Two
-attendants, one in yellow and black, hold the basin and pour out the
-water from a golden ewer. On the right, Christ, in dark blue and
-crowned with thorns, is led forth to execution. In this picture the
-colour is less crude and violent than in most of the others of the series,
-and in technical achievement, more particularly in the draughtsmanship
-of the group of Pilate and his attendants, is somewhat
-higher.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the “Scourging” (No. 307) (Pl. <a href='#pl-10'>10</a>),<a id='r105' /><a href='#f105' class='c021'><sup>[105]</sup></a> Christ, a nude figure, is
-bound round the waist to a pillar in the prison, his uplifted arms
-being fastened to an iron ring above his head. His body is scored with
-wounds from the lashes of his executioners, his head falls in agony
-upon his shoulder, and one leg is dragged across the other in the
-extremity of his pain. The action of his torturers is of the utmost
-violence, and they jeer at him as they rain heavy blows upon his
-defenceless body. The scene to be depicted was a brutal and ruthless
-one, and to drive it home to the spectators, Holbein spared no details
-or efforts to make it as brutal in paint as it was in deed. The agony
-of Christ is well expressed, and considerable knowledge is displayed
-in the drawing of the body. The bright garments of the executioners
-form a striking though harsh contrast to the pale flesh tints of Christ
-and the stone wall of the cell, through the doorway of which on the
-right Pilate is gazing at his victim. Though by no means faultless,
-this picture has qualities, both of expression and of execution, which
-are remarkable when the age of the painter is remembered, qualities
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_42'>42</span>which already give indications, however faint, of the coming greatness
-of the master. This picture, and the one of the “Last Supper,”
-are noted in the Amerbach inventory as among Holbein’s first works.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Taken as a whole, the series displays numerous reminiscences of
-the art of the father, sufficiently so, indeed, to make needless the
-supposition that in the painting of them the artist was assisted by
-some older practitioner of Basel. They possess considerable dramatic
-power, and the draughtsmanship, though in parts faulty, is often
-excellent, the signs of hasty manipulation, which are very apparent,
-being due, no doubt, to the fact that the pictures were intended to
-serve merely as processional standards or temporary “stations
-of the Cross”; but the colour throughout is for the most part crude
-and harsh. It is difficult, if not impossible, to determine how much
-of them was the work of Hans and how much that of his brother
-Ambrosius. The three which do not form part of the Amerbach
-collection were regarded at the time of their acquisition by the Basel
-Gallery as the handiwork of Holbein the Elder, but this ascription
-has been long since abandoned. Mr. Davies is of opinion that the
-“Pilate Washing his Hands” is entirely the work of the younger
-Hans, and that “The Scourging” is almost wholly by him, while
-he gives “The Agony in the Garden” and “The Arrest” to Ambrosius
-alone.<a id='r106' /><a href='#f106' class='c021'><sup>[106]</sup></a> One is on safer ground, however, in confining oneself to the
-assertion that the pictures were produced in the common workshop
-of the two youths, and that both of them may have had something
-to do with the painting of all five canvases, but that the predominant
-hand was that of the younger brother.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 10.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-10'  class='figcenter id012'>
-<img src='images/i042.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE SCOURGING OF CHRIST<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>EXAGGERATED TYPES</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>These pictures were painted at some date between 1515 and
-Holbein’s departure for Lucerne in 1517, and are based largely upon
-the knowledge obtained in his father’s workshop in Augsburg, before
-the short visit to Lombardy produced so rapid an awakening of his
-genius. Dr. Ganz places them in the last-named year, and draws
-attention to the strong similarity of many of the motives to those
-of Dürer’s “Little Passion” series of engravings, thus showing that
-the younger artist must have borrowed from them freely.<a id='r107' /><a href='#f107' class='c021'><sup>[107]</sup></a> It is
-probable that the set was originally a larger one, and that one or two
-of them are now missing. There is an elaborate pen drawing on a
-dark grey ground, washed with Indian ink and heightened with white,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_43'>43</span>in the Basel Gallery, which is very closely allied to these canvas
-pictures of the Passion. It represents the “Bearing of the Cross,”
-under the weight of which Christ has fallen on his hands and knees.<a id='r108' /><a href='#f108' class='c021'><sup>[108]</sup></a>
-He is in the centre of a body of soldiers and callous onlookers, who
-have just issued from the gate, the procession deploying along the
-outer wall of the town with its circular watch-tower. The head of
-the procession turns at a sharp angle round the corner of the wall.
-Christ looks up with his face contorted with agony, while one of the
-leading soldiers strikes at him with a heavy club, and a second pulls
-violently at the ropes in order to make him rise again. Behind them
-a third soldier bears the ladder, while a fourth man is carrying huge
-nails and the various implements to be used in the Crucifixion. The
-head of Christ is evidently based upon Dürer’s representation in his
-“Passion” series. In the brutality and grotesqueness of the faces
-of the soldiery and the lack of expression of those of the accompanying
-mob, many of whom do not even glance towards the prostrate figure,
-this drawing closely resembles both the Karlsruhe “Cross-bearing” of
-1515, which must have been painted on the journey to or shortly after
-Holbein’s arrival in Basel, and the Passion series just described. In
-order to bring home to the spectator the cruelty of the scene depicted,
-and his detestation of it, he makes use of violent movement and brutal
-types, and even in the head of our Lord the agonized expression is
-so pronounced that it becomes painful to look upon. After he had
-gained wider experience of the art of the great painters of Northern
-Italy, Holbein gradually rid himself of these cruder and more vehement
-methods, and depicted the pitiful story by means of more natural
-and less exaggerated types, helped by a deeper insight into character.
-During these early years he was often employed in painting subjects
-from the “Passion,”<a id='r109' /><a href='#f109' class='c021'><sup>[109]</sup></a> and the gradual change in his point of view and
-the maturing of his art can be seen very plainly in them, from the
-early Karlsruhe panel and the canvas series and the drawing just
-described to the great altar-piece in eight scenes in the Basel Gallery,
-and, finally, in the masterly set of ten designs for glass-painting in
-the same collection, in which the fruits of his Italian experience are
-seen to so great an advantage. In the “Cross-bearing” scene in
-the large altar-piece, as well as in the later design of the same subject
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_44'>44</span>for painted glass, the procession issues from a similar gateway and
-passes along walls with the same round tower shown in the earlier
-examples. In the former, too, the procession turns sharply to the
-left, as in the Basel drawing, while the same type of face in the soldiery
-occurs in all, but gradually becoming less exaggerated and truer to
-life. The ill-treatment shown to Christ, though still brutal, is less
-violent in its exhibition, and the Saviour, though faltering under his
-burden, has not fallen to the ground. In the altar-piece his face
-is bent downwards, and cast into shadow by the Cross beneath which
-he staggers, so that his agony is hidden, while in the glass design the
-face, though agonized, has a spiritual beauty which is not to be found
-in the drawing now in question. This latter is undated, but Dr. Ganz
-places it in the year 1517, and he considers that it is most probably
-Holbein’s design for a picture, now lost, which originally formed one
-of the early “Passion” series on canvas.<a id='r110' /><a href='#f110' class='c021'><sup>[110]</sup></a> Holbein drew this figure
-of Christ over again for the very beautiful woodcut of which only
-the single impression, in the Amerbach collection, is known. This
-woodcut,<a id='r111' /><a href='#f111' class='c021'><sup>[111]</sup></a> which, from the beauty of its cutting, must be from the hand
-of Lützelburger, recalls Dürer even more strongly than the drawing,
-from which it differs slightly. Christ, who has fallen to his knees,
-has one arm round the bar of the Cross, the other hand resting on
-the stony ground. A small twisted tree, almost leafless, is on the
-right, and the background consists of a cloudy sky. The head, with
-its crown of thorns, long hair falling on the shoulders, its open mouth,
-and the drops of bloody sweat on the brow, is a wonderful realisation
-of deep suffering nobly borne.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “PRAISE OF FOLLY” DRAWINGS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Both Hans and Ambrosius appear to have obtained regular employment
-from the Basel printers and publishers very shortly after
-their arrival in the town, but more particularly from Johann Froben,
-one of the best known of them all, who was then issuing, among
-many fine books, numerous works from the pen of Erasmus. The
-earliest work of this nature which Holbein produced was a title-page
-in the form of a Renaissance arch with a number of small cupids,
-one blowing a horn, others with spears, two holding the flat cartoon
-or roll of parchment in the centre reserved for the lettering of
-the title-page, and two others supporting a shield with Froben’s trade-mark,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_45'>45</span>the caduceus (Pl. <a href='#pl-11'>11</a>).<a id='r112' /><a href='#f112' class='c021'><sup>[112]</sup></a> This appears to have been cut towards
-the end of 1515, and did service in several books issued by Froben
-during the next few years, including More’s <i>Utopia</i> in 1518. Two
-small panels at the top contain the artist’s signature, “Hans Holb.”
-This interesting specimen of Holbein’s youthful skill in design and
-other examples of his earlier work for book illustrations are dealt
-with in a later chapter. Another design of the year 1515 formerly
-attributed to Hans, and afterwards to Ambrosius, was the coat of
-arms of Petrus Wenck, painted in gouache on parchment, in the
-Matriculation Book of the Basel University, of which Wenck was
-rector in that year. It represents a man in Roman armour holding
-a large shield with a coat of arms in each hand. It is reproduced
-by Dr. Willy Hes in his recent book on Ambrosius Holbein,
-Plate xxxviii., who shows that it is not the work of either brother.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>By far the most important of Holbein’s surviving works of the
-year 1515 is the series of drawings, eighty-two in all, which he made
-on the margins of a copy of Erasmus’ <i>Encomium Moriæ</i>, or “Praise
-of Folly.” Erasmus paid his first visit to Basel in 1513, in order
-to make arrangements with Froben for the publication of his <i>Adagia</i>
-and his edition of the New Testament. The two men became close
-friends, and Erasmus, who from that time spent some months every
-year in Basel, always stayed in Froben’s house during these annual
-visits until 1521, when he made Basel his permanent home. This
-biting and jesting satire on the follies of mankind, written in Latin,
-with its punning title on the name of Sir Thomas More, was composed
-by Erasmus, according to his preface, during his journeys on horseback,
-and was done in order to beguile the weariness of the way. It
-was published by Froben in 1514, and Holbein’s pictorial commentary
-upon it was drawn in a copy of the first edition, now preserved in
-the Basel Gallery.<a id='r113' /><a href='#f113' class='c021'><sup>[113]</sup></a> The little pictures have been done with the
-pen on the broad margins by the side of the passages of the text
-to which they refer. All that is known of the history of the book
-is that it possibly belonged at one time to Erasmus himself, and
-afterwards to the theologian and schoolmaster Oswald Molitor, or
-Myconius. At a somewhat later date Basilius Amerbach, son of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_46'>46</span>Erasmus’ friend, Bonifacius Amerbach, who continued to add to the
-collection of Holbein’s works formed by his father, obtained it with
-some difficulty, thanks to the kindly intervention of the painter Jakob
-Clauser, from Daniel Wieland, the town-clerk of Mühlhausen, who was
-very loath to part with it. Molitor’s ownership of the book is proved
-by an inscription on the title-page: “Est Osualdi Molitoris Lucerni”;
-and the earlier ownership of Erasmus by a second inscription on
-the second title-page, also in Molitor’s handwriting: “Hanc moriam
-pictam decem diebus ut oblectaretur in ea Erasmus habuit,” which
-shows that the marginal illustrations were completed in ten days,
-and that Erasmus derived much entertainment from them.<a id='r114' /><a href='#f114' class='c021'><sup>[114]</sup></a> Molitor
-was living in Basel until 1516, and afterwards in Zürich and his native
-city, Lucerne, returning finally to Basel in 1532. It has been suggested
-that on the death of Erasmus, of whom Molitor was a friend
-and admirer, he received the book from Bonifacius Amerbach, who
-was the philosopher’s residuary legatee, and made a point of presenting
-valuable mementos to a number of Erasmus’ closest friends. The
-book contains annotations in Molitor’s handwriting, and from one
-of them we learn that the illustrations were done in 1515.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 11.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-11'  class='figcenter id003'>
-<img src='images/i046.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>HOLBEIN’S EARLIEST TITLE-PAGE<br />First used in 1515<br /><i>From a copy of More’s “Utopia” in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “PRAISE OF FOLLY” DRAWINGS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>It has been suggested, too, that the drawings were made by Holbein
-at the personal request of Erasmus, which is not very probable; and
-again, that Molitor gave the commission, and selected the passages
-to be illustrated, which is much more likely, and when finished presented
-the book to his friend, and that it was for this reason that
-Amerbach made a point of giving it back to him on the death of
-Erasmus. The book has also been taken as a proof that Holbein
-had gained a good knowledge of Latin in his school days, and that
-he selected his own passages for the pictures; but the few Latin inscriptions
-on his paintings do not indicate much proficiency in that
-language. The supposition that Molitor was the prime mover in
-the matter, and that it was done for him personally, and not as a gift
-to be presented to Erasmus, is by far the most probable; for, as stated
-above, he was in Basel at the time, and this would account for Holbein’s
-apparent knowledge of the language in which the book was written.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_47'>47</span>On the other hand, the pen drawings in more than one instance do
-not so much illustrate the incidents and sense of the text, as isolated
-sentences and phrases which appear to have caught the fancy of the
-artist, and, therefore, are not likely to have been selected for pictorial
-comment by a learned student of the book. In recent years the
-drawings have been subjected to a searching examination and comparison,
-and Dr. Ganz was the first to point out that it is impossible
-to accept the whole of them as by Hans Holbein.<a id='r115' /><a href='#f115' class='c021'><sup>[115]</sup></a> Considerable
-variations in style are to be noted, and it is now held, and with good
-reason, that while the more important share of the work was due
-to Hans, not only did Ambrosius contribute a certain number of the
-drawings, but that a third artist, some unknown Basel painter of
-the school of Urs Graf, and possibly even a fourth, also had a hand
-in it. One of these drawings, which represents Jupiter seizing the
-naked Ate by the hair, and flinging her across his knees in order to
-chastise her with his thunderbolts, bears letters which until recently
-were regarded as the initials of Ambrosius, though not his usual
-monogram; but this inscription has now been correctly read by Dr.
-Hes as the word “<span class='sc'>Aten</span>,” and refers to the subject, and not to the
-author of the drawing.<a id='r116' /><a href='#f116' class='c021'><sup>[116]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The two brothers must have been in constant communication
-with Froben, and for the purposes of the work they undertook for
-him would pay many visits to his house “zum Sessel” in the Fischmarkt,
-where Erasmus also had his headquarters, and where, no doubt,
-they first made his acquaintance. The illustrations to the “Praise
-of Folly” may thus have been begun in some idle moment in a copy
-of the book found lying about in Froben’s office, to pass the time while
-waiting for proofs or instructions in connection with work in hand;
-and having been thus begun, the interest would grow, and the printer
-himself would encourage its completion, and, perhaps, show it to
-Erasmus himself more than once during the short period of ten days
-in which the eighty-two drawings were accomplished. Any lack
-of profound Latinity on the part of the brothers, who in turn jotted
-down their fancies on the book’s margin, may have been overcome
-by Froben himself translating passages of the book to them.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_48'>48</span>The sketches<a id='r117' /><a href='#f117' class='c021'><sup>[117]</sup></a> are drawn freely and rapidly, without any attempt
-at elaboration or such careful draughtsmanship as would have
-been necessary had they been a commission or intended in
-the end to serve as woodcut illustrations in some future edition
-of the text. Many of them are witty and to the point, and show
-that Holbein had a true sense of humour. The wit is, perhaps, not
-so biting as that of Erasmus himself, but it matches in character the
-satirical humour and popular tone of the book. The contributions
-of Hans are both the most numerous and the best, and some of them,
-in the freedom and certainty of their draughtsmanship, show a distinct
-advance in his art.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 12.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-12'  class='figcenter id013'>
-<img src='images/i048.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>MARGINAL DRAWINGS IN A COPY OF THE “PRAISE OF FOLLY”<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “PRAISE OF FOLLY” DRAWINGS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The opening picture represents Folly, as a young woman in cap and
-bells, mounting the pulpit in order to sing her own praises to a listening
-world, and in the concluding one she is seen descending the same steps
-with a gesture of farewell, leaving a gaping and astonished audience
-behind her (Pl. <a href='#pl-12'>12</a> (1)). One of the most beautiful of the drawings,
-representing Penelope at her loom (Pl. <a href='#pl-12'>12</a> (2)), is now given to Ambrosius,
-but it bears so close a resemblance to the style of some of the figures
-in the “Dance of Death” woodcuts, that it is difficult to believe that
-it is not by Hans.<a id='r118' /><a href='#f118' class='c021'><sup>[118]</sup></a> Some of the representations of single figures, such
-as the Pope under a high canopy (Pl. <a href='#pl-12'>12</a> (3)), the Cardinal (Pl. <a href='#pl-12'>12</a> (4)),
-the Bishop (Pl. <a href='#pl-12'>12</a> (5)), and the Astronomer, are drawn with greater
-care, and show a more serious point of view, than is anywhere disclosed
-in the book itself. In these Holbein is seen at his best, and also in the
-charming little picture of nuns kneeling with lighted candles before a
-picture or carving of the Virgin and Child, which calls to mind more
-than one of his later designs for painted glass (Pl. <a href='#pl-12'>12</a> (6)). In several of
-them, such as the group of men engaged in an animated theological
-discussion, and that of the young man looking back so intently at the
-fair damsel who comes after him that, without noticing it, he has
-stepped into a basketful of eggs belonging to an old market woman,
-there is a landscape background of town and river and distant Alps,
-charmingly though hastily indicated (Pl. <a href='#pl-13'>13</a> (1)). Among the classical
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_49'>49</span>allusions there are comic representations of the slaying of Niobe’s
-children,<a id='r119' /><a href='#f119' class='c021'><sup>[119]</sup></a> of Vulcan splitting the skull of Jupiter,<a href='#f119' class='c021'><sup>[119]</sup></a> of Atlas staggering
-under the weight of the world,<a href='#f119' class='c021'><sup>[119]</sup></a> of Polyphemus dancing, and of
-Hercules quieting Cerberus by means of a sausage.<a href='#f119' class='c021'><sup>[119]</sup></a> Nicolas de Lyra
-is represented reading the Scriptures, and at the same time playing
-a small hand-organ, in allusion to his name (Pl. <a href='#pl-13'>13</a> (2)). King Solomon
-stands pointing to his open book (Pl. <a href='#pl-13'>13</a> (3)), and another excellent little
-drawing is that of the young courtier or nobleman (Pl. <a href='#pl-13'>13</a> (4)). The
-sketch of Folly talking to his puppet (Pl. <a href='#pl-13'>13</a> (5)) is one of the illustrations
-now given to the unknown artist who collaborated with the
-Holbeins.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The drawing illustrating the phrase, “the golden collar of
-princes,” is an unmistakable portrait of the Emperor Maximilian. A
-portrait, much less easily recognised, is that of the writer of the book.
-In one passage Erasmus has mentioned his own name, and opposite
-to it Holbein drew the philosopher seated at a desk in his study,
-in scholar’s cap and gown, engaged in writing the <i>Adagia.</i> Through
-an arched opening is seen a view of mountain and lake (Pl. <a href='#pl-13'>13</a> (6)).
-To make certain that there should be no doubt as to whom the portrait
-represented, Holbein has written the name “Erasmus” at the top
-of the arch. Molitor, in a marginal note, states that when Erasmus
-came to this drawing, in which he is depicted as a comparatively
-youthful man, he exclaimed, “Ohé! Ohé! if Erasmus
-still looked like this, he would certainly take a wife.” The name
-“Holbein” occurs over one of the other sketches, which represents
-a fat and coarse-looking carouser seated at table, draining a bottle
-of wine, and at the same time fondling a woman seated by him,
-and illustrating the passage from Horace which refers to “a fat and
-splendid pig from the herd of Epicurus” (Pl. <a href='#pl-13'>13</a> (7)). This is said to
-have been written by the sage himself in playful revenge for the introduction
-of his own portrait among the foolish of mankind.<a id='r120' /><a href='#f120' class='c021'><sup>[120]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>This somewhat primitive jest appears to be the sole foundation
-for the statements of several of Holbein’s earlier biographers that
-he was of a gross and sensual character, too fond of the wine-cup,
-and, in consequence, lived in poverty. The worst offender in this
-way was Charles Patin, a French physician who had settled in Basel
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_50'>50</span>in the seventeenth century, after having been forced to leave Paris
-on account of some misbehaviour. He was the first to bring this
-accusation against the painter, and later writers copied him without
-verifying his statements. Van Mander and Sandrart, who repeated
-all the gossip they could collect, do not allude to this supposed weakness
-in the painter’s character. Patin’s misrepresentations occur
-in a short life of Holbein, filled with inaccuracies, which he wrote
-as a preface to an edition of the <i>Praise of Folly</i>, issued in Basel
-in 1676, in which, for the first time, these marginal illustrations were
-published, being engraved for the book by C. Merian from copies
-of the originals made by W. Stettler. They at once became highly
-popular, and various editions followed, both on the Continent and
-in England. Patin evidently allowed his imagination to run away
-with him in his interpretation of this somewhat feeble joke made
-at Holbein’s expense. There is absolutely no foundation for the legend
-thus set going; the painter’s whole career, the high perfection of his
-technical powers, and the extraordinary amount of work he accomplished
-in his short life are more than sufficient in themselves to
-refute it.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 13.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-13'  class='figcenter id014'>
-<img src='images/i050.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>MARGINAL DRAWINGS IN A COPY OF THE “PRAISE OF FOLLY”<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>There is a small portrait in the Grand-Ducal Museum at
-Darmstadt, dated 1515, at one time in the possession of the Von Schinz
-family of Zürich, which represents, at half-length, a young man in
-scarlet dress and cap, with long fair hair falling over the ears, the
-head standing out strongly against a bright-blue background.<a id='r121' /><a href='#f121' class='c021'><sup>[121]</sup></a> It
-is inscribed across the bottom with the date between the initials H.H.,
-and until recently has been considered by most writers to be a work
-of the younger Hans, and was reproduced as his by Herr Knackfuss.
-In 1904 Dr. Hes first drew attention to its close similarity to the work
-of Ambrosius, and most modern criticism is in agreement with him.
-It bears, in style and touch, a far stronger likeness to the art of
-Ambrosius than to that of Hans, and has much in common with the
-portrait of Hans Herbster in the Basel Gallery (No. 293), painted
-by him in the following year,<a id='r122' /><a href='#f122' class='c021'><sup>[122]</sup></a> which, when it was in Lord Northbrook’s
-collection, was regarded as from the brush of his brother; and still
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_51'>51</span>more so to the two portraits of unknown boys, also in the Basel Gallery
-(Nos. 294-5). There is, indeed, a fine drawing of the head of an
-unknown man by Ambrosius, belonging to the Basel Kunstverein,
-which as a portrait bears so strong a likeness to the Darmstadt picture
-that it might almost be regarded as a study for it.<a id='r123' /><a href='#f123' class='c021'><sup>[123]</sup></a> In the drawing
-the position is reversed, the subject being turned to the right instead
-of to the left, but the dress and hair are the same, and, judging from
-the technique, both are from the same hand. The inscription on
-the Darmstadt portrait is possibly of a somewhat later date than
-the painting, and there are faint indications of an earlier one beneath
-it. When this earlier one was replaced or renewed, the initial of
-the Christian name may have been changed from A. to H. In his book
-Dr. Woltmann included the portrait among the works of Hans Holbein
-the Elder, but modern criticism does not follow him in this.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE SCHOOLMASTER’S SIGN-BOARD</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>At this early period of his career the young painter was willing
-to undertake any piece of work, however humble, that came to his
-hand. Thus, in 1516, he painted a sign-board for some Basel
-schoolmaster to hang outside his house (Pl. <a href='#pl-14'>14</a>). The panel was
-painted on both sides, the upper and larger portion of each being
-filled with a long inscription in German stating that the owner of
-the sign was prepared to teach reading and writing in the shortest
-possible time, and at moderate prices, to all comers, citizens,
-artisans, women, and maidens; and that if in any instance the scholar
-proved too stupid to learn, no fee would be demanded, but that children
-were to be paid for in advance at each quarter. The inscription is
-the same on both sides, one being dated “1516,” and the other
-“Anno <span class='fss'>MCCCCCXVI</span>.” In the narrow space left below, Holbein depicted
-two scenes representing the interior of the school, with
-benches against the wall under the leaded windows. In one of them
-the schoolmaster is shown on the left, in red and yellow, seated at
-his high desk, with a birch rod in his hand, teaching a small boy in
-green to read. On the other side of the room is the schoolmistress,
-in red dress and white coif, at a similar desk, instructing a little girl
-clad in blue and green. Between them sit two small lads at their
-books, one in blue, and the other in yellow with a red cap. The second
-picture represents the same room from another point of view, with
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_52'>52</span>a washing cistern and basin, and a long towel fastened to the wall.
-In the centre is a large table at which the schoolmaster is engaged
-with two young men dressed in the fashion of the landsknechte, one
-in trunks of red and yellow stripes, who is wrestling with a pen,
-and the other in green, who is listening with an intent and highly-puzzled
-expression to the instructions of the master, who is attempting
-to teach him to read. Holbein has represented the mental
-perturbation of this second pupil with considerable humour. Both
-pictures display signs of some haste in the execution, but they must
-have served the purpose for which they were intended admirably.
-Though slight works, they have undoubted charm, and, small as they
-are, the youthful painter has managed to give considerable expression
-in both the faces and the gestures of his figures, while the light which
-comes through the windows is well managed. This sign-board, now
-in the Basel Gallery (Nos. 310-11), has been split into two, in order
-that both sides may be exhibited.<a id='r124' /><a href='#f124' class='c021'><sup>[124]</sup></a> When in actual use it must have
-hung from an iron bar over the pavement. It is quite possible
-that it was painted for Oswald Molitor, who, as already pointed out,
-was at that time in Basel, engaged in teaching.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 14.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-14'  class='figcenter id015'>
-<img src='images/i052a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-</div>
-<div  class='figcenter id015'>
-<img src='images/i052b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>BACK AND FRONT OF A SCHOOLMASTER’S HANGING SIGN<br />1516<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 15.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-15'  class='figcenter id015'>
-<img src='images/i052-2.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>DOUBLE PORTRAIT OF JAKOB MEYER AND HIS SECOND WIFE, DOROTHEA KANNENGIESSER<br />1516<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>PORTRAITS OF MEYER AND HIS WIFE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>A much more important work of the same year, 1516, also in the
-Basel Gallery (No. 312),<a id='r125' /><a href='#f125' class='c021'><sup>[125]</sup></a> is the double portrait of the Burgomaster
-of Basel, Jakob Meyer or Meier “zum Hasen,” so called from the
-sign of a hare which hung upon his house, and his second wife,
-Dorothea Kannengiesser (Pl. <a href='#pl-15'>15</a>). This new patron of Holbein’s proved
-to be an excellent friend, giving him more than one commission, and
-obtaining important public work for him. Meyer was a man of influence
-in Basel, and was the first citizen not of knightly birth to
-be elected as burgomaster. His election took place in 1516, and it
-was no doubt in honour of this event that he ordered the portraits.
-He was again elected to the post in 1518 and 1520—no one was allowed
-to fill it for two years in succession; but in 1521 he fell into disgrace,
-through secretly accepting a higher pension from the French king than
-the laws of the city allowed. For this he was dismissed from office, and
-made to refund the money, with the exception of the fifteen crowns
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_53'>53</span>which was the permitted sum. Objecting to this treatment, he was
-clapped into prison, and was only released on his family paying a
-fine. During his burgomastership many important changes took
-place in the municipal government of Basel, and the Church and the
-nobility were gradually deprived of all their privileges. In his younger
-days he had served as a soldier in Italy with some distinction, and
-after his deprivation of office he went there again, in 1524, as captain
-of a Basel troop in the pay of France. On his return home he
-attempted without success to obtain the annulment of the decree
-against him of exclusion from all public offices; and during the
-religious disturbances of 1529 he was at the head of the Catholic party,
-then in armed opposition to the Reformers. The reasons which
-induced Meyer to choose Holbein as the painter of the portraits of
-himself and his young, comely, and newly-married wife, when there
-were older painters of repute in the town, are not known; but his
-first wife, Magdalena Baer, had been a sister of the Hans Baer for whom
-the Zürich table had been painted, and it may have been owing to
-this connection that the young artist obtained his first introduction
-to the burgomaster.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the portraits, which were painted and framed as a diptych,
-Meyer and his wife are shown at half-length and three-quarters face,
-turned towards one another. Meyer is wearing a black dress, open
-at the front to show his white, gold-embroidered shirt, and a scarlet
-cap on his bushy, curly brown hair, which covers his ears. He is
-clean-shaven, and holds in his left hand a coin, which is introduced
-to indicate his calling as a money-changer, and also, it is supposed,
-to commemorate the charter granted to the Baselers in January 1516
-for the mintage of gold coins. On the same hand he wears several
-heavy gold rings. His eyes are dark brown, and his complexion of
-a ruddy hue, and his face shows shrewdness and strength of character,
-while the eyes are intelligent and determined. His wife wears
-a red dress, fronted and edged with a broad band of black velvet
-across the breast, embroidered with circles of gold ornamentation.
-The dress is cut low, to show a white under-bodice worked in elaborate
-designs, with hanging tassels and a band of gold embroidery of a heart-shaped
-pattern. Her hair and ears are covered with a large white
-cap of thin linen decorated with bands of gold of a checked design,
-of the hooded shape common in Switzerland at that period, with a
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_54'>54</span>long white fall which is brought over the right shoulder and reaches
-the waist. Round her neck hang two thin chains, one of gold and
-one of pearls, the ends of which are hidden beneath the bodice. Her
-hands are not shown. Though not strikingly handsome, she has
-youth and good looks in her favour. The two portraits are placed
-against one continuous architectural background, seen in rather strong
-perspective. In the centre an elaborate gilt frieze of Renaissance
-ornamentation is supported by short pillars of red marble, and on
-either side larger columns, also decorated with gilded carving, form
-the supports of two arches. Through these the blue sky is seen, against
-which the wife’s head stands out in strong colour contrast. Owing
-to the perspective arrangement, the opening is smaller in the portrait
-of Meyer, but part of his red cap is placed against the blue sky with
-equally striking effect. The signature, “H.H.,” and the date,
-“1516,” are placed on a small shield in the entablature over Meyer’s
-head.<a id='r126' /><a href='#f126' class='c021'><sup>[126]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In these two portraits—the earliest in point of date which can
-be ascribed to him with absolute certainty—Holbein, though not
-yet twenty years old, shows himself to be already a master of
-portraiture. The qualities they possess are the same, though not
-yet perfectly developed, as those which are to be discovered in
-such complete perfection in the work of his maturity. They show
-that he had already the power of seizing character, and was accurate
-and unhesitating in draughtsmanship. All the details, more particularly
-the elaborate ornaments of the woman’s dress, are drawn
-with a truth and delicacy that already falls but little short of the
-brilliance of his technique in such a masterpiece of portraiture as
-the Georg Gisze in Berlin, or the Jane Seymour in Vienna. The colour,
-though rich and strongly contrasted, is harmonious and delicate
-in the general effect it produces. The whole work, indeed, gives
-the impression that it is from the hand of an artist who is already
-sure of his methods. There is nothing faltering about it, and few
-indications that the painter was still only on the threshold of his
-career. All that was to come in the future was a deeper insight into
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_55'>55</span>nature, a greater perfection of methods which in the main were to
-remain unaltered throughout his life, and a more brilliant understanding
-and application of the lessons of the Italian Renaissance
-to the more decorative portions of his pictures.<a id='r127' /><a href='#f127' class='c021'><sup>[127]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>STUDIES FOR THE MEYER PORTRAITS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The rapidity with which his art was maturing is shown more strikingly,
-perhaps, in the two studies for the portraits, now in the Basel
-Gallery (Pl. <a href='#pl-16'>16</a>),<a id='r128' /><a href='#f128' class='c021'><sup>[128]</sup></a> than even in the pictures themselves. These heads,
-of the same dimensions as the finished works, are about half the size
-of life. They are drawn in silver-point, with fine and delicate lines,
-and equally delicate modelling of the flesh, which has been afterwards
-touched here and there with red chalk. They display the utmost
-care and precision, though the line is less subtle and searching than
-it is in the drawings of his greater English period. They are, nevertheless,
-extraordinary work for so young a man, and of great beauty.
-They show a method of procedure in the taking of portraits which
-remained Holbein’s almost invariable practice throughout his life.
-He always made these preparatory drawings—the later ones, of
-course, with much greater freedom—in which the form, character,
-and expression of his sitter were fixed once and for all. Colour was
-occasionally indicated, but as a rule all that he did was to jot down
-on the margin of the paper a few notes for future guidance. Thus
-on the drawing of Meyer, he has written notes as to the colour of the
-hair, eyebrows, and cap.<a id='r129' /><a href='#f129' class='c021'><sup>[129]</sup></a> It was his habit, apparently, to rely upon
-his memory and these curt notes when he came to paint the actual
-portrait. This method enabled him to dispense with many sittings;
-after a few hours spent in close observation of his subject, he had
-obtained all the information he wanted. For the rest, he depended
-on what must have been a remarkable memory both for colour and
-form.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>During 1517 Holbein left Basel, and was absent for a considerable
-time. There is one work by him, however, of this year which in all
-probability was painted before his departure, as it belonged to
-Bonifacius Amerbach. This is the “Adam and Eve”<a id='r130' /><a href='#f130' class='c021'><sup>[130]</sup></a> of the Basel
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_56'>56</span>Gallery (No. 313) (Pl. <a href='#pl-17'>17</a>), which is painted in oils on paper. It is entered
-in the Amerbach catalogue as: “Ein Adam vnd Eva mit dem äpfel
-H. Holb. vf holz mit olfarb.” It is a study from life of the head and
-shoulders of the same models used for the heads of St. John and the
-Virgin already described, while the “Adam” also served as model
-for the head of Christ in “The Scourging” of the early Passion series
-on canvas. Eve, with a long curl of fair hair falling over her right
-shoulder and breast, holds the apple in her left hand, her face being
-of a rather dull and heavy type. Adam, with dark curly hair, and
-a long moustache which drops below his chin, and head slightly bent,
-has his right arm flung across Eve’s shoulders. The general tone is
-brownish, but considerable effect is produced by the contrast between
-the dark complexion of Adam and the blonder tones of Eve’s flesh.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>It is boldly and thinly executed, and the lines of the drawing are
-still plainly to be distinguished through the paint. The fingers of
-Eve’s hand, with high lights on the nails, are excellently modelled,
-already giving indications of what afterwards became one of the chief
-features of his portraiture, the beauty and character of the hands.
-Both heads stand out against a background which is now black. It
-is signed and dated, “1517, H.H.” Dr. Ganz points out the strong
-influence of both Baldung and Dürer this small study betrays.<a id='r131' /><a href='#f131' class='c021'><sup>[131]</sup></a> It
-also bears a curious resemblance to the heads in the well-known picture
-of “Adam and Eve” by Mabuse at Hampton Court<a id='r132' /><a href='#f132' class='c021'><sup>[132]</sup></a> (No. 385 (580)),
-though the position of the two figures is reversed. It is seen more
-particularly in Adam’s mass of dark hair covered with small curls,
-Eve’s long ringlets, the expression of pain on the faces, and the position
-of Adam’s arm across Eve’s shoulders. There is another very similar,
-but smaller, “Adam and Eve” by Mabuse in the Berlin Gallery
-(No. 661), displaying a composite art, half Flemish and half Italian,
-which is signed and dated 1516.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 16.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-16'  class='figcenter id016'>
-<img src='images/i056a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>JAKOB MEYER<br />Studies for the Double Portrait, 1516<br /><i>Silver-point and red chalk drawings</i><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div  class='figcenter id016'>
-<img src='images/i056b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>DOROTHEA KANNENGIESSER<br />Studies for the Double Portrait, 1516<br /><i>Silver-point and red chalk drawings</i><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 17.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-17'  class='figcenter id017'>
-<img src='images/i056-2.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>ADAM AND EVE<br />1517<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_57'>57</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>CHAPTER IV<br /> <br /><span class='c019'>WORK IN LUCERNE AND THE VISIT TO LOMBARDY</span></h2>
-</div>
-<p class='c020'>Holbein leaves Basel for Lucerne—Ambrosius Holbein—The
-known facts of his short life—His pictures, designs,
-and woodcuts—Records of Hans in Lucerne—His decoration
-of the Hertenstein house—Description of the
-wall-paintings—Portrait of Benedikt von
-Hertenstein—Holbein’s visit to North Italy—“The Last
-Supper” at Basel, and Leonardo’s influence—Evidences of
-his Italian journey in his designs for painted
-glass—Possible visit to Altorf—Return to
-Lucerne—Drawings of the “Archangel Michael” and of
-“Miners at Work”—Pictures painted for the Church of the
-Augustines in Lucerne.</p>
-<div class='c012'>
-  <img class='drop-capi' src='images/dc-i.jpg' width='100' height='98' alt='' />
-</div><p class='drop-capi0_8'>
-IN 1517 Holbein left Basel, and was absent for nearly
-two years. For the greater part of the time he was in
-Lucerne, but traces of him are to be found in other
-parts of Switzerland, and it is practically certain that
-he also paid a short visit to Lombardy. It is possible,
-too, that during this time he may have returned to
-Basel more than once for a few weeks in connection with his work for
-Froben and other publishers. Whether he left Basel in the first place
-because he found that it gave him less employment than he had
-expected, or from a spirit of pure adventure, or, again, on account of
-the offer of some definite commission, such as the decoration of the
-Hertenstein house, is not known; but the last-named reason is the
-most probable one, for it cannot be said that his talents had been
-unrecognised in Basel. Although there is no record of any earlier
-wall-paintings than those he was now to complete in Lucerne, it is
-quite possible that the two brothers had already carried out work of
-this nature, and that Jakob von Hertenstein had seen it and had
-admired it, and so decided to employ one or both of the young
-men to decorate in like fashion the new mansion he had just completed.
-Even if this were not the case, Lucerne at that time offered
-nearly as many inducements to a young artist as Basel itself. The
-two towns were closely allied, and artists and learned scholars constantly
-passed backwards and forwards between them; and Holbein
-had at least one acquaintance in Lucerne, Oswald Molitor, who had
-recently returned from Basel to his native city, and was practising
-there as a schoolmaster.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_58'>58</span>There is an old legend in Lucerne that at this period the elder
-Holbein was living in the town with his two sons, but it does not
-appear to have any foundation in fact.<a id='r133' /><a href='#f133' class='c021'><sup>[133]</sup></a> There is much more probability
-that Ambrosius accompanied Hans, or followed him shortly
-afterwards, and remained for some time at work with his brother
-on the Hertenstein house; though here again there is no actual record
-of such an absence from Basel. There is, however, a fine drawing
-by him in the Basel Gallery (No. 297), a half-length figure of a young
-man of the Von Rüdiswiler family,<a id='r134' /><a href='#f134' class='c021'><sup>[134]</sup></a> which is thought to afford some
-proof that Ambrosius was in Lucerne at the time, for the Rüdiswiler
-family was one of the most important in the district, their chief seat
-being at Rüdiswil. Members of this house were settled both in
-Lucerne and Solothurn, and it is supposed that Ambrosius drew the
-portrait of this youth of patrician birth in the former town during
-1517. The sitter is shown in profile, in a heavy brown cloak, wearing
-his cap on the side of his head. His fair straight hair covers his ears,
-and he holds a large red heart in his hand. The drawing has at some
-time been cut out round the outline and mounted on parchment,
-and the inscription in secret cipher, below the coat of arms, had been
-copied at the same time from the one which existed on the original
-drawing before the cutting out took place.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Ambrosius, however, must have been back again in Basel by the
-summer of 1518, for in that year, on June 6, he purchased his
-right of citizenship. The first mention of him in the town books
-is on September 26, 1516, when “Ambrosy Holbein von augspurg,
-ein maler,” appeared in court as a witness in a libel action brought
-by Bastian Lepzelter, the sculptor, against a tailor, Andreas Huber,
-for insulting remarks made on the previous 25th of July, when the
-plaintiff, Ambrosius, and another friend, were enjoying themselves
-in the house of Hans Herbster.<a id='r135' /><a href='#f135' class='c021'><sup>[135]</sup></a> Ambrosius may perhaps have been
-working as a journeyman under Herbster at the time. He joined
-the Painters’ Guild “zum Himmel,” to which bakers, saddlers, and
-barber-surgeons also belonged, on St. Matthias’ Day, February 24,
-1517. The entry in the book of the guild runs as follows: “Item
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_59'>59</span>es hatt entpfangen die zunfft vff sant Mattistag ambross Holbein
-maler von augspurg In dem xvii Jor.” According to an order of
-the Basel Council issued in 1487, any one entering a guild was obliged
-to take oath to purchase the freedom of the city within a month. This
-Ambrosius did not do until the following year, which possibly indicates
-that he left the town shortly after joining the guild, early in
-1517, without fulfilling his obligations. It may be that he had not
-sufficient money for the payment of the fees, for when, on June 6,
-1518, he became a burgher, he was only able to find one gulden out
-of the four which were required, Jörg Schweiger, the goldsmith, whose
-portrait, now in the Basel Gallery (No. 296),<a id='r136' /><a href='#f136' class='c021'><sup>[136]</sup></a> he painted about this
-time, standing surety for the remainder. The portrait may have
-been taken as some return for the kindness shown on this occasion.
-It should be noted, however, that this portrait is not attributed to
-Ambrosius by all critics, and differs to some extent from his accustomed
-style.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The entry in the archives runs as follows: “Item do hat burckrecht
-kufft Ambrosy Holbein der moler uff Sundag nach corporis
-Xpi Im xviij jor umb iiij glden und hat bar gen j glden und sol al
-fronfasten j ort bitz zu bezallung dofür ist bürg und schuldner meister
-Jerg schweiger der goldschmit.”</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 18.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-18'  class='figcenter id018'>
-<img src='images/i060a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-</div>
-<div  class='figcenter id019'>
-<img src='images/i060b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>PORTRAITS OF TWO BROTHERS<br /><span class='sc'>Ambrosius Holbein</span><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>This is the last reference to the elder brother so far discovered
-in the official archives, and as no work by him of a date later than
-1518 is known, it is supposed that he died in that year or early in
-1519. Apparently the last work upon which he was engaged was a
-series of woodcut illustrations for the <i>Geuchmatt</i> of Thomas Murner,
-which was published by Adam Petri in Basel in April 1519. The
-first four only of the illustrations to this book<a id='r137' /><a href='#f137' class='c021'><sup>[137]</sup></a> were designed by
-Ambrosius, which would seem to indicate that he died before he
-had completed the commission. The only other supposition, and a
-most improbable one, is that he suddenly left Basel at about this time
-in search of better fortune elsewhere, though no traces of such removal
-have so far been discovered. Almost all the few works which can
-be attributed to him with any certainty are now in the Basel
-Gallery. In addition to those already mentioned, there are two
-charming half-length portraits of small boys in a Renaissance framework
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_60'>60</span>(Nos. 294-5) (Pl. <a href='#pl-18'>18</a>),<a id='r138' /><a href='#f138' class='c021'><sup>[138]</sup></a> for one of which, the boy turned to the left,
-the silver-point drawing is in the Albertina, Vienna,<a id='r139' /><a href='#f139' class='c021'><sup>[139]</sup></a> while a similar
-study for the other, recently published for the first time by Dr. Willy
-Hes, is in the Rodriguez Collection, Paris.<a id='r140' /><a href='#f140' class='c021'><sup>[140]</sup></a> A half-length portrait
-of a little girl, in a similar framework, also published for the first
-time by Dr. Hes, is in the Ambraser Collection, Vienna, but not
-exhibited.<a id='r141' /><a href='#f141' class='c021'><sup>[141]</sup></a> The strong likeness to the two lads proves almost conclusively
-that she was their sister. On the medallion which hangs
-from a chain round her neck are the initials H. V. So far, no
-preliminary drawing for this portrait has been discovered. In the
-Basel Gallery there are also “The Saviour as the Man of Sorrows”
-(No. 292),<a id='r142' /><a href='#f142' class='c021'><sup>[142]</sup></a> an oil-painting adapted from the title-page to Dürer’s
-“Great Passion” series; and a study of two death’s heads behind a
-trellised window (No. 299).<a id='r143' /><a href='#f143' class='c021'><sup>[143]</sup></a> Both pictures form part of the Amerbach
-Collection, but the latter is not regarded as the work of Ambrosius
-by Dr. Hes. A somewhat similar picture, attributed to Hans, was
-in the Arundel Collection, and was entered in the 1655 inventory as
-“Testa de Morte con osse.” The portrait of Hans Herbster, also
-at Basel (No. 293),<a id='r144' /><a href='#f144' class='c021'><sup>[144]</sup></a> which has been already mentioned, was at one
-time regarded as a work by Hans the Younger, but since its purchase
-for the Basel Gallery it has been given, more correctly, to the elder
-brother. Dr. Hes, however, considers that it is not his work, but
-rather a portrait of Herbster painted by himself.<a id='r145' /><a href='#f145' class='c021'><sup>[145]</sup></a> It is a bust
-portrait, turned to the right, representing a middle-aged man with
-long brown hair and a large bushy beard, wearing a dark dress and
-a red cap over his right ear. He is placed under an archway of
-Renaissance architecture, his head standing out against the blue sky
-seen through the opening. From the top of the pillars which support
-the arch hang two festoons of fruit and leaves held by small amorini.
-Above the heads of these boys two small tablets are suspended, one
-containing the date, “1516,” and the other the now illegible remains
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_61'>61</span>of the painter’s monogram. Across the bottom is the inscription,
-“<span class='sc'>Ioannes Herbster pictor oporini pater</span>,” the last words referring
-to his son, the well-known scholar of Basel, who afterwards turned
-printer, and Latinised his name to Oporinus. Herbster himself, like
-the Burgomaster Meyer, had taken his part in the Italian wars, and
-was in the battle of Pavia in 1512. In addition to several drawings
-already described, the Basel Gallery also possesses a charming
-study in silver-point and red chalk of a young girl, inscribed
-“<span class='sc'>Anne</span>,” and dated 1518, in which a very tender, delicate feeling
-for the beauty of childhood is shown (Pl. <a href='#pl-19'>19</a>);<a id='r146' /><a href='#f146' class='c021'><sup>[146]</sup></a> the head of a young
-woman in a hood in profile to the left;<a id='r147' /><a href='#f147' class='c021'><sup>[147]</sup></a> a very fine drawing of the
-head of a young man turned slightly to the left, wearing a black cap on
-the side of his head, signed and dated 1517;<a id='r148' /><a href='#f148' class='c021'><sup>[148]</sup></a> and a design for painted
-glass, representing the foundation of the city of Basel (Pl. <a href='#pl-20'>20</a>),<a id='r149' /><a href='#f149' class='c021'><sup>[149]</sup></a> a pen
-drawing lightly touched with colour, which was formerly attributed to
-Hans. In the centre are the arms of Basel, supported by basilisks,
-under an archway in course of building, which is decorated with a
-series of empty shields for coats of arms. In the landscape background
-on either side are men engaged in erecting buildings on the river
-bank, and in the foreground is a boat filled with soldiers. The
-commander of this troop, the legendary founder of the town, has
-the name “Basilius” engraved upon his breastplate.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>One of the most important of the few paintings by him which
-have been so far traced, is the portrait of an unknown young man
-in the Royal Hermitage Gallery in St. Petersburg (Pl. <a href='#pl-21'>21</a>).<a id='r150' /><a href='#f150' class='c021'><sup>[150]</sup></a> The sitter
-is turned three-quarters to the left, under a Renaissance arcading,
-and is wearing a green dress and white shirt ornamented with lace.
-On his black hat are the initials “F. G.” or “C. I. E.” (?). His right
-hand rests on the iron pommel of his sword. In the distance is a
-mountainous landscape with a palace or large building of elaborate
-Renaissance architecture, and on a column hangs a tablet with the
-inscription, “<span class='sc'>Etatis. sve. xx. m.d. xviii.</span>” From the arch above his
-head is suspended a garland of leaves bound round with ribbon, to
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_62'>62</span>which is attached a small cartouche with the monogram AHB, of which
-the H is the most distinct letter.<a id='r151' /><a href='#f151' class='c021'><sup>[151]</sup></a> The drawing, mentioned above,
-signed and dated “1517 <span class="ls">A</span>H,” was considered by
-Woltmann to be
-a study for this portrait, and there is certainly a strong likeness
-between the two. The arrangement of the foreground architectural
-setting, and the position of the garland supporting the cartouche,
-of which only the left-hand loop is shown, prove that the picture
-formed one of a pair, the missing half in all probability containing
-a portrait of the young man’s wife.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 19.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-19'  class='figcenter id020'>
-<img src='images/i062.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>PORTRAIT OF A YOUNG GIRL, “ANNE,” 1518<br /><i>Silver-point and red chalk drawing</i><br /><span class='sc'>Ambrosius Holbein</span><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 20.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-20'  class='figcenter id021'>
-<img src='images/i062-2.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE FOUNDING OF BASEL<br />Design for Painted Glass<br /><span class='sc'>Ambrosius Holbein</span><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 21.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-21'  class='figcenter id020'>
-<img src='images/i062-3.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN YOUNG MAN<br />1518<br /><span class='sc'>Ambrosius Holbein</span><br /><span class='sc'>Royal Hermitage Gallery, St. Petersburg</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 22.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-22'  class='figcenter id022'>
-<img src='images/i062-4.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>ILLUSTRATION TO SIR THOMAS MORE’S “UTOPIA”<br /><span class='sc'>Ambrosius Holbein</span><br /><i>From a woodcut in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>In addition to works of this nature, Ambrosius produced, during
-the few years he was in Basel, a considerable number of designs for
-title-pages, initial letters, and other decorations for books, issued
-by Froben, Cratander, Adam Petri, Thomas Wolff, and Pamphilus
-Gegenbach. One of the best known is the “Calumny of Apelles,”<a id='r152' /><a href='#f152' class='c021'><sup>[152]</sup></a>
-the painting described by Lucian, which bears the monogram of
-Ambrosius and the date 1517. It was first used in Erasmus’ version
-of the New Testament, published by Froben in 1519. He had a share,
-too, in the numerous illustrations and ornaments which Froben provided
-for the first edition of Sir Thomas More’s <i>Utopia</i>, upon which
-work his brother, Urs Graf, and others, were also engaged. Ambrosius
-was the designer of the charming little picture representing the scene
-in the garden of Petrus Ægidius in Antwerp in which Raphael
-Hythlodæus, the traveller, is describing to his host and Sir Thomas
-his adventures in the island of Utopia.<a id='r153' /><a href='#f153' class='c021'><sup>[153]</sup></a> A larger woodcut, with a
-bird’s-eye view of the island, on which the chief places are marked as
-given in the text, with Hythlodæus in the foreground pointing out its
-features to Ægidius and More, is also his work (Pl. <a href='#pl-22'>22</a>).<a id='r154' /><a href='#f154' class='c021'><sup>[154]</sup></a> It is difficult
-in every case to separate the designs of the two brothers in this field
-of art, more particularly as in many instances they have been so badly
-cut that much of the beauty of the original line has been lost. In
-book-illustration the art of the two young men had much in common,
-though Ambrosius was never as powerful or varied in conception
-as Hans, nor possessed of as great a mastery of technical execution.
-His woodcuts are not so thoroughly imbued with the true spirit of the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_63'>63</span>Italian Renaissance, nor had he the same gift of producing the effect
-of largeness of design within an inch or two of space. His figures,
-too, are often too short, with the head out of proportion to the body.
-Yet much of his decorative work has considerable charm, and fulfils
-its purpose admirably. Some forty woodcuts after his designs,
-including a number of initial letters, are known, of which it is impossible
-to attempt any description here.<a id='r155' /><a href='#f155' class='c021'><sup>[155]</sup></a> His skill as a designer for
-glass-painting has been already noted; and among his few drawings
-are two small roundels, in the Karlsruhe Gallery, of “Pyramus
-and Thisbe,” and “Hercules and Antæus,”<a id='r156' /><a href='#f156' class='c021'><sup>[156]</sup></a> which are very pleasing,
-and in their delicate and somewhat “pretty” handling have great
-resemblance to a number of the marginal drawings to the <i>Praise of
-Folly</i> which are now given to him.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In painting he was overshadowed by his younger brother. Like
-Hans, he had inherited a considerable gift for portraiture from his
-father, as the few works of this nature which remain show very clearly.
-In his studies for portraits the draughtsmanship is looser and more
-free than in the corresponding work of the younger Hans in his earlier
-Basel period, and there is less searching after exact truth of line. His
-portraits, nevertheless, display an original talent of no mean order,
-which, had he lived, would have gained for him a place of some distinction
-among the leading German painters of his day. Such a
-drawing as the “Anne” is filled with a very tender feeling, and a
-sympathetic expression of the wistful charm of childhood; and much
-of the same appreciation of youthful character is to be seen in the
-portraits of the two small boys in the Basel Gallery, while there is
-a careful and realistic drawing of the head and body of a baby,
-supported by the mother’s hand, in the British Museum, evidently
-a study for a Madonna and Child, which is very attractive. It is
-inscribed “Hans Holbein, 1522,” by some later hand, over some
-earlier signature, now obliterated. According to Dr. Hes, however,
-it is not by Ambrosius.<a id='r157' /><a href='#f157' class='c021'><sup>[157]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The records of Hans Holbein’s residence in Lucerne are scanty
-ones, but such as they are, they extend from 1517 to 1519. Shortly
-after his arrival he joined the painters’ guild, the Brotherhood of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_64'>64</span>St. Luke, which had been formed in 1506. In the book of the confraternity
-his name is entered as having paid one gulden for admission:
-“Meister Hanns Holbein hat j gulden gen.” Unfortunately the
-year-date is not given. The original book has disappeared, but a
-copy exists which was made by Zacharias Bletz, the town registrar,
-in 1541, but in transcribing it he has omitted the dates which would
-fix the exact details of Holbein’s membership.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>His first recorded commission was a badly-paid one. On the
-Sunday before the feast of Saints Simon and Jude (October 28),
-1517, he received one florin nine shillings for a design for a glass
-window. In the same year, on December 10, an entry in the town
-records shows him engaged in less reputable occupation. He and a
-certain Caspar, a goldsmith, were each fined five livres for fighting
-in the streets. “Item Caspar goldschmid vnnd der Holbein soll
-jeder 5 ll. buss als sy vber ein andern zuckt hand.” This same
-Caspar, one learns from the town books, was by nature a brawler,
-for he was in trouble of the same kind on more than one occasion.
-The punishment in this particular case was heavy, so that the disturbance
-must have been a serious one, and it has been suggested
-that on account of it Holbein left Lucerne for a time, in order that
-the affair might blow over, and that he took the opportunity of paying
-a visit to Lombardy. It is not likely, however, that he crossed the
-Alps in the winter.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>PAINTINGS OF HERTENSTEIN HOUSE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>In one of the rooms of the Hertenstein house, at the time of its
-demolition early in the last century, there still remained the date
-1517 on one of the wall decorations, which suggests that his work
-in the interior of the mansion was well advanced, if not completed,
-during that year. The outer walls were still unfinished when Holbein
-left Lucerne, for what reason is not known, but it does not seem probable
-that he would have abandoned an important commission for
-several months merely on account of some small trouble with the
-town authorities. The visit to Italy, it seems certain, took place in the
-spring or early summer of 1518, after the decorations of the Hertenstein
-house had been well advanced. These decorations, as far as
-can be judged from the few existing remains, show a certain Italian
-influence, but for the greater part not so strongly that it cannot be
-accounted for by the teaching of his father, the study of prints and
-engravings, and other second-hand sources. There is, however, a
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_65'>65</span>drawing in the Basel Gallery, described below, a preliminary
-study of architectural decoration for the lower part of the façade
-of the house, which, as Dr. Ganz points out, must have been made
-after Holbein’s return from Italy, for in it this new influence can be
-seen much more clearly and strongly, just as it can in similar work
-undertaken by him in Basel a year or two later, after a visit to
-Lombardy had brought him into personal contact with the works
-of some of the leading Italian masters in painting and architecture.
-It is clear, therefore, that the journey over the Alps formed an interlude
-of some duration between two sojourns in Lucerne, each extending
-over several months, and that during the second period he completed
-the Hertenstein wall-paintings.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Lucerne was one of the first towns in Switzerland to feel the
-influence of the Italian Renaissance, and the fashion, copied from
-the southern country, of decorating the fronts of its houses with
-wall-paintings, had been adopted before Holbein worked there. As
-early as 1435 the Frey family owned a house which was covered
-with such paintings; a second house with sixteenth-century decorations
-was demolished in 1871, while others of the same period retained
-traces of wall-paintings until comparatively modern times. Certain
-fragments of this early wall-painting still exist, and there has been
-a revival of the art in Lucerne in recent years. Augsburg was
-probably the first town outside Italy to adopt this method of house
-decoration, to which the painters who practised it owed so much of
-the freedom of their style; but many of the towns immediately to
-the north of the Alps followed suit in course of time, and modified
-the architecture of their buildings in order to meet the requirements
-of the new fashion, abandoning to a certain extent the structural
-Gothic decorative forms to which they were accustomed, in order
-to make room for the provision of large flat wall surfaces, broken
-only by plain rectangular windows and doors, upon which the
-painters would have free scope for their work. It became the habit,
-too, among the wealthier of the citizens, to decorate the inner walls
-of their mansions in the same way.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Jakob von Hertenstein, who, when he gave the commission to
-Holbein for the painting of his new house, was the chief magistrate
-of Lucerne, was a member of one of the oldest families in Switzerland.
-His father, Caspar von Hertenstein, held many important civic and
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_66'>66</span>military offices, and led the Swiss rearguard at the battle of Murten.
-His son inherited many of his dignities, and was also a notable soldier,
-and in 1515, in which year he was mayor, commanded the men of
-Lucerne at the battle of Marignano. His ancestral castle stood on
-a steep rock on the shore of the lake of Lucerne, near Weggis, and
-from it the family took its name. Jakob was married four times,
-in each instance to a lady of a patrician Swiss family, and in the decoration
-of the façade of his new dwelling, Holbein introduced the coats
-of arms of all four of them. In 1511 he purchased of Hans Wolf an
-old wooden house which stood on the Kappelplatz at the corner of
-a small street leading to the Sternen Platz, near the Corn Market,
-and in the heart of the city. This house he pulled down, and erected
-in its place a fine stone mansion, which was finished, and ready for
-its decorations, by 1517.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>It has been suggested that Holbein obtained this commission
-through the good services of Oswald Molitor, who was a friend of
-one of Hertenstein’s sons; but, however it may have been gained, it
-was one of great importance to so young an artist, and he made the
-most of his opportunities. The house was one of four storeys, and
-the whole of its frontage he covered with paintings. It was still
-standing in 1824, with its decorations for the greater part well preserved;
-but it was then pulled down, and all that remains of its
-painted glories is comprised in a number of very inadequate copies
-of certain portions, a single fragment of one of the original paintings,
-together with a small study for one of the pictures, and the
-architectural design already mentioned for part of the ground floor
-decoration, both from Holbein’s own pencil. It is thus to-day almost
-impossible to obtain any adequate impression of the actual effect of
-the painter’s earliest undertaking of importance, as it was in the days of
-its first freshness and beauty.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>PAINTINGS OF HERTENSTEIN HOUSE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The ground floor was left undecorated, with the exception of
-the painting of certain architectural details, and on the floor above,
-which had numerous windows of varying sizes, and little wall space,
-Holbein’s work was confined to three single female figures, one at
-each corner, and one between the windows in the middle. Immediately
-over the windows on the left, which were irregular in arrangement,
-the decoration consisted of ornaments and figures adapted to fit the
-window crowns; and on the right, where the windows were considerably
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_67'>67</span>higher and stood in a straight line, a long frieze of fighting
-children was introduced. All these decorations were painted in
-grisaille, but between the two groups was a larger picture in colours,
-the upper part of which extended to the floor above. This picture
-was so arranged that its framework had the appearance of a large
-projecting bay, semicircular in shape, with an arched opening
-supported by pillars, through which a view was obtained of what
-appeared to be a large inner chamber of the house. Within this
-room Holbein depicted a story from the <i>Gesta Romanorum</i>, the one
-which tells of the old king who tested the love of his three sons and
-their right to succeed him by offering his dead body as a target to
-their arrows. This picture was still in a fairly good condition at the
-time of the destruction of the house, so that from the copy then made
-it is possible to gain an idea of the artist’s conception of the scene.
-He represented the white-haired monarch, death-pale in face, still
-seated upright on his throne, though his heart has ceased to beat.
-Two of the sons have shot their arrows, and one points to the cruel
-wound he has made, and claims the crown; but the third, rather
-than aim at such a target, breaks his bow in indignation, and is
-acclaimed the victor by the assembled courtiers. On the third
-storey, between the windows, were placed the coats of arms of
-Hertenstein and his four wives, within arched openings with hanging
-wreaths.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Between the windows of the third storey and those of the floor
-above it, there ran a long triumphal procession from right to left,
-broken up into groups by pilasters placed at intervals, giving
-the effect of an open arcading through which the passing show was
-seen. This design was borrowed in its main details and arrangement
-from Andrea Mantegna’s engraved “Triumph of Caesar.” In this
-he followed his original so closely as to clothe the figures in antique
-costumes, whereas in the pictures drawn from classical sources
-painted on other parts of the building, he made use of the costumes
-of his own day. On the topmost storey five pictures were placed
-between the windows reaching up to the cornice of the roof. These,
-too, were chosen from classical literature, apparently for the purpose
-of providing moral lessons, not only for the members of Hertenstein’s
-own family, but for all the citizens of Lucerne who paused to admire
-their mayor’s new residence. They included the stories of the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_68'>68</span>treacherous schoolmaster who attempted to betray the town of
-Falerii to Camillus, Tarquin and Lucretia, the self-sacrifice of Marcus
-Curtius, Mucius Scævola before Porsenna, and Leæna, who bit off
-her tongue rather than betray her lover Aristogiton to the judges
-after the murder of Hipparchus.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The only original study for these painted stories now remaining
-is the one for the last-named subject, which is preserved in the Basel
-Gallery (Pl. <a href='#pl-23'>23</a> (1)).<a id='r158' /><a href='#f158' class='c021'><sup>[158]</sup></a> It is a washed monochrome drawing, in which
-Leæna, in the costume of Holbein’s own day, stands before her two
-judges, her hand lifted to her tongue in sign of her determination to keep
-silence. The story is told with the aid of but few figures. A gaoler
-stands near Leæna, and behind the two judges are two other seated
-men. The scene takes place in a vaulted hall with open archways at
-the back, and has been cleverly arranged to fill in the irregular spaces
-between the brackets supporting the cornice. This study is of great
-interest, as it marks a great advance in Holbein’s power of drawing
-the human figure when compared with the schoolmaster’s sign-board
-of the previous year, and shows much greater freedom of draughtsmanship.
-The heads of one or two of the figures still retain something
-of the grotesqueness of type which characterises those of the early
-Passion series of pictures, but the figure of Leæna is a graceful one,
-and the judge in the centre, in a furred robe and cap, with one finger
-lifted in admonition and a rod of justice or sword grasped in his left
-hand, is natural and dignified. The only fragment of the actual
-wall-painting itself which now remains is a small portion of the Tarquin
-and Lucretia fresco,<a id='r159' /><a href='#f159' class='c021'><sup>[159]</sup></a> showing the latter’s hand grasping the dagger,
-the figure of her husband before whom she is about to kill herself,
-the right arm of a woman attendant who stands behind her, and part
-of the architectural background. This fragment was built into the
-wall of the house which replaced the older one, and can still be seen
-on the upper floor of the façade. It is insignificant enough in itself,
-and has greatly darkened with age and exposure, but it is of value as
-the only actual evidence of the broad and vigorous manner in which
-the whole façade was painted.<a id='r160' /><a href='#f160' class='c021'><sup>[160]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 23.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-23'  class='figcenter id023'>
-<img src='images/i068a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-</div>
-<div  class='figcenter id004'>
-<img src='images/i068b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>DESIGNS FOR THE WALL-PAINTINGS OF THE HERTENSTEIN HOUSE<br />1. Leaena and the Judges&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;2. Architectural Decoration of the Ground Floor<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span><br /></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>A second original drawing by Holbein in the Basel Gallery is
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_69'>69</span>a study for a part of the ground-floor façade of this house (Pl. <a href='#pl-23'>23</a> (2)).<a id='r161' /><a href='#f161' class='c021'><sup>[161]</sup></a>
-It is a pen and wash drawing slightly touched with colour. Groups of
-pillars support a frieze with flat carving in the Gothic manner. Above
-the pointed doorway on the left he has thrown a circular arch, round
-which the pattern of the frieze is continued, filled in with grotesque
-sculptured figures supporting a tablet for a date. On the right he
-has placed an open loggia, to which a flight of stone steps descends,
-with square pillars, inlaid with marble panels, on either side supporting
-a wide, flattened arch richly ornamented. The space over the frieze
-on the right is filled in with a procession of naked boys, some dragged
-along by their comrades, and others carried on litters, and above this
-again, hanging garlands of leaves with swinging putti, one blowing a
-trumpet. According to Dr. Ganz, this last motive, as well as other
-parts of the architectural design, are reminiscent of details to be seen
-in the cloisters and on the façade of the Certosa of Pavia, and suggest
-that Holbein must have taken them directly from that building.<a id='r162' /><a href='#f162' class='c021'><sup>[162]</sup></a> If
-this be so, it proves that a part at least of the wall decoration of the
-Hertenstein house was not finished until after Holbein’s visit to
-Lombardy.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>PAINTINGS OF HERTENSTEIN HOUSE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>It seems certain that Holbein began his work in the interior of
-the house, and that he covered the walls of at least five rooms, chiefly
-on the third floor, with paintings. In 1825 many of them still
-remained in an excellent state of preservation. In contradistinction
-to those on the outer walls, they consisted of religious pictures, and
-scenes from ancient fables and from everyday life in which humour
-found a prominent place. The sacred decorations were in a large
-hall which served as the family chapel. One of them represented
-the legend of the fourteen saints who are said to have appeared to a
-shepherd in 1445 at a church in the neighbourhood of Bamberg.
-Holbein depicted them in an elaborate landscape, with mountains
-and a church in the background, grouped on their knees round the
-Infant Christ, with the shepherd, a striking figure, kneeling in adoration
-with his sheep round him. A second picture in this room
-contained portraits of Hertenstein, his wife, and three sons, very
-diminutive figures, kneeling before seven saints, among them
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_70'>70</span>St. Benedictus, the patron saint of Lucerne. A third picture showed
-a religious procession, with a bishop and other ecclesiastics, headed
-by banners, issuing from the walls of a town in a hilly country. In
-the large hall of the house, on the third floor, which at the time of
-the demolition was still in its original state, were a number of landscapes
-with hunting scenes, in one of which, a stag-hunt, the ancient
-castle of the Hertensteins on a hill by the lake of Lucerne was
-introduced. In these scenes portraits of the chief magistrate and
-members of his family were included. In one of them Hertenstein,
-his fourth wife, and two sons, Benedikt and Leodegar, all mounted,
-are hunting wild ducks by the side of the lake, accompanied by dogs.
-Husband and wife appear again in the painting representing a stag-hunt
-in the woodland below the castle at Weggis. In a third scene
-hares are being hunted with a pack of hounds over hilly country.
-Near the fireplace was a representation of a subject which was popular
-with German painters—the Fountain of Youth. In this a certain
-amount of latitude was permitted, and Holbein depicted some of the
-incidents with a rough, unrefined humour. Nude men and women
-are sitting crowded together in a small circular fountain, some still
-old, others already rejuvenated by its waters. In the centre of the
-basin rises a pillar with a banner bearing the arms of Hertenstein
-and his fourth wife. From all sides old people come crowding and
-hurrying up, some in carts, some on donkeys, one pushed in a wheelbarrow,
-and others carried in litters or on the backs of less feeble
-seekers after perpetual youth. In one instance an ugly old woman,
-seated in a basket slung on the back of a sturdy young man, holds in
-her arms an equally old and ugly dog, in order that it, too, may benefit
-from the bath. A second painting next to it continued the story.
-Other old men and women are crowded into a long cart drawn by
-four horses, into the back of which a lame man has scrambled, while
-a second limps painfully after it. In other rooms the decorations
-were so dilapidated and damaged that it was impossible to make
-copies of them; but they included battle scenes, and various Renaissance
-ornaments and devices. In one of these latter rooms occurred
-the date 1517 under the family shield.<a id='r163' /><a href='#f163' class='c021'><sup>[163]</sup></a> In one of the chambers was a
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_71'>71</span>wooden pillar, carved with the likeness of Heini von Uri, court fool
-of Duke Leopold of Austria, for which Holbein appears to have
-supplied the design from which the carver worked. Hollar made an
-etching from this drawing, or from a woodcut of it, as he has inscribed
-it, “H. Holbein incidit in lignum,” when it was in the Arundel
-Collection, in 1647.<a id='r164' /><a href='#f164' class='c021'><sup>[164]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In carrying out this monumental work, Holbein, in addition to
-possible help from his brother, must have employed more than one
-assistant. He made, no doubt, designs for every part of it, and
-painted the principal pictures himself, but much of the remainder
-was very probably done by others under his personal direction.
-North of the Alps such work was not particularly well paid, nor was
-great care displayed in carrying it out. Both artist and employer
-were satisfied if a good decorative effect in design and colour was
-produced; the former, considering the large amount of surface to
-be covered, could not waste much time over the careful painting of
-details, nor was the latter prepared to pay more than a very moderate
-price for it. There is no doubt, however, that Holbein’s work in
-this field was far in advance of anything hitherto carried out in
-Switzerland, more particularly in the elaborate architectural settings
-in which he placed his wall pictures, and in the use made of perspective,
-so that the scenes depicted appeared to be taking place within
-the rooms of the house itself, and the eye was deceived into supposing
-that a building of somewhat plain design was in reality a mansion
-erected in the richest style of the Italian Renaissance.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>DESTRUCTION OF WALL-PAINTINGS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>In 1825 the Hertenstein house came into the possession of a Lucerne
-banker named Knörr, who pulled it down in order to replace it by a
-more modern building. In spite of the efforts of a few art-lovers,
-this work of demolition was carried out, and the town authorities
-made no attempt to stop such an act of vandalism, or to save the only
-surviving record they possessed of the art of by far the greatest artist
-their walls had ever sheltered—a record which to-day would be
-rightly regarded as one of their greatest treasures. It was only
-through the efforts of Colonel May von Büren and Colonel Karl
-Pfyffer von Altishofen, who employed certain local artists to make
-copies of the frescoes before the house was finally destroyed, that
-any record at all of the decorations remains. Time and the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_72'>72</span>damp climate had so dimmed them, however, that it was found
-necessary to wash them down with the town’s fire-engine before they
-could be seen clearly enough for the artists to copy them. The
-copies, which were made by the Lucerne painters Schwegler, Ulrich
-von Eschenbach, Eglin, Marzohl, and an Italian, Trolli von Lavena,
-had to be hurriedly done, and they naturally possess little or nothing
-of the combined delicacy and force of the originals. Much of the
-purely decorative work, the scroll and wreath ornament, and details
-in the Renaissance style, in the use of which Holbein was to become
-so great a master, had to be left uncopied, attention being concentrated
-on the pictures and figure subjects. Still, what was done
-was sufficient to show something of the ideas Holbein brought to the
-undertaking, the influences he came under in his choice of subjects,
-and the methods he employed in carrying them out. Colonel May
-persuaded Usteri, the painter and poet, to visit Lucerne in order to
-give his opinion as to the value of the paintings, but he was unable
-to do so until 1825, when the demolition had already begun. Usteri
-directed the making of the copies, and saw to it that the artists
-adhered as faithfully as possible to the originals. No “restoration”
-was permitted; those parts which had perished were left blank in
-the copies. The latter were made with the view of publication, but
-they proved too inadequate, and the scheme was dropped. In 1851
-they were presented by Colonel May to the town library of Lucerne,
-together with Usteri’s letters concerning them.<a id='r165' /><a href='#f165' class='c021'><sup>[165]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 24.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-24'  class='figcenter id024'>
-<img src='images/i072.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>BENEDIKT VON HERTENSTEIN<br />1517<br /><span class='sc'>Metropolitan Museum, New York</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>BENEDIKT VON HERTENSTEIN</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Before turning to Holbein’s journey across the Alps in 1518,
-reference must be made to a portrait painted by him during his first
-residence in Lucerne, which is the only one by him so far discovered
-bearing the date 1517. This work, of considerable importance to
-the student making a careful study of Holbein’s early development,
-is a likeness of Benedikt von Hertenstein, one of the sons of his new
-patron, who was twenty-two years of age at the time of the sitting.
-He was a member of the Council in the year he was painted, and was
-slain at the battle of Bicocca in 1522. This portrait was acquired
-from a private collection in England in 1906 for the Metropolitan
-Museum of New York (Pl. <a href='#pl-24'>24</a>).<a id='r166' /><a href='#f166' class='c021'><sup>[166]</sup></a> He is represented standing, facing the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_73'>73</span>spectator, with his left hand resting on the pommel of his sword. He
-wears a black under-dress and a white shirt with an embroidered edge.
-His cloak or overcoat with wide upper sleeves is of crimson, trimmed
-with dark green bands, and lined with bright myrtle-green silk. His
-left hand is half hidden by the sleeve and the right arm hangs down,
-the hand not being shown. His cap is of black and scarlet velvet
-with gold tags, and a plain chain of gold links hangs from his neck.
-He wears six rings on his left hand, the one on his first finger being
-a signet ring with a coat of arms now almost illegible. The pommel
-of his sword is of gold and silver ornamented with a design in imitation
-of Cufic script in the fashion of Italian goldsmith’s work of the period.
-His bushy hair almost hides the ears, and his eyes are small and bright.
-The background, as in the Meyer portraits, is a study in perspective,
-for Holbein has placed him within the angle of a wall, along the
-two sides of which, over the sitter’s head, runs a stone frieze carved
-with a representation of a Roman triumph, crowded with small
-figures, in which the victor is seated in a chariot drawn by prancing
-horses, and in front of him, among the soldiers and trumpeters, a
-number of prisoners led captive. It has suffered rather severely
-from repainting. The design, an imitation of an antique bas-relief,
-was no doubt based upon Mantegna’s “Triumph,” which
-Holbein was at the same time adapting for the façade of the
-Hertenstein house. A somewhat similar design, though later in date,
-is to be seen on the drawing of a dagger sheath in the Basel Gallery
-(Vol. ii., Pl. 46 (2)).<a id='r167' /><a href='#f167' class='c021'><sup>[167]</sup></a> The wall on the left is in shadow, and on
-it, immediately below the frieze, is inscribed: “<span class='fss'>DA · ICH · HET · DIE ·
-GESTALT · WAS · ICH · 22 · JAR · ALT · 1517 · H · H · PINGEBAT</span>.” This inscription
-is interesting as the only one in German to be found on any
-one of his portraits, with the exception of that of Fallen at Brunswick,
-and the addresses on the letters in some of the other Steelyard portraits.
-The picture is painted in oils on paper, and afterwards mounted
-on a panel, a method not infrequently employed by Holbein in his
-earlier practice. The technical skill displayed in it is already of a
-high order, though the draughtsmanship is still a little laboured, and
-lacking in that ease and certainty to which he afterwards attained,
-while the flesh tints are paler and flatter than in his later work. It
-shows, nevertheless, a distinct advance when compared with the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_74'>74</span>Meyer portraits of the preceding year. The draughtsmanship is
-firmer, the colour tones softer, and the general effect produced is
-one of greater naturalness, though still far behind the “Bonifacius
-Amerbach,” painted two years later, in subtlety of line and harmony
-of colour. When the picture was purchased in 1906 the name of the
-sitter was unknown, and beyond the fact that at the beginning of
-the last century it was in the possession of the Burckhardt family,
-its history has not been traced; but by means of the coat of arms
-on the ring it was identified three years later as Benedikt von
-Hertenstein.<a id='r168' /><a href='#f168' class='c021'><sup>[168]</sup></a> In 1826 Ulrich Hegner saw in Lucerne a portrait of
-his father, Jakob von Hertenstein, of the same date, 1517, still in
-the possession of one of his descendants, which he considered to be
-an original work by Holbein, which would indicate that the artist,
-in addition to including portraits of various members of the family
-in the wall-paintings in the interior of the house, was also commissioned
-to paint individual portraits of more than one of them. The
-portrait seen by Hegner has now disappeared, but others of Hertenstein
-still remain in the Town Hall and the Library of Lucerne. These,
-however, are not contemporary likenesses, but later copies, possibly
-after an original by Holbein now lost.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE VISIT TO LOMBARDY</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The great likelihood—indeed, the certainty—that Holbein, before
-these wall-paintings were finally completed, paid, during 1518, a
-short visit to Italy, is now generally acknowledged by most writers.
-It is true that Carel van Mander distinctly states that “Hans Holbein
-never travelled in Italy,” and the artist’s earliest biographer was,
-no doubt, correct, if his words are to be understood as meaning that
-Holbein never made any long sojourn in that country, or studied
-for a considerable period under some Italian painter. This statement,
-however, in no way precludes a visit of several months’ duration to
-Lombardy, of which Van Mander was ignorant. From Lucerne the
-journey to the foot of the Alps was only a matter of a few days, while
-traces of his presence in Altorf, which is on the route to the St. Gotthard
-Pass, still remain. From Altorf the Italian side of the mountains
-could be easily reached. The influence of both Mantegna and Leonardo
-and the Milanese school of painting is unmistakable in certain of
-his pictures, and though some of this may have been due to earlier
-influences in his Augsburg days, received through Hans Burgkmair
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_75'>75</span>and other German painters who had worked in Italy, and to the study
-of engravings, they are not strong enough to account satisfactorily
-for the very marked Italian influence to be seen in such pictures as
-the early “Last Supper,” or the “Venus” and “Lais Corinthiaca”
-of 1526. The indications of personal acquaintance with Italian
-painting and architecture are even more strongly marked in numerous
-designs for glass paintings, dealt with in a later chapter.<a id='r169' /><a href='#f169' class='c021'><sup>[169]</sup></a> It is
-therefore assumed that he crossed the Alps and penetrated into the
-country at least as far as Milan and its neighbourhood. Indeed, the
-careful researches of Dr. Ganz have removed all doubts on the question.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The “Last Supper” in the Basel Gallery (No. 316) (Pl. <a href='#pl-25'>25</a>),<a id='r170' /><a href='#f170' class='c021'><sup>[170]</sup></a> which
-must not be confounded with the still earlier version of the same
-subject on canvas already described,<a id='r171' /><a href='#f171' class='c021'><sup>[171]</sup></a> although badly damaged, bears in
-its composition so striking a reminiscence of Leonardo’s celebrated
-fresco in the refectory of the church of Santa Maria delle Grazie in
-Milan, that it appears almost certain that Holbein must have seen it.
-This panel painting, apparently the central part of a triptych, when
-it came into the possession of Amerbach was already in a badly-damaged
-state, due, no doubt, to injuries received during the
-religious disturbances of 1529, which finally helped to drive Holbein
-for a second time from Basel. It had been cut in two, and then
-roughly joined together, while a piece was missing from either side, so
-that to-day only nine apostles remain, though the hands and feet
-and parts of the bodies of the others are still to be seen at the sides.
-It is described in the Amerbach inventory as “ein nachtmal vf holtz
-mit olfarb H. Holbein. Ist zerhöwen vnd wider zusammengeleimbt
-aber unfletig.” In 1750 it was again reset by Nikolaus Grooth, who
-repainted and restored it in a hard and crude fashion, so that it is
-now very difficult to form any adequate idea of the original scheme
-of colour, though the heads still retain something of their original
-vigour and expression. The scene is set in a loggia of plain Renaissance
-architecture, the blue sky seen through its arched openings,
-against which branches of fig or vine stand out, and a distant tower
-on the right. Christ, seated in the centre of the table, with hands
-spread out before him, is depicted at the moment when he exclaims,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_76'>76</span>“One of you shall betray me.” This figure, both in the expressive
-gesture of the hands, the position of the body, and the type of
-features, follows closely the greater figure which evidently inspired
-it. The group of St. John, St. Peter, and Judas is also based on the
-corresponding group in Leonardo’s fresco. The youthful St. John,
-seated next to the Saviour, and turning round to listen to St. Peter,
-who stands behind him with his hand resting on St. John’s shoulder,
-is admirably conceived and full of character. Judas, seated in front
-on the left, rests his chin on his left hand, his strongly marked, almost
-grotesque, face, convulsed with conflicting passions, and his right
-hand pressed against the seat as though he were about to spring up
-and rush from the table. The picture, in spite of the damage it has
-received, shows a great advance upon the earlier “Last Supper,”
-both in power of expression and technical execution. In its style
-of painting it has considerable affinity with the “Noli Me Tangere”
-in Hampton Court, more particularly with the distant figures of
-St. John and St. Peter in the last-named picture, while the head of
-St. James, seen in profile, bears a close resemblance to that of the Risen
-Christ. The background, too, displays a decided Italian influence.<a id='r172' /><a href='#f172' class='c021'><sup>[172]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 25.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-25'  class='figcenter id025'>
-<img src='images/i076.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE LAST SUPPER<br />Central Panel of a Triptych<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE VISIT TO LOMBARDY</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Still stronger evidence of this journey to Lombardy is to be found
-in Holbein’s numerous designs for painted glass,<a id='r173' /><a href='#f173' class='c021'><sup>[173]</sup></a> which he produced
-during the next six or seven years, designs which, in most cases,
-are filled round the borders and in the backgrounds with rich and
-elaborate architecture based upon Renaissance models. It is difficult
-to understand how he could have produced so much work of this
-nature, so filled with the beauty and dignity of the style upon which
-it was founded, had he not had at least some personal acquaintance
-with the original examples upon the far side of the Alps, which these
-drawings of his so often suggest. A close comparison of certain of
-these studies with the architectural details of some of the splendid
-Renaissance buildings which he must have seen if this journey across
-the plains of Lombardy did in reality take place, makes it almost
-certain, although there are no documentary proofs, that he made
-drawings and sketches of some of the principal edifices of Milan,
-the façade and interior of the Certosa of Pavia, the monumental tombs
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_77'>77</span>of architectural design which are to be met with throughout Northern
-Italy, and such cathedral churches as those of Como and Lugano;<a id='r174' /><a href='#f174' class='c021'><sup>[174]</sup></a>
-and that he must have studied also the use made by the Italian
-painters of similar architectural features in the backgrounds of their
-frescoes and paintings. It is difficult to believe that his intimate
-knowledge of the true principles of that style were gained merely
-by the study of a few engravings or isolated pictures. Here and
-there, too, in those glass designs in which the background is a landscape,
-there is more than one Alpine scene. In the one with the figure
-of a Pope or Bishop, in the Basel Gallery (No. 334),<a id='r175' /><a href='#f175' class='c021'><sup>[175]</sup></a> there is a view of
-the old Devil’s Bridge on the Andermatt route, and the same bridge
-is to be seen in the “Table of Cebes” woodcut. There is a view of
-the Rigi in the background of the woodcut of “Jacob’s Ladder” in
-Thomas Wolff’s edition of the Pentateuch, 1523, and, again, a representation
-of Lucerne in the woodcut of the “New Jerusalem,” in the
-same publisher’s edition of the New Testament, 1523 (Pl. <a href='#pl-70'>70</a> (3)).<a id='r176' /><a href='#f176' class='c021'><sup>[176]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the course of his journey to and from Lombardy he probably
-made short halts in more than one Swiss town. Hegner mentions
-pictures by him in Coutrai, Zürich, Altorf, and Berne, but the works
-he enumerates, with the exception of the painted table at Zürich,
-are not the work of Holbein. There are, however, indications that
-he spent some time in Altorf, in the canton Uri, from which district
-it has been suggested that his family originally came, for the Holbein
-arms are almost identical with those of that canton. In the church is
-a “Head of Christ,” which local tradition gives to Holbein, and in the
-Convent of the Capuchins still hangs a copy of the “Christ in the Tomb”
-of the Basel Gallery. The “Head of Christ” has suffered so severely
-that it is impossible to-day to say whether it is from his hand; the
-church archives, which are said to have contained proofs of its
-authenticity, were lost in a fire which occurred in 1799, and did a great
-amount of damage, destroying, among other things, an altar-piece
-of the “Crucifixion,” attributed to Holbein, painted on canvas, one
-of the chief treasures of the church. The version of the “Christ in
-the Tomb” in the monastery shows material differences from the
-original at Basel. The body of Christ is no longer rigid in death.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_78'>78</span>He has conquered it, and the artist, whoever he may have been, has
-represented him as the giver of eternal life, by means of rays of light
-which emanate from the recumbent body. Above the figure is a
-medallion with the Burial, which bears little likeness to Holbein’s
-work. M. Pierre Gauthiez suggests that this Christ was painted
-by Holbein when under the immediate influence of certain Lombard
-painters, but that it became so badly damaged in course of time that
-it was restored and repainted by some not very skilful worker.<a id='r177' /><a href='#f177' class='c021'><sup>[177]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>DESIGNS FOR PAINTED GLASS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Wherever Holbein may have wandered in search of work, he was
-back again in Lucerne early in 1519. The town books contain records
-of payments made to him for the painting of certain banners and
-pennons in the spring of that year. It was a custom of the Lucernois
-to plant banners on the gables and summits of their street fountains,
-as a signal for assembly whenever there was question of war; and, in
-addition to this custom, small flags of painted cloth were usually to
-be seen hanging in such places.<a id='r178' /><a href='#f178' class='c021'><sup>[178]</sup></a> On the 19th February 1519, Holbein
-was paid twelve schillings for two flags of this kind, which were hung
-near the cathedral, and on the 21st May of the same year he received
-one livre, one schilling, six heller for banners for the fountain near
-the convent of the Franciscans. It was round this fountain of the
-Cordeliers that the shoemakers and sellers of various merchandise
-had their stalls, and the neighbouring street was the quarter of the
-glass-painters. For these latter craftsmen Holbein made several
-designs. There is one of these in the Basel Gallery (No. 354), which,
-however, is not from Holbein’s own hand, but merely a good workshop
-copy. It represents the standing figure of the Virgin with the
-Child in her arms, under an arch with hanging garlands, supported
-by pillars and pilasters with Renaissance ornament in low relief, and
-appears to have been drawn in Lucerne, for the background consists
-of an admirable little landscape study with a view of the towers and
-roofs and the old covered bridge of that city, and cloud-capped
-mountains in the background.<a id='r179' /><a href='#f179' class='c021'><sup>[179]</sup></a> It was, however, designed for some
-citizen of Basel, and may, therefore, have been done after he had
-left Lucerne, and the background sketched in from memory. It
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_79'>79</span>forms the left-hand half of a double window containing the patron
-saints of Basel, of which the right-hand half still exists in the original
-glass in the cloisters of Wettingen, representing the Emperor
-Heinrich II holding a model of the minster, and with a shield containing
-the arms of Basel at his feet. In its architectural details
-this window agrees with the “Virgin and Child” drawing in the
-Amerbach Collection, which is in pen and wash and lightly coloured.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>A second window design, also in the Amerbach Collection, dated
-1518, and signed “H.H.,” represents the arms of State-councillor
-Holdermeier of Lucerne.<a id='r180' /><a href='#f180' class='c021'><sup>[180]</sup></a> Under an open archway with pillars inlaid
-with marble stand three peasants with grotesque head-dresses, busily
-talking, conceived by the artist with considerable humour. One
-rests on his scythe, another carries a sack over his shoulder, while
-the one in the middle holds a basket of eggs. Over the centre of the
-arch is a small tablet with the date, and on either side of it, in the
-spandrils, peasants are shown at work in the fields, mowing and reaping.
-In the centre foreground is placed a shield with the Holdermeier
-arms. A third design for painted glass of this period with the arms
-of Hans Fleckenstein of Lucerne, and dated 1517, is in the
-Brunswick Gallery, and was lent to the Holbein Exhibition in Basel
-in 1897-8.<a id='r181' /><a href='#f181' class='c021'><sup>[181]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Two other existing designs appear to belong to Holbein’s Lucerne
-period. The first is the very beautiful drawing in the Basel Gallery
-of the Archangel Michael as the Weigher of Souls (Pl. <a href='#pl-26'>26</a>).<a id='r182' /><a href='#f182' class='c021'><sup>[182]</sup></a> It is
-evidently a drawing for a wooden statue. The Archangel Michael as
-the Soul Weigher was the patron saint of the cloisters of Beromünster,
-near Lucerne, and most probably, according to Dr. Ganz, this design was
-a commission from Holbein’s patrons, Peter and Jakob von Hertenstein.
-Jakob was feoffee of the cloisters, and Peter, canon of Basel, was
-from 1483 until his death in 1519 also canon of the minster. He had
-his own private chapel, to which he presented various works of art,
-including a window of painted glass with a representation of the
-Archangel, which is now in the Lucerne Museum.<a id='r183' /><a href='#f183' class='c021'><sup>[183]</sup></a> The winged figure
-of the youthful saint stands erect upon a slight carved bracket, raising
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_80'>80</span>a great sword over his head with one hand, and with the other holding
-a large pair of scales just clear of the ground, in one of which is
-Satan, with wings and a long curled tail, and in the other a naked
-child with a nimbus, representing the soul. St. Michael, too, wears
-a nimbus above his masses of curled hair, and gazes down with a
-smile on the upturned face of the Evil One, whom he is about to strike
-with his sword. He is clad in clinging drapery, which leaves one leg
-bare, and a breastplate richly chased with a Renaissance flower-and-leaf
-design, a long cloak falling from his shoulders to the ground.
-The figure displays extraordinary grace and energy, and in the beauty
-of its conception and its draughtsmanship recalls the best work of
-the Italian painters, and was evidently accomplished immediately
-after his return from Lombardy, when the stimulus of that journey
-was still at its highest and strongest.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The second drawing, in Indian ink, with pen and bistre outlines,
-in the British Museum (No. 14), is a round composition nearly nine
-inches in diameter, representing miners at work on the face of a
-mountain side (Pl. <a href='#pl-27'>27</a>).<a id='r184' /><a href='#f184' class='c021'><sup>[184]</sup></a> In the foreground is a rocky platform on
-which two men are driving wedges into the rock with hammers with long
-pliant handles. Others are working with smaller hammers, and one,
-with a lantern fastened to his cap, is mounting to the platform by a
-ladder. Above them another man is ascending in the same way
-to a higher part of the quarry, while from an opening on the right
-a miner is pushing a truck full of ore along a wooden bridge, and
-another, down below, is raking the stone into a tray. Various wooden
-huts are placed here and there on the ledges. According to Dr.
-E. His, this drawing was in Basel in the sixteenth century, and was
-then copied by an unknown artist as an illustration to a manuscript
-book on mining by Andreas Ryff. It was probably made by Holbein
-in the neighbourhood of the St. Gotthard Pass, on his way to or from
-Lombardy.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 26.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-26'  class='figcenter id026'>
-<img src='images/i080.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE ARCHANGEL MICHAEL AS WEIGHER OF SOULS<br /><i>Drawing in Indian ink</i><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 27.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-27'  class='figcenter id027'>
-<img src='images/i080-2.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>MINERS AT WORK<br /><i>Drawing in Indian ink, pen, and bistre</i><br /><span class='sc'>British Museum</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>SACRED PICTURES FORMERLY IN LUCERNE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Patin mentions five pictures painted by Holbein which in his
-day were in the church of the Augustines in Lucerne—a “Nativity,”
-the “Adoration of the Kings,” “Christ disputing with the Doctors,”
-a “Sancta Veronica,” and a “Taking down from the Cross,”<a id='r185' /><a href='#f185' class='c021'><sup>[185]</sup></a> but
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_81'>81</span>Hegner could find no traces of them. They probably formed a
-triptych. M. Gauthiez suggests that these pictures were the result of
-his study of the paintings of the Lombard masters, the titles alone
-suggesting a list of works by Luini.<a id='r186' /><a href='#f186' class='c021'><sup>[186]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The last-named of these pictures, the “Taking down from the
-Cross”—in which, according to Patin’s description, Christ’s body
-was on the ground, the head resting on the Virgin’s lap, and
-surrounded by Mary Magdalene, Saint John, Nicodemus, and other
-persons, with the two thieves still on the Cross—was still in the church
-in the middle of the seventeenth century. Two sketches exist, with
-notes as to the colour, and an inscription stating that they were drawn
-in Lucerne from Holbein’s altar-piece in the church of the Augustines
-by C. Meyer in 1648. Dr. Ganz has recently published a copy of this
-picture,<a id='r187' /><a href='#f187' class='c021'><sup>[187]</sup></a> which is in Palermo, and draws attention to the fact that it
-agrees in dimensions with the lost original, which was in the
-possession of the painter Marquard Wocher in Basel in 1834, at which
-time it was copied by the painter Hieronymus Hess. Another copy,
-half the size of the original, was exhibited at the Exhibition of Early
-German Art at the Burlington Fine Arts Club in 1906, and a third
-is still in the sacristy of one of the Lucerne churches. In addition,
-there is a drawing of the group of the two chief figures, Christ and
-the Virgin, in the Basel Gallery,<a id='r188' /><a href='#f188' class='c021'><sup>[188]</sup></a> a free copy of the central group of
-Christ and the Virgin, signed H. H. W. and H. H. It was done towards
-the end of the sixteenth century either by Hans Jörg Wannewetsch of
-Basel, or Hans Heinrich Wegmann of Lucerne.</p>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_82'>82</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>CHAPTER V<br /> <br /><span class='c019'>CITIZEN OF BASEL</span></h2>
-</div>
-<p class='c020'>Holbein’s return to Basel—Enters the Painters’ Guild “zum
-Himmel”—Becomes a burgher—His marriage—Portrait of Bonifacius
-Amerbach—The Amerbach Collection—Church pictures—The “Nativity” and
-“Adoration of the Kings” at Freiburg—Hans Oberried—The altar-piece of
-the “Passion of Christ” at Basel—Italian influences in his work—The
-“Noli Me Tangere” at Hampton Court—“Christ as the Man of Sorrows” and
-“Mary as Mater Dolorosa”—Designs for sacred pictures or
-wall-paintings—The “Dead Christ in the Tomb”—The Solothurn
-Madonna—History of the picture—“St. Ursula” and “St. George” at
-Karlsruhe—The organ doors of Basel Cathedral.</p>
-<div class='c012'>
-  <img class='drop-capi' src='images/dc-i.jpg' width='100' height='98' alt='' />
-</div><p class='drop-capi0_8'>
-IN the summer or autumn of 1519 Holbein was back
-again in Basel. His return may have been due to lack
-of sufficient employment in Lucerne, or it may be that
-he was recalled by news of the death of his brother
-Ambrosius. As already pointed out, no traces of the
-latter can be found after this year, and it is generally
-supposed that he died about this time. If such were the case, it is
-natural that Hans should return, in order to wind up his brother’s
-affairs, and it may be, to complete any commissions he may have left
-unfinished. Slight indications, also, of a visit to his father, who was
-then working in Isenheim, not far from Basel, are perhaps afforded
-by his designs for painted glass at Murbach and Andlau, described
-in a later chapter, which he produced in the following year.<a id='r189' /><a href='#f189' class='c021'><sup>[189]</sup></a> He now
-made Basel his permanent residence, and from that time until he came
-to England, seven years later, he was very busily employed in painting
-portraits, altar-pieces for churches, decorating house-fronts and interiors,
-and supplying designs for book illustrations, and for the glass-painters,
-armourers, and metal-workers of his adopted city.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>On September 25, 1519, he became a member of the Painters’
-Guild, the “Zunft zum Himmel.” The entry runs: “Item, Hans
-Holbein the painter has been received into the Guild on Sunday before
-St. Michael’s Day, in the year 1519, and has sworn to preserve the
-statutes of the Guild like every other Guild brother of the painters.”
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_83'>83</span>(“Item es hat die Zunfft entffangen Hans Holbein der moller vff
-suntag vor sant michelss Dag im XVCXIX jor vnd hat geschworen
-Der Zunft ordnung zu halten wie ein ander Zunfftbruder der moller.”<a id='r190' /><a href='#f190' class='c021'><sup>[190]</sup></a>
-His coat of arms,<a id='r191' /><a href='#f191' class='c021'><sup>[191]</sup></a> a black bull’s head with ringed nose, on a yellow
-or gold ground, surmounted by a red star between the horns, and
-with “Hans Holbein de maller” inscribed above it, painted at the
-time he was admitted a member, remained in the Guild Chamber
-until modern times, and is now in the Basel Historical Museum. The
-entrance fee was one pound three shillings. He soon appears to have
-become an important member of the confraternity, for in the following
-year, on June 25, 1520, he was elected chamber-master of the
-Guild, as set forth in the treasurer’s book. A few days afterwards,
-on July 3, 1520, he obtained the rights of citizenship; probably
-a residence of twelve months was necessary before the freedom of
-the city could be obtained, and Holbein had now been back in Basel
-for about a year. The entry in the town book runs as follows:—“Item,
-Tuesday before St. Ulrich’s Day anno 20 Hans Holbein of
-Augsburg, painter, has received the right of citizenship, and has
-sworn in the customary manner.” (“Item Zinstag vor Vlrici anno
-XX 1st Hans Holbeinen von Augspurg dem maler das burgrecht
-glichenn. Et juravit pro ut moris est.”)<a id='r192' /><a href='#f192' class='c021'><sup>[192]</sup></a> Less than a month afterwards
-his name occurs, on the 1st of August 1520, in the records of
-the Court of Justice. The wife of the painter Michel Schuman sued
-him for a debt of eight pounds, which he was condemned to pay, a
-proceeding recalling similar monetary difficulties in his father’s life.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>BECOMES A BURGHER AND MARRIES</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>It was probably about the same time that Holbein married Elsbeth
-Schmid, the widow of a tanner, with one son named Franz, who afterwards
-followed the occupation of his father. It appears possible,
-therefore, that she may have been possessed of some means, and that
-she carried on the tannery business until her son was of age. Perhaps
-both marriage and citizenship were necessary qualifications for
-membership of the Guild “zum Himmel,” as was the case with other
-guilds elsewhere, and some such regulation may have been one of
-the chief causes which brought about Holbein’s early marriage. In
-Breslau, for instance, a painter who wished to settle in the town as
-a master was obliged to be married, or if not, must have taken a wife
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_84'>84</span>within a year and a day of his entry into the Guild, under a penalty
-of ten marks.<a id='r193' /><a href='#f193' class='c021'><sup>[193]</sup></a> Additional proof that the marriage must have taken
-place in 1520 or 1521 is afforded by the Solothurn “Madonna,” dated
-1522, for which Holbein’s wife and infant son served as the models
-for the Virgin and Child.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>A few weeks after his admittance into the Guild, Holbein finished
-one of the most beautiful portraits of his Basel period—that of
-Bonifacius Amerbach, to whose unfailing admiration of Holbein’s
-art the present fine collection of his works in the Basel Gallery is
-due. Bonifacius was the youngest of the three sons of Hans
-Amerbach, the scholar, and afterwards printer and publisher, who,
-born in Reutlingen, settled in Basel in 1484, where he set up a printing-press
-which soon became famous, and attracted a number of learned
-men, who assisted him in preparing books and translations for
-publication, which included several fine editions of the early Fathers.
-His three sons were all brilliant scholars. Bonifacius, born in 1492,
-was about five years older than Holbein. His education was a very
-thorough one, and while pursuing his studies he was closely associated
-with various scholars of an older generation than his own, such
-as Conrad Leontorius, Gebwiler, Beatus Rhenanus, and the Franciscan
-monk, Johann Conon of Nuremburg, under whom he studied Greek.
-Later on he went to the University of Freiburg, where he lived with
-Ulrich Zasius, who was both his teacher and friend. He afterwards
-continued the study of the law at Avignon under Alciat, and at
-Montpellier, and in 1525 received the appointment of professor of law
-in the Basel University. He became a close friend of Erasmus, hardly
-a day passing without some intercourse between them. The elder
-scholar, who had the highest admiration for his abilities and learning,
-grew to regard him almost as a son, and appointed him his heir.
-Contemporary references to him speak not only of his great scholastic
-gifts, but of the modesty and amiability of his character, his integrity,
-his lively wit, and his talent for music and poetry. One such reference,
-quoted by Hegner,<a id='r194' /><a href='#f194' class='c021'><sup>[194]</sup></a> speaks of him as a tall man, with a charming
-countenance, who made use of brave, serious language, and appeared
-modestly attired in a long coat.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>It is to be assumed from Amerbach’s enthusiasm in collecting
-every picture, drawing, and design by Holbein which he could find,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_85'>85</span>that the two young men became personal friends, or, at least, that
-their acquaintance, first made in the latter’s painting-room, grew to
-be a closer one than was usually formed between sitter and artist
-in days when the painter and his craft were not always very highly
-considered, or his social standing more than a very modest one.
-Amerbach also collected pictures and sketches by other artists, and
-engravings, coins, and antiquities of all kinds. Upon his death in
-1562 his son Basilius inherited the collection, and, inheriting also the
-artistic tastes of his father, he added, in course of time, a number of
-important examples, among them various works by Holbein, including
-the copy of the <i>Praise of Folly</i> with the marginal drawings. In
-1586 he drew up an inventory and catalogue of the collection, which
-by that time had obtained considerable reputation. It remained in
-the possession of his descendants until the middle of the seventeenth
-century, when it was offered for sale, and was purchased by his native
-city for the very moderate price of 9000 rix-dollars in the summer
-of 1662. In addition to examples of metal-work, ivory carvings,
-coins, and various objects of decorative art, the collection contained
-forty-nine paintings, of which fifteen were attributed to Holbein,
-and a chest of thirty-seven drawers, all full of sketches and engravings,
-among them one hundred and four original drawings by Holbein, a
-sketch-book with eighty-five studies, one hundred and eleven woodcuts
-after his designs, the illustrated <i>Praise of Folly</i>, and two copies
-each of the “Dance of Death” and “Old Testament” woodcuts.
-Modern criticism has somewhat reduced these numbers, but the
-collection is one of extraordinary value, and, thanks to the energy
-and artistic taste of the father and son who formed it, and thus preserved
-many examples which otherwise would have been scattered
-and lost, it is possible for the Holbein student of to-day to obtain
-very adequate knowledge of much that the great artist accomplished
-during the earlier half of his life.<a id='r195' /><a href='#f195' class='c021'><sup>[195]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>BONIFACIUS AMERBACH</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>In Holbein’s portrait of Bonifacius Amerbach, in the Basel Gallery
-(No. 314) (Pl. <a href='#pl-28'>28</a>),<a id='r196' /><a href='#f196' class='c021'><sup>[196]</sup></a> the jurist is represented to the shoulders, almost in
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_86'>86</span>profile to the spectator’s left, a little less than the size of life. He wears
-a black velvet cap and a black gown with a fur collar, open to show
-the under-vest of blue-green damask and small white ruff round the
-neck. The fine, handsome face, with its prominent nose, is of a warm,
-ruddy complexion, and the bushy hair, which almost hides the ears,
-and the beard and moustache, are of chestnut colour. On a tree-trunk
-on the left hangs a large framed tablet with a Latin inscription, probably
-composed by Erasmus, in which the picture itself is made to
-extol the art of the painter for its truth to nature. Below these lines
-the names of the artist and the sitter, and the date, October 14,
-1519, are given—</p>
-<div class='lg-container-l c022'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>“BON · AMORBACCHIVM ·</div>
-      <div class='line in1'>IO · HOLBEIN · DEPINGEBAT ·</div>
-      <div class='line in1'>A · M̅ · D̅ · X̅I̅X̅̅ · PRID · EID · OCTOBR.”</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The head stands out against a pale blue-green sky, with the snow-covered
-crests of the Schneeberg in the distant background, and the
-branch of a vine or fig-tree on the right. The richness and transparency
-of the colour is remarkable; it is, perhaps, of all Holbein’s
-portraits the most transparent in effect, with no trace of the dryness
-which sometimes characterises his later work.<a id='r197' /><a href='#f197' class='c021'><sup>[197]</sup></a> In technical execution
-it shows a considerable advance on the earlier portraits of Meyer
-and his wife and of Benedikt von Hertenstein, the modelling and
-the minute and accurate draughtsmanship of the details, such as the
-beard and the hair, being already almost as masterly and assured
-as in his greatest portraits painted fourteen or fifteen years later.
-As a study of character and expression, too, it is very striking. The
-combined strength and refinement of Amerbach’s nature, and the
-kindliness and sense of humour which shine from his deep blue eyes,
-below projecting brows, have been admirably rendered, and in many
-ways the portrait shows that Holbein had already attained almost, if
-not quite, to the full maturity of his powers. In it, too, can be seen
-for the first time in his portraiture the practical application of the
-experience he must have gained during his visit to Italy, for in the
-lighter, gayer, scheme of colour, and the change in technique, which
-gradually developed into the enamel-like surface of his flesh tints which
-is so characteristic a feature of his English portraits, the influence of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_87'>87</span>the painters of Lombardy, such as Leonardo, Mantegna, Luini, and
-others, is plainly evident.<a id='r198' /><a href='#f198' class='c021'><sup>[198]</sup></a> In the Amerbach inventory it is described
-as: “Meines vatters conterfehtung in der iugend H. Holbeins vf
-holz mit ölfarb.” There is an old copy of it in the Karlsruhe
-Gallery.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 28.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-28'  class='figcenter id028'>
-<img src='images/i086.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>BONIFACIUS AMERBACH<br />1519<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>SACRED PAINTINGS FOR CHURCHES</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>During the first years of his citizenship Holbein received a number
-of commissions for sacred paintings for churches, including the
-cathedral. For the last-named building he painted the great folding
-doors of the organ-case, and possibly the altar-piece, now lost, of
-which, however, the wings, with scenes from the Passion, remain, among
-the most valued possessions of the Basel Gallery. A still earlier
-connection with the cathedral works is proved by an entry in the
-Bishop’s court-treasury accounts for September 1520; and that at
-this time, only a month or two after he had taken up his rights of
-citizenship, he was not too proud to undertake tasks of the humblest
-kind, is shown by the nature of the commission, which was merely
-for the painting over of some stonework.<a id='r199' /><a href='#f199' class='c021'><sup>[199]</sup></a> Only a few of his sacred
-works have survived. Others, no doubt, were destroyed during the
-religious disturbances of 1529, when so many of the pictures and
-works of art in the Basel churches were burnt or shattered to pieces
-by the mob.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Old copies or engravings exist of several of these destroyed pictures,
-so that some idea can be obtained of the originals. In all
-instances they appear to be works of the early Basel period. Earliest
-of all, possibly one of the very first pictures painted by him in that
-city, is a “Christ on the Cross between Mary and John,” of which
-there is a copy in the Basel Gallery. This copy, according to the
-Amerbach inventory, was made by a Bavarian painter, Jakob
-Clauser, a contemporary and associate of Holbein. A painting of
-“Christ taken Prisoner,” some years later in date, is now only known
-from an engraving by W. Akersloot, done in 1664. This is a very
-fine composition, with striking effects of lighting produced by the
-flaming torches and a large lantern carried by the soldiers, recalling
-the earlier picture in the first “Passion” series on canvas, as well
-as “The Arrest” in the Basel altar-piece and the “Adoration of the
-Shepherds” at Freiburg. There are also two etchings by Hollar after
-two lost works by Holbein, one representing the “Lamentations over
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_88'>88</span>Christ after the taking down from the Cross” (Parthey, 109), which
-appears to have been the central panel of a triptych, and the other
-a figure of “St. Barbara” in a landscape (Parthey, 176), which bears
-a close resemblance to the glass design representing the same saint
-in the Basel Gallery, described in a later chapter.<a id='r200' /><a href='#f200' class='c021'><sup>[200]</sup></a> Finally, there is
-a series of nine paintings on canvas, representing the Prophets, shown
-in pairs, now in the Basel Gallery, and coming from the Faesch Collection.
-According to the Faesch inventory, these are copies made
-by Bartholomäus Sarburgh after Holbein, and Patin states that the
-originals, which have now disappeared, were taken by Sarburgh to
-Belgium.<a id='r201' /><a href='#f201' class='c021'><sup>[201]</sup></a> These copies and engravings have all been reproduced
-by Dr. Ganz in his latest work on the master.<a id='r202' /><a href='#f202' class='c021'><sup>[202]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 29.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-29'  class='figcenter id029'>
-<img src='images/i088a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>ADORATION OF THE SHEPHERDS<br />Inner side of the left wing<br />of the Oberried Altar-piece<br /><span class='sc'>University Chapel, Freiburg Minster</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div  class='figcenter id030'>
-<img src='images/i088b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>ADORATION OF THE KINGS<br />Inner side of the right wing<br />of the Oberried Altar-piece<br /><span class='sc'>University Chapel, Freiburg Minster</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>“THE NATIVITY”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Among those which escaped the fury of the iconoclasts only one or
-two are dated, but all of them were produced between the years
-1519 and 1526. One of the earliest, “The Last Supper,” has been
-already described; two others of about the same date are now
-in the University Chapel of the minster at Freiburg-im-Breisgau.
-They are the two wings of an altar-piece, with curved tops, representing
-“The Nativity” and “The Adoration of the Kings” (Pl. <a href='#pl-29'>29</a>).<a id='r203' /><a href='#f203' class='c021'><sup>[203]</sup></a>
-In both panels the artist has striven to achieve striking contrasts of
-light and shade. In “The Nativity” the figures, which are very
-small, are placed amid the ruined splendours of some palace of
-Renaissance architecture, with tall marble pillars, carved capitals,
-and shattered arches, through which the light of the moon, cloud-obscured,
-glimmers faintly. The chief illumination emanates from
-the Infant Christ, who lies, a small nude figure, on his white-covered
-little bed. The soft, supernatural brilliance lights up the faces and
-figures of Mary and Joseph, who bend over the Child in adoration.
-This unusual effect of lighting is also to be found in a second painting
-of “The Nativity” in Freiburg Minster, a fine example of the work
-of Hans Baldung Grien, completed in 1516; and again in Correggio’s
-famous “Night,” painted some years later. In Holbein’s picture
-this light also plays over the small angels who surround the bed, and
-less brightly on the figure of one of the shepherds peering round a
-pillar on the left, and on the undersides of the arches overhead. The
-wings of the attendant angels, instead of springing from the shoulders,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_89'>89</span>grow along and form part of the arms, apparently an original conception
-of the painter’s.<a id='r204' /><a href='#f204' class='c021'><sup>[204]</sup></a> In the distance, forming a radiant patch
-of light amid the darkness of the background, is seen the angel who
-is hastening to carry the glad tidings to the shepherds. Above, in
-the sky, the moon also bends and does homage to the new-born
-Child; to suggest this, Holbein has represented its disc as turned
-down towards the bed, and foreshortened.<a id='r205' /><a href='#f205' class='c021'><sup>[205]</sup></a> The source from which
-this arrangement was taken was the passage in the Apocrypha: “And
-behold the cave was filled with a light, surpassing the brilliancy of
-tapers and torches and greater than sunlight.” The effect of the
-gradually diminishing radiance, which finally loses itself amid the
-dimly seen ruins, where it mingles with the pale effulgence of the
-moon, has been finely rendered, and though the picture has suffered
-some damage, it still retains much of its charm, particularly in the
-small figures of the angels with their graceful gestures.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the “Adoration of the Kings,” the personages are grouped
-in front of a great half-ruined building, more massive and less ornate
-than the one in the “Nativity,” whose walls and broken towers,
-upon which vegetation grows, recede into the distance. Overhead
-shines the Star of Bethlehem, which has guided the kings on their
-journey, so bright, in spite of the clouds which partly veil it, as to
-make the daylight seem almost dark. One of the members of the
-retinue is gazing upwards at it, and is forced to shield his eyes with
-his hand, so great is its brilliance. The Virgin is seated with the
-Child on her knees, before whom the eldest king, an old man with a
-long grey beard, and dressed in a red robe and a large ermine cape,
-is kneeling in adoration and offering a golden cup. On the left stands
-the Moorish king, in white, waiting his turn to present his gifts, and
-in front of him is a greyhound, which also is looking towards the Child.
-The second of the three worshippers is on the right, a dark-bearded man,
-with white ribbons fluttering from his crown, and his offering held
-in front of him. Numerous figures of attendants are seen in the background.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_90'>90</span>In both pictures the head of Mary is a very expressive one.
-In a narrow compartment at the bottom of each panel the donor,
-Hans Oberried, and his family are represented kneeling in a long row.
-On the one side, under the “Nativity,” are the donor and his six sons;
-on the other, under the “Adoration,” his wife, Amalie Tschekkenbürlin,
-and his four daughters. At the front of each row of figures
-is a shield with the coat of arms of the two families.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>These two panels, which were once the wings of an arched
-altar-piece, the centre panel of which has disappeared, have suffered
-considerably in the course of their wanderings, more particularly
-the “Adoration,” from injudicious repaintings and repairs, so that
-much of the beauty of the original colouring has been lost. They
-appear to have been among Holbein’s earliest sacred works after his
-return from Lucerne, and in them German and Italian influences are
-commingled; but in spite of their charm and <i>naïveté</i>, they do not
-show that mastery of technique which is already to be found in such a
-portrait as that of Amerbach, though this no doubt is largely owing
-to repairs and restoration by some later hand. This less assured
-touch is particularly noticeable in the figures of the donor and his
-family.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>They were a commission from the merchant Hans Oberried, a
-native of Freiburg, at the time a town councillor of Basel, in which
-town he had been resident for nearly thirty years, but who, as an
-adherent of the Catholic party, was dismissed from office during the
-religious disturbances of 1529. He therefore renounced his citizenship,
-and, like Erasmus and Amerbach, left the town and returned
-to Freiburg, where members of his family still lived. It has been
-suggested that he ordered this altar-piece of Holbein for presentation
-to the church of the Carthusian Monastery in Basel, in which a near
-relative of his wife’s, Hieronymus Tschekkenbürlin, was prior. This
-monastery was in Little Basel, where the Catholic party were in the
-ascendant, so that some of their pictures and church ornaments were
-saved from the fury of the mob. Oberried may, therefore, have
-succeeded in carrying off the two panels with him, though forced to
-leave the centre one behind, as too big for concealment. His name
-occurs on one occasion in the Basel town records in connection with
-Holbein. On September 14, 1521, the Council paid to him a sum
-of money due to the painter—probably in connection with the Town
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_91'>91</span>Hall wall-paintings—which was possibly in discharge of a debt which
-the councillor had failed to obtain from the artist.<a id='r206' /><a href='#f206' class='c021'><sup>[206]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Oberried died in the same year as the painter, 1543, but the two
-panels do not appear to have been placed in the chapel of the minster
-until October 17, 1554, on which day the altar over which they
-hang was consecrated. With the exception of two short intervals,
-they have remained ever since in Freiburg. During the Thirty Years
-War they were sent to Schaffhausen for safety. From there the
-Elector Maximilian I of Bavaria had them brought to Munich for
-his inspection, and later on they were taken to Ratisbon, in order to
-be shown to the Emperor Ferdinand III. In 1796 they were carried
-away by the French, but were returned from Colmar in 1808.<a id='r207' /><a href='#f207' class='c021'><sup>[207]</sup></a> They
-were then replaced over the altar of the University Chapel in the
-choir of the minster, where they still remain, the only church paintings
-by Holbein still to be found hanging within the walls of a consecrated
-building. About the time of their return from France they appear
-to have undergone a severe restoration.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>“PASSION OF CHRIST” ALTAR-PIECE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The altar-piece in the Basel Gallery (No. 315) (Pl. <a href='#pl-30'>30</a>),<a id='r208' /><a href='#f208' class='c021'><sup>[208]</sup></a> consisting of
-eight scenes from the Passion of Christ, on four upright panels, forming
-the wings of a triptych, was evidently painted after Holbein’s return
-from those wanderings which took him for a short period over the
-Alps, for in composition and colour-scheme it displays a marked North
-Italian influence. At one time it was regarded throughout Switzerland
-as Holbein’s masterpiece. Nothing is known of its early history, but it
-was held in the highest estimation throughout the seventeenth and
-eighteenth centuries. According to tradition, it was originally painted
-for the cathedral of Basel, and was, by some means or other, saved
-from destruction during the troubles of 1529. In this case tradition
-appears to have probability on its side.<a id='r209' /><a href='#f209' class='c021'><sup>[209]</sup></a> On November 5, 1770, it was
-removed from the Basel Town Hall, where it had been hanging for more
-than two hundred years, and was placed in the Library among the other
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_92'>92</span>art treasures of the city, in which building the collection was housed
-until the present Gallery was built. Numerous early references to
-it are to be found which testify to its great reputation in the past.
-Sandrart was enthusiastic in its praises. “The most excellent and
-the crown of all his art,” he wrote, “is the Passion of Christ, painted
-on a panel in eight compartments, and preserved in the Town Hall
-at Basel; a work in which all that art can do is to be found, both as
-regards the devotion and the grace of the persons represented, whether
-religious or secular, or of a higher or lower class, and with respect to
-the figures, building, landscape, day and night. This panel testifies
-to the honour and fame of its master, giving place to none either in
-Germany or Italy, and justly bearing the laurel wreath among ancient
-works.”<a id='r210' /><a href='#f210' class='c021'><sup>[210]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Sandrart, when painting the portrait of Maximilian I of Bavaria,
-who was a great art-collector, spoke so highly of this work that the
-latter determined to possess it. He is said to have offered the
-Baselers any price they liked to put upon it; and, having already
-succeeded in tempting the Nurembergers to part with Dürer’s
-“Apostles,” although the painter had bequeathed them to his native
-city, he hoped to be equally successful in this instance; but the Basel
-councillors were less mercenary, and refused his offer.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 30.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-30'  class='figcenter id031'>
-<img src='images/i092a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-</div>
-<div  class='figcenter id032'>
-<img src='images/i092b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE PASSION OF CHRIST<br />Outer sides of the Wings of an Altar-Piece<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>“PASSION OF CHRIST” ALTAR-PIECE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>In more recent days this altar-piece has been subjected to severe
-and unfavourable criticism. Rumohr refused to accept Holbein as
-its author, and Mr. Wornum regarded it as a careful work by the elder
-Holbein, though better in grouping and decoration than was usual
-with him. He could not see in it any sign of the younger Holbein’s
-stupendous power of grasping and representing individual character,
-and thought that though the composition might possibly be his, the
-actual painting was certainly the work of some other hand.<a id='r211' /><a href='#f211' class='c021'><sup>[211]</sup></a> Unfortunately,
-in 1771, immediately after the picture’s transference
-from the Town Hall to the Library, it was placed in the hands of
-Nikolaus Grooth of Stuttgart for restoration, who succeeded only
-too well in removing all the original beauty of the colouring, though
-leaving the drawing much as he found it. Though following to the
-best of his ability Holbein’s colour-scheme, he completely destroyed
-its harmony, and obliterated all signs of the delicacy of the painter’s
-brushwork by the garish tones and smooth finish which he gave to
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_93'>93</span>the whole surface.<a id='r212' /><a href='#f212' class='c021'><sup>[212]</sup></a> The picture thus retains little of its early beauty,
-charm, and freshness, but in spite of the superadded paint of the
-restorer, it is an undoubted and an important work by the master
-of about the year 1520. This can be seen most clearly, perhaps, when
-the picture is studied from photographs, in which the eye is not misled
-by gaudy and inharmonious colour. It is, no doubt, owing to this
-painful restoration that more than one earlier writer has refused to
-regard it as Holbein’s handiwork. On the other hand, Woltmann was
-of opinion that Grooth’s restoration was limited to careful cleaning and
-slight retouching, and he states that this is proved by existing records
-in the minutes of the University.<a id='r213' /><a href='#f213' class='c021'><sup>[213]</sup></a> The general effect of the small
-pictures of which it is composed is also marred by the heavy upright
-bars of the gold frame which divide each wing into two parts.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The top is circular, and Holbein has divided each panel into two by
-a horizontal band of scroll and leaf ornament in gold. The four scenes
-in the upper half, running from left to right, are “Christ on the
-Mount of Olives,” “The Kiss of Judas,” “Christ before the High
-Priest,” and “The Scourging”; and in the lower half, “Christ
-Mocked,” “Christ bearing the Cross,” “The Crucifixion,” and “The
-Burial.” This arrangement gives a series of high, narrow compartments,
-about 26 in. high by 13 in. wide, and in the filling of them
-the artist has adapted his composition to this somewhat unusual
-shape with remarkable skill.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 31.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-31a'  class='figcenter id033'>
-<img src='images/i094a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>CHRIST BEARING THE CROSS<br />Details of the outer sides of the wings of the “Passion” Altar-piece<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id='pl-31b'  class='figcenter id034'>
-<img src='images/i094b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE CRUCIFIXION<br />Details of the outer sides of the wings of the “Passion” Altar-piece<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>“NOLI ME TANGERE” AT HAMPTON COURT</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>In spite of the cruel treatment to which it has been subjected,
-enough of Holbein’s original work remains to show a striking advance
-in composition, power of conception, and dramatic feeling when
-compared with the “Passion” pictures produced by the two brothers
-some four or five years earlier. Each one of the subjects forms a
-small but complete picture in itself, but at the same time they have
-been combined, by a judicious arrangement of light and shade, into
-one harmonious whole. In each composition the story is told with
-considerable dramatic force, and the facial types are in most cases
-less grotesque than in the earlier “Passion,” in which an exaggerated
-ugliness of feature is made use of in order to bring home to the spectator
-the hateful character of the persecutors of Christ. Here and there
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_94'>94</span>the drawing is somewhat faulty, more particularly where violent
-action is shown, as in the movements of the soldiers with whips and
-rods in “The Scourging.” In several of the scenes the lighting is
-managed with admirable effect. In “Christ on the Mount of Olives”
-the black darkness of the night is brightly illuminated by the flying
-angel upholding the Cross, the radiance falling upon the uplifted face
-of the kneeling Saviour and on the heads of the disciples sleeping at
-his side, while in the distance the light from a single torch glitters
-on the helmets of the advancing soldiers. In the next two scenes
-the light comes entirely from the torches of the soldiery. In the
-“Kiss of Judas” it illuminates the trunk and lower branches of a
-great tree, the heads of Christ and Judas, and the uplifted spears
-and battle-axes of the mob of gesticulating and shouting men who
-are roughly binding their captive. In the foreground St. Peter,
-kneeling over the body of Malchus, holds the knife aloft with which
-he is about to strike off the latter’s ear. The scene is full of dramatic
-movement. In “Christ before the High Priest,” the torches light
-up the front of an elaborate Renaissance building and the raised seat
-of Caiaphas. Both the “Scourging” and “Mocking” take place
-within the interior of an equally elaborate edifice, with large arches
-and marble pillars, the light in the former coming through circular
-windows. In the “Scourging” the utmost vehemence is displayed in
-the actions of the soldiers; in the “Mocking” the figure of Christ has
-great nobility of character. In “Christ bearing the Cross” (Pl. <a href='#pl-31a'>31</a> (1))
-the foreground is crowded with figures issuing through the gateway of
-the town, one of the round towers of which rises to the top of the
-picture, while in the distance are seen the walls and roofs and bridges
-of a city by a river, with horsemen and other figures, and lofty snow
-mountains in the background. In “Christ on the Cross” (Pl. <a href='#pl-31b'>31</a> (2)) the
-three crucified figures stand out strongly against an inky black background.
-In the final scene the dead body of Christ is borne across a
-green meadow towards the entrance to the tomb, which is cut in a lofty
-rock, in the fissures of which trees and bushes are growing, while some
-way off the Virgin and others with her stand overcome with grief. The
-whole composition of this altar-piece shows the influence of Holbein’s
-Italian visit in more ways than one; and in it he has abandoned to
-a very great extent the earlier practice of his country in the figures
-of his soldiers, who are no longer dressed in the German costume of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_95'>95</span>his day, but in the Roman helmet and accoutrements such as he must
-have seen in contemporary Italian pictures, more particularly those
-of Mantegna. Although the types of some of the heads are distinctly
-German, recalling similar heads in his father’s pictures and his own
-earlier works, the predominating influence is Italian. At about the
-time of his visit to Italy Luini and Gaudenzio Ferrari were at work
-together upon the screen for the ancona in the chapel of Sant’ Abbondio
-in the cathedral at Como, and it is suggested, not only that Holbein
-must have studied this, and earlier works by the two Italian masters
-in the same building, such as the great altar-piece in the Sant’ Abbondio
-Chapel now regarded as largely Ferrari’s work, and the beautiful
-altar-piece by Luini in the neighbouring chapel of St. Jerome, but
-that possibly he also entered the studio of one or the other of them
-for a short period. Reminiscences of Ferrari in particular can be
-traced in this and other sacred paintings produced by Holbein at
-about this time.<a id='r214' /><a href='#f214' class='c021'><sup>[214]</sup></a> For his background motives he appears to have
-made use in some instances of buildings close at hand; in others
-traces of his journey over the Alps can be seen. Thus, in the
-“Scourging” the setting recalls the Romanesque architecture of the
-neighbouring church of Othmarsheim, that of the “Mocking” the
-interior of the cathedral of Basel, while the round tower in the “Cross-Bearing”
-resembles the flanking towers to one of the gates of the
-same city.<a id='r215' /><a href='#f215' class='c021'><sup>[215]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The small picture of “Mary Magdalen at the Holy Sepulchre,” or
-“Noli Me Tangere,”<a id='r216' /><a href='#f216' class='c021'><sup>[216]</sup></a> in Hampton Court Palace (No. 599) (Pl. <a href='#pl-32'>32</a>), is
-closely allied to the Basel altar-piece, and was probably painted at about
-the same period, possibly in 1520 or the following year. The light of
-dawn is stealing over the landscape, driving away the darkness of night,
-well suggesting “the early morning, when it was yet dark.” On the
-right rises a great rock, with trees and bushes growing over it, and at its
-base the square opening of the tomb, from which issues a dim, supernatural
-light, making visible the two angels in white raiment seated at
-the head and foot of the grave. In the centre of the foreground stands
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_96'>96</span>Mary Magdalen, a look of wonder on her face, holding a marble vase
-of spikenard in her left hand, and the right stretched out towards the
-risen Christ, who shrinks back, both hands held up with a gesture
-of repulsion, as he exclaims, “Touch Me not.” Mary’s head is bound
-with a turban, and a dark cloak almost covers her dress. This figure
-is reminiscent of an Italian model. In the distance are seen the small
-figures of Peter and John, hastening away from the empty sepulchre
-to spread the news of the Resurrection. Peter, still doubting his eyes,
-is eagerly gesticulating as he strides over the ground, while John, who
-“saw and believed,” walks more calmly by his side. Behind them
-rises a tall tree into the dim morning sky, of the pyramidal shape so
-familiar in Italian paintings of the period, while in the background
-the breaking dawn lights the crosses on Calvary. It is, as Knackfuss
-says, “a wonderful masterpiece of poetical painting.”<a id='r217' /><a href='#f217' class='c021'><sup>[217]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The face of Our Lord bears a strong resemblance to that of the
-Christ in the “Christ before the High Priest” subject in the Basel
-altar-piece. Indeed, both in treatment and feeling, there is a close
-resemblance between these two works. The landscape in the Hampton
-Court picture has much in common with that of “Christ on the Mount
-of Olives” and of “The Entombment” of the altar-painting. In
-the latter, too, is to be found the same bush-grown rock of yellow
-colour, with the square opening of the sepulchre, while in each picture
-the light and shade and colouring are much alike.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 32.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-32'  class='figcenter id035'>
-<img src='images/i096.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>“NOLI ME TANGERE”<br />Christ appearing to Mary Magdalen<br /><span class='sc'>Hampton Court</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>When attention was first called to this work some forty years ago,
-critics were divided in their opinions as to its authorship. Dr. Woltmann
-ascribed it to Bartholomäus Bruyn, and several other names in place
-of Holbein’s have been suggested from time to time. His latest
-English biographer, Mr. Gerald Davies, assigns it to “a painter of
-the German school, who had probably seen and been deeply influenced
-by the grave and earnest works of Holbein at Basel.” “Neither
-on the grounds of its design nor of its technique,” he says, “do I find
-myself able to accept it as a work of Holbein,” and he proceeds to
-draw attention to “the angular and uncouth projection of the forward
-leg in the figure of our Lord, an exaggeration which is repeated with
-even more unnatural emphasis in the distant figure of St. Peter as
-he walks and gesticulates at the side of St. John. The action, moreover,
-of the hands of the chief figure, intended to be expressive of the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_97'>97</span>“Noli Me Tangere,” is somewhat exaggerated and theatrical.”<a id='r218' /><a href='#f218' class='c021'><sup>[218]</sup></a> He
-calls attention to other details which he thinks prove that the work
-cannot be from Holbein’s brush. The type of the head, however,
-and the action of the hands, as well as the position of the feet, very
-closely resemble more than one of Holbein’s small figures in his designs
-for woodcuts, more particularly the Christ in one of the little pictures
-on the frontispiece to Coverdale’s Bible, in which the action is
-almost identical, while other instances could be given. The picture
-has suffered in the course of time, and, like the Basel altar-piece, has
-not escaped repainting in parts, but remains nevertheless an undoubted
-example of Holbein’s sacred art at, or shortly after, the period
-when he had just settled down in Basel as a member of the Guild “zum
-Himmel.” Modern German criticism is agreed as to its authorship.
-Dr. Ganz places it at the end of Holbein’s first visit to England.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>“NOLI ME TANGERE” AT HAMPTON COURT</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>This picture has been in the royal collections of England since the
-reign of Henry VIII, and in the inventory of his pictures at Whitehall,
-taken at his death in 1547, it was entered as “Item, a table with the
-picture of our Lord appearing to Mary Magdalen” (No. 33), while it
-occurs again in that of James II (No. 520), “Our Saviour appearing
-to Mary Magdalen in the garden.” That in those early days the
-picture was regarded as a work of Holbein’s is proved by an entry in
-Evelyn’s <i>Diary</i>, under the date September 2, 1680, describing
-several days spent by him in the examination of the contents of the
-library and private rooms at Whitehall during the absence of
-Charles II at Windsor. He says: “In the rest of the private lodgings
-contiguous to this (<i>i.e.</i> the library), are divers of the best pictures of
-the great masters, Raphael, Titian, &amp;c., and, in my esteeme, above
-all, the <i>Noli me tangere of our blessed Saviour to Mary Magdalen after
-his Resurrection</i>, of Hans Holbein, then which I never saw so much
-reverence and kind of heavenly astonishment express’d in a picture.”
-Nothing is known of its earlier history, or how it came to England,
-but it is not unnatural to suppose that it was brought over by Holbein
-himself, as an easily portable example of his powers as a painter of
-sacred subjects. It is doubly valuable as being the only work by him
-of this particular class now remaining in this country. On the other
-hand, it is quite possible that it was painted in England in 1527 for
-one of his new patrons. Mr. Ernest Law points out that there is a
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_98'>98</span>rendering of this same subject by Lambert Sustris, a German painter,
-and pupil of Christopher Schwartz of Munich, who flourished about
-the end of the sixteenth century. This last-named work, both in the
-figure of Christ, and in several other points, bears a close resemblance
-to the Hampton Court picture, to which, indeed, it may have owed
-its inspiration.<a id='r219' /><a href='#f219' class='c021'><sup>[219]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Holbein’s rapidly-maturing mastery of technique and power in
-expressing the most poignant emotion, as well as his complete understanding
-of the architecture of the Renaissance and skill in making
-brilliant use of it as a setting for his figures, is shown in two panels
-in the Basel Gallery, which at one time evidently formed a small
-diptych such as would be used in some household chapel. They
-represent “Christ as the Man of Sorrows” and “Mary as Mater
-Dolorosa” (No. 317) (Pl. <a href='#pl-33'>33</a>),<a id='r220' /><a href='#f220' class='c021'><sup>[220]</sup></a> and are carried out in a brown monochrome,
-with the exception of the sky seen through the arches, which is a bright
-blue, the two contrasted tones producing a very harmonious colour
-effect. In each panel the background consists of an elaborate arrangement
-of pillars, arches, and vaulting, richly carved and decorated
-with panels, friezes, and medallions of ornament, which recall the
-very similar fantastic details of Renaissance architecture in the left
-wing of the Freiburg altar-piece, and more than one of his designs
-for painted glass of this period.<a id='r221' /><a href='#f221' class='c021'><sup>[221]</sup></a> In the “Mater Dolorosa” one of
-the friezes represents a band of small naked putti, which, according
-to Dr. Kœgler, is based upon a similar frieze in the cathedral of
-Como,<a id='r222' /><a href='#f222' class='c021'><sup>[222]</sup></a> while other figure subjects are contained in the medallions;
-in the “Man of Sorrows” the decoration is entirely of floriated
-ornament. The general effect produced is one of great richness,
-almost superabundance, of ornamentation, and lavishness of architectural
-detail. In spite of this, the two figures are not overwhelmed
-by it, but at once arrest the attention. Christ is seated on the steps
-between two pillars, nude, with the exception of a loin-cloth, crowned
-with thorns, his head sinking in agony on his left shoulder. Mary,
-a veil over her head, and the folds of her robes falling in straight
-parallel lines, kneels with open, outstretched hands, and gazes with
-grief-stricken countenance at the Saviour’s sufferings. Very reverent
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_99'>99</span>feeling is shown in the conception of each figure. The nude form
-of Christ indicates a very accurate study of the human body, while
-the expression of pain and intense sorrow has been admirably seized.
-The solitude of this grief-stricken figure is intensified by the grandeur
-and richness of the building in which he is seated, deserted by all
-men. An equally fine conception of deep though restrained sorrow is
-shown in the face of the Virgin, and in the beautiful, expressive hands.
-A peculiarity of this diptych is that the horizon is placed below the
-level of the picture, although it is so small that it can never have
-been intended for hanging at a considerable height, such as the
-arrangement of the horizon-line would suggest. It may be, therefore,
-that it is the preliminary study for some larger wall-painting, finished
-with unusual care, or a reduced copy made by Holbein from some
-altar-piece of his which has now disappeared, probably during the
-disturbances of 1529. It forms part of the Amerbach Collection,
-and is described in the catalogue as: “Item zwei H. Holbeins
-mit olfarb gmalte täfelin darin Christus vnd Maria in eim ghüs,
-mit steinfarb.”</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 33.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-33'  class='figcenter id036'>
-<img src='images/i098a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>CHRIST, THE MAN OF SORROWS<br />Diptych, painted in brown monochrome, with blue sky<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div  class='figcenter id037'>
-<img src='images/i098b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>MARY, MATER DOLOROSA<br />Diptych, painted in brown monochrome, with blue sky<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>DRAWING OF THE “HOLY FAMILY”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>There is a drawing in the Basel Gallery representing the “Holy
-Family” (Pl. <a href='#pl-34'>34</a>),<a id='r223' /><a href='#f223' class='c021'><sup>[223]</sup></a> which is remarkable for the rich setting of Renaissance
-architecture in which Holbein has placed his figures. The arrangement
-is so elaborate that the latter at first appear to be of only
-secondary importance. On the topmost of a flight of steps the Infant
-Christ is learning to walk, his hands held by his mother and Anna,
-who are seated on either side of him. On the left the aged Joachim,
-whose pronounced features recall more than one head in the earlier
-“Passion” series, is looking on from behind a pillar, while Joseph
-stands with his arm round another pillar on the opposite side. Behind
-the group is a semicircular niche, the upper part scalloped like a shell,
-supported by columns and outstanding pillars, the latter with a
-sculptured frieze of putti round the base. The capitals of the columns
-and the frieze which they support are decorated with foliated designs
-in which figures are mingled. A lunette in the arch which crowns the
-niche is ornamented in a similar way, and contains a tablet with the
-signature “Hans Hol.” Over a projecting cornice is a sculptured
-figure of Samson slaying the lion. The architectural motive throughout
-is strongly Italian, and, indeed, in parts bears a striking resemblance
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_100'>100</span>to the Porta della Rana of the cathedral of Como,<a id='r224' /><a href='#f224' class='c021'><sup>[224]</sup></a> while the
-whole drawing furnishes still further strong evidence that Holbein
-must have crossed the Alps, and that designs such as this were not
-mere efforts of his imagination. It is a pen drawing on a brown-red
-ground, washed with grey-black and heightened with white in the
-parts where the light falls, and its date is about 1520 or 1521. It is
-a study for a picture, or, more probably, for a wall-painting, to be
-placed at some height, as the horizon-line is well below the level of
-the ground. The strongly-marked perspective of the background, too,
-which slants rapidly towards the right, suggests such a purpose, and
-that it was to form the left wing of some considerable scheme of wall
-decoration,
-with a more important central subject, and a corresponding
-right wing. A smaller drawing, also at Basel, of the same
-date and style, a pen and wash drawing, heightened with white on a
-grey ground, represents the Virgin, seated on a similar high step
-between two pillars, suckling the Child.<a id='r225' /><a href='#f225' class='c021'><sup>[225]</sup></a> With the exception of the
-two columns, one of which is unfinished, the background is left blank,
-but in the painting for which it was a study it is natural to suppose
-that the architectural setting would have been as elaborate as in the
-“Holy Family,” which it resembles in its low horizon-line.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 34.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-34'  class='figcenter id038'>
-<img src='images/i100.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE HOLY FAMILY<br /><i>Washed drawing on a red ground</i><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>There is a third drawing, in the Städtisches Museum, Leipzig,
-which belongs to the same period as the two just described, and has
-many points in common with them.<a id='r226' /><a href='#f226' class='c021'><sup>[226]</sup></a> It is a pen drawing heightened
-with white on a dark grey ground, and represents the Madonna
-seated on a stone bench over which her cloak is spread, supporting
-the Infant Christ in his first attempts to walk. The Child, with one
-arm and leg uplifted, is laughing with delight, and the attitude of
-the Virgin, with head bent down, and her long hair blown on one
-side as though by a breeze, is one of great beauty. In this arrangement
-of the hair, though more free, and in the type of the Madonna’s
-face, though more beautiful, this drawing bears a close resemblance
-to the more elaborate of the two in the Amerbach Collection. It is
-signed and dated “H. H.” and “1519” on two panels on either side
-of the carpet or pavement beneath the Virgin’s feet, and was possibly
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_101'>101</span>made shortly after Holbein’s return from Lucerne to Basel. It is a
-most sympathetic and natural study of maternal love and the happiness
-of childhood, and has a grace and charm which the two other drawings,
-made at about the same date, do not possess in the same degree.<a id='r227' /><a href='#f227' class='c021'><sup>[227]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “DEAD CHRIST IN THE TOMB”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>After the early “Cross-Bearing” panel of 1515 at Karlsruhe,
-there is no dated picture among this group of sacred paintings until
-the “Dead Christ in the Tomb,” in the Basel Gallery (No. 318), of
-the year 1521, is reached (Pl. <a href='#pl-35'>35</a>).<a id='r228' /><a href='#f228' class='c021'><sup>[228]</sup></a> This remarkable work, which forms
-part of the Amerbach Collection, is a life-size study of a dead man,
-and one whose end has, perhaps, been brought about by violence.
-Holbein has painted the corpse upon a long, low panel, and has
-represented it as lying enclosed within the narrow confines of a tomb
-of plain marble of a greenish hue, the side facing the spectator being
-removed in order to permit a view of the interior. The body, which
-almost fills the narrow space, rests on its back on a plain white cloth,
-over which the long dark hair falls. The head is seen almost in
-profile, but very slightly turned towards the front, the short brown
-beard pointing directly upwards. The light comes from some small
-aperture low down at the foot of the tomb, and falls on the soles of
-the feet, and illuminates the lower side of each prominent feature of
-the body, such as the under parts of the chin, the white swollen lips
-of the open mouth, the nose, and the eyebrows, leaving other portions
-in shadow, and thus intensifying the feeling of horror which the
-picture at first produces. It shows that Holbein, at the age of
-twenty-four, had attained a complete mastery of technical expression,
-for it is painful in the completeness of its realism. The rigidity of the
-limbs, the haggard cheeks with strongly-projecting bones, the staring,
-half-sunken eyes, the lifeless skin, the colourless face with bloodless
-lips, the emaciated body with its ribs standing out, have all been
-set down with relentless accuracy. The indication of decay in the
-hands and feet, and in the flesh turning green round the wounds in
-the side, helps to intensify the terror and horror of death which the
-picture is intended to depict. It was evidently painted from some
-dead body, how obtained it is impossible to say, but, according to an
-old tradition, his model was the corpse of a man just taken out of the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_102'>102</span>Rhine by the Rhine Bridge. Holbein’s object in painting it was
-undoubtedly to give as complete a rendering as possible of the
-physical aspects of death as seen in a body approaching decay. It
-is hardly to be believed that it was his original intention to paint a
-picture of the “Dead Christ,” and that for the purpose he made
-search in Basel for a corpse to serve as his model. It is much more
-natural to suppose that, having painted this vividly realistic study,
-which no patron was likely to purchase, he made it of marketable
-value by adding the wounds and the title, and so turning it into a
-“Christ in the Tomb.” This is borne out by Basilius Amerbach’s
-entry in his inventory. He calls it “A picture of a dead man, with
-the title Jesus of Nazareth” (“Ein todten bild H. Holbeins vf holtz
-mit ölfarben cum titulo Iesus Nazarenus rex”). This Latin title, in
-large gold Roman letters, runs across a long strip at the top of the
-picture, a part of the old frame, and between each word is placed a
-small angel bearing the instruments of Christ’s torture. It is from
-this superscription, and from the stigmata, that the work receives its
-only sacred significance; in all other respects it is a remorseless,
-almost revolting, study of some man who has died a violent death,
-a man with features of no physical beauty, and in no way resembling
-Holbein’s customary type of the Christ. There is nothing of the
-dignity or the supernatural beauty which so often irradiate the
-inanimate countenance shortly after life has passed away; but,
-regarded as a work of art, the picture is in the highest sense one of
-great beauty by reason of the mastery of its technical achievement,
-the knowledge it displays of the human body, its absolute truth to
-nature, and the harmony of its colouring. The contrast of the warm
-olive green of the sarcophagus with the pale grey tones of the flesh
-produces an admirable effect. On a darker slab at the feet is the
-inscription “<span class='small'>MDXXI. H.H.</span>” A further touch of realism is shown in
-the large crack in the marble at the back of this slab.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Possibly this picture found a place in one of the Basel churches;
-it has been suggested by Woltmann<a id='r229' /><a href='#f229' class='c021'><sup>[229]</sup></a> that it once formed the
-predella to some altar-piece representing Christ’s Passion, and
-this, no doubt, is correct, though for the reasons given above it
-does not seem likely that the artist originally painted it for that
-purpose.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='pageno' id='Page_103'>103</span><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 35.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-35'  class='figcenter id039'>
-<img src='images/i102.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE DEAD CHRIST IN THE TOMB<br />Predella of an Altar-piece<br />1521<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “SOLOTHURN MADONNA”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>This “Dead Christ” remains an isolated example among the many
-varied sides of Holbein’s art. In the following year, in the “Solothurn
-Madonna” (Pl. <a href='#pl-36'>36</a>)<a id='r230' /><a href='#f230' class='c021'><sup>[230]</sup></a> he combines truth in the delineation of the human
-figure with physical and spiritual beauty, and reaches great dignity
-and nobility in his conception of character. This picture, with the
-exception of the “Meyer Madonna,” is the most important and
-beautiful altar-panel from Holbein’s brush that has survived, though
-by no means in its original condition.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The composition consists of only four figures. The Virgin is
-seated in the centre, upon a small platform covered with a carpet,
-holding the Infant Christ on her lap, and, standing on either side, are
-St. Nicholas,<a id='r231' /><a href='#f231' class='c021'><sup>[231]</sup></a> and St. Ursus, the patron saint of Solothurn. The
-Virgin is clad in a light-red robe, and over it a bright-blue sleeveless
-mantle, fastened round the neck with a cord, which hangs in somewhat
-straight and simple folds and spreads over the carpet at her
-feet, an ample garment wide enough to cover all who seek her
-protection. Her golden hair falls upon both shoulders, the upper
-part of the head being covered with a veil of thin, transparent gauze,
-surmounted by a golden crown of very decorative design studded
-with precious stones. She holds the nude Child upon her knees, her
-right hand grasping one chubby little leg, while the other is placed
-under his left arm. The head is perhaps the most attractive and
-sympathetic of all Holbein’s representations of the Madonna. There is
-a sweetness, modesty, and purity in its expression, and a quiet dignity
-which personify in the happiest manner the beauty of divine motherhood,
-and betray stronger evidences than had hitherto appeared in
-his work of the marked effect of his study of the paintings of
-contemporary Italian artists. The face is round and full, and of the
-German type, and in its features by no means one of ideal loveliness,
-but the happy and tender smile which hovers on the lips, and the
-deep maternal love which shines in the eyes, give to it a very real
-and arresting beauty of its own. The plump, round-headed Child is
-a delightful study from real life. The foreshortening of the little
-feet, with their crinkled-up toes and the delicately-traced folds in
-the skin, is admirable, and the small fat hands, one of which is turned
-away from the body with the palm upwards, a characteristic attitude
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_104'>104</span>with small children, are full of expression. The right hand is held as
-though in the act of benediction.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>St. Ursus, the patron saint of the church, and one of the martyrs
-of the Theban Legion, stands on the spectator’s right, a noble and
-dignified figure, clad from head to foot in plate armour of a fashion
-still worn in Holbein’s day. His helmet is decorated with ostrich
-feathers, and one gauntleted hand grasps the hilt of his great
-sword, while with the other he holds the banner of the Legion,
-a large red flag with a white cross, which reaches almost to the
-top of the picture. He appears a true soldier of the Church, with
-his dignified and martial bearing, his keen eye and determined
-mouth, half hidden by the dark moustache, each hair of which has
-been carefully drawn in the manner which Holbein practised in
-portraiture throughout his life. The colours of the flag are reflected
-in the highly-polished surface of his armour. On the opposite side
-stands St. Nicholas, the patron saint of the poor. He is dressed in
-ecclesiastical vestments of great splendour, which have evidently been
-copied by the painter from some existing example, dating from an
-earlier period than that of the painting. Over his violet chasuble
-are rich embroideries in gold and colours, with representations of the
-Centurion of Capernaum before Christ, the Saviour before Caiaphas,
-and the Crowning with Thorns. The red mitre is embroidered with
-gold and pearls, and, as recently pointed out by Dr. Ganz,<a id='r232' /><a href='#f232' class='c021'><sup>[232]</sup></a> the figure
-of St. Nicholas himself, with his attributes, a book and three golden
-balls. In his left hand he holds his pastoral staff, and with the other
-drops alms into a bowl held up by a kneeling beggar at his feet. The
-beardless face is refined and delicate, and its spiritual character is in
-marked contrast to the vigorous and manly expression of the knightly
-saint who stands facing him. Only the uplifted face of the beggar,
-and the one hand which holds the alms-bowl, are shown. He
-appears as one of the attributes of the saint, and the artist has only
-indicated enough of his form to make this clear; otherwise he is
-almost entirely concealed behind the Virgin’s voluminous mantle.
-There is nothing here of the painful realism of poverty and disease
-such as is shown in the kneeling figures in the “St. Elizabeth of
-Hungary” wing of the “St. Sebastian” altar-piece of the elder
-Holbein at Munich, or in the son’s earlier Passion pictures in Basel.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='pageno' id='Page_105'>105</span><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 36.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-36'  class='figcenter id014'>
-<img src='images/i104.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE VIRGIN AND CHILD, WITH ST. URSUS AND A HOLY BISHOP<br />1522<br /><span class='sc'>Solothurn Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “SOLOTHURN MADONNA”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Holbein’s art had reached a point in its development when such
-realistic methods of bringing home to the spectator the lessons his
-pictures were intended to convey were discarded.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>A peculiarity of the picture is the exceedingly simple setting in
-which the figures are placed; whereas Holbein’s usual practice at this
-period of his life was to make an almost lavish use of architectural
-ornamentation in his backgrounds. In the “Solothurn Madonna” it
-consists of a perfectly plain round archway of stone, quite free from
-sculptured decoration, across which two thick iron bars are placed,
-fixed into the stonework as though to strengthen it, with upright
-cross bars running to the crown of the arch. It has been suggested
-that the vaulting of the church for which the picture was intended
-was supported and strengthened in the same way, and that Holbein
-introduced it into his altar-piece in order that it might be in perfect
-harmony with its surroundings; but the motive appears in more
-than one of the backgrounds to Ferrari’s pictures, such as the
-“Flagellation,” one of the great series of frescoes in the church of
-S. M. delle Grazie, at Varallo,<a id='r233' /><a href='#f233' class='c021'><sup>[233]</sup></a> finished in 1513. Through this open
-archway a pale-blue sky is seen, against which the Virgin’s crown
-stands out. The light increases in brightness as it nears the
-Madonna’s head, thus forming a natural halo. This simplicity of
-treatment is also to be observed in other details. The Virgin is not
-seated upon an elaborate throne, but on some low seat or stool which
-cannot be seen. The carpet at her feet, covering the stone step, is
-green, with a geometrical diamond pattern in white and red, and two
-shields inset containing the arms of the donor and his wife,<a id='r234' /><a href='#f234' class='c021'><sup>[234]</sup></a> which
-are partly hidden and protected by the Virgin’s cloak. Below St.
-Ursus the monogram “H. H.” and the date “1522” are painted as
-though cut in the stone step.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The Virgin and the Infant Christ in this picture appear to be
-idealised portraits of Holbein’s wife and first-born child. All available
-evidence indicates either 1520 or 1521 as the date of his marriage,
-shortly before or after he became a citizen of Basel, so that his own
-child may well have served him as his model. Hans Bock the elder,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_106'>106</span>the artist who was employed by the Basel Council to renovate
-Holbein’s wall-paintings in the Town Hall, made a free copy of the
-figure of the Child in this picture when he was in Solothurn in 1604
-or the following year, and depicted him with a serpent as the
-conqueror of sin.<a id='r235' /><a href='#f235' class='c021'><sup>[235]</sup></a> This copy, now in the Basel Gallery (No. 91),
-belonged to Amerbach, and was entered in the catalogue as “A
-naked child sitting on a serpent, a copy of a painting by Holbein,
-exactly copied in the greater part by H. Bock on wood in oil
-colours.”<a id='r236' /><a href='#f236' class='c021'><sup>[236]</sup></a> Woltmann describes a drawing of the same child’s head,
-almost in profile, with the mother’s hand supporting it under the
-left shoulder, as in the picture, in the Weigel Collection, Leipzig, a
-silver-point drawing, signed and dated, “Hans Holbein, 1522.”<a id='r237' /><a href='#f237' class='c021'><sup>[237]</sup></a> It
-has the same large, rather round head, short neck, and high forehead,
-as in the painting, and it was probably a preliminary sketch for it.<a id='r238' /><a href='#f238' class='c021'><sup>[238]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 37.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-37'  class='figcenter id040'>
-<img src='images/i106fp.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>PORTRAIT OF A YOUNG WOMAN, POSSIBLY HOLBEIN’S WIFE<br /><span class='sc'>Royal Picture Gallery, Mauritshuis, The Hague</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>HOLBEIN’S PORTRAIT OF HIS WIFE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the head of the Madonna, although Holbein has idealised and
-spiritualised his model, can be traced the predominant features of
-his wife as shown in the portrait he painted of her with their two
-children some seven years later, after his return from England to
-Basel in 1528, though the face in the latter painting has become
-coarsened and bears the marks of care and even sorrow, and has
-little in common with the beautiful Solothurn head. The latter more
-closely resembles the very fine portrait of a young woman in the
-Hague Gallery (No. 275) (Pl. <a href='#pl-37'>37</a>),<a id='r239' /><a href='#f239' class='c021'><sup>[239]</sup></a> which is now regarded by some critics
-as a likeness of Holbein’s wife, painted just before or immediately after
-he married her, in the earliest part of his second Basel period. This
-picture is one of the strayed waifs from the royal collections of
-England, for it is branded on the back with the crown and “C.R.,” which
-denote that it was once in the possession of Charles I, in whose catalogue
-it was attributed to Leonardo da Vinci. It appears afterwards
-to have been in the Arundel Collection, and is most probably the
-portrait described in the 1655 inventory as “ritratto della Moglie de
-Holbein,” which, after the death of the Countess of Arundel, must
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_107'>107</span>have been sold in Amsterdam, and purchased by some Dutch collector.
-It fetched 65 florins at the Joan de Vries sale in 1738, and was
-afterwards in the G. van Slingelandt and the William V of Orange
-collections. It is evidently not one of the pictures taken over to
-Holland by William III during one of his visits to the Hague, as has
-been suggested, for there is nothing to show that it ever returned to
-the English royal collections, nor is it included in the list of works
-unsuccessfully reclaimed by Queen Anne from the Dutch States when
-she ascended the throne. Holbein’s authorship of this work has been
-frequently disputed, some writers regarding it as a good old copy after
-a lost original by the master, while others look upon it as a fine original
-work by some Netherlandish contemporary of Holbein’s who was
-strongly under his influence. Dr. Woltmann considered it to be most
-probably by Holbein himself, and others have followed him in this
-opinion. Dr. Ganz, in his recent book, includes it among the genuine
-works of the second Basel period, and points out that the soft, tender
-colour-scheme in which it has been carried out was the result of Holbein’s
-recent visit to Italy, and explains its earlier attribution to Leonardo.<a id='r240' /><a href='#f240' class='c021'><sup>[240]</sup></a>
-When allowance is made for the passage of time, and the troubles and
-cares which are supposed to have embittered Elsbeth Holbein’s life,
-there is considerable likeness between this portrait of a comely young
-<i>haus-frau</i> and the wife in the portrait of 1528-9. This is particularly
-to be noticed in the heavy-lidded, slightly-protruding eyes, much
-more pronounced in the later picture, while the general shape of the
-head and form of the features are alike in both. The likeness, however,
-is not so striking as to make it absolutely certain that in the
-Hague picture we have a portrait of Holbein’s bride. The work is
-without inscription. She is represented seated, with her crossed hands
-resting upon her white apron. Her hair is completely covered by a
-white gauze veil which is carried under the chin, and her gown, edged
-and lined with fur, is open at the front, showing the plain white, high-necked
-bodice below. Whether by Holbein or not—and it is difficult
-to see who else could have painted it—this picture has great charm.
-A recent writer<a id='r241' /><a href='#f241' class='c021'><sup>[241]</sup></a> speaks of this picture as leaving a vivid and
-permanent impression on the spectator, by reason of the luminous
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_108'>108</span>freshness of its colour, the delicate perfume of its purity, and the
-exquisite, limpid sweetness which exhales from it as from a white
-rose under a blue sky in spring-time.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the Louvre there is a silver-point drawing, touched with Indian
-ink and red crayon, of the head and shoulders of a young woman (Pl. <a href='#pl-38'>38</a>),<a id='r242' /><a href='#f242' class='c021'><sup>[242]</sup></a>
-which bears considerable likeness both to the Solothurn Madonna and
-to the portrait of 1528-9. She is represented almost full face, with
-eyes cast down, and her straight hair falling in two large plaits down
-her back. She wears a necklace with a pendant circular medallion
-with the Cross of St. Anthony, and across the border of her bodice,
-which is cut low and straight, runs the device “<span class='fss'>ALS.IN.ERN.ALS.IN</span> ...”
-(“In All Honour”).<a id='r243' /><a href='#f243' class='c021'><sup>[243]</sup></a> The same heavily-lidded eyes, prominent nose,
-well-chiselled mouth with its full lips, double chin, and slope of the
-shoulders, occur both in this drawing and in the Solothurn altar-piece,
-and are even more strongly marked in the later portrait-group,
-though in this earlier study the features as yet bear few traces of the
-trials and experiences of life, but still retain much of their youthful
-bloom and freshness, and gain a certain beauty from the happy smile
-which lights them up.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 38.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-38'  class='figcenter id041'>
-<img src='images/i108.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>HEAD OF A YOUNG WOMAN<br />(Probably Holbein’s wife)<br />Study for the Solothurn “Madonna”<br /><i>Silver-point drawing, touched with red</i><br /><span class='sc'>Louvre, Paris</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “SOLOTHURN MADONNA”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>All writers, however, are not agreed in seeing in the Louvre
-drawing and in the Solothurn Madonna an idealised portrait of
-Holbein’s wife. Those who hold the contrary view regard it as
-almost impossible that so great a change as that to be noted between
-the fair and youthful face of the Madonna and that of the sad and
-careworn, elderly wife of the family group could have taken place in
-the space of seven years. Mr. Gerald Davies, who fails to see the
-likeness, regards the Louvre drawing as the work, not of Holbein,
-but of his father, in which case it cannot be a portrait of Holbein’s
-wife,<a id='r244' /><a href='#f244' class='c021'><sup>[244]</sup></a> unless the elder painter spent some time in Basel with his
-two sons, towards the end of his life, as stated by earlier writers, of
-which there is no documentary record. It is, however, impossible to
-agree with this writer in his ascription of this drawing to Hans Holbein
-the Elder. Mrs. Fortescue, in her recent book on the painter, weaves
-a romance around the Louvre drawing which has nothing to support
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_109'>109</span>it but imagination. Her theory is that Holbein became enamoured
-of his future wife shortly after his arrival in Basel, and that he then
-made this drawing, the fashion of the hair showing that she was still
-unmarried. The course of true love, however, did not run smoothly,
-and the consequent disappointment was the real reason of his “otherwise
-inexplicable” departure for Lucerne in 1517. During his two
-years’ absence Elsbeth married the tanner Schmid, who not long
-afterwards died, leaving her free to become the painter’s wife when
-he renewed his suit shortly after his return to Basel. This is a
-pretty little story, but there is not the slightest evidence to be found
-in support of it.<a id='r245' /><a href='#f245' class='c021'><sup>[245]</sup></a> On the other hand, Woltmann and Dr. Ganz are
-no doubt correct in regarding the Louvre drawing as the actual first
-study for the Solothurn Madonna.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>ST. URSULA AND ST. GEORGE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The picture was commissioned by Hans Gerster, town archivist of
-Basel, who was not a native of that city, but whose wife, Barbara
-Guldenknopf, was a member of a local family. Among Gerster’s
-official duties was that of conducting negotiations with the councils
-of neighbouring towns, and, after Basel had entered the Swiss confederation
-in 1501, one of the places to which his official duties
-frequently took him was Solothurn. There he became a close friend
-of the Coadjutor Nikolaus von Diesbach, dean of Solothurn Minster,
-whom he made his spiritual adviser. Circumstances seem to indicate
-that in 1522 Gerster was under some suspicion as to illegal dealings
-in the Imperial interests, which eventually brought about his dismissal
-from office, at about the same time as the fall of that other early
-patron of Holbein, Jakob Meyer, who lost his seat in the Council
-through similar causes. It has been suggested, therefore, that the
-picture was ordered for the Solothurn Minster on the advice of the
-Coadjutor, in expiation of Gerster’s irregular conduct. For the same
-reason, according to those who hold that the saintly figure on the
-left represents the Bishop of Tours, St. Martin was chosen as the
-particular saint to whom all sinners made appeal, and was introduced
-as intercessor for the donor, while the kneeling beggar may
-even be a portrait of the archivist himself. The chasuble the saint
-wears is the one specially prescribed for this office, while the figure
-of St. Nicholas on the mitre may have been placed there in order to
-associate the donor’s friend, Nikolaus von Diesbach, with the intercession.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_110'>110</span>It is possible that the picture was a commission for the
-St. Nicholas Chapel of the Minster, founded in 1520, for the presence
-of St. Ursus, Solothurn’s patron saint, proves that it was intended
-for that place.<a id='r246' /><a href='#f246' class='c021'><sup>[246]</sup></a> As the years went by, it suffered from neglect, and
-the name of the master who had painted it was forgotten, so that
-when, in 1648, this chapel was pulled down and rebuilt, the picture
-was regarded as of not sufficient value or beauty to be rehung over its
-altar. Between 1689 and 1717 it came into the possession of a
-certain Canon Hartmann, the Minster choirmaster, who in 1683
-built and endowed the little chapel of All Saints on the heights
-above Grenchen, to which he presented or bequeathed the picture.
-Here, again, it does not appear to have been regarded as a work
-of any particular importance, and the process of neglect and deterioration
-continued; and when, in 1864, it was rediscovered by Herr
-Franz Anton Zetter of Solothurn, in the same small church, it was
-hanging high up on the wall of the choir, blackened with the smoke
-of more than two hundred years, its panels worm-eaten, without a
-frame, and suspended by a cord through two holes which had been
-bored into the picture itself. Although it was impossible to examine
-it closely, Herr Zetter was struck with its beauty, still to be discerned
-through all the discoloration and damage, and when, shortly afterwards,
-he heard that the chapel was being renovated, he made anxious
-inquiries as to its fate. For some time all search for it proved unavailing,
-but in the end it was found, face downward, and splashed all over
-with whitewash, under the boards which formed the workmen’s platform.
-He was only just in time to save it from final destruction.
-Upon examination he discovered the signature, and feeling convinced,
-in spite of scepticism on the part of others whom he consulted, that it
-was a genuine work of the master’s, he purchased it. It was placed
-in the hands of Eigner, the keeper of the Augsburg Gallery, for
-restoration, the work occupying three years. The state of the
-picture was so bad that restoration was essential, and this, on the
-whole, was well done, though it suffered to some extent during the
-process. There is, however, a seventeenth-century copy of the
-picture in existence, which shows that the restorer substituted yellow
-for red in the Virgin’s right sleeve, which does not harmonise with
-Holbein’s original colour-scheme. Herr Zetter presented the picture
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_111'>111</span>to the Gallery of his native town, where it now occupies the place of
-honour, so that, thanks to his acumen and enthusiasm, one of
-Holbein’s finest achievements in sacred painting has been saved from
-oblivion.<a id='r247' /><a href='#f247' class='c021'><sup>[247]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In composition the Solothurn Madonna bears close resemblance to
-a large woodcut, designed by Holbein, on the back of the title-page
-of the Statute Book or Town Laws of Freiburg-im-Breisgau.<a id='r248' /><a href='#f248' class='c021'><sup>[248]</sup></a> This
-book, <i>The Municipal Laws and Statutes of the Praiseworthy Town of
-Freiburg</i>, by Ulrich Zasius, was published in Basel by Adam Petri
-in 1520. The Virgin is seated enthroned in front of a niche of
-Renaissance design. In her attitude, and the way in which she
-holds the Child on her knees, as well as in her dress and her long
-hair falling on her shoulders, there is considerable likeness to the
-altar-piece, as also in the two figures of the patron saints of Freiburg
-who stand on either side of her, St. George, with one hand resting
-on his shield and a flag held aloft in the other, and clad, like St.
-Ursus, in complete armour, and Bishop Lambert, in rich ecclesiastical
-dress, and holding the crozier, as St. Nicholas does in the Solothurn
-picture. The similarity between the two designs is particularly close
-in the position and movement of the arms and hands of the Infant
-Christ. The woodcut, which is signed “H. H.” on the edge of the step
-on the left, and dated 1519, is richly and grandly designed, the
-figures of the two saints having been conceived with great nobility,
-and it is possible that Holbein was so satisfied with its composition
-that he made use of it two years later when Gerster came to him
-for an altar-piece.<a id='r249' /><a href='#f249' class='c021'><sup>[249]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Only one other picture bears Holbein’s signature and the date
-1522. This is the full-length representation of “St. Ursula,”<a id='r250' /><a href='#f250' class='c021'><sup>[250]</sup></a> which
-with its companion, “St. George,” is in the Karlsruhe Gallery. They
-evidently formed the wings of an altar-piece, the central panel of
-which is missing. St. Ursula, who carries a number of long arrows
-in her arms, symbols of her martyrdom, is clad in the fashion of the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_112'>112</span>rich citizen’s wife of Holbein’s day, as seen in the set of his costume
-studies in the Basel Gallery, and wears a golden crown and a nimbus
-with a band of Renaissance ornamentation. Behind her, the branches
-of a fig-tree stand out against the blue sky, and low down on the
-horizon is a landscape with a tower. Her necklace, with an openwork
-medallion containing the cross of St. Anthony, closely resembles
-the one in the Louvre sketch of Holbein’s wife as a young woman.
-In the companion panel, St. George,<a id='r251' /><a href='#f251' class='c021'><sup>[251]</sup></a> with his flag grasped in his left
-hand, stands over the prostrate dragon, which he has transfixed
-with his spear. Here again the background consists chiefly of blue
-sky with a distant hilly landscape. The types of the two heads are
-not unlike the “Adam and Eve” study of 1517, while the St.
-Ursula also recalls the Solothurn Madonna, though the face is less
-idealised. It is possible that his wife also sat for this picture. The
-costume of St. George, who is crowned with a nimbus containing
-his name, is very similar to that of the Archangel Michael in
-the beautiful study in the Basel Gallery already described.<a id='r252' /><a href='#f252' class='c021'><sup>[252]</sup></a> The
-“St. Ursula” is signed and dated “<span class='sc'>Hans Holbein</span> <span class='fss'>MDXXII.</span>”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>ORGAN-CASE DOORS IN BASEL MINSTER</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>These two panels have been renovated and retouched, and, in
-consequence, much of Holbein’s original brushwork has vanished.
-For this reason they have been regarded by some writers as merely
-works of the Holbein school. They are accepted as genuine, however,
-by such modern critics as Dr. Ganz and Herr Knackfuss, while
-Woltmann,<a id='r253' /><a href='#f253' class='c021'><sup>[253]</sup></a> who speaks of the face and bust of St. Ursula as delicately
-finished in Holbein’s happiest manner, though the lower part
-of her figure and that of St. George are so inferior as to suggest a
-less skilful hand, conjectured that they were probably designed, and
-in part painted, by the master himself, and executed under his
-direction, but without very careful supervision. It has also been
-suggested that they were the result of a poorly-paid commission for
-some village church, and that Holbein, in consequence, did not take
-much trouble over them; but such a supposition has little probability,
-for Holbein was never satisfied with inferior work, but always gave
-of his best, both in great things and small. Mr. Gerald Davies refuses
-to accept “these weak and slightly affected figures” as possible work
-of the painter who in the same year produced so great a picture as
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_113'>113</span>the Solothurn Madonna.<a id='r254' /><a href='#f254' class='c021'><sup>[254]</sup></a> There can be little doubt however,
-that, though damaged, they are from the hand of the master himself.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The two large paintings in monochrome on canvas, for the decoration
-of the inner sides of the doors of the case which covered in the
-organ in the Minster of Basel when it was not in use, must not be
-omitted in any consideration of Holbein’s work for church decoration.<a id='r255' /><a href='#f255' class='c021'><sup>[255]</sup></a>
-They survived the iconoclastic outbreak of 1529; possibly the
-mob did not regard them as religious paintings, or they may have
-escaped owing to their position high up on the wall of the nave, and
-so not easily reached. Merian mentions them in his <i>Topographia
-Helvetiæ</i>, published in 1622,<a id='r256' /><a href='#f256' class='c021'><sup>[256]</sup></a> and in 1775 Emanuel Büchel made a
-water-colour drawing of them in their original position,<a id='r257' /><a href='#f257' class='c021'><sup>[257]</sup></a> for his
-collection of the monuments, sculptures, and paintings in Basel
-Minster, from which drawing it is to be seen that they decorated
-the upper part of the organ. The organ-case was of wood, richly
-carved in the style of the early Renaissance, and Holbein’s decorations
-were painted in brown monochrome in order to produce the
-effect of similar carving, as though they formed an integral part of
-the case itself. The organ was restored in 1639, when the doors
-were repainted by Sixt Ringle, and in 1786 it was replaced by a new
-one, Holbein’s decorations and some of the old carved woodwork
-being deposited in the Public Library. The doors suffered a second
-“restoration” in 1842, and in the following year were removed to
-the Basel Picture Gallery (No. 321).<a id='r258' /><a href='#f258' class='c021'><sup>[258]</sup></a> Quite recently much of the
-over-painting has been removed, and it is possible to obtain a good
-idea of the noble and decorative effect they must have produced when
-fresh from Holbein’s brush and in the position intended for them.
-In spite of this careful renovation, however, the damage done to them
-in earlier days was so severe that much of their original beauty has
-vanished. The figures are larger than life-size, and produce the effect
-of carved wood statues. Happily, the original study for them, a very
-beautiful and powerful pen-drawing washed with brown-black Indian
-ink, is to be found among the drawings in the Amerbach Collection
-(Pl. <a href='#pl-39'>39</a>).<a id='r259' /><a href='#f259' class='c021'><sup>[259]</sup></a> The design is on six vertical strips of paper fastened
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_114'>114</span>together. The peculiar shape of the doors necessitated considerable
-ingenuity on the part of the artist in the arrangement of his material,
-and he succeeded admirably in adapting the spaces to his purpose.
-Each door is in three divisions, the innermost being the highest. In
-the left-hand shutter this inmost space contains the figure of the
-Emperor Henry II, founder of Basel Minster. In the shorter, outer
-division stands his wife, Kunigunde, and between them is a representation
-of the Minster itself. On the right-hand wing the Virgin
-and Child stand facing the Emperor, and in the outer division, St.
-Pantalus, the first Bishop of Basel; between them is a group of small
-nude singing and playing angels. The spaces above the heads of the
-Emperor and the Virgin, and the other spaces, triangular in shape,
-over the central part of each wing, are filled in with Renaissance
-ornamentation. The four large figures are designed with great
-nobility, and are very impressive in effect. The horizon lies below the
-level of the ground, on account of the height at which the doors were
-to be hung, a frequent practice of Holbein’s in his wall-paintings, and
-an observance of the laws of vision probably brought home to him
-by his study of Mantegna’s works. For this reason the figures are
-represented as seen from below in effective perspective foreshortening.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 39.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-39'  class='figcenter id042'>
-<img src='images/i114.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>DESIGN FOR THE ORGAN DOORS, BASEL CATHEDRAL<br /><i>Pen and wash drawing</i><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>The Emperor, with long beard, is shown in profile, crowned, and
-wearing a royal mantle, a sceptre in his left hand. His Empress, also
-crowned, carries a large cross in her hands, and stands in the curious
-Basel manner of those days, with the body thrust forward, and the
-back bent, as in Holbein’s costume studies referred to in a later
-chapter.<a id='r260' /><a href='#f260' class='c021'><sup>[260]</sup></a> The figure of the Virgin is nobly conceived. The Child
-flings his little arms round her neck, and presses his cheek against
-hers, while she clasps him closely to her breast with both hands. In
-carrying out the design, Holbein made one or two slight changes in
-the position of the Child. In the finished painting the right arm is
-not flung round the Virgin’s neck, but, instead, the hand rests in the
-bend of her elbow, while their cheeks no longer touch. St. Pantalus,
-in full ecclesiastical robes and mitre, holds his crozier in his left hand
-and stretches out the right, as though speaking. The group of small
-child-angels, three of whom blow trumpets, while four others hold a
-sheet of music from which they are singing, is a design of the greatest
-charm, the figures being excellently grouped, and drawn with the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_115'>115</span>utmost freedom. They are sturdy little boys, with curly hair and
-small wings. One of the singers beats time with a stick, and another
-does so with his hand. In the finished picture this sheet of music
-is inscribed with the words from the “Song of Solomon”—“Quam
-pulchra es amica.” The corresponding division of the left wing,
-representing the exterior of the Minster, is just as free and masterly
-a study, and the Renaissance ornament which is so cleverly adapted
-to the remaining spaces is in the finest taste. This decorative filling
-is not the same on both doors, and it is possible that the artist
-intended the church authorities to select whichever design they
-preferred. The one chosen was that on the right-hand door, though
-the design on the left-hand one with the figure of a nude child among
-the foliage, is the more beautiful of the two. The whole composition
-was admirably suited for the purpose for which it was intended, and
-when the doors were thrown open, and the organ itself was played,
-the effect produced must have been a fine one. The dignified conception
-of the four great figures was in perfect keeping with the deep
-and solemn tones of the organ which they decorated. Neither the
-doors themselves, nor the design, are dated, but the beauty of the
-composition and the brilliant and assured technique point to a period
-towards the end of Holbein’s second sojourn in Basel, about 1525,
-shortly before his departure for England, and they are thus of about
-the same date as the ten designs in Indian ink made for painted glass,
-representing scenes from Christ’s Passion. Among the monumental
-works of decorative painting undertaken by him during his second
-residence in Basel, these designs stand among the highest. The
-influences which were brought to bear upon his art during his sojourn
-in Italy find in them their fullest and most dignified expression, happily
-blended with and modified by those other influences, springing from
-his native soil, under which he was trained in his father’s studio.</p>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_116'>116</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>CHAPTER VI<br /> <br /><span class='c019'>THE HOUSE OF THE DANCE AND THE WALL-PAINTINGS IN THE BASEL TOWN HALL</span></h2>
-</div>
-<p class='c020'>Holbein as a mural decorator—The “Haus zum Tanz”—The
-“Dance of Peasants” frieze—Original studies and old
-copies—Decoration of the inner walls of the new Basel
-Town Council Chamber—“Charondas of Catanea”—“Zaleucus
-of Locris”—“Curius Dentatus”—“Sapor and Valerian”—The
-single figures placed between the large
-compositions—Cessation of the work before its
-completion.</p>
-<div class='c012'>
-  <img class='drop-capi' src='images/dc-a.jpg' width='100' height='101' alt='' />
-</div><p class='drop-capi1_1'>
-AT this period of his life Holbein’s work was by no
-means confined to the painting of portraits and church
-pictures. His activity was ceaseless, and every
-moment of his time must have been fully occupied.
-In addition to many book illustrations for the
-publishers, and designs for glass-painters, armourers,
-and other craftsmen, he found considerable employment in decorating
-the street-fronts of houses of certain of the leading citizens with large
-wall-paintings, and, in some instances, painted similar decorations on
-the inner walls. It is evident from various contemporary and later
-references that he covered more than one house in Basel with decorative
-designs in this fashion, and that the art of wall-painting, practised in
-that city to some extent before his time, received a great impetus from
-his example. He carried it to a far greater pitch of excellence than
-had been achieved until then in any country but Italy, and founded
-a school of monumental decorative design which existed for a considerable
-period after his death, and has been revived again in
-modern times in Lucerne, if not in Basel. Unfortunately, nothing
-remains of his original work in this field except a few isolated designs
-for one or two façades, and several tracings and inferior copies of
-fragmentary remains of the actual wall-paintings; nor has any
-definite record been handed down in Basel of any particular dwelling
-so decorated by him, with the exception of the “House of the Dance,”
-which obtained a wide celebrity in his own day, and was evidently
-looked upon as his masterpiece. In carrying out the mural ornamentation
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_117'>117</span>of this building he allowed his brilliant fancy full play, and
-exercised the greatest ingenuity in turning to advantage the wide,
-flat spaces of the commonplace frontage with its irregularly-placed
-Gothic arched windows and openings, covering the whole of it with
-painted Renaissance architecture rich in columns and friezes,
-balconies and elaborate porticoes and other features, amid which
-characters from ancient history and fable and modern life were placed
-with admirable effect.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE HOUSE OF THE DANCE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The “Haus zum Tanz” was so named by his fellow-citizens from
-the large frieze representing a number of peasants dancing with the
-wildest merriment and abandon, which at once took the popular
-fancy, though it only formed a part of the decoration. An original
-drawing for the narrow front façade still exists, while there is an old
-tracing of Holbein’s study for the general design, and some sixteenth-century
-copies of his sketches, from which a good idea of the decorative
-effect produced after he had finished the work can be obtained.
-It was a corner house, and stood in the Eisengasse, near the Rhine
-Bridge, and at that time belonged to the wealthy goldsmith Balthasar
-Angelrot, from whom Holbein received the commission. The decorations,
-probably carried out by him in 1520, were still visible, and
-described by Patin, in 1676, but towards the end of the eighteenth
-century their faded remains were whitewashed over. The old building
-itself stood until 1907, when it was pulled down and rebuilt.<a id='r261' /><a href='#f261' class='c021'><sup>[261]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The plan Holbein pursued shows a marked advance in his conception
-of decorative design when compared with the earlier paintings of the
-Hertenstein house in Lucerne. In the latter large pictures filled
-practically the whole of the wide spaces between the windows, but
-he now abandoned this practice to a great extent, and subordinated
-the pictorial effect to one in which architecture played the leading
-part, the characters introduced appearing as actual figures occupied
-in various ways amid this elaborate setting. The main front of the
-house was very irregular in its features. There were no straight
-lines, for the windows differed greatly in height and breadth, and
-those of one storey were in most instances not placed exactly over
-those in the storey below them. To a painter of lesser mastership
-than Holbein such a nondescript frontage would have greatly
-increased the difficulties to be overcome in carrying out a successful
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_118'>118</span>decorative scheme; in his case the very difficulties appear to have
-provided an added spur to his imagination and the fanciful play of
-his humour, and he seized upon them and turned them to the utmost
-advantage. According to Dr. Ludwig Iselin, in his notes on Holbein
-written towards the end of the sixteenth century, the painter regarded
-his work upon Angelrot’s house with some amount of satisfaction,
-for when he revisited Basel in the autumn of 1538, and saw his wall-paintings
-both on the house-fronts and in the Council Chamber
-rapidly fading away, he proposed to repaint them at his own expense,
-and in criticising his work found that the “Haus zum Tanz”
-was “rather good” (“Das Haus zum tantz wär ein wenig gutt”).
-According to Theodor Zwinger (1577),<a id='r262' /><a href='#f262' class='c021'><sup>[262]</sup></a> he received only forty florins
-(gulden) for the whole of this work, very inadequate payment even
-for those days, considering the amount of labour which he must have
-given to it. This reference of Zwinger’s is of great interest, as, with
-the exception of the wall-paintings in the interior of the Basel Town
-Hall, it is the only record so far discovered of the prices the artist
-was in the habit of receiving for such undertakings.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE HOUSE OF THE DANCE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The house, as already stated, was a corner one of three storeys,
-the left-hand and narrow side being the one which fronted the
-Eisengasse. The decoration covered both sides, and was painted
-more or less in perspective, so arranged that the spectator, in order to
-obtain the full effect of the design, must stand at the corner angle of
-the house, from which he could see both sides at the same time. On
-the ground floor he placed on either side of the broad arched windows
-and the narrower door at the end of the chief façade thick, stumpy
-columns, with garlands hanging below their Ionic capitals. He made
-skilful use of the Gothic forms of the openings, as they actually
-existed, in such a way that the pointed arches appeared to be merely
-the result of perspective foreshortening, as seen from the spectator’s
-standpoint. Above these arches, in the flat space beneath the
-first-floor windows, was painted the broad band containing the
-“Bauerntanz,” or “Dance of the Peasants,” which gave the house
-its popular name. This band was broken by a small oblong window
-over the house-door, which Holbein utilised by turning it into a stone
-table, with cans and jugs for the refreshment of the dancers, against
-which two musicians are leaning, one playing the bagpipes and the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_119'>119</span>other a wind instrument of unusual shape. Boisterous mirth reigns
-among the dancers. Their flitting shadows are cast upon the wall
-behind them, as they give full vent to their delight in life by means
-of measures more energetic than graceful, and much rough-and-tumble
-play. Judging from the fine original study in the Berlin Print Room,<a id='r263' /><a href='#f263' class='c021'><sup>[263]</sup></a>
-which shows a part of this frieze, the wall-painting itself must have
-produced a vivid effect of rapid, lifelike movement, and even of noise
-and laughter. Above the Dance, decorated pilasters supporting lofty
-columns, which ran up to the top of the building, were placed
-between the windows, together with antique figures of Mars, Venus,
-Cupid, and other gods. Above these again ran a balcony with an
-open balustrading, supported on projecting cornices, with numerous
-figures of Holbein’s fellow-citizens in contemporary costume walking
-about and looking over into the street below, one of them with a
-greyhound. Round the windows of the second floor, which were of
-varying heights, he gave full play to his delight in Renaissance
-architecture of a very intricate and fantastic kind, including his
-favourite round medallions containing the heads of Roman Emperors
-and other classical heroes and heroines, friezes with rich ornamentation,
-grotesque figures with human bodies and tails of dolphins, and
-columns and arches seen in strong perspective. On the top floor of
-all the small windows were given the appearance of little square
-towers surrounded by broken and ruined arches and masonry, overgrown
-with bushes, and behind and between them the blue sky. On
-one of the walls was a peacock, and on another a paint-pot with the
-brush stuck in it, as though left up there by accident by the painter
-after the work had been finished and the scaffolding removed, a
-pictorial joke which no doubt entertained the passers-by.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The other frontage of the house faced a side street. On the wall
-nearest the corner Holbein painted a lofty arched doorway, with
-steps leading to the interior, above which Marcus Curtius, brandishing
-a battle-axe, was represented on a great white, rearing horse, on the
-point of plunging into the street, and close below him a Roman
-soldier in a crouching position, with right arm uplifted in self-protection,
-as though fearful that the rider would fall upon and crush
-him. Beyond this doorway there were no windows on the ground floor,
-but merely a few small apertures. Holbein covered this surface
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_120'>120</span>with arches and pillars with festoons, and a low wall below. Over
-this wall the spectator was supposed to obtain a view of the stabling
-below the level of the street, with a groom in charge of a fine horse,
-the latter attached to a ring at the foot of a lofty column, surmounted
-by a figure of Hebe. Between the windows on the floor above stood
-a fat and youthful Bacchus, crowned with vine-leaves, and holding
-a cup in his hand, and at his feet a cask with a second boy asleep
-against it, and a cat stealing away with a mouse in her mouth. Above
-this floor the treatment was mainly architectural, following the lines
-of that on the Eisengasse frontage. The general effect produced by
-the whole decoration must have been an exceptionally gay and
-brilliant one, both from the effective manner in which Holbein made
-free use of the Renaissance style of architecture, and from the joyous
-life and movement of the numerous figures depicted. The decoration
-was intended to amuse as well as to delight, and the tricks of perspective,
-together with a realism the main purpose of which was to
-deceive the eye, were conceived as a jest which should provide a
-source of continual interest and merriment to the passing citizens.
-Such a method of covering house walls had little in common with the
-work he had seen in Italy, except in the sumptuousness of its setting.
-Although it may have sinned against many of the right principles of
-mural decorative art, it nevertheless appealed strongly to the fancy
-and taste of the Baselers of that day, and “took the town” so
-completely that it set a fashion which lasted many years. The
-humour and realism of it, however, were by no means its foremost
-features; in many ways it must have produced a decorative effect
-of great beauty and richness. Though he gave free play to his
-fantastic imagination, he at the same time kept it within reasonable
-bounds, so that it never offended against good taste, except in a
-certain freedom of representation in some of the dancing couples,
-but was always subordinate to the higher aims of his art.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>WALL-PAINTING FOR AMERBACH HOUSE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>There is a large tracing of the design in the Basel Gallery, which
-has evidently been taken from Holbein’s original drawing, and there
-are other copies, almost contemporary, of his original studies for
-portions of the work, one showing the lower part of the side wall with
-the horse and groom. The Berlin Print Room, as already noted,
-possesses the very beautiful drawing from Holbein’s own hand, which
-is the original study for the front façade, showing the musicians and
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_121'>121</span>three of the dancing couples of the “Bauerntanz,” with which the
-Basel tracing is in close agreement, while in the Amerbach Collection
-there is a slighter version, with certain variations, of the upper
-portion of the Berlin drawing, showing the balcony with figures. It
-is a chalk and pen drawing, touched with Indian ink.<a id='r264' /><a href='#f264' class='c021'><sup>[264]</sup></a> Dr. Woltmann
-suggested that the man with the flat cap on the extreme left of the
-balcony in the Berlin drawing, who is looking down into the street,
-is intended for a portrait of Holbein himself. In addition, the Basel
-Gallery possesses good copies of the frieze with the dancers (No. 353),<a id='r265' /><a href='#f265' class='c021'><sup>[265]</sup></a>
-and of the portion of the façade with the mounted figure of Marcus
-Curtius,<a id='r266' /><a href='#f266' class='c021'><sup>[266]</sup></a> made by the glass-painter Niklaus Rippel in 1623 and 1590
-respectively. Rippel was master of the Basel Painters’ Guild in 1587.
-The “Curtius” drawing is inscribed “in frontispicio domus,” and is
-evidently a faithful transcript of the original; so much so that by
-its means it is possible to obtain a very adequate idea of the grandeur
-of Holbein’s design, more particularly in the magnificent group of
-the horse and its armed rider, in which the Mantegnesque influence
-is unmistakable. Finally, there is in the same Gallery an excellent
-reconstruction of the whole frontage (No. 352), a water-colour
-drawing made by H. E. von Berlepsch in 1878, based upon the Berlin
-study and the sixteenth-century copies of Holbein’s sketches.<a id='r267' /><a href='#f267' class='c021'><sup>[267]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>One or two original studies remain, which were evidently made as
-designs for exterior wall-paintings of which all record has been lost.
-There is a slight but masterly washed pen drawing in the Amerbach
-Collection (Pl. <a href='#pl-40a'>40</a> (1)),<a id='r268' /><a href='#f268' class='c021'><sup>[268]</sup></a> representing the upper part of a house in which
-the irregularly-placed windows have been adapted with the greatest
-skill to suit the purposes of the elaborate scheme of Italian architecture,
-one part of which is made to recede by a series of flat columns with
-ornamented capitals seen in sharp perspective, while the other half
-appears to project, and shows the seated figure of an Emperor,
-possibly Charlemagne, between two windows, to which Holbein has
-given rounded arches with a medallion between them containing an
-antique head. Dr. Ganz is, no doubt, right in his suggestion that
-this drawing is a study for a scheme of decoration for the façade of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_122'>122</span>the family house of the Amerbachs in the Rheingasse, in Little Basel,
-and that the figure of the enthroned Emperor is a pictorial representation
-of the name—“zum Kaiserstuhl”—by which the house was
-known. Probably Holbein received a commission for its decoration in
-1519, at the time he was painting Bonifacius Amerbach’s portrait.<a id='r269' /><a href='#f269' class='c021'><sup>[269]</sup></a>
-In the same collection there is a design for a framework to surround
-an ordinary square-headed window, either for internal or external
-wall-painting,<a id='r270' /><a href='#f270' class='c021'><sup>[270]</sup></a> over which he has thrown an ornamented arch filled
-in with scalloping, and crowned with a brazier from which flames
-are blowing. It is supported by pillars of elaborate and fantastic
-design, broken up into various bands of rich ornament, among them
-ox skulls with small hanging garlands. At the base, on each side, is
-a nude figure of a woman with a basket of fire on her head. The
-window, only one half of which is shown, is supported below with
-corbels, the central one with a grotesque head with an iron ring
-suspended from its mouth. A third sketch, for the ground floor of
-the Hertenstein house, has been already described.<a id='r271' /><a href='#f271' class='c021'><sup>[271]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 40.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-40a'  class='figcenter id043'>
-<img src='images/i122a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>1. STUDY FOR A PAINTED HOUSE FRONT WITH THE FIGURE OF A SEATED EMPEROR<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id='pl-40b'  class='figcenter id044'>
-<img src='images/i122b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>2. THE AMBASSADORS OF THE SAMNITES BEFORE CURIUS DENTATUS<br />1521-22<br />Fragment of the wall-painting formerly in the Basel Town Hall<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>LEGEND OF THE INN “ZUR BLUME”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the collection of drawings in the Louvre there is an elaborately
-drawn design for the decoration of a house with a narrow frontage
-and high-pitched gables,<a id='r272' /><a href='#f272' class='c021'><sup>[272]</sup></a> which, although not from Holbein’s own
-hand, bears considerable resemblance to his style and methods in
-carrying out large mural paintings. It may be a contemporary copy
-of one of his designs, or, perhaps, an original work by one of the
-clever Basel artists who adopted his manner. The architectural
-details, however, are characterised by a fantastic play of fancy carried
-beyond the limits Holbein usually prescribed for himself in work of
-this nature. Some of them are frankly impossible, and if actually
-carried out in brick or stone would at once fall to pieces. This element
-of architectural absurdity is to be seen very clearly in the large
-capital in the centre supported by a much weaker and smaller one,
-in the curious thin bands of projecting stonework with circular
-openings through which all the columns pass, and the equally curious
-circular vaulting over the door, with round openings through which
-two cupids bend down in the act of supporting a coat of arms. The
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_123'>123</span>principal features of the design are two deep bands divided by the
-columns into panels containing combats between sirens and grotesque
-men with fish-like extremities ending in spirals of foliage. On either
-side of the windows of the second floor double columns are set close
-together, between which three nude old men are striving to force
-themselves. On the topmost storey two figures are looking over a
-balcony in front of two small windows. Medallions with antique
-heads are freely introduced, and every part of the house-face is so
-lavishly covered with small ornamentation that the eye becomes
-confused, and the general effect produced is one of restlessness and
-over-elaboration. Below the ground-floor window a fictitious opening
-is shown, in which two large dogs are fighting over a bone. Woltmann
-suggests that a passage in Dr. Ludwig Iselin’s notes has reference to
-these two animals, and may be taken as some indication that this
-particular design for house-decoration was Holbein’s own, and had
-been carried out by him in Basel. Iselin says, in speaking of the
-artist’s truthfulness to nature: “He painted a dog, at which dogs
-running past used to bark.”<a id='r273' /><a href='#f273' class='c021'><sup>[273]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>LEGEND OF THE INN “ZUR BLUME”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>An old Basel legend, which, like so many other legends, has no
-evidence to support it, connects Holbein’s name with the decoration of
-another house in Basel—the inn “zur Blume” in the Fischmarktplatz.
-The story runs that the painter was deeply in debt to the innkeeper,
-and in order to pay his dues he undertook to cover the outside of
-the house with frescoes; but the work progressed too slowly for the
-owner, and Holbein’s absences in search of enjoyment were too
-frequent, so that the former kept a close watch upon him, and
-threatened to cut off supplies unless he remained at his post. The
-painter’s ingenuity, however, was equal to the emergency. When he
-was at work high up on the building his body was hidden from the
-view of those in the street by the scaffolding, but his legs were still
-in sight, so he painted a fictitious pair on the wall, as though dangling
-down, with feet crossed; and seeing these, the landlord thought all was
-well, and so left his artist to his own devices.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The most important work in wall-painting undertaken by him at
-this period was the decoration of the Council Chamber in the newly-rebuilt
-Town Hall or Rathaus of Basel. In 1504 it was decided
-to replace the old building with a new one, and the work was begun
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_124'>124</span>in 1508 and completed early in 1521, the Council assembling in it for
-the first time on the 12th of March in the latter year. The decoration
-of the interior walls of the chief room was given to Holbein, partly,
-no doubt, through the influence of his patron, Jakob Meyer, who
-was still burgomaster, though his troubles were already beginning,
-and culminated before the close of that year, when he was removed
-from office. The commission must have been mainly due, however,
-to the Council’s knowledge of Holbein’s skill and inventive powers
-in this branch of art, as shown in the decorations of several house-fronts
-in the city. The painter continued his work in the Chamber
-after the deposition of Jakob Meyer and the election of Adelberg
-Meyer, who was unrelated to his predecessor, to the post of chief
-magistrate. According to the account books of the Council, the
-commission was given to the painter on the 15th June 1521, on the
-day of St. Veit and St. Modestus, and the contract stated that he
-was to receive 120 gulden for the whole work, and that he was to be
-paid in advance by the “Drei Herrn,” who were the members of the
-Council who controlled the finances, on the day of the signing of the
-contract, forty gulden, or fifty Basel pounds, the gulden being equal
-to one Basel pound and a quarter.<a id='r274' /><a href='#f274' class='c021'><sup>[274]</sup></a> The remaining payments,
-in smaller amounts, were made to him on the 20th July and
-14th September 1521, and on the 12th April, 16th June, 31st August
-and 29th November 1522. He received no money during the
-winter of 1521-22, when the work, no doubt, would be temporarily
-suspended owing to the shortness of the days and the lack of good
-light. This is one of the few instances in which we possess authentic
-records of the amounts received by Holbein for his work.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>WALL-PAINTINGS IN BASEL TOWN HALL</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The Town Hall, which stood in the market-place, with the house
-of Jakob Meyer, “zum Hasen,” adjoining it on the south, has undergone
-considerable changes since its building, so that to-day both the
-exterior and interior are by no means in the same condition as when
-Holbein was working there. In those days the Council Chamber was
-an irregular quadrangle, about 34 feet by 65 feet, and only 12½ feet
-high, and the ceiling was supported by three columns down the centre
-of the room. The wall fronting the market-place was entirely filled
-with large windows and the doors leading to the chief staircase,
-and provided no space for decorative treatment, so that Holbein’s
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_125'>125</span>work was confined to the three remaining walls, the long one opposite,
-which was also broken up by two windows and two doors, and the
-two narrower ones at either end, which were not parallel. Of these
-latter, the one on the north had a heating chamber and a large stove
-at one end of it, and was separated from the rest of the hall by a
-balustrade. The only unbroken wall was at the southern end, next
-Meyer’s house. It was called in the accounts the “back wall,”
-because the visitor turned his back on it on entering the room, and
-this wall was not decorated by Holbein until after his return from his
-first visit to England. Taking it altogether, the room was so low and
-so irregular in its arrangement that it was by no means well suited
-for carrying out a scheme of mural decoration on a monumental scale;
-but Holbein triumphed over all difficulties, and produced magnificent
-results, so far as can be judged from the few studies, tracings, and
-copies which remain. The subjects selected for representation were
-divided from one another by richly-ornamented Renaissance columns,
-so that the room, when finished, appeared to be open on all sides,
-here looking out upon some landscape, and there into some great
-hall or palace made to appear vast by the clever use of perspective.
-Between the principal pictures were placed smaller, single-figure
-subjects, standing in niches on a somewhat higher level, and forming
-part of the architectural framework. The subjects of the larger
-paintings were of the kind then popular north of the Rhine, and were
-intended, by means of celebrated examples taken from ancient history,
-to bring home to those who used the room, the absolute necessity
-of impartial justice in the administration of the affairs of a state or
-community, and at the same time to indicate the punishment which
-in most cases is bound to follow the breaking of the law, and to extol
-the virtues of simplicity and a love of country free from all self-seeking.
-These subjects, and the Latin inscriptions which accompanied
-them, were not Holbein’s own invention, but were, in all
-probability, selected for him by such learned friends as Myconius
-and Beatus Rhenanus.<a id='r275' /><a href='#f275' class='c021'><sup>[275]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The only records which remain of this great work, all of which
-are in the Basel Gallery, consist of a few fragments taken from the
-walls before the last traces of the paintings had finally faded away;
-original studies for three of the chief subjects from Holbein’s own
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_126'>126</span>hand; a few contemporary copies of his designs; and others taken
-from those parts of the design which could still be discerned at
-the time when the actual fragments of Holbein’s handiwork were
-cut away from the walls. Unfortunately the paintings themselves
-had but a short life. Less than fifty years after the last one was
-completed they were already in a deplorable condition, largely
-through damp. Probably the three months’ interval which elapsed
-between the completion of the building and the beginning of its
-decoration was due to the desire to allow the walls to become
-thoroughly dry; but even this precaution was not sufficient to save
-Holbein’s handiwork from gradual destruction. The walls, possibly
-from faulty construction, appear never to have become entirely free
-from moisture, while the paintings were also allowed to suffer from
-general neglect. Wurstisen in his <i>Epitome Historiæ Basiliensis</i>,
-published in 1577,<a id='r276' /><a href='#f276' class='c021'><sup>[276]</sup></a> speaks of them as “delineations of the choicest
-things by the hand of the German Apelles,” but two years later the
-largest of them was reported to be so terribly injured by the weather
-that it was in danger of complete destruction. The Council, therefore,
-commissioned the painter Hans Bock to make a copy of it in oils on
-canvas, which, when completed, was hung on the wall in front of the
-original painting. This “large piece,” which Bock copied in 1579,
-was probably the whole of the back wall, containing the “Rehoboam”
-and the “Samuel and Saul.” This work occupied his whole time
-for twenty-six weeks, and his application for payment for this half-year’s
-work, dated the 23rd November 1579, to be found among
-the Basel archives. In it he demands one hundred florins, a sum
-which the Council evidently considered too great, although it works
-out at little more than a shilling a day in modern money, a moderate
-but not a contemptible wage as rates of payment went in those days.
-Among the reasons Bock gives for asking so much is that far more
-is really due to a copyist, who has to imitate laboriously the work
-of another, than to one who paints merely from his own fancy; and
-he goes on to say that, “among all the Holbein pieces in the
-painted hall, this is not only the greatest in length, but also contains
-the most difficult and laborious work, as, besides landscape, there
-are one hundred faces drawn perfectly or partially, so that I must
-copy them all piece by piece, besides many horses, weapons, and other
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_127'>127</span>things.”<a id='r277' /><a href='#f277' class='c021'><sup>[277]</sup></a> The details he mentions were only to be found in one of
-the paintings, that of “Samuel and Saul,” though it did not contain
-nearly one hundred heads, but with the adjoining picture of
-“Rehoboam,” which Bock probably included, the number would be
-nearly correct.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>DESTRUCTION OF THE WALL-PAINTINGS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>One hundred years later the wall-paintings were still to be seen,
-though rapidly deteriorating. They are mentioned by Tonjola (1661),
-who quotes the various inscriptions which accompanied them,<a id='r278' /><a href='#f278' class='c021'><sup>[278]</sup></a> and
-by Patin (1676), who speaks of the three walls of this hall as painted
-by Holbein. After this all traces of them were gradually lost, damp
-and neglect almost obliterating them. They were no longer visible
-in 1796, for Peter Ochs does not mention them in his description of
-the Council Chamber.<a id='r279' /><a href='#f279' class='c021'><sup>[279]</sup></a> Even Bock’s copy seems to have fallen to
-pieces, and in the end the walls were covered with tapestry hangings,
-and Holbein’s work was completely forgotten. In 1817, however,
-when some repairs were carried out in the hall, necessitating the
-removal of the tapestries, a few remaining traces of the original
-work were discovered. On the fresco of “Charondas,” on the north
-wall, the date 1521 was still legible. Seven fragments of considerable
-size were saved, from the three paintings of “Rehoboam,”
-“Curius Dentatus,” and “Zaleucus,” and small copies of the chief
-remains were made in water-colours by Hieronymus Hess for the
-art firm of Birmann, and these are now preserved in the Basel
-Gallery (Nos. 328-332). From such inadequate materials as these
-it is possible to obtain only a very general idea of the original
-beauty of this great undertaking. It would be supposed that these
-mural decorations, painted as they were on interior walls, would
-have long outlived Holbein’s work of a similar nature on the
-exterior façades of Hertenstein’s mansion and the House of the
-Dance, whereas the contrary was the case, for in both the last-named
-instances the paintings remained in fairly good condition until
-comparatively modern times. This indicates that the cause of the
-rapid destruction of the Town Hall decorations was not owing to
-Holbein’s lack of knowledge of the proper methods of fresco painting,
-but was due solely to bad building on the part of the Council’s
-architect, and, later on, to neglect at the hands of the authorities,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_128'>128</span>who made no adequate attempt to preserve works which added so
-great a distinction to their building.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The four chief subjects painted by Holbein in 1521-22 were—(1)
-Charondas of Catanea, the law-giver of the city of the Thurii,
-who had issued a decree forbidding the wearing of arms in the public
-assembly under pain of death, but himself inadvertently broke the
-law. Hurrying to the council chamber from a journey, he forgot to
-leave his weapons behind him; and on attention being called to this
-by one of his enemies, he immediately cried out, “By Zeus! the
-law shall be master,” and ran himself through with his sword.
-(2) Zaleucus of Locris, whose laws punished adultery by the loss of
-both eyes. His only son was found guilty of this crime, but the
-people begged him to show mercy, as the culprit was his heir, and
-their future ruler. Zaleucus resisted their entreaties for a long time,
-but in the end yielded to the extent of sacrificing one of his own eyes,
-and ordering only one of his son’s to be removed, thus upholding the
-majesty of the law. (3) Curius Dentatus, who, kneeling before his
-fire, preparing his modest meal, sends away the ambassadors of the
-Samnites, who have come with rich presents in order to persuade
-him to take no part in the war against them. (4) Sapor, king of
-Persia, who is making use of the body of the captive emperor Valerian
-as a step from which to mount his horse. Between these pictures
-were placed single figures of Christ, King David with the harp, Justice,
-Wisdom, and Temperance. The remaining large subjects, which were
-painted in 1530-31, were Rehoboam spurning the Elders of Israel,
-Saul rebuked by Samuel, and possibly Hezekiah breaking the Idols.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the picture of “Charondas” the action takes place in a lofty
-hall, its roof supported by richly-decorated columns, with long architraves
-covered with bands of sculptured figures and medallions.
-Charondas stands in front of the councillors in the act of plunging
-his sword into his breast, as with uplifted eyes he calls the gods to
-witness that he is prepared at all costs to uphold the laws. Some of
-the onlookers sit spell-bound, too overcome with surprise and
-agitation to attempt to stay his hand, while others are still disputing
-among themselves as to the necessity or justice of so severe a punishment
-for so trivial a fault. This is one of the frescoes which Hess
-copied in 1817,<a id='r280' /><a href='#f280' class='c021'><sup>[280]</sup></a> and the Basel Gallery also possesses a contemporary
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_129'>129</span>copy of Holbein’s original design,<a id='r281' /><a href='#f281' class='c021'><sup>[281]</sup></a> which was probably made by some
-pupil or assistant attached to his own workshop. When the two
-are compared, it becomes apparent that Holbein, when he came to
-paint the subject upon the wall, added considerably to its length.
-Hess’s copy is almost twice as long as it is high, and on either side
-three or four figures have been added to the group of councillors
-which do not appear in the copy of the first design, which is almost
-square in its proportions, and corresponds in size with Holbein’s
-original design for the “Sapor” subject.<a id='r282' /><a href='#f282' class='c021'><sup>[282]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>“THE BLINDING OF ZALEUCUS”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the “Zaleucus” the scene is laid in a great chamber with a
-large arched opening at one end, through which can be seen the outer
-walls of the palace and other Renaissance buildings illuminated by
-sunshine. The blinding of the two men is depicted with great realism.
-The son falls back in his chair, with open mouth and a look of terror
-on his face as the executioner prepares to tear out his left eye.
-Opposite to him his father, crowned, in princely robes, an aged man,
-with long silvery beard, sits in his chair of state, placed in front of
-heavy tapestry hangings, freely offering himself to the torture.
-Holbein has very skilfully marked the contrast between the abject
-fear of the culprit, who appears about to scream aloud, and the old
-man, who makes ready to meet the sharp pain with dignified restraint,
-and only displays his feelings in the way in which he grips the arms
-of his throne. In the case of the son, the executioner, dressed in
-the body armour of a Roman soldier, is using considerable violence;
-in that of the father, he is first examining the eye with a lens in order
-that he may remove it with as little pain as possible. This severe
-object-lesson in the majesty of the law is witnessed by a great crowd
-of spectators, all clad in togas, who regard the scene with contending
-emotions of horror and compassion. Two fragments of the original
-painting are still preserved at Basel—the head of Zaleucus (No. 331),
-and that of one of the spectators (No. 332). Of this fresco also there
-is a water-colour copy at Basel made by Hess from the almost
-obliterated original,<a id='r283' /><a href='#f283' class='c021'><sup>[283]</sup></a> and a sixteenth-century copy of Holbein’s design
-for it.<a id='r284' /><a href='#f284' class='c021'><sup>[284]</sup></a> In this case the two copies agree in their proportions, and
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_130'>130</span>indicate that the painting was one of the smaller of the chief subjects
-with which the room was decorated. According to Dr. Ganz, three
-other old copies of this wall-painting exist, one by H. R. Manuel
-in a private collection in France, one by J. Wentz, done in 1551,
-now in the Basel Collection, and the third in a glass painting of 1580.<a id='r285' /><a href='#f285' class='c021'><sup>[285]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Of the picture of “Curius Dentatus” no record remains beyond
-the water-colour copy made by Hess in 1817,<a id='r286' /><a href='#f286' class='c021'><sup>[286]</sup></a> and a fragment of the
-painting itself in a bad state of preservation, showing the heads of the
-three foremost of the five Samnite ambassadors (No. 330) (Pl. <a href='#pl-40b'>40</a> (2)).<a id='r287' /><a href='#f287' class='c021'><sup>[287]</sup></a>
-From Hess’s copy it is to be gathered that this composition must have
-been an exceptionally fine one, though one of the smallest of the
-series. The characters are placed under an open portico with round
-arches through which a wide expanse of country is seen. There is a
-tall tree in the foreground, and in the distance buildings and a bridge
-over a river, and a lofty mountain. Curius, dressed in Roman
-armour, is kneeling in front of his open hearth, cooking his evening
-repast, and looking round, without rising, at the five ambassadors,
-who are attired in rich Renaissance dress, and bear golden vessels
-and a large dish full of gold. Curius, refusing their bribes, points
-to the turnips he is cooking, and exclaims: “Malo hæc in fictilibus
-meis esse et aurum habentibus imperare” (“I would rather have
-these in my pot and rule over those who have gold”). These words
-were painted over the picture itself. Each one of the larger compositions,
-as well as the single figures, had similar painted inscriptions
-in Latin, and other admonitory couplets were placed upon the walls,
-the text of all of them being given by Tonjola in his <i>Basilea
-Sepulta.</i> The hall in which Curius is receiving the Samnites fills
-the upper half of the fresco, and is supported on masonry which
-occupies the lower half, in which is seen the opening to a vaulted
-chamber or cellar, in front of which stands an armed man, possibly
-intended to represent the messenger of the Basel Town Council, as
-he is dressed in the black-and-white armorial colours of the city, and
-wears a small badge with the city’s coat of arms fastened to his
-shoulder. His right hand is raised to his feathered hat as though
-he were about to salute the spectator. This picture was intended to
-glorify republican simplicity, and may have had reference also to the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_131'>131</span>burning question of the “French pensions,” which helped to bring
-about Jakob Meyer’s downfall.<a id='r288' /><a href='#f288' class='c021'><sup>[288]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>“SAPOR AND VALERIAN”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Of the fourth picture, “Sapor and Valerian,” the only record
-remaining is the beautiful design at Basel from Holbein’s own hand
-(Pl. <a href='#pl-41'>41</a>).<a id='r289' /><a href='#f289' class='c021'><sup>[289]</sup></a> The drawing is lightly washed with water-colour, chiefly red
-in the faces and the brickwork of the architectural background, and
-blue and grey in other parts. This picture was one of the narrower
-ones, and the space was crowded with figures. In the centre, the aged
-Emperor, crowned, and with a long white beard, kneels on the ground
-resting on his outspread hands, his body pressed down by the weight
-of Sapor, who places one foot on his back as he prepares to mount
-his horse. The latter, like all the other figures, is dressed in the
-costume of Holbein’s own day, with a long sword and a gold chain
-across his shoulders. The horse is held by a foot-soldier, in a blue
-cloak, who looks over his shoulder towards the spectator. The space
-behind the central group is filled with soldiers, mounted and on foot.
-The knights, some of whom are in full armour, carry long lances
-over their shoulders, which add to the effect of the scene, while the
-men on foot hold aloft great pikes. The mounted knight near the
-centre, with plumes all round his broad hat, is a noble and dignified
-figure, and the drawing of Sapor’s horse is excellent. The procession
-comes along the street from the right, and passes round the corner
-of the building, which fills in the background, as in several of the
-earlier “Cross-Bearing” pictures. This building, which is seen from
-an angle, with deep arched arcading below and a row of windows
-above, is a representation of the recently-finished Town Hall of Basel,
-within which the wall-painting itself was placed, and the quaint
-building next to it, with its battlemented cresting seen against
-the blue sky, is to be found marked on Matthaeus Merian’s plan of
-the city (1615). It was in reality separated by two other houses from
-the Rathaus, but Holbein, attracted no doubt by its picturesqueness,
-has moved it nearer. Over Sapor’s head is a large ribbon label
-inscribed “Sapor Rex Persar,” and below the Emperor is written
-“Valerianus Imp.” On either side are shown the pillars which
-divided the chief compositions from each other; flat columns, the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_132'>132</span>upper half covered with carving of Renaissance design, and the lower
-with slabs of coloured marbles and a circular medallion containing
-an antique head such as is to be found in almost all Holbein’s architectural
-drawings. An inscription at the foot, which runs, “Hans
-Conradt Wolleb schanckts Mathis Holzwartenn,” gives the names of
-two consecutive owners of this drawing. Wolleb, who was Magistrate
-of Basel, died on September 9, 1571. On August 6th of that
-year the Alsatian poet, Matthias Holzwart, permitted a performance
-of his play, <i>King Saul and the Shepherd David</i>, to be given in the
-Basel market-place, and Wolleb may have presented the drawing to
-him at that time in recognition of the event. The same border also
-contains the letters A.V.E. in a monogram, probably the initials of
-a third owner of the design.<a id='r290' /><a href='#f290' class='c021'><sup>[290]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 41.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-41'  class='figcenter id045'>
-<img src='images/i132.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>SAPOR AND VALERIAN<br />Design for one of the wall-paintings in the Basel Town Hall<br /><i>Pen and water-colour drawing</i><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>COMPLETION OF TWO OF THE WALLS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The five single figures in painted niches which filled in the smaller
-spaces on the walls had each an appropriate inscription in Latin.
-The Basel Gallery possesses copies of Holbein’s preliminary studies
-for each one of them, which, like the similar copies of the Charondas
-and Zaleucus designs, are drawn on paper made in Basel with a
-water-mark which was not used after 1524, thus showing that they
-must be contemporary, and, as already suggested, very possibly done
-by some one in Holbein’s own studio.<a id='r291' /><a href='#f291' class='c021'><sup>[291]</sup></a> Christ<a id='r292' /><a href='#f292' class='c021'><sup>[292]</sup></a> is represented holding
-a long tablet with the words: “Quod tibi non vis fieri alteri non
-facias” (“What thou dost not wish to be done to thee, that do to
-no other”). In the band of ornament at his feet is a small tablet
-with the date 1523. King David<a id='r293' /><a href='#f293' class='c021'><sup>[293]</sup></a> is shown with his harp, and a
-scroll over his head with “Juste judicate filii hominum” (“Judge
-justly, ye sons of men”). Justice,<a id='r294' /><a href='#f294' class='c021'><sup>[294]</sup></a> crowned, stands beneath an open
-arch behind a balustrade, with her balance at her feet. With her
-sword, grasped in her right hand, and with the forefinger of her left,
-she is pointing to a large tablet suspended from the top of the arch,
-which contains the inscription: “O vos reigentes obliti privatorum
-publica curate” (“O ye rulers, forget your private affairs, and care
-for those of the public”). Wisdom<a id='r295' /><a href='#f295' class='c021'><sup>[295]</sup></a> is shown in a shell-crowned niche.
-She has a double face, and her long hair falls below her waist. In
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_133'>133</span>her left hand she holds a torch, and in her right a book with the
-inscription, “Inicium sapiencie timor domini” (“The fear of the
-Lord is the beginning of wisdom”). A scroll over the torch bears
-the words, “Experiri prius consilio quam armis prestat” (“It is
-better to try by counsel than by arms”). Finally, Moderation<a id='r296' /><a href='#f296' class='c021'><sup>[296]</sup></a> is
-represented as a young woman with long, clinging garments, in the
-act of pouring wine from a large vessel of blown glass into a small
-flagon. The admonition in her case runs, “Qui sibi plus licere vult
-quam deceat sue studet ruine” (“He who wishes to enjoy more than
-is his due, acts to his own destruction”). Other inscriptions quoted
-by Tonjola appear to refer to further paintings, possibly single
-figures only, of which, however, no traces remain. The compositions
-on the “back wall,” with subjects from the Old Testament, painted
-some eight years afterwards, are described in a later chapter.<a id='r297' /><a href='#f297' class='c021'><sup>[297]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>While Holbein was carrying out the earlier paintings, the sculptor
-Martin Lepzelter was also at work in the Council Chamber. He carved
-two half-length figures of prophets and four coats of arms for the pillars
-which supported the ceiling, for which he was paid eight Basel
-pounds on August 3, 1521.<a id='r298' /><a href='#f298' class='c021'><sup>[298]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>When, on the 29th November 1522, on the Saturday before St.
-Andrew’s Day, Holbein received a final payment of twenty-two Basel
-pounds and ten shillings, which was the balance of the 120 gulden
-he was to receive for the whole work, he had completed two walls of
-the Council Chamber, and he felt that he had more than earned the
-amount of his commission, although the back wall was still untouched.
-He, therefore, made representations to the Council to this effect,
-and they appear to have felt the justice of the claim, as they could
-hardly have failed to do, when they saw in how brilliant a manner
-the completed portion had been carried out. In consequence, they
-agreed that he had fully earned the money, and ordered the balance
-to be paid to him, deciding “to let the back wall alone till further
-orders.”<a id='r299' /><a href='#f299' class='c021'><sup>[299]</sup></a> In any case, as the winter had begun, it would have been
-necessary to postpone the completion of the work until the following
-spring, and, no doubt, it was the original intention that Holbein
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_134'>134</span>should finish the room as soon as the season permitted. For some
-reason, however, nothing was done in the matter until after his return
-from his first visit to England. Possibly the Council were too busily
-occupied in attempting to keep order in a city in which the spread
-of the new opinions brought about by the Reformation was already
-dividing the townsfolk into two separate camps. In the spring of
-1522, also, Basel was engaged in several military enterprises, which
-would cause the Council to hesitate before spending money upon
-such luxuries as art, which could be dispensed with until times were
-less critical and the city’s affairs more prosperous.</p>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_135'>135</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>CHAPTER VII<br /> <br /><span class='c019'>DESIGNS FOR PAINTED GLASS AND OTHER STUDIES</span></h2>
-</div>
-<p class='c020'>Holbein’s work as a designer for the
-glass-painters—Eight panels of saints—The “Prodigal
-Son”—The “Two Unicorns”—Designs with landsknechte at
-Berne, Basel, Berlin, and Paris—Heraldic drawings for
-Erasmus and others—Designs showing the influence of
-North German art—“Virgin and St. John”—The
-“Annunciation”—“St. Elizabeth”—“Virgin and Child with
-kneeling donor”—The great “Passion” series—Studies of
-costumes of Basel ladies—“St. Adrian”—Studies from the
-nude—“A Fight”—Animals.</p>
-<div class='c012'>
-  <img class='drop-capi' src='images/dc-i.jpg' width='100' height='98' alt='' />
-</div><p class='drop-capi0_8'>
-IN addition to his commissions, both public and private,
-for wall-paintings, Holbein was frequently employed in
-the preparation of designs for artificers in more than
-one branch of decorative art. The Amerbach Collection
-is rich in works of this class, more particularly in
-designs for glass windows. It must be remembered in
-studying these “scheibenrisse” that they were intended for painted,
-and not for stained, glass. The older method of employing translucent
-glass of various tints, in which the colour is incorporated in the body
-of the glass itself, so that the window depended for its beauty on its
-transparency, had already become, in the Switzerland of Holbein’s day,
-a little-practised and, in some districts, an almost forgotten art, its
-place being taken by glass, usually white, on which the design was
-painted in enamel colours and afterwards permanently fixed by
-refiring. Such glass painting produced the effect of a semi-opaque
-design on a translucent ground, and, beginning merely with a few
-brown lines to indicate the features, or the patterns on a dress, it had
-gradually developed, in Germany and Switzerland, into a method of
-pictorial representation which imitated as closely as possible a painted
-picture, and was, therefore, in marked contrast to the older and more
-beautiful art, in which the great aim of the artist was to produce a
-lovely effect of transparent colour. In the newer method, which in
-reality was opposed to the true nature of the medium employed,
-but which nevertheless became a thing of beauty when designed by
-a master, small panels, as a rule, were used, which were surrounded
-by plain white glass, so that they had the appearance of little pictures
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_136'>136</span>set in the middle of a window. The panels being small ones, and the
-subjects on them drawn on a small scale, it was necessary that the
-panes should be placed near the ground so that they could be
-properly seen, and this, again, made it essential that the draughtsmanship
-should be as careful and delicate as possible, design having usurped
-the place of colour. These glass paintings were usually surrounded
-by a framework of a decorative nature which divided them sharply
-from the plain glass around them, and helped still more to produce
-the effect of a picture. The lines of leadwork, which, in the older
-method, held the pieces of vari-coloured glass together, were abandoned
-as much as possible, as they naturally marred the delicate pictorial
-effect of the work, and were sometimes confined to the boundary
-lines of the panel. Under such conditions it was natural that the
-glass-workers should turn to artists for their supply of designs, since
-accurate draughtsmanship was now all-important.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Holbein, who was largely employed by the Basel glaziers and glass-painters
-for this purpose, made the freest and finest use of this new
-convention in the decoration of windows. The convention was, no
-doubt, a wrong one, and in the end all but extinguished the older
-and more beautiful art, but Holbein took it as he found it, and brought
-to it all his mastery of design and purity of line, so that the panels
-he produced were of great beauty and fine decorative effect. In
-his day glass-painting was no longer confined to the services of the
-Church, but was introduced into the windows of all private houses
-of importance, usually in the form of single panes with the householder’s
-coat of arms, or with sacred or profane subjects, according
-to his tastes. Thus he had many opportunities of showing his skill
-in this form of decoration, and he made use of a great variety of
-subjects. In some instances, such as the “Passion” series described
-below, the treatment is frankly pictorial, and the decorative effect
-is confined to the framework of Renaissance architecture within which
-the subject is set; but in others, and more particularly those intended
-for the display of shields with armorial bearings, the design becomes
-largely a decorative one, in which the artist gives free play to his
-imagination and taste for ornamentation in the Italian manner.
-Whatever the subject, however, each drawing displays wonderfully
-free yet delicate draughtsmanship, skilful arrangement of the design
-in the space to be filled, and extraordinary facility of invention.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_137'>137</span>The studies appear often to have been made to the exact size of the
-panel they were to decorate, and, as a rule, Holbein left the question
-of colour to the taste of the glass-painter; in a few cases, however,
-he indicated it by the addition of one or two slight tints. There
-can be little doubt that they were carried out largely in that combination
-of pale yellow for the higher lights and brown or grisaille
-for the darker portions and shadows which was the customary practice
-in Switzerland at that period, with touches of more positive colour
-here and there in the dresses of the figures, the landscape backgrounds,
-and the coats of arms. The designs are in most cases drawn with
-the reed pen and washed with Indian ink.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>EIGHT PANELS OF SAINTS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Only two or three of these designs, of which some thirty or more
-are in existence, are dated, and, with the exception of four or five
-made during his sojourn in Lucerne,<a id='r300' /><a href='#f300' class='c021'><sup>[300]</sup></a> they were all produced between
-the years 1519 and 1525 or 1526. Among the earliest are eight panels
-of Saints at Basel (Nos. 333-40),<a id='r301' /><a href='#f301' class='c021'><sup>[301]</sup></a> which were designed in pairs, and
-were to be placed side by side in the two divisions of a single window,
-the architectural framework and background in which the figures are
-set corresponding in almost all details in each pair of designs, so
-that it is evident that they were intended to be seen together,
-forming between them a complete picture. They were probably
-produced for the decoration of some large hall, or the aisle of a church.
-Two other drawings belonging to the same series are contemporary
-copies after Holbein from the hand of some follower, one of which
-bears the date 1520 and the coat of arms of the town of Basel, proving
-that the designs were made, most probably towards the close of 1519,
-shortly after his return from Lucerne. They appear to have been done
-for the cloisters at Wettingen.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The first pair represent the Virgin standing with the Infant Jesus
-in her arms,<a id='r302' /><a href='#f302' class='c021'><sup>[302]</sup></a> in the left division, and some prince of the Church in the
-robes of a bishop in the right.<a id='r303' /><a href='#f303' class='c021'><sup>[303]</sup></a> This last figure has been described
-as that of St. Pantalus, the patron saint of Basel, but there is little
-resemblance in expression to the fine head of that bishop in Holbein’s
-design for the organ shutters in the minster. Here the face is full
-of arrogance, rather than piety, and the prelate bears himself proudly
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_138'>138</span>as though conscious of his exalted position. His mitre and ecclesiastical
-robes are richly embroidered and ornamented. A marked
-peculiarity in the drawing of all the figures in this series is their
-appearance of stumpiness, the legs being too short for the bodies.
-A similar defect is to be noted in some of Holbein’s earlier designs
-for book ornaments. In the case of these glass designs it may have
-been that they were to be enlarged afterwards by the glass-painter,
-and placed at some height from the floor, and that Holbein, therefore,
-attempted foreshortening. This, however, is not very probable, as
-all his designs for this purpose seem to have been intended for small
-paintings, to be placed near the eye, and it is much more likely that
-this characteristic of his figures was a fault, also to be noticed in his
-earlier woodcut designs, of which he afterwards broke himself. The
-two in question are placed in an architectural setting of a somewhat
-fantastic design, with large open arches through which an extensive
-mountainous landscape is seen. Below the hills, on the right of the
-bishop, are the houses of a village and a stone crucifix by the wayside,
-and on the left a torrent rushing down a mountain gorge
-crowned with trees, and forming a large waterfall under a bridge of
-one wide arch where the stream joins the plain. The same landscape
-is continued in the background of the panel of the Virgin and Child,
-the river wandering away through another gorge among the hills
-on the left. This view is strongly reminiscent of the St. Gotthard
-district and the Devil’s Bridge over the Reuss, and affords some
-slight additional proof of Holbein’s expedition across the Alps.<a id='r304' /><a href='#f304' class='c021'><sup>[304]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>A second pair represent St. Anna with the Virgin and Child, and
-St. Barbara.<a id='r305' /><a href='#f305' class='c021'><sup>[305]</sup></a> Here again the unusual shortness of the figures is very
-apparent. St. Barbara, who is dressed in the rich costume of a Basel
-lady of the sixteenth century, stands in the characteristic attitude,
-with the upper part of her body bent backwards, and the heavy
-dress held up in front by the hand, as is the case in each one of the
-series of studies of ladies’ costumes by Holbein to be described later,
-which thus appears to have been the customary habit of walking at
-that time. The setting is less fantastic and elaborate than in the
-two panels just described, and consists in each of an open arch
-supported by pillars, with sculptured figures above the capitals.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_139'>139</span>Although the details of the ornamentation of the columns do not
-exactly agree in the two designs, they are evidently a pair. On the
-left-hand panel, as in the one on the same side in the preceding set,
-there is an empty shield for a coat of arms, and the background is
-also a mountainous landscape, though drawn in less detail. In the
-design of St. Catherine,<a id='r306' /><a href='#f306' class='c021'><sup>[306]</sup></a> which forms one of a pair with St. John
-the Baptist, the background is almost entirely filled with a building
-with pointed arches supported by short pillars, but on the left a narrow
-strip of landscape is visible, with an archway or bridge across a road
-with a building on the far side of it, and distant mountains behind.
-The face of the saint is a very charming one, and her hair falls in
-elaborate ringlets down her back, and is surmounted with a jewelled
-crown. In the pair representing St. Andrew and St. Stephen, Dr.
-Ganz recognises, in the arcading with flat pilasters and shallow scallop-crowned
-niches in front of which the saints are standing, an architectural
-motive taken from the cathedral of Como.<a id='r307' /><a href='#f307' class='c021'><sup>[307]</sup></a> There is no
-need to describe every figure in this series in detail, each one of which
-wears a halo, a symbol of which Holbein afterwards made very
-little use.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “PRODIGAL SON” WINDOW</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Two other designs for painted glass in the Basel Gallery are of
-about the same date as these eight sheets with figures of saints, and
-were done in the earlier years of his second Basel period, either in
-1519 or 1520. One represents the “Prodigal Son,” and the other is
-an heraldic device with two unicorns supporting a shield. The former
-is a very effective design, in which the Prodigal Son is shown tending
-a herd of swine (Pl. <a href='#pl-42b'>42</a> (2)).<a id='r308' /><a href='#f308' class='c021'><sup>[308]</sup></a> He strides along, barefooted, in ragged
-clothes, through which his bare knees protrude, his long staff on his
-shoulder, and his short sword grasped in his left hand. His head is
-turned towards the spectator, and there is a look of misery and despair
-on his face. The animals he is driving have come to a halt round the
-trunk of a large oak tree which fills the greater part of the left-hand
-side of the sheet, and is one of the most considerable pieces of tree-drawing
-Holbein ever designed. Some of the pigs are devouring the
-fallen acorns; others raise their snouts as though expecting the
-food to drop from the branches into their mouths. Their keeper,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_140'>140</span>whose miserable thoughts are far away from his task, unconsciously
-thrusts the end of his staff into the eye of one of the herd. The
-background is a landscape of wide expanse, with a large walled-in
-building with farm outhouses on the bank of a river in the middle
-distance, and a range of mountains on the horizon. The whole is
-surrounded by a simple framework consisting of a single arch
-supported by pillars, with two nude sculptured figures in the angle
-above the capitals. The rather weak and wavering line of the
-flattened arch, and the similar hesitating double spiral which runs
-round the pillars, together with the very simple ornamentation of
-arch, capitals and bases, indicate that the design is quite an early
-one, though the drawing of the figure and the accompanying animals
-is excellent and full of character. An empty shield for a coat of
-arms is placed in the right-hand corner against the column, and a
-flat space is left below for an inscription.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 42.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-42a'  class='figcenter id046'>
-<img src='images/i140a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>TWO LANDSKNECHTE<br />Design for painted glass<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id='pl-42b'  class='figcenter id047'>
-<img src='images/i140b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE PRODIGAL SON<br />Design for painted glass<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>The sheet with the two unicorns<a id='r309' /><a href='#f309' class='c021'><sup>[309]</sup></a> is much more elaborate in its
-architectural treatment, and is a design of great decorative effect.
-The two beasts stand on their hind-legs, and support with their forelegs
-an empty shield of Italian fashion. The animals themselves
-are realistically drawn, and are not treated merely as conventional
-heraldic beasts, the sense of reality being increased by the head of the
-one on the left, which is turned round over its back, so that the horns
-of both point in the same direction, but at different angles. They are
-placed beneath a very richly-decorated edifice which Holbein appears
-to have taken from one of the monumental tombs to be seen in many
-of the cities of Northern Italy. The principal feature is a barrel-shaped
-wooden roof, supported by a flattened arch and double pillars
-at the sides and in the centre. At either side of this roof-like structure
-rise short chimneys of Italian design, and above it is a deep frieze
-with Renaissance carvings supported by three short pillars. As Dr.
-Ganz points out,<a id='r310' /><a href='#f310' class='c021'><sup>[310]</sup></a> the design has features in common with the fine
-tomb of Andrea Fusina, now in the Archæological Museum in Milan,
-while the three sculptured antique heads which crown the lower
-columns have their counterpart both in the Certosa of Pavia and the
-church of S. Maria delle Grazie in Milan. The whole design, in fact,
-so closely resembles in its elaborate architecture these Renaissance
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_141'>141</span>monuments, that it is impossible to believe that it was the result of
-Holbein’s imagination alone, but rather was due to personal knowledge
-and actual study. In the landscape background is seen a
-country château with a projecting tourelle.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>FIGURES OF LANDSKNECHTE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Among these designs for painted glass there is a considerable
-group in which the mercenary soldier or landsknecht of Holbein’s
-day forms the chief subject. These warriors are introduced as
-heraldic supporters of shields, and were intended, no doubt, for the
-use of burghers and nobles who had seen military service, while
-others were designed for the city authorities. The fact that in most
-cases the shields are left blank shows that Holbein produced them as
-stock patterns for the glass-painters, which could be adapted to the
-use of any customer who desired a military subject for his window.
-In these designs Holbein has made effective use of the picturesque
-and sumptuous dress and richly-decorated weapons these bold and
-reckless fighting-men affected. One of the earliest of them in point
-of date is in the Historical Museum of Berne.<a id='r311' /><a href='#f311' class='c021'><sup>[311]</sup></a> It is, unfortunately,
-only the lower half of a design, of which the remaining portion is now
-lost. Only the legs, the lower part of the body, and the left hand,
-with which the landsknecht grasps his sword, are seen, together with
-part of the shaft of his lance. His right foot is hidden by a large
-shield containing the coat of arms of the city of Basel. The bases of
-the columns on either side very closely resemble those in the glass
-design of the “Prodigal Son,” which places the date at about 1520.
-The soldier is represented as standing on a platform above the river
-Rhine, and down below, seen between and on either side of his outstretched
-legs, is a distant landscape, drawn in a free and masterly
-manner, of exceptional interest on account of its elaborate detail.
-Across the rapidly-flowing river stretches a wide tressel bridge supported
-on wooden piers, which leads to an arched gateway in a high
-tower. Along the river bank, on either side of the bridge, are a
-number of houses, and behind them a town within steep fortified
-walls, with many buildings huddled together, and a church tower
-rising above the surrounding roofs. In the distance ranges of snow
-mountains close in the view. Trees and a high rock on the near side
-of the water fill the background on the left-hand side of the design.
-The view Holbein has thus shown is by no means an exact representation
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_142'>142</span>of Basel as seen from across the water, but is rather the
-simplified type of a Rhine town of his day. It is not improbable
-that the artist, in addition to the wall-paintings in the new Town Hall,
-also supplied designs for the windows in some of the rooms, in which
-case this fragment of a drawing, which contains the city coat of arms,
-may very possibly have formed a part of such decoration.<a id='r312' /><a href='#f312' class='c021'><sup>[312]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The other sheets with landsknechte were produced some few years
-after the Berne study, though, according to an old copy of one of
-them, not later than 1524. In most of them the motive consists of
-two warriors supporting an empty shield between them. It was first
-used by Holbein in 1517 in a glass painting for Hans Fleckenstein
-of Lucerne,<a id='r313' /><a href='#f313' class='c021'><sup>[313]</sup></a> and was followed a year or two afterwards by the
-beautiful design in the Basel Gallery and the still later and equally
-beautiful study in the Berlin Print Room. The date of the last-named
-drawing can be fixed with some certainty from an old copy
-which is inscribed 1523. The example at Basel (Pl. <a href='#pl-42a'>42</a> (1))<a id='r314' /><a href='#f314' class='c021'><sup>[314]</sup></a> must have
-been done shortly after the completion of the wall-paintings of the
-Hertenstein house. In the decorative details of the architectural
-setting it bears a close resemblance to the glass design of the Madonna
-with the view of Lucerne in the background, of the year 1519, while
-the warrior on the right is seen again in an early glass design in the
-Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris.<a id='r315' /><a href='#f315' class='c021'><sup>[315]</sup></a> The double columns carrying the
-arch in the Basel drawing are richly ornamented, and at the base
-are supported by a number of small nude sculptured figures. Festoons
-of laurel leaves and ribbons hang down from the arch—a feature to
-be found in many of these designs—and in the angles over the
-capitals are round medallions with antique heads, which was also a
-favourite decorative motive with Holbein, and, as already noted,
-is rarely missing from any of his Renaissance frameworks. The two
-landsknechte wear breastplates over their gay attire, and large slouched
-hats with many feathers. The one on the left, a bearded man,
-carries sword and dagger, and holds a battle-axe on his shoulder;
-the one on the right, clean shaven, leans upon the shaft of his lance.
-The two figures are splendidly conceived and drawn with the greatest
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_143'>143</span>force and truth; and the whole design affords proof of how considerable
-an effect his stay in Lucerne and his short visit to Northern
-Italy had upon his art, and of the extraordinarily rapid manner in
-which his genius for decorative design, and his delight in the invention
-of these settings of Renaissance architecture, developed under these
-new influences. The background of this particular design, which,
-according to Dr. Ganz, is strongly reminiscent of the country in the
-Vierwaldstättersee, shows the tall tower of some village church, the
-lower part of which is hidden by the beautifully-designed Italian
-shield which the two warriors support, situated in a hilly landscape,
-with the sharp peaks of a range of mountains in the distance.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>FIGURES OF LANDSKNECHTE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>A similar background is shown in the design in the Berlin Print
-Room,<a id='r316' /><a href='#f316' class='c021'><sup>[316]</sup></a> though only the red roof of the church tower appears above
-the shield. This drawing has been touched with colour in places,
-the faces of the two landsknechte with red, and also the roofs of the
-houses of the village seen in the distance, the landscape with green
-and brown, while colour is also used in several of the decorative
-details, such as the festoons hanging from the wide flattened arch.
-The attitudes of the two shield-bearers are more natural and less
-forced than in the Basel sheet. They are dressed in the same fashion,
-the man on the right wearing his large feathered hat fastened to his
-back, and leaning on a large pike held with both hands. The soldier
-on the left, an exceedingly graceful figure, with a long lance placed
-point downwards, rests one hand on the shield, and with the other
-touches his sword hilt. The architectural setting is similar in general
-design to that of the Basel example, though here the arch is supported
-by pairs of short slender columns, with sculptured figures of
-Judith and Lucretia standing on the capitals, and above them
-Samson and Hercules, while a long frieze over the arch contains a
-battle of nude foot soldiers and horsemen, in the midst of a shallow
-stream.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In another drawing in the Basel Gallery,<a id='r317' /><a href='#f317' class='c021'><sup>[317]</sup></a> the shield, a fine heraldic
-design, completely fills the right-hand side of the sheet. It contains
-a coat of arms consisting of two pears hanging from a branch and a
-star on either side, and, surmounting the shield, a helmet with large
-upstanding wings, between which is placed a branch with a single
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_144'>144</span>pear, elaborate scroll-work falling on either side. On the left
-stands a fierce-looking landsknecht, with his plumed hat on his back,
-and a great two-handed sword upon his shoulder. Over the crown
-of the arch, but not forming part of the architectural design, is a
-battle scene with four men fighting, two with long lances and one with
-a gun. This drawing, which is a most effective one, is signed “H.H.”
-The design in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris,<a id='r318' /><a href='#f318' class='c021'><sup>[318]</sup></a> appears to be one
-of the earliest of all, produced during his stay in Lucerne. It is
-evident, from the figure on the left-hand side, that it was ordered
-in celebration of a wedding, the richly-dressed young lady wearing a
-bridal crown being the newly-wedded wife of the landsknecht standing
-on the right. Each one supports a shield with a coat of arms, the
-woman’s consisting of three arrows, and the man’s of an anchor.
-The soldier, with long pike over his shoulder, has a strong facial
-likeness, as already mentioned, to the warrior on the right of the
-Basel design, while the face of his wife is of the same type as the
-head in the Louvre study for the Solothurn “Madonna.” In the
-background is a castle on a precipitous rock by the side of a lake,
-shut in by a mountain range. The framework consists of two
-columns with grotesque heads in the capitals, supporting some
-elaborate scroll-work in place of an arch. Several other drawings in
-which these mercenaries form the subject are in existence,<a id='r319' /><a href='#f319' class='c021'><sup>[319]</sup></a> including
-a study from life of a seated landsknecht at Berlin,<a id='r320' /><a href='#f320' class='c021'><sup>[320]</sup></a> which was
-formerly in the Lawrence and Suermondt Collections.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 43.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-43'  class='figcenter id048'>
-<img src='images/i144.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>DESIGN FOR PAINTED GLASS<br />With the Coat of Arms of the Von Hewen Family<br />1520<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>A glass design at Basel (No. 341), remarkable for the beauty and
-freedom of its luxuriant Renaissance scroll design, and also for its fine
-architecture, bears the date 1520 (Pl. <a href='#pl-43'>43</a>).<a id='r321' /><a href='#f321' class='c021'><sup>[321]</sup></a> This design is without supporting
-figures, the whole of the centre of the sheet being filled with a
-blank shield, surmounted by two helmets with elaborate crests, one
-with the rampant body of a winged goat, and the other with a pair
-of curved trumpet-shaped horns. From them flows, down either side
-of the shield, a mass of beautifully-drawn scroll and leaf ornament.
-This elaborate coat of arms, designed for a married couple, is placed
-in an architectural setting resembling a Romanesque church portal.
-The circular arch is supported by six pillars on either side. At the
-base of the two nearer ones kneel warriors in Roman armour, supporting
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_145'>145</span>a blank tablet for some inscription; above each is a small
-blindfolded and trumpet-blowing cupid, with a body ending in
-foliated scrolls, and on the capitals stand sculptured figures of Mercury
-and Cronos, the devourer of mankind, resting on his scythe, and
-about to swallow a small naked child. Behind their heads are two
-tablets, chained to the crown of the arch, one inscribed “<span class='fss'>MERCHVRIVS
-EIN PLONET</span>,” and the other, “<span class='fss'>ANNO DOMINI·M·D·XX·H</span>.” The upper
-moulding of the arch is filled with small sculptured figures of saints,
-kings, warriors, and others of humbler rank. In the lower right-hand
-corner is written “d he’ von Hewen,” showing that the design was
-made for a member of the noble family of Von Hewen, who was
-probably a churchman, and, judging from the inscription round the
-helmet on the right—“<span class='fss'>DHIOEQV</span>”—a knight of the Order of St.
-John. Dr. Ganz suggests,<a id='r322' /><a href='#f322' class='c021'><sup>[322]</sup></a> therefore, that the orderer of the glass
-was Wolfgang von Hewen, Canon of Trier, Strasburg, and Chur,
-who became Rector of Freiburg University in 1504. There is in the
-Basel Gallery a companion drawing with the coat of arms of the
-Von Andlau family, which, however, is not so fine a design.<a id='r323' /><a href='#f323' class='c021'><sup>[323]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Another and still more elaborate design of a like nature, and of
-the same year, 1520, was made for Georg von Massmünster, Abbot
-of Murbach, of which the original glass painting is in a private collection
-in Basel.<a id='r324' /><a href='#f324' class='c021'><sup>[324]</sup></a> The coat of arms which fills the centre of the panel
-is surmounted by a mitre between two croziers, and many small putti
-and other figures are introduced into the architectural setting.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>COAT OF ARMS OF PETRUS FABRINUS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Another purely heraldic drawing may be mentioned here, although
-not intended for reproduction as a glass painting. It contains the
-arms of a compatriot of Holbein’s, Petrus Fabrinus of Augsburg,
-who became Rector of Basel University.<a id='r325' /><a href='#f325' class='c021'><sup>[325]</sup></a> It is painted in gouache
-on vellum, and was done for insertion in the Matriculation Book
-of the University in 1523. The arms are placed in front of a
-Renaissance portico, supported by two columns of green marble,
-and with a triangular pediment, over which is a flaming brazier,
-while two naked cupids are seated on the capitals of the columns.
-In the angles of the arch are two medallions with antique crowned
-heads. A yellow curtain hides the whole of the lower part of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_146'>146</span>the background. The left half of the shield shows three roses on
-a blue ground, and the right three fishes on black. It is crowned
-with a helmet, from which springs the figure of a Moor in parti-coloured
-dress, who holds in either hand, attached to ribbons from his turban,
-the three roses and the three fish.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Another heraldic drawing for glass-painting is of particular interest
-because it was designed by Holbein for Erasmus.<a id='r326' /><a href='#f326' class='c021'><sup>[326]</sup></a> It represents the
-truncated form of the god Hermes as Terminus within an arch supported
-by single columns, standing in a wide, undulating landscape.
-The statue is turned three-quarters to the left, the head surrounded
-by rays, the eyes looking upwards. Over the head, suspended by
-ribbons from the arch, hangs a large wooden tablet for an inscription,
-placed slantwise, like the figure below it. The latter bears a considerable
-likeness to Erasmus himself. The setting is unusually simple,
-both pillars and arch being almost devoid of ornament, with the
-exception of a panel with roughly-indicated winged figures terminating
-in floriated scrolls, and two roundels with the customary heads
-in the angles of the arch. The background, which consists of some
-open fields, with a tree or two, one distant house, and hilly country
-beyond, the whole indicated with a few lines and touches of green
-colour, slight as it is, shows to advantage Holbein’s knowledge of
-landscape perspective. There is a freedom and simplicity in the
-drawing, a dignity of conception, and a fine sense of proportion,
-which indicate that it is one of the latest in date of his drawings for
-glass, and that it was most probably made shortly before his departure
-for England in 1526. Erasmus adopted Terminus, the god of
-boundaries and established ways, as his symbol after Alexander
-Stuart, Archbishop of St. Andrews, had presented him, when in Italy,
-with a gold ring set with a cornelian on which was engraved the figure
-of Hermes and the motto “<span class='small'>CONCEDO NULLI</span>”;<a id='r327' /><a href='#f327' class='c021'><sup>[327]</sup></a> and this motto Holbein
-has placed in large letters across the sky of the drawing on either
-side of the head. Thus the design, by means of the symbols used,
-suggests the character of the philosopher himself, a man who in the
-opinions he held would yield to no man, and yet in his writings
-confined himself to established ways, and broke few boundaries. This
-drawing is in the Amerbach Collection.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_147'>147</span>In the British Museum there is a glass design representing a Wild
-Man of the Woods, drawn with the brush and washed with Indian
-ink and a slight colour wash.<a id='r328' /><a href='#f328' class='c021'><sup>[328]</sup></a> It represents a naked bearded man,
-with a defiant look, his head and loins girt with forest leaves, holding
-an uprooted sapling in his hands, and with feet planted apart. He
-stands on a stone ledge forming the sill of a window, decorated with
-pilasters and garlands in the Renaissance style and opening upon a
-hollow among mountains covered with pines. It was purchased in
-1895 with the Malcolm Collection, and is an exceedingly fine drawing.
-Sandrart appears to have possessed a copy of it.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>“CHRIST ON THE CROSS”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Two glass designs, one in the Basel Gallery and the other in
-Paris, show that though Holbein at this period of his life was strongly
-influenced by North Italian art, yet the earlier influence of such
-German painters as Grünewald and Hans Baldung Grien, gained
-through a study of their great altar-pieces, had by no means been
-completely overshadowed. For some years at least after he had
-become a citizen of Basel these two divergent forces in his development
-both made themselves felt in varying degrees in much of his
-work, so that it is not at all easy to arrange in chronological order
-the large number of decorative designs and other works he produced
-at this time. This double influence can be easily traced in these
-“scheibenrisse” of “Christ on the Cross between the Virgin and
-St. John,” and “The Annunciation.” In the former<a id='r329' /><a href='#f329' class='c021'><sup>[329]</sup></a> the influence
-of Grünewald is to be seen in the two standing figures, in both of
-which, and more particularly in that of St. John, the acute grief
-which overpowers them as they gaze on the crucified Christ is strongly,
-even violently, depicted. St. John, by the agitated movements of
-his whole body, his extended fingers, and his open mouth, shows
-how passionately he is suffering. The framework which surrounds
-them is over-decorated with a conglomeration of Renaissance motives.
-The side columns are covered, and their form almost hidden, by
-masses of plastic ornament, writhing snakes round the bases, and
-above them grotesque heads with long tassels hanging from their
-mouths; and, higher up, sculptured figures of a sphinx-like nature.
-In contrast to this, the background is filled with one of his naturally-treated
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_148'>148</span>landscape scenes, with a high rock on the right behind St.
-John, from which a tree is growing, and on the left a glimpse of a
-town by a lake, with mountains beyond and a cloudy sky overhead.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The “Annunciation” drawing, in the collection of M. Léon Bonnat,
-Paris,<a id='r330' /><a href='#f330' class='c021'><sup>[330]</sup></a> shows so many points in common with Grünewald’s altar-piece
-at Isenheim, not only in the general arrangement of the
-figures, but in numerous details, that it seems evident that Holbein
-must have been well acquainted with it.<a id='r331' /><a href='#f331' class='c021'><sup>[331]</sup></a> As his father was working
-at Isenheim for some considerable time, it is exceedingly probable
-that his sons, even if they did not accompany him directly there from
-Augsburg, as the first stage on their journey to Basel, paid him one
-or more visits, for the distance between the two places was not great.
-Holbein has placed the kneeling Mary on one side of a wooden chest
-on which rests a cushion with her book; on the other side the Angel
-of the Annunciation has just alighted, an imposing winged figure,
-very richly and elaborately dressed, holding a long sceptre in one hand,
-and the other outstretched towards the Virgin. The latter is by no
-means one of Holbein’s most pleasing representations of the Mother
-of our Lord; it is to the angel the eye turns as the centre of interest.
-The Romanesque pillar and frieze behind the Virgin is a motive
-taken from the crypt of the Minster of Basel, while the wooden barrel
-roof of the chamber at the back, in which the Virgin’s bed is placed,
-was common in Holbein’s day throughout Switzerland in council
-chambers, courts of justice, and other large rooms.<a id='r332' /><a href='#f332' class='c021'><sup>[332]</sup></a> The architectural
-framework resembles that of the “Crucifixion” drawing in the lavishness
-of its somewhat incongruous ornamental details. The bases of
-the columns are sheathed with grotesque heads from which spring large
-foliated scrolls, supporting wicker baskets filled with fruit and leaves.
-Dr. Ganz gives the date of the drawing as about 1521 or 1522.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 44.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-44'  class='figcenter id049'>
-<img src='images/i148.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>ST. ELIZABETH, WITH KNEELING KNIGHT AND BEGGAR<br />Design for painted glass<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>In composition and technique the foregoing drawing resembles a
-design for a glass painting in the Basel Collection, representing “St.
-Elizabeth” (Pl. <a href='#pl-44'>44</a>),<a id='r333' /><a href='#f333' class='c021'><sup>[333]</sup></a> like the last named touched with bistre. The
-figure of the saint is placed within a semicircular niche, round which
-run a number of slender, decorated pillars, apparently of wood, which
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_149'>149</span>support the dome-shaped roof with its large rosettes in compartments
-and a frieze of ox-heads and ribbons. St. Elizabeth, who is
-dressed in the rich costume of a noblewoman or wealthy burgher’s
-wife, with her hair covered by a long veil which falls down her back,
-holds up the front of her gown with her right hand in the customary
-Basel manner, and with the other pours wine or water into a bowl
-held by a kneeling and almost naked beggar, who gazes up into her
-face. On the other side of her kneels a bearded knight in full armour,
-with hands raised in prayer, his feathered helmet and his mailed
-gloves on the ground before him. He is evidently the donor of the
-window for which the drawing is the original design. His breastplate,
-with its high gorget, and his other accoutrements, resemble those
-worn by St. Ursus in the Solothurn picture, and the kneeling beggar
-recalls the penitent in the same work. The saint, a very graceful
-and beautifully-drawn figure, is placed on a low circular platform of
-wood or stone, giving the suggestion of a work of sculpture. The
-whole is strongly reminiscent of the more elaborate monumental
-tombs of the Italian Renaissance erected in the interior of some
-church. At the bottom of the drawing, on either side, rise the
-capitals of two columns, as though the niche in which the figures are
-placed were raised at some considerable height from the ground.
-These capitals bear small boys in Roman helmets holding empty
-shields. The graceful and refined architecture of this drawing suggests,
-according to Dr. Ganz, that it was designed after Holbein’s journey
-to Montpellier in 1523, during which he became acquainted with the
-fine buildings of the French Renaissance in Besançon, Dijon, Lyon,
-and elsewhere.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>“ST. ELIZABETH WITH KNEELING DONOR”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The same influence is to be seen in a second glass design at Basel,
-representing the Virgin with the Child in her arms and a kneeling
-donor on the left (Pl. <a href='#pl-45'>45</a>),<a id='r334' /><a href='#f334' class='c021'><sup>[334]</sup></a> in which the architectural setting is even more
-beautiful than in the one just described, of which it is a free variant.
-The Virgin stands, crowned, on a low sculptured pedestal in front of
-a shallow niche under a circular arch beneath a pointed vaulting, the
-filling in of which is carved like a scallop-shell, as in the “Meyer
-Madonna.” The pilasters which support it and the frieze of Renaissance
-ornamentation are flat, and the whole setting is admirable in
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_150'>150</span>its restraint and quiet beauty, and its well-balanced masses. The
-Virgin is surrounded with projecting rays from head to foot, a symbol
-of the Immaculate Conception, and the whole figure, like that in the
-foregoing design, is of tall, fine proportions, unlike so many of
-Holbein’s figures in his earlier drawings, and gives the impression of
-a carved wooden statue with rays of metal or gilded wood. The
-Child in her arms is kicking out his legs, and raises one chubby fist
-in the air, looking over his mother’s arm with a cross expression, as
-though angry at having been lifted from the ground. The armed,
-kneeling knight appears to be the same donor as in the other
-drawing, but is turned more towards the spectator, with hands
-uplifted as he gazes in adoration. This exceptionally beautiful and
-masterly design is said to have been reproduced on a considerably
-larger scale for a window of the church of St. Theodore in Little
-Basel. A fragment of the glass, containing the Madonna’s head, is
-preserved in the Historical Museum in Basel.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 45.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-45'  class='figcenter id050'>
-<img src='images/i150.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE VIRGIN AND CHILD, WITH A KNEELING DONOR<br />Design for painted glass<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>By far the most important of Holbein’s designs for glass windows
-are those forming the series of ten subjects from the “Passion of
-Christ,” in the Basel Gallery, which in dramatic power and fertility
-of invention surpass all his earlier treatments of this great subject.
-The range over which the series extends is a shorter one than in the
-painted altar-piece in eight scenes representing the same subject.
-The latter begins with the “Mount of Olives” and ends with the
-“Entombment,” whereas the glass designs start with “Christ before
-Caiaphas” and conclude with the “Crucifixion,” so that the part of
-the story which is represented is told with greater detail. In most
-cases the designs are arranged in pairs, with the architectural framework
-in close though not exact correspondence, and similarly shaped
-and decorated spaces left at the bottom for the inclusion of the
-appropriate scriptural text. Evidently in each of the windows of the
-church for which they were designed pairs of subjects were to be
-placed side by side. Two of the scenes, however, seem to be single
-designs, the “Mocking” (No. 3), and the “Ecce Homo” (No. 6),
-in which the setting corresponds with none of the other drawings;
-while in the two last of the series, the “Nailing to the Cross” and
-the “Crucifixion,” the architectural framework only agrees in its
-general lines, though the designs evidently form a pair. Apparently,
-therefore, the series was made for a range of six windows, four of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_151'>151</span>them with double and two with single divisions. According to Dr.
-Ganz, the series was begun, but not completed, by Holbein in 1523,
-his journey to the south of France intervening. On his return to
-Basel he resumed the work, which was probably finished by the end
-of the same year or early in 1524. He sees differences, more
-particularly in the architecture, in certain of the drawings, such as
-the “Mocking,” which suggest that the artist had gained fresh ideas
-from his study of the buildings in the towns through which he passed
-on his way to Montpellier, where he went to deliver the portrait of
-Erasmus to Bonifacius Amerbach.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “PASSION OF CHRIST” SERIES</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The series opens with “Christ before Caiaphas” (Pl. <a href='#pl-46a'>46</a> (1)).<a id='r335' /><a href='#f335' class='c021'><sup>[335]</sup></a> The
-high priest is seen from the side, seated upon a throne raised on steps
-within a richly-decorated hall, through the entrance to which the
-soldiers escorting Christ are crowding. Christ stands below his judge,
-his hands bound, and his sorrowful face turned towards one of the
-soldiers, who, with uplifted fist, is about to strike him. The second
-scene, that of the “Scourging” (Pl. <a href='#pl-46b'>46</a> (2)),<a id='r336' /><a href='#f336' class='c021'><sup>[336]</sup></a> is enacted in another part
-of the same building, showing the same low, flattened arches, and a
-corresponding pillar on the right with Renaissance carving in flat relief
-and inlaid marble. Christ, his head drooping on his shoulder, an almost
-nude figure, is bound to a broad circular column with a decorated
-top. In the action of the three soldiers who are plying their whips
-and scourges there is little of that exaggerated vehemence of action
-which is to be seen in Holbein’s earlier versions of this subject, while
-in both this and the succeeding pictures the type of face is less
-repulsive, and greater reticence is shown in the display of brutality.
-In most cases the faces of the soldiers are turned away from the
-spectator, or half hidden by their action, or only seen in profile. The
-distortion and caricature have disappeared, and his types have
-become natural ones, taken from the daily life around him. The
-costume in few instances only is that of Holbein’s time, and the
-soldiers wear what is intended to be the antique Roman dress, such
-as had become familiar to him through Mantegna’s designs. Near
-Christ, in “The Scourging,” a little behind the central group, stands
-a bearded man in the gown and hood of a monk, resting on a stick,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_152'>152</span>as though superintending the punishment, and waiting for a confession;
-and in the background a gallery runs across the building under
-the arches, from which a second hooded figure is looking down on
-the scene.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Unlike the other sheets of the set, the “Mocking of Christ”
-(Pl. <a href='#pl-47a'>47</a> (1))<a id='r337' /><a href='#f337' class='c021'><sup>[337]</sup></a> takes place beneath the high, pointed vaulting of some
-Gothic building, with its arches open to the sky. Christ, blindfolded
-and with tied hands, his body covered by the robe they have placed
-over him, is seated in the centre, with bent head, and mouth half
-open with pain. One of the soldiers kneels, and thrusts the reed into
-his hand as a sceptre, while a second, stooping down, clutches his hair
-with one hand, and raises the other as though about to strike him in
-the face. On the left between two pillars stands a tall figure clad in
-a long gown, and the upper part of his face concealed by a hood of a
-peculiar pattern, with a hanging peak behind, such as is associated
-with portraits of Dante. This spectator, who is also to be seen
-among the crowd in the first design, has a cynical smile on his face.
-The whole group, which suggests a study for a work of plastic art,
-is shown in strong foreshortening, as though it were intended to be
-seen from some distance below; and the same effect is produced by
-the perspective of the vaulting and in the drawing of the hanging
-lamp, of an unusual and interesting pattern, over Christ’s head.<a id='r338' /><a href='#f338' class='c021'><sup>[338]</sup></a>
-This drawing is, perhaps, the most beautiful of all, the happiest in
-its composition, and the most spiritual in its feeling.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 46.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-46a'  class='figcenter id051'>
-<img src='images/i152a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>CHRIST BEFORE CAIAPHAS<br />The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id='pl-46b'  class='figcenter id052'>
-<img src='images/i152b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE SCOURGING OF CHRIST<br />The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 47.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-47a'  class='figcenter id053'>
-<img src='images/i152-2a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE MOCKING OF CHRIST<br />The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id='pl-47b'  class='figcenter id054'>
-<img src='images/i152-2b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>CHRIST CROWNED WITH THORNS<br />The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “PASSION OF CHRIST” SERIES</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The remaining sheets of the series have each an independent
-architectural framework, which forms no part of the actual setting of
-the scene itself, but through which it is seen like a picture. In the
-“Crowning with Thorns” and “Pilate washing his Hands” it consists
-of two pillars with large diamond-shaped panels containing antique
-heads in medallions, and, above the elaborately-carved capitals, charmingly-drawn
-winged putti supporting the ends of a wreath which hangs
-from the centre of the frame. In the “Crowning” (Pl. <a href='#pl-47b'>47</a> (2)),<a id='r339' /><a href='#f339' class='c021'><sup>[339]</sup></a> Christ
-is seen from the side, an almost nude figure, seated on a high stone
-step in front of a building upon which Holbein has given free play
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_153'>153</span>to his delight in the richest Renaissance forms. In the Saviour’s
-downcast face is a look of intense suffering, nobly borne. Two of the
-soldiers press the crown of thorns upon his head by means of a long
-curved stick held across it, which a third man is striking violently with
-a stout staff, in order to force it securely down. A fourth kneels in
-front and thrusts the reed into the victim’s hands with a jeer.
-Behind them, on the left, Pilate stands, his wand of office held aloft.
-In the next scene (Pl. <a href='#pl-48a'>48</a> (1))<a id='r340' /><a href='#f340' class='c021'><sup>[340]</sup></a> Pilate is seated on a high throne with a
-canopy supported by chains fastened to the necks of two sculptured
-figures, and long curtains, both canopy and curtains being decorated
-with the lilies of France. This throne, or judgment-seat, is placed in
-an open court, and in the background rises a Gothic building of the
-type to be seen in the streets of Basel in Holbein’s day. Pilate
-performs the symbolic action of washing his hands with the greatest
-vigour and determination, one attendant holding a large flat basin
-in front of him while a second pours in the water. On the right
-Christ is being led away by a crowd of soldiers with uplifted pikes
-and spears. Pilate, with head turned towards the departing Saviour,
-is calling after him, strong excitement shown on his face.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “PASSION OF CHRIST” SERIES</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The next scene, the “Ecce Homo” (Pl. <a href='#pl-48b'>48</a> (2)),<a id='r341' /><a href='#f341' class='c021'><sup>[341]</sup></a> also takes place
-outside the hall of judgment, with a large Gothic building with pinnacled
-gables filling in the background. This building is neither German nor
-Italian in style, but of late Gothic French architecture, of the type of
-the hospital founded by the Chancellor Nicolas Rollin in Beaune, a
-town through which Holbein would be likely to pass on his way to
-Montpellier, and for this reason Dr. Ganz regards it as one of the
-latest of the series, done after the artist’s return to Basel in 1524.
-Holbein has made use of the same building in the cut of the Empress
-in the “Dance of Death.”<a id='r342' /><a href='#f342' class='c021'><sup>[342]</sup></a> Pilate stands in the open doorway on
-the right, with Christ by his side. One hand grasps his wand of
-office, and the other is held up as though demanding silence from
-the crowd of spectators and soldiery filling the space below him, who
-are shouting and gesticulating, and pointing their fingers in scorn at
-the drooping figure by Pilate’s side. Here again the expression of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_154'>154</span>suppressed anguish and pain on Christ’s face has been admirably
-suggested by the artist, who has also produced the effect of a large
-and vehemently-agitated crowd of people by means of a few figures
-cleverly grouped and contrasted. Behind the Saviour is seen the
-head of the man in the hood-like cap, possibly intended for some
-official of the Court, who is shown in two of the earlier designs of the
-set. He appears again in the “Cross-bearing” (Pl. 49(1)),<a id='r343' /><a href='#f343' class='c021'><sup>[343]</sup></a> the last
-figure issuing from the gate, and here, too, Holbein, with admirable
-skill in composition, has produced the effect of a large body of excited
-people. The procession on its way to Calvary has just issued through
-the gateway of the town, a view of the street with its high-roofed
-houses being seen in the background through the archway, and on
-the right the outer wall with a circular tower at the angle. The
-general composition follows with some closeness Holbein’s earlier
-versions of the subject, though marked by less passionate action and
-less insistence on ugly facial types. Christ, a most nobly-conceived
-figure, in the centre of the procession, is stumbling under the weight
-of the great cross, though he has not actually fallen to the ground.
-He is urged forward by the soldiers who surround Him, some of whom
-raise their clenched fists, while one, clad in Roman helmet and
-armour, thrusts a great cudgel into his side with a brutal energy
-which is mirrored in his face. In front walk the two thieves, almost
-nude, their hands tied behind them, the one who is turning towards
-the spectator with a finely-drawn head full of character. Above the
-crowd rise the shafts and points of weapons of many shapes, together
-with the uplifted ladder and the reed. The framework surrounding
-this drawing and its fellow is exceptionally rich in its decorative
-treatment. The columns with their basket-work and flat stucco-like
-ornament are connected across the top of the sheet by an acanthusleaf
-scroll design of great beauty, recalling similar work on the organ
-shutters in Basel Minster, which surrounds and supports a wreath
-containing an antique head in the centre. The scroll-work in the next
-design, the “Stripping of Christ’s Garments” (Pl. <a href='#pl-49b'>49</a> (2)),<a id='r344' /><a href='#f344' class='c021'><sup>[344]</sup></a> is entwined
-round the bodies of two naked boys. The Saviour kneels upon the
-Cross, in the utmost misery and dejection, while two soldiers tear
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_155'>155</span>his garments from him with great violence. In striking contrast to
-these two men is the figure of the kneeling man in the front who is
-boring holes in the wood to take the nails. He bends over his work,
-indifferent or oblivious to the turmoil around him, or to the tragedy
-in which he is playing his humble part. Behind the central group
-there is a great concourse of people, among whom can be distinguished
-one of the thieves, and a man with uplifted mattock preparing a hole
-for the Cross, and, on the right, the head and shoulders of Pilate. In
-this scene most of the figures are clad in contemporary dress.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 48.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-48a'  class='figcenter id053'>
-<img src='images/i154a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>PILATE WASHING HIS HANDS<br />The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id='pl-48b'  class='figcenter id054'>
-<img src='images/i154b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>ECCE HOMO<br />The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 49.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-49a'  class='figcenter id055'>
-<img src='images/i154-2a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>CHRIST BEARING THE CROSS<br />The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id='pl-49b'  class='figcenter id056'>
-<img src='images/i154-2b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE STRIPPING OF CHRIST’S GARMENTS<br />The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>An even greater crowd is shown in the last scene but one, the
-“Nailing to the Cross” (Pl. 50(1)).<a id='r345' /><a href='#f345' class='c021'><sup>[345]</sup></a> Christ lies stretched upon the
-ground, his body upon the Cross. One of the kneeling executioners
-forces down his right arm with both hands, while a second, with uplifted
-hammer, is driving in a huge nail through his palm. On the other side
-a third man has seized the left arm and is dragging it with violence
-towards him in order to stretch the body to the utmost. Behind them
-the soldiers are casting lots for the garments, and still farther away
-the crosses with the two thieves are being raised aloft. On the right
-Pilate, on a mule, gazes down at the agonised body of the Saviour,
-as does a man placed nearer to the spectator, wearing a scholar’s cap
-and gown, who bears some small likeness to Erasmus. In the front,
-on the ground, is placed a circular wooden box with handles, containing
-the executioner’s tools. The columns of the framework are
-supported by fauns. In the last scene of all, representing the “Crucifixion”
-(Pl. <a href='#pl-50b'>50</a> (2)),<a id='r346' /><a href='#f346' class='c021'><sup>[346]</sup></a> the two crosses with the bodies of the thieves
-are placed at right angles to the central one, on which Christ is nailed,
-as in the same subject in the painted altar-panel. This drawing is
-the only one in the set in which the Virgin and St. John are introduced.
-St. John, gazing upwards at the Saviour, whose sufferings are at
-length over, supports the Virgin’s drooping body as she leans forward
-with clasped hands against the foot of the Cross. On the opposite
-side, on the right, the Centurion, in full Roman armour, and with a
-large shield decorated with a Medusa head, lifts up his right arm as
-a sign of his belief. Behind him is a soldier with his crossbow under
-his arm, and his hands clasped as though he, too, were moved to the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_156'>156</span>utmost by the tragedy. A man who has just affixed the placard
-over Christ’s head is descending a ladder raised at the back of the
-Cross, and on either side, above the heads of the crowd, are seen the
-uplifted reed with the sponge dipped in vinegar, and the spear which
-pierced the Saviour’s side. In this scene there is little of the energy
-and even violence of the earlier pictures; for the action has come to
-an end with the death of Christ, and Holbein has depicted it as though
-a hush had fallen over the multitude of people who, with uplifted
-faces, are gazing on their handiwork. Their attitudes are quiet and
-restrained, the vehemence of passion has subsided, and the presence
-of death has quelled all anger and clamour. Each picture of the series
-is characterised by great dramatic power, and a force and dignity of
-conception which shows a striking advance in Holbein’s art when
-compared with the early “Passion” scenes on canvas. In the
-simplicity and grandeur of their composition, and in the largeness of
-their design, they afford evidence that had Holbein worked on the
-southern side of the Alps, he would have equalled, if he had not
-surpassed, in work of this kind, the frescoes and wall-paintings of the
-great Italian masters.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 50.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-50a'  class='figcenter id057'>
-<img src='images/i156a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>CHRIST NAILED TO THE CROSS<br />The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id='pl-50b'  class='figcenter id058'>
-<img src='images/i156b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE CRUCIFIXION<br />The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>Replicas of seven of these ten designs, but reversed, are in
-the British Museum.<a id='r347' /><a href='#f347' class='c021'><sup>[347]</sup></a> They are not the direct work of Holbein’s
-hand, but offsets taken from the Basel drawings by means of damped
-paper, a common practice with the artist in making decorative designs
-for such things as cups or goblets, in which the ornamentation on
-both sides of the object was similar. In the same manner Holbein
-obtained copies of the “Passion” drawings, and they were afterwards
-strengthened in places by retouches with a fine brush and
-Indian ink, undoubtedly the work of Holbein himself. They have
-thus very largely the character of the original drawings, and are
-equal to them in effect, though lighter in appearance on account of
-the method employed, the Indian ink shading being paler in colour
-than in the originals. In the “Cross-bearing” additional retouches
-in sepia by a later and weaker hand, which greatly mar the design,
-are to be seen. The three missing subjects are the “Scourging,”
-“Christ Crowned with Thorns,” and the “Nailing to the Cross.”
-This set was formerly in the Lawrence Collection, from which it was
-purchased for the Museum. It may possibly be the series possessed
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_157'>157</span>by Sandrart, which he calls a “Passion in folio,” of which two compositions
-of the set were missing. Sandrart offered 200 florins to
-anyone who would procure them for him, so that he could exhibit
-the work complete for the honour of the great master who
-designed it.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>COSTUMES WORN BY BASEL LADIES</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Among the drawings and designs of this period which were not
-made for the purpose of reproduction in painted glass, the set representing
-the costumes worn by contemporary Basel ladies is among
-the most important. There are six of these,<a id='r348' /><a href='#f348' class='c021'><sup>[348]</sup></a> or rather five, for the
-sixth, which represents a <i>fille de joie</i> with large hat and low-cut dress
-(Pl. <a href='#pl-51a'>51</a> (1)), is not regarded as a work from Holbein’s own hand. They
-are pen and wash drawings, and, with the exception of the last one,
-were in Amerbach’s possession. It is not easy to say exactly for what
-purpose they were made, but certainly not for painted glass. It has
-been suggested that they represent designs for dresses invented by
-Holbein—sixteenth-century fashion plates—which the ladies of Basel
-afterwards used as models; but a simpler and more natural explanation
-is that they are merely studies of costume made from time to
-time when Holbein saw a dress which pleased him, which would be
-of use in the carrying out of his wall-paintings, or his book illustrations,
-or in other ways. They appear to have been done during
-his first years in Basel. Perhaps the earliest of them is the one of
-the noble lady with a hat covered with ostrich feathers,<a id='r349' /><a href='#f349' class='c021'><sup>[349]</sup></a> and her hair
-confined in a silken net at the back, who wears a dress of watered
-silk with a train, which she holds up with her right hand. This,
-according to Dr. Ganz, is of about the date 1516 or 1517, and in
-draughtsmanship and handling has much in common with the portrait
-of Meyer’s wife, Dorothea, while the embroidery and tassel-work of
-the bodice in both the drawing and the picture are very similar.
-The drawing of the Basel “Edeldame” (Pl. <a href='#pl-52'>52</a>),<a id='r350' /><a href='#f350' class='c021'><sup>[350]</sup></a> taken almost from
-the back, which is the most beautiful of the series, is certainly
-a little later in date, and shows great freedom, delicacy, and
-truth of draughtsmanship. Her hair is covered with a semi-transparent
-striped gauze cap, of a similar pattern to the one in the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_158'>158</span>portrait of the burgomaster’s wife. The neck and shoulders are
-covered with fine white lawn, and the plain dress is only relieved by
-deep bands of velvet, and a girdle from which is suspended a metal
-case of chased work for a measure or “house-wife” at the end of a
-long band. At least two ladies appear to have served Holbein as a
-model for these studies. The “Frau Burgermeister,” Dorothea
-Kannengiesser, posed as the Baseler “Burgersfrau,”<a id='r351' /><a href='#f351' class='c021'><sup>[351]</sup></a> and perhaps as
-the “Edeldame,” while for the remaining studies, among them that of
-the patrician dame with the feather hat already described, a model
-of a more lovely and a more wanton appearance served him, who
-later on was painted by him as “Laïs Corinthiaca.” In a second
-drawing of the set the same lady appears in a gown with puffed
-sleeves and deep velvet bands, embroidered petticoat and head-dress,
-and wearing a number of ornaments round her neck, including an
-openwork collar with the word “<span class='sc'>Amor</span>.”<a id='r352' /><a href='#f352' class='c021'><sup>[352]</sup></a> The same model appears in
-a third drawing (Pl. <a href='#pl-51b'>51</a> (2)), in which she poses as a waitress, or hostess,
-with a tall cylindrical beer-glass supported on her right hand, while with
-the other she holds up her finely-pleated apron.<a id='r353' /><a href='#f353' class='c021'><sup>[353]</sup></a> She wears a large
-flat hat of unusual shape on the side of her head, trimmed all round
-with bunches of feathers, and round her neck is a gold collar of openwork
-with the initials “M.O.” repeated several times. The “Amor”
-of the first-named collar or neckband was the invention, in all probability,
-of the artist himself, by adding an A and an R to the
-initials, M.O., of the lady’s name. These initials indicate that
-Holbein’s sitter was Magdalena Offenburg, and the likeness between
-these studies and the “Laïs” and “Venus” pictures is striking.<a id='r354' /><a href='#f354' class='c021'><sup>[354]</sup></a>
-This notorious personage, by birth a Tschekkenbürlin, and the mother
-of Dorothea Offenburg, who at one time was regarded as the model
-of the “Laïs,” married, on the death of Hans Offenburg in 1514,
-Christof Truchsess von Wolhusen. She appears to have served as a
-model and to have had relationships of a doubtful character with
-more than one painter of Basel. There is a drawing of her by Urs
-Graf, dated 1516, to which he has added an indecorous marginal
-note reflecting upon her course of life.<a id='r355' /><a href='#f355' class='c021'><sup>[355]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 51.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-51a'  class='figcenter id059'>
-<img src='images/i158a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>COSTUME STUDY<br />Two drawings from a set of designs of Ladies’ Costumes<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id='pl-51b'  class='figcenter id060'>
-<img src='images/i158b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>COSTUME STUDY<br />Two drawings from a set of designs of Ladies’ Costumes<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 52.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-52'  class='figcenter id061'>
-<img src='images/i158-2.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>“THE EDELDAME”<br />One of a set of designs of Ladies’ Costumes<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>COSTUMES WORN BY BASEL LADIES</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>One use to which Holbein put such drawings as these is to be
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_159'>159</span>seen in the “Dance of Death” woodcuts. In several of them in
-which women are introduced, these costume studies are closely
-followed; for instance, in the little picture of the newly-married
-couple, the wife’s dress is almost identical with that in the first
-drawing of the “Baseler Frauentrachten” series; and other dresses
-of the set are closely copied in such cuts as “The Countess” and the
-“Arms of Death.” These drawings, as already noted, show very
-plainly the peculiar carriage of the body in walking which the ladies
-of Basel adopted in Holbein’s day, with the back hollowed so that
-the lower part of the figure was thrust forward, in a very ugly fashion
-to modern eyes, but no doubt necessary to some extent owing to
-the length of the dress in front, which had always to be held up by
-one hand.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>There is a very beautiful costume study in the Library at Dessau,<a id='r356' /><a href='#f356' class='c021'><sup>[356]</sup></a>
-which is closely allied to the Basel series. It is an exceedingly
-graceful rendering of a fair lady in an elaborate dress with long
-hanging sleeves, and a close-fitting cap over her curled hair. The
-body is slightly inclined, and with her right hand she holds up her
-dress, and from the other, which is stretched out, hangs a bridle and
-harness. There is much elegance and grace of movement in the
-figure, which Holbein has set down with a light and flowing touch.
-It is doubtful what character the model is intended to represent.
-Dr. Ganz calls her “Die schöne Phyllis,” and, from the bridle she is
-holding, it is very possible that Holbein intended her for that fair
-Phyllis who made the learned Aristotle serve her as a horse; or she
-may represent Nemesis, the driver of mankind, whom Holbein introduced
-into his Steelyard wall-painting of “The Triumph of Riches,”
-flying through the sky with somewhat similar attributes in her hands.
-Such a representation of Nemesis or Fortune was not unusual, and
-occurs in more than one drawing of the period. There is one in the
-Basel Gallery of “Frau Venus” by Niklaus Manuel Deutsch, and
-Dürer also makes use of the bridle in his “Great Fortune.”</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The beautiful study of “St. Adrian” in the Louvre,<a id='r357' /><a href='#f357' class='c021'><sup>[357]</sup></a> a pen and
-wash drawing, touched with white, on grey paper, is probably the
-preliminary design for the outer side of the shutter of an altar-piece,
-to be carried out in grisaille. The saint is represented in full armour,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_160'>160</span>with a long cloak, holding the sword and anvil, symbols of his
-martyrdom, in either hand, and a lion crouching at his feet. He
-stands on a stone parapet, in front of which is an empty shield. The
-figure has much in common with that of St. Ursus in the Solothurn
-Madonna picture, and there is a still closer resemblance in face to
-the “St. George” in the Karlsruhe panel, both of the year 1522.
-Holbein evidently made use of the same model both for the “St. Adrian”
-and the “St. George,” for the facial likeness is very close, and both
-wear the same bushy, curling hair. It is, therefore, safe, following
-Dr. Ganz, to date the Louvre drawing as of the same year, 1522.
-It was formerly catalogued as of the North Italian School.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Holbein’s studies from the nude are so rare that the one of a
-young woman in the Basel Gallery is of exceptional interest.<a id='r358' /><a href='#f358' class='c021'><sup>[358]</sup></a> It is
-a pen and wash drawing, touched with white in the high lights, on
-red paper. With the exception of the “Christ in the Tomb,” and a
-single leaf of the Basel “Sketch-Book,”<a id='r359' /><a href='#f359' class='c021'><sup>[359]</sup></a> this nude woman is almost
-the only drawing of the kind by him that is known. It appears to
-have been made merely as a study of muscular movement, and not
-as a preliminary design for a picture. The model is stepping forward
-from the side of a plain stone pillar, a heavy stone held in either hand,
-the weight of which brings the muscles of the arms into prominence.
-Her hair falls in long curls down her back, the head is bent towards
-the right shoulder, and the eyes are cast downwards, and the lips
-parted. Both in movement and in the suggestion of the rounded
-softness of the figure the drawing is admirable, and at the same time
-displays an Italian influence, recalling similar studies by Raphael and
-Leonardo. Dr. Ganz places it among the work of Holbein’s second
-English period.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 53.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-53'  class='figcenter id062'>
-<img src='images/i160.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>A FIGHT BETWEEN LANDSKNECHTE<br /><i>Drawing in Indian ink</i><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>“A FIGHT OF LANDSKNECHTE”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Holbein made use of the Swiss landsknechte for other purposes than
-that of painted windows. One or two of his most masterly drawings
-depict incidents in the lives of these men, whose picturesque dress
-and gay and manly bearing made a strong appeal to him. The finest
-and most important of them is the large study in the Basel Gallery
-representing a fierce conflict between two considerable bodies of
-warriors (Pl. <a href='#pl-53'>53</a>).<a id='r360' /><a href='#f360' class='c021'><sup>[360]</sup></a> It depicts the contemporary methods of warfare with
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_161'>161</span>the utmost vivacity and close adherence to truth. It is, according to
-Dr. Ganz, a work of Holbein’s last residence in Basel, probably made
-just before his return to England in 1532. In the foreground of the
-fight two men are at close quarters, one of whom, with sword whirling
-over his head, grips the hair of his opponent, who is striking at his
-throat with a long dagger. On either side of them two soldiers are
-forcing a space round them with enormous pikes, while behind is a
-great crowd of shouting, panting, and struggling men, whose lances,
-dashed in with a few hasty strokes, stand out against the sky with
-an extraordinary effect both of number and movement. In the hottest
-part of the fight one combatant uplifts a great double-handed sword,
-while another protects his face with his raised drum. Beneath their
-feet are many trampled bodies and shattered weapons. The composition
-is a very fine one, and the draughtsmanship of extraordinary
-vigour and vitality. One can almost hear the cries and yells, and
-the clash of the arms, so completely has Holbein realised the scene,
-and so vividly set it down on paper with rapid but unerring pencil.<a id='r361' /><a href='#f361' class='c021'><sup>[361]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>It is impossible to give here even a list of his many drawings, of
-which so large a number are in the Basel Gallery. In the Amerbach
-Collection there is a sheet with studies of a recumbent lamb and a
-lamb’s head,<a id='r362' /><a href='#f362' class='c021'><sup>[362]</sup></a> both drawn with the utmost delicacy in silver-point
-and slightly washed with water-colour, most faithful renderings of
-nature, perhaps made as a preliminary study for some picture of
-the youthful St. John; and a second sheet with a drawing of the
-underside of a bat with outstretched wings,<a id='r363' /><a href='#f363' class='c021'><sup>[363]</sup></a> carried out with the same
-minute care, the red veins, which show through the transparent
-membranes of the wings, being put in with water-colour. In the same
-collection there are numerous designs for jewellery, dagger-sheaths,
-cups and other vessels, for the use of silversmiths and metal-workers;
-but as much of Holbein’s best work of this kind was produced in
-England, discussion of them may be reserved until a later chapter
-dealing with his designs for the London goldsmiths.</p>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_162'>162</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>CHAPTER VIII<br /> <br /><span class='c019'>PORTRAITS OF ERASMUS AND HIS CIRCLE</span></h2>
-</div>
-<p class='c020'>Portraits of Erasmus and Ægidius by Quentin Metsys—Copy
-of the “Erasmus” at Hampton Court and the original in
-Rome—Portraits of Erasmus by Holbein sent to London—The
-Longford Castle “Erasmus” and copies of it—The Louvre
-portrait, and the study for it at Basel—Holbein’s
-journey to the South of France—Drawings of the
-sepulchral effigies of the Duke and Duchess of
-Berry—The Greystoke portrait and the version at
-Parma—The Basel roundel—Woodcut portraits of
-Erasmus—Portraits of Froben—Melanchthon—Holbein’s
-drawing of himself at Basel.</p>
-<div class='c012'>
-  <img class='drop-capi' src='images/dc-t.jpg' width='100' height='99' alt='' />
-</div><p class='drop-capi1_1'>
-THE portraits painted by Holbein prior to his departure
-from Basel to England were not numerous, even when
-allowance is made for the probable disappearance or
-destruction of several of which no trace now remains.
-There are less than a dozen in all, even when the
-three different versions of Erasmus are included. The
-Burgomaster Meyer and his wife, Benedikt von Hertenstein, Amerbach,
-Froben, Erasmus, and his own portrait almost complete the list,
-to which may be added the two versions of Magdalena Offenburg as
-“Venus” and as “Lais,” and the portrait at the Hague now said to
-represent his wife shortly after he married her. Considering the
-mastery he had already displayed in this branch of art, it is extraordinary
-that he did not receive more commissions for portraits from
-his fellow-citizens. He found a good patron in Erasmus, however,
-who was always ready to sit for his likeness. He was painted by
-several well-known artists, and employed Holbein on more than one
-occasion. He presented several of these portraits to friends and
-supporters in England and elsewhere, and as he had many admirers
-who were anxious to possess one, Holbein’s original pictures of him
-were copied a number of times both during the philosopher’s lifetime
-and afterwards.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Although Erasmus paid his first visit to Basel in 1513 for the
-purpose of making the acquaintance of Froben, who was about to
-publish several of his works, including his edition of the New Testament,
-and renewed this visit on several occasions, sometimes
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_163'>163</span>remaining there for months at a time, he did not make the city his
-permanent home until 1521. Both during these earlier visits and after
-he had settled in Basel, he made Froben’s home his own. This house,
-“zum Sessel,” was in the Fischmarkt, but after Froben’s death in 1526,
-Erasmus moved to the house of Froben’s son, “zum Luft,” now
-No. 18 in the Bäumleingasse, and it was in this latter house that
-he died in 1536. He was attracted by the freedom and independence
-of the life within the city, and the opportunities it afforded
-both for quiet study and daily intercourse with many learned men,
-and also by the number and fame of its printers and their presses.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>PORTRAITS OF ERASMUS AND ÆGIDIUS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The earliest portrait of Erasmus of which we have a record is the
-one painted by Quentin Metsys in Antwerp in 1517, which formed
-the left-hand side of a double portrait or diptych, of which the other
-half contained the portrait of Peter Ægidius, the learned traveller,
-and town-clerk of Antwerp,<a id='r364' /><a href='#f364' class='c021'><sup>[364]</sup></a> to whom the <i>Utopia</i> was dedicated,
-and whose garden was selected by More as the scene in which Raphael
-Hythlodæus told the imaginary story of that island city. It was
-painted as a joint-gift from Erasmus and Ægidius to Sir Thomas,
-and the two portraits were hinged together, and sent over to England.
-Several letters in the correspondence of More and Erasmus have
-reference to this present. The painting was delayed in the first place
-by the serious illness of Peter, and then by indisposition on the part
-of Erasmus. “I was well enough,” Erasmus tells More, “but some
-fool of a doctor prescribed for me a couple of pills for purging my
-bile, and I, still more foolishly, followed his advice; my picture had
-been previously begun, but, from the physic I took, when I came
-back to the painter, he declared that my features were not the same,
-so that his work is delayed for a few days until I become more alive.”
-The portraits were finished by the 16th of September 1517, and sent
-to More, who was then at Calais, in charge of Erasmus’ “famulus,”
-Peter Cocles. More’s letter of thanks, dated October 6th, expressed
-the greatest delight with the gift, and contained a Latin poem in
-honour of the portraits, in which they were both minutely described.
-In a postscript he spoke in admiration of the way in which Quentin
-had imitated his (More’s) handwriting on the letter which Peter holds
-in his hand.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_164'>164</span>These two portraits no longer hang together, and until quite
-recently all traces of the “Erasmus” had been lost. The “Ægidius”
-is now in Longford Castle, in the possession of Lord Radnor, and with
-it hangs a portrait of Erasmus; but the latter is not by Metsys, but
-by Holbein. At what period the original pair were parted is not
-known, but the two in Longford Castle were purchased at Dr. Meade’s
-sale in 1754, the first Lord Folkestone giving 105 guineas for the
-“Erasmus,” which was rightly sold as by Holbein, and 91 guineas
-for the “Ægidius,” also described as by the same painter; and for
-many years both portraits were regarded as the work of Holbein.
-Dr. Meade placed Latin inscriptions on the frames, in which the
-names of Erasmus, Ægidius, and Holbein were joined together. In
-more recent years the authorship of the “Ægidius” has been rightly
-ascribed to Metsys, while Holbein’s signature, and the date 1523 on
-the “Erasmus” prove conclusively that it is not the original companion-half
-of the diptych painted in Antwerp in 1517, further proof
-of this being afforded by the fact that both subjects are represented
-looking to the spectator’s left, instead of towards one another, and
-that the “Erasmus” is painted on a considerably larger scale than
-the other, which would not have been the case had the portraits been
-intended as a pair. The matter was finally cleared up by the late
-Mr. John Gough Nichols.<a id='r365' /><a href='#f365' class='c021'><sup>[365]</sup></a> Ægidius<a id='r366' /><a href='#f366' class='c021'><sup>[366]</sup></a> is represented in a fur coat,
-holding in his left hand a letter addressed to himself in the handwriting
-of Sir Thomas More,<a id='r367' /><a href='#f367' class='c021'><sup>[367]</sup></a> and his right touching a book which is
-inscribed “Antibarbaroi” in Greek capitals. An ivory sand-castor
-and a gold cup and cover are on one of the shelves at the back, which
-are covered with books. There is a replica of it in the Antwerp
-Museum, which differs slightly in a few of the details, and is either
-a fine contemporary copy or from the hand of Metsys himself, though
-until quite recently it was still officially described as a portrait of
-Erasmus by Holbein.<a id='r368' /><a href='#f368' class='c021'><sup>[368]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “ERASMUS WRITING”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Until a year or two ago all traces of the original “Erasmus” by
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_165'>165</span>Metsys had disappeared, but Herman Grimm, Woltmann, and H.
-Hymans all identified a picture at Hampton Court as a reduced copy
-of the original. This is the “Erasmus Writing” (No. 594-331), a
-small half-length, turned to the right, but with both eyes seen. He
-is writing in a book which lies on a desk in front of him. Other books
-are on a shelf at the back, with the titles inscribed on the edges of
-the leaves, all of them works by Erasmus published before 1517.
-Mr. Ernest Law<a id='r369' /><a href='#f369' class='c021'><sup>[369]</sup></a> suggests that it is identical with the picture in
-Charles I’s catalogue described as “Some schollar without a beard,
-in a black habit and a black cap, looking downwards upon a letter
-which he holds in both hands, being side-faced, less than life; which
-was sent to the King by his Majesty’s sister, by Mr. Chancellor, Sir
-Henry Vane, Lord Ambassador from the King to the King of Sweden,
-painted upon the right light—done by Cornelius Vischer.” The
-poorness of the execution, the indistinctness of the lettering on the
-books, and the utter gibberish of the words which Erasmus is writing,
-betray the hand of some ignorant copyist, though enough of the
-wording can be traced to show that the philosopher is engaged in
-setting down the title and first words of his commentary on St. Paul’s
-Epistle to the Romans, which was begun in 1517.<a id='r370' /><a href='#f370' class='c021'><sup>[370]</sup></a> There is a second
-copy of this portrait in the Amsterdam Museum; and in the 1904
-edition of the Amsterdam Catalogue (p. 200), a third example was
-first described, which is now generally regarded as the work of Metsys
-himself and the missing half of the diptych. It is in Rome, until
-recently in the collection of the late Count Stroganoff, and was in the
-possession of Count Alexander Stroganoff as early as 1807. It is
-slightly smaller than the “Ægidius” at Longford Castle, but has
-evidently been cut down, as the height of the heads as seen against
-the shelves at the back is the same in both pictures. Metsys represented
-the two friends as though seated in a single chamber.
-Erasmus is placed on the left, facing the right, and engaged in writing,
-and Ægidius is on the other side of the room, looking up with More’s
-letter in his hand, and pushing forward his own book of travels as
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_166'>166</span>though about to present it to the Englishman. The same bookshelves
-run across the background in both portraits.<a id='r371' /><a href='#f371' class='c021'><sup>[371]</sup></a> The picture
-has been recently presented by Count Stroganoff’s heirs to the Corsini
-Gallery in Rome.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Three or four years later Erasmus’ likeness was taken by Albrecht
-Dürer, who met him during his tour in the Netherlands in July 1520.
-Dürer appears to have made two drawings<a id='r372' /><a href='#f372' class='c021'><sup>[372]</sup></a> of him at this time, and
-some years afterwards, in 1526, he engraved his head from memory,
-with the aid of one of these two studies. This engraving<a id='r373' /><a href='#f373' class='c021'><sup>[373]</sup></a> by no
-means equals Holbein’s several portraits of the scholar, either as a
-likeness, or in its subtle expression of character. Erasmus, writing
-to Pirkheimer, said that it was not at all like him, but that this was
-not surprising, as he had greatly changed in five years.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “ERASMUS AND FROBEN” DIPTYCH</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>There is no direct evidence to prove that Holbein painted any
-portrait of Erasmus before the year 1523, though it is very possible
-that he did so. Perhaps the earliest may be the one mentioned by
-Remigius Faesch, who infers, in his manuscript life of the painter,
-that Holbein once painted a double picture of the friends Erasmus
-and Froben.<a id='r374' /><a href='#f374' class='c021'><sup>[374]</sup></a> It is said that after the sudden death of the latter in
-1527, from injuries caused by a fall on the pavement, Erasmus obtained
-the two portraits, and had them hinged together, as a perpetual
-memorial of their great friendship. After the death of Erasmus in
-1536 this diptych remained in Basel for nearly a century, and was
-then bought, about the year 1625, by Michel Le Blond, the well-known
-collector of works of art, for one hundred golden ducats, and
-shortly afterwards sold by him to the Duke of Buckingham. The
-Duke afterwards gave the panels to Charles I. On the back of the
-“Froben” portrait at Hampton Court there is pasted a piece of
-paper inscribed—“This picture of Frobonus was delivered to his M<sup>t</sup>.
-by ye Duke of Buckingham [before he went to the] Isle of Ree,” the
-five words in brackets being now illegible. In King Charles’ Catalogue
-they are entered as, “The picture of Frobonius, with his printing
-tools by him, being Erasmus of Rotterdam’s printer and landlord at
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_167'>167</span>Basil. Done by Holbein”; and, “The picture of Erasmus of
-Rotterdam, in a high black frame; done by Holben, fellow to the
-aforesaid piece of Frobenius, painted upon the right light.” They
-were sold separately, after the King’s execution, by order of the
-Commonwealth, and fetched larger prices than almost any other
-pictures from the royal collection. They were valued at £100 each,
-and at that price were purchased by Mr. Milburne and Colonel
-Hutchinson respectively. They were returned to the royal collection
-at the Restoration, and in 1672 Patin saw them hinged together as
-they had been in earlier days. They are now in Hampton Court.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>While in the possession of Charles I, or more probably Le Blond,<a id='r375' /><a href='#f375' class='c021'><sup>[375]</sup></a>
-these two portraits were “restored,” and by no means improved.
-Four inches were added to the top of the “Frobenius” in order to
-make it a pendant to the “Erasmus,” and the backgrounds were repainted
-and altered by Von Steenwyck. The original background of
-the “Frobenius” was either plain or a simple room with a window,
-but has been changed to a lofty apartment with pillars and a paved
-floor, part of the original blue-green ground being left behind the
-head; in the “Erasmus” it has been turned into an elaborate
-arrangement of stone pillars and arches, resembling the gloomy interior
-of a church. Walpole states that Von Steenwyck’s name and the
-date 1629 are on the “Frobenius,” but this inscription cannot now
-be discovered. The latter is by far the finer work of the two.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The portrait of Froben, which most modern critics do not admit
-to be an original work, is described below. The companion portrait
-of Erasmus—No. 597 (324)—is certainly only a copy, and not a very
-good copy, of some original by Holbein, possibly the Longford
-“Erasmus,” to which it bears a close resemblance. It was accepted
-by Wornum as a genuine work of the early Basel period,<a id='r376' /><a href='#f376' class='c021'><sup>[376]</sup></a> but modern
-criticism is unanimous in condemning its authenticity. Its only
-claim, and a very slight one, to genuineness is that it was formerly
-hinged to the portrait of Froben; but Mr. Ernest Law<a id='r377' /><a href='#f377' class='c021'><sup>[377]</sup></a> throws doubt
-on the story that Erasmus himself had the two joined together, which
-he regards as a myth, and suggests that the joining was done by some
-picture-dealer in Basel after Erasmus’ death, or by Le Blond himself
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_168'>168</span>when he purchased them. In the Hampton Court picture<a id='r378' /><a href='#f378' class='c021'><sup>[378]</sup></a> the
-scholar is represented at half-length, less than life, turned slightly
-to the left. He is dressed in the usual black coat trimmed with fur,
-and a black cap. The hands, excellently drawn, rest on a closed
-red-bound book in front of him. The original plain background, as
-already stated, has been elaborated and spoilt by Von Steenwyck.
-It is probable that the double portrait spoken of by Faesch, of which
-he had a copy, was not the original work of Holbein, and in that case
-the supposition, based on his manuscript, that at some unknown
-period in the history of the diptych the “Erasmus” was removed,
-and a copy substituted for it, is equally incorrect.<a id='r379' /><a href='#f379' class='c021'><sup>[379]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Most possibly the picture now at Hampton Court was the one
-actually purchased by Le Blond in Basel, to whom it would be
-sold as a genuine work by Holbein. A still less probable supposition
-is that a change took place after the sale of the royal
-collection in 1650, when the picture was in the possession of Mr. Milburne,
-who, it is suggested, at the Restoration returned a copy in
-place of the original.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>PORTRAITS OF ERASMUS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The first portraits of Erasmus by Holbein to which a date can
-be given are the Longford Castle example and the profile likeness in
-the Louvre, both of which were painted in 1523, probably towards
-the end of that year, when the artist was about twenty-six; and it
-is generally agreed that these are the two which were sent to England
-by Erasmus in 1524. In a letter to his friend Wilibald Pirkheimer
-at Nuremberg, dated June 3rd of that year, Erasmus says: “Only
-recently I have again sent two portraits of me to England, painted
-by a not unskilful artist. He has also taken a portrait of me to
-France.” That the painter to whom Erasmus refers was Holbein
-is proved by a passage in Beatus Rhenanus’ <i>Emendations of Pliny</i>,
-published by Froben in March 1526, and written in the previous year.
-In speaking of the most celebrated German painters of the day, he
-mentions Dürer in Nuremberg, Hans Baldung in Strasburg, and
-Lucas Cranach in Saxony, and concludes with Hans Holbein in Switzerland,
-“born in Augsburg, but for a long time a burgher of Basel,
-who last year painted, most successfully and finely, two portraits of
-our Erasmus of Rotterdam, which he afterwards sent into England.”<a id='r380' /><a href='#f380' class='c021'><sup>[380]</sup></a>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_169'>169</span>One of the two sent to England was a present to William Warham,
-Archbishop of Canterbury, whose yearly pension to Erasmus was
-increased about this time. The latter wrote to Warham on September
-4, 1524: “I hope that the portrait painted of me, which I
-sent to you, has reached you, so that you may have somewhat of
-Erasmus should God call me hence.” It is not known for whom
-the second portrait was intended. No reference to it is to be found
-in the numerous letters despatched to England by Erasmus in that
-year, addressed, among others, to Fisher, Tunstall, Wolsey, and
-the King himself. It was not, apparently, meant for Sir Thomas
-More, for he already possessed the portrait of his friend by Metsys,
-and it is not very probable that Erasmus would send him a second.
-Nor does More speak of it in his letters to Basel, although he is certain
-to have done so had he received so valuable a gift, for he was
-lavish in his praise and his thanks for the Metsys portrait in 1517.
-It has been generally supposed that the well-known letter from More
-to Erasmus, in which he speaks of Holbein as a wonderful artist,
-affords proof that Sir Thomas had seen one or both of these two portraits,
-and that it was of them he was speaking when he praised the
-painter’s skill. The date of this letter is given as December 18, 1525,
-in the published works of Erasmus, but Herman Grimm showed that
-it was incorrect, and altered the year-date to 1524, in which Woltmann
-followed him. This, however, is also an error. The real date
-of the letter is 1526, as is proved by the literary work of Erasmus
-mentioned in it; and it has, therefore, nothing to do with the two
-portraits sent over in 1524, but was written shortly after Holbein’s
-arrival in London, when More had made his personal acquaintance.<a id='r381' /><a href='#f381' class='c021'><sup>[381]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>It is impossible to say which of the two portraits of 1523 is the
-earlier in date. No doubt the preliminary drawings for both were
-made in the little room or study in which the scholar sat daily at
-work upon his own writings, or supervising the publication and correcting
-the proofs of other volumes issued by Froben, for whom he
-was then acting as a kind of editor-in-chief. In the Longford Castle
-example (Pl. <a href='#pl-54'>54</a>)<a id='r382' /><a href='#f382' class='c021'><sup>[382]</sup></a> Holbein has shown his sitter to the waist,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_170'>170</span>turned to the left, the face seen in three-quarters. He is wearing
-his invariable dress of black lined with sable, and over it a dark cloak
-trimmed with black fur, and a black doctor’s cap over his grey hair.
-He gazes in front of him, with a half-smile in his blue eyes and on his
-fine, sensitive mouth. His hands rest on a red book placed on the table
-before him, on the gilt edges of which is inscribed, partly in Greek
-and partly in Latin characters,
-<span class='fss'>“ἩΡΑΚΛΕΙΟΙ ΠΟΝΟΙ ERASMI ROTERO—”</span>
-(The Herculean labours of Erasmus of Rotterdam)—the end of the
-last word being hidden by the sable cuff of the cloak. The background
-shows on the left a flat, richly-ornamented pillar and capital
-of Renaissance design, and on the right a green curtain hung from
-a rod by rings, partly drawn aside, and revealing a shelf on which
-are three books and a glass water-bottle. On the cover of the book
-which leans against the latter is the date “<span class='fss'>MDXXIII.</span>,” and on the
-edge of the same volume is a damaged couplet in Latin, now partly
-defaced, which J. Mähly, after supplying several missing words, read
-as follows:—</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c023'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>“Ille ego Joannes Holbein, en, non facile ullus.</div>
-      <div class='line in1'>Tam mihi mimus erit quam mihi momus erat.”<a id='r383' /><a href='#f383' class='c021'><sup>[383]</sup></a></div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c024'>These lines, no doubt, were composed by Erasmus himself in
-praise of the artist. Traces of further inscriptions, now undecipherable,
-are to be seen on the edges of the other books. This work
-shows an extraordinary advance in Holbein’s powers as a portrait-painter
-when compared with even so fine a work as the “Bonifacius
-Amerbach,” painted four years earlier. The modelling of both head
-and hands is searching in its truth, and he rarely accomplished anything
-more perfect in the subtlety of its delineation of character, and
-in a realism without exaggeration or hardness of detail. We see the
-“little old man,” as Dürer described him when he met him in
-Brussels some years earlier, just as he was in reality, the marks of
-age on his strongly-lined face, and about the eyes something of the
-tired look of the scholar and bookman, but the face still stamped
-with mental energy, and a calm, tolerant, and dignified outlook on
-life. A faint smile lights up his features, as though satisfied both
-with his own accomplished work and with the world in which he
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_171'>171</span>was living. For penetrating insight, indeed, this portrait is almost
-unsurpassed. It shows that side of the character of Erasmus which
-is displayed in his familiar letters to friends, in his <i>Praise of Folly</i>,
-and his <i>Colloquies</i>, a gentle, genial sense of humour which sweetened
-his intercourse with his fellows.<a id='r384' /><a href='#f384' class='c021'><sup>[384]</sup></a> A sheet in the Print Room of the
-Louvre contains a slight, almost obliterated, study for the head in
-this picture, but full face, and a masterly drawing for the right
-hand, full of character;<a id='r385' /><a href='#f385' class='c021'><sup>[385]</sup></a> a second contains two studies of the left
-hand, and one of the right hand holding the pen in the Louvre
-portrait (Pl. <a href='#pl-55'>55</a>).<a id='r386' /><a href='#f386' class='c021'><sup>[386]</sup></a> In the catalogue of the Meade sale it was stated
-that the picture had been at one time in the Arundel Collection.<a id='r387' /><a href='#f387' class='c021'><sup>[387]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 54.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-54'  class='figcenter id063'>
-<img src='images/i170.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>ERASMUS<br />1523<br /><i>From the picture in the collection of the Earl of Radnor at Longford Castle</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE LONGFORD CASTLE “ERASMUS”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>This version of Erasmus was repeated and copied more than once,
-with slight modifications, during the lifetime of the sitter as well
-as after his death. Such versions are to be found at Turin, Vienna,
-and elsewhere, the best of which is the one in the collection of Mr.
-Walter Gay, in Paris;<a id='r388' /><a href='#f388' class='c021'><sup>[388]</sup></a> while there are others, less closely following
-the original, such as the “Erasmus” at Hampton Court already
-described, which forms a pendant to the “Frobenius.” There is
-a fine portrait of Erasmus in Windsor Castle by George Pencz<a id='r389' /><a href='#f389' class='c021'><sup>[389]</sup></a> of
-Nuremberg, a pupil of Dürer’s, which is evidently based on the Longford
-Castle picture, or a good copy of it,<a id='r390' /><a href='#f390' class='c021'><sup>[390]</sup></a> which bears the artist’s
-initials and the date 1537, so that it was painted the year after the
-scholar’s death. It has a plain green background, on which the
-shadow of the head is cast, and part only of the clasped hands are
-shown. The dress closely resembles that worn by Erasmus in the
-Longford Castle picture. This portrait, though it lacks much of the
-character of the original which inspired it, reproduces many of its
-small details, including the peculiar patch of darkened skin between
-the left cheek-bone and the ear, which is to be seen in almost all
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_172'>172</span>Holbein’s portraits of him.<a id='r391' /><a href='#f391' class='c021'><sup>[391]</sup></a> It was bought by the Duke of Hamilton
-in Nuremberg and presented by him to Charles I in 1652. It was
-No. 13 in Van der Doort’s Catalogue of that King’s collections. Everything
-indicates that the original picture of which this is a version
-was in England in 1537; but as there is no record of any visit paid
-to this country by Pencz, he must have worked, not from the Longford
-original, but from one of the variants painted about 1530, after
-Holbein’s return to Basel from England.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The portrait in the Louvre (Pl. <a href='#pl-56'>56</a>)<a id='r392' /><a href='#f392' class='c021'><sup>[392]</sup></a> is smaller than the Longford
-Castle picture. Erasmus is shown in profile to the left, about
-two-thirds the size of life, seated at a table, writing, his eyes cast
-down on the paper, which he holds in position with his left hand
-upon a book he is using as a writing-desk. In his right<a id='r393' /><a href='#f393' class='c021'><sup>[393]</sup></a> is a reed pen.
-His dress is the same as in Lord Radnor’s picture, and his black cap
-almost conceals his grey hair. In the background on the left is a
-damask curtain of dark bluish green, with a pattern of trees and
-lions in sage green, and powdered with small red and white flowers;
-and, on the right, some wooden panelling. The inscription on the
-paper he holds is now quite illegible, but in the study for the picture,
-in the Basel Gallery, it is still to be plainly read, and shows that the
-scholar is setting down the title of the work upon which he was engaged
-at the time he was sitting to Holbein. It runs—</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c023'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>“In Evangelium Marci paraphrasis per</div>
-      <div class='line in1'>D. Erasmum Roterodamium aucto[rem]</div>
-      <div class='line in1'>Cunctis mortalibus ins[itum est].”</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c025'>This is the heading of his paraphrase of the Gospel of St. Mark, upon
-which he was at work in 1523, and gives the date of the picture. The
-inscription on the Louvre portrait was undoubtedly the same.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 55.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-55'  class='figcenter id064'>
-<img src='images/i172.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>STUDY FOR THE HANDS OF ERASMUS<br /><i>Drawing in silver-point and red and black chalk</i><br /><span class='sc'>Louvre, Paris</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 56.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-56'  class='figcenter id065'>
-<img src='images/i172-2.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>ERASMUS<br />1523<br /><span class='sc'>Louvre, Paris</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>PORTRAIT OF ERASMUS IN THE LOUVRE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>This portrait, like the one in Longford Castle, is painted with
-the utmost perfection, in dark but warm tones; it almost surpasses
-the other both in colouring and in its mastery of expression. The
-features are firmly set, the sitter’s thoughts entirely concentrated
-on his work, so that he is oblivious to all else but the matter in hand.
-The drawing of the hands is masterly. The complexion is warm
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_173'>173</span>and healthy, and the eyebrows, unlike the hair, locks of which straggle
-below the cap, have not yet turned grey. This picture was once in
-the possession of the Newton family. On the back of the pine panel
-on which it is painted is pasted a paper memorandum, now partly
-destroyed, which runs: “Of Holbein, this ... of Erasmus Rotterdamus
-was given to ... Prince by Jos. Adam Newton.” In addition
-there is a red seal with the Newton arms and their motto,
-“Vivit post funera virtus,” as well as the brand of Charles I (C. R.
-surmounted by a crown), and of the French royal collection (M. R.—<i>i.e.</i>
-Musée Royal—also below a crown). King Charles afterwards
-exchanged this picture and a “Holy Family” by Titian with Louis
-XIII for Leonardo’s “St. John the Baptist,” through the medium
-of the French Ambassador, the Duc de Liancourt. After Charles’s
-execution the Leonardo returned to the French royal collections,
-being purchased at the sale by the French banker Jabach for £140,
-and presented by him to Louis XIV. In the catalogue of the Louvre
-by MM. Lafenestre and Richtenberger it is stated that the “Erasmus”
-was “painted for Sir Thomas More,” but this is mere conjecture,
-and probably not correct. It was engraved by François Dequevauvillers
-for the “Galerie du Musée Napoléon,” and etched by Félix
-Bracquemond about 1860. A facsimile of the first state of this fine
-plate was reproduced in the <i>Gazette des Beaux-Arts</i><a id='r394' /><a href='#f394' class='c021'><sup>[394]</sup></a> shortly after the
-etcher’s death.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The original study for the Louvre portrait, in the Basel Gallery
-(No. 319),<a id='r395' /><a href='#f395' class='c021'><sup>[395]</sup></a> is painted in oil on paper, afterwards fastened down on panel.
-With the exception of a plain background, and some slight differences
-in the costume, it agrees in all points with the more elaborately finished
-picture. Erasmus is using a book bound in red as a writing-desk,
-which rests upon a second volume. The tablecloth is green. His
-upper lip shows several days’ growth of iron-grey hair. Although
-not so fine in execution, it is nevertheless a remarkable and lifelike
-study. The present plain green background, however, is not original.
-It had at one time a patterned tapestry hanging behind the figure,
-as can be seen in the woodcut taken from it by Rudolf Manuel in the
-Latin edition of Sebastian Münster’s <i>Cosmography</i>, published in 1550,
-which has an inscription beneath it referring to the portrait in terms
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_174'>174</span>of high praise, and stating that Holbein painted it from life.<a id='r396' /><a href='#f396' class='c021'><sup>[396]</sup></a> It is
-described in the Amerbach inventory as “Ein Erasmus mit olfärb
-vf papir in eim ghüs H. Holbeins arbeit,” and it appears to have belonged
-to Bonifacius almost from the day it was painted. All evidence
-points to this oil-study being the third portrait mentioned by
-Erasmus in his letter to Pirkheimer of the 3rd June, 1524, which
-was taken by the painter into France. Bonifacius Amerbach was
-absent in that country, studying law at Avignon under Alciat, and
-afterwards at the University of Montpellier, for two years, from May
-1522 to May 1524.<a id='r397' /><a href='#f397' class='c021'><sup>[397]</sup></a> In his absence Erasmus sent him his own portrait
-as a present, and by the hands of the artist who painted it. If
-the date of the letter to Pirkheimer is correct, Holbein must have paid
-his visit to the South of France in the early spring of 1524. The
-letter to Pirkheimer, written in the beginning of June, states that
-the pictures had been sent to England and France “recently,” but,
-according to Woltmann, Amerbach was back again in Basel in May,
-before the date of the letter, so that the sequence of events becomes a
-little confused. It is, of course, possible that Amerbach received the
-portrait on the eve of his departure from Montpellier, and that he may
-even have made the journey home in Holbein’s company; while
-Erasmus may not have troubled himself to inform his correspondent
-that the portrait sent into France was already back again in Basel.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>VISIT TO THE SOUTH OF FRANCE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Nothing is known of this journey undertaken by Holbein, but
-it is not at all likely that he set out solely as the messenger of Erasmus,
-for the set purpose of delivering the portrait to Amerbach. It is
-much more probable that the desire for travel was still strong in
-him, and that the spirit of adventure, combined with the wish to
-discover fresh fields for the practice of his art, may have sent him
-forth as a wanderer again. In this connection, Dr. Ganz points out
-the somewhat strange coincidence that at this very time, the 19th
-April 1524, his patron, Jakob Meyer, set out from Basel for Lyon,
-with a band of two hundred men, in order to join the French expedition
-about to proceed against Milan.<a id='r398' /><a href='#f398' class='c021'><sup>[398]</sup></a> Holbein may have seized the
-opportunity of travelling with him, not necessarily as a fighting man,
-but for the sake of company on his journey. The route followed was
-probably through Besançon, Dijon, Beaune, Macon, Lyon, and down
-the Rhône to Avignon, Nimes, and Montpellier. In these cities he
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_175'>175</span>would see many fine examples of French Renaissance architecture,
-the influence of which, as already pointed out, can be detected in
-certain of his designs for glass-painting; and it is highly probable,
-also, that he must have had opportunities of studying to some extent
-the work of the Clouets and their school, with whose art, both in
-point of view and technique, his own had certain features in common,
-and that their portraits, with their enamel-like surfaces, and more
-particularly their lifelike and elegant portrait-studies in coloured
-chalks, must have made a considerable impression upon him.<a id='r399' /><a href='#f399' class='c021'><sup>[399]</sup></a> Beyond
-such influences as these, to be seen in his later work, there is nothing
-to indicate such a journey, nor, if it were actually taken, for how
-long he was absent from Basel.<a id='r400' /><a href='#f400' class='c021'><sup>[400]</sup></a> The scarcity of dated works between
-1523 and 1526 may suggest a lengthy absence abroad, but this is
-more than counterbalanced by the fact that, with the exception of
-a couple of drawings, there is nothing from his hand, either portrait,
-or church picture, or wall decoration, so far discovered, which can
-be shown to have been carried out in France. It is possible, though
-not probable, that the greater number of the “Dance of Death”
-woodcuts, which were first published in 1538 at Lyon, were finished
-by 1523, and that Holbein, during his stay in that city, may have
-made arrangements with the Trechsels for their publication; but
-there is nothing to show that this was the objective of his journey.
-Moreover, everything seems to indicate that Holbein merely supplied
-the designs for these woodcuts to the engraver Lützelburger,
-and had no further monetary interest in them or their publication
-in which case his visit to Lyon need not necessarily have had anything
-to do with them.<a id='r401' /><a href='#f401' class='c021'><sup>[401]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The two drawings to which reference has been made are in the
-Basel Collection, and are studies of two life-size sepulchral effigies
-of the early fifteenth century, in the cathedral of Bourges, representing
-the Duke Jehan de Berry, who died in 1416, and his wife, kneeling
-with hands clasped in prayer. In Holbein’s day the monument was
-still in its original position in the private chapel of the Dukes of
-Berry, afterwards pulled down, when the figures were removed to the
-ambulatory of the choir. Other parts of the monument are now in
-the local museum. Holbein’s masterly touch has vivified the somewhat
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_176'>176</span>stiff and formal attitudes of these kneeling figures, in which,
-however, can be seen the beginnings of that realism and individuality
-which formed so marked a characteristic of the work of a later period
-of sculpture. These two fine drawings,<a id='r402' /><a href='#f402' class='c021'><sup>[402]</sup></a> of which that of the Duchess
-(Pl. <a href='#pl-57'>57</a>)<a id='r403' /><a href='#f403' class='c021'><sup>[403]</sup></a> is the more beautiful, have almost the appearance of being
-studies from life instead of mere transcripts from the stone, and
-this effect is heightened by the skilful use the artist has made of
-touches of red and yellow crayons to his black chalk drawings. The
-sharp features of the Duchess, with high forehead and pointed nose,
-seen in profile, are full of expression. She wears the costume of the
-early fifteenth century, with a high ruff and heavy gold necklace, her
-golden hair enclosed in a fine net, and surmounted by a diadem set
-with square stones and jewels. It is now only possible to compare
-Holbein’s truth of likeness to the original in the case of the statue
-of the Duke, for in that of the Duchess the head was broken off
-during the French Revolution, and was replaced by another some
-forty years later, lacking all expression, and with a royal crown
-instead of the ducal diadem.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>These two studies, however, cannot have been made during Holbein’s
-visit to Southern France in 1524; the draughtsmanship of them
-points to a later period, when his art had reached its greatest pitch of
-perfection. The position of Bourges, too, in the very centre of France,
-was far distant from the route he would take to reach Montpellier.
-Nor can they be connected with his first journey to England in 1526,
-for on that occasion he passed through Antwerp, his direct route being
-down the Rhine; and he made use, no doubt, of the same waterway
-on his return to Basel in 1528. In all probability the visit to Bourges
-took place in 1538. In the late summer of that year Holbein went
-with Philip Hoby to Joinville and Nancy on Henry VIII’s business,<a id='r404' /><a href='#f404' class='c021'><sup>[404]</sup></a>
-and took the opportunity of paying a visit of a few weeks’ duration
-to his family and old friends in Basel. On his return to England he
-is supposed to have taken his eldest son with him as far as Paris,
-where he apprenticed him to the goldsmith Jakob David, and from
-Switzerland Bourges would be on the route to the capital of France.<a id='r405' /><a href='#f405' class='c021'><sup>[405]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 57.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-57'  class='figcenter id066'>
-<img src='images/i176.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE DUCHESS OF BERRY<br /><i>Drawing in black and coloured chalks</i><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>After Holbein’s return to Switzerland from England in 1528 he
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_177'>177</span>painted Erasmus again. A number of versions of this third type
-exist, of which the finest are the small Greystoke portrait, which in
-1909 passed into the collection of the late Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan, and
-the small roundel in the Basel Gallery. One of the versions, in the
-Parma Gallery, bears the date 1530. Erasmus had retired to Freiburg
-with Amerbach in 1528 in order to avoid the iconoclastic disturbances
-in Basel, and he must have given Holbein a sitting, most probably
-in that town, between 1528 and 1530. These later portraits closely
-follow the Longford Castle type as regards the pose and the position
-of the head, three-quarters face to the spectator’s left, and the details
-of the dress; but the sitter appears considerably older, and in every
-instance the background is a plain one.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE GREYSTOKE PORTRAIT OF ERASMUS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The Greystoke picture<a id='r406' /><a href='#f406' class='c021'><sup>[406]</sup></a> has every appearance of being a work
-from Holbein’s own brush. The masterly modelling, the fine and
-subtle draughtsmanship, the wonderful expression of the mouth and
-the still keen and brilliant eyes, are too good and too true to life
-to be the work of a mere copyist. The cheeks are more sunken
-and the face more heavily lined than in the portraits of 1523. The
-eyebrows are still dark, but the hair which straggles from below the
-black cap is white, and is drawn with all the minute care and delicacy
-with which Holbein always portrayed it in his portraits, and the
-stubble of a beard of a few days’ growth is also indicated with the
-touch of a master. The hands, resting on a narrow ledge in front of
-him, and half concealed by the deep fur cuffs of his gown, are not so
-good, and are much less expressive than was usual with Holbein.
-The picture is in a fine state of preservation, and the colour scheme
-is rich and harmonious, though the plain blue background has turned
-to a greenish hue in the course of time. Upon it, to the left of the
-head, is a small white label, with the inscription, “Erasmus Roterodamus,”
-which appears to be fastened to the wall with red wafers
-and a pin, like the label in the portrait of the Duchess of Milan.
-According to Sir Sidney Colvin,<a id='r407' /><a href='#f407' class='c021'><sup>[407]</sup></a> both labels were probably the work
-of the same hand, and are of later date than the paintings. He suggests
-that the inscription on the “Erasmus” portrait was added to
-it when it was in the Arundel Collection.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_178'>178</span>On the back of the panel is an interesting inscription, written,
-according to the same authority, in a hand of not later date than
-1530-50. It runs as follows:—</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c023'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>“Haunce Holbein me fecit</div>
-      <div class='line in1'>Johanne[s] Noryce me dedit</div>
-      <div class='line in1'>Edwardus Banyster me possidit.”</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c024'>John Norris, or Noryce—the name was spelt in various other
-ways—was one of the minor officials of Henry VIII’s court, filling
-the part of gentleman usher, which he afterwards held under
-Edward VI and Queen Mary, dying in 1564 as chief usher of the
-Privy Chamber to the latter queen. Among other offices which he
-obtained was that of Controller of Windsor Castle. He was son and
-heir of Sir Edward Norris of Bray and Yattendon in Berkshire, and
-elder brother of that ill-fated Henry Norris, one of Henry’s close
-companions, who was involved in the tragic fate of Anne Boleyn.
-The inscription shows that at some time, probably during Holbein’s
-life, John Norris owned this portrait of Erasmus, and that he presented
-it to a friend named Edward Banister. According to Sir
-Sidney Colvin’s researches, this Banister was also employed about the
-Court. In 1526 he appears as a gentleman usher out of wages for the
-county of Hants, and in 1539 he was one of the representatives of the
-same county appointed to receive Anne of Cleves at Calais and escort
-her to England. The inscription on the picture was probably written
-by Banister himself.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>This portrait may have been the one in the possession of John,
-Lord Lumley, son-in-law of Henry Fitzalan, twelfth and last Earl
-of Arundel of that creation. In the Lumley inventory of 1590 it is
-described as “Of Erasmus of Roterdame, drawne by Haunce Holbyn.”
-Among his other portraits by Holbein, Lord Lumley also possessed the
-full-length of the Duchess of Milan, and it is most probable that the
-label with the inscription was added to both portraits when in his
-collection. The “Erasmus” was afterwards in the famous collection
-of Thomas Howard, the great Earl of Arundel, from which it passed
-by bequest of Alathea, Countess of Arundel, to her grandson, Charles
-Howard, into that of the Greystoke branch of the Howard family,
-where it remained, at their seat in Cumberland, until its recent purchase
-by Mr. Morgan. The Earl of Arundel possessed two portraits
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_179'>179</span>of Erasmus by Holbein,<a id='r408' /><a href='#f408' class='c021'><sup>[408]</sup></a> the second being the Longford Castle picture.
-While in this collection the Greystoke version was engraved
-by Lucas Vorsterman, a very excellent print, undated, in which the
-figure is in reverse of the picture.<a id='r409' /><a href='#f409' class='c021'><sup>[409]</sup></a> It was engraved again, when in
-the same collection, by Andreas Stock, the plate being dated from
-the Hague, 1628. In this engraving the position is the same as in
-the portrait, which suggests that Stock merely copied from Vorsterman,
-and not from the picture itself. In the inscription at the foot
-of Stock’s engraving it is stated that the portrait from which it was
-taken was the one which Erasmus himself told Sir Thomas More he
-very greatly preferred to the one of him by Albrecht Dürer; but the
-statement appears to have no real foundation in fact. Whether the
-portrait was sent to England by Erasmus in charge of Holbein when
-he returned to England in 1532, as a present to some friend or admirer,
-or whether the artist brought it over in the ordinary way of his
-business, it is now impossible to say. It is now in the Metropolitan
-Museum, New York.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>PARMA PORTRAIT OF ERASMUS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The Greystoke portrait closely resembles the Parma picture,
-which is regarded by most critics as an original work, though to the
-present writer it appears to be no more than a fine contemporary
-copy or adaptation of Mr. Morgan’s picture or the Basel roundel.
-The Parma example,<a id='r410' /><a href='#f410' class='c021'><sup>[410]</sup></a> in which Erasmus is shown with his hands
-holding open one of his own books, has the date 1530 on the plain
-background, two figures on either side of the head.<a id='r411' /><a href='#f411' class='c021'><sup>[411]</sup></a> Documentary
-evidence<a id='r412' /><a href='#f412' class='c021'><sup>[412]</sup></a> exists, showing that Holbein had painted one or more
-portraits of Erasmus at this period. One of them was in the possession
-of Goelenius, professor at Louvain, and in 1531 Johannes Dantiscus,
-Bishop of Kulm, and afterwards of Ermeland, was anxious to obtain
-a copy of it, and wrote asking to have this done for him by a painter
-of Malines. Goelenius, in reply, sent to his friend the original portrait
-as a gift. The Bishop, however, not to be outdone in generosity,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_180'>180</span>returned the present, at the same time saying that the portrait was
-an earlier one than he had supposed, and that he wanted one of a
-more recent date. In answer to this Goelenius wrote that fortunately
-he was on terms of such close friendship with Holbein that he could
-get him to do anything he wished, and would procure from him a
-portrait of Erasmus which he had quite recently painted. Some
-portrait, whether an original or only a copy, was eventually sent,
-and it has been suggested that it was the portrait now in the Parma
-Gallery. When Dantiscus became Bishop of Ermeland, he would,
-in all probability, take the portrait with him; and this district was
-afterwards devastated by the Swedes during the Thirty Years’ War,
-and many of the art treasures of the province carried to Sweden.
-Some of these spoils of war became the property of Queen Christina,
-who took them with her to Italy, where she lived in later life, and
-among the works so taken, it is conjectured, may well have been the
-Erasmus portrait now at Parma.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 58.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-58a'  class='figcenter id067'>
-<img src='images/i180a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>1. ERASMUS<br />Roundel<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id='pl-58b'  class='figcenter id068'>
-<img src='images/i180b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>2. PHILIP MELANCHTHON<br />Roundel<br /><span class='sc'>Provinzial Museum, Hanover</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>The little roundel in the Basel Gallery (No. 324) (Pl. <a href='#pl-58a'>58</a> (1)),<a id='r413' /><a href='#f413' class='c021'><sup>[413]</sup></a>
-which is about four inches in diameter, forms part of the Amerbach
-Collection, and, no doubt, came into the possession of Bonifacius
-on the death of Erasmus. It agrees in all respects with the Greystoke
-portrait, though only the head and shoulders are shown, and
-it is not quite so masterly in its execution. It is very possibly the
-original study made by Holbein in Freiburg, upon which the Greystoke
-and other portraits were based. It has a plain blue-green
-background, and is perhaps not quite in its original state. There is
-a third “Erasmus” at Basel, the small panel in the Faesch Collection
-(No. 356),<a id='r414' /><a href='#f414' class='c021'><sup>[414]</sup></a> a good old copy of the roundel in the Amerbach Collection.
-All three are mentioned by Patin. It would serve no useful purpose
-to enumerate and describe the many other versions of the roundel,
-the Greystoke, and the Longford portraits, which exist in various
-European collections at St. Petersburg,<a id='r415' /><a href='#f415' class='c021'><sup>[415]</sup></a> Cassel, Karlsruhe, Vienna,
-Turin,<a id='r416' /><a href='#f416' class='c021'><sup>[416]</sup></a> Rotterdam, Lausanne,<a id='r417' /><a href='#f417' class='c021'><sup>[417]</sup></a> and elsewhere. As already stated,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_181'>181</span>they were in great demand among the admirers of Erasmus, so that
-numerous copies must have been made. In the lifetime of Amerbach’s
-son Basilius there were no less than five in Basel, and when Richard
-Strein of Vienna wrote to him asking him to procure him a portrait
-of the great humanist, Amerbach, in reply, wanted to know which
-of the five he would like copied. The copy by Pencz, already described,
-may have been taken from one of these later portraits rather
-than from the Longford portrait of 1523. The copy at Rotterdam is
-said to have been presented by the Basel Council to the Rotterdam
-Council in 1532.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>WOODCUTS PORTRAIT OF ERASMUS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Two other portraits of Erasmus by Holbein cannot be overlooked.
-These are the two beautiful woodcuts from his designs, which, from
-the fineness and accuracy of their execution, must have been cut by
-Hans Lützelburger. The first is a small round portrait,<a id='r418' /><a href='#f418' class='c021'><sup>[418]</sup></a> showing the
-head and shoulders only, in profile, turned to the spectator’s right,
-seen against a plain background, and inscribed round the plain circular
-framework “Erasmus Roterodam.” It is evidently of about
-the same date as the Louvre portrait, and may have been one of the
-first of Holbein’s designs engraved by Lützelburger, who settled in
-Basel about 1523. The delicate and rather emaciated features of
-the scholar have been reproduced with wonderful skill. It was first
-used on the back of the title-page of the <i>Adagiorum opus Des. Erasmi
-Roterodami</i>, published by Froben in 1533, and again in <i>Des. Erasmi
-Rot. Ecclesiastæ sive de ratione concionandi libri quatuor</i> (1535).</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The second,<a id='r419' /><a href='#f419' class='c021'><sup>[419]</sup></a> and still more beautiful, woodcut is considerably
-larger, being 11¼ inches high by 9 inches wide (Pl. <a href='#pl-59'>59</a>). In his
-catalogue Amerbach calls it “Erasmus Rotterdamus in eim Ghüs.”
-Erasmus is represented at full length, standing, turned three-quarters
-to the right, in his doctor’s cap and furred gown, his right hand resting
-on the head of a truncated figure of Terminus, towards which he
-points with his other hand. The framework or “ghüs” within which
-he is placed shows to the fullest advantage Holbein’s complete mastery
-of Renaissance design, and is equal to the finest contemporary Italian
-work of the kind. It is purer in style, and lighter and more elegant
-in effect, than the greater number of his earlier designs for woodcuts.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_182'>182</span>Two pillars with caryatid figures, with long beards and folded arms,
-and baskets of fruit on their heads, support a round arch above which
-on either side are nude figures with cornucopiæ, from which hang
-long wreaths of fruit and foliage. The whole is surmounted by a
-winged cherub above a lion’s head, from the mouth of which hangs
-a tablet inscribed “<span class='sc'>Er. Rot.</span>” At the base a larger tablet is supported
-by two fish-tailed female figures. As a portrait this engraving
-is as fine as either the Longford or the Louvre pictures. The small
-head is full of force and character; and equally fine is the expression
-on the smiling face of the Terminus, while the treatment of the
-draperies is just as admirable. It is difficult to know which to admire
-the most, the beauty of the artist’s design and draughtsmanship,
-or the wonderful fidelity of the engraver, who in cutting it has lost little
-or nothing of the delicacy of Holbein’s touch, for both are masterly.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The original pear-wood block is in the Basel Gallery. Early
-proof impressions of it are in the British Museum, the Berlin and
-Munich Print Rooms, and elsewhere. These have a two-lined Latin
-inscription on the tablet at the base—</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c023'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>“Corporis effigiem si quis non vidit Erasmi,</div>
-      <div class='line in1'>Hanc scite ad vivum picta tabella dabit.”</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c025'>(If anyone has not seen Erasmus in his bodily shape, this cut, drawn
-from life, will give his counterfeit.) The design was evidently
-made for a complete edition of the works of Erasmus, but no such
-publication has been met with in which this impression with the
-single distich appears. The woodcut is first encountered in the complete
-edition of his writings published by Froben’s son, Hieronymus,
-and Nic. Episcopius in 1540, with a four-lined inscription, in which
-Holbein’s name is coupled with that of Erasmus in terms of high
-praise—</p>
-<div class='lg-container-b c023'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>“Pallas Apellæam nuper mirata tabellam,</div>
-      <div class='line in3'>Hanc ait, æternum Bibliotheca colat.</div>
-      <div class='line in1'>Dædaleam monstrat Musis Holbeinnius artem,</div>
-      <div class='line in3'>Et summi Ingenii Magnus Erasmus opes.”</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c024'>No one but Lützelburger can have cut it, so that the design must
-have been made before Holbein’s first visit to England. Why Froben
-made no earlier use of it, it is impossible to say.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 59.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-59'  class='figcenter id069'>
-<img src='images/i182.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>ERASMUS<br /><i>From a woodcut in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>PORTRAITS OF FROBEN</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The history of the double portrait of Erasmus and Froben, as far
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_183'>183</span>as it is known, has been already given. The version of Froben, at
-Hampton Court<a id='r420' /><a href='#f420' class='c021'><sup>[420]</sup></a>—No. 603 (323)—is a drawing on parchment, afterwards
-fastened down on a panel, and roughly finished as a picture,
-and has little of the careful elaboration of Holbein’s painted portraits.
-It is a half-length figure, less than life-size, turned to the
-right, the face seen almost in profile. The arms are folded, and the
-hands, thrust within the sleeves of his brown cloak, which is lined
-with fur at the neck, are not seen. He wears no cap, and his straight
-hair is growing thin. The head is seen against what now appears
-to be a window or opening, sea-green in colour, which is part of the
-original plain background, afterwards repainted by Von Steenwyck
-with various pillars and mouldings. In front is a narrow stone ledge,
-over the greater part of which hangs what appears to be a white
-cloth, on which is inscribed, “<span class='sc'>Ioannes Frobenius typ. <span class="ls">H</span>Holbein p.</span>”
-which is not the original handiwork of the painter. The face is a
-kindly but ugly one, and bears out the character given to him by
-Erasmus, who was overcome with grief at his sudden death. “All
-the friends of the belles lettres,” he wrote to a friend, “should put
-on mourning attire and shed tears at the death of this man, and
-should wreath his grave with ivy and flowers. Never before have
-I felt how great is the power of sincere friendship. I bore with
-moderation the death of my own brother; but what I cannot endure
-is the longing for Froben. So simple and sincere was his nature that
-he could not have dissembled had he wished. To show kindness to
-everyone was his greatest delight, and even if the unworthy received
-his benefits, he was glad. His fidelity was immovable, and as he
-himself never had evil in his mind, he was never able to cherish suspicion
-of others.”</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>There is a similar portrait of Froben in the Basel Gallery
-(No. 357),<a id='r421' /><a href='#f421' class='c021'><sup>[421]</sup></a> an old copy, which was presented to the Basel University
-by Christian von Mechel, who acquired it as an original work by
-Holbein from the publisher Enschede at Haarlem in 1792, and was
-transferred to the Gallery in 1811. In the letter making the gift he
-speaks of it as softer, richer, and more powerful than the usual Holbein
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_184'>184</span>style. A third, and inferior, example was lent to the Tudor Exhibition
-in 1890 by Sir Henry B. St. John Mildmay, Bt. (No. 134), which
-is perhaps identical with the small portrait in oil which belonged to
-Walpole and was sold in 1842 at the Strawberry Hill sale for
-19 guineas.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The genuineness of the Hampton Court portrait of Froben has
-been often disputed, and to-day the consensus of opinion is not in
-its favour. Both Waagen and Woltmann regarded it as a copy, and
-more recent writers, among them Dr. Ganz, hold the same view.
-Even those who consider it to be a genuine work by Holbein are forced
-to own that it is by no means a fine example of his portraiture. The
-head, however, has more character than is usually found in a copy,
-and, no doubt, its present condition is due to some extent to the mishandling
-it received from Von Steenwyck, who probably did not
-confine his attentions solely to the background. It is possible, therefore,
-to regard it as an original study by Holbein, which has suffered
-somewhat severely in the course of years. Mr. Ernest Law speaks of
-it as a genuine though not first-class example, and refers to the version
-at Basel as “little more than a clumsy imitation” of it.<a id='r422' /><a href='#f422' class='c021'><sup>[422]</sup></a> The Basel
-Catalogue, on the other hand, says that the latter portrait, which is
-an old copy or else an original which has suffered severely from
-repainting, is “incomparably better than the seventeenth-century
-replica at Hampton Court.” Woltmann considered the Basel version
-to be merely a late Netherlandish copy,<a id='r423' /><a href='#f423' class='c021'><sup>[423]</sup></a> while Knackfuss says that
-it is “very bad as regards colouring.”<a id='r424' /><a href='#f424' class='c021'><sup>[424]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>ROUNDEL OF MELANCHTHON</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Another friend and correspondent of Erasmus, Philip Melanchthon,
-was painted by Holbein, though there is no evidence to show when or
-how they met. The small roundel in oils of the young German scholar in
-the Provinzial Museum at Hanover (Pl. <a href='#pl-58b'>58</a> (2))<a id='r425' /><a href='#f425' class='c021'><sup>[425]</sup></a> may perhaps have been
-done as a pendant to the circular “Erasmus” at Basel. It is almost
-exactly the same size, about four inches in diameter, and is carried
-out with an almost equal delicacy and freedom of touch, as though it
-were a study direct from nature. Melanchthon is shown nearly in full
-profile to the right, with dark smooth hair falling on his ears, and a
-scanty beard and moustache. His coat and plain white shirt are open
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_185'>185</span>in front, showing the bare chest. The background is grey, but may
-possibly have been at one time blue. The head itself is not free from
-retouching. It is preserved in its original circular box, the inner side
-of the cover being decorated in grey monochrome with a very
-beautiful design of foliage and fruit intermingled with the heads and
-figures of satyrs in the Renaissance style from Holbein’s own hand,
-and across the centre a cartouche with the following inscription in
-gold: “Qui cernis tantum non, viva Melanthonis ora, Holbinus rara
-dexteritate dedit,”<a id='r426' /><a href='#f426' class='c021'><sup>[426]</sup></a> which is perhaps the sitter’s own personal tribute
-to the skill of the painter. The style of the Renaissance decoration
-indicates that in all probability the portrait was painted during
-Holbein’s third stay in Basel (1528-32).<a id='r427' /><a href='#f427' class='c021'><sup>[427]</sup></a> Melanchthon attended
-the Imperial Diet at Speier in 1529,<a id='r428' /><a href='#f428' class='c021'><sup>[428]</sup></a> and a little later visited his
-mother in Bretten, and it is by no means impossible that he also
-went to Freiburg to see Erasmus, and that while there, some time
-during 1530, Holbein painted the roundels of both friends. A second
-version of this portrait was in the possession of Horace Walpole, in
-which the inscription runs round the outer edge. It fetched fifteen
-guineas at the Strawberry Hill sale in 1842, and is now in the collection
-of Sir William van Horne in Montreal.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>With these portraits of Erasmus and some of his most intimate
-friends may be placed Holbein’s own portrait of himself (<i>Frontispiece</i>),
-the very exquisite drawing in the Basel Gallery (No. 320),<a id='r429' /><a href='#f429' class='c021'><sup>[429]</sup></a> in which
-he is represented almost full face, wearing a large red hat, a brown-grey
-cloak or overcoat with bands of black velvet, and a white
-shirt tied with strings at the neck. He is beardless, with short
-dark-brown hair, and brown eyes. The study is on paper, and is
-drawn in Indian ink and coloured chalks, and washed with water-colour
-which has faded in parts. This drawing, like the portrait of
-Holbein’s wife and children, and the one of Von Rüdiswiler of Lucerne
-by Ambrosius Holbein, has been at some time cut out round the
-outlines, and afterwards mounted on a greyish paper, which produces
-the slight effect of hardness which must certainly have been missing
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_186'>186</span>in its untouched state.<a id='r430' /><a href='#f430' class='c021'><sup>[430]</sup></a> In 1907 the plain blue background was
-carefully renewed from an old example.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Some writers have held that it is not absolutely certain that this
-drawing really represents the painter. In the Amerbach inventory
-of 1586 it is described as, “Item ein tafelen gehort darin ein conterfehung
-Holbeins mit trocken farben (a counterfeit of Holbein in dry
-colours, <i>i.e.</i> crayons), so im grossen kasten vnder Holbeins kunst
-ligt”; and in the later inventories it is described in much the same
-way. Knackfuss, among others, says that from these words it is not
-positively to be concluded that the “counterfeit” was of Holbein
-himself. There can be little doubt, however, that Amerbach intended
-to describe it as a portrait of Holbein by himself; if it had been a
-drawing of some unknown sitter he would have so described it. As
-far back as 1676 it was published by Patin in his edition of the <i>Praise
-of Folly</i> as Holbein’s portrait from his own hand. It bears, too, a
-strong likeness to the portraits of Holbein as a boy by the elder Hans,
-both in the “St. Paul” picture and in the drawing of 1511 of the
-two brothers at Berlin. There is the same massive head, with its fine
-forehead, breadth of cheek-bones, strong chin, and firm mouth. It
-has great resemblance, too, when due allowance has been made for
-the passing of twenty years or so, to the miniature portraits of himself
-which he painted at the end of his life. It may be accepted, indeed,
-without reservation as a genuine portrait of Holbein, of about the
-date 1523-5, when he was some twenty-six years old.<a id='r431' /><a href='#f431' class='c021'><sup>[431]</sup></a> As a portrait
-it is a magnificent study. The face is a strong one, of a somewhat
-serious cast, but with a suggestion of humour about the finely shaped
-mobile mouth and in the clear brown eyes. The broadly built head
-with its high forehead indicates strength of character and intellectual
-capacity, and there is a quiet dignity and a sense of power in the
-whole countenance and in the carriage of the youthful figure, which
-one would expect to find in the likeness of a painter possessed, as
-Holbein was, of such brilliant technical abilities and so wonderful a
-creative genius.<a id='r432' /><a href='#f432' class='c021'><sup>[432]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_187'>187</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>CHAPTER IX<br /> <br /><span class='c019'>DESIGNS FOR BOOK ILLUSTRATIONS</span></h2>
-</div>
-<p class='c020'>Holbein’s work for the Basel publishers—Imperfection of the
-cutting of his earlier book illustrations—His connection with
-Hans Lützelburger—His first title-page—More’s <i>Utopia</i>—the
-Table of Cebes—Luther’s translation of the New
-Testament—Title-page to the quarto edition—Work for Luther’s
-translation of the Old Testament—“The Sale of
-Indulgences”—“Christ the True Light”—Woodcuts representing
-incidents of common life, dancing, merry-making, &amp;c.—Initial
-letters and alphabets—Trade-marks and devices for printers.</p>
-<div class='c012'>
-  <img class='drop-capi' src='images/dc-t.jpg' width='100' height='99' alt='' />
-</div><p class='drop-capi1_1'>
-THROUGHOUT the whole period of his first residence
-in Basel a considerable part of Holbein’s time was
-occupied with the production of designs for book
-illustrations, such as title-pages, head and tail-pieces,
-ornamental borders, initial letters, and printers’
-marks. Including the “Dance of Death” and Old
-Testament illustrations, and the various alphabets of his designing,
-Woltmann enumerates more than three hundred woodcuts or metal
-engravings, large or small, for which Holbein made the drawings.
-Much of his work of this kind was done for Froben, but he was also
-frequently employed by Adam Petri, Thomas Wolff, and other printers
-and publishers.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The old contention that Holbein himself cut the blocks bearing
-his own designs, which at one time produced much acrimonious dispute
-and a voluminous literature, has long since been abandoned, and there
-is absolutely nothing to be said in its favour. He must, however,
-have had a thorough working knowledge of the technical side of woodengraving,
-and of the limits within which it was necessary to confine
-his art; and within those limits he produced the most splendid results.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>A number of his earlier designs were not cut in wood, but in metal.
-The method was similar to that of wood-cutting, the drawing being
-left in relief, as on the wood block, a process exactly opposite to
-copperplate engraving, in which the lines to be reproduced are
-incised. Several of his title-pages and ornaments from metal blocks
-bear the initials I.F. upon them, and it was at one time considered
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_188'>188</span>that they were probably the work of Froben himself,<a id='r433' /><a href='#f433' class='c021'><sup>[433]</sup></a> who is described
-more than once as “chalcographer,” or a worker in metal. The
-term, however, may mean only a designer and caster of type, which
-was a trade Froben followed side by side with that of a publisher.
-The I.F. of these engravings was not Froben, but Jakob Faber, who
-was the best of the cutters in metal who worked after Holbein.
-Froben, no doubt, employed a permanent staff of engravers, both for
-his own publications and also for the sale of blocks and plates to other
-publishers. Faber was possibly one of those who found more or less
-regular employment in his service, and another was the engraver
-with the signature “C.V.,” who engraved the eight metal cuts in
-illustration of the Lord’s Prayer, which appeared about 1523, badly
-printed, in two rare editions of the <i>Precatio Dominica</i> of Erasmus,
-copies of which are included in the William Mitchell Collection in the
-British Museum. The proofs in the Basel Gallery have German
-text; the Mitchell set, with a clause of the Paternoster in French
-printed at the top of each cut, is a unique state, and the impressions
-are very early and sharp. The same “C.V.” engraved in metal the
-Evangelists in the Greek Testaments of 1524 and 1540.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>One of the finest of Faber’s metal-cuts is the folio title-page issued
-by Cratander in 1525, representing Christ before God the Father,
-surrounded by a great crowd of boy-angels, in the lunette at the top,
-the symbols of the four Evangelists in niches shown in perspective at
-the sides, and the Apostles at the foot. This title-page is made up of
-four separate plates, each of which bears the initials “I.F.”<a id='r434' /><a href='#f434' class='c021'><sup>[434]</sup></a> Quite
-recently (1913) the British Museum has received from the National
-Art-Collections Fund a rare Book of Hours, printed at Lyon in 1548,
-containing fourteen metal-cuts by Faber after Holbein’s designs.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>HANS LÜTZELBURGER</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>According to Woltmann, many copper plates after Holbein’s
-designs were still in existence in Basel as late as 1852, in the possession
-of the family of a publisher named Haas, but were subsequently
-sold on a division of the property, all further traces of them being
-lost.<a id='r435' /><a href='#f435' class='c021'><sup>[435]</sup></a> These metal engravings of Holbein’s book ornaments as a rule
-do but little justice to the original designs, and compare very
-unfavourably with the later wood engravings cut by Hans Lützelburger.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_189'>189</span>They miss much of the strength and character of Holbein’s line,
-and are marked by a hardness of effect which is by no means pleasing.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Many of the earlier wood engravings, too, suffer in the same way
-from the imperfection of the cutting, inferior workmen having been
-employed to reproduce them, just as in the case of the book illustrations
-of Ambrosius Holbein, who was employed by Froben quite as
-often as his brother Hans, and whose work also suffered from
-inadequate translation. It thus becomes difficult, in the case of
-several unsigned prints, to decide which of the two young men was
-the designer of them. In these earlier efforts, too, Hans had not
-reached to that pitch of excellence in adapting his design to the
-requirements of the wood-cutters to which he attained some years
-later, when he was working in conjunction with Lützelburger, nor had
-his powers of draughtsmanship and composition yet found their complete
-expression. Having at length met with an engraver who could do
-full justice to his ideas, and one who was as great a master in one
-branch of art as he himself was in another, Holbein’s genius for
-decorative design matured rapidly, so that the two men between
-them produced works in this field which have never been surpassed.
-They worked together from the autumn of 1522 until Lützelburger’s
-death and Holbein’s departure from Basel in 1526.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Modern researches have failed to glean much information about
-the life and career of Lützelburger. On a tablet below a wood
-engraving of his cutting representing a battle between peasants and
-naked men in a fir wood in Utopia, designed by the unknown
-Augsburg master N.H., he signs himself “<span class='sc'>Hanns. Levczellbvrger.
-fvrmschnider.</span> 1.5.2.2.” At a later date, on the proofs of Holbein’s
-“Dance of Death” alphabet, he calls himself “Hanns Lützelburger,
-furmschneider, genant Franck,” that is, “Hans Lützelburger, wood-engraver,
-called Franck.” This is printed in movable type, the first
-H being an ornamented Roman capital, while the other letters of the
-name are in the German character. He was one of the group of
-wood-engravers who were working at Augsburg about 1516-19,
-under the direction of Jost de Negker, on the blocks for the Emperor
-Maximilian, and his name is written or his monogram cut upon the
-back of nine of the “Triumph” blocks, still preserved at Vienna,
-and he also cut nine of the series of “Saints connected with the
-House of Habsburg” in 1516-17. All available evidence indicates that
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_190'>190</span>the “Battle of Naked Men” was engraved in Augsburg. In the
-same year, 1522, Lützelburger cut an alphabet for the printer Schöffer
-at Maintz, of which the letter L is signed “H.L.F.,” and the same
-date and initials occur on two specimen ornamental alphabets
-evidently designed by the same unknown artist.<a id='r436' /><a href='#f436' class='c021'><sup>[436]</sup></a> Whether he was
-residing at Maintz at the time is uncertain, but by the autumn of 1522
-Lützelburger had moved to Basel, and was at work on Adam Petri’s
-folio New Testament. There he remained until his death in the
-summer of 1526, in constant collaboration with Holbein, engraving,
-among many other designs, the “Dance of Death” woodcuts and
-many of the Old Testament illustrations. What little is known of
-him points rather to Augsburg than to Basel as his place of birth,
-though, according to Herr His-Heusler’s researches, a family of that
-name was then living in Basel, the names of both a Michael and a
-Jakob Lützelburger appearing in the baptismal register of St.
-Leonhard between 1529 and 1533; while the same name occurs
-frequently in the parish register of the adjacent town of Colmar
-during the first half of the sixteenth century. Further documents
-discovered by His-Heusler show that Lützelburger died in Basel
-before the 23rd June 1526, and that he was insolvent at the time.
-Among his creditors were the printer, Melchior Trechsel, of Lyon,
-for an advance of 27 florins 15 shillings, and Hans zum Sessel
-(Froben), for 3 florins 10 shillings. Trechsel, the publisher of the
-“Dance of Death” and “Old Testament” woodcuts, on hearing of
-Lützelburger’s death, also demanded certain wood blocks ordered by
-his firm, for which the money had been advanced, upon which the
-deceased had been at work. These blocks were sent to him on the
-condition that he appointed some person of substance in Basel as
-security, in case some other creditor proved to have prior claims on
-the estate; and in accordance with this arrangement he appointed
-Johan Lukas Iselin as his surety.<a id='r437' /><a href='#f437' class='c021'><sup>[437]</sup></a> In the list of Lützelburger’s
-furniture and effects seized by the court he is described merely as
-“Hans Formschneider,” but there is no doubt that this “form-cutter”
-was Lützelburger, who at the time of his death was cutting the block
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_191'>191</span>of “The Waggoner” for the “Dance of Death,” which he left
-incomplete.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Holbein drew all these designs directly on the wood block. There
-is not a single sketch or study in existence for any one of the very
-numerous book illustrations and decorations which he produced.<a id='r438' /><a href='#f438' class='c021'><sup>[438]</sup></a> His
-title-pages consist, in almost every case, of an ornamental framework
-of Renaissance design with small panels on either side containing
-figure subjects, usually taken from classical history or mythology,
-and across the bottom a larger panel in which the chief subject is
-depicted. These title-pages do not always consist of a single block,
-but of four separate borders or strips, not always used together, but
-combined with others, or used singly as chapter-headings or sidepieces.
-These title-pages, designed in the first place for some
-particular book, were thus afterwards often made to serve for the
-ornamentation of other publications, with which at times their
-subjects had very little connection; and they were also copied by
-various publishers and printers in other cities of Switzerland and
-in Germany and elsewhere.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>“MUCIUS SCÆVOLA AND LARS PORSENA”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Holbein’s earliest design for this purpose, drawn in 1515, shortly
-after his arrival in Basel, and signed with the abbreviated name
-“Hans Holb.,” has been already described.<a id='r439' /><a href='#f439' class='c021'><sup>[439]</sup></a> This title-page, with its
-nine little cupids, which has suffered from inferior cutting, but nevertheless
-has considerable charm, was first used by Froben in the winter
-of 1515, and appeared in a number of books issued during the next
-five years, including More’s <i>Utopia</i>, published by Froben in 1518. The
-first of his designs from ancient history formed the title-page to
-<i>Æneæ Platonici Christiani de immortalitate animæ</i>, issued by Froben
-in 1516, and also appeared in the Basel edition of the <i>Utopia</i>, and
-again in Erasmus’ <i>Praise of Matrimony</i> in 1518. It represents the
-story of Mucius Scævola and Lars Porsena (Pl. <a href='#pl-60'>60</a>),<a id='r440' /><a href='#f440' class='c021'><sup>[440]</sup></a> but has been so
-badly cut that much of the dramatic force of Holbein’s composition
-has been lost. When Porsena, the Etruscan king, was blockading
-Rome, after his attempted entry into the city had been frustrated by
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_192'>192</span>the bravery of Horatius Cocles, Mucius, a young Roman nobleman,
-resolved to rid his country of the invader. In disguise he entered
-the hostile camp, and, approaching the tent in which Porsena sat,
-with his secretary, dressed in similar fashion to his master, by his
-side, plunged his dagger into the latter’s body, mistaking him for the
-king. He was seized by the guards, and condemned to death, but
-thrust his right hand into a fire which was already lighted for a
-sacrifice, and held it there without flinching, to show how little he
-heeded pain. Amazed at his bravery, Porsena allowed him to go
-free; and Mucius afterwards received the name of Scævola, or the
-left-handed, on account of his courage. Holbein has depicted the
-two chief incidents of this legendary story side by side across the
-bottom of the title-page. On the right is an open tent, in which
-Mucius is stabbing the secretary, who is seated at a table by the
-side of the king. On the left, Mucius, held by a guard, plunges his
-hand into the fire in the presence of Porsena and his courtiers. Over
-each of the principal characters is a label with his name, and in the
-background is a small walled city labelled “Roma.” The figures,
-which are clad in sixteenth-century costume, are short and stumpy,
-these faults, no doubt, being exaggerated by the inadequate rendering
-of the engraver. The sides of the page consist of two narrow panels
-of conventional foliated design, with small figures, springing from
-vases, while the upper border contains a group of naked children,
-blowing trumpets and dragging one of their number in triumph. A
-small shield in the middle of the left-hand border contains Holbein’s
-initials, “H.H.”</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 60.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-60'  class='figcenter id066'>
-<img src='images/i192.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>MUCIUS SCÆVOLA AND LARS PORSENA<br />First used in 1516<br /><i>From a copy of More’s “Epigrams” in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>Froben, on the recommendation of Erasmus, undertook the
-publication of Sir Thomas More’s <i>Utopia</i> in 1518, and the edition was
-lavishly ornamented with woodcuts, title-pages, and initials, in honour
-of the author. The book had been already published in Louvain in
-the winter of 1516. Gerardus Noviomagus, of Nimeguen, writing to
-Erasmus on November 12th of that year, says that his friend
-Theodoricus has undertaken to print it, and that Paludanus will show
-him “a cut of the island by a great artist,” in order that Erasmus
-may make any suggestions he may think necessary.<a id='r441' /><a href='#f441' class='c021'><sup>[441]</sup></a> In Froben’s
-edition this “cut of the island” was drawn by Ambrosius Holbein,
-as also the charming little picture of Hythlodæus recounting his
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_193'>193</span>adventures in Utopia. As already stated, two of Hans Holbein’s
-designs were re-used for this work, the title-page with the children
-for the dedication to Ægidius, and the “Scævola” for More’s <i>Epigrams</i>,
-which were added to the volume, together with others by Erasmus,
-for which Urs Graf provided a title-page with the beheading of St.
-John the Baptist. The title-page to the book itself, with the story
-of Tarquin and Lucrece,<a id='r442' /><a href='#f442' class='c021'><sup>[442]</sup></a> was designed by Ambrosius, who in this
-instance took a much more important share in the work of illustration
-than his brother, and he was possibly the “great artist” of
-whom Noviomagus spoke in his letter.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE TABLE OF CEBES</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The title-page for the Statute Book of Freiburg-im-Breisgau,
-published in 1520, with the beautiful design of the patron saints of that
-city on the back, has been already described.<a id='r443' /><a href='#f443' class='c021'><sup>[443]</sup></a> It is more finely cut
-than most of these earlier book illustrations, as is also the title-page
-representing the “Table of Cebes” (Pl. <a href='#pl-61'>61</a>), perhaps the most
-important work of the kind undertaken by Holbein before his connection
-with Lützelburger began.<a id='r444' /><a href='#f444' class='c021'><sup>[444]</sup></a> The unknown cutter of this block
-has rendered Holbein’s design with considerable truth and artistic
-feeling. It is founded on the Πιναξ or “Table,” a philosophical
-work of Cebes of Thebes, the disciple and friend of Socrates, a book
-which enjoyed a great popularity. It gives an allegorical picture of
-human life, as explained by an old man to a circle of youths, and is
-intended to show that true happiness is only to be attained by the
-cultivation of the mind and the possession of real virtue. The
-“Picture” described in the book was shown to the sage in a temple
-of Chronos, and was a painting containing many figures, representing
-the progress of man towards the desired goal. Holbein has followed
-the text very closely. The whole picture is surrounded by a wall,
-which indicates the limits of human life. Outside this wall, at the
-bottom of the design, are groups of naked children, representing the
-souls of those who have not yet entered life. They are playing and
-fighting, and some are begging admittance of the old man, labelled
-“Genius,” who stands beneath the archway of the portal. On the
-right, within the first courtyard, is the winged, naked figure of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_194'>194</span>Fortune on her rolling sphere, between two groups of people, on the
-one side those on whom she has smiled and on the other the
-unfortunate ones, who are railing at her; on the left is the seated
-figure of a woman, richly dressed, representing Seduction or Persuasion,
-with her attendant ladies as False Opinions. She holds out
-a gold cup to tempt the newcomer to life from the true path.
-Behind, gazing over the wall into the second courtyard, is the Traveller
-on life’s journey. He next encounters Avarice, Lust, Incontinence,
-and other pitfalls, all represented by small and characteristic groups
-of figures. Then, passing through a gate, he follows a winding road,
-encountering on the way Pain and Sorrow, the latter an old woman
-crouching in a ruined hut, who threatens him with a whip, until he
-is welcomed at a further gateway by Penitence, who holds out both
-hands in welcome. All danger, however, has not yet been overtaken,
-for within he meets with False Discipline, a grandly dressed
-lady and her attendants, but he gives her only a sidelong glance as
-he hastens forward. The road now becomes rougher and narrower,
-and he comes next upon a group of people engaged in the pursuit of
-all the arts and sciences, which they regard as the end of life. After
-this he has to clamber up steep rocks, which he does with the help
-of Fortitude and Courage, the latter holding a golden cup in either
-hand. Further on, at the entrance to the innermost enclosure, he
-kneels before True Discipline, who, in the guise of a saint, with a
-halo, stands on a small pedestal, attended by Truth and Conviction.
-From here he enters the Castle of True Happiness, and again kneels,
-this time to receive the laurel crown, the reward for his avoidance
-of all evil and error on his life’s journey, which is placed on his head
-by Happiness, who sits enthroned in the centre, in front of a castellated
-building. She wears a crown and holds a sceptre, and her head is
-surrounded by a halo of brilliant light. On either side are groups of
-the Virtues. Many of the small figures in this design have great
-charm, and the whole composition is well arranged and full of interest.
-Holbein has signed it on one of the stones of the wall in the lower
-left-hand corner with his initials in the form of a monogram, a small
-H within a larger one. This woodcut was first used in the edition
-of Tertullian published by Froben in 1521, and in the following year
-it formed the title-page of Erasmus’ Latin edition of the New
-Testament. It became very popular, and was frequently used for
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_195'>195</span>dictionaries, lexicons, and similar publications during the next sixty
-years, being copied and imitated by numerous printers.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 61.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-61'  class='figcenter id070'>
-<img src='images/i194.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>“THE TABLE OF CEBES”<br />First used in 1521<br /><i>From a copy of Perotto’s “Cornucopiæ” in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>LUTHER’S NEW TESTAMENT</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The first fruits of the collaboration of Holbein and Lützelburger
-appeared in an edition of Luther’s German translation of the New
-Testament, which was issued by Adam Petri in Basel in December
-1522. For this Holbein drew a very beautiful title-page,<a id='r445' /><a href='#f445' class='c021'><sup>[445]</sup></a> which,
-although it bears no name or initials, is unmistakable in its authorship
-(Pl. <a href='#pl-62'>62</a>). The sides of the design are occupied with niches
-within which stand St. Peter and St. Paul, grandly conceived
-figures of great nobility and dignity. St. Peter, on the left, has a
-great key in one hand, and an open book in the other, from which,
-with head and eyes cast down, he is reading. On the right is St.
-Paul, with a long, flowing beard, holding a sword across the open
-volume of his gospel. The architectural background is simple, with
-shell ornamentation behind the heads of the two saints. In the four
-corners of the page are the symbols of the four Evangelists—the Angel,
-Eagle, Lion, and Bull—which serve as heraldic supporters to the
-volumes of the gospels. In the centre at the top are the arms of
-Basel, with the motto “<span class='sc'>Inclyta Basilea</span>,” and at the bottom is
-placed the printer’s mark, a naked child riding on a harnessed lion,
-and bearing a standard with Petri’s monogram, and antedated 1523,
-the background filled in with roses, a very fine design. A second
-edition of this folio volume was published in March 1523, and at
-the same time one in octavo. In the latter the title-page<a id='r446' /><a href='#f446' class='c021'><sup>[446]</sup></a> closely
-follows the one in the folio edition, and the book is also embellished
-with other woodcuts of Holbein’s designing. On the first page of each
-gospel is a cut of the figure of the Evangelist enclosed within a framework
-of Renaissance design (Pl. <a href='#pl-63'>63</a>).<a id='r447' /><a href='#f447' class='c021'><sup>[447]</sup></a> The first three are each shown
-within a room, on the wall of which is a framed picture illustrating
-that part of the career of Christ most fully treated by the respective
-writers. St. Matthew looks up from his writing, and listens to the
-kneeling Angel, who raises a finger in admonition. The picture on
-the wall represents Christ in the manger, with Mary kneeling, and
-Joseph kindling a fire. St. Mark is seen from behind, deep in
-thought, the Lion crouching by his side. The picture hanging above
-him is of Christ rising from the Tomb. St. Luke, busily writing,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_196'>196</span>wears a high cap, the Bull standing at the back of the desk. Christ
-on the Cross forms the subject of the picture on the wall. In each
-of these three pictures the Evangelist’s desk or writing-table and seat
-form an interesting feature, as each one is of a different design, and
-illustrates the furniture of Holbein’s own day. St. John is represented
-in the wilderness, seated among rocks, writing his gospel, his
-candle sheltered from the wind by stones, and the Eagle looking
-down upon it. Christ appears in glory in the sky over the distant
-mountains, and the saint is gazing up at the vision. This woodcut
-is without an ornamental framework. Four other designs by Holbein
-are included in the volume.<a id='r448' /><a href='#f448' class='c021'><sup>[448]</sup></a> At the head of the Acts of the Apostles
-is a representation of the Outpouring of the Holy Spirit. The Epistle
-to the Romans is headed by the figure of St. Paul, preaching, his sword
-under his arm, beneath a richly-decorated portal. The other two
-represent the Conversion of Saul and St. Peter’s Vision of the Unclean
-Beasts, and there are also a number of initial letters (Pl. <a href='#pl-63'>63</a>). The
-beautiful engraving of the title-page and many of the woodcuts points
-to the hand of Lützelburger, though none of them are signed by him.
-Another fine woodcut with the figure of St. Paul, with sword and
-book, standing within an architectural niche, is to be found in the
-Greek New Testament issued by T. Platter of Basel in 1540.<a id='r449' /><a href='#f449' class='c021'><sup>[449]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 62.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-62'  class='figcenter id071'>
-<img src='images/i196.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>TITLE-PAGE TO LUTHER’S “NEW TESTAMENT”<br />First used in 1522<br /><i>From a copy in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 63.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-63'  class='figcenter id072'>
-<img src='images/i196-2a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE FOUR EVANGELISTS<br />Woodcuts, and Initial Letters used on the first page of each gospel, in the 1523 edition of Luther’s New Testament<br />S&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;D<br /><i>From a copy in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div  class='figcenter id073'>
-<img src='images/i196-2b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE FOUR EVANGELISTS<br />Woodcuts, and Initial Letters used on the first page of each gospel, in the 1523 edition of Luther’s New Testament<br />D&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;I<br /><i>From a copy in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>In the same year, 1523, a second Basel publisher, Thomas Wolff,
-issued a quarto edition of Luther’s translation of the New Testament,
-in the decoration of which both Holbein and Lützelburger were
-employed. The title-page<a id='r450' /><a href='#f450' class='c021'><sup>[450]</sup></a> shows Holbein’s fertility of invention, his
-power of dramatic representation, and his sense of style to the greatest
-advantage. In the centre of the upper border St. John is baptizing
-the Saviour in the river Jordan, the angel standing on the bank with
-his garments, and on either side are the symbols of the four
-Evangelists. The lower border contains Wolff’s device, a philosopher
-in a niche enjoining silence, his monogram, and the motto, “Digito
-Compesce Labellum,” and on either side of it the Vision of St. Peter
-and the Conversion of St. Paul, who, dressed in German costume, is
-flung from his horse. On the right-hand border St. Paul is shown on
-the island of Melita, shaking off the viper from his hand into the fire,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_197'>197</span>and in the background the wreck of the ship; on the left-hand border
-is a representation of the Baptism of the Treasurer of the King of
-Ethiopia by St. Philip, while in the distance is depicted the journey
-of the same eunuch along a hilly road shaded by trees. He is riding
-in a small four-wheeled carriage, drawn by two horses tandem fashion,
-with the driver mounted on the after one—one of the methods of
-travelling in Holbein’s own day. This title-page is a masterpiece of
-the engraver’s art, and is signed “<span class='fss'>H.L.FVR.</span>” on the footstool on
-which St. Paul is kneeling, in the lower border. Holbein also furnished
-twenty-one illustrations to the Revelation of St. John for the
-same edition,<a id='r451' /><a href='#f451' class='c021'><sup>[451]</sup></a> which, however, for the most part were very badly
-cut, so that Lützelburger cannot have been the engraver of them.
-They were used again in Adam Petri’s folio New Testament of the
-same year. They are particularly interesting as representing the same
-subjects as those treated by Dürer in his first important work, which
-must have been known to Holbein, who, however, has borrowed very
-little in his rendering of the Visions. He shows less imagination and
-grandeur of conception than Dürer, but follows the text with even
-closer fidelity, and treats each subject with greater simplicity and
-clearness.<a id='r452' /><a href='#f452' class='c021'><sup>[452]</sup></a> The last one of the series, the Angel showing the Saint
-the New Jerusalem (Pl. <a href='#pl-70'>70</a> (3)), contains a view of Lucerne with its
-covered bridge.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “CREATION OF EVE”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>For Adam Petri’s reprint of Luther’s translation of the Old
-Testament, published in December 1523, for which a title-page was
-provided by Urs Graf, Holbein, in addition to numerous initial letters,
-was the designer of the large woodcut which was placed at the head
-of the first chapter of Genesis, representing the Creation of Eve,<a id='r453' /><a href='#f453' class='c021'><sup>[453]</sup></a> a
-very beautiful conception, in which God the Father is uplifting Eve
-from the side of Adam, while a small angel tugs at his mantle. The
-earlier days of the Creation are also represented—the Earth as a small
-island with various animals upon it, surrounded by a strip of water
-containing fish, and round this again a ring of clouds and stars, and a
-final circle of angels, above whom the Almighty is shown again,
-blessing his work. In the four corners are placed the heads of the
-four winds. Several other illustrations were drawn by Holbein for
-this edition, but in most instances they are marred by bad cutting.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>One of the finest of his designs for woodcuts is the one representing
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_198'>198</span>the Death of Cleopatra and the Sacrileges of Dionysius of Syracuse
-(Pl. <a href='#pl-64'>64</a>),<a id='r454' /><a href='#f454' class='c021'><sup>[454]</sup></a> first used by Froben in 1523 as the title-page for several
-works by Erasmus. The framework, in the form of a sculptured
-monument in the Italian style, is exceptional among Holbein’s work
-as a book-illustrator, being shown in marked perspective as though
-seen from the right. At the foot, beneath an arch, the dying Cleopatra,
-at full length on the ground, holds an asp in each hand. On
-either side is represented an act of sacrilege on the part of the Tyrant
-of Syracuse. On the right he is reaching up to pluck off the golden
-beard from the statue of Æsculapius, and on the left he is robbing
-the statue of Jupiter of its golden mantle and ornaments. Above the
-frieze on the top are Cupids riding on dolphins. The figures throughout
-are finely conceived, and the Italian influence is marked.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Another fine title-page of his designing was cut for Bugenhagen’s
-<i>Interpretation of the Psalms</i>, published by Petri in March 1524, and
-afterwards used in Münster’s <i>Cosmography</i>, and elsewhere, in which
-the principal subject is David dancing before the Ark;<a id='r455' /><a href='#f455' class='c021'><sup>[455]</sup></a> and there
-are others of which the scope of this book does not permit any
-description.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Two important woodcuts, “Christ the True Light,” and “The
-Sale of Indulgences” (Pl. <a href='#pl-65'>65</a>),<a id='r456' /><a href='#f456' class='c021'><sup>[456]</sup></a> from their oblong shape were probably
-intended to be placed at the head of some broadsheet written by a
-supporter of the Reformation. In these designs, in which Lützelburger’s
-extraordinary skill in delicate and at the same time forcible
-use of the cutter’s knife has rendered with the utmost fidelity the
-beauty of Holbein’s line, the artist shows himself to have been in close
-sympathy with the new movement, in defence of which he brings to
-bear considerable powers of ridicule and satire. The rarity of these
-two prints is owing, no doubt, to the fact that the Basel Council
-maintained at that time a very severe censorship over all theological
-controversies, and strictly prohibited every publication or picture
-dealing with such debatable topics. These two woodcuts, therefore,
-attacking with merciless scorn the clergy, ecclesiastical abuses, and
-superstitions, would come under the ban of the Council, and, at the
-same time, every copy falling into the hands of the clerical party would
-be destroyed. Hence only three or four copies of each are known.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='pageno' id='Page_199'>199</span><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 64.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-64'  class='figcenter id074'>
-<img src='images/i198.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE CLEOPATRA TITLE-PAGE<br />First used in 1523<br /><i>From a copy of Erasmus’ “Christiani Matrimonii Institutio” in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 65.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-65'  class='figcenter id075'>
-<img src='images/i198-2a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>1. CHRIST THE TRUE LIGHT<br /><i>From proofs in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div  class='figcenter id076'>
-<img src='images/i198-2b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>2. THE SALE OF INDULGENCES<br /><i>From proofs in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “SALE OF INDULGENCES”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The “Sale of Indulgences” is divided into two parts. On the
-right is shown the interior of a church, with the Pope enthroned,
-and surrounded by his cardinals. In the decorations of the building
-the arms of the Medici occur many times. Leo X is handing a letter
-of indulgence to a kneeling Dominican. In the choir-stalls on either
-side are seated a number of Church dignitaries. On the right, one of
-them rests his hand on the head of a kneeling youth and with a stick
-points to a large iron-bound chest for the money-offerings, into which
-a woman is putting her contribution. At a table on the left various
-Dominicans are preparing and selling indulgences. One of them
-repulses a beggar, who has nothing to give in exchange for the remission
-of his sins, while another is carefully checking the money which a
-suppliant is counting out on the table, and holding back the letter
-until the full amount has been received. The small figures are very
-lifelike, and the whole composition is a bitter satire upon the traffic
-of the Church. The left-hand half of the picture shows a landscape
-in which three true penitents are beseeching forgiveness from God
-the Father, who appears with outstretched arms in the clouds above
-them. Over the head of each figure is a label inscribed, “K. David,”
-“Manasses,” and “Offen-Synder,” respectively. The first-named
-kneels, with his harp by his side on the ground; the others stand
-with clasped hands and bowed heads.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The second sheet, called in the Amerbach inventory “Christus
-vera lux, philosophi et papa in foveam cadentes,” is divided into two
-halves by a magnificent candlestick which rises in the centre, the
-flame surmounted by a large halo of light. The stem contains
-sculptured figures of the four Evangelists, and the base is supported
-by their four symbols. On the left, Christ, a finely-conceived figure,
-points to the light with uplifted hand, and addresses a group of
-citizens, peasants, beggars, and other simple folk, who listen eagerly
-to his words. On the right, a procession of the clergy and learned
-men turn their backs upon the true light, and wander forth into the
-wilderness, led by Plato and Aristotle, the first of whom has stumbled
-into a deep pit, while the second is about to fall after him. They are
-followed by the Pope, a bishop, canons, and other churchmen, and
-monks of various orders, and a figure which appears to represent
-Erasmus. Behind them rise lofty snow mountains, while a distant
-city is seen across the plain in the centre, and trees on the left. This
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_200'>200</span>woodcut bears witness to the rapidly growing change in the point of
-view of the Reformers, who were already parting company with their
-former allies, the humanists and scholars. Holbein in this design gives
-expression to the popular feeling of his day in Basel, which was
-beginning to regard classical learning with suspicion as a supporter
-of the theology to which it was opposed. This woodcut was used in
-1527 to illustrate a large broadsheet, the “Evangelistical Calendar”
-of Dr. Johannes Copp.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Holbein’s fertility of invention in this field was not confined to
-subjects chosen from the Bible or from classical literature. Numerous
-woodcuts occur in which he has made excellent use of incidents taken
-from the ordinary life of his day. There is a well-known border
-representing a group of peasants chasing a fox which has stolen a
-goose from the farmyard, an engraving on metal, which, in spite of
-the inferiority of the cutting, is full of humour and rapid movement.<a id='r457' /><a href='#f457' class='c021'><sup>[457]</sup></a>
-The small figures, carrying flails, spades, and other hastily snatched-up
-weapons—among them a girl with a hayrake on her shoulder and
-a soldier with his spear—are running at full speed, while behind them
-an old man, leaning on a stick, stands among the remaining geese
-and shouts directions for the fox’s capture. Another border shows a
-peasants’ dance,<a id='r458' /><a href='#f458' class='c021'><sup>[458]</sup></a> very similar in treatment to the same subject in the
-wall-painting of the House of the Dance. These two borders, with
-two side ones, representing children climbing trees, were frequently
-used by Cratander of Basel in books published between 1526 and 1534,
-and a second “Peasants’ Dance”<a id='r459' /><a href='#f459' class='c021'><sup>[459]</sup></a> is often found in Adam Petri’s
-publications. Similar borders with dancing or playing children
-frequently occur. Most of them appear to have been cut in metal
-by Faber.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>ALPHABETS WITH PEASANTS &amp; CHILDREN</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Both peasants and children were favourite themes with him in his
-designs for initial letters, which formed an important part of the
-decoration of the books issued from the Basel presses. He produced
-a number of complete alphabets, from A to Z, in which the little
-pictures which surrounded the letters formed a connected series of
-designs. Almost invariably the letter itself was shown in plain Roman
-type, placed within a small square, the background being filled in
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_201'>201</span>with small figures which have no actual connection with the letter,
-but are so combined with it as to produce a very decorative effect.
-One of the most beautiful of these alphabets, of which complete
-proof-sheets are to be found at Basel and Dresden, represents the
-merry-makings of a rustic fair,<a id='r460' /><a href='#f460' class='c021'><sup>[460]</sup></a> and was used by both Froben and
-Cratander. The series opens with two musicians playing bagpipes,
-and the ten next letters represent dancing couples. In succeeding
-letters the peasants are represented making love, fighting, playing
-games and practical jokes, drinking, and other scenes in which the
-humour is too gross for modern tastes, and concluding with the return
-from the fair, the peasant riding home with his wife behind him, and
-the visit of the doctor on the following morning, made necessary by
-over-indulgence in merry-making. The cutting of the set is so
-beautiful that it must be from the hand of Lützelburger; no other
-engraver then working in Basel was capable of such minutely fine
-work, or could do such full justice to Holbein’s genius for filling such
-small spaces with designs which appear so spacious and so large in
-style.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Another alphabet, which was evidently also cut by Lützelburger
-and used by Cratander, of which there is a proof-sheet at Basel, is
-devoted to the games of children.<a id='r461' /><a href='#f461' class='c021'><sup>[461]</sup></a> They are represented dancing,
-playing music, tilting on hobby-horses, riding on one another’s backs,
-hair-pulling, wrestling, and so on, while in one instance a small boy
-is chasing a cat with a bird in its mouth. Holbein was always very
-happy in his treatment of children, and in this instance, as in the
-Peasants’ Alphabet, the delicacy of the execution is wonderful. There
-are three other alphabets dealing with children, and portions of
-others,<a id='r462' /><a href='#f462' class='c021'><sup>[462]</sup></a> in one of which they are engaged in various trades and employments,
-and appear as carpenters, millers, masons, fishermen, bakers,
-painters, doctors, and so on. Another alphabet gives scenes from
-the Old Testament,<a id='r463' /><a href='#f463' class='c021'><sup>[463]</sup></a> and a second consists of Greek initials.<a id='r464' /><a href='#f464' class='c021'><sup>[464]</sup></a> Other
-letters, far too numerous to enumerate here, represent ornaments,
-flowers, animals, still life, love scenes, and soldiers. The most famous
-series of all, however, is the one known as the “Alphabet of Death,”
-which is described in the next chapter.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>WOODCUTS PRODUCED IN ENGLAND</div>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_202'>202</span>Holbein also designed a number of marks or devices for the various
-printers who employed him, which were used on the first and last
-pages of their publications. For Johann Bebelius he drew a palm-tree
-with a heavy weight pressing down the branches among which
-it is placed; in a second design for the same publisher a naked man
-is shown beneath this weight, who attempts with hands and feet to
-resist the pressure.<a id='r465' /><a href='#f465' class='c021'><sup>[465]</sup></a> Cratander’s trade-mark was Fortune or Opportunity,
-a naked goddess, with long flowing hair and winged feet,
-poised on a revolving ball, a broad-bladed knife in her hand.
-Valentine Curio’s device was the Table of Parrhasius, a hand drawing<a id='r466' /><a href='#f466' class='c021'><sup>[466]</sup></a>
-on a panel one straight line between two others, enclosed, like the
-mark of Cratander, within an ornamented shield. For Thomas Wolff<a id='r467' /><a href='#f467' class='c021'><sup>[467]</sup></a>
-Holbein drew the figure of a scholar or publisher issuing from a
-doorway, his finger on his lips enjoining silence, with the inscription:
-“Digito compesce labellum.” The devices of Matthias Bienenvater
-or Apiarius of Berne and Christopher Froschover of Zürich, contain
-punning allusions to their name. The former<a id='r468' /><a href='#f468' class='c021'><sup>[468]</sup></a> represents a bear
-climbing a tree after honey, with the bees swarming round him; for
-the latter<a id='r469' /><a href='#f469' class='c021'><sup>[469]</sup></a> Holbein made three different designs, each one containing
-frogs. In one the frogs are climbing a tree, with a beautiful landscape
-background of hills and peasants’ houses, the whole within a Renaissance
-framework, and evidently cut by Lützelburger; in the two
-others a boy is represented riding on a large frog, one of them with a
-background representing the Lake of Zürich, with villages at the foot
-of the mountains, and the other with a hilly landscape with a castle
-on a height. Lastly, a very beautiful device made for Reinhold
-Wolfe<a id='r470' /><a href='#f470' class='c021'><sup>[470]</sup></a> appears to have been produced during Holbein’s last residence
-in England, though the cutting of the block was most probably done
-in Basel. It represents three boys flinging sticks into an appletree
-laden with fruit, and bears his motto “Charitas.”<a id='r471' /><a href='#f471' class='c021'><sup>[471]</sup></a> Wolfe, who was
-settled in London, was possibly some relation of Thomas Wolff, the
-Basel publisher, and so may have sent his book illustrations to
-Switzerland to be engraved. This particular device, in any case, is
-too finely cut to have been done in England at that period. Wolfe
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_203'>203</span>was the publisher of John Leland’s <i>Naeniæ</i>, which contained a woodcut
-portrait of Sir Thomas Wyat after Holbein,<a id='r472' /><a href='#f472' class='c021'><sup>[472]</sup></a> and also of the same
-writer’s poem on the birth of the Prince of Wales, which was not
-issued until 1543. On the back of the title-page of the last publication
-is the device of the Prince, “Ich Dien” under a crown of ostrich
-feathers, within a halo, which appears to be after a design by Holbein.<a id='r473' /><a href='#f473' class='c021'><sup>[473]</sup></a>
-A few other woodcuts which date from the artist’s last residence in
-England are referred to in a later chapter.<a id='r474' /><a href='#f474' class='c021'><sup>[474]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_204'>204</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>CHAPTER X<br /> <br /><span class='c019'>THE “DANCE OF DEATH” AND OLD TESTAMENT WOODCUTS</span></h2>
-</div>
-<p class='c020'>The “Dance of Death” in literature and art—Early
-examples in Basel—Date of Holbein’s “Dance of Death”
-woodcuts—Early proofs—Date of publication—Description
-of the first edition—Reasons for delay in
-publication—Description of the separate
-woodcuts—Holbein’s “Alphabet of Death”—His
-illustrations to the Old Testament.</p>
-<div class='c012'>
-  <img class='drop-capi' src='images/dc-h.jpg' width='100' height='101' alt='' />
-</div><p class='drop-capi1_1'>
-HOLBEIN’S fame as a designer of woodcuts, which had
-spread throughout Europe before the close of the
-sixteenth century, was due almost entirely to his
-celebrated “Dance of Death” pictures, and, in a
-lesser degree, to his Old Testament illustrations, both
-first published in 1538, though they were drawn, and
-for the greater part cut, between the years 1523 and 1526. They
-attained an immediate and widespread popularity, a popularity
-which has been a lasting one. Edition after edition followed in
-quick succession, and throughout the succeeding years down to the
-present day hardly a decade has passed without a fresh version being
-given to the world.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>For centuries before the birth of Holbein the subject of Death in
-both pictorial and literary art was a favourite one throughout Europe,
-and more particularly among the German-speaking peoples, to whose
-imagination it made a strong appeal. Its representation both in
-painting and in literature was of common occurrence long before he
-made use of it, and by his genius rendered it immortal. The whole
-history of the subject is of great interest, and a voluminous literature
-has gathered round it, upon which it is not possible to touch in these
-pages. From the Middle Ages onwards these representations of the
-Dance of the Dead became common, and were painted on the walls
-of churches, the cloisters of convents, and castle halls. Well-known
-examples of such wall-paintings at one time existed in Paris, Blois,
-Berlin, Dresden, Lubeck, Strasburg, Basel, Berne, and other places,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_205'>205</span>while in England a famous one was painted on the north side of St.
-Paul’s Cathedral during the reign of Henry VI. With the invention
-of printing, small versions of the pictures were issued in book
-form, and beneath them the old verses which accompanied the
-earlier wall-paintings, pointing out the terrors of death, and exhorting
-the wicked to repentance ere it was too late. In course of
-time the illustrations assumed greater importance, the number of
-the figures was increased, and the verses played only a secondary
-part.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>WALL-PAINTINGS OF “DANCE OF DEATH”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>More than one early wall-painting of the Dance existed in Basel
-in Holbein’s day, and there can be little doubt that the constant
-sight of them stirred his imagination, and influenced his conception
-of the subject when he in his turn made use of it. The earliest in
-point of date was the one in the Klingenthal nunnery in Little Basel,
-which is said to have been dated 1312; but it is doubtful whether
-much of this wall-painting remained by the beginning of the sixteenth
-century. Only a few badly-damaged portions were in existence in
-1773, when it was rediscovered by Emanuel Büchel, a baker, who
-made coloured copies of what was left, which are now in the Basel
-Gallery. No traces of the original painting are now to be seen. The
-better-known Dance of the Dominican monastery in Great Basel in
-the suburb of St. John was of later date, executed probably towards
-the end of the fourteenth or early in the fifteenth century. According
-to tradition, for which there is no absolute proof, it was painted after
-the deliverance of Basel from the horrors of the terrible plague which
-raged there in 1439. It was copied or adapted from the older Klingenthal
-painting, closely following its arrangement of the various
-couples, but showing a great advance in artistic treatment, and in
-the variety and movements of the dancers. It consisted of about forty
-life-sized groups. In course of time it became so faded that in 1568
-it was restored by Hans Hug Kluber, who made several additions to
-it; and it was again repaired in 1616, and in 1703. After that it was
-allowed to fall into a state of dilapidation, and in 1815 the wall of the
-cemetery of the monastery on which it was painted was pulled down
-by order of the Council, for the purpose of street improvements. A
-few remnants of it are still preserved in the Gallery, as well as coloured
-copies made by Emanuel Büchel in the same year as those he took
-from the Klingenthal painting. It is also well known from the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_206'>206</span>engravings made after it by Merian in the seventeenth century.<a id='r475' /><a href='#f475' class='c021'><sup>[475]</sup></a> This
-wall-painting was formerly regarded in Basel as the work of Holbein,
-a legend which was a long time dying. The mistake, no doubt,
-originally arose through the wide celebrity attained by the artist’s
-woodcut designs of the Dance, underneath which were printed verses
-taken from the older wall-paintings, so that the confusion between
-the two gradually grew, at first in Germany and elsewhere outside
-Switzerland, until in the end the error became established in Basel
-itself. At one time, too, the almost equally celebrated “Dance of
-Death” in the cemetery of the Dominican monastery in Berne, painted
-with the most biting satire by Niklaus Manuel, called Deutsch, was
-also attributed to Holbein. This wall-painting, which was finished
-before the year 1522, had completely perished by 1660, and the only
-records of it now remaining consist of a few drawings copied from it
-before its disappearance.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Holbein’s designs for the “Dance of Death”<a id='r476' /><a href='#f476' class='c021'><sup>[476]</sup></a> were all made, and
-nearly all the blocks were cut, before Lützelburger’s death in the
-summer of 1526 and his own departure for England later in that
-year. This is not only proved by the evidence of the cuts themselves,
-which display a hand so masterly that it can only be that of Lützelburger,
-but also more directly from a series of copies of twenty-three
-of them preserved in the Berlin Museum. These are circular
-studies, about five inches in diameter, on brown paper, enlarged from
-the original blocks. They are somewhat coarse in execution, and
-appear to have been made for reproduction as glass-paintings. That
-they are not the original designs for the woodcuts, or taken from
-such designs, but were copied from the woodcuts themselves, is
-proved, first, by the fact that they are not reversed, as they would
-have been if based on the original drawings, and, secondly, that the
-one of “The Duchess” repeats the initials “H.L.” on the bedpost
-with which Lützelburger signed his work. These copies, therefore,
-must have been executed after the actual cutting of the blocks; and
-as one of them (“The Emperor”) is dated “1527,” it gives a date
-before which both the woodcuts, and the designs for them, must have
-been prepared. The copies were taken, no doubt, from one or other
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_207'>207</span>of the several proof impressions which were printed off while the
-work of cutting was in progress, complete sets of which are in the
-British, Berlin, and Basel Museums, the Bibliothèque Nationale in
-Paris, and the Grand Ducal Cabinet at Karlsruhe, while less complete
-sets are to be found elsewhere. The Basel set is printed on four
-folio sheets, on one side of the paper only, with ten cuts on each page,
-and the title of each subject printed over it in German, in italic movable
-type, as in all but one of the other proof impressions known.
-These proofs include the whole of the subjects in the first printed edition
-of 1538, with the exception of the one of “The Astrologer,” and they
-are of the greatest beauty and sharpness, and are printed in a fine black
-ink. The Bibliothèque Nationale also possesses a second but incomplete
-set of proofs, but among the subjects that of “The Astrologer”
-is included, which is missing in the other sets, which seems to indicate
-that it is a little later in date. This is the only copy extant, and,
-like the earlier ones, the set is printed on one side of the paper only,
-but has slight variations in the titles, which are printed in upright
-German Gothic characters instead of the more usual sloping Latin
-lettering.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>REASONS FOR DELAY IN PUBLICATION</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Lützelburger’s work upon the blocks was probably spread over
-several years. The “Alphabet of Death,” which appears to have
-been undertaken before the “Dance,” was first used in 1524, and
-Holbein’s designs for both series must have been prepared during
-that year and the following one. This was the period of the Peasants’
-War, years of misery and bloodshed throughout Switzerland, and the
-state of feeling which it excited can be traced to some extent in these
-little pictures. This unsettled state of public affairs may have been
-the cause, otherwise almost inexplicable, of the long delay in the
-publication of the “Dance,” which was not issued until twelve years
-after the engraver’s death, and then not in Switzerland, but France.
-The acuteness of the religious controversy which divided Basel into
-two hostile factions, resulted, in 1524, in an edict of the Council
-forbidding the publication of all controversial matter; and although
-it is difficult to see much cause for controversy in the “Dance of
-Death,” it is easy to understand that in those days of doubt and
-disturbance the Basel publishers may well have hesitated to produce
-anything which might be considered as coming, however indirectly,
-within the ban of the civic authorities. Otherwise it seems certain
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_208'>208</span>that such a printer as Froben, or one of the other leading publishers,
-who knew so well the capabilities of both artist and engraver, would
-have been only too pleased to issue so fine a result of their united
-labours. Publication in Basel being debarred for the time, Lützelburger
-appears to have entered into negotiations with the Trechsels
-of Lyon, to whom, in the end, the blocks were transferred. The
-engraver was working for them at the time of his death, most probably
-on the “Dance” itself, one of the subjects of which, “The Waggoner,”
-he left unfinished, and the Trechsels, as already explained,<a id='r477' /><a href='#f477' class='c021'><sup>[477]</sup></a> were put
-to some trouble before they could obtain possession of it. Probably
-Holbein had nothing to do with this transaction. He seems to have
-received a commission from Lützelburger for the designs, and to have
-had no further interest in the venture.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>It is equally difficult to explain the delay on the part of the
-Trechsels in publishing the book, unless for a similar reason—a belief
-that the times were inopportune for the issue of such a satire. The
-cuts were at length published in 1538 under the title of “Les
-Simulachres &amp; Historiees Faces de la Mort, avtant elegammēt pourtraictes,
-que artificiellement imaginées” (The Images and Storied
-Aspects of Death as elegantly delineated, as ingeniously imagined).
-From this it will be seen that the popular title for the work, “The
-Dance of Death,” by which it was already known by the end of the
-sixteenth century, is an incorrect one. The woodcuts were “Pictures
-of Death,” and though the characters introduced are largely those of
-the earlier representations, Holbein has entirely abandoned the general
-motive of a dance of the living and the dead, which was the leading
-characteristic of the numerous wall-paintings. Instead, each sheet
-forms a separate dramatic scene, in which Death, in the guise of a
-skeleton, claims the living as his prey. In Basel, however, where the
-wall-painting of the Dominican monastery was one of the most
-familiar sights, and one in which the citizens took great pride, the
-title by which it was known, “The Dance of Death,” was also
-popularly applied to the woodcuts shortly after their appearance, and
-the name has adhered to them ever since.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>FIRST EDITION OF THE DANCE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The first edition is in the form of a small quarto. On the title-page
-below the title is a printer’s mark or emblem, which is not of
-Holbein’s designing or Lützelburger’s cutting, representing three heads—of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_209'>209</span>an old man, a youth, and a woman—joined together, two in
-profile, and the central one, that of the woman, full face, with a star
-on her forehead, and a wreath above. From the shoulders spring a
-pair of peacock’s wings, the whole resting on a pedestal, on the top
-of which is an open book inscribed in Greek characters, “Gnothi
-Seauton,” and at the foot a serpent and two chained globes, one
-surmounted by a small cross, and the other with two wings. This
-emblem has the further motto “Usus me Genuit.” At the bottom of
-the page is printed, “A Lyon, Soubz lescu de Coloigne,
-<span class='fss'>M.D.XXXVIII.</span>” At the end of the book, within an ornamental border,
-is the imprint: “Excvdebant Lvgdvni Melchior et Gaspar Trechsel
-Fratres. 1538.” Next to the title-page comes a preface of six
-pages, which is followed by seven pages descriptive of “diverses
-tables de Mort, non painctes, mais extraictes de l’escripture saincte,
-colorées par Docteurs Ecclesiastiques, et umbragées par Philosophes.”
-After these verbal sketches come the woodcuts themselves, forty-one
-in all, each one printed on a separate page, and, in place of the German
-titles of the various sets of early proofs, a text in Latin above the
-pictures, and beneath them a four-lined verse in French, written by
-Gilles Corrozet, containing moral reflections appropriate to the various
-subjects. The subjects themselves are not arranged in the same order
-as in the proof impressions, in which the clergy are separated from the
-laity, and the men from the women, beginning with the Pope and
-ending with the Little Child. In the Lyon edition the Emperor
-follows the Pope, and is in turn followed by the King, the Cardinal,
-the Empress, and so on. The pictures are succeeded by a series of
-descriptions of Death and reflections on mortality of a didactic character,
-under the title, “Figures de la Mort moralement descriptes, &amp;
-depeinctes selon l’authorité de l’scripture &amp; des sainctz Peres,” the
-whole being brought to a conclusion with a discourse, “De la Necessite
-de la Mort qui ne laisse riens estre pardurable.”</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>A passage in the French preface is of considerable interest, as it
-relates to the engraver of the woodcuts. This preface is dedicated
-“A moult reverende Abbesse de religieux Couuent S. Pierre de Lyon,
-Madame Jehanne de Touszele, Salut dun vray Zele.” The convent of
-Saint Pierre les Nonnains, of which Madame Jehanne was abbess,
-was a religious house of long standing, among its inmates being many
-noble and wealthy ladies. The author of this preface, who only
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_210'>210</span>signs it with his motto, “D’un vray zelle,” was Jean de Vauzelles,
-Pastor of St. Romain and Prior of Montrottier, poet and scholar,
-one of three famous brothers who took a leading part in the literary
-life of Lyon. The passage referred to may be translated as follows:
-“But to return to our figured representations of Death, we have
-greatly to regret the death of him who has imagined (<i>imaginé</i>) such
-elegant figures as are herein contained, as much excelling all those
-heretofore printed (<i>patronées</i>) as the pictures of Apelles or of Zeuxis
-surpass those of modern times; for his funereal histories, with their
-gravely versified descriptions, excite such admiration in beholders,
-that the figures of Death appear to them most lifelike, while those of
-the living are the very pictures of mortality. It therefore seems to
-me that Death, fearing that this excellent painter (<i>painctre</i>) would
-paint him in a manner so lively, that he should be no longer feared
-as Death, and apprehensive that the artist would thus become
-immortal, determined to shorten his days, and thus prevent him
-finishing other subjects which he had already drawn. Among these
-is one of a waggoner, knocked down and crushed under his broken
-waggon, the wheels and horses of which appear so frightfully shattered
-and maimed that it is as fearful to see their overthrow as it is amusing
-to behold the liquorishness of a figure of Death, who is perceived
-roguishly sucking the wine out of a broken cask, by means of a reed.
-To such imperfect subjects, as to the inimitable heavenly bow named
-Iris, no one has ventured to put the last hand, on account of the
-bold drawing, perspectives, and shadows contained in this inimitable
-chef d’œuvre, there so gracefully delineated, that from it we may
-derive a pleasing sadness and a melancholy pleasure, as in a thing
-mournfully delightful.”<a id='r478' /><a href='#f478' class='c021'><sup>[478]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>VAUZELLES’ PREFACE TO THE BOOK</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>This passage is rather confusing, and at one time was supposed
-to refer to the designer, and not to the engraver of the woodcuts, and
-that Holbein, therefore, who was alive in 1538, could not have been
-the author of the designs. Now, however, that more modern research
-has proved that Lützelburger died in the summer of 1526, leaving
-several blocks which had been commissioned by the Trechsels
-unfinished, it becomes clear that Vauzelles, in his preface, is praising
-the woodcutter, and not the artist. It is true that the word
-“painctre” is used in one place, and that the term “imaginé” has
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_211'>211</span>been taken in the modern sense by earlier writers, whereas it is from
-the Latin “imaginatus” which has the same meaning as “sculptus.”
-In old French “ymaginier” is the same as “tailleur d’images,” just
-as “sculptor” was the common Latin expression for a stone-cutter
-or engraver. There is the possibility that Vauzelles was ignorant of
-Holbein’s share in the work, and imagined that both the designing
-and cutting of the blocks were the work of one man; but this is not
-very probable, for in the same year the Trechsels published the Old
-Testament woodcuts, also engraved by Lützelburger, in a second
-edition of which, issued in the following year, 1539, Holbein’s
-name as the designer is expressly mentioned in Nicolas Bourbon’s
-Latin verses which were added to the volume. Bourbon was in
-Lyon at the time, and in a new edition of his <i>Nugæ</i>, published
-shortly afterwards, he included a Latin epigram, not given in the
-first edition of 1533, headed, “De morte picta à Hanso pictore
-nobili,” which undoubtedly refers to Holbein as the painter or deviser
-of the “Dance of Death.” Taking these facts into consideration, it
-does not seem probable that Vauzelles would have been ignorant of
-Holbein’s connection with the work. In any case, the publishers
-must almost certainly have known it, and it may be conjectured that
-Bourbon’s verses were written expressly to accompany the “Dance,”
-just as his other lines were written for the Old Testament woodcuts,
-but that for some reason they were not used for that purpose.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Woltmann’s contention that Holbein’s name was purposely suppressed
-on account of the satirical character of the pictures, and that
-the preface was written with the intent to mystify, may be the correct
-solution. Holbein’s interest, he says,<a id='r479' /><a href='#f479' class='c021'><sup>[479]</sup></a> like that of the publisher,
-rendered it desirable that they should appear anonymously. In
-Lyon every movement towards the Reformation was zealously
-opposed by the bishop and the authorities, and the bloody edict
-against heretics issued by Francis I was put in force. Many of these
-pictures of Death, especially sheets such as the Pope or the Nun,
-might have given offence to the strict Catholic party. This would
-possibly have been all the more serious, had the book appeared with
-the name of Holbein, who was at that time residing at the court of
-the Protestant King of England, and was a citizen of Basel, in
-Switzerland, from whence the new doctrines emanated.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_212'>212</span>These arguments, however, as far as the suppression of Holbein’s
-name is concerned, seem a little far-fetched. If certain of the woodcuts
-were likely to give offence, it is difficult to see how such offence
-could be removed by merely withholding the artist’s name. It is
-probable, as already pointed out, that Holbein had no personal interest
-in the publication either of the “Dance” or the Old Testament pictures,
-his active co-operation in the work having ceased twelve years or more
-earlier, when he had completed Lützelburger’s commission for the
-designs; and under such circumstances it is not likely that the
-Trechsels would have consulted him as to the use of his name or
-otherwise. The most reasonable explanation seems to be that it was
-omitted from the preface through an oversight or some confusion on
-the part of Vauzelles as to the separate identities of the artist and
-engraver, which the publisher did not consider was important enough
-to rectify. If it was safe to issue the book, there was surely no need
-to indulge in mysteries as to its authorship.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The book had an almost instantaneous success, and new editions
-followed in the course of a few years. The second edition was issued
-in 1542 from the same address, but by the brothers Frellon—“A Lyon,
-A lescu de Coloigne, chez Jan et François Frellon, freres”—and it
-has been assumed that the new publishers had acquired the business
-of the Trechsels. The latter were Germans who had settled in Lyon,
-the father, Johann Trechsel, having started business there as a printer
-in 1487. The Frellons were equally well known in the town as
-publishers, and it is probable that they had become the proprietors
-of the rival establishment by 1538, and that the Trechsels were then
-only conducting the printing under their orders, for the preface to
-the Old Testament pictures, first published in that year, is signed
-by Franciscus “Frelläus,” and subsequent editions of both publications
-bore the name of this firm. A third edition, in Latin, was
-published in the same year, 1542, with the title “Imagines de morte
-et epigrammata e Gallico idiomate in Latinum translata,” &amp;c. The
-fourth appeared in 1545, with the title, “Imagines Mortis,” &amp;c., in
-which Corrozet’s French verses under the cuts were translated into
-Latin by George œmmel or Æmilius, Luther’s brother-in-law. The
-only addition to the illustrations was a cut representing a lame beggar,
-introduced as a tail-piece to one of the discourses on death at the
-end of the book, but so poorly engraved that it is difficult to trace
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_213'>213</span>Holbein’s hand in the design. A fifth edition was issued in the same
-year, 1545, also under the title “Imagines Mortis,” in which eleven
-new cuts were added to those which had appeared in earlier editions,
-or twelve, counting the one of the “Lame Beggar.” These new
-subjects were, “The Soldier,” “The Gamblers,” “The Drunkards,”
-“The Fool,” “The Robber,” “The Blind Man,” “The Waggoner,”
-and four subjects with naked children, in one of which they are
-represented as hunters, in another they lead a horse upon which one
-of them is mounted, bearing a standard, while in a third they
-are engaged in carrying one of their comrades in triumph. These
-latter cuts have no real connection with the subject-matter of the
-book, although French verses and Latin texts were added to them in
-an endeavour to find one, however far-fetched, but the designs are
-undoubtedly Holbein’s, and must have been drawn by him on the
-blocks and cut by Lützelburger. It may be conjectured that after
-the engraver’s death they were sent to Lyon with other unfinished
-blocks which the Trechsels had ordered from him. Three more
-editions were issued in 1547, the third of them with the title, “Les
-Images de la Mort,” and the original French verses of the first edition;
-and in 1549 a version was published with Italian title and text. In
-the preface to the latter, Jehan Frellon, who was the sole publisher
-from 1547 onwards, makes complaint of a pirated edition which had
-been printed in Venice two years previously.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>LATER EDITIONS OF THE BOOK</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Further editions followed in 1554 and 1562, the number of illustrations
-in the last-named being increased to fifty-eight by the addition
-of five new cuts, thus making seventeen more pictures than had
-appeared in the original edition of 1538. Two of these fresh illustrations,
-“The Bridegroom” and “The Bride,” rightly belong to the
-series, and though they made their first appearance nineteen years
-after Holbein’s death, were undoubtedly drawn by him, and in all
-probability at the same time as the other designs of the series, between
-1523 and 1526. The remaining additions consist of three more
-subjects with children, which again have every appearance of the
-same authorship. In one of these they appear as Bacchanalians,
-in another as musicians, and in the third they are carrying a suit
-of Roman armour.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>It is needless to enumerate the many editions which followed these
-earlier ones. Inferior copies and pirated editions, in which much of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_214'>214</span>the beauty of the original woodcuts was lost, were numerous, and
-appeared in many parts of Europe. The earliest copy was apparently
-the small folio, entitled “Todtentantz,” printed at Augsburg in 1544,
-and published by Jost de Negker.<a id='r480' /><a href='#f480' class='c021'><sup>[480]</sup></a> In the following year appeared
-the pirated Venetian copy. Five editions of a third version, with fifty-three
-cuts, were published in Cologne between 1555 and 1573, while
-another copy appeared at Wittemberg in 1590. Of the copperplate
-engravings copied from them the most important were the set of
-thirty etched by Wenceslaus Hollar between 1647 and 1651, which
-appear to be based not on one of the original Lyon editions, but on
-the copy produced at Cologne. Forty-six of the subjects were etched
-by David Deuchar in 1788, but these are of very inferior workmanship,
-and mere caricatures of Holbein’s designs. In 1789 a free copy
-was cut by John Bewick, the younger brother of the more famous
-Thomas, and published under the title of “Emblems of Mortality.”
-Turning to more recent days, they were reproduced upon stone in
-1832 with great care by Joseph Schlotthauer, Professor in the Academy
-of Fine Arts at Munich; and these were re-issued in England by
-John Russell Smith in 1849. The best modern wood engravings after
-them are those cut by Bonner and John Byfield for Douce’s “Holbein’s
-Dance of Death” in 1833. The “Dance” has also been rendered in
-photo-lithography for an edition issued by H. Noel Humphreys in
-1868, and for the Holbein Society in 1879. In 1886 Dr. F. Lippmann
-edited for Mr. Quaritch a set of reproductions of the engraver’s proofs
-in the Berlin Museum; and the <i>editio princeps</i> has been facsimiled
-by one of the modern processes for Hirth of Munich, as vol. x. of
-the Liebhaber-Bibliothek, 1884.<a id='r481' /><a href='#f481' class='c021'><sup>[481]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>BEAUTY AND DRAMATIC FORCE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>These woodcuts are among the finest manifestations of Holbein’s
-art. Small as they are, they have a largeness of design, a dramatic
-force and fertility of invention, and a brilliance of draughtsmanship
-which place them not only among the greatest achievements of the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_215'>215</span>artist, but of the century in which he worked. Each little picture
-tells its tale and points its moral with the utmost clearness, and the
-interest never flags throughout the series, although each one is merely
-a variation on a single theme. Detail there is in plenty, but it does
-not confuse the main action of the play, but rather helps to make
-the meaning which underlies it still clearer. There is nowhere a line
-too much or too little. The space to be filled is so small that these
-details are minute, yet Holbein’s line is so broad, and his hand so
-unerring, that nothing is confused or meaningless. The spacing of
-each cut is masterly, so that they produce the effect of a great design
-set forth on some spacious canvas. Few as the touches of the pencil
-may be, they are sufficient to give each small figure its own individual
-appearance and character, as though it were an actual portrait studied
-from the life, while the action is natural and unexaggerated, and well
-expresses the particular emotion called forth in each separate case
-by the sudden and unexpected appearance of Death.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Death is represented throughout the series as a skeleton, occasionally
-with scanty, tattered garments, and wearing the most
-characteristic portions of the dress of the particular mortal he is about
-to snatch from the world of the living. Thus, in the woodcut of the
-Pope, Death wears a cardinal’s hat; in the Abbot he has a mitre
-on his head, and carries a crosier across his shoulder; and in the
-Knight he is dressed in chain mail. In two of the pictures, the
-Empress and the Nun, Death is represented as a woman, and in
-several there are two skeletons who seize or attend the victim. In his
-representation of them Holbein displays little anatomical knowledge,
-but in spite of this the dead bones live, and in their movements, their
-expression, and their suggestion of the grim horror of death, produce
-an effect of vivid reality, which could not be bettered even though
-he had thought fit to give them greater scientific accuracy. In
-almost every case Death greets his prey with a mocking, ironical
-grin, and in most instances, too, he comes quietly, his presence
-unnoticed by those about to fall into his clutches; and with natural,
-unexaggerated movements and actions he assumes the principal part
-in the drama. In a few instances, however, he makes known his
-presence in a more aggressive manner, and seizes his victims with such
-violence that they cry aloud in terror or rage, and struggle to break
-away from his merciless grip. The victims whom he treats in this
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_216'>216</span>fashion are those who have themselves led violent lives. His action,
-in short, is always appropriate to the character and worldly position
-of those whose days he is about to cut short. He comes always as a
-mocker, and the prevailing note of the whole series is one of irony.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The first four cuts form, as it were, a preface to the actual “Dance of
-Death” which follows. The first of all represents the Creation. The
-Almighty bends over Adam, who lies asleep on a small island amid
-the waters, and draws Eve from his side. Then comes one of Adam
-and Eve in Paradise. The serpent, with human head, is twined round
-the branches of the tree, beneath which Adam is reaching up to
-pluck the fruit, while Eve is seated below, leaning against a rock.
-All around them, as in the first sheet, are animals—a stag, a sheep,
-a goat, a dog, a monkey, a rabbit, a hedgehog, a lizard, and so on—while
-in the branches of the beautifully drawn tree are a number of
-birds. The third cut represents the Expulsion from Paradise, with
-the angel with the flaming sword flying in a cloud over the heads of
-the guilty couple. In this cut Death makes his first appearance.
-Playing upon his viol, he leads the way, dancing as he goes. This is
-one of the few instances throughout the set in which Holbein has so
-represented Death; in most of the illustrations he does not follow at
-all closely the earlier wall-paintings, in which the living and the dead
-are shown dancing together. In the next scene Adam is at work
-clearing the rough ground, with Death at his side helping him to
-uproot a tree, and Eve seated, half naked, in the background, suckling
-her child, her distaff held across one arm. This is followed by a
-design headed in the proof impressions “Gebeyn aller Menschen”
-(Bones of all Men), a crowd of skeletons in front of a charnel-house,
-with drums, trumpets, and other musical instruments, as though
-forming the orchestra which is to provide the music for the play
-which is about to follow. Some wear fantastic head-dresses, and their
-winding-sheets still hang around them in tatters.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE EMPEROR, AND OTHERS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The Dance opens with the Pope upon his throne, whom Death
-seizes as he is about to place the crown upon the head of a king who
-kneels to kiss his foot. Round him stand high dignitaries of the
-Church, among whom is a second figure of Death, a mocking figure,
-wearing a cardinal’s hat surmounted with a cross, and holding another
-cross aloft. In the curtain over the throne lurks a small devil or
-demon, and a second, holding a bull with five seals, flies over the heads
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_217'>217</span>of the ecclesiastics. In this the satire is so bold that it was altered
-in some of the later editions of the book. The Emperor (Pl. <a href='#pl-66'>66</a> (1)), too,
-sits on his throne, underneath a baldachin supported by Renaissance
-pillars, the Golden Fleece across his shoulders, the sword of justice
-in his hand, and the orb on a cushion at his feet. He is surrounded
-by his counsellors, and on the right a poor man kneels demanding
-justice. The Emperor, who bears a recognisable likeness to Maximilian,
-turns from him with frowning face towards the rich oppressor,
-who attempts, with little success, to excuse himself. Death has
-sprung upon the throne behind the monarch, and is about to tear the
-imperial crown from his head. On the ground is the hour-glass, with
-the sand almost run out, which is introduced into nearly all the
-pictures. The King (Pl. <a href='#pl-66'>66</a> (2)), who sits at table within an open loggia,
-is evidently intended to represent Francis I. The face, small as it is,
-has a strong resemblance to his portraits, and the curtain behind his
-chair is patterned with the lilies of France. The table is crowded
-with dishes, among which stands the hour-glass. Death mingles with
-the serving-men, and pours wine from a jug into a bowl for the King
-to drink. Between the pillars of the room can be seen the houses of
-the city. The Cardinal (Pl. <a href='#pl-66'>66</a> (3)), a distinguished figure, sits among the
-vine-trees, and, just as he presents a letter of indulgence to a kneeling
-man, Death, a grisly figure with long wisps of hair hanging from skull and
-chin, tears his hat from his head. Next comes the Empress (Pl. <a href='#pl-66'>66</a> (4)),
-walking in the garden in front of her palace, with her ladies of honour
-around her, one of whom bears her train. Death, disguised as one
-of her women attendants, leads her by the arm to the brink of an
-open grave, of which she and those with her are quite unconscious.
-She is followed by the Queen, whom Death, in the motley of a court
-jester, seizes by one hand, and drags away, while in the other he holds
-his hour-glass aloft. She shrieks aloud in terror, while the cavalier
-who accompanies her attempts to set her free, and her maid-of-honour
-flings up her arms in despair. The scene takes place in front of a
-Renaissance loggia, with open country and a village in the distance.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The woodcut of the Bishop is one of the most beautiful of the
-designs. Death takes the arm of the aged prelate and gently leads
-him away. It illustrates the text: “I will smite the shepherd, and
-the sheep of the flock shall be scattered abroad.” Behind the two
-chief actors the sheep and their distracted shepherds are seen wandering
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_218'>218</span>in all directions. The background is a very picturesque landscape
-with high mountains, on one of which rises a castle, and the western
-sun, filling the sky with light, is just sinking behind their crests. Next
-comes the Duke with his retinue, of whom a poor woman with her
-child begs alms, and as he turns his head away in refusal, Death,
-crowned with a wreath of vine-leaves, reaches forward as though to
-pluck his ermine cape from his shoulders. Underneath a tree, in the
-branches of which is placed the hour-glass, the same grim skeleton,
-with mitre on head and crozier on shoulder, seizes the fat Abbot by
-the robes, and pulls him after him, his victim vainly protesting, and
-striving to hurl his breviary at his attacker’s head. In similar fashion
-he drags along the Abbess by her scapulary from the convent gateway
-with its little belfry. She cries aloud in her terror, clutching her
-beads in her clasped and trembling hands, while the porteress joins
-in her lamentations, raising her arms to heaven. The Nobleman
-shows less fear when his time comes. He flourishes his long sword
-over his head, and attempts at the same time to push away Death,
-who drags him towards a bier on the ground with the hour-glass
-resting upon it. In striking contrast to the violence of this scene is
-the following one of the Canon or Prebendary, who is entering a
-church, attended by his falconer, his jester, and his page. Death,
-wearing a hood, walks quietly by his side, holding his hour-glass in
-front of him, as though to show the worldly churchman, whose face is
-not visible, that the sands have nearly run out. The unjust Judge
-stretches out his hand to receive a bribe from the rich man, while the
-poor petitioner on the other side is ignored; but Death, unnoticed,
-stands on a ledge behind his chair and breaks in two the Judge’s staff.
-The next picture harps upon the same theme. The Advocate (Pl. <a href='#pl-66'>66</a> (5))
-is receiving his fee from a wealthy citizen whom he has helped in
-despoiling a poor man, who stands with clasped hands in the background.
-Death thrusts himself between them, hour-glass held aloft,
-and drops into the Advocate’s open hand a few gold coins. The action
-takes place in a street of gabled houses and cobbled pavements, a
-transcript of a corner of Basel of Holbein’s own day. The Counsellor
-(Pl. <a href='#pl-66'>66</a> (6)), in his furred gown and cap, is also shown in the street, deep
-in consultation with a nobleman, and oblivious to the entreaties of a
-man clad in rags, who, hat in hand, touches him on the shoulder to
-attract his attention. Perched upon the Advocate’s back, a little
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_219'>219</span>winged devil with curly tail blows into his ear with a small pair of
-bellows; while Death, as a sexton, lies at his feet, with spade and
-hour-glass, ready to trip him up.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 66.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-66'  class='figcenter id077'>
-<img src='images/i218a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE DANCE OF DEATH WOODCUTS<br /><br />1. THE EMPEROR<br /><br />2. THE KING<br /><br />3. THE CARDINAL<br /><br />4. THE EMPRESS<br /><br /><i>From proofs in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div  class='figcenter id078'>
-<img src='images/i218b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>5. THE ADVOCATE<br /><br />6. THE COUNSELLOR<br /><br />7. THE PREACHER<br /><br />8. THE PRIEST<br /><br /><i>From proofs in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>PREACHER, PRIEST, NUN, AND OTHERS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>One of the most beautiful designs of the series shows the Preacher
-(Pl. <a href='#pl-66'>66</a> (7)) in his pulpit, expounding a false doctrine which he believes
-to be the true one, his hands held forth in exhortation. Behind him
-stands the other preacher, Death, wearing a stole, and with a jaw-bone
-upraised over the unheeding victim’s head as though about to strike
-him down. The members of his congregation, some standing, some
-seated on low stools, gaze upwards with close attention, except one
-who has fallen asleep with his head against the pulpit base. Both
-the preacher and several of his listeners, especially the woman seated
-in the front on the right, are very expressive figures, and are drawn
-with masterly precision. Next comes the Priest (Pl. <a href='#pl-66'>66</a> (8)), one of the
-few of Death’s victims whom Holbein has depicted without a touch of
-irony or satire. He passes along the street in his robes, bearing the
-sacrament to the bedside of some dying man, preceded by Death, who
-acts as his sacristan, with bell and lantern, his hour-glass tucked under
-his arm. Very different is Death’s treatment of the Mendicant Friar,
-whom he seizes roughly by the hood, just as he is about to enter his
-monastery with well-filled box and begging-bag. There is bitter
-satire, too, in the picture of the Nun, kneeling in front of the altar
-in her cell, but her head turned behind her towards the young gallant
-who sits on the edge of her bed and plays his lute. Behind them
-Death, in the guise of an old hag, stretches forth a hand to extinguish
-the altar candles. Two skeletons accompany the Old Woman, who
-totters along a rough road by the aid of a stick, telling her rosary as
-she goes. One of them dances in front, playing with two sticks a
-musical instrument slung from his shoulders, while the other, crowned
-with a wreath, and a malicious grin upon his fleshless face, takes her
-by the arm, and dances by her side.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>To the Physician in his chamber Death leads an old man broken
-down in health, and at the same time warns him that his hour, too,
-has come. A dog is curled up asleep in the foreground, and over
-the Physician’s head is a shelf with books and glass water-bottles
-as in Holbein’s portrait of Erasmus in Longford Castle. The setting
-of the Astrologer is one of the most effective and elaborate of the
-series. His chair and the circular table, covered with books and
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_220'>220</span>mathematical instruments, at which he sits, are richly carved and
-ornamented. He is gazing at a celestial globe which hangs over his
-head, while Death strives to attract his attention by holding a skull
-for his inspection. The Rich Man, in a gloomy chamber with a window
-with heavy double bars, sits surrounded by his money-chests and
-bags, a heap of gold spread before him on the table. He springs up
-in a fury of anger at the sight of Death, perched on a stool and filling
-a large bowl with money from the heap. It is as bitter to him to lose
-his wealth as his life. Equally furious is the feeling displayed by the
-Merchant, upon whom Death pounces, seizing him by both hair and
-cloak, at the moment when he is examining and checking his bales
-and barrels of merchandise which have just been unshipped on the
-quay. A companion, a bearded man, cries out in fear, with uplifted
-hands. Behind them the masts and spars of the ships in the harbour
-stand out against the sky. Terror, too, is the keynote of the Mariner.
-The storm is raging violently, the wind howls, and the waves dash
-over the ship. The greater part of the sail has blown away, and the
-sailors have abandoned all hope, and wring their hands in terror, as
-Death clambers over the side and snaps the mast in two.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 67.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-67'  class='figcenter id079'>
-<img src='images/i220a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE DANCE OF DEATH WOODCUTS<br /><br />1. THE OLD MAN<br /><br />2. THE COUNTESS<br /><br />3. THE NOBLE LADY<br /><br />4.  THE DUCHESS<br /><br /><i>From proofs in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div  class='figcenter id080'>
-<img src='images/i220b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>5. THE PLOUGHMAN<br /><br />6. THE YOUNG CHILD<br /><br />7. THE LAST JUDGMENT<br /><br />8.  THE ARMS OF DEATH<br /><br /><i>From proofs in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE DUCHESS, AND OTHERS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Some of the finest designs are to be found among the remaining
-woodcuts. Death, clad in chain mail, runs a lance through the body
-of the Knight, a man in full armour, with huge plumes in his helmet,
-who gives a last despairing cry and attempts to strike down his enemy
-with his sword. A low-lying landscape stretches out in the distance,
-lit up by the rays of the fast-sinking sun. The Count has little of the
-Knight’s bravery. He clasps his hands in terror as Death, disguised
-as a peasant, with his flail flung on the ground, prepares to strike
-him down with his own heraldic escutcheon. On the other hand, the
-Old Man (Pl. <a href='#pl-67'>67</a> (1)), bent with the weight of years, tottering down his
-garden with the help of a thick stick, finds in Death nothing but a kindly
-companion, who leads him gently by the hand to the edge of a deep
-grave dug in the turf, while with the other hand he plays a dulcimer.
-The Countess (Pl. <a href='#pl-67'>67</a> (2)) in her chamber, to whom her maid is handing a
-sumptuous dress, is helped in her toilet by Death, who fixes round her
-shoulders a necklace of dead men’s bones. The Nobleman’s Wife
-(Pl. <a href='#pl-67'>67</a> (3)) walks along hand in hand with her husband, who gazes on her
-with affection, oblivious to all else, while a grinning skeleton precedes
-them, beating vigorously on his drum. The woodcut of the Duchess
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_221'>221</span>(Pl. <a href='#pl-67'>67</a> (4)) is the one which Lützelburger has signed with his initials in
-an escutcheon on the foot of the bedpost. The lady, fully dressed,
-springs up from her sleep in fright, as Death at the end of the bed
-tears the coverlet from her. A second skeleton plays the fiddle,
-while her greyhound crouches terrified on the floor. Death is also
-accompanied by a music-making comrade when he encounters the
-Pedlar with his heavily-laden pack on his back, and clutches him
-by the sleeve.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Once again he comes in the guise of a friend to the old and weary
-Ploughman (Pl. <a href='#pl-67'>67</a> (5)), in rags and barefooted, his hair straggling through
-his broken hat. Death helps him in ploughing the last furrow, and
-flogs forward the worn-out team of thin and miserable horses. At
-the end of the field with its long ploughed lines a delightful landscape
-lies stretched, with the houses of a village nestling among the trees,
-the church tower rising from the hillside on one of the lower spurs
-of the Swiss mountains, the whole peaceful scene flooded with the
-light of the setting sun. This background is, perhaps, the most
-beautiful of all, and yet its lovely effect is produced with the simplest
-means. The long list of Death’s victims concludes with the Young
-Child (Pl. <a href='#pl-67'>67</a> (6)), whom he leads by the hand through the doorway of a
-miserable, half-ruined cottage, with broken roof open to all weathers.
-The child turns back in terror, its free hand stretched towards its mother,
-who kneels stirring the pot on the scanty fire, the smoke of which
-half fills the room. Both she and an older child gaze after the little
-one with mouth wide open in astonishment and fear, and hands
-uplifted to head. The original series concludes with two cuts, one
-representing the Last Judgment (Pl. <a href='#pl-67'>67</a> (7)), with Christ enthroned on the
-rainbow over the celestial globe, with the saints around him, and down
-below a crowd of men and women newly risen from the grave; and the
-other showing the Arms of Death (Pl. <a href='#pl-67'>67</a> (8)), which recalls, in its arrangement,
-more than one of Holbein’s designs for painted glass. The shield,
-on which is placed a skull, with a worm hanging from its jaws, is
-shattered and torn in places, as though fashioned from a great bone
-which has mouldered in the grave. A tattered winding-sheet is
-draped round it, and it is surmounted by a helmet with an hour-glass
-for a crest, from the base of which two skeleton arms grasping a large
-stone are raised aloft. The supporters are a man and woman in the
-rich costume of Holbein’s day, each of whom rests a hand on the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_222'>222</span>escutcheon, the latter gazing down at it, while the former points to
-the skeleton arms and looks towards the spectator as though to urge
-him to remember that death is the end of all things. In the background
-rise the peaks of the Alps beneath a cloudy sky. Dr. Woltmann
-saw in these two figures likenesses of Holbein and his wife,
-but they evidently represent personages in a higher sphere of life.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE WAGGONER AND OTHERS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The eight additional subjects which were included in the edition
-of 1545 were, with possibly one exception, designed by Holbein, and it
-seems almost certain that the cutting of most, if not all, of the blocks
-had been begun by Lützelburger, and that they were sent to Lyon
-after his death in 1526, as part of the commission he had received
-from the Trechsels. The first of them represents the Soldier, who is
-attacking Death with his two-handed sword. The latter is armed
-with a great bone and a circular shield. The ground beneath them
-is strewn with the dead and dying, and over the hills in the background
-comes rushing a body of soldiers, with a second skeleton beating a
-drum as he leads the charge. Next we have the Gamester, seated
-at table with two comrades. Death clutches him by the throat, and
-a devil seizes him by the hair. One of the party is counting his
-gains, and cards are strewn over the floor. This is followed by the
-Drunkard, a scene with men and women in the middle of a disorderly
-carouse, among whom Death stalks, and, pulling back the head of
-one of them, a gross and bloated old man, pours wine down his throat
-from a tankard. The Fool dances over the rough ground, one finger
-in his mouth, and a long bladder grasped in the other hand, as though
-about to strike at Death, who, falling into his humour, dances by his
-side to the music of the bagpipes he is playing. The Robber, hidden
-in the recesses of a wood, is springing from behind the trees in order
-to snatch the market-basket from the head of a barefooted woman
-who passes by as night is falling, but Death has him by the neck
-before he can accomplish his purpose. In the next scene he is leading
-the Blind Man by his stick towards the water into which the next
-step or two will plunge him; and then comes the Waggoner, the
-woodcut which in the preface is mentioned by name as the one which
-the engraver left unfinished. Vauzelles’ description of it is not in
-complete accord with the finished block. The driver is not crushed
-beneath his waggon, but stands with hands clasped over his head,
-and a look of mingled fear and consternation on his face. The
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_223'>223</span>horse within the shafts has fallen on the side of a steep hill, and the
-cart with its great barrels is overturned. Death springs up behind,
-and untwists the stick by which the cord which fastens the barrel is
-kept taut. A second skeleton carries away one of the waggon wheels,
-which has been broken off. The concluding design shows the Beggar,
-lame and blind, and almost nude, seated among the straw and
-rubbish in front of some rich man’s house, his hands raised as though
-imploring Death to come for him; but he is the only one from whom
-Death keeps aloof. This block, as already noted, is so badly cut
-that it is not easy to say with certainty whether Holbein was the
-designer of it. In the “Young Wife” of the 1562 edition, Death is
-dancing as he leads her away in tears, while they are preceded by a
-gaily dressed gallant who plays a guitar. In the companion cut,
-Death also dances, and blows a trumpet, as he drags off the “Young
-Husband” by the corner of his cloak. In the background is a ruined
-building.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>It would be difficult to find a happier partnership than that which
-existed between the designer and the engraver of this great Dance.
-Lützelburger has reproduced Holbein’s dramatic story with the utmost
-sympathy and understanding, and from a technical point of view
-the cutting comes as near perfection as possible. Holbein’s delicate
-and expressive line is retained almost unimpaired, and there is no
-pretentious elaboration of detail merely to show the skill of the woodcutter.
-With the simplest methods—with sparing use of cross-hatching
-for the indication of light and shade—methods best suited to the
-material used, the most beautiful results have been obtained, for
-which designer and engraver must share the praise. So admirably
-are these cuts executed, says Chatto, “with so much feeling and with
-so much knowledge of the capabilities of the art, that I do not think
-any wood-engraver of the present time is capable of surpassing them.
-The manner in which they are engraved is comparatively simple:
-there is no laboured and unnecessary cross-hatching where the same
-effect might be obtained by simpler means; no display of fine work
-merely to show the artist’s talent in cutting delicate lines. Every
-line is expressive; and the end is always obtained by the simplest
-means. In this the talent and feeling of the engraver are chiefly
-displayed. He wastes not his time in mere mechanical execution—which
-in the present day is often mistaken for excellence;—he
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_224'>224</span>endeavours to give to each character its appropriate expression; and
-in this he appears to have succeeded better, considering the small
-size of the cuts, than any other wood-engraver, either of times past
-or present.”<a id='r482' /><a href='#f482' class='c021'><sup>[482]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In this great work “in little” Holbein’s imagination found its
-fullest and most expressive play, and it is small wonder, therefore,
-that the Dance soon gained a wide popularity. Almost from the
-beginning it appears to have been well known as Holbein’s work,
-and numerous references to it occur in contemporary literature. The
-learned Conrad Gesner, of Zürich, a younger contemporary of the
-artist, expressly ascribes it to him in his <i>Partitiones Theologicæ</i>, &amp;c.,
-published in 1549. The passage runs: “Imagines Mortis expressæ
-ab optimo pictore Johanne Holbein cum epigrammatibus Georgii
-Æmylii, excusæ Francofurti et Lugduni apud Frellonios, quorum
-editio plures habet picturas. Vidi etiam cum metris Gallicis et Germanicis,
-si bene memini.” Van Mander, whose <i>Het Schilder Boek</i>
-was first published in 1604, includes the Dance among Holbein’s
-works; and Joachim von Sandrart, in his Life of the artist, tells a
-charming story which indicates in how high an estimation Holbein’s
-designs were held just one hundred years after he drew them on the
-wood. Sandrart, who was a pupil of Gerard Honthorst at Utrecht,
-says: “I remember that in the year 1627, when the celebrated
-Rubens was proceeding to Utrecht to visit Honthorst, I accompanied
-him as far as Amsterdam; and during our passage in the boat I looked
-into Holbein’s little book of the <i>Dance of Death</i>, the cuts of which
-Rubens highly praised, recommending me, as I was a young man, to
-copy them, observing that he had copied them himself in his youth.”
-Sandrart was then a young man of twenty, and was on his way to
-England with his master. “And after this,” he adds, “Rubens held
-a beautiful and laudatory discourse almost the whole way upon
-Holbein, Dürer, and other old German painters.”<a id='r483' /><a href='#f483' class='c021'><sup>[483]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 68.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-68'  class='figcenter id081'>
-<img src='images/i224a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-</div>
-<div  class='figcenter id082'>
-<img src='images/i224b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-</div>
-<div  class='figcenter id083'>
-<img src='images/i224c.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE DANCE OF DEATH ALPHABET<br /><br /><i>From proof in the Royal Print Cabinet, Dresden</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “DANCE OF DEATH” ALPHABET</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Holbein’s Alphabet of Death (Pl. <a href='#pl-68'>68</a>),<a id='r484' /><a href='#f484' class='c021'><sup>[484]</sup></a> also engraved by Lützelburger,
-displays all the inventive power and dramatic feeling of the larger
-Dance. These diminutive inch-square letters show the engraver’s
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_225'>225</span>wonderful delicacy of cutting, and his power of reproducing the artist’s
-designs in almost their full beauty and force. Much of the space
-in each one of them is occupied by the plain Roman letter itself,
-behind which the subject is arranged, and Holbein has succeeded in
-placing his minute figures so ingeniously that the action is not concealed
-by the letters to an extent detrimental to the clearness of the
-story. Isolated examples of the use of these letters in printed books
-occur as early as 1524, the letter N appearing in the Greek New
-Testament issued by Bebelius in that year, and a number of them are
-to be found in the publications of several Basel printers from 1525
-onwards. This proves that the Alphabet was designed at about the
-same time, if not before, the Dance. The subjects of the twenty-four
-letters (J and U are not included) are, with few exceptions, the
-same as in the larger woodcuts, although in most cases they are
-treated differently. It is possible that Holbein, in drawing these
-letters on the blocks, became so fascinated with his theme, and
-delighted with the skill of his engraver, that he determined to carry
-it still further, and on a more important scale, in which the play of
-his poetic and ironic fancy could find even wider scope, without the
-hampering presence of the letters themselves. The backgrounds of
-the Alphabet are plain, but in the more than quadrupled space which
-the size of the Dance woodcuts permitted, he was able to add many
-details which helped to point his moral and tell his tale more vividly,
-and also those wonderful backgrounds, landscapes, street scenes, the
-interiors of palaces, offices, and hovels, which form so charming and
-characteristic a part of each little picture.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The smaller series begins, like the Dance, with the concourse of
-skeletons playing weird music for the dancers who follow, from the
-Pope in the letter B down to the Young Child in the letter Y. In
-certain instances, such as the Bishop (H), the Monk (O), the
-Soldier (P), the Fool (R), and the Gamblers (X), the action has a
-close resemblance to that in the cuts dealing with the same characters
-in the Dance, though differing in slight details. Thus the Fool in
-the Alphabet wears cap and bells, and Death, instead of dancing
-with him and playing the pipes, is seizing him violently by the
-shoulder. In a number of the letters two skeletons are shown, and
-they are occasionally aided by a small devil. The little child is torn
-from the cradle in the sight of its agonised mother, the Queen is
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_226'>226</span>dragged away by a rope round her neck, the Nun is led off gently by
-the hand, with head downcast, and the Drunkard, prone on the ground,
-has his last draught poured roughly down his throat, while the second
-skeleton seizes him by the leg as though to pull him up. Three new
-subjects are introduced into the series: the Courtesan, whom Death,
-wearing the high hat of a gallant, closely embraces, while his companion
-crawls away on his hands and knees, the hour-glass balanced
-grotesquely on his back; the Hermit, who is led gently from his
-cell, and the Horseman, behind whose back Death has sprung. The
-letter Z contains a reproduction of the Last Judgment conceived in
-a similar fashion to the woodcut of the Dance. The inclusion in this
-Alphabet of the Fool, the Soldier, and the Gamblers, who appear
-for the first time in the 1545 edition of the Dance, after the death of
-both artist and engraver, and the similarity of the conception in both
-series, afford further proof that the new subjects added to the Dance
-seven years after it was first published were drawn by Holbein on
-the blocks, although portions of the cutting of them were probably
-the work of some other hand than Lützelburger’s.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>EARLY EDITIONS OF THE WOODCUTS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The third great work in which these two masters collaborated was
-the series of woodcut illustrations to the Old Testament,<a id='r485' /><a href='#f485' class='c021'><sup>[485]</sup></a> first published,
-like the Dance of Death, at Lyon by the brothers Trechsel,
-and in the same year, 1538. The total number of these woodcuts is
-ninety-one, but the whole of them are not included in the earlier
-editions. The first issue (1538) contains eighty-eight of them, the rare
-“Fall” (1), “Nathan rebuking David” (40), and “Isaiah lamenting
-over Jerusalem” (72) being absent. In the second edition (1539)
-only the first of the series, “The Fall” is missing. In addition to
-these illustrations, the first four woodcuts of the “Dance of Death”—the
-Creation, the Temptation, the Expulsion, and Adam tilling the
-Ground—were borrowed from that publication, and placed at the
-beginning of the new one. The Bible cuts, which vary slightly in
-their dimensions, are of different form, being oblong and almost double
-the size of those of the Dance. They were issued as a small quarto
-picture-book, instead of being included, as was probably the artist’s
-or the engraver’s original intention, as illustrations to an edition of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_227'>227</span>the Bible. In the same year, however, as the first issue of the book,
-they were used for the latter purpose, the complete set of ninety-one
-appearing in a Latin edition of the Bible produced by another Lyon
-printer, Hugo a Porta, though with the imprint of the Trechsels.
-The title of the first edition is as follows: “Historiarum veteris
-Instrumenti Icones ad vivum expressæ. Una cum brevi sed quoad
-fieri potuit, dilucida earundem expositione. Lugduni, sub scuto
-Coloniensi. <span class='fss'>M.D.XXXVIII.</span>” The title-page contains an emblematic
-cut almost exactly similar to the one in the Dance, and with the
-same motto, “Usus me genuit.” The imprint at the end is also the
-same, with the names of Melchior and Gaspar Trechsel, and the date.
-The address to the reader is signed “Franciscus Frellæus” in the
-first two editions, but in subsequent issues the surname was given as
-“Frellonius.” This seems to indicate that the Frellons were already
-associated with the Trechsels in the business, of which they shortly
-afterwards obtained full control, the third edition (1543) of the Old
-Testament illustrations being published in their name, “apud Joannem
-et Franciscum Frellonios fratres,” and from the same address, “sub
-scuto Coloniensi.” Chatto<a id='r486' /><a href='#f486' class='c021'><sup>[486]</sup></a> suggests that they were the actual
-publishers of the first editions of both the Bible cuts and the Dance,
-but for reasons of policy, connected with the satirical nature of the
-subject-matter of the designs, their names were withheld until the
-success of the two publications was assured. There is no mention of
-Holbein’s name in the first edition, but a year later, in the second,
-the publisher’s address is followed by a set of Latin verses by Holbein’s
-friend, Nicolas Bourbon, the French poet, in which the artist’s
-name, as the author of these designs, is coupled with Apelles, Zeuxis,
-and other famous painters of classical times, whom he is said in all
-ways to eclipse. Other verses in French were added, from the pen
-of Gilles Corrozet, which form more or less a rhyming paraphrase of
-Frellon’s address, in which the reader is exhorted to avoid seductive
-paintings of Venus, Diana, Helen, Dido, and other ladies celebrated
-in fable and poetry, and to turn instead to those sacred pictures taken
-from the Holy Scriptures, from the study of which far greater profit
-is to be obtained. Corrozet, no doubt, was also responsible for the
-French explanatory verse which, together with the appropriate Latin
-text, accompanied each woodcut, just as he was the author of the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_228'>228</span>“descriptions severement rithmées” of the Dance of Death. There
-is no need to give a list of the later editions, which are almost as
-numerous as those of the Dance. An English edition was published
-in 1549, with the title—“The Images of the old Testament, lately
-expressed, set forthe in Ynglishe and Frenche with a playn and brief
-exposition. Printed at Lyons by Johin Frellon, the yere of our Lord
-God, 1549.”</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>These illustrations were drawn on the blocks by Holbein at about
-the same date as the Dance of Death pictures. This is proved not
-only from the fact that a number of them were engraved by Lützelburger,
-and that in style and composition they closely resemble the
-“Todtentanz” and other Basel designs by Holbein before his
-departure for England in 1526, but also because copies of more than
-half of them are to be found in the Bible published by Froschover in
-Zürich in 1531, showing that at least proofs of them were well known
-among Swiss publishers long before they were issued in book form
-in Lyon. There is a proof impression of the whole series in the
-Basel Gallery, on sheets printed only on one side, which was probably
-struck off immediately after the blocks were completed. It begins
-with the very rare “Fall,” which otherwise only appears in Hugo a
-Porta’s Bible of 1538, being missing in all editions in which the
-pictures appear alone, its place being taken in the latter by the four
-introductory sheets borrowed from the Dance of Death. The two
-other woodcuts already noted as missing from the first edition
-(Nos. 40 and 72), and absent, too, from the Latin Bible, are also to
-be found among the Basel proof impressions. In one instance, the
-“David and Uriah” (No. 39) there are two versions among these
-proofs, in one of which a background of wall, window, and curtain
-is introduced, but so badly engraved that it was evidently decided
-to abandon or alter the block in favour of the second version, in
-which the two figures are shown against a plain, white surface.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>A large number of the illustrations were engraved by Lützelburger,
-but side by side with them are others which are the work of a far
-less skilful hand or hands. In one or two instances, such as the
-“Joel” (No. 86) and the “Zechariah” (No. 90), the workmanship is so
-rude that it is difficult to say with certainty that they are based on
-Holbein’s own designs. Woltmann suggests that these woodcuts were
-originally commissioned by Adam Petri, with the intention of using
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_229'>229</span>them to illustrate later editions of his German Old Testament, but
-that on account of the acute religious strife which then existed in Basel,
-it was thought advisable to hold them in reserve.<a id='r487' /><a href='#f487' class='c021'><sup>[487]</sup></a> Even though
-Holbein’s name had been withheld from these designs, as it was from
-the Dance of Death, his authorship of them would still remain
-undoubted, for in style and method they are in exact agreement with
-the Dance woodcuts, and certain of the figures recall the still earlier
-“Praise of Folly” drawings. The children in some of these Bible
-cuts, such as those who jeer at the Fool (No. 69, Psalm lii.), those
-among the captive Midianites (No. 26, Numbers xxxi.), and those
-mocking Elisha (No. 47, 2 Kings ii.), all delightfully sympathetic
-little figures, have the closest resemblance to the children in the
-Duke or Elector, and the Young Child woodcuts of the Dance. The
-same resemblances are to be seen between many of the other figures,
-some of which still retain that stumpiness which marked his delineation
-of the human form at that time, and in the minor details, such as the
-representation of smoke and water, of trees, and in the landscape
-backgrounds. In the cut of Esther kneeling before Ahasuerus
-(No. 65, Esther ii.), the curtain at the back of the King’s throne is
-covered with fleurs-de-lis, as in the representation of the King in the
-other series, showing that when kingship was in question Holbein’s
-thoughts turned to Francis I, as the most notable monarch of his
-day. Many other instances of resemblance can be easily perceived
-when a close comparison of the two sets of designs is made.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THEIR EXCELLENCE AS ILLUSTRATIONS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Regarded as illustrations to the books of the Old Testament, these
-woodcuts are in all ways admirable. Holbein has brought to their
-making less of that imaginative power and biting humour which
-characterise the marvellous little pictures of the great Dance. He
-has concentrated his skill rather upon the faithful and accurate telling
-of these sacred stories as they are given in the text itself, and he does
-this with a perfect understanding of their strong dramatic power
-and their equally strong human interest. They are historical rather
-than spiritual in their conception, filled with the actual spirit of the
-narrative itself, to the exclusion of all else. He is revealed in them
-as a teller of stories of the first rank, with the power of seizing the
-most dramatic moment of each incident he depicts with unfailing
-instinct, and then representing it with a few unerring strokes of his
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_230'>230</span>pencil clearly and simply, with no over-elaboration of needless detail
-or overcrowding of characters. All that is absolutely necessary he
-gives, and no more; but within these narrow limits, a space only of
-a few square inches, he produced a series of designs admirable in
-composition, dignified and noble in conception, and yet free and
-dramatic in action.<a id='r488' /><a href='#f488' class='c021'><sup>[488]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>It is impossible within the limits of this book to attempt even a
-short description of these illustrations. Among the finest are
-Abraham sacrificing Isaac (No. 5), Jacob blessing Ephraim and
-Manasseh (No. 9) (Pl. <a href='#pl-69'>69</a> (1)), Moses and the Burning Bush (No. 11), the
-Brazen Serpent (No. 25), the Submission of the Midianites (No. 26),
-Ruth and Boaz (No. 32) (Pl. <a href='#pl-69'>69</a> (2)), Hannah and Elkanah (No. 33), the
-Death of Jeroboam’s Son (No. 45), Elisha and the Children (No. 47),
-David before the Ark (No. 53), Solomon blessing the Faithful (No. 55),
-the Blinding of Tobit (No. 61), Job (No. 62), Esther and Ahasuerus
-(No. 65), Judith with the Head of Holofernes (No. 67) (Pl. <a href='#pl-69'>69</a> (3)),
-Daniel in the Lion’s Den (No. 84), Amos (No. 87) (Pl. <a href='#pl-69'>69</a> (4)), and Jonah
-under the Walls of Nineveh (No. 88). Considerable charm is added
-to a number of them by the beauty of the landscape or architectural
-background, put in with a few simple but masterly lines, as in the
-Burning Bush (No. 11), in which Moses kneels to unfasten his shoes,
-his sheep grazing round him; in Moses receiving the Commandments
-(No. 21) (Pl. <a href='#pl-70'>70</a> (1)), with the people at work in the vineyards, and in the
-distance a harvest waggon passing along a road towards a village on
-the plain; and in the walled city of Jerusalem with the Temple rising
-in its midst, in the Return from the Captivity (No. 58) (Pl. <a href='#pl-70'>70</a> (2)). Many
-others could be cited, as well as subjects containing dramatic battle
-scenes, recalling the masterly study of a fight of landsknechte in the
-Basel Gallery which has been described on a previous page.<a id='r489' /><a href='#f489' class='c021'><sup>[489]</sup></a> This is
-particularly the case in the cut showing the Defeat of Sennacherib’s
-Army (No. 57). Other animated battle scenes occur in David
-learning of the Death of Saul (No. 37), and David triumphing over the
-Philistines (No. 38).</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 69.</span></span></div>
-    <div class='c000'>OLD TESTAMENT WOODCUTS</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-69'  class='figcenter id084'>
-<img src='images/i230a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>1. JACOB BLESSING EPHRAIM AND MANASSEH<br /><br />2. RUTH AND BOAZ<br /><br /><i>From proofs in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div  class='figcenter id085'>
-<img src='images/i230b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>3. JUDITH WITH THE HEAD OF HOLOFERNES<br /><br />4. AMOS PREACHING<br /><br /><i>From proofs in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 70.</span></span></div>
-    <div class='c000'>OLD TESTAMENT WOODCUTS</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-70'  class='figcenter id086'>
-<img src='images/i230-2a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>1. MOSES RECEIVING THE TABLES OF THE LAW<br /><br />2. THE RETURN FROM THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY<br /><br /><i>From proofs in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div  class='figcenter id087'>
-<img src='images/i230-2b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>3. THE ANGEL SHOWING ST. JOHN THE NEW JERUSALEM<br />Revelation xxi.<br />Woodcut from Adam Petri’s New Testament, 1523<br /><br /><i>From a copy in the British Museum</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE OLD TESTAMENT ALPHABET</div>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_231'>231</span>Holbein also went to the Old Testament for the subjects of an
-Alphabet of twenty-four letters, engraved on metal, and of considerable
-size.<a id='r490' /><a href='#f490' class='c021'><sup>[490]</sup></a> They begin with the Creation of Eve, and conclude with
-Jacob’s journey into Egypt. The letters N to Y are occupied with
-the story of Joseph, which is thus given in considerable detail. In
-the letter O, representing Joseph and Potiphar’s wife, the bed on
-which the latter sits has curtains ornamented with the French lilies.</p>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_232'>232</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>CHAPTER XI<br /> <br /><span class='c019'>THE MEYER MADONNA AND THE DEPARTURE FOR ENGLAND</span></h2>
-</div>
-<p class='c020'>Commission from Jakob Meyer for the “Meyer Madonna”—Description of the picture at
-Darmstadt—Preliminary studies for the heads—The copy at Dresden—History of the two
-pictures—Magdalena Offenburg and the “Lais Corinthiaca” and “Venus”—Lack of work
-in Basel owing to the disturbed state of the city—Holbein’s departure for England.</p>
-<div class='c012'>
-  <img class='drop-capi' src='images/dc-t.jpg' width='100' height='99' alt='' />
-</div><p class='drop-capi1_1'>
-THE year 1526 was by no means a favourable one for the
-members of the Basel guild of painters, although, in
-all probability, it was in this very year that Holbein
-received one of his most important commissions, the
-famous altar-piece known as the “Meyer Madonna,”
-now in the Grand-ducal palace of Darmstadt, in the
-possession of the Grand Duke of Hesse. At this period ecclesiastical
-dissension had reached its acutest pitch, and party feeling ran so high
-that there was little time or inclination among the leading citizens for
-the patronage or even the consideration of the fine arts. The Reformers,
-then in the ascendant in the control of public affairs, were strongly
-opposed to all forms of pictorial or decorative art for church use, and
-it was this side of the painter’s craft which, until then, had been
-the most lucrative. Times, indeed, were so bad for them that in
-January of this year the Painters’ Guild had been forced to petition
-the Council for permission to remain in Basel in the pursuit of their
-art in order that they might obtain means for the support of their
-families. Holbein, in spite of his outstanding merits and the high
-reputation he had made for himself in his adopted city, felt the pinch
-of adverse circumstances almost as severely as his brother painters.
-The authorities, unwilling, apparently, to complete the decorations of
-the Town Hall, had no remunerative work to give him. From
-November 1523, when he received the last instalment of his money
-for his wall-paintings in that building, down to the beginning of 1526
-there is no record of any civic payment made to him. On the 3rd of
-March, however, in the latter year, he received the meagre sum of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_233'>233</span>two Basel pounds ten shillings, about equal to two gulden, for the
-painting of some shields or coats of arms for the borough of Waldenburg,
-a township on the slopes of the Jura within the jurisdiction of
-Basel, no doubt for the decoration of the court of justice or public
-hall of that place. The entry runs as follows: “Sampstag nach
-Reminiscere, 1526: Item ij ll. x sh. geben Holbein dem moler, für
-etliche schilt am stettlin Waldenburg vergangener Iaren zemolen.”<a id='r491' /><a href='#f491' class='c021'><sup>[491]</sup></a>
-Unimportant commissions of this nature cannot have been of much
-help in keeping the wolf from the door, and that he was willing to
-undertake such mere journeyman’s work, in which his splendid talents
-could have little opportunity for their full display, affords proof that
-for the time being an artist’s life in Switzerland was a very
-precarious one.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>MEYER’S COMMISSION FOR A PICTURE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Happily for him, at about this time his old patron Jakob Meyer
-“zum Hasen” gave him a commission for a votive picture, in which
-he and the members of his family were to be represented as kneeling
-in adoration under the direct protection of the Virgin Mary, a work
-in the painting of which his genius found complete expression.<a id='r492' /><a href='#f492' class='c021'><sup>[492]</sup></a>
-Meyer, who since 1521 had been removed from all public offices, was
-a thorough-going adherent of the old religion, and the party to which
-he belonged was by this time in the minority; but his sturdy belief
-remained unshaken, and in 1529, immediately before the fiercest
-iconoclastic outburst in the city, he was at the head of the Catholic
-party. At the time when the greater number of his fellow-citizens
-were beginning to view with disfavour all sacred paintings, he proved
-that he had the courage of his convictions by ordering this picture,
-in which his faith was very plainly expressed. It is doubtful whether
-it was intended to be placed over an altar in some chapel in one of
-the Basel churches, or to be hung in Meyer’s own house, but in either
-case it was a definite public profession of his faith.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The figures in the picture (Pl. <a href='#pl-71'>71</a>) are about three-quarters of
-the size of life. The Virgin is not represented on her throne, but
-stands amid the donor’s family as the Mother of Grace, her mantle
-spread over them as a sign of her protection. Holbein has placed her
-in the centre of the composition in front of a shallow niche with a
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_234'>234</span>circular arch, fluted like a shell, against which her head is relieved.
-In her arms she clasps the Infant Christ, whose head rests against her
-shoulder, his left arm outstretched over the kneeling suppliants below
-as though in benediction. The edge of her cloak falls over the
-shoulders of Meyer, who kneels on the left, with hands clasped, gazing
-upwards in adoration.<a id='r493' /><a href='#f493' class='c021'><sup>[493]</sup></a> In front of him kneels his elder son, a youth
-of about sixteen, whose attention is diverted from his prayers by his
-small brother, a little naked boy with curly hair, standing upright
-on the Turkey carpet which is placed beneath the group, whom he is
-holding with both hands. The child stands, with left arm outstretched,
-gazing at his open palm. On the right-hand side is a group
-of three kneeling women, Meyer’s second wife, Dorothea Kannengiesser
-von Tann, with her daughter Anna in front of her, and, next
-to the Virgin, a third woman who has been taken to represent either
-the Burgomaster’s first wife, Magdalena Baer, who died in 1511, and
-was a widow when he married her, or her daughter by her earlier
-marriage. It has been also suggested that the figure represents
-Meyer’s mother, or his mother-in-law, but it is most probable that
-it is a portrait of his first wife, for it was by no means unusual at
-that time to combine both the living and the dead in such a votive
-picture.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 71.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-71'  class='figcenter id088'>
-<img src='images/i234.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE MEYER MADONNA<br /><span class='sc'>Darmstadt</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>DESCRIPTION OF THE PICTURE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>This picture is Holbein’s greatest masterpiece of sacred painting,
-noble and dignified in feeling and composition, remarkable for the
-direct and striking veracity of its portraiture, and the splendour of
-its rich, subdued colour. There is extraordinary expression in Meyer’s
-head, with its rapt, tense look, in which the depth of his faith is
-clearly portrayed. His ruddy complexion and blue shaven chin form
-a strong colour contrast with the fresher, paler flesh tints of his two
-sons, in whom the likeness to the father can be plainly traced. There
-is an equal contrast, too, between the face of the living wife, energetic
-and capable, and that of the other woman, seen in profile, whose
-features are nearly concealed by the white hood and the chin band
-she is wearing, giving almost the appearance of grave-clothes, though
-it was a head-dress then in common use, as can be seen from a number
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_235'>235</span>of Holbein’s book illustrations. In the Virgin’s face, with its downcast
-eyes, there is a look of heavenly tranquillity. Her complexion is
-fair, and her cheeks have a rosy tinge. She wears a golden crown
-set with pearls and precious stones, below which her golden hair falls
-upon her shoulders and over her mantle, and is painted with all
-Holbein’s minute care and complete technical mastery. The pale,
-delicate flesh tints are continued in the body of the Infant Christ
-and in the hands of his mother, the two heads forming a lovely chord
-of colour in perfect harmony with the reddish marble and grey stone
-of the niche against which they are set. The Virgin’s dress is dark
-blue, which has turned almost green with the passing of time, with
-under-sleeves of gold, in the painting of which actual gold has been
-used, as also in the crown, and in Anna Meyer’s head-dress and other
-ornamental parts of the picture. Her girdle is red, and her mantle
-a greenish grey. Meyer’s hair is black, and his black surcoat is lined
-with light-brown fur. The kneeling boy wears a dress of light brown
-trimmed with bands of dark red velvet, and red hose, and from his
-belt hangs an elaborate purse with long blue tassels. The colouring
-of the group on the spectator’s right is largely black and white. The
-two elder women are in black, with plain white head-dresses. The
-daughter’s dress is also white, decorated with deep bands of gold
-material embroidered with pearls, her head-dress being formed of two
-similar bands, with crimson tassels, which almost conceal the brown
-braided hair, and a little wreath of white and red flowers on the top.
-She gazes across the picture at her little brother, her rosary in her
-hands, of which, owing to the long sleeves of her dress, only the tips
-of her fingers can be seen. The Turkey carpet, which falls over the
-low step upon which the figures are grouped, has an elaborate pattern
-of red, green, black, and white on a yellow-brown ground. The monotony
-of its geometrical design is broken by a large irregular fold
-in the centre, as though the rug had been hastily thrown down and
-not straightened out. On either side of the shell-shaped circular niche
-the carved pilasters of two low columns are seen above the heads of
-the kneeling figures, and the green branches of a vine or fig-tree stand
-out against a bright-blue sky.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The picture, like the Solothurn Madonna, is of peculiar shape,
-the top of the panel following the lines of the architectural background.
-It measures about 4 ft. 8½ in. (1.44 m.) to the top of the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_236'>236</span>circular niche, and 3 ft. 8½ in. (1.125 m.) to the horizontal edge above
-the pilasters at the side, and is nearly 3 ft. 3½ in. (1.01 m.) wide.
-It is possible that in its original state it was furnished with a pair of
-shutters. It is now generally agreed that its date is about 1525 or
-1526, and that it was the last work of importance painted by Holbein
-before he left Basel. Meyer took a second wife in 1513, and their
-daughter Anna, who afterwards married Nikolaus Irmi, appears in
-the picture to be about the age of twelve, which gives the year 1526
-as the one in which Holbein received the commission. Nothing is
-known of the two boys, who must have died young, for Meyer left
-no male heirs. After his decease his widow was twice married, and
-on her death in or about 1549 her heir was her daughter Anna. The
-elder boy was perhaps the son of the first wife. The technical
-qualities of the painting, too, place it in the years immediately preceding
-Holbein’s first visit to England.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 72.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-72a'  class='figcenter id089'>
-<img src='images/i236a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>JAKOB MEYER<br /><i>Drawings in black and coloured chalks</i><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id='pl-72b'  class='figcenter id090'>
-<img src='images/i236b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>DOROTHEA KANNENGIESSER<br />Studies for the Meyer Madonna<br /><i>Drawings in black and coloured chalks</i><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>There are three preliminary studies for the picture in the Basel
-Gallery, portrait heads of the ex-burgomaster, his wife, and their
-daughter.<a id='r494' /><a href='#f494' class='c021'><sup>[494]</sup></a> All three are drawn in his customary manner in black chalk,
-with spare use of coloured chalks and water-colour here and there.
-The head of Meyer (Pl. <a href='#pl-72a'>72</a> (1)),<a id='r495' /><a href='#f495' class='c021'><sup>[495]</sup></a> in black and red, is in the same position
-as in the picture, and placed against a greenish background. His
-wife (Pl. <a href='#pl-72b'>72</a> (2))<a id='r496' /><a href='#f496' class='c021'><sup>[496]</sup></a> is also taken in the position she occupies in the finished
-work, but her head-dress is a different one, and the chin and the greater
-part of the mouth are hidden by a linen band similar to the one worn
-by the unknown kneeling woman. Red is used in the face, and brown
-for the hair, which is seen through the muslin cap, and for the fur lining
-to the collar of her gown. The daughter, Anna,<a id='r497' /><a href='#f497' class='c021'><sup>[497]</sup></a> is shown almost at
-three-quarter length, with the arms and hands visible. She wears
-the same dress with embroidered bands as in the picture, but her
-hair, instead of being almost hidden by the elaborate cap, hangs
-down straightly below her waist. More colour is used in this drawing
-than in the others, the face being worked in flesh tints, the hair of a
-golden-brown colour, the girdle red, and the ornaments of the collar
-in yellow, while the background is washed with pale green. The
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_237'>237</span>effect produced is very delicate and beautiful, and the portrait is
-perhaps finer and more natural than in the picture itself. These
-drawings closely resemble in style those which Holbein produced
-shortly afterwards in England, and approach them very nearly in
-their complete mastery of expressive line.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE BATTLE OF THE PICTURES</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>For many years the fine early copy of the Meyer Madonna in the
-Dresden Gallery<a id='r498' /><a href='#f498' class='c021'><sup>[498]</sup></a> was regarded as Holbein’s original work, and one
-of the greatest treasures of the collection, and it was not until 1822,
-when the Darmstadt picture, purchased in that year by Prince
-William of Prussia from a Parisian picture-dealer, was first brought
-to the notice of connoisseurs, that any doubt was thrown upon the
-authenticity of the better-known example, which was then almost
-universally regarded as one of the greatest masterpieces of the German
-school. A few German critics of note, among them Dr. Kugler,
-admitted that the Darmstadt picture was a genuine work by Holbein,
-but it was many years before anyone had the temerity to refuse a
-like honour to the famous example in Dresden. The first to do so
-publicly was Wornum, in his Life of Holbein, published in 1867, and
-he was followed by Woltmann, A. von Zahn, and others.<a id='r499' /><a href='#f499' class='c021'><sup>[499]</sup></a> In spite
-of such critics, however, both pictures were still regarded by most
-people as from Holbein’s own hand, and it was not until the Holbein
-Exhibition, held in Dresden in 1871, when the two panels were placed
-side by side, and a close comparison became possible, that the
-undoubted genuineness of the Darmstadt painting was admitted by
-all except the few who had a personal interest in upholding the
-prestige of the Dresden Gallery, and who, therefore, refused to believe
-that their own picture was a mere copy, however good. Throughout
-the autumn of 1871, a fierce battle raged between the contending
-parties, and Dresden was split up into two hostile camps. A manifesto
-was issued by thirteen of the leading critics, headed by Woltmann,
-Thausing, De Lutzow, and A. Bayersdorfer, affirming their
-belief that the Darmstadt picture was indubitably a genuine work by
-Holbein, with considerable and later retouches in the heads of the
-Virgin, the Infant Christ, and the Burgomaster, and that the Dresden
-Madonna was a free copy of it, in which the hand of Holbein was not
-to be seen in any part. The other party retaliated with a manifesto
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_238'>238</span>of their own, in which they claimed that the modifications of the
-design in the Dresden example were so free, and were such great
-improvements, particularly in the spacing and the proportions of the
-figures, that no one but Holbein could have accomplished it, and that
-he alone could have given so lofty an ideality and beauty of expression
-to the figure of the Virgin, and that the picture remained a monument
-which attested the culminating point of German art. The Darmstadt
-picture, on the other hand, they found to be so badly obscured by
-dirty varnish and partial repaints that it was impossible to judge
-seriously the question of its originality. An interesting account of
-the dispute was given in the <i>Gazette des Beaux-Arts</i><a id='r500' /><a href='#f500' class='c021'><sup>[500]</sup></a> by the artist
-Rudolf Lehmann, who was a staunch upholder of the genuineness of
-the better-known picture. He saw in it a greater beauty, maturity,
-and nobility, and held that the modifications were so intelligent as
-to be in reality corrections of the earlier work, and therefore only
-from the hand of the master himself.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The Darmstadt picture had certainly suffered from retouching in
-many places, but in 1887 it underwent a careful cleaning at the hands
-of Hauser of Munich, by means of which the dirt and the spurious
-paint were removed. It was then found to be in a very perfect state
-of preservation, with the original splendour of its colour almost
-undimmed, and the details as fine and as clear as when Holbein first
-painted them. The differences between the two pictures are many,
-but in colour, in expression, and in technical achievement the one at
-Darmstadt is far superior. The copyist who produced the Dresden
-picture has apparently attempted to improve upon the original, by
-beautifying the face of the Madonna, which has lost much of its character
-in the process, and giving a more graceful form to the rather
-thickset, stumpy figure of the original, so characteristic of Holbein.
-The proportions of the background have been also changed, with the
-same idea of improvement. The copyist appears to have thought
-that the top of the semicircular niche pressed too closely upon the
-Virgin’s head, and he accordingly raised it, thus relieving what he
-considered to be a cramped position; whereas in Holbein’s original
-arrangement, in which the diameter of the semicircle cuts across the
-shoulders of the figure, the spacing is more effective than in the copy,
-in which the line passes through the Virgin’s neck. In the same way
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_239'>239</span>the pilasters over the kneeling figures on either side have been raised
-well above the heads, so that the upper parts of the columns become
-visible. In richness and harmony of colour the Darmstadt version is
-far finer. In the Dresden copy the Virgin’s dress is green, which
-proves that it was painted at some time considerably later than the
-original, when the blue of the latter had taken on a greenish tint
-from the discoloration of the varnish. Again, the extraordinary
-delicacy and precision of the draughtsmanship of all the details of
-dress is far more marked in the original work, in which, too, there
-is much greater expression and animation in the faces.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>HISTORY OF THE DARMSTADT PICTURE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The history of the Darmstadt picture can be traced, with few
-breaks, from the day it was painted. On the death of Dorothea
-Meyer about 1549 it passed into the possession of her daughter Anna
-and the latter’s husband, Nikolaus Irmi, or Irmy (1507-52). Anna
-Irmi, who married, after Irmi’s death, Wilhelm Hebdenring, and
-died a widow in 1558, left it to her daughter Rosa or Rosina, who,
-in 1576, married, as his third wife, Remigius Faesch, burgomaster of
-Basel. Rosa died about 1606, and shortly afterwards Faesch sold the
-picture for one hundred golden crowns (<i>coronatos aureos solares</i>) to a
-certain Lucas Iselin. This information is contained in a Latin manuscript
-in the Basel Library, which was written about the middle of
-the seventeenth century by a second Remigius Faesch, grandson of the
-burgomaster. He was a doctor of laws, and a collector of pictures,
-and his manuscript bears the title, “Humanæ Industriæ Monumenta.”
-The thirty-fifth folio is concerned with Holbein, and from it the history
-of the picture may be taken a step farther. Faesch says: “In the
-year 163-, the above-named painter, Le Blond, bought here of the
-widow and heirs of Lucas Iselin, of St. Martin’s, a painting on wood,
-about three Basel ells in size, the height and width being the same;
-in which were represented the foresaid Burgomaster Jakob Meier,
-together with his sons on the right side, and on the opposite side his
-wife with the daughters, all painted from life, kneeling before the
-altar. I possess copies of a son and a daughter, painted in Belgium
-from the picture itself by Joh. Ludi. Le Blond paid for the picture
-1000 imperials, and sold it afterwards for three times as much to
-Maria de’ Medici, Queen Dowager of France, mother of King
-Louis XIII, while she was residing in Belgium, where she died.
-Whither it afterwards went, is uncertain.” A marginal note, added
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_240'>240</span>by Faesch, probably at a later date, further states: “This panel
-belonged to my grandfather, the Burgomaster Remigius Faesch, from
-whom Lucas Iselin gained possession of it, ostensibly for the ambassador
-of the King of France, and paid 100 gold crowns for it about
-the year 1606.”<a id='r501' /><a href='#f501' class='c021'><sup>[501]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Lucas Iselin died in 1626, and his heirs appear to have sold the
-picture some years afterwards to Michel Le Blond, the German
-engraver, who lived for the greater part of his life in Amsterdam,
-where he was occupied in providing engraved plates of ornaments
-for the use of jewellers, and was also a picture collector and dealer.
-He acted as agent to the Court of Sweden at Amsterdam, and in
-1625 he negotiated for the Duke of Buckingham the purchase of a
-large collection of works of art from Rubens. He was a friend of
-Sandrart, Holbein’s biographer, and travelled with him in Italy.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Sandrart, in his Life of Holbein, continues the history of the
-picture, and in speaking of Le Blond’s collection, says: “This gentleman
-has long ago” (<i>lang vorher</i>)—he refers to some time before he,
-Sandrart, was in Amsterdam, about 1640-45—“sold to the bookkeeper
-(or banker) Johann Lössert, at his urgent request for the sum
-of 3000 gulden, a standing figure of the Virgin painted on a panel,
-holding her little Child in her arms, and under her is a carpet on which
-some figures are kneeling before her, taken from life.”<a id='r502' /><a href='#f502' class='c021'><sup>[502]</sup></a> Sandrart’s
-description shows that the picture in question was undoubtedly the
-Meyer Madonna, and this is confirmed by Patin’s account. The latter
-had access to the Faesch manuscript, and speaks of it as “A standing
-Mary on a panel with the Child on her arm, under her a carpet on
-which some figures are kneeling before her, painted from the life.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>HISTORY OF THE DARMSTADT PICTURE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Sandrart’s story indicates that Faesch must have been wrong in
-stating that Le Blond sold the picture to Maria de’ Medici, then in
-exile in Holland; she appears to have been contented with a copy of
-it. Sandrart himself took sketches of some of the figures, and others
-were made, according to Faesch, by Joh. Ludi. This was Johannes
-Lüdin, a pupil of Sarburgh, who has been confused by earlier writers
-with Giovanni da Lodi, an obscure painter whose work is to be
-found in several churches in Lodi. Wornum thought that Giovanni
-might have been the author of the Dresden copy of the picture,<a id='r503' /><a href='#f503' class='c021'><sup>[503]</sup></a> but
-later researches have shown this to be a mistake. Quite recently (1911),
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_241'>241</span>Dr. E. Major has identified it as a copy made for Queen Maria de’
-Medici by Bartholomäus Sarburgh, a portrait-painter who, in 1634,
-was living at the Hague, which was about the time the picture went
-to Holland. Sarburgh, who was born about 1590, worked in Basel
-and in Berne, and may have known the painting in his youth. It is
-extremely probable, in Dr. Major’s opinion, that the Dresden example
-is identical with the copy known to have been in the possession of the
-French Queen.<a id='r504' /><a href='#f504' class='c021'><sup>[504]</sup></a> There are numerous copies of Holbein’s works by
-Sarburgh still in Basel, and several portraits by him in the Picture
-Gallery of that city.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>It has also been suggested that Faesch was mistaken in saying that
-Le Blond bought the picture from Iselin’s widow in Basel, and that
-in reality he obtained it from Iselin himself at some earlier date;
-for in 1621 there was an important example of Holbein’s work in
-Amsterdam which the Earl of Arundel was anxious to obtain. Sir
-Dudley Carleton, writing to the Earl from the Hague, 22nd June 1621,
-says: “Having wayted lately on y<sup>e</sup> K. and Q. of Bohemia to
-Amsterdam, I there saw y<sup>e</sup> picture of Holben’s yo<sup>r</sup> L<sup>p</sup>. desires; but
-cannot yet obtayne it, though my indeavours wayte on it, as they
-still shall doe.”<a id='r505' /><a href='#f505' class='c021'><sup>[505]</sup></a> Sir Dudley, however, gives no description of the
-picture, which he was unable to get for the Earl, so that it is impossible
-to say more than that there is some probability that it may
-have been the Meyer Madonna.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Sandrart, who was a personal friend of Le Blond, is no doubt
-correct when he says that the latter sold it direct to the banker Johann
-Lössert; and it remained in the possession of that family for some
-seventy or eighty years. It next appears in a sale of the pictures of
-Jacob Cromhout and Jasper Loskart, held at Amsterdam on the
-7th and 8th May 1709, the latter evidently a descendant of Johann
-Lössert. According to the catalogue, both owners were deceased, and
-the greater number of the pictures seem to have belonged to Cromhout,
-the catalogue-heading concluding with the words, “and some other
-fine pictures coming from the cabinet of the deceased Herr Jasper
-Loskart.”<a id='r506' /><a href='#f506' class='c021'><sup>[506]</sup></a> It is possible that the two owners were relations, or
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_242'>242</span>partners in business, as the coat of arms of the Cromhouts is on the
-old frame of the Darmstadt panel, indicating that at some time or
-other the picture had been transferred from the one family to the
-other.<a id='r507' /><a href='#f507' class='c021'><sup>[507]</sup></a> The picture was No. 24 in the sale, and was described as,
-“A capital piece, with two doors, representing Mary with Jesus on
-her arm, with various kneeling figures from life, by Hans Holbeen—fl.
-2000”; just double the price paid for a large altar-piece by Rubens
-in the same sale, and equal to about £160 in modern money, a large
-price for a picture in those days. It will be seen that in 1709 it still
-had wings, which have since disappeared.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>For more than one hundred years after the Cromhout sale all
-traces of the picture are missing, though it appears to have been in
-England for at least a part of the time, for on the back is written in
-English: “No. 82, Holy Family, Portraits, A.D.,” the latter initials
-indicating that when here it was attributed to Dürer. On the old
-seventeenth-century frame there are, in addition to the Cromhout
-coat of arms, the armorial bearings of a member of the Von Warberge
-family and his wife, apparently indicating yet another ownership. It
-reappeared in 1822, when it was purchased by Prince William of
-Prussia from the Parisian picture-dealer Delahante, through the
-latter’s brother-in-law, Spontini, at that time royal musical director
-in Berlin, at a cost of 2500 or 2800 thalers—about £420. On the
-death of the Prince its purchase for the Berlin Museum was urged by
-Dr. Waagen, but the authorities were not willing to consider it. On
-the division of the Prince’s property, it was assigned to his daughter,
-Princess Elizabeth, who married Prince Charles of Hesse-Darmstadt
-in 1836; and from that day the picture has remained in the private
-apartments of the old palace.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>HISTORY OF THE DRESDEN VERSION</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The first definite information about the Dresden version is that
-at the beginning of the eighteenth century it was in Venice, in the
-possession of the Delfino family, from whose representative, Giovanni
-Delfino, it was purchased by Count Francesco Algarotti on the
-4th September 1743, for Augustus III, Elector of Saxony, for one
-thousand sequins. A previous attempt to buy it had been made by
-the Duke of Orleans in 1723. It is to be gathered from Algarotti’s
-correspondence that the picture had been bequeathed to Delfino’s
-father by the Venetian banker Avogadro, and, according to an old
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_243'>243</span>servant of the latter’s, named Griffoni, his master had obtained it in
-or about the year 1690 in Amsterdam as payment for a debt of
-2000 sequins owing to him by the house of Lössert, which had recently
-become bankrupt. Algarotti was of opinion that it was the very
-picture mentioned by Sandrart. As, however, the original picture
-was still in Amsterdam in 1709 (the date of the Cromhout sale), nearly
-twenty years after Avogadro is said to have received it, the version
-which went to Venice can only have been a copy, which it is now
-known to be. It appears, therefore, that at one time Loskart or
-Lössert possessed two versions of the picture; and it may be conjectured
-that at the time of the bankruptcy, or perhaps earlier, the
-original was sold to or taken over by Cromhout, and the early
-seventeenth-century copy retained, until it was given to Avogadro in
-lieu of the debt. It is not, however, necessary to suppose that the
-transaction was an underhand one, and that a copy was knowingly
-palmed off on the banker as an original, for very possibly by that
-time both pictures were regarded as genuine works by Holbein.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>At the time the Venetian example was purchased for the Elector
-of Saxony, it was generally regarded as a portrait-group of the More
-family, owing to the similarity of the names Meyer and More. Horace
-Walpole, who saw it in Venice, gave it its correct title. He says,
-when referring to the various examples existing of the More family
-group: “The fifth<a id='r508' /><a href='#f508' class='c021'><sup>[508]</sup></a> was in the palace of the Delfino family at
-Venice, where it was long on sale, the first price set, 1500<i>l.</i> When I
-saw it there in 1741 they had sunk it to 400<i>l.</i>, soon after which the
-present King of Poland bought it.... The old man is not only
-unlike all representations of Sir Thomas More, but it is certain that
-he never had but one son. For the colouring, it is beautiful beyond
-description, and the carnations have that enamelled bloom so peculiar
-to Holbein, who touched his works till not a touch remained discernible!
-A drawing of this picture by Bischop was brought over in
-1723, from whence Vertue doubted both of the subject and the
-painter; but he never saw the original! By the description of the
-family picture of the Consul Mejer, mentioned above, I have no doubt
-but this is the very picture—Mejer and More are names not so unlike
-but that in process of time they may have been confounded, and that
-of More retained, as much better known.”<a id='r509' /><a href='#f509' class='c021'><sup>[509]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_244'>244</span>The cost of the picture was 1000 sequins, or 22,000 livres de Venise—about
-£458 in English money—and the expenses in connection with its
-purchase, packing, and forwarding to Dresden, came to some £125 more,
-including a liberal present to the painter Tiepolo, who helped in the
-negotiations, and smaller gratuities to various retainers of the Delfino
-family. The total cost, therefore, was considerably more than three
-times the price paid for the original painting in the Amsterdam
-sale.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Although the Meyer Madonna possesses no hidden meaning, and
-is merely a customary representation of a donor and his family kneeling
-in adoration before the Virgin and Child, yet a number of fanciful
-interpretations were given to it in the last century, of which some
-echoes still remain. It has been suggested that it is a votive picture
-to commemorate the recovery of a sick child, whom the Virgin has
-taken into her arms, placing her own child on the ground among the
-donors. This idea was carried still farther by others, who saw in the
-infant on the Madonna’s breast the soul of a dead child; while a third
-theory propounded was to the effect that the little one was merely
-the soul of the woman kneeling next the Virgin, supposed to be
-Meyer’s first wife. These are all sentimental refinements of nineteenth-century
-German criticism, first voiced by such writers as
-Ludwig Tieck and Friedrich Schlegel, and in all probability would
-never have been heard of had the original picture been in Dresden
-instead of the copy. In the latter the unknown copyist has not been
-so successful in the figure of the infant Christ as in other portions of
-the picture. It is far less animated than in the original, and a little
-sickly and unhappy in expression, and it was this, no doubt, which
-first suggested these over-refinements of meaning. Ruskin was on
-the side of the sentimentalists. He says: “The received tradition
-respecting the Holbein Madonna is beautiful, and I believe the interpretation
-to be true. A father and mother have prayed to her for the
-life of their sick child. She appears to them, her own Child in her
-arms. She puts down her Christ before them, takes their child into
-her arms instead; it lies down upon her bosom, and stretches its
-hands to its father and mother, saying farewell.”<a id='r510' /><a href='#f510' class='c021'><sup>[510]</sup></a> As a matter of fact,
-there is nothing of death or sickness about the work, which tells its
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_245'>245</span>story with the utmost simplicity and mastery of means, without
-needing such refined subtleties for its proper explanation.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>HOLBEIN’S MODEL FOR THE VIRGIN</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>It is difficult to follow Holbein’s latest English biographer, Mr.
-G. S. Davies, in his belief that the influence of Gherardt David can
-be seen in this work, and, in particular, to find, as he does, indications
-of Holbein’s acquaintance with David’s great picture of the “Madonna
-with the Saints and Angels,” now in the Rouen Museum, but in Holbein’s
-day, and for three centuries afterwards, in the Carmelite Church
-in Bruges, for which it had been painted. “I do not think that any
-one who thoroughly knew the Darmstadt Holbein can fail,” he says,
-“as he looks at this masterpiece of the Flemish painter, to be at once
-reminded by something in the feeling and in the type of Madonna,
-and even in such details as the choice of crown and robe, in the outspread
-mantle, in the fashion of the robe, in the wavy golden hair lying
-along the shoulder, and in the pose of the head as she looks down at the
-Child, of the greater German master. Holbein’s is a stronger, more intensely
-sympathetic, more real and convincing vision; but the original
-type seems to be common to both men.”<a id='r511' /><a href='#f511' class='c021'><sup>[511]</sup></a> To render this possible, a
-visit to Bruges on Holbein’s part becomes necessary, and Mr. Davies
-considers it to be most probable that he did so either on his way to
-England in 1526 or on his return in 1528, and he states, but without
-bringing forward any proofs, that Holbein “spent several months in
-or about Antwerp” on the former journey, and that he would not be
-likely to omit a visit to so great a centre of art as Bruges. This
-theory also necessitates the alteration of the date of the painting of
-the Meyer Madonna, whereas everything points to its completion
-before Holbein left Basel for England; nor will he find many to agree
-with him that in this great picture, so essentially German in feeling,
-strong traces of Flemish influence are to be seen. Such alien influence
-as can be traced in it is undoubtedly Italian.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>For the Meyer Madonna, Holbein’s wife no longer served as the
-model for the Virgin, as she had done for the Madonna of Solothurn.
-Her place was taken by that lady of somewhat notorious character
-in Basel, Magdalena Offenburg. As pointed out in an earlier chapter,
-she had already twice served Holbein as a model for his costume studies
-of Basel ladies,<a id='r512' /><a href='#f512' class='c021'><sup>[512]</sup></a> and she also sat to him for the two pictures of “Venus”
-and “Laïs Corinthiaca” in the Basel Gallery, in which the similarity
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_246'>246</span>of features to those of the Virgin in the Darmstadt altar-piece is very
-marked, while all three bear an evident likeness to the model of that
-one of the costume studies in which the sitter wears a necklace with
-the recurring initials “M. O.” Her daughter Dorothea, wife of Joachim
-von Sultz, who at one time was considered to be the lady represented
-in the “Laïs” and “Venus” pictures,<a id='r513' /><a href='#f513' class='c021'><sup>[513]</sup></a> led an equally scandalous
-life. She was divorced in 1545, and both she and her husband were
-imprisoned, and afterwards expelled the country.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 73.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-73a'  class='figcenter id091'>
-<img src='images/i246a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>MAGDALENA OFFENBURG AS VENUS<br />1526<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id='pl-73b'  class='figcenter id092'>
-<img src='images/i246b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>MAGDALENA OFFENBURG AS LAIS<br />1526<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE “LAÏS” AND “VENUS” PICTURES</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>These two small, delicately painted portraits of Magdalena Offenberg
-as “Laïs” and “Venus,” the former being dated “1526,” were
-among the last works produced by Holbein before he left Basel for
-England. They bear a very close resemblance to one another, except
-in the position of the head, so that one appears to be almost a copy
-of the other. In the Amerbach catalogue of 1586 they are described
-as: “Zwei täfelin doruf eine Offenburgin conterfehet ist vf eim geschriben
-Lais Corinthiaca, die ander hat ein kindlin bÿ sich. H. Holb.
-beide, mit ölfarben vnd in ghüsern.” In each the figure is about
-one-third the size of life, and the costume is the same, a rich dress of
-dark red velvet with slashings showing white silk puffs, each fastened
-at top and bottom with gold tags. The wide upper sleeves are of a
-deep gold hue. In each picture she is shown at almost three-quarter
-length, behind a plain stone parapet, with a dark green curtain as background.
-In the “Laïs” (No. 322) (Pl. <a href='#pl-73b'>73</a> (2))<a id='r514' /><a href='#f514' class='c021'><sup>[514]</sup></a> she wears a closely-fitting
-gold-embroidered head-dress or cap on her fair hair, and with her left
-hand grasps the folds of a blue mantle draped across her knees. On
-the parapet in front of her—which is inscribed “Lais Corinthiaca.
-1526,” in Roman letters, as though incised in the stone—is placed
-a little heap of scattered gold coins, and she is holding out her right
-hand, with palm upwards, as though asking for more of them in payment
-for her favours. The pose is slightly varied in the “Venus”
-(No. 323) (Pl. <a href='#pl-73a'>73</a> (1)),<a id='r515' /><a href='#f515' class='c021'><sup>[515]</sup></a> which is undated, the head being bent a little to the
-right, instead of to the left, and there are small changes in the costume.
-The lower sleeves of red slashed velvet are omitted, and the arms are
-bare to the elbow, while the head-dress is black, with a little gold ornamentation.
-The position of the hands is almost the same, though the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_247'>247</span>left one is hidden by the head and shoulders of a small naked, red-haired
-Cupid, whose right arm rests on the parapet with two long arrows
-in his hand. The golden coins are missing, but the open palm of the
-lady’s right hand carries the same suggestion as in the “Laïs.” The
-old frame still retains the curious and singularly inappropriate inscription,
-“Verbum Domini manet in æternum,” which was upon it
-when the Amerbach Collection was purchased by the town of Basel
-in 1662.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>HOLBEIN AND MAGDALENA OFFENBURG</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The face is a refined one, with a high forehead, long nose, finely
-cut lips, and fair complexion, and in the “Laïs” in particular, does
-not suggest the supposed character of the sitter as tradition has handed
-it down. It is possible that the painter to some extent idealised her
-features. The “Venus” is less tender and attractive in expression;
-so much so, indeed, that Woltmann<a id='r516' /><a href='#f516' class='c021'><sup>[516]</sup></a> suggests that it was painted
-at an earlier date, and that the “Laïs” was a renewed and more successful
-attempt to represent the same idea. What that idea may have
-been has given rise to considerable speculation. Wornum<a id='r517' /><a href='#f517' class='c021'><sup>[517]</sup></a> quotes
-an old legend to the effect that the artist could not obtain payment
-for the “Venus” picture, and so, in revenge, he painted her as the
-famous courtesan, Laïs of Corinth, the mistress of the great painter
-Apelles; but this explanation is an absurd one. Woltmann’s suggestion
-is that both pictures were painted for some lover of the lady,
-who wished, in the first instance, to express his love, and then, later on,
-his contempt. It is more probable that the pictures were the result
-of relationships between the painter himself and Magdalena, though
-beyond the fact that she served him more than once as a model, there
-is no proof of this. This supposed connection between Holbein and
-the lady has given rise to much imaginative writing in recent monographs.
-In one of them we are told that “when Holbein inscribed
-his second portrait of Dorothea with the words Laïs Corinthiaca, the
-midsummer madness must have been already a matter of scorn and
-wonder to himself. His whole life and the works of his life are the
-negation of the groves of Corinth. The paint was not long dry
-on the Goddess of Love—at any rate, her dress was not worn out—before
-he had seen her in her true colours: the daughter of the horseleech,
-crying ‘Give, give.’ And so he painted her in 1526; to
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_248'>248</span>scourge himself, surely, since she was too notoriously infamous to be
-affected by it. As if in stern scorn of every beauty, every allure, he
-set himself to record them in detail.... Laïs is far more beautiful,
-and far more beautifully painted, than Venus. No emotion has hurried
-the painter’s hand or confused his eye this time. In vain she wears
-such sadness in her eyes, such pensive dignity of attitude, such a
-wistful smile on her lips. He knows them, now, for false lights on the
-wrecker’s coast. No faltering; no turning back. He can even fit
-a new head-dress on the lovely hair, and add the puffed sleeves below
-the short ones. He is a painter now; not a lover.... The plague
-was raging in Basel all through that spring and summer, but I doubt
-if Holbein shuddered at its contact as at the loveliness he painted,”<a id='r518' /><a href='#f518' class='c021'><sup>[518]</sup></a>
-and so on. This is all very pretty, but the imagination of the writer
-has run away with her. What suggestion could be more fantastic than
-that in painting the Venus, Holbein’s love for the lady was so great
-that both hand and eye faltered in depicting her charms, and that he
-could only do full justice to her beauty when his affection was dead
-and her loveliness made him shudder? A more recent writer<a id='r519' /><a href='#f519' class='c021'><sup>[519]</sup></a> is of
-opinion that Holbein succumbed to the charms of Magdalena Offenburg
-before his marriage, and that she deigned to honour the young Swabian
-painter with her favours almost directly after his return to Basel from
-Lucerne. Though forced to confess that he can find no traces of her
-as Holbein’s model in any of his finished paintings of the period before
-Elsbeth Schmidt came into his life, in his opinion she served him in that
-capacity not only for the series of studies of the costumes worn by the
-Basel ladies, but also for his early glass designs of the Madonna gazing
-down at the Infant Christ in her arms, the St. Barbara of the same set,
-and the fine design of a wooden statue of St. Michael, all three of which
-have been already described.<a id='r520' /><a href='#f520' class='c021'><sup>[520]</sup></a> No doubt the type of face in all these
-studies is much the same, but there is a tendency in this search for
-likenesses to go too far, and to see Magdalena Offenburg or Elsbeth
-Schmidt as the only models used by Holbein at this time. In some
-instances the likeness is largely imaginary. His wife, the same
-writer continues, may not have been beautiful, but she certainly had
-charm, as the portrait at the Hague proves, and Holbein must have
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_249'>249</span>loved her when he painted her. For two years afterwards he remained
-the devoted husband, using her as the model for the Solothurn Madonna,
-the Virgin of the Basel organ doors, and for the glass design of the
-Mary in the niche with the cavalier kneeling before her. Then,
-after this short period of happiness, her place in the pictures and designs
-is again taken by Magdalena. The impudent creature appears
-as the St. Ursula of the Karlsruhe painting, and the “arrows in her
-hands are those with which in succeeding years she is to pierce the
-poor heart of the painter’s wife.” In the Meyer Madonna, this writer
-sees in the Virgin nothing but the elegant, banal visage of the courtesan,
-and a complete want of all humanity. The “Laïs” and “Venus”
-of 1526, he adds, affirm finally and cynically the victory of the mistress
-over the legitimate wife, while the last and worst insult of all was in
-using his own eldest child as the model for the Cupid, and placing
-him in the company of the hateful rival, who in the end robbed his
-wife of all her beauty and all her happiness. There may be some
-truth in this attempt to reconstruct a few pages of Holbein’s life-story,
-but there is little proof to support it. Where proof is lacking, however,
-the writer’s imagination fills the gaps; but it is not fair to condemn
-the painter upon such evidence as this, or to hold him guilty of infamous
-conduct upon the strength of a few supposed likenesses in his pictures
-or designs.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Whatever Holbein’s personal relations to Magdalena Offenburg
-may have been, she appears to have been a good model, which is in
-itself quite sufficient to explain the fact that he painted these two
-portraits of her. That he held her in no particular esteem may be
-gathered from the name he gives her, just as Niklaus Manuel Deutsch,
-as noted in a previous chapter, wrote an offensive remark as to her
-character on the drawing he made of her. Her face, as represented
-by Holbein, is fair, but devoid of any strong feeling, though Knackfuss
-holds that “a deep and quiet sorrow lies in the expression of the
-refined face;” and that “the sense of the two paintings is explained
-by their juxtaposition: the gold which she desired cannot make the
-young woman happy; love alone can do so.”<a id='r521' /><a href='#f521' class='c021'><sup>[521]</sup></a> This last-named writer
-considers that the pictures were not painted to some one’s order, but
-for the artist’s own amusement.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_250'>250</span>A question of much more interest in connection with these two
-works is their authorship. They differ from all other portraits by
-Holbein of the Basel period, because in them the Milanese influence
-upon his art is seen at its strongest, so that more than one writer of
-repute has refused to admit that they are his work. Rumohr regarded
-them as from the hand of some Netherlandish painter, and Waagen
-was of opinion that Holbein painted them under Netherlandish influence.
-Wornum considered them to be the work of some Milanese.
-“The style of the painting,” he says, “is more Milanese, in colouring
-and in treatment, than anything else, exceedingly elaborate, cool
-in colour, dry in manner, and altogether unlike any other known work
-by our painter. In this case I have not the slightest faith in the
-Amerbach inventory.... The two portraits have a decided Milanese
-character, in the manner of the scholars of Leonardo da Vinci. A
-visit to Milan could not have had such a wonderful influence on Holbein’s
-taste as is shown in these portraits, or if such be allowed to be
-possible, it is just as remarkable that he should have laid this taste
-down again without leaving a trace behind.”<a id='r522' /><a href='#f522' class='c021'><sup>[522]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Mr. Davies follows Wornum, but goes still farther in suggesting
-the name of the North Italian artist who painted them. He says:
-“I may say at once that I am quite unable to see any Netherlandish
-influence or probable authorship in the pictures. On the other hand,
-I see the strongest evidence of Lombard influence, and that in so direct
-a fashion and to such a degree that I believe them to be the work of
-some Lombard artist who had come under the influence of the later
-work of Raphael. The name of Cesare da Sesto at once occurs to one,
-and if it were not for the date 1526 on the Laïs picture, there would be
-no great difficulty in accepting it as a work by him which had found
-its way across from Milan—possibly even in the pack of Holbein himself.”<a id='r523' /><a href='#f523' class='c021'><sup>[523]</sup></a>
-He acknowledges the difficulty of the date—Da Sesto was
-dead in 1526—and also of the red-haired Cupid in the Venus picture,
-so evidently both German and from Holbein’s own hand, and bearing
-so close a resemblance to the children in other pictures of his, such as
-the Meyer Madonna and the Family Group of 1528; but in spite of
-this, his final opinion is that they are most probably the work of Cesare
-da Sesto. He further suggests that Holbein, “possessing, or seeing
-in the possession of Amerbach, these two small examples, very similar
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_251'>251</span>in attitude and motive,” sought to give them variety, by inserting
-the figure of Cupid in the one, and thus giving this Italian lady the
-character of Venus, and in the other the gold coins and the title of
-Laïs, “so as to turn a somewhat unmeaning picture of a woman
-into a quasi-classical personality.” “The Offenburg tradition,” he
-adds, “I should wholly reject, nor indeed can I persuade myself
-that these pictures are portraits by Holbein either of that shadowy
-lady or of any other lady whatever. They appear to me to be
-pictures, not of some well-marked personality, but merely Lombard
-school types.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>MILANESE INFLUENCE IN THE LAÏS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>It is impossible to follow Mr. Davies in this attribution. Woltmann’s
-opinion, with which most modern critics are in agreement,
-that they are genuine works by Holbein in which Lombard influence
-is more strongly marked than in most of his other Basel paintings,
-is the correct one. The two panels are unmistakably the product of
-a northern painter working under some southern influence, and just
-as unmistakably the work of Holbein himself, as a close comparison
-with his other work of this period shows very plainly. This Milanese
-influence was the result of his visit to Lombardy, and is to be traced
-in a greater or lesser degree in all that he accomplished previously
-to his first visit to England. “Their warm, transparent technique
-and the realistic ungracefulness of the draperies,” says Mr. C. J.
-Holmes, speaking of the Laïs and its companion, “make them characteristic
-northern works, just as the Raphaelesque folds and cool opaque
-pigment of Cesare da Sesto in his later paintings—the small Madonna
-in the Brera, for example—are characteristically southern.”<a id='r524' /><a href='#f524' class='c021'><sup>[524]</sup></a> Possibly
-for once in a way Holbein was making a conscious attempt to
-imitate the manner of some artist of the North Italian school whose
-work he had seen and admired, perhaps in Basel itself, so that the Lombard
-influence is more pronounced than in those pictures and designs
-in which he was less evidently making an experiment based upon what
-he had seen in Italy, and in which his own native genius was the predominating
-force. For the same reason it is very possible that in the
-Laïs and the Venus, Holbein, instead of following his model closely,
-gave play to his imagination, and attempted, as the type of face,
-with downcast eyes, and pensive, almost melancholy charm of
-expression suggests, to emulate the Leonardesque manner, so that
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_252'>252</span>at the best they are merely idealised representations of the notorious
-Magdalena Offenburg.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>There is no doubt that during the summer of 1526, in spite of his
-reputation as a painter, he found it increasingly difficult to gain a
-living, and that, in consequence, he made up his mind to seek his fortunes
-in some other country, and finally decided to visit England. In
-those early days of the Reformation in Switzerland, when the ecclesiastical
-disputes were assuming so acute a form, and risings of the peasants
-and other violent disturbances were growing common, there was
-very little opportunity for artists to find remunerative employment,
-and Holbein suffered with the rest. The town authorities had no
-time for considering such important public works as the completion
-of the Town Hall decorations, and all that they could find for him to
-do was an ill-paid job or two at long intervals, such as the one already
-mentioned,<a id='r525' /><a href='#f525' class='c021'><sup>[525]</sup></a> which in happier times would have been hardly worth
-his attention. Basel, indeed, no longer offered a means of livelihood
-to a painter with a wife, a stepson, and two children of his own to keep.
-Throughout this year, too, the plague was raging in the city, and this
-may have proved the last straw which definitely turned his thoughts
-in the direction of England.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Numerous legends have grown up around this journey of his,
-which for the most part have no foundation in fact. The commonest,
-first voiced by Van Mander, is to the effect that the Earl of Arundel,
-when passing through Basel on his way home from Italy some years
-previously, was so delighted with Holbein’s work that he urged him
-to try his fortunes in England. Later on, when Holbein had taken his
-advice, he was asked by Sir Thomas More, who it was who had suggested
-this course to him. Holbein replied that he had forgotten the
-nobleman’s name, but, taking up a piece of charcoal, he rapidly sketched
-a face, which the Chancellor instantly recognised. Another version
-gives the Earl of Surrey as Holbein’s adviser; but the tale is a pure
-legend, and has been told of more than one painter.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Another story, which has been often repeated, gives as the reason
-of his departure the desire to escape from the constant tempers of an
-ill-humoured wife, and that he therefore left Basel surreptitiously,
-without obtaining the necessary leave of absence from the Town
-Council. His earlier biographers all describe his relationships with
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_253'>253</span>his wife as not very cordial ones, but they merely copied from one
-another, and this again may be mere legend. Patin, in particular,
-whose account of Holbein is palpably exaggerated and often false,
-describes him as a drunkard, who led a disorderly life, and was always
-so poverty-stricken that Erasmus and Amerbach had frequently to
-come to his assistance—a statement entirely devoid of fact, and sufficiently
-disproved by Holbein’s brilliant performances in many branches
-of art. Patin also, when speaking of Holbein’s journey to England,
-makes use of another favourite story told of numerous artists. He
-says that on his way he passed through Strasburg, and called on the
-principal painter of the town, but found him out. An unfinished
-portrait stood on the easel, whereupon Holbein painted a fly on the
-forehead, and then left. When the painter returned he attempted
-to brush it away, imagining it to be a real one, and was so impressed
-by his unknown visitor’s skill, that he at once sought him out, but
-found that he had already left the town.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>REASONS FOR LEAVING BASEL</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>It is, of course, possible that Holbein’s domestic relations by that
-time were not as cordial as in earlier days, and that his supposed connection
-with Magdalena Offenburg may have rendered them still less
-pleasant, and that this may have had something to do with his departure;
-but this again is mere conjecture, of which no actual proof
-is forthcoming. Want of work was undoubtedly the chief, and possibly
-the only cause of his journey, and no doubt it was largely the advice
-of Erasmus which finally decided him to take the step. Erasmus,
-who had already sent more than one example of Holbein’s skill as
-a portrait-painter to England, had a large circle of friends and patrons
-here, to whom he could recommend the artist. To Warham and
-More, at least, Holbein’s portrait of Erasmus had already provided
-an informal introduction, and they may have been aware, also, though
-this is less likely, that it was he who designed the title-page used in
-the edition of the <i>Utopia</i> published by Froben in 1518, signed “Hans
-Holb.” In 1525 a certain Thomas Grey and his youngest son were
-living with Erasmus in Basel, according to a letter from the latter to
-Lupset;<a id='r526' /><a href='#f526' class='c021'><sup>[526]</sup></a> and Grey, too, may have advised Holbein to seek fortune
-at Henry’s court. “Grey,” says Erasmus, “reports that there is no disturbance
-in England,” and this news may have proved an added inducement
-to the painter to quit a country agitated with religious and
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_254'>254</span>civil contention for a more peaceful locality where the arts could
-flourish in peace.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Before leaving Basel, Holbein made one last attempt, as already
-recounted,<a id='r527' /><a href='#f527' class='c021'><sup>[527]</sup></a> to obtain from the Antonine Abbey of Isenheim the painting
-materials which his father had left there some years previously.
-The strongly-worded letter, dated 4th July 1526, which the Burgomaster
-of Basel, Heinrich Meltinger, wrote at his request, is addressed
-to the “venerable Herr Vicar and preceptor of the Order of St. Antonius
-at Isenenn, our dear and gracious Master,” and runs as follows: “Venerable,
-gracious, and dear sir, receive our friendly and ready service.
-Hans Holbein, painter, our citizen, has proposed to us to paint an
-altar-panel, such as his deceased father painted in former years. He
-left some implements of an expensive kind, weighing about three
-hundred and two cubic measures, with you at Isenheim, which he,
-Hans Holbein, repeatedly during the lifetime of his father, and at his
-desire, and also after his decease, being his heir, demanded of you,
-but could never obtain; for what reasons he knows not. Thus the
-matter has been delayed to such an extent that the peasants, he is
-informed, have wasted these implements in the last uproar, and when
-he again desired them of you, as his father’s heir, you referred him,
-with his request, to the peasants, with whom he has nothing to do,
-and to whom he has intrusted nothing, and notified to him an appointment
-on the Saturday after the next Ulrici (7th July) at Ensisheim.
-We, having heard his business, and given credence to it, and being
-well inclined to further him, have not allowed him to keep such an
-appointment, or to make any demand of the peasants (with whom
-he, as we have heard, has nothing to do), but have firm confidence
-in you, that you will weigh the matter thoroughly, and hand over to
-him, as the heir of his deceased father, completely and without difficulty,
-the aforementioned implements, or, in case nothing of them now
-exists, compensate him for their loss, and so show yourself towards
-him in the affair, that he may feel that our intercession has been
-advantageous, and that no further steps are necessary. Such behaviour
-on your side we wish for him, to whom it is justly due.”<a id='r528' /><a href='#f528' class='c021'><sup>[528]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>This letter affords proof that Ambrosius Holbein was dead, for in
-it Hans is mentioned more than once as his father’s heir, and it also
-shows that the Basel Council were not so actively opposed to the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_255'>255</span>painting of altar-pieces as other incidents of the time suggest. Nothing
-further is known of this altar-panel which Holbein proposed to
-paint for them.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>ERASMUS’ LETTER OF INTRODUCTION</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>It is evident that the materials, which would now have been very
-useful to him, had been destroyed or dispersed in the peasant rising,
-and that he obtained neither colours nor redress. He left Basel for
-England on or about August 29, 1526, as appears from a letter of
-introduction of that date which he carried with him from Erasmus
-to his friend Peter Ægidius, the learned traveller and town-clerk of
-Antwerp, in which Holbein was recommended to his notice as the
-artist who had painted Erasmus. Ægidius is also asked to introduce
-him to Quentin Metsys. The part of the letter which refers to Holbein
-(though not by name) runs as follows:—</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>“The bearer of this letter is the man who painted my portrait.
-I do not trouble you with any commendation of him, though he is
-an excellent artist (<i>artifex</i>). If he wants to call on Quentin, and you
-have not leisure to introduce him, you can send a servant with him
-to show him the house. The arts are freezing in this part of the world,
-and he is on his way to England to pick up some angels there (<i>petit
-Angliam ut corrodat aliquot Angelatos</i>—Erasmus plays upon the words
-Angles and Angels). You can send on any letters you like by him.”<a id='r529' /><a href='#f529' class='c021'><sup>[529]</sup></a>
-There is no reason to suppose that Holbein delayed his departure after
-receiving this letter from his patron, who must also have supplied
-him with introductions to More, Warham, and other friends in England.
-It was, no doubt, necessary for him to arrange with the Town
-Council for leave of absence, and this having been done, he must have
-started not later than the first days of September, reaching London
-towards the close of the same month.</p>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_256'>256</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>CHAPTER XII<br /> <br /><span class='c019'>NATIVE AND FOREIGN ARTISTS IN ENGLAND DURING THE REIGN OF HENRY VIII</span></h2>
-</div>
-<p class='c020'>Henry VIII’s patronage of the fine arts—English painters in his
-service—John Browne—The Paynter-Stayners’ Company—Andrew Wright—John
-Hethe—Foreign artists at Henry’s Court—Gerard, Lucas, and Susanna
-Hornebolt—Katherine Maynors and Henry Maynert—Johannes Corvus—The
-Italian painters and sculptors—Paganino—Pietro Torrigiano—Vincent
-Volpe—Alessandro Carmillian—Antonio Toto and Bartolommeo
-Penni—Benedetto da Rovezzano and Giovanni da Maiano—Nicolas Bellin of
-Modena—Girolamo da Treviso.</p>
-<div class='c012'>
-  <img class='drop-capi' src='images/dc-b.jpg' width='100' height='99' alt='' />
-</div><p class='drop-capi1_1'>
-BEFORE describing the work carried out by Holbein
-during his first visit to this country, it may be of
-service to give a short account of the state of art in
-England at that period, and of the various foreign
-painters and craftsmen then settled in London, and
-of the few native artists whose names have survived.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>England under Tudor rule offered a far better field for lucrative
-employment than Basel for a painter of Holbein’s genius. Henry VIII
-was still at the highest point of his reputation as a monarch, popular
-with all classes of his subjects, and an ardent patron of literature
-and the fine arts. He was himself one of the most accomplished men
-of his time within his own realm. He was proficient in Latin, French,
-Spanish, and Italian, and assiduous in all affairs of state. He was
-passionately fond of music, and skilful both in its practice and theory,
-playing well upon the lute, organ, and harpsichord. He also sang
-and danced well. “His delight in gorgeous pageantry and splendid
-ceremonial,” says Dr. Brewer,<a id='r530' /><a href='#f530' class='c021'><sup>[530]</sup></a> “if without any studied design, was
-not without advantage. Cloth of gold and tissue, New Year’s gifts,
-Christmas masquerades, and May Day mummeries, fell with heavy
-expense on the nobility, but afforded a cheap and gratuitous amusement
-to the people. The roughest of the populace were not excluded
-from their share in the enjoyment. Sometimes, in a boisterous fit
-of delight, he would allow and even invite the lookers-on to scramble
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_257'>257</span>for the rich ornaments of his own dress and those of his courtiers.
-Unlike his father, he showed himself everywhere. He entered with
-ease into the sports of others, and allowed them with equal ease to
-share in his.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>HENRY VIII AS A PATRON OF ARTS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Henry’s Court was considered to be the most magnificent of its
-time. Large sums were spent on luxuries, on dress, and in other directions.
-Foreign jewellers, and dealers in the fine arts, found in the King
-a ready purchaser. He was interested in architecture, and gave a
-close personal attention to the building and decoration of his various
-palaces. He was a collector of beautiful armour and weapons, and
-employed many foreign craftsmen in different decorative arts. In
-painting he took an equal pleasure, and he was the first of the English
-kings to form an important collection of pictures, which was hung in
-a gallery in his palace of Whitehall, of which he himself kept the key.
-He threw out inducements to foreign artists to settle in England
-and enter his service, and in his patronage of the fine arts displayed
-a keen but friendly rivalry with Francis I. These foreigners were
-chiefly Italian, though a certain number of painters and craftsmen
-had come over from the Netherlands. Among them all, however,
-there was no one who in any way approached the greatness of Holbein
-as an artist. Several men of considerable skill and some artistic
-pretensions remained in England for more or less lengthy periods,
-but there was no master of the first rank either from Italy or Flanders.
-Unlike his rival, Francis I, Henry was unable to attract to his Court
-men of such outstanding powers as Leonardo da Vinci, Benvenuto
-Cellini, or Primaticcio, all of whom entered the service of the French
-Crown. Holbein, indeed, had nothing to fear from the rivalry of any
-foreigner at that time settled in London, and still less from the numerous
-English painters, who were of little importance and of mediocre
-abilities. Native talent, indeed, was at a very low ebb. The influence
-of the Italian revival of learning made itself felt in this country
-at an earlier date than that of the renaissance of the arts. No school
-of English painting was in existence capable of taking advantage of
-such influence, and of basing a new native art upon it. The English
-painters, indeed, were hardly painters at all in the modern sense.
-Many of them were mere house-painters and decorators; tradesmen
-occupied in various more or less artistic ways, but rarely, if ever, in
-the painting of pictures or portraits. They were painters of heraldic
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_258'>258</span>devices and shields, of banners and armour, of walls, ceilings, and ships,
-which can be definitely assigned to any one of them; even such third-rate
-productions as those preserved at Hampton Court, like “The
-Battle of Spurs,” or “The Field of the Cloth of Gold,” for generations
-attributed to Holbein, were probably not from the hand of an
-Englishman, but the work of foreigners.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>At the time of Holbein’s arrival in London, in the winter of 1526-1527,
-the leading English artist was John Browne, who was serjeant-painter
-to the King, an office he held for more than twenty years.
-He was appointed to the post on the 20th December 1511, in the third
-year of Henry’s reign, with an allowance of twopence a day out of the
-issues of the lordship of Whitley, in Surrey, and four ells of cloth at
-Christmas, annually, of the value of 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> an ell, from the keeper of
-the great wardrobe, for his livery.<a id='r531' /><a href='#f531' class='c021'><sup>[531]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>JOHN BROWNE, SERJEANT-PAINTER</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>On the 24th September 1511 he received the balance of his bill
-for painting the streamers, banners, flags, and staves belonging to
-the King’s ship, <i>The Mary and John</i>, amounting to £16, 14<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>,
-and on the 17th December in the same year, £142, 4<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> for painting
-and staining banners for <i>The Mary Rose</i> and <i>The Peter Pounde Garnarde</i>
-(Pomegranate).<a id='r532' /><a href='#f532' class='c021'><sup>[532]</sup></a> Browne occasionally employed the services
-of Vincent Volpe, an Italian, for this banner-painting, and also from
-time to time supplied the materials for the royal revels. Thus, for the
-jousts on the 1st June 1512, “2,100 of party gold” for surcoats was
-bought from him for £2, 6<i>s.</i>, and in the following year he received
-10<i>d.</i> for the hire of sails “to shadow the percloos for the pageant.”<a id='r533' /><a href='#f533' class='c021'><sup>[533]</sup></a>
-In June 1513 he received £4, 8<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> from the royal purse for painting
-“divers of the Pope’s arms in divers colours,” and on the 10th April
-in the following year he rendered an account for work done on the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_259'>259</span>King’s royal ship, the <i>Great Harry</i> or <i>Henry Grace à Dieu</i>, which included
-the supply of flags, banners, and streamers, two of them with
-crosses of St. George, and painting sixty staves in the King’s colours
-in oil at 6<i>d.</i> apiece.<a id='r534' /><a href='#f534' class='c021'><sup>[534]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Browne was among those employed upon the temporary buildings at
-Guisnes, which included a banqueting house and a chapel, and lodgings
-for Henry and his Queen and the members of the English and French
-Courts, erected for the purpose of Henry’s state visit to France, and
-his meeting with Francis, known as the Field of the Cloth of Gold.
-Sir Nicholas Vaux wrote to Wolsey that they would be able to finish
-the square court by the last day of May, provided John Rastell, Clement
-Urmeston, and John Browne, the King’s painter, “do make and
-garnish all the roses—a marvellous great charge, for the roses be
-large and stately.”<a id='r535' /><a href='#f535' class='c021'><sup>[535]</sup></a> Later on complaint is made from the same correspondent,
-that Browne, who has to gild the roofs, has not yet reached
-Calais.<a id='r536' /><a href='#f536' class='c021'><sup>[536]</sup></a> For this work he received two payments of £66, 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>, and
-£333, 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> For the masking at New Hall on the 19th February
-1520, he was paid £19, 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> for the beating and putting on the scales
-of gold and silver on the garments and bonnets of seven children, one
-in red, powdered with gold suns and clouds; the second in yellow,
-powdered with moons and clouds; the third in blue, powdered with
-drops of silver; the fourth powdered with gold primroses; the fifth
-with silver honeysuckles; the sixth with gold stars, and the seventh
-with silver snowflakes.<a id='r537' /><a href='#f537' class='c021'><sup>[537]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>By right of his office of serjeant-painter he had the provision of
-coats for the heralds. Thus, in 1520 he received 40<i>s.</i> for a tabard of
-sarcenet painted for Nottingham pursuivant.<a id='r538' /><a href='#f538' class='c021'><sup>[538]</sup></a> In 1523 he rendered
-an account of “parcellis of stuff” made for the “high and myghty
-prynce Charlis duke of Suffolke, then beyng a poynttyd to be lyffetenant
-generall of Kyngis royall armye in to the partyes of France.”
-The items included a standard wrought with fine gold and silver on
-double sarcenet fringed with silk (£3), banners with the Duke’s arms,
-a coat of arms wrought with fine gold and silks and in oil on double
-sarcenet for his herald, and escutcheons in metal on paper royal,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_260'>260</span>and others in colour, and on buckram, each with his arms, and so on,
-the total bill amounting to £26, 3<i>s.</i><a id='r539' /><a href='#f539' class='c021'><sup>[539]</sup></a> In 1524, for the revels at Greenwich,
-in which a castle was assaulted in the tilt-yard, he provided the
-painted cloths of which the sham buildings were made—“iiij pessys
-of clothe payntyng of Antuyke, wherewith the Kastell was envenyd,”
-and for various banners and coats of arms, £4, 10<i>s.</i><a id='r540' /><a href='#f540' class='c021'><sup>[540]</sup></a> For revels held
-on the 10th November 1527, Browne supplied all the materials, including
-paints, glue, scissors, gold-foil, &amp;c., to the amount of £21, 6<i>s.</i> 0½<i>d.</i>,
-which were used for making trees, bushes, branches, roses, rosemary,
-hawthorn, mulberries, panes of gold, “flosynge of stars,” &amp;c., for a
-“place of plesyer” erected under the superintendence of Richard
-Gibson at Greenwich. The masque was a theological one, in which
-Luther and his wife appeared, as well as the Apostles, Religion, Heresy,
-and similar characters.<a id='r541' /><a href='#f541' class='c021'><sup>[541]</sup></a> These various details, which could be multiplied,
-are sufficient to indicate the kind of work upon which the King’s
-serjeant-painter was usually engaged; and all the other English
-painters were men of a similar stamp—decorators, scene-painters of
-a kind, but rarely, if ever, painters of a panel picture.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>ANDREW WRIGHT, SERJEANT-PAINTER</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Browne prospered in his calling, and on May 7, 1522, was elected
-an Alderman of London for the Ward of Farringdon Without. At
-first he was unwilling to accept office, and was committed to ward for
-refusal, but afterwards complied, and was appointed one of the Aldermen
-to the Haberdashers’ Company. In the following year, on July
-25th, he was translated to the Ward of Farringdon Within. His
-service, however, always appears to have been an unwilling one, and
-in 1525, before he had served the office of Sheriff or Mayor, he was on
-his own request discharged from the office of Alderman, for which he
-gave to the Chamber of London two great standing salts of silver-gilt.
-“He made his will on the 17th September 1532, and on the 21st of the
-same month he conveyed to his brethren of the Paynter-Stayners a
-house in Trinity Lane, which he had purchased nearly thirty years
-before, and which has from that time continued to be the Painters’
-Hall. Dying soon after, he was buried in the church of St. Vedast,
-at the west end of Chepe; and his will was proved on the 2nd December
-following.”<a id='r542' /><a href='#f542' class='c021'><sup>[542]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>This will, and the documents in connection with the transference
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_261'>261</span>of the house to the Paynter-Stayners, make us acquainted with the
-names of many of the English painters at work in London at that
-period. He left all his books of arms and badges and books of tricks
-of arms to his apprentice, Rychard Bygnalle, as well as painting materials
-and other materials at cost price to a second apprentice or “servaunte,”
-John Childe. To Richard Calard and John Howell, both
-brother painters, he left his best “prymmer” and a doublet respectively.
-Among other English painters mentioned in the deed of
-September 21st, 1532, were Andrew Wright, who succeeded him as
-serjeant-painter, Christopher Wright, Richard Rypyngale, Richard
-Laine, Thomas Alexander, John Hethe, Richard Gates, Thomas
-Crystyne, William Lucas, Richard Hauntlowe, and Robert Cope. A
-later conveyance (of 1549) adds the names of several members of the
-Wysdom family, and David Playne, Thomas Ballard, Thomas Uncle,
-Thomas Cob, Thomas Spenser, John Feltes, William Wagynton,
-William Cudnor, Richard Flint, Richard Wright (probably a son of
-Andrew), and Melchior Engleberd, a foreigner who had become
-naturalised.<a id='r543' /><a href='#f543' class='c021'><sup>[543]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Walpole<a id='r544' /><a href='#f544' class='c021'><sup>[544]</sup></a> mentions John Browne’s portrait as still preserved in
-Painter-Stainers’ Hall, but it is not a contemporary work. It represents
-him attired in the gown and gold chain of an alderman, and
-was probably painted some time after the Great Fire of 1666, to take
-the place of an earlier one that had been destroyed.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Andrew Wright succeeded John Browne. On June 19, 1532,
-he received a grant of the “reversion of the office of the King’s serjeant-painter,
-with an annuity of £10 out of the small custom and subsidy
-of tonnage and poundage in the port of London, as the said
-office was granted by patent 12th March, 18 Hen. VIII, to John
-Browne.”<a id='r545' /><a href='#f545' class='c021'><sup>[545]</sup></a> In the King’s accounts for February 1532 he appears,
-in the phonetic spelling of the day, as “Andrewe Oret,” receiving on
-the 20th of that month £30 for “painting of the King’s barge, and the
-covering of the same.”<a id='r546' /><a href='#f546' class='c021'><sup>[546]</sup></a> During 1532 he was at work in Westminster
-Palace. Thirty-one painters were occupied there upon a large wall-painting
-of the Coronation of Henry VIII, “made and set out in the
-Low Gallery by the orchard, as also upon the outsides of the walls
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_262'>262</span>of the New Gallery.” Both Englishmen and foreigners were engaged.
-Isaac Lebrune, who appears to have been the foreman painter, received
-a shilling a day; John Augustyne and Nic. Lasora, tenpence;
-William Plasyngton, sevenpence; and Robert Short, sixpence.
-Andrew Wright’s share was the gilding of the gallery roof, including
-the painting and gilding of four “cases of iron for clockis,”<a id='r547' /><a href='#f547' class='c021'><sup>[547]</sup></a> the latter
-being very similar to at least one piece of work undertaken by Holbein
-in Basel shortly after his return from his first visit to England.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In a list of debts, dated 1536, owing by Queen Anne Boleyn at
-her death, occurs the name of “Androw, paynter,” for 29<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>, which
-probably refers to Wright;<a id='r548' /><a href='#f548' class='c021'><sup>[548]</sup></a> and on the 29th September 1539, his
-name, as the King’s painter, appears in the Great Wardrobe accounts
-as one of the royal creditors.<a id='r549' /><a href='#f549' class='c021'><sup>[549]</sup></a> Again, on the 17th July in that year
-(1539) he is mentioned in Thomas Cromwell’s accounts as Andrew
-Wryte or Wryght, “for things done at my Lord’s stallation,” as
-Knight of the Garter, £21, 7<i>s.</i>;<a id='r550' /><a href='#f550' class='c021'><sup>[550]</sup></a> while in May 1541 he is paid by
-warrant, out of the King’s household expenses, £39, 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> “for the
-painting of certain coats of arms for the heralds at arms.”<a id='r551' /><a href='#f551' class='c021'><sup>[551]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Wright died in the same year as Holbein, but a few months earlier,
-and his will was proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury on
-the 29th May 1543. “He left estates at Stratford-le-Bow, at ‘the
-Gleane’ in the parish of St. Olave, Southwark, ‘the Bottle’ in
-Bermondsey, and at Cowden, in Kent, where he had a manufactory
-of ‘pynck.’ (Pink was a vegetable pigment, answering to the
-<i>giallo santo</i> of the Italians, and <i>stil-de-grain</i> of the French.) He desired
-to be buried, like his predecessor, Browne, in the church of St.
-Vedast, and requested his friend Garter (Christopher Barker) to be
-overseer of the will, a circumstance which testifies to his connection
-in business with the College of Heralds.”<a id='r552' /><a href='#f552' class='c021'><sup>[552]</sup></a> He left £40 and all
-his vessels and apparatus for the making of pink to his eldest son,
-Christopher, and £40 to the younger son, Richard, and £4 a year so
-long as he lived with his mother.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE HORNEBOLT FAMILY</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>John Hethe, or Heath, another member of the Painter-Stainers’
-Company, one of the painters to whom John Browne’s house was
-consigned, was also in the royal employment, and was very probably
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_263'>263</span>one of the men engaged at Nonsuch Palace.<a id='r553' /><a href='#f553' class='c021'><sup>[553]</sup></a> His will is dated 1st
-August 1552, and in it he leaves to his elder son, Lancelot, “my frames,
-tentes, stoles, patrons, stones, mullers, with the necessaries belonging
-or appertaining to Payntour’s crafte,” and to his second son, Lawrence,
-“all my moldes and molded work that I served the Kinge withal,”
-while to each of his apprentices he bequeathed 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>
-and a grindingstone, and to his Company 20<i>s.</i>, “to make them a
-recreation or banket
-ymmediatlye after my decease.”<a id='r554' /><a href='#f554' class='c021'><sup>[554]</sup></a> Among the list of the things which
-he wished to be left in his house so long as his wife dwelt there, he mentions
-“pictures in tables,” which at first sight would seem to indicate
-that he occasionally painted pictures. It is more likely, however,
-that these were works by other artists, for, like his brother painter-stainers,
-he appears to have been chiefly a decorator and a maker of
-moulded and coloured work for house-fronts and royal residences such
-as Nonsuch and other more temporary purposes, such as masques and
-revels, and the ornamentation of buildings erected for particular
-occasions, which were pulled down when done with, while the moulded
-work was preserved for future use. The more valuable of these moulds
-were often kept in leather cases made on purpose for them.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Of far greater importance as artists, and more dangerous rivals to
-Holbein in his search for work in England, were the numerous Italians
-and Netherlanders at that time settled here, and, in most instances,
-attached to the Court. The most important group of painters of the
-latter nationality were the three members of the Hoorenbault, Hornebolt,
-or Hornebaud family, Gerard, Lucas, and Susanna. This family
-belonged to Ghent, and from the first years of the fifteenth century
-had been painters and masters of the Guild of St. Luke. The exact
-relationships of the three are not entirely clear. Walpole rolled the
-two men into one, and called him Gerard Luke Horneband.<a id='r555' /><a href='#f555' class='c021'><sup>[555]</sup></a> Mr.
-Nichols<a id='r556' /><a href='#f556' class='c021'><sup>[556]</sup></a> suggests that Luke was Gerard’s elder brother, and that
-Susanna was their sister. Mr. Wornum<a id='r557' /><a href='#f557' class='c021'><sup>[557]</sup></a> regarded Gerard as the father
-of the other two.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>There are several Hoorenbaults named Lucas in the lists of the
-masters of the Ghent Guild—one in 1512, who was sub-dean in 1525;
-another who was admitted in 1533, and was sub-dean in 1539; and a
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_264'>264</span>third Lucas, the son of Lucas, admitted in 1534.<a id='r558' /><a href='#f558' class='c021'><sup>[558]</sup></a> The name Gerard
-does not occur in the lists, but in the communal accounts for 1510-11,
-there are payments to Gheraerd Hurebaut, scildere, for painting a
-plan of part of the town of Ghent and its neighbourhood. He painted
-altar-pieces for the church of St. Bavon, designed vestments, and was
-employed as an illuminator of books by Margaret of Austria at Antwerp
-and Mechlin.<a href='#f558' class='c021'><sup>[558]</sup></a> Albrecht Dürer met him at Antwerp in 1521, when
-on his journey through the Netherlands, and noted in his diary—“Item,
-Master Gerhart, Illuminator, has a young daughter, about
-eighteen years of age, her name is Susanna; she has made a coloured
-drawing of Our Saviour, for which I gave her a florin; it is wonderful
-that a woman should be able to do such a work.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE HORNEBOLT FAMILY</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>This Gerard was married to Margaret Svanders, of Ghent, daughter
-of Derich Svanders and widow of Jan van Heerweghe.<a href='#f558' class='c021'><sup>[558]</sup></a> She died at
-Fulham on 26th November 1529 in the house of her daughter Susanna,
-who was then the wife of John Parker, the King’s bowman and a yeoman
-of the robes, as may be gathered from a brass plate with a Latin
-inscription in Fulham Church, in which her husband is spoken of as
-Gerard Hornebolt, the most noted painter of Ghent.<a id='r559' /><a href='#f559' class='c021'><sup>[559]</sup></a> There is no
-evidence to show that it was this Gerard who came to England, and Mr.
-Cust’s surmise is probably correct,<a id='r560' /><a href='#f560' class='c021'><sup>[560]</sup></a> that the Lucas, Gerard, and Susanna
-who were employed at Henry’s Court, were the children of Gerard and
-Margaret Hoorenbault. Luke was always in receipt of a higher
-salary than Gerard from the royal purse, his monthly wages being
-55<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i>, whereas Gerard only received 33<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> This would hardly
-have been the case had the latter been his father. Luke was probably
-the elder brother. The elder Gerard was dead in Ghent in 1540-1,
-when his son Joris was served as his heir. His wife Margaret seems
-to have been only in England on a visit to her daughter and son-in-law
-when she died at Fulham in 1529. The three Hornebolts, as their
-name was anglicised, appear to have arrived in England only a year
-or two before Holbein. The exact date of their entry into Henry’s
-service cannot be ascertained, as, unfortunately, none of the royal
-household accounts prior to October 1528 have been preserved, and
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_265'>265</span>in that month both Luke and Gerard are entered as receiving the
-salaries mentioned above.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Both Vasari and Lodovico Guicciardini (1567) speak of Lucas
-Hurembout as a well-known illuminator of Ghent, and state that his
-sister Susanna was so renowned for similar work that she was induced
-to come to England by Henry VIII, where she was in great favour
-at the Court, and died here rich and honoured. Immerzeel in his
-<i>De Levens en Werken der Hollandsche en Vlaamsche Kunstschilders</i>
-(1842) says that she married an English sculptor named Whorstley,
-and died at Worcester, but upon what authority he based this statement
-is not known.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Luke Hornebolt received a grant of denization by patent dated
-22nd June 1534, in which he is described as a native of Flanders, with
-licence to keep in his service four journeymen or covenant servants,
-born out of the King’s dominions, notwithstanding the statute of
-14 &amp; 15 Henry VIII to the contrary. By a second patent of the
-same date he received a “grant of the office of King’s painter, and of
-a tenement or messuage in the parish of St. Margaret in Westminster,
-an empty place on the east side of the same tenement, the south of
-which looks upon the hermitage of St. Katherine, and the north part
-on a tenement lately built by the Crown.”<a id='r561' /><a href='#f561' class='c021'><sup>[561]</sup></a> He died in London in
-May 1544; his will, which is dated 8th December 1543, was proved on
-27th May 1544. He received his wages up to April in that year, but
-in May is entered as “Item, for Lewke Hornebaude, paynter, wages
-nil quia mortuus.” In his will he calls himself Lucas Hornebolt,
-“servante and painter unto the Kinges majestie,” and requests to
-be buried where it shall please his friends in the parish of St. Martins-in-the-Fields
-beside Charing Cross. He leaves his wife, Margaret,
-possibly an Englishwoman, and his daughter, Jacomyne, his executrices,
-with two-thirds of his property to the former and one-third to
-the latter. Richard Airell was appointed overseer of the will, and
-William Delahay and Robert Spenser were the witnesses.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Nothing is definitely known as to the paintings produced by these
-three artists in England, though it is very possible that certain of the
-numerous portraits of Henry VIII still in existence were painted by
-Luke and Gerard, and that some of the miniatures of him were from
-the brush of Susanna, all such paintings, in earlier days, being attributed
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_266'>266</span>to Holbein. The portrait of Henry VIII in Warwick Castle,
-and similar versions in Kimbolton Castle, St. Bartholomew’s Hospital,
-and elsewhere, are now generally ascribed to one or other of the Hornebolts.
-The last-named version is dated 1544, so that Holbein could
-not have painted it. Another version, belonging to the Marquis of
-Bute, was said by Dr. Waagen, who saw it at Luton House, to be
-“exactly like the picture by Holbein at Warwick Castle, only less
-finished. If by Gerard Horebout, as stated here, it is a copy from
-Holbein.”</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The very fact that tradition attached the name of an almost unknown
-artist to this picture of the King, in the days when it was the
-fashion to regard every portrait of Henry VIII as a work of Holbein’s,
-is sufficient to suggest that the tradition is in all probability the correct
-one. “When tradition,” says Mr. Wornum, “notwithstanding the
-mischievous activity of presumptuous ignorance, has still handed down
-works with comparatively obscure names attached to them, the fact
-alone should go a great way towards its confirmation as truth.”<a id='r562' /><a href='#f562' class='c021'><sup>[562]</sup></a>
-Dr. Waagen, however, never hesitated to discard such attributions,
-and often saw Holbein in pictures which more modern criticism has
-shown could not have been from his brush.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Lucas is said to have given Holbein his first instructions in miniature-painting,
-and no doubt all three members of the family were
-miniaturists and illuminators, and were employed in producing the small
-portraits of the King and the members of his family so often required
-by Henry for sending abroad as gifts to other reigning monarchs or
-as presents to subjects whom he wished to honour. Thus, in the
-summer of 1527, the King sent, through his representative in Paris,
-portraits of himself and the Princess Mary to Francis I. Whether
-these were miniatures or not is uncertain, but upon the backs of them
-were painted various royal devices, which were explained to the French
-King, who “liked them singularly well, and at the first sight of Henry’s
-‘phisonamye’ took off his bonnet, saying he knew well that face,
-and further, ‘Je prie Dieu que il luy done bone vie et longue.’ He
-then looked at the Princess’s, standing in contemplation and beholding
-thereof a great while, and gave much commendation and laud unto the
-same.”<a id='r563' /><a href='#f563' class='c021'><sup>[563]</sup></a> These two portraits may have been painted by one or
-other of the Hornebolts.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>MINIATURES OF THE KING IN DEEDS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_267'>267</span>More than one deed of the period, preserved in the Record Office,
-is ornamented with an initial letter containing a portrait of Henry
-VIII. Thus, on one confirming to Wolsey’s College at Oxford all the
-possessions granted to them by the King, dated 5th May 1526, there
-is a fine miniature of Henry in the initial letter done by an artist of considerable
-ability.<a id='r564' /><a href='#f564' class='c021'><sup>[564]</sup></a> Other deeds having reference to the Cardinal’s
-College at Ipswich have the royal miniature and arms, as well as
-Wolsey’s arms and insignia, beautifully tricked by some foreigner; and
-another, dealing with the same college, with a miniature of the King,
-the royal supporters, &amp;c. &amp;c., with an architectural column by the
-side of the initial letter, and an angel bearing the letters “H.R.”<a id='r565' /><a href='#f565' class='c021'><sup>[565]</sup></a>
-These are all of the year 1528, while another, dated 1st January 1529,
-is illuminated in the same way, and is equally well done.<a id='r566' /><a href='#f566' class='c021'><sup>[566]</sup></a> In an account
-of Wolsey’s for preparing these deeds for the college there is an
-item: “For vellum and making great letters for my Lord his patents,
-13<i>s.</i>” Also “To Hert, for vellum, parchment and drawing of great
-letters, 39<i>s.</i> 2<i>d.</i>” The writing appears to have been chiefly done by
-Stephen Vaughan, for which he received £6, 17<i>s.</i> 9<i>d.</i>, and among the
-payments made to several people “for writing,” there is mention of
-one “Gerarde,” who was very possibly Gerard Hornebolt.<a id='r567' /><a href='#f567' class='c021'><sup>[567]</sup></a> It is,
-therefore, not unlikely that Lucas and Gerard were responsible for
-the miniatures at the head of such deeds. Who “Hert” or Hart,
-was, who drew the “great letters,” there is so far no evidence to show,
-but he was probably an Englishman.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The work of Lucas Hornebolt as a painter of portrait-miniatures,
-and his almost certain identity with the “Master Lukas” who first
-instructed Holbein in this branch of art, is dealt with in a later chapter.
-In April 1532 he received the grant of a royal licence to export 400
-quarters of barley, in which he is called “Luke Hornebolt, a native
-of Flanders;”<a id='r568' /><a href='#f568' class='c021'><sup>[568]</sup></a> and in 1536-7 (28 Hen. VIII), in connection with
-some revels and masques at Hampton Court, occurs the item, “To
-Lucas Horneholte, painter, for painting with black upon paper, of
-3 bulls and 3 small rolls, 5<i>s.</i>”<a id='r569' /><a href='#f569' class='c021'><sup>[569]</sup></a> Among the presents received by the
-King on New Year’s Day, 1539, was a fire-screen from Lucas Hornebolt,
-which is entered in the royal accounts thus: “By Lewcas
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_268'>268</span>paynter a skrene to set afore the fyre, standing uppon a fote of
-woode, and the skrene blewe worsted.”<a id='r570' /><a href='#f570' class='c021'><sup>[570]</sup></a> He was given in return
-a gilt cruse weighing 10½ oz., and his servant who delivered it
-6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>, Holbein and Antonio Toto receiving similar presents at the
-same time.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Gerard Hornebolt’s service in the royal household was of shorter
-duration than Luke’s. Up to May 1531 his name always occurs in
-the treasurer’s accounts in conjunction with his brother, but there is
-a break in the records from that date until Lady Day 1538, the household
-books for that period having disappeared, and from October
-1538 Luke’s name alone appears. His death is not recorded, as it
-was the custom to do when salaries were concerned, by some such
-entry as “wages nihil quia mortuus,” as was done in the case of his
-brother Luke in 1544; so that it is probable that he returned to Ghent
-at some date between 1531 and 1538, leaving his brother and sister
-permanently settled in England. In this connection it is interesting
-to note that in a list of payments made by Sir Richard Wingfield in
-Calais between the 8th January 1513 and the 21st November 1514,
-there is an entry of £33, 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> paid to “the glazier of Antwerp (possibly
-Galyon Hone) for glazing the great east window in St. Nicholas’ Church,
-Calais, by the King’s command,” and that 25<i>s.</i> was paid “to a painter
-of Gaunt for taking the portraiture of the King’s visage to be set in
-the said window.”<a id='r571' /><a href='#f571' class='c021'><sup>[571]</sup></a> The name of the elder Gerard may be suggested
-as the artist employed for this purpose, as one of the leading painters
-of Ghent. It does not follow from the entry that the drawing was
-supplied by some painter then settled in England, while the small
-fee paid almost precludes the possibility that an artist was sent over
-specially from Calais to London to sketch the King; but Gerard
-Hoorenbault appears to have been resident in Antwerp at about that
-time (1513), and the commission may have been given him by the
-Antwerp glazier who was carrying out the work.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In addition to Susanna Hornebolt, two other skilled Netherlandish
-miniaturists of her sex came over to England during the later years
-of Henry VIII’s reign. What little is known of Livina Teerlinc, or
-Terling, as she was called in this country, is given in a later chapter.<a id='r572' /><a href='#f572' class='c021'><sup>[572]</sup></a>
-Nothing is known about the second miniaturist, Katherine Maynor or
-Maynors, except that she received a patent of denization in November
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_269'>269</span>1540, in which she is described as a “widow, painter, born at
-Antwerp in Brabant.”<a id='r573' /><a href='#f573' class='c021'><sup>[573]</sup></a> She may, perhaps, have been some relation
-of Henry Maynert, painter, one of the witnesses to Holbein’s will;
-or even the widow of the John Maynard who, with John Bell, was
-employed upon the painting of Henry VII’s tomb.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>JOHANNES CORVUS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Another notable painter from the Low Countries who was a contemporary
-of Holbein’s in England, was Johannes Corvus, of Flanders,
-whose style of painting can be judged by two well-authenticated
-portraits—that of Richard Foxe, Bishop of Winchester, in Corpus
-Christi College, Oxford, of which college he was the founder; and that
-of Princess Mary Tudor, sister of Henry VIII and widow of Louis
-XII, painted in 1532, when she was the wife of Charles Brandon,
-Duke of Suffolk, which was lent to the Exhibition of Early English
-Portraiture at the Burlington Fine Arts Club in 1909 by Mr. H. Dent-Brocklehurst
-(No. 28). A similar manner of painting is to be found
-in a series of portraits of Princess Mary Tudor, afterwards Queen,
-including the one in the National Portrait Gallery, dated 1544, which
-is attributed to Corvus in the catalogue. This picture has much resemblance
-to a portrait of a Tudor princess, possibly Queen Elizabeth,
-belonging to Mrs. Booth, of Glendon Hall,<a id='r574' /><a href='#f574' class='c021'><sup>[574]</sup></a> which has always borne
-the traditional name of Katherine Parr. To this group may be added
-the portrait of Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk, in the National Portrait
-Gallery.<a id='r575' /><a href='#f575' class='c021'><sup>[575]</sup></a> If the portraits of Queen Mary are by Corvus, he may be
-identified with some certainty as the “one John that drue her Grace
-in a table,” for which he received £5 in 1544, as noted in the Princess
-Mary’s Privy Purse Expenses.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>“Corvus,” says Mr. Cust, “may be safely identified with one Jan
-Raf, or Rave, who was admitted to the Guild of Painters at Bruges in
-1512, and with the “Jehan Raf, painctre de Flandres,” who in 1532
-painted for Francis I “une carte ou est figuré les villes et pays
-d’Angleterre,” and in 1534, “ung pourtraict de la ville de Londres
-dont il a ci-devant fait présent au dict Seigneur.” These entries
-show that Jehan Raf was sent to England from France, possibly
-more than once. The fact that no portraits are attributed to
-him in England between 1532 and 1544 may be accounted for by
-his return to France during the supremacy of Holbein, after whose
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_270'>270</span>death he found an opportunity of establishing himself at the English
-Court.”<a id='r576' /><a href='#f576' class='c021'><sup>[576]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>With regard to Guillim Stretes, the Dutchman, Gerlach Fliccius,
-or Garlicke, as he is termed in the inventory of the pictures in Lumley
-Castle made in 1590, and the clever painter who used the monogram
-H.E., whose true identity as one Hans Eworthe or Eewouts has been
-recently discovered by Mr. Lionel Cust by means of the same inventory,<a id='r577' /><a href='#f577' class='c021'><sup>[577]</sup></a>
-as no works of theirs have been so far discovered in this country having
-a date prior to that of Holbein’s death in 1543, consideration of them
-is reserved until a later chapter dealing with Holbein’s successors.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Among the foreign painters and sculptors who found employment
-in England under Henry VIII, the Italians were by far the most
-numerous, though the inducements offered were not sufficiently alluring
-to artists of the highest rank, such as were to be found from time
-to time at the French Court. Many of them, no doubt, were brought
-over by the various merchant representatives of the leading Italian
-business houses, such as the Bardi, the Cavalcanti, the Corsi, the Frescobaldi,
-and others. Italian workmen were frequently employed upon
-buildings, more particularly in the south-east of England, where
-Italian handiwork and influences can be easily observed, as at Hampton
-Court, Sutton Place, Layer Marney, East Bursham, and elsewhere,
-both in the use of terra-cotta, plaster-work in ceilings and friezes,
-arabesque work in mullions and mouldings, and in other directions.
-On more than one house the stone figures and carvings were the work
-of master workmen brought over from Italy, while the few good Tuscan
-sculptors employed by Henry VIII exercised considerable influence
-upon the English craftsmen with whom they worked—an influence
-which did not immediately die away upon their departure.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The first Italians to come over were chiefly sculptors and makers
-of ornaments, workers in marble and alabaster and plaster. The few
-painters who accompanied them were of much the same type as their
-English contemporaries, decorators of houses, and makers of heraldic
-designs, colourers of sculpture and painters of banners and badges,
-though probably more skilful than the English, and capable on occasion
-of painting a picture.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The first of the sculptors employed was Guido Mazzoni, or Paganino,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_271'>271</span>of Modena, known here as Master Pageny, who was entrusted with the
-task of designing and erecting the tomb of Henry VII and his wife, for
-which that monarch had left very elaborate instructions. Paganino was
-chosen, no doubt, on account of the fame of his tomb of Charles VIII at
-St. Denis.<a id='r578' /><a href='#f578' class='c021'><sup>[578]</sup></a> His design, however, was not to Henry VIII’s liking, so that
-the commission was taken from him and given to Pietro Torrigiano of
-Florence. In an estimate for the making of this tomb drawn up in
-1509, the names of the several artificers it was proposed to employ are
-given.<a id='r579' /><a href='#f579' class='c021'><sup>[579]</sup></a> Among them were Humphrey Walker, the founder, Nicholas
-Ewen, the coppersmith and gilder, John Bell and John Maynard,
-the painters, and Robert Vertue, Robert Jenyns, and John Lobons,
-the King’s three master masons. In it Paganino is termed “Master
-Pageny.” Several of these men were employed on the tomb later
-on under Torrigiano’s directions.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>PAGANINO AND PIETRO TORRIGIANO</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Pietro Torrigiano, born in Florence in 1472, studied as a young man
-in the academy founded by the elder Lorenzo de’ Medici, under Bertholdo,
-where he broke Michelangelo’s nose in a quarrel, and was forced
-to fly to Rome. There he was employed by Pope Alexander VI on
-stucco-work in the Vatican. After an interlude spent in soldiering
-he returned to art, and occupied himself in making small figures in
-bronze and marble, which, together with numerous drawings and
-designs, he sold to Florentine merchants, who probably sent some of
-them over to their representatives in London. In a cause tried before
-the Council at the Palace of Greenwich in 1518 between Pietro di
-Bardi and Bernardo Cavalcanti, Torrigiano appeared as a witness,
-which shows that he was closely connected with them, and it was,
-no doubt, upon their recommendations that he was persuaded to come
-to England, possibly for the very purpose of designing Henry VII’s
-tomb.<a id='r580' /><a href='#f580' class='c021'><sup>[580]</sup></a> Vasari says that in England “did Torrigiano receive so many
-rewards, and was so largely remunerated that, had he not been a most
-violent, reckless, and ill-conducted person, he might there have lived
-a life of ease, and brought his days to a quiet close.”</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The work on the tomb was begun in 1512, the date of the indenture
-between Torrigiano and the King being 26th October of that year.
-He appears to have been resident in the precinct of St. Peter’s,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_272'>272</span>Westminster, for some time before that date, making preparations
-and engaging workmen, and also working on the beautiful monument
-to the Lady Margaret Beaufort, Henry VII’s mother, who was buried
-in the Abbey on the 30th June 1509. Other works of his in England
-include the fine monument to Dr. John Younge, Master of the Rolls,
-in the Rolls Chapel, erected about 1516-7, and perhaps the monument
-to Sir Thomas Lovell in the priory of Holywell in Shoreditch. In such
-works as these Torrigiano reached a very high pitch of excellence.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The tomb of Henry VII was finished in 1518, and so delighted
-Henry VIII, that he at once commissioned the Italian to design one
-for himself and Queen Katherine, of white marble and black touchstone,
-which was to be one-fourth larger than the one just finished,
-and not to cost more than £2000. It was to be placed in a separate
-chapel, adorned with frescoes, and Torrigiano returned to Italy to
-engage competent workmen and artists to assist him. “Benvenuto
-Cellini narrates that when he was about eighteen years old, there
-came to Florence a sculptor named Piero Torrigiani, who arrived from
-England, where he had resided many years. Happening to see Cellini’s
-drawings, Torrigiano told him that he had come to Florence to enlist
-as many young men as he could, for he had undertaken a great work
-for the King, and wanted some of his own Florentines to help him.
-As the work included a great piece of bronze, he thought that Cellini
-would be useful for that purpose. Cellini, who did not accept the
-offer, remarks on Torrigiano’s splendid person and most arrogant
-spirit, and how he talked every day about his gallant feats among those
-beasts of Englishmen.”<a id='r581' /><a href='#f581' class='c021'><sup>[581]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Torrigiano returned to England in 1519 or 1520, bringing several
-Italian artists with him, but for some reason—possibly a dispute—his
-contract for Henry VIII’s tomb was never carried out. He thereupon
-left England for Spain, where he is said to have gained a great
-reputation, but, quarrelling with the Duke d’Arcos, to whom he had
-sold a statue of the Virgin, he broke it to pieces with a hammer. This
-brought him within the clutches of the Inquisition, and he is said,
-according to legend, to have starved himself to death in prison in
-Seville in 1522, through rage and grief. This story, however, appears
-to be largely imaginary.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>ANTONIO TOTO AND VINCENT VOLPE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>For the work on Henry VIII’s tomb in England he had enlisted
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_273'>273</span>the services of a young painter called Antonio Toto del Nunziata, of
-Florence, who, together with one Antonio di Piergiovanni di Lorenzo,
-sculptor, of Settignano, made a contract with Torrigiano in September
-1519, to work with him for four and a half years in France, Italy,
-Flanders, England, Germany, or any other part of the world.<a id='r582' /><a href='#f582' class='c021'><sup>[582]</sup></a> Toto
-either stayed behind in London when his master went to Spain, or
-returned to England from that country on Torrigiano’s death, and remained
-in the King’s service for many years; but there is no record
-to show what became of Antonio di Lorenzo. Before giving a short
-account of Toto, a few words must be said of the Neapolitan, Vincent
-Volpe, who appears to have been the first of the Italian painters regularly
-employed by Henry VIII. Much of the work he undertook
-was of a decorative character, of the same nature as that carried
-out by John Browne, Andrew Wright, and other members of the
-Painter-Stainers’ Company.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Volpe was often engaged upon work for the royal navy. The first
-reference to him in the State Papers occurs in the year 1512, in
-an account for the painting of ships’ banners. Among the payments
-made was one “to Mr. Domynyke Cyny, clerk, in reward for the use
-of Vincence of Naples and Alexe of Myllen, painters, £6, 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>”<a id='r583' /><a href='#f583' class='c021'><sup>[583]</sup></a>
-In April 1514 he was at work with John Browne and others on the royal
-ship <i>Henry Grace à Dieu</i>, for which “Vincent Vulp, painter, by the
-King’s command,” painted and made various streamers and banners,
-one with a dragon, one with a lion, one with a greyhound, and so on.<a id='r584' /><a href='#f584' class='c021'><sup>[584]</sup></a>
-In June of the previous year he received £30 for similar work for
-seven ships, his name being entered in the King’s Book of Payments
-as Vincent Woulpe.<a id='r585' /><a href='#f585' class='c021'><sup>[585]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In June 1516, as Vincent Volpe, he appears to be definitely in the
-King’s service, with a salary of £20 a year, paid quarterly.<a id='r586' /><a href='#f586' class='c021'><sup>[586]</sup></a> Early in
-1518, his name occurs in some accounts as Vincent, the King’s painter.
-He was sent to Antwerp apparently in connection with glass designs
-for windows for the church or some building in Calais.<a id='r587' /><a href='#f587' class='c021'><sup>[587]</sup></a> In 1520
-he was employed at Guisnes with John Browne and others in the
-decoration of the temporary buildings erected for the Field of the Cloth
-of Gold.<a id='r588' /><a href='#f588' class='c021'><sup>[588]</sup></a> He received £40 for work done or purchases made in
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_274'>274</span>Antwerp, and twenty crowns (£4, 6<i>s.</i> 2<i>d.</i>) for his costs in going there.
-There is some uncertainty, however, about the date of these two last
-accounts, and both may refer to the same journey. In May 1524
-he was employed in connection with the funeral of Sir Thomas Lovell,
-K.G., to make twenty-four small escutcheons in metal, “with my
-master’s arms in the garter, to be set on the altars at the interment,”
-for which he received 15<i>s.</i> For the same funeral, one John Wolffe,
-painter, was employed for providing stuff, £33, 3<i>s.</i><a id='r589' /><a href='#f589' class='c021'><sup>[589]</sup></a> The name
-Wolffe occurs more than once in connection with painting ships.
-Very possibly Vincent Volpe is intended, or this John may have been
-a relation.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>ALESSANDRO CARMILLIAN</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Volpe was also one of the many artists engaged in the decoration
-of the Banqueting House at Greenwich for the reception of the French
-envoys in 1527, dealt with in Chapter xiv., upon which Holbein
-also was employed. He appears, together with John Browne, to have
-provided various materials and also to have done some of the painting,
-for which he received a weekly wage, the entry running, “To
-Italian painters, Vincent Vulp and Ellys Carmyan at 20<i>s.</i> the week.”<a id='r590' /><a href='#f590' class='c021'><sup>[590]</sup></a>
-In the treasurer’s accounts for quarter’s wages due at Christmas
-1528 he is entered as receiving 50<i>s.</i> a quarter, but this is apparently a
-mistake in transcribing, for as early as 1516 he was getting a salary
-of £20 a year, and in September 1529, the larger amount is again
-entered against his name, to be paid quarterly. In May 1530 he received
-£15, 4<i>s.</i> 9<i>d.</i> for trimming the King’s new barge, and in December
-of the same year £3, 10<i>s.</i> “for paynting of a plat of Rye and Hastings”<a id='r591' /><a href='#f591' class='c021'><sup>[591]</sup></a>—evidently
-a bird’s-eye view showing the fortifications and defences,
-such as were frequently made for the King. On New Year’s Day,
-1532, he presented the King with two long and two round targets.<a id='r592' /><a href='#f592' class='c021'><sup>[592]</sup></a>
-He appears to have died or to have left the country shortly after this.
-Mr. Nichols suggests that it is “by no means improbable that Vincent
-Volpe may have been the painter of some of those curious military
-pictures, something between plans and bird’s-eye views, that are still
-to be seen on the walls of Hampton Court”—the large painting of
-the “Field of the Cloth of Gold,” the “Embarkation of Henry VIII
-from Dover,”<a id='r593' /><a href='#f593' class='c021'><sup>[593]</sup></a> and others.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the entry respecting Volpe quoted above, in connection with
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_275'>275</span>the Banqueting House at Greenwich in 1527, he is coupled with another
-Italian painter, “Ellys Carmyan.” The latter, who was in
-receipt of a regular salary from the King, it has been customary to
-regard as a woman, because the Christian name is entered in the
-accounts more than once as Alice. Thus in December 1528,<a id='r594' /><a href='#f594' class='c021'><sup>[594]</sup></a> the entry
-for quarter’s wages is “Alice Carmillion, painter, 33<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>” The
-writer, however, is of opinion that Carmillian was a man. At other
-times the name is given as Alys, Ellys, Alye, and other variations,
-and the surname is spelt Carmillion or Carmillian. This artist is more
-often described as a “millyner” than as a painter. The payment
-quoted above immediately precedes that of Volpe in the accounts,
-and the two painters were usually employed together at this period.
-In the payments for ships’ banners in 1511,<a id='r595' /><a href='#f595' class='c021'><sup>[595]</sup></a> Volpe is joined with one
-Alexe of Myllen, painter. This Alessandro of Milan is evidently the
-same person as Ellys or Alys Carmillian; the change from Alexe to
-Alys is an easy one, and Bryan Tuke’s spelling of foreign names in his
-accounts is characterised by remarkable variety. It is not likely
-that a woman would be employed upon such work as the painting of
-a building; and the term “millyner” occurs much more frequently
-in recording payments to men than to women in the royal accounts.
-Mr. Digby Wyatt suggests that the name was Elisa Carmillione,
-Milanesa, and that she was a Milanese miniaturist.<a id='r596' /><a href='#f596' class='c021'><sup>[596]</sup></a> It has been suggested,
-too, that this painter was a relative of Peter Carmeliano, of
-Brescia, the poet, Latin secretary to Henry VII and one of the King’s
-chaplains, who became lute player to Henry VIII.<a id='r597' /><a href='#f597' class='c021'><sup>[597]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Carmillian was one of those who supplied materials for the work
-carried out at Westminster Palace in 1532. One of the entries in
-connection with this runs: “To Elys Carmenelle, of London, painter,
-for 200 Flemish paving tiles, 30<i>s.</i>”<a id='r598' /><a href='#f598' class='c021'><sup>[598]</sup></a> On New Year’s Day 1529 he, or
-rather his servant, received a reward of 10<i>s.</i> in return for his gift to
-the King.<a id='r599' /><a href='#f599' class='c021'><sup>[599]</sup></a> Carmillian’s salary was only £6, 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> a year, paid
-quarterly.<a id='r600' /><a href='#f600' class='c021'><sup>[600]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_276'>276</span>Antonio Toto, who, as already noted, was brought over to England
-by Torrigiano, was an artist of greater capabilities than Volpe and
-Carmillian. He spent nearly forty years in England, and throughout
-the whole of the time appears to have been in the royal service. He
-usually worked in conjunction with another Italian painter, Bartolommeo
-Penni, their names almost always appearing together in
-the Household Accounts. Toto was the son of one Toto dell’ Nunziata,
-a painter of Florence of some standing, a maker of “puppets,”
-and a great practical joker, as Vasari relates. The son was a fellow-pupil
-with Perino del Vaga in Ridolfo Ghirlandajo’s studio. Toto took
-part with his master in painting a Madonna and Child in the church
-of San Pietro Scheraggio, a building no longer in existence. Vasari
-says that he was taken to England by some Florentine merchants,
-and there executed all his works, “and by the King of that province,
-for whom he wrought in architecture (as well as in sculpture and
-painting), and for whom he built his principal palace, was most handsomely
-rewarded.”</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The “principal palace” referred to by Vasari was evidently Nonsuch,
-near Cheam, in Surrey, which was begun in 1538 by Henry VIII,
-who acquired the site, previously called Cuddington, in that year.
-The original and principal structure was of two storeys, the lower
-being of substantial and well-wrought freestone, and the upper of
-wood, “richly adorned and set forth, and garnished with a variety
-of statues, pictures (<i>i.e.</i> coloured figures in relief), and other artistic
-forms of excellent art and workmanship, and of no small cost”—it
-is thus described in the survey of the Parliamentary Commissioners
-in 1650.<a id='r601' /><a href='#f601' class='c021'><sup>[601]</sup></a> This singular building remained in good condition for more
-than a century, and was described by both Evelyn and Pepys in 1665.
-The former says that the plaster statues and basso-relievos “must
-needs have been the work of some celebrated Italian.” Pepys speaks
-of the same features as “figures of stories and good painting of Rubens
-or Holbein’s doing.” In the earliest account of it, published in Braun’s
-<i>Urbium Præcipuarum Mundi Theatrum Quintium</i>, in 1583, it is stated
-that Henry VIII “procured many excellent artificers, architects,
-sculptors, and statuaries, as well Italians, French, and Dutch as natives,
-who all applied to the ornament of this mansion the finest and most
-curious skill they possessed in their several arts, embellishing it within
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_277'>277</span>and without with magnificent statues, some of which vividly represent
-the antiquities of Rome and some surpass them.” A view of the
-palace by Joris Hoefnagel accompanied this account, which gives an
-excellent idea of the building before the additions were made to it by
-Lord Lumley.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>If Vasari is to be believed, Toto was the chief architect of this
-building; in any case, it may be taken for granted that he was one
-of the leading Italians employed there. In the royal accounts he is
-always spoken of as “paynter,” but the term included the makers of
-works in coloured plaster, with which the exterior of Nonsuch was
-covered. “Toto’s earliest education,” says Mr. Digby Wyatt, “had
-specially fitted him for dealing with such an infinity of allegorical and
-quasi-pictorial sculpture as that with which we shall find Nonsuch
-to have been adorned; since his father, in whose ‘bottega’ he was
-first brought up, obtained his nickname of ‘Nunziata’ from his
-annually furnishing all the quantity of imagery with which the feast
-of the Annunciation was wont to be set forth in a tangible shape at
-Florence.”<a id='r602' /><a href='#f602' class='c021'><sup>[602]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>TOTO AND PENNI</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>“Antony Toto and Barthilmewe Penne” first appear in the Household
-Accounts in 1530, “upon several warrantes being dated the iiijth
-day of June, anno xxij, for their wages, after the rate of xxv <i>li</i> a year
-to every of them, to be paid unto them quarterly, &amp; during the
-Kinges pleasure.”<a id='r603' /><a href='#f603' class='c021'><sup>[603]</sup></a> Thus each received £25 a year, the payment for
-the two being always entered in one account, £12, 10<i>s.</i> each quarter,
-and 22<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> each annually for their livery coats. On one occasion
-the scribe has confused them, and has entered them as “Anthony
-Pene and Bartilmew Tate.”<a id='r604' /><a href='#f604' class='c021'><sup>[604]</sup></a> There are some interesting items
-concerning Toto in the Hampton Court Accounts,<a id='r605' /><a href='#f605' class='c021'><sup>[605]</sup></a> from which we
-learn that in addition to his work as an architect and decorator he was
-employed as a painter of pictures. Thus, in 1530, there is an entry:
-“To Antonye Tote, painter, for the painting of five tables standing
-in the King’s library—First, one table of Joachim and St. Anne.
-Item, another table, how Adam delved in the ground. Item, the third
-table, how Adam was droven out of Paradise. Item, the fourth table,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_278'>278</span>of the burying of our Lord. Item, the fifth table, being the last table,
-of the burying of our blessed Lady. The said Antonye taking for the
-said five tables, by a bargain in great, £6, 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>” Toto was also a
-restorer of old pictures, for on the same page is the following: “Item,
-to the said Antonye for sundry colours by him employed and spent
-upon the old painted tables in the King’s privy closet, 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>”; and
-again, “also paid to Antoyne Tote, painter, for the painting of four
-great tables—that is to say, one table of our [Lady] of Pity; another
-table of the four Evangelists; the third of the Maundythe [the feet-washing
-on Maundy Thursday?]. The fourth [title omitted]. The
-said Antonye taking for the said tables, by a bargain with him made,
-by great, 20<i>l.</i> soll.” These entries show that painters at Henry’s
-Court received separate payment for pictures and other special works,
-and that their salaries were in the nature of retaining fees. They also
-received a daily wage when engaged on work of some duration, as
-can be gathered from several quotations from the accounts already
-given. In 1530 Toto was engaged in this way at one shilling a day,
-and with him were associated Philyp Arkeman (10<i>d.</i>), Lewes Williams
-(9<i>d.</i>), and John Devynk (3<i>d.</i>). The work consisted of “new painting
-and gilding certain antique heads brought from Greenwich to
-Hanworth at the King’s commandment, and new garnishing of the
-same.” In June 1532 he was employed upon a similar job: “Also
-paid to Anthony Tote and John De la Mayn, the King’s painters, for
-their wages, coming from London to Hanworth for to see the finishing
-and setting up of certain antique heads new painted and gilded, either
-of them by the space of three days at xii<i>d.</i> the day, for themselves
-and their horses.”<a id='r606' /><a href='#f606' class='c021'><sup>[606]</sup></a> These were the terra-cotta roundels modelled
-by Giovanni da Maiano, the John De la Mayn of the accounts, which
-appear to have been painted and gilded by Toto.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>ANTONIO TOTO, SERJEANT-PAINTER</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>On 15th January 1532 he received a special sum of £20 by the
-King’s commandment, for some service not mentioned.<a id='r607' /><a href='#f607' class='c021'><sup>[607]</sup></a> He became
-a naturalised Englishman in 1538, his patent of denization being dated
-26th June in that year. In it he is described as a native of Florence,
-in the Emperor’s dominions.<a id='r608' /><a href='#f608' class='c021'><sup>[608]</sup></a> In the same year he was employed
-by Cromwell on some work at Havering, for which he was paid 51<i>s.</i> 1<i>d.</i>
-on 26th May.<a id='r609' /><a href='#f609' class='c021'><sup>[609]</sup></a> On the 28th November 1538 he and his wife Helen
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_279'>279</span>received a grant in survivorship of two cottages and land in Mycheham
-(Mitcham), near Nonsuch, which was to be held by payment of a red
-rose at St. John Baptist’s Day annually.<a id='r610' /><a href='#f610' class='c021'><sup>[610]</sup></a> On the following New
-Year’s Day he presented the King with a “depicted table of Calomia”
-(the Calumny of Apelles)<a id='r611' /><a href='#f611' class='c021'><sup>[611]</sup></a>; and on the 1st of January 1541 a “table
-of the story of King Alexander.”<a id='r612' /><a href='#f612' class='c021'><sup>[612]</sup></a> On the 14th of April 1541 he obtained
-a licence to import 600 tuns of beer,<a id='r613' /><a href='#f613' class='c021'><sup>[613]</sup></a> and on the 2nd December
-1542 he received a lease of the manor of Ravesbury, in Surrey, which
-belonged to Sir Nicholas Carew, attainted, for forty years, at £42, 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i>
-rental.<a id='r614' /><a href='#f614' class='c021'><sup>[614]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Toto succeeded Andrew Wright as the King’s serjeant-painter in
-1543, and he continued to hold the same position throughout the
-reign of Edward VI, and in that capacity he provided the tabards
-for the heralds, and at the coronation of Edward furnished all materials
-required by the College, whether in satin, damask, or sarcenet, for
-Kings, Heralds, and Pursuivants. He also devised patterns and
-painted the properties for the court masques. Thus, at Shrovetide
-1548, he received 20<i>s.</i> as a reward for his pains in drawing patrons
-(patterns) for the masks, and a similar amount a year or two later for
-attending the Revels and drawing and devising for painters and others.
-In 1550 he supplied “antique moulded heads” for a temporary banqueting
-house, and in 1552 he was employed in preparing properties
-for a masque on the State of Ireland, and received 4<i>s.</i> for painting an
-Irish halberd, sword, and dagger, and a coat and cap with eyes, tongues,
-and ears for Fame.<a id='r615' /><a href='#f615' class='c021'><sup>[615]</sup></a> On New Year’s Day 1552 he presented King
-Edward with “the phismanye of the Duke of —— (name obliterated),
-steyned upon cloth of silver, in a frame of woode,” for which he received
-in return a gilt salt with cover weighing a little over nine ounces.
-He was still serjeant-painter at the death of Edward VI, and for the
-King’s funeral had an allowance of seven yards of black cloth, with
-three more for his servant.<a id='r616' /><a href='#f616' class='c021'><sup>[616]</sup></a> It is to be supposed that the numerous
-pictures Toto presented to Henry VIII and his son were of his own
-painting, though there is no actual proof of this; his chief works in
-England appear to have been architectural and decorative.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_280'>280</span>His fellow-worker, Bartolommeo Penni, another Florentine, may
-possibly have come with him to England in 1519. He was, in any case,
-settled in London and in the service of the King in the summer of
-1522, for in a valuation of the lands and goods of the inhabitants of
-London of that date, he is entered in the parish of St. Martin Orgar as
-“Bartholomew Penny, stranger, in fees of the King yearly, £25.”<a id='r617' /><a href='#f617' class='c021'><sup>[617]</sup></a>
-Penni may possibly have been a brother of Gian Francesco Penni,
-called Il Fattore, one of Raphael’s pupils, and of Luca Penni.<a id='r618' /><a href='#f618' class='c021'><sup>[618]</sup></a> The
-latter was at work for some years at Fontainebleau under Rosso,
-and, according to Vasari, afterwards repaired to England; but
-there appears to be no foundation for this statement, Vasari having
-probably confused him with Bartolommeo.<a id='r619' /><a href='#f619' class='c021'><sup>[619]</sup></a> In the royal accounts
-his name is always coupled with that of Toto when his quarterly
-salary is paid, but otherwise there is no record of him, except his patent
-of denization, dated 2nd October 1541, in which he is described as a
-subject of the Duke of Florence.<a id='r620' /><a href='#f620' class='c021'><sup>[620]</sup></a> For some reason Penni did not sue
-for the letters patent for more than a year later, when the King’s
-style and great seal had been altered, so that by the Lord Chancellor’s
-command they were not to bear date until the 28th January 1543,
-and a fine of 13<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> was inflicted. Beyond this, nothing is known
-about him, but the work he undertook for the Crown must have been
-of a similar nature to that done by Toto.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>ROVEZZANO, MAIANO, AND BELLIN</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Two Florentine sculptors of note, Benedetto da Rovezzano and
-Giovanni da Maiano, were at work here throughout the whole of
-Holbein’s sojourn in England. It is probable that they were brought
-over by Wolsey on purpose to work on the great tomb and monument
-he was erecting for himself in the tomb-house at St. George’s Chapel,
-Windsor, and after Wolsey’s fall, when Henry VIII seized upon the
-materials and such of the work as had been finished and proceeded
-to adapt it for a tomb of his own, the two sculptors were retained in
-the King’s service, though Benedetto, at least, was anxious to return
-to Florence before Wolsey’s downfall. Their names occur constantly
-in the royal accounts. Rovezzano is sometimes entered as “Benedict,
-the King’s tomb-maker.” Giovanni da Maiano was a noted worker
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_281'>281</span>in terra-cotta, and Wolsey employed him on such work at Hampton
-Court. On the 18th June 1521 he rendered an account to Wolsey
-for ten roundels of terra-cotta (<i>rotundæ imagines ex terra depictæ</i>) at
-£2, 6<i>s.</i> 8<i>d.</i> each, and three histories of Hercules at £4 each, “for the
-Palace at Anton Cort.”<a id='r621' /><a href='#f621' class='c021'><sup>[621]</sup></a> These were the roundels already spoken
-of in connection with Toto. Maiano was one of the artists associated
-with Holbein in the decoration of the Greenwich Banqueting House,
-in the accounts of which he is entered as John Demyans. He was in
-the royal service, and received a salary of £20, being entered in October
-1528 as “John Demayns, gravour.”<a id='r622' /><a href='#f622' class='c021'><sup>[622]</sup></a> In 1526 his name occurs in the
-accounts of Thomas, Lord Rocheford. “To Mane, the painter, for making
-the pattern of your seal of arms, 3<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>,” and it was as a seal-engraver
-that he was largely engaged at the Court. In Cromwell’s accounts the
-two sculptors are sometimes entered as Benedict Rovesham or Rovesame
-and John de Manion or Manino. Their work on Henry’s tomb
-appears to have gone on until 1536, when the project was abandoned
-for a time. Both men seem to have left England shortly afterwards.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Nicolas Bellin of Modena was one of the most prominent of the
-Italian artists engaged at the English Court during the latter half of
-Holbein’s residence in England. Mr. Lionel Cust<a id='r623' /><a href='#f623' class='c021'><sup>[623]</sup></a> suggests that
-“the similarity of name would lead to a possible identification of this
-Niccolo with Niccolo dell’ Abbate da Modena, who arrived in France
-after the accession of Henri II, and took an important share in the
-decorative paintings at Fontainebleau, where he died in 1571”; but
-the latter, who, as a painter, was by far the more important artist
-of the two, did not reach France from Italy until 1552, whereas Bellin
-had been in the employment of Francis I as early as 1517.<a id='r624' /><a href='#f624' class='c021'><sup>[624]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Bellin was a designer and worker in plaster. He is called in the
-English accounts both “carver” and “moulder,” as well as “paynter.”
-His name appears in the French royal accounts between 1517 and 1533,
-and M. Dimier infers from lack of any later reference to his name,
-that he died shortly after the latter date; but he had, in reality,
-moved over to England. He took a considerable share in the decoration
-of Fontainebleau, where he worked under Primaticcio, and
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_282'>282</span>perhaps under Rosso, upon the ornamental borders and decorations
-in plaster and stucco with which the various wall-paintings were surrounded.
-“All visitors to Fontainebleau,” says M. Dimier,<a id='r625' /><a href='#f625' class='c021'><sup>[625]</sup></a> “carry
-away a recollection of the extraordinary mixture of painting and
-sculptured ornament displayed in the gallery. The high relief and
-the abundance of the stucco, which hems in the pictures on all sides
-and in places even overlaps their edges, make a unique and inspiring
-effect, in which the balance of the two arts would have been disturbed
-if Rosso had not scattered among the stuccos little cartouches
-of painting and placed grounds of gold behind them charged with
-paintings in varied colours.” This was the kind of work upon which
-Bellin was employed in France, as can be gathered from the following
-entry in the “Account of Nicolas Picart,” which was lot 466 in the sale
-of the late Sir Thomas Phillips’ collections, 1903: “A Nicolas Bellin
-dit Modène, painctre, la somme de cent livres tournois ... pour
-cinq mois entiers qu’il avoit vacqué et besongné avec Francisque de
-Primadicis dit de Boullongne, aussi painctre, es ouvraiges de stucq
-et paincture encommancez à faire pour le roy nostre dit seigneur, en sa
-chambre de la grosse tour de son chasteau au dit Fontainebleau, à 20
-livres par mois.”<a id='r626' /><a href='#f626' class='c021'><sup>[626]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>NICOLAS BELLIN OF MODENA</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>By 1538 he was already in the service of the King of England, for
-in December in that year he received a quarter’s wages, on a warrant
-dated on the previous 21st April, at the rate of £10 a year, and 20<i>s.</i> a
-year for his livery.<a id='r627' /><a href='#f627' class='c021'><sup>[627]</sup></a> He is styled Nic. (Nicolas) de Modecio, but in the
-following March (1539) he appears as Nicholas de Modena.<a id='r628' /><a href='#f628' class='c021'><sup>[628]</sup></a> Bellin did
-not come to England entirely of his own free will. He was, in fact,
-obliged to fly from France, and the King and his ministers made every
-effort to get him back again. Francis I wrote to Marillac, his ambassador
-in London, on 10th September 1540,<a id='r629' /><a href='#f629' class='c021'><sup>[629]</sup></a> drawing his attention
-to the fact that some time earlier he had demanded “a subject and
-servant named Modena, who should be confronted with the president
-Gentils (also spelt Gentilz and Jentill) upon certain malversions he had
-made, but he has not been sent,” and Marillac is ordered to make
-lively remonstrances thereupon. From the ambassador’s reply,<a id='r630' /><a href='#f630' class='c021'><sup>[630]</sup></a> of
-a week later, it is to be gathered that Modena, who is described as
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_283'>283</span>one of the accomplices of the President Gentilz, had been delivered
-by Henry’s Council, in the spring of 1538, to the Bishop of Tarbes,
-then representing Francis in London, but had not been permitted to
-be sent to France, “as he was a native of Italy, although of Milan,
-which, they knew, belonged to Francis.” Marillac is afraid that the
-same reasons will again be alleged against his extradition, and in
-writing to Montmorency, the Grand Constable, on the same date,<a id='r631' /><a href='#f631' class='c021'><sup>[631]</sup></a>
-says that he will make representations to the King’s Council touching
-Modena, “about whom they are sure to make difficulty, as he is an
-Italian.” Sir John Wallop, the English ambassador to France, also
-wrote about the matter to Henry VIII, informing him that Modena
-was wanted “about an account of 100,000 crowns of which President
-Jentill beguiled the King.”<a id='r632' /><a href='#f632' class='c021'><sup>[632]</sup></a> Henry in his answer said, “as for
-Modena, he (Francis) never demanded him as a traitor according to
-the treaty, yet Henry gave him up to the French ambassador (the
-Bishop of Tarbes) at his request, and the latter afterwards put him
-at liberty.”<a id='r633' /><a href='#f633' class='c021'><sup>[633]</sup></a> The Council wrote to the same effect, saying, “the
-King is not bound to deliver him, as he is not a French subject, but
-born in the duchy of Milan, being in the Emperor’s hands. And the
-King said that when the French King should be Duke of Milan he
-would be ready to observe the treaties.”<a id='r634' /><a href='#f634' class='c021'><sup>[634]</sup></a> In a final letter to Francis
-on 21st October 1540, Marillac calls Modena a “painter and sculptor,”
-and says that “the King said he would not speak of Modena until
-justice had been done in his own case” (<i>i.e.</i> the detention in France
-of Blanche Rose).<a id='r635' /><a href='#f635' class='c021'><sup>[635]</sup></a> A further interesting reference to Modena is to
-be found in a long letter from Wallop to Henry VIII, written from
-Melun on 17th November 1540, in which he describes a visit to Fontainebleau
-and an interview with Francis.<a id='r636' /><a href='#f636' class='c021'><sup>[636]</sup></a> The letter also shows
-how keen an interest the two kings took in one another’s building
-operations, and their willingness to assist one another with materials
-and designs. Francis asked Wallop many questions about Hampton
-Court, and said that he had heard that Henry used much gilding in
-his houses, especially in the roofs, but for his part he preferred natural
-wood, “as ebony, brasell, &amp;c., which was more durable; he would
-show me Fontainebleau, especially his gallery there. He has found
-mines of marble nigh the sea-side, white at Marguyson, and black at
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_284'>284</span>Sherbroke (Cherbourg), and you might have some for nothing if you
-liked to send for it; also divers moulds of antique personnages that
-he hath now coming out of Italy, with which he shall have done within
-three or four months.” Wallop then describes a visit to “Fountayne
-de Bleawe” on the following Sunday, when the King showed him the
-“antycall borders” in his bedchamber, helping him to mount a bench
-that was too high for him, in order that he might examine them more
-closely. Francis afterwards showed him the Gallery, which Wallop
-describes, and refers Henry to “<i>Modon, who wrought there at the beginning</i>,”
-for details. One side of the gallery, he says, “is all antique
-of suche stuff as the said Modon makith your Majesties chemenyes.”<a id='r637' /><a href='#f637' class='c021'><sup>[637]</sup></a>
-Such things, he adds, would suit the gallery at St. James’s, and the
-French King would gladly give the pattern.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>By a warrant of 14th January 1540<a id='r638' /><a href='#f638' class='c021'><sup>[638]</sup></a> the wages of “Nicholas de
-Modeno” were increased to £20 a year, and on 3rd October 1541 he
-received a patent of denization, with licence to have two apprentices
-and four journeymen or “covenant servants,” in which he is
-described as “Nic. Bellin, a native of the city of Modena, in Italy,
-in the dominions of the Duke of Ferrara.”<a id='r639' /><a href='#f639' class='c021'><sup>[639]</sup></a> According to Mr. Nichols,<a id='r640' /><a href='#f640' class='c021'><sup>[640]</sup></a>
-on New Year’s Day 1534, among the royal rewards was one “to Nicolas
-Modena, that brought the King a story of Abraham,” 6<i>s.</i>
-8<i>d.</i> (<i>i.e.</i> to
-his servant). This is not given in the abstract in the State Papers,
-but, if correct, would seem to prove that Modena was in England
-some years before he was regularly employed in the royal service,
-and earlier than the letters with reference to his extradition suggest.
-The last year in which he is mentioned in the French accounts is 1533,
-which agrees with a possible arrival in England towards the end of
-that year, when he might seek to draw attention to his abilities by presenting
-a picture to the King. There appears, however, to be no
-further reference to him until 1538.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>NICOLAS BELLIN OF MODENA</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the autumn of 1546 he was engaged upon work for some Revels
-at Hampton Court, arranged for the entertainment of the Admiral
-of France, for which he received £15. “Nich’as Modena, paynt’,
-for garments of here (hair) upon lether, for wildme’, to s’ve for torcheberers,
-w<sup>th</sup>  thayr hed peces, staves, and clubbes, taken in great for
-all, 15<i>li.</i>”<a id='r641' /><a href='#f641' class='c021'><sup>[641]</sup></a> These wildmen were satyrs or savage green-men, so much
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_285'>285</span>in vogue in mimic entertainments of this period. Modena was also
-engaged in freshening up and altering a certain Mount, used in some
-Revels for the Coronation festivities of Edward VI, this mount being
-probably the same apparatus for a pageant which had been employed
-some forty years before, in the reign of Henry VIII, and had been laid
-up in the store of the Master of the Revels as a valuable piece of
-machinery. The entry runs:<a id='r642' /><a href='#f642' class='c021'><sup>[642]</sup></a> “To Nych’as Modena, stranger, for as
-well his owne wages and 22 other carvers’ wages, workeing upon the
-mouldyd w’ke appertayning to the mount, as also for clay, plaster
-parys, sewett, whyte paper, flower, glewe, syes, wax, here, colis (coals)
-for drying, with other necessaries.” It will be noticed that he is still
-termed stranger, though possessed of a patent of denization.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the following year, at Shrovetide 1548, he is termed “moulder”—“Nicholas
-Modena, moulder, for 6 heads of heres (hair) for masks a’
-10<i>s.</i>, 60<i>s.</i>; trimming, color<sup>g</sup>, and lyning 16 vysowres,
-at 12<i>d.</i>, 16<i>s.</i>”<a id='r643' /><a href='#f643' class='c021'><sup>[643]</sup></a>
-In the roll of New Year’s gifts 1552, received by the King, is an entry
-showing that he presented a picture. “By Modeno a feire picture
-paynted of the Frenche King his hoole personage, sett in a frame of
-wodde,” and there was given in return “To Modeno, an Italian, oone
-guilte salte with a cover,” weighing x oz. iij qrt’ di.” Another picture
-by him, the portrait of a boy, was in the Arundel Collection, and
-is entered in the 1655 inventory as “Ritratto d’un fanciullo,” by
-“Nicolo da Modena.”</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>At the funeral of King Edward VI, “Modena, maker of the King’s
-picture,” received four yards of black cloth, and he is mentioned
-again as “Nicholas Modena, kerver, four yards.” The “King’s picture”
-referred to in this extract was not a painting, but the coloured
-effigy carried and displayed on the King’s coffin, as was the usual
-custom. Machyn, in his Diary, in his account of the same funeral,
-uses the term “picture” for the effigy—“then the chariot covered
-with cloth of gold, and on the chariot lay a picture, lying richly with
-a crown of gold, and a great collar, and a sceptre in his hand, lying in
-his robes, and the garter about his leg, and a coat in embroidery in
-gold.”<a id='r644' /><a href='#f644' class='c021'><sup>[644]</sup></a> Modena’s share in this effigy would be the modelling of
-the head in the likeness of the King.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_286'>286</span>Sir George Scharf<a id='r645' /><a href='#f645' class='c021'><sup>[645]</sup></a> suggested that the very beautiful little whole-length
-figure of Henry VIII, carved in buff honestone, belonging to
-Mr. H. Dent-Brocklehurst, last exhibited at the Burlington Fine Arts
-Club in 1909 (Case A, No. 28), was the work of Nicolas Modena. It
-was apparently founded on Holbein’s Whitehall painting of the King.
-“It has evidently been painted, as traces of blue and crimson on the
-dress still remain in some of the hollows.” Sir George drew attention
-to the similarity of this exquisite piece of work, in its wooden frame,
-to Modena’s gift to Edward VI of the fair painted picture of the French
-king, whole length, set in a frame of wood, mentioned above.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>GIROLAMO PENNACCHI DA TREVISO</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Another Italian painter of considerable distinction who was in
-England during the latter part of Henry’s reign, was Girolamo Pennacchi
-da Treviso, son and pupil of Piermaria Pennacchi, born at Treviso
-in 1497, an imitator of Raphael, who worked chiefly at Bologna,
-Venice, and Genoa, and, so Vasari relates, came to England mainly
-on account of his unsuccessful rivalry with Perino del Vaga.<a id='r646' /><a href='#f646' class='c021'><sup>[646]</sup></a> According
-to the same authority he was a good portrait-painter, and in
-England received encouragement and patronage from the King.
-“In his service he exercised his talents as architect and engineer.
-He erected buildings in the Italian style which delighted and surprised
-the King beyond measure, who constantly loaded him with
-gifts, and assigned him a stipend of 400 scudi a year, giving him leave
-also to build himself a handsome house at the King’s own expense.
-Girolamo lived most happily, and in the utmost content, thanking
-God and his good fortune for having placed him in a country where
-his merits were so well appreciated. But this unusual happiness
-did not last long; he went in his capacity of engineer to inspect the
-fortifications of Boulogne, during the siege, where a cannon-ball
-struck him lifeless off his horse. He thus died in 1544, at the early
-age of thirty-six.”<a id='r647' /><a href='#f647' class='c021'><sup>[647]</sup></a> He painted chiefly in fresco, so that little of his
-work remains. There is an important example of his art in the National
-Gallery, No. 623, an altar-piece painted for the Boccaferi Chapel in
-the Church of San Domenico at Bologna, representing the Virgin and
-Child enthroned, with SS. Joseph, James, and Paul, which was formerly
-in the Solly and Northwick collections. There is no other work in
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_287'>287</span>this country which can be pointed out as being with any certainty
-from his brush, but Sir George Scharf was of opinion that the striking
-full-length portrait of Sir Thomas Gresham at the age of twenty-six,
-dated 1544, in Mercer’s Hall, is, by its superior merit and its accordance
-in many respects with the style of Girolamo, in all probability by that
-painter, and also the portrait of the Earl of Surrey at Knole, attributed
-to Guillim or Gillam Stretes. The portrait of Sir Anthony
-Wingfield, lent by Mr. T. Humphry Ward to the Burlington Fine Arts
-Club Exhibition in 1909 (No. 56, attributed to Holbein), is also suggested,
-by the compilers of the catalogue, as a possible work of the same
-artist. He is generally referred to in the royal accounts as “Hierome
-Trevix Bollonia” or “Jeronimo Italion,” and received a salary of £25
-a quarter. It may be inferred from Vasari’s statement as to his
-erecting buildings in the Italian style, that he was employed at
-Nonsuch.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In addition to these more important artists and craftsmen, a
-number of minor painters, native and foreign, were at work in England
-during Henry’s and the succeeding reigns, such as Nicholas Lyzarde,
-John Crust, John Simson, and the three members of the Bernardi
-family—Theodore, Lambert, and Anthony; but little or nothing is
-known about them beyond their names, and they need no comment
-here. With some of the more important men dealt with in this chapter
-Holbein must often have come in contact, and with certain of the
-Netherlanders, such as the Hornebolts, he seems to have been on terms
-of friendship.</p>
-
-<p class='c026'><span class='sc'>Note.</span>—Much of the information given in this chapter about the
-foreign artists who practised in England under Henry VIII is the
-result of a long and careful examination, on the part of the writer,
-of the <i>Calendars of Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of
-the Reign of Henry VIII.</i> Since the final proofs of the chapter
-were passed for printing, his attention has been called to a very
-interesting paper on “The Italian Artists in England during the
-Sixteenth Century,” read by Mr. R. W. Carden before the members of the
-Society of Antiquaries on 28th March 1912, and published in the
-Society’s <i>Proceedings</i>, second series, vol. xxiv. (1911-12), pp.
-171-204, issued early in 1913. In this paper, more particularly that
-part of it dealing with Bellin of Modena, Mr. Carden covers much the
-same ground as the present writer, and his information is based on a
-similar study of the <i>Letters</i>, &amp;c. He gives, however, further
-new and valuable details of the work and lives of Torrigiano, Toto,
-Rovezzano, Maiano, and Bellin, and strives to prove that the latter
-and Niccolo dell’ Abbate were one and the same man. He also shows that
-Bellin, in 1551, was engaged upon the completion of Henry VIII’s tomb,
-and that he was then living within the precinct of Westminster Abbey,
-as Torrigiano did before him.</p>
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_288'>288</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>CHAPTER XIII<br /> <br /><span class='c019'>THE FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND: PORTRAITS OF THE MORE FAMILY</span></h2>
-</div>
-<p class='c020'>Holbein’s arrival in England and his reception by Sir Thomas More—The
-More Family Group and the Basel study for it—The various copies of the
-picture at Nostell Priory, East Hendred, Burford Priory, and
-elsewhere—The Sotheby miniature—Studies for the heads in the Windsor
-Collection—The portrait of Sir Thomas More—Miniature of More in the
-late Mr. Pierpont Morgan’s Collection—Portrait of Lady More—Margaret
-Roper—Drawing of unknown lady in the Salting Collection—Portrait at
-Shere said to represent Margaret Roper.</p>
-<div class='c012'>
-  <img class='drop-capi' src='images/dc-t.jpg' width='100' height='99' alt='' />
-</div><p class='drop-capi1_1'>
-THE date of Holbein’s arrival in England can be fixed
-with some certainty. The letter of introduction he
-carried from Erasmus to Peter Ægidius in Antwerp, as
-already pointed out, was dated 29th August 1526, and
-it must have been written on the eve of the painter’s
-departure from Basel. Travelling was slow in those
-days, and Holbein would not be in a position to afford to make the
-whole journey on horseback. As he carried letters from Erasmus, the
-latter may have helped him with his travelling expenses, but no doubt
-the greater part of the journey would be made by boat down the
-Rhine, and for the rest he would trudge on foot, the materials of his
-craft on his back.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>HOLBEIN’S JOURNEY TO ENGLAND</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>There is no evidence to show that he made a stay of any length
-in Antwerp; nor any record of a meeting with Ægidius or Metsys,
-though such meetings must almost certainly have taken place, for the
-former would be likely to do everything in his power to oblige Erasmus.
-Woltmann suggests that he stayed in Antwerp for at least some weeks,
-in order to earn some money, while Mr. Davies thinks that he made
-a somewhat lengthy sojourn in the Netherlands before coming to
-England.<a id='r648' /><a href='#f648' class='c021'><sup>[648]</sup></a> “One may take it almost for granted,” he says, “that a
-man of his sympathies, the fountain of whose art had already flowed
-down to him by Flemish channels, would not fail to use his opportunity
-for visiting the great Flemish primitives, the Van Eycks, Memlinc,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_289'>289</span>Van der Weyden, Gerard David in their own homes. Ghent
-and Bruges lay at no great distance seaward, and whether he took
-ship at Flushing, or chose the longer land route and the shorter sea
-passage by Calais—an expensive method for one whose pockets were
-as empty as Holbein’s—he would, one feels sure, have made the
-pilgrimage to those two cities.”<a id='r649' /><a href='#f649' class='c021'><sup>[649]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Dr. Waagen also believed that Holbein made a considerable delay
-in Antwerp, for the purpose of painting the portrait of Ægidius, now
-in Longford Castle, at that time considered to be from his hand;
-and he also held the theory that the “Laïs Corinthiaca” and the
-“Venus” were painted on the same occasion, seeing in them a
-Netherlandish influence. Mr. Davies, in a second passage, to which
-reference has been made,<a id='r650' /><a href='#f650' class='c021'><sup>[650]</sup></a> asserts that Holbein “spent several months
-in or about Antwerp on his way to England in 1526.” He admits,
-however, that he is dealing with mere probabilities, and it is much more
-likely that Holbein would waste as little time as possible in reaching
-the country in which he hoped to improve his fortunes, and would
-tarry only a day or two in Antwerp, in order to make the acquaintance
-of Metsys; and that he then either took ship at that port,
-or, which is less probable, tramped on to Calais, the customary point
-of embarkation for England. He may thus have reached London
-easily by the beginning or middle of October 1526. It is, in any case,
-quite certain that he did not spend “several months in or about
-Antwerp.” This is proved both by a letter from Sir Thomas More
-to Erasmus, dated 18th December, and by the fact that the preliminary
-studies, or, at least, the general study for the grouping in the More
-family portrait, now in the Basel Gallery, must have been finished
-before the 7th February 1527.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Holbein, of course, would carry with him a letter of introduction
-from Erasmus to More, and very possibly to Warham, Fisher, and
-other correspondents of the philosopher then in England. There is
-no reason to throw doubt on Carel van Mander’s statement that he
-was received as a guest in Sir Thomas More’s hospitable house in
-Chelsea. Van Mander’s biography contains numerous inaccuracies,
-although he wrote only some sixty years after Holbein’s death;
-but in this instance he is probably correct. More, who was noted
-for his hospitality, would welcome to his home any friend sent
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_290'>290</span>to him by Erasmus, and would do all that he could to help a foreigner,
-who can have had little or no knowledge of the English language.
-Van Mander’s statement has been copied and amplified by later writers
-until the legend runs that Holbein spent the greater part of three
-years under More’s roof; but this is not at all likely to have happened.
-During the painting of the great family picture, or, in any case, while
-the preliminary studies were being made, and other single portraits
-of members of More’s household taken, Holbein, no doubt, remained
-as a guest at Chelsea, if only for the convenience of the several sitters,
-but that he stayed throughout the whole of his first English visit as
-More’s guest is doubtful. He would, naturally, wish for a studio and
-lodging of his own, however humble, where he would be free to do just
-as he liked. Whether he set up his easel in the village hard by his
-patron’s house, or in London itself, where he would find a number of
-compatriots, it is not now possible to say, though an item in the royal
-accounts in connection with the festivities at Greenwich in 1527<a id='r651' /><a href='#f651' class='c021'><sup>[651]</sup></a>
-seems to indicate that he had settled in the city; while, on the other
-hand, nearly all the portraits painted by him at this time were of men
-who were among More’s most intimate personal friends, whom Holbein
-would be more likely to meet in Chelsea than in London.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>More certainly did everything in his power to help the painter.
-He not only gave him commissions for single portraits of himself
-and his wife, and, possibly, of his favourite daughter, Margaret Roper,
-but also for the large family group already mentioned. It is to be
-supposed that Holbein had carried with him some specimens of his
-handiwork by which Sir Thomas could judge of his ability, and he
-would almost certainly have with him proofs of the “Dance of Death”
-woodcuts, in themselves more than sufficient testimony to the brilliance
-of his artistic powers. Sir Thomas must also have had earlier
-knowledge of his skill both as a portrait-painter and a book-illustrator,
-in the likenesses of Erasmus already sent to this country, and
-in the various books by Erasmus and others, including his own
-<i>Utopia</i>, issued by Froben and other printers of Basel, which Holbein
-had helped to decorate.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>MORE’S LETTER TO ERASMUS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>In a long letter to Erasmus, mentioned above,<a id='r652' /><a href='#f652' class='c021'><sup>[652]</sup></a> dated 18th
-December, More gives a few words of praise and a promise of help
-to their common friend and protegé: “Your painter, dearest Erasmus,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_291'>291</span>is a wonderful artist, but I fear he is not likely to find England so
-abundantly fertile as he had hoped; although I will do what I can
-to prevent his finding it quite barren.”<a id='r653' /><a href='#f653' class='c021'><sup>[653]</sup></a> This letter, as already
-stated, is dated 1525 in the published letters of Erasmus, but the correct
-date is 1526, as first pointed out by Mr. F. M. Nichols, F.S.A.<a id='r654' /><a href='#f654' class='c021'><sup>[654]</sup></a>
-It has been generally supposed that it was written after More had
-seen certain portraits of Erasmus sent over from Basel about 1524,
-and that his promise of help to the painter had reference to a projected
-visit to England on the part of Holbein. Mr. Nichols, however,
-proves conclusively that it was written after More had made his personal
-acquaintance. “The true date,” he says, “is shown not only
-by the allusion to Holbein, who was evidently in England at the
-time, but still more certainly by the literary work of Erasmus mentioned
-in it. The first part of the <i>Hyperaspistes</i> (the answer of
-Erasmus to the <i>Servum Arbitrium</i> of Luther), printed in the spring of
-1526, and the <i>Institution of Christian Marriage</i>, printed in August of
-the same year, are both mentioned as already published, and the second
-part of <i>Hyperaspistes</i> as expected. This last book was published at
-the close of the same year, 1526, not much after the date of the letter
-as here corrected.” More, therefore, wrote to Erasmus in praise of
-Holbein after he had received practical proof, in the shape of his
-studies for the Family Group, of what the latter was capable in the
-way of portraiture.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The earliest work undertaken by the artist was the painting of
-this group of his host’s family, and the several individual portraits
-of certain members of the Chelsea household, of which the first would
-be undoubtedly that of his new patron.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The inscriptions on the study for the Family Group, now in the
-Basel Gallery, prove conclusively that the beautiful sketch of the
-general arrangement of the picture was finished, and possibly the
-picture itself begun, before 7th February 1527, thus indicating that
-Holbein must have started upon it with little delay. This fact is
-made clear through the researches of Mr. Nichols, included in a second
-and earlier paper read before the Society of Antiquaries in 1897,<a id='r655' /><a href='#f655' class='c021'><sup>[655]</sup></a>
-dealing with the correct birth-year of Sir Thomas More. It is impossible
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_292'>292</span>to give here even a short summary of the evidence which he
-brings forward, evidence which proves that More was born on 7th
-February 1477, a year earlier than the date until then supposed to
-be the correct one. He then proceeds to show the bearing of this
-new year-date upon the Basel sketch. The sketch has the name and
-age of the persons represented in it written against each figure, and
-it is important to observe that there is a strong probability that these
-inscriptions were written or dictated by More himself. They are
-correctly written in Latin, while the painter’s notes on the same drawing
-are in German; and, as Mr. Nichols says, the information, including
-on the one hand the age of More’s venerable father, and on the
-other that of his domestic fool, could scarcely have been furnished by
-any one but More himself. Woltmann recognises the handwriting as
-undoubtedly that of More from its remarkable resemblance to the
-address on the letter held in the hand of Peter Ægidius in the Longford
-Castle portrait, which More declared was copied quite as closely
-as he could have copied it himself.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>BASEL STUDY FOR THE FAMILY GROUP</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the Basel sketch he has written above his own portrait, <i>Thomas
-Morus anno 50</i>—that is, <i>anno quinquagesimo</i>, “in his fiftieth year”—and,
-according to the corrected birth-date, Sir Thomas was in his
-fiftieth year from 7th February 1526 to 7th February 1527, which
-proves that the big picture had been completely planned out, and
-probably well advanced, before the latter date. In support of this
-contention, it will be found that not only the age of More himself,
-but that of other members of his family where they can be verified,
-point to the same date. Thus, Erasmus, who prided himself on his
-remarkable memory for the ages of his friends, says that John More,
-Sir Thomas’s only son, was just about thirteen in the summer of 1521,
-so that he would be in his nineteenth year in the autumn and winter
-of 1526, which is the age attributed to him on the sketch; while the
-dates of the birth and death of John More’s wife, Anne Cresacre, are
-known, and tally with the “anno 15” on the same drawing. More’s
-eldest child, Margaret Roper, is described as in her twenty-second year,
-and though the precise date of her birth is not known, the marriage
-of her parents took place in the twentieth year of Henry VII (21st
-August 1504-21st August 1505), which is consistent with her birth
-at any time between the summer of 1505 and the 7th February 1506,
-and therefore with her being in her twenty-second year at the date
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_293'>293</span>attributed to the sketch. It appears, therefore, that the evidence
-of all these inscriptions either confirms that date or is not inconsistent
-with it.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>This proves that the Family Group was the first work undertaken
-by Holbein in England, and that in the intervals of painting the larger
-picture he was engaged upon a single portrait of Sir Thomas More
-and upon others of certain of the latter’s friends.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Unfortunately, the picture itself, if ever completed by Holbein,
-has disappeared. “For nothing,” says Walpole, “has Holbein’s
-name been oftener mentioned than for the picture of Sir Thomas More’s
-family. Yet of six pieces extant on this subject, the two smaller are
-certainly copies, the three larger probably not painted by Holbein,
-and the sixth, though an original picture, most likely not of Sir
-Thomas and his family.”<a id='r656' /><a href='#f656' class='c021'><sup>[656]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The Basel sketch (No. 345)<a id='r657' /><a href='#f657' class='c021'><sup>[657]</sup></a> (Pl. <a href='#pl-74'>74</a>), upon which the various
-pictures still in existence are based, affords the most faithful record
-we possess of the great work itself, now lost, or buried under the
-handiwork of some inferior painter. It represents a large apartment
-with a group of ten persons, with two smaller figures seen
-through an open door in a room at the back. Sir Thomas More is
-seated in the centre of the group, dressed in long robes, his hands concealed
-in a muff. In attire, attitude, and expression the sketch agrees
-very closely with the portrait of More in the possession of Mr. Edward
-Huth. On his right hand, to the spectator’s left, is seated his old
-father, Sir John More, a judge of the King’s Bench (anno 76), looking
-straight out of the picture. By Sir John’s right side stands Margaret
-Gigs (anno 22), a relative of the family, afterwards married to Dr.
-John Clement. She has a book in her left hand, to which she points
-with her right, as though emphasizing a passage she is reading to the
-old man, towards whom she stoops. In front of her, and still further
-to the spectator’s left, the outside member of the group, stands Elizabeth
-Dancey (anno 21), More’s second daughter, with a book under
-her arm, drawing on her glove.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>On the opposite side, on the spectator’s right, in the foreground,
-is a group of three, which includes More’s second wife, Alice Middleton
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_294'>294</span>(anno 54), on the extreme right, kneeling on a prie-dieu, with a chained
-monkey by her side jumping up against her dress; Margaret Roper
-(anno 22), More’s eldest and favourite daughter, seated on the ground
-on a low stool in front of her stepmother, an open book held in her lap,
-gazing in front of her, as though lost in thought over the volume
-she has been reading; and Cecilia Heron (anno 20), the youngest
-girl, seated behind, and partly concealed by her sister, with a book
-and rosary in her hand, and her head turned as though speaking to
-Lady More. In the centre, behind Sir Thomas, stand, on the right,
-his only son, John More (anno 19), looking down, absorbed in a book,
-and on the left, Anne Cresacre, his betrothed, a girl in her fifteenth
-year. The group is completed by the bluff figure of Henry Patenson,
-More’s jester, who stands to the right of More’s son, with arms akimbo
-in the favourite fashion of Henry VIII. Over his shoulder, through a
-doorway, with a kind of porch of open woodwork which projects
-into the apartment, are seen the heads of the two small figures mentioned
-above. The room in which the group is placed is probably
-the dining-hall. On the left there is a sideboard reaching to the
-ceiling, with a flower-vase, tankards, and silver plate. On the sill of
-a window on the opposite side of the room there are a jug, a candlestick,
-and some books. The wall at the back in the centre is covered
-with a curtain, in front of which a clock with weights is hanging, and
-a violin near it.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 74.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-74'  class='figcenter id093'>
-<img src='images/i294.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>STUDY FOR THE MORE FAMILY GROUP<br /><i>Drawing in Indian ink, with corrections and inscriptions in brown</i><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE NOSTELL PRIORY PICTURE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The whole arrangement is of a somewhat formal and stately
-character, and both in the attitudes and occupations of the figures
-indicates a house of learning; even in the foreground books are scattered
-all over the floor. This masterly sketch, small as it is, is full of
-character. Each figure has marked individuality, and Holbein,
-with a few slight touches of his pencil, has in every case given a most
-truthful likeness, as may be proved by comparison with the larger
-studies of seven of the heads now in the Windsor Collection. From
-this brilliant study it is quite possible to gain a very adequate idea
-of how splendid the finished picture must have been, if, indeed, Holbein
-ever completed it. Whether the Basel drawing was merely Holbein’s
-first arrangement of the grouping, hastily done, or a drawing made
-at More’s request from the outlined design on the canvas for the purpose
-of sending it to Erasmus, is uncertain; but, in any case, the
-portraiture of all the heads, which are only sketched in a few lines,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_295'>295</span>is complete and striking, and every touch stamps it as the work of one
-who was a master before he had reached his thirtieth year.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>There are various copies of this great family picture in England,
-mostly of late origin and showing numerous differences. The only
-one which has any real claim to be considered the original work is the
-large canvas belonging to Lord St. Oswald at Nostell Priory, near
-Wakefield, which has been for many years in the possession of the
-Winn family (Pl. <a href='#pl-75'>75</a>).<a id='r658' /><a href='#f658' class='c021'><sup>[658]</sup></a> Most writers have identified it with the picture
-mentioned by Carel van Mander, whose book was first published in 1604,
-as seen by him in London in the possession of Andries de Loo, who had
-collected a number of Holbein’s works. “This lover of art,” he says,
-“had a large canvas, painted in water-colours, on which was depicted,
-as large as life, from head to foot, the learned and famous
-Thomas Morus, with his wife, sons, and daughters, all magnificently
-arrayed, a piece worthy to be seen and highly extolled.” On De Loo’s
-death, he continues, it was purchased by one of More’s grandsons,
-who was also named More. According to the family history, however,
-the buyer was the son of Margaret Roper, of Well Hall, Eltham, near
-Blackheath, where it still remained in 1731, when it was carefully
-described by the Rev. J. Lewis. It eventually passed by marriage
-to Sir Rowland Winn, of Nostell Priory, the ancestor of the present
-owner. Van Mander, it will be noted, says that this picture was in
-water-colours, or tempera, on canvas, which, if true, seems to indicate
-that it was not the work now at Nostell Priory, though repeated repairing
-and varnishing may have rendered the method of its painting
-uncertain to decide. Van Mander’s account of Holbein’s career is
-by no means free from inaccuracies, but the evidence seems to point
-to the fact that his history of the picture is substantially correct.<a id='r659' /><a href='#f659' class='c021'><sup>[659]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>There are considerable but, with two exceptions, not very important
-differences between the Nostell Priory picture and the Basel
-sketch. The latter is seen at once to be a first study for the grouping
-of the former, to which the artist adhered closely in almost all points.
-In the first place, it is interesting to note that the only two alterations
-suggested on the sketch itself, in Holbein’s own handwriting—“Dise
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_296'>296</span>soll sitzen” (she is to be sitting), placed against Lady More, and
-“Klafikordi vnd ander Sithespill vf dem bank” (harpsichords and
-other instruments on a shelf), to the left on the wall at the back, close
-by the cupboard or sideboard, where only a violin is hanging in the
-sketch—have both been carried out in the completed picture, though in
-the end the painter put the instruments on the sideboard in place of
-the silver plate, instead of on a shelf.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The two chief points in which the finished picture deviates from
-the sketch are the change in the positions of Elizabeth Dancey and
-Margaret Gigs, and the introduction of More’s “famulus,” John
-Heresius or Harris, who stands in the doorway at the back, with a
-roll of parchment in his hands, while beyond him, in the farther
-room, is a man standing at a large bay-window, holding a book which
-he is reading. The positions of Elizabeth Dancey and Margaret Gigs
-have been reversed. The former now stands next to Sir John, while
-the latter has taken her place on the extreme left, and, instead of
-stooping, stands upright, looking in front of her, but with her right
-hand still pointing to the open book in her left. Her head-dress is
-less elaborate than in the Basel sketch, and follows closely the plain
-white hood she is shown as wearing in the beautiful study at Windsor,
-erroneously inscribed “Mother Jak.” Two dogs are also introduced—a
-“cur-dog” at the feet of Sir John, and a “Bologna shock” at the feet
-of Sir Thomas, to quote from Mr. Lewis.<a id='r660' /><a href='#f660' class='c021'><sup>[660]</sup></a> The various accessories in
-the room have also been to some extent changed, both on the sideboard
-and on the window-sill on the right. The titles of the books
-are given in most cases. Thus Margaret Roper holds open Seneca’s
-<i>Œdipus</i> at the chorus in Act iv., Elizabeth Dancey has Seneca’s
-<i>Epistles</i> under her arm, while <i>Boetius de Consolatione Philosophiæ</i>
-is on the sideboard.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 75.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-75'  class='figcenter id094'>
-<img src='images/i296.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE MORE FAMILY GROUP<br />Lord St. Oswald’s collection<br /><span class='sc'>Nostell Priory</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE NOSTELL PRIORY PICTURE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The critics are by no means agreed as to the merits of this picture.
-Dr. Waagen came to the conclusion that it was nothing more than an
-old copy, yet he dated it as about 1530 on technical grounds, due to
-the redness of the flesh tints, which he regarded as a characteristic of
-Holbein’s painting at that period—a strange conclusion to reach after
-giving it as his opinion that it was only a copy. Passavant, Vertue,
-and Walpole considered that it was made up by some inferior painter
-from Holbein’s separate studies of the heads. “As the portraits of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_297'>297</span>the family,” says Walpole, “in separate pieces,<a id='r661' /><a href='#f661' class='c021'><sup>[661]</sup></a> were already drawn
-by Holbein, the injudicious journeyman stuck them in as he found them,
-and never varied the lights, which were disposed, as it was indifferent
-in single heads, some from the right, some from the left, but which
-make a ridiculous contradiction when transported into one piece.”<a id='r662' /><a href='#f662' class='c021'><sup>[662]</sup></a>
-Wornum’s opinion was that “the picture is without question unequal
-in its parts, some portions certainly being unworthy of Holbein;
-others, though much better, still bear no trace of the great master’s
-hand; the want of finish, too, is in parts apparent. The dogs are
-very bad, especially the foremost one; notwithstanding all this, however,
-there may be a genuine Holbein groundwork beneath.”<a id='r663' /><a href='#f663' class='c021'><sup>[663]</sup></a> Woltmann,
-who saw it when it was in the National Portrait Exhibition
-of 1866, agreed with Waagen that it was only a good old copy. “Still
-this large picture is in a high degree interesting. Though the hand
-that copied it betrays, indeed, an able but in nowise clever painter,
-though the coldness of the execution is apparent in the unattractive
-accessories, still it shows us, to a certain extent, with what careful
-and delicate study the original picture had been executed.”<a id='r664' /><a href='#f664' class='c021'><sup>[664]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The late Mr. F. G. Stephens examined the picture very carefully
-in 1880, and embodied the result of his study in one of his series of
-articles on “The Private Collections of England,” published in the
-<i>Athenæum.</i><a id='r665' /><a href='#f665' class='c021'><sup>[665]</sup></a> He came to the conclusion that certain portions were
-undoubtedly from the brush of Holbein, but that upon the greater
-part of the canvas he had merely sketched or pounced in the design,
-which had then been finished by some other painter not skilled enough
-to follow up with any success the lines laid down by the greater master,
-who for some unknown reason had abandoned the completion of the
-work. At the same time he was of opinion that even the parts which
-he attributed to Holbein by no means remained in the state in which
-he left them. His final conclusion was that Holbein left the canvas
-with only one head, that of Sir Thomas More, nearly finished; certain
-other heads—of Judge More, and the group of three on the right, Margaret
-Roper, Cecilia Heron, and Lady More—far advanced in execution,
-and one or two others in the background carried only a little further
-than the designing stage. Beyond this Holbein did not go; the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_298'>298</span>remainder was left in outline, subject to correction to be made as the
-work proceeded. The man engaged to complete the picture covered
-the canvas as well as he could, but failed to retain any of the beauty
-of Holbein’s original design, or to introduce the generalising and
-systematic light and shade with which Holbein would have brought
-each part into harmony, or even to transfer to the canvas the animated
-portraiture and other high qualities of the cartoons which were available
-for that purpose. Most of the figures are of extreme disproportion,
-heads being too large for the bodies, and bodies too large for the legs,
-while the actions are awkward, and many of the faces lack animation
-and intelligence. The dogs are so bad that Mr. Stephens was of opinion
-that they were added even later by a third and still less skilful
-painter. On the other hand, he regarded the head of More as “a
-marvellous rendering of insight into human character, reproducing with
-extreme subtlety the utmost energy of thoughtfulness as marked on a
-visage where a far-seeing, vigorous soul has, so to say, written itself
-in every line and feature, and manifested itself in those penetrative
-yet meditating eyes, those fine thin lips, and affected the fine reserve
-of every lineament.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE PICTURE LEFT INCOMPLETE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>This solution is possibly the correct one. All the other versions
-of the picture in existence are based on the Nostell Priory example.
-The Basel sketch was not available for the purpose, having been sent
-to Erasmus, and it is far from likely that all these works were copied
-or adapted from some original painting by Holbein now lost. At
-the death of Sir Thomas More much of his property was seized by the
-Crown, but even if such a picture were taken from the family, it does
-not follow that it would be destroyed. Thus there is every probability
-that the version seen by Van Mander in the collection of De
-Loo was the original picture, and that it was the one now in Nostell
-Priory. The most natural supposition is that Holbein was unable
-to finish it through want of time. He was back in Basel not later than
-the summer of 1528, as on the 29th August of that year, exactly two
-years from the date of Erasmus’ letter to Ægidius, he purchased a
-house in that city. As a citizen of Basel he must have obtained
-leave of absence before starting for England, and such leave would
-probably be for two years only, with penalties attached to it if he
-failed to return in time. His stay in England cannot have lasted
-much more than eighteen months, and during that period he was very
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_299'>299</span>busily occupied. As already shown, the Basel sketch for the big picture
-must have been made before 7th February 1527, on which day
-More was fifty years old. Curiously enough, on the day following,
-8th February, Holbein started upon an important work of decoration,
-described below,<a id='r666' /><a href='#f666' class='c021'><sup>[666]</sup></a> which occupied his entire time from that date until
-early in April, and for which he received payment from the royal purse.
-During the remainder of his first English visit he was engaged upon
-a number of portraits, including those of Sir Thomas More, Lady
-More, Archbishop Warham, Sir Henry Guldeford and his wife, the
-Godsalves, Kratzer, and possibly one or two others, such as Fisher,
-Reskimer, and Bryan Tuke, while in the intervals between these commissions
-he was, no doubt, busily at work upon the heads of the Family
-Group. His recall to Basel may have been peremptory, and so have
-forced him to leave in a hurry. In any case, he must have parted on
-good terms with More, for he was entrusted with the Basel sketch
-for delivery to Erasmus as a present from the author of the <i>Utopia.</i>
-Very possibly he promised to come back in order to finish the picture,
-but when a year or two had passed by without sign of his return, Sir
-Thomas, having given up all hope of seeing him again, may have decided
-to get it finished by some other painter. When the Nostell
-Priory picture was carefully cleaned some thirty-five years ago, it was
-found to be dated 1530, a date which well agrees with this theory.
-The same date, 1530, is on the Basel sketch, but it is below the drawing
-and by a later hand, and may have been added by some one who had
-knowledge of the date on one or other of the versions of the picture
-in England, or from the supposition that More was fifty in that year.
-The sketch was badly engraved by Nicolas Cochin in the <i>Tabellæ
-Selectæ</i> of Caroline Patin, published in 1691, and on this engraving
-no date is given. Von Mechel engraved it in 1794 in his <i>œuvres de
-Jean Holbein</i>, with the date 1530, so that it was added to the drawing
-between these two dates. Von Mechel gives both a facsimile of the
-original sketch and an engraving which he inscribes “Ex tabula Joh.
-Holbenii in Anglia adservata”; but none of the alterations which
-Holbein, according to his written notes on the sketch, proposed to
-carry out in the finished picture, are shown in this engraving, which
-proves that it was not copied from any original painting. Dr.
-Woltmann discovered Mechel’s model in a sepia drawing in the Gothic
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_300'>300</span>House at Wörlitz, which is evidently a copy of the original Basel
-design, executed long after Holbein’s time, and bearing some written
-notices in Lavater’s hand.<a id='r667' /><a href='#f667' class='c021'><sup>[667]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>A careful description is given by Mr. Wornum<a id='r668' /><a href='#f668' class='c021'><sup>[668]</sup></a> of the various
-versions of the picture still in existence, all of which are based on
-the Nostell Priory example. Two of them were originally of the
-same size as the latter, which is 8 ft. 4 in. high by 11 ft. 8 in.
-wide. One of these in Walpole’s time was at Barnborough in Yorkshire,
-the seat of the Cresacres, and in 1867 in the possession of
-Mr. Charles John Eyston of East Hendred, Berkshire; and the other,
-a similar work, was formerly at Heron in Essex, the seat of Sir John
-Tyrrell, and afterwards in the collection of Lord Petre at Thorndon,
-near Brentford.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE BURFORD PRIORY VERSION</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The East Hendred version measures 7 ft. 8 in. high by 9 ft. 9½ in.
-wide. At some time or other it had suffered from damage or decay
-on the right-hand side, and has been cut down to fit a panel, so that
-the figure of Lady More and her monkey and the more advanced of the
-two dogs, together with the window and the vase of flowers, have
-disappeared. With the exception of these changes and a few other
-unskilful repairs, this picture is in the main identical with the one at
-Nostell Priory, though very inferior to it. The Thorndon picture
-is also on canvas, and is 8 ft. 3 in. high by 11 ft. 2 in. wide. It is in
-a better state than the East Hendred example, and is copied from the
-same source, with slight changes. There is only one dog, Lady More
-is seated in a large scarlet arm-chair, and there are slight differences
-in the minor details, while Sir Thomas is shown with a moustache.
-Both these pictures are coarsely painted, and have little but an
-historical interest.<a id='r669' /><a href='#f669' class='c021'><sup>[669]</sup></a> Wornum also describes a picture on canvas, 4 ft.
-7 in. by 3 ft. 9 in., of Sir Thomas and his father, the latter in his scarlet
-robes, at Hutton Hall,<a id='r670' /><a href='#f670' class='c021'><sup>[670]</sup></a> which was lent to the Tudor Exhibition, 1890
-(No. 150), by Sir Henry Vane, Bt., and is apparently copied from
-the central portion of the Nostell Priory canvas, with the addition of
-a coat of arms, and two original inscriptions over the heads, and the
-date 1530. Sir Thomas’s age is given as 50 (Ætatis 50), but Sir John’s
-as 77, instead of “Anno 76” as in the sketch. Otherwise, in all these
-pictures, the ages of the sitters agree with the sketch, though the latter
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_301'>301</span>was done in 1527 and the former in 1530. This may be perhaps explained
-by the fact that Sir Thomas wished the ages to be kept as
-they were at the time when the studies were made, rather than when
-the picture was completed by another hand.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>One other version of importance was in Walpole’s day at Burford
-Priory, Oxfordshire, the seat of William Lenthall, the Speaker
-(Pl. 76 ),<a id='r671' /><a href='#f671' class='c021'><sup>[671]</sup></a> who purchased the estate from Viscount Falkland, together
-with the pictures in the house. This version of the Group, before the
-Speaker owned it, had been in the possession of the Mores, at Gubbins,
-in Hertfordshire. By what means it passed into the hands of Lenthall,
-says Walpole, is uncertain. He is said to have purchased a number
-of pictures from the royal collections at Whitehall and Hampton
-Court, but the More Family Group did not come from that source,
-nor was it acquired from Viscount Falkland, for, according to Dallaway
-(note to Walpole, vol. i. p. 91), it was described by Aubrey in 1670
-when in Lenthall’s earlier home at Besselsleigh, Berks, who says that
-it had an inscription in golden letters of about sixty lines. It was
-bought in at the Lenthall sale at Christie’s in 1808 for one thousand
-guineas. It reappeared in the saleroom in 1833, when it fetched only
-one hundred guineas, and came into the possession of the Strickland
-family of Cokethorpe Park, Ducklington, Oxfordshire, and, later on,
-passed from them by marriage to the Cottrell-Dormer family. A
-few years ago it was under consideration by the Trustees of the National
-Portrait Gallery, but was not purchased, and, finally, it made a third
-appearance at Christie’s on 26th February 1910, when it was acquired
-by Sir Hugh P. Lane for nine hundred and fifty guineas. It measures
-7 ft. 6 in. high by 11 ft. wide, and is dated 1593.<a id='r672' /><a href='#f672' class='c021'><sup>[672]</sup></a> It contains eleven
-figures, and is made up from the original composition and portraits of
-later members of the family. Seven of the figures of Holbein’s group
-have been pushed to the spectator’s left, the ones omitted being Lady
-More, Margaret Gigs, Patenson, and the secretary, Harris. Elizabeth
-Dancey has been moved to the centre, behind and between her two seated
-sisters. The right side of the picture contains a group of four people of a
-later generation, the Chancellor’s grandson, Thomas More, and his wife,
-Maria Scrope, and their two sons, the elder of whom was the Thomas
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_302'>302</span>More who wrote the life of his great-grandfather. In the background
-there is a sideboard on the left, as in the Basel sketch, with two vases
-of flowers, and musical instruments, and the hanging clock is shown
-in its original position in the centre; but on the left the framed portrait
-of a lady has been introduced. In addition, coats of arms have
-been painted above seven of the heads without regard to the background
-itself. In an account of the Priory and its contents, communicated
-to the <i>Gentleman’s Magazine</i> for August 1799 (vol. lxix. pt. 2,
-p. 644), by an anonymous correspondent, who describes the big picture
-in some detail, the portrait hanging on the wall is said to represent
-the wife of Sir John More. There is a large miniature painting of the
-picture, which was in the Tudor Exhibition, 1890 (No. 1087),<a id='r673' /><a href='#f673' class='c021'><sup>[673]</sup></a> lent
-by Major-General F. E. Sotheby, and attributed to Peter Oliver, as
-it was by Walpole, who says: “The painter of this exquisite little
-piece is unknown, but probably was Peter Oliver.”<a id='r674' /><a href='#f674' class='c021'><sup>[674]</sup></a> The picture and
-the miniature do not agree, however, in all the details. The latter
-includes twelve figures, for Patenson is introduced in the background
-peeping through a curtain in the centre. Only two coats of arms
-are shown, over the heads of Sir Thomas More and his father, and on
-the right-hand side, behind the later group of portraits, in place of
-the wall with the lady’s portrait there is an open archway through which
-is seen the Mores’ walled garden at Chelsea and a distant view of
-London. According to the <i>Dictionary of National Biography</i>, the large
-picture was the work of Rowland Lockey, who was working about
-1590-1610. He was a pupil of Nicholas Hilliard, and was extolled
-by Richard Haydock (1598) and Francis Meres (1598) as among the
-eminent artists then living in England. It is stated in Nichol’s
-<i>History of Leicestershire</i><a id='r675' /><a href='#f675' class='c021'><sup>[675]</sup></a> that he painted “a neat piece in oil, containing
-in one table the picture of Sir John More, a judge of the King’s
-Bench, <i>temp.</i> Henry VIII, and of his wife, and of Sir Thomas More,
-lord chancellor, his son and his wife, and of all the lineal heirs male
-descended from them, together with each man’s wife unto that present
-year.” The expression “neat,” however, would apply more aptly
-to the large miniature group, and it is very possible that he was
-the author of it.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 76.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-76'  class='figcenter id095'>
-<img src='images/i302.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THE MORE FAMILY GROUP<br />The Version formerly at Burford Priory. Now in the possession of Messrs.&nbsp;Parkenthorpe.</p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>THE PORTRAIT OF SIR THOMAS MORE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>There are separate studies for the heads of seven of the sitters in
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_303'>303</span>the family picture among the Holbein drawings in Windsor Castle.
-Sir John More,<a id='r676' /><a href='#f676' class='c021'><sup>[676]</sup></a> Sir Thomas, his son John,<a id='r677' /><a href='#f677' class='c021'><sup>[677]</sup></a> his daughters Elizabeth<a id='r678' /><a href='#f678' class='c021'><sup>[678]</sup></a>
-and Cecilia (Pl. <a href='#pl-77'>77</a>),<a id='r679' /><a href='#f679' class='c021'><sup>[679]</sup></a> Anne Cresacre,<a id='r680' /><a href='#f680' class='c021'><sup>[680]</sup></a> and Margaret Clement.<a id='r681' /><a href='#f681' class='c021'><sup>[681]</sup></a> These
-are all larger than the majority of the sketches in the collection,
-and on white unprimed paper. There are two drawings of Sir Thomas
-(Pl. <a href='#pl-78'>78</a>),<a id='r682' /><a href='#f682' class='c021'><sup>[682]</sup></a> which, although the face is taken from the same point
-of view, are not replicas, but distinctly separate studies; the pose is
-slightly different, and the hair quite unlike, and it may perhaps be
-conjectured that one of them is the study made for the Group, and
-the other a later study made shortly before the artist left England.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In addition to the family picture, Holbein painted separate portraits
-of Sir Thomas, Lady More, and, possibly, Margaret Roper.
-The portrait of More is the well-known one belonging to Mr. Edward
-Huth,<a id='r683' /><a href='#f683' class='c021'><sup>[683]</sup></a> which has been frequently exhibited, most recently at the
-Burlington Fine Arts Club in 1909 (No. 53). Before it came into the
-possession of the Huth family it was in the collection of an Irish
-nobleman, from whom it was acquired—in payment for a picture-cleaning
-bill, so it is said—by Farrer, the picture-dealer, who sold it
-to Mr. Henry Huth for £1200. It was probably the first work
-painted by Holbein after his arrival in England, and finished
-early in 1527. It is based on the head in the Windsor Collection,
-and the position corresponds with the figure in the Basel sketch.
-It is a half-length, seated, three-quarters to the spectator’s right,
-with dark hair, and clean-shaven, but the grey of the moustache and
-beard indicated. He is dressed in black cap, black gown lined with
-brown fur, with deep fur collar, and a golden collar of SS. with
-portcullis clasps and Tudor rose pendant. His right elbow rests on a
-table to the left, and he holds a folded paper in both hands. The background
-consists of a green curtain with a gold fringe, looped back by a
-gold cord. The date “<span class='fss'>MDXXVII</span>” is inscribed on the edge of the table.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'><span class='pageno' id='Page_304'>304</span>This noble representation of a noble man is one of the finest
-portraits painted by Holbein in this country. It has suffered somewhat
-in the course of time, but still remains a wonderful study of
-character, penetrating in its insight. The nobility of More’s nature,
-the strength of his will, the gentleness of his disposition when not
-roused to just anger, the firmness of the finely-cut lips, and the penetrating
-glance of his bright eyes, have been mirrored by Holbein as
-though in a glass. Both the statesman and the scholar stand revealed
-with that searching power of seizing the essentials of a man’s nature
-which is one of the greatest qualities of Holbein’s art.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 77.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-77'  class='figcenter id096'>
-<img src='images/i304.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>CECILIA HERON<br /><i>Drawing in black and coloured chalks</i><br /><span class='sc'>Windsor Castle</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 78.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-78'  class='figcenter id092'>
-<img src='images/i304-2.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>SIR THOMAS MORE<br /><i>Drawing in black and coloured chalks</i><br /><span class='sc'>Windsor Castle</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>A portrait of Sir Thomas was in the Orleans Gallery in 1727, and a
-second was in the possession of Lord Lumley in 1590, and was sold
-from Lumley Castle in 1785, to Mr. Hay, of Savile Row.<a id='r684' /><a href='#f684' class='c021'><sup>[684]</sup></a> The latter
-was probably the one now belonging to Mr. Huth, and is the original
-from which so many copies have been made.<a id='r685' /><a href='#f685' class='c021'><sup>[685]</sup></a> The panel on which it is
-painted measures 29 in. by 23½ in. There are also a variety of portraits
-scattered about the European museums to which the name of
-Sir Thomas More has been attached erroneously. The small portrait
-by Holbein of Sir Henry Wyat, father of Sir Thomas Wyat, in the
-Louvre, was long regarded as a likeness of More, and is still so described
-in the official catalogue.<a id='r686' /><a href='#f686' class='c021'><sup>[686]</sup></a> There is another small panel, in the Brussels
-Museum (No. 641), to which the names of Holbein and More were
-attached on the frame-label until quite recently, although both
-ascriptions are absurd. It represents a bearded man with one hand
-thrust within the folds of his cloak, and a small book held open with
-the fingers of the other, and a small dog on the table in front of him.
-It was recognised as the work of some second-rate French artist more
-than fifty years ago, and bears not the slightest resemblance to
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_305'>305</span>Holbein’s style.<a id='r687' /><a href='#f687' class='c021'><sup>[687]</sup></a> M. A. J. Wauters suggests that it is the work of
-Nicolas Denisot (1515-1559), a French poet and painter of modest
-capacities, who was in England for three years as French tutor to the
-three daughters of the Protector Somerset. Under his guidance these
-young ladies wrote Latin elegies to Margaret of Navarre, which were
-published under his editorship. A portrait of Margaret, dated 1544,
-is attributed by M. Bouchot to Denisot. More recently this work has
-been attributed to Corneille de Lyon, and is said to be a portrait of
-Henry Patenson. There is certainly a slight likeness between it and
-the head of Patenson in the Basel study for the More Family Group.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>LEGEND ABOUT A PORTRAIT OF MORE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>A curious legend with regard to a portrait of More which Henry
-VIII is said to have possessed, was contributed to the <i>Athenæum</i>
-by Dr. Augustus Jessop.<a id='r688' /><a href='#f688' class='c021'><sup>[688]</sup></a> He found it among the papers of the
-Hon. Roger North, in a somewhat elaborate “Register of Pictures” at
-one time in North’s custody. In giving an account of a portrait of
-Pope Gregory XIV, which his brother Montague had bought at
-Marseilles in 1693, he adds: “This picture is judged to be by
-Pomerantius, painter to Gregory XIV, who was in England <i>tempore</i>
-Henry VIII, concerning whom the following story is told. <i>The
-picture of Sir T. More done by Holbein</i> was in Whitehall when the
-news was brought to Henry VIII that Sir Thomas More was beheaded.
-And the King fell into a passion upon the news, and running to the
-picture, <i>tore it down and threw it out of the window. And the picture in
-the fall broke in three pieces</i>; but Pomerantius, then coming by, took
-it up, carried it home, and so put it together and mended the colours
-that it is not to be discovered that it was ever broke.”</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>However much or however little truth there may be in this story,
-which was apparently current in the seventeenth century, it is certain,
-in any case, that “Pomerantius” can have had nothing to do with its
-rescue. Niccolo Circignano (Il Pomarancio) was born in 1519, and
-would be a lad of sixteen at the time when More was executed; nor
-is there any evidence to show that he was ever in England. He
-appears to have spent the greater part of his life in Rome. The
-account errs, also, in saying that he was painter to Gregory XIV, for
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_306'>306</span>he died in 1590, aged seventy-two, in which year Gregory XIV became
-Pope. North’s story is very similar to the one told by Baldinucci.<a id='r689' /><a href='#f689' class='c021'><sup>[689]</sup></a>
-The latter, who describes the picture as a stupendous portrait, says
-that Henry kept it in an apartment together with those of some other
-eminent men. “It happened that on the very day of the ex-chancellor’s
-death (after the king had reproached her), the wicked
-Queen Anne Boleyn cast her eyes upon it, and seeing the expressive
-face of her enemy looking at her as if he were still living—she never
-forgave his refusal to be present at her wedding—she was seized with
-a feeling of either horror or remorse, and unable to endure the steady
-gaze and the reproaches of her own conscience, she threw open the
-window of the palace, and exclaiming, ‘Oh me! the man seems to be
-still alive,’ flung the picture into the street: a passer-by picked it up
-and carried it away, and eventually it found a resting-place in Rome,
-where in Baldinucci’s time it was still preserved in the Palazzo de’
-Crescenzi.”<a id='r690' /><a href='#f690' class='c021'><sup>[690]</sup></a> If this story has any foundation in fact, it is possible that
-Circignano may have put the picture in order after it reached Rome;
-but it can hardly have been the one belonging to Mr. Huth, as Dr.
-Jessop suggested. Wornum was of opinion that this legendary
-work might possibly be identified with an unnamed portrait by
-Holbein mentioned by an earlier Italian writer than Baldinucci,
-Francesco Scannelli, who, in an account of “an ultramontane painter
-named Olbeno,”<a id='r691' /><a href='#f691' class='c021'><sup>[691]</sup></a> after praising the portrait of Morette, then in the
-gallery of the Duke of Modena, for its exact imitation of nature, says:
-“A similar excellence is shown in the small portrait by the same
-master, now at Rome in the possession of Monsignor Campori.” Mr.
-Wornum also suggested that this small work praised by Scannelli
-might be identical with the portrait of Sir Henry Wyat in the Louvre,
-which at the time he was writing (1867) was generally regarded as a
-portrait of More.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>MINIATURE OF SIR THOMAS MORE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Holbein’s work as a miniature painter is dealt with in a later
-chapter, but while speaking of the portraits of More, it is impossible
-to omit reference to the exceedingly fine miniature painting of him
-to which attention was first called by Dr. Williamson.<a id='r692' /><a href='#f692' class='c021'><sup>[692]</sup></a> It was then
-in the possession of the Quicke family, of Newton St. Cyres, Devon;
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_307'>307</span>but in July 1905, it was sold at Messrs. Christie’s by the order of the
-trustees of the late Mr. John Quicke, and passed into the collection of
-the late Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan. In position, dress, and accessories it
-bears a close resemblance to Mr. Huth’s picture, upon which it may have
-been based.<a id='r693' /><a href='#f693' class='c021'><sup>[693]</sup></a> It is circular, 2⅜ in. in diameter, painted on thin paper,
-mounted on a playing card, and is contained in a metal and enamel
-frame. On the back of the card, in a hand very little later than the
-date of the portrait, is written the one word “Holben,” while on
-the reverse of the frame is inscribed “<span class='sc'>Thomas Morus Cancellarivs
-Holbein pinx</span>.” The background is bright blue. For close upon one
-hundred years it had been in the house in Devonshire, and had attached
-to its frame a small scrap of paper, on which was written, in a script
-of the early Stuart period, the information as to whom it represented,
-and by whom it was painted. The Ropers were connected with the
-Quickes by marriage, and as the connection dates from a period soon
-after the death of Sir Thomas More, the family tradition which states
-that the portrait has been handed down from the time when the great
-statesman perished on the scaffold has every likelihood of being true.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>It has usually been asserted that the portrait of Sir Thomas More
-is the only independent portrait of a member of the More family
-painted by Holbein, with the possible exception of the panel at Knole,
-which by some is regarded as a likeness of Margaret Roper. There
-was, however, a small panel portrait, 14 in. by 10 in., exhibited at the
-Royal Academy Winter Exhibition, 1910 (No. 106), as by Holbein,
-lent by General Lord Methuen, which is undoubtedly a portrait of
-Lady More. It was catalogued under the erroneous title of “Mrs.
-Anne Roper,” with a note which stated that it “has also been thought
-to be a portrait by Mabuse, of Margaret, Countess of Richmond and
-Derby, mother of Henry VIII.” There was no Mrs. Anne Roper in
-Holbein’s day; and the “Anne” is probably a mistake for “Margaret”
-on the part of the person who first misnamed the picture. The
-portrait really represents Margaret Roper’s stepmother, as a comparison
-with the head of Lady More in the Basel sketch conclusively
-proves. There is a strong likeness between the two, and the position
-of the figure, with the head slightly bent down, and an open book held
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_308'>308</span>in both hands on her lap, is the same in both. It is a half-length
-figure, seated to the left, with a dark dress trimmed with fur and
-red under-sleeves, black angular head-dress with black fall, and a
-white cap underneath. She wears a triple gold chain round her neck,
-with crucifix attached, and a medallion brooch with three pendant
-pearls. The background is a dark blue-green. The brushwork is
-weak and hesitating, but it is possibly a much-damaged and repainted
-original panel by Holbein, though practically nothing of the
-master’s own handiwork is now visible. If not a badly-damaged
-original, it must be a nearly contemporary copy from a lost picture by
-him, rather than one taken from the figure in the Nostell Priory version.
-Curiously enough, the use of the name “Anne” in conjunction with
-Roper—Lady More’s name was “Alice”—is also to be found on the
-back of a miniature after Holbein in the Royal Collection, which at one
-time, before the inscription was uncovered, was said to represent
-Queen Katherine of Aragon. It is inscribed in two lines—“Anna
-Roper Thomæ Mori Filia. W. Hollar pinxit post Holbeinium, 1652.”
-Here the “Anne” is evidently a mistake for “Margaret” or “Mar.,”
-perhaps made by Hollar himself when copying the original; or,
-possibly, the original may have been a portrait of Lady More, a companion
-miniature to the one already described of Sir Thomas, to which
-an erroneous title had become attached before Hollar was employed
-to copy it.<a id='r694' /><a href='#f694' class='c021'><sup>[694]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The portrait of Margaret Roper at Knole, which for many years
-has been generally known as Queen Katherine of Aragon, was exhibited
-by Lord Sackville at the Burlington Fine Arts Club in 1909
-(No. 44).<a id='r695' /><a href='#f695' class='c021'><sup>[695]</sup></a> The same portrait was lent, as “Queen Katherine,” to
-the National Portrait Exhibition in 1866 (No. 78), by the Countess
-Delawarr. It is probably a nearly contemporary copy of a lost original
-by Holbein, and corresponds closely, excepting for slight differences in
-the hands, with the figure in the Basel sketch. It is a three-quarters
-length, on panel, 25½ in. by 19½ in., the figure turned three-quarters
-to the left, with diamond-shaped hood embroidered with gold, a
-square-cut black and white dress, edged with jewels, over a transparent
-chemisette, and cloth of gold sleeves. A string of black beads and a
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_309'>309</span>fine gold chain are round her neck, and a cinquefoil jewel at her breast.
-She holds a book open with both hands, on a table in front of her.
-The inscription, “Queen Cathrine,” is in an eighteenth-century hand.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>DRAWING OF AN ENGLISH LADY</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>There is a brilliant drawing of an English lady by Holbein in the
-collection bequeathed by Mr. George Salting to the nation (Pl. <a href='#pl-79'>79</a>),
-which was included in the same exhibition at the Burlington Fine
-Arts Club (No. 72), a study in black and red chalks, heightened with
-white, and reinforced with Indian ink, upon pale pink-tinted paper.<a id='r696' /><a href='#f696' class='c021'><sup>[696]</sup></a>
-The sheet has been cut round the outline by some vandal, but the
-drawing itself is entirely free from the retouching which disfigures
-certain of the Windsor heads. The high lights on the cheek, nose,
-and eyes are put in with white, and red chalk is used sparingly on
-the lips and elsewhere. The band of hair which shows beneath the
-coif is washed with yellowish brown. It has been suggested by
-more than one critic that it is a portrait of Margaret Roper, but as
-Mr. Campbell Dodgson, who contributed a note upon it for the Vasari
-Society, points out, so far as the evidence of the Basel drawing
-goes, the identification appears possible, but not convincing. It is
-not one of the preliminary studies for the picture itself, which were
-done on white paper, and if it represents Margaret Roper, she must
-have sat again to Holbein after his return to England in 1532. According
-to the same authority, it is probably the “Portrait of a Lady,”
-lot 48 in the Jonathan Richardson sale, 1746, in which case it was
-bought by Knapton, whose drawings were sold in 1804. Later on it
-was in the collections of the Marquis of Stafford and Lord Ronald
-Sutherland Gower. It is certainly one of the very finest Holbein
-drawings in existence. “No portrait-study of a woman,” says Sir Claude
-Phillips, “even in the great Windsor series, equals this in the spiritual
-beauty which illumines and transforms—or rather interprets—a presentment
-of quiet and unforced realism. But rarely the great portraitist
-allows himself thus to lay bare for the beholder the inner workings of
-the soul; as a rule he contents himself with a supreme truth which is
-not infrequently as difficult to unravel as Nature herself.”<a id='r697' /><a href='#f697' class='c021'><sup>[697]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Finally, there is a picture belonging to the Bray family of Shere,
-which, from an old inscription on the frame, is said to be a portrait
-of Margaret, whose daughter was one of the four wives of Sir Edward
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_310'>310</span>Bray.<a id='r698' /><a href='#f698' class='c021'><sup>[698]</sup></a> The likeness to the Basel sketch, however, is not very evident,
-and the picture has no pretence to be by Holbein. The sitter wears
-a close-fitting white cap with long ends falling on her breast, and holds
-a rosary attached to a large circular ornament which forms part of
-her girdle. The background is a landscape, with a view of the bend
-of a wide river running between high cliffs.<a id='r699' /><a href='#f699' class='c021'><sup>[699]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 79.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-79'  class='figcenter id097'>
-<img src='images/i310.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>PORTRAIT OF AN ENGLISH LADY<br /><i>Drawing in black and red chalk, and Indian ink</i><br /><span class='sc'>Salting Bequest, British Museum</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_311'>311</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>CHAPTER XIV<br /> <br /><span class='c019'>THE FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND: OTHER PORTRAITS AND DECORATIVE WORK</span></h2>
-</div>
-<p class='c020'>Holbein’s work for the temporary Banqueting House at
-Greenwich—The “Plat of Tirwan”—Portraits of Sir Henry
-and Lady Guldeford—William Warham, Archbishop of
-Canterbury—John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester—Thomas and
-John Godsalve—Niklaus Kratzer, the astronomer—Undated
-portraits—Sir Bryan Tuke—Reskimer—Sir Henry Wyat—Sir
-Thomas and Lady Eliot—Drawing of an unknown man at
-Chatsworth.</p>
-<div class='c012'>
-  <img class='drop-capi' src='images/dc-p.jpg' width='100' height='98' alt='' />
-</div><p class='drop-capi1_1'>
-POSSIBLY one of the causes which prevented the immediate
-completion of the large picture of the More
-family in the spring of 1527 was the commission Holbein
-received at this time for decorative work of an important
-nature, for which he obtained payment from the
-royal purse. Early in 1527 negotiations were in progress
-between Henry VIII and Francis I for an alliance, which was to be
-strengthened in the future by the marriage of the Princess Mary, then
-eleven years of age, and heir-presumptive to the English throne, with
-either Francis himself or one of his sons. The ratification of this alliance
-was celebrated at Greenwich on Sunday, the 5th of May 1527, by a
-series of festivities with which Henry entertained the French ambassadors.
-A mass, at which the King and ambassadors swore to observe
-the league, was followed by a tournament, and, in the evening, a grand
-banquet, in a magnificent building, specially erected for the occasion,
-in the decoration of which there is every reason to believe that Holbein
-took a leading part.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Hall, in his <i>Triumphant Reigne of Kyng Henry the VIII</i>, published
-in 1548, gives a long description of this banqueting house, and its
-contents, from which a short extract may be quoted here:—</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>“The Kyng against that night had caused a banket house to bee
-made on the one syde of the tylt yarde at Grenewyche of an hundreth
-foote of length and <span class='fss'>XXX</span> foote bredth, the roofe was purple cloth full
-of roses and Pomgarnettes, the wyndowes were al clere stories with
-currious monneles strangely wrought, the Jawe peces and crestes were
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_312'>312</span>karved with Vinettes and trails of savage worke, and richely gilted
-with gold and Byse, thys woorke corbolying bare the candelstyckes
-of antyke woorke whiche bare little torchettes of white waxe, these
-candelstickes were polished lyke Aumbre: at the one syde was a haute
-place for herawldes and minstrelles.” Then, after bestowing his
-admiration on the cupboards of gold and silver plate, he continues
-his description of the building: “At the nether ende were twoo
-broade arches upon thre Antike pillers all of gold burnished swaged
-and graven full of Gargills and Serpentes, supportying the edifices the
-Arches were vawted with Armorie, al of Bice and golde, and above the
-Arches were made many sondri Antikes and divises.”</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>“When supper was done,” he adds later, “the kyng, the quene
-and the ambassadors ... rose and went out of the banket chambre
-bi the forsaied Arches, and when they were betwene the uttermoste
-dore and the Arches the kyng caused them to turne backe and loke
-on that syde of the Arches, and there they sawe how Tyrwin was
-beseged, and the very maner of every mans camp, very connyingly
-wrought, whiche woorke more pleased them then the remembrying of
-the thyng in dede. From thens they passed by a long galerie richely
-hanged into a chambre faire and large.” In this chamber, after a
-Latin oration and other set recitations, some hours were spent in
-masking and dancing, after which a return was made to the banquet-house
-for a second supper. “And after that all was doen the kyng
-and all other went to rest, for the night was spent, and the day even
-at the breakyng.... These two houses ... the kyng commaunded
-should stand still, for thre or foure daies, that al honest persones might
-see and beholde the houses and riches, and thether came a great nombre
-of people, to see and behold the riches and costely devices.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>THE BANQUETING HOUSE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>This temporary building was apparently the most elaborate of its
-kind erected in England during the reign of Henry VIII, and it may
-be taken for certain that Holbein had much to do with it, both as
-regards work from his own brush, and also in the supervision of a
-number of other painters and decorators employed upon it. The
-accounts of the expenses incurred in its building are still preserved
-in the Record Office, and abstracts from them are published in the
-<i>Calendars of Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of
-Henry VIII.</i> More detailed abstracts are given by Mr. F. M.
-Nichols, F.S.A., who went through the original documents most carefully,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_313'>313</span>in a paper read before the Society of Antiquaries, on March 31,
-1898.<a id='r700' /><a href='#f700' class='c021'><sup>[700]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Throughout these detailed accounts of the wages paid by Richard
-Gibson, there is constant mention of one “Master Hans,” and however
-common such a Christian name may have been in Germany, there is
-no record of any other foreign artist in England at this period named
-Hans but Holbein, who elsewhere is more than once referred to as
-Master Hans. Sir Henry Guldeford, comptroller of the King’s household,
-an intimate friend of More, and a correspondent of Erasmus,
-had official charge of the erection of this banquet-house, and his portrait
-was painted by Holbein in the same year, and possibly at about
-the same time, for Guldeford is represented as wearing his chain as a
-Knight of the Garter, which honour was bestowed upon him on
-April 24, 1527. He must thus have had full knowledge of Holbein’s
-capabilities, and would naturally turn to him for assistance on this
-occasion, when everything had to be done in a hurry, and as many
-painters as possible pressed into the service. Then again, Sir Henry
-Wyat, treasurer of the Chamber, whom Holbein also painted during
-his first visit to England, was associated with Guldeford in the building
-of this “banketing-house,” so that the painter would have a
-second friend at court. It seems practically certain, therefore, that
-Holbein was the “Master Hans” of the accounts.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Work was begun on the 15th January, 1527, and about a dozen
-painters were employed for the next three weeks, at wages ranging
-from 6<i>d.</i> to 12<i>d.</i> a day. Only one of them, Robert Wrytheoke, received
-a shilling a day. He was a maker of moulds and casts, and
-supplied the plaster figures and ornamental pillars. On Friday, the
-8th February, the following entry appears for the first time:—</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>“Master Nycolas at the kyngs plessyer.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>“Master Hans the day iiii.<i>s.</i>”<a id='r701' /><a href='#f701' class='c021'><sup>[701]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>This entry is repeated, with only four days’ interval, until Saturday
-the 3rd of March. According to Mr. Nichols, the same distinction
-between the terms of the two painters’ employment is kept up throughout
-all the entries, the meaning of which appears to be that while
-Holbein’s payment was fixed by agreement at 4<i>s.</i> a day, the remuneration
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_314'>314</span>of Master Nycolas was left to be subsequently settled at the
-discretion of his employers.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the course of the work Holbein came in contact with many of
-the chief English painters and a number of the foreign artists in Henry’s
-service, and it is interesting to note, as some indication of the estimation
-in which he was already held by certain of the court officials, that
-he was more highly paid than any of his associates. Among those
-who assisted in the work were John Browne, the King’s serjeant-painter,
-who supplied much of the material; “Vincent Vulp and
-Ellys Carmyan, Italian painters,” who received 20<i>s.</i> a week; John
-Demyans (Giovanni da Maiano) and the “Italian painters and gilders,
-Nicholas Florentine, at 2<i>s.</i>, and Domyngo (Domenico), at 16<i>d.</i> day
-and night.” This Nicholas of Florence was probably the same man
-as the Master Nycolas mentioned above as associated with Holbein.
-Among the casters of lead employed were two other Italians, Archangell
-and Raphael, while John Rastall supplied “divers necessaries
-bought for the trimming of the Father of Heaven, lions, dragons, and
-greyhounds holding candlesticks.” A number of other names are
-included, chiefly English mercers, embroiderers, saddlers, plumbers,
-hosiers, and other tradesmen.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Detailed accounts of the materials used are given, and frequent
-entries occur of colours “spent by Master Hans and his company on
-the roof”—“Mr. Hans and the painters on the four cloths”—“Black
-collars for Mr. Hans, 3<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i>”—and so on. These extracts seem to
-show that Holbein was employed to direct all the painters and gilders
-engaged, and no doubt the decorations were largely of his design. It
-has been impossible, so far, to identify Master Nycolas, then in the
-King’s service, who worked with him. He cannot have been Nicolas
-Bellin, who was occupied at Fontainebleau at this period, and did not
-visit England until some ten years later. The only other Italian named
-Nicolas mentioned in the State Papers was Nicolas Lasora, who, in
-1532, was employed on the decoration of Westminster Palace.<a id='r702' /><a href='#f702' class='c021'><sup>[702]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>“THE PLAT OF TIRWAN”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Holbein and Nycolas were thus occupied at Greenwich for nineteen
-days, with the interval of one Sunday’s rest, having been kept at work
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_315'>315</span>during two other Sundays, when the ordinary workmen were taking
-holiday. Holbein’s daily attendance at the Banqueting House appears
-to have ceased on Sunday, the 3rd of March, though this was by no
-means the end of his connection with the decoration of the building.
-For the next month he was busily engaged either in London or at
-Chelsea in painting a large composition for the decoration of the back
-of the triumphal arch—the picture spoken of in such high terms by
-Hall, showing “how Tyrwin was beseged.” This picture was so far
-advanced by the 11th March that it and a number of other painted
-canvases were placed temporarily in position for the inspection of the
-King. Holbein had completed his particular share in the work by
-the 4th of April, when the picture was fetched from London by Lewis
-Demoron, who received 16<i>d.</i>, “for his bote-hire to London for fetching
-of the plat of Tirwan.” The complete decoration of the building was
-not finished till the 5th May, on the eve of the festivities, and no
-doubt Holbein resumed his supervision, though it is not mentioned
-in the accounts. For his large painting, which occupied him for
-about three weeks, he received the payment of £4, 10<i>s.</i>, which is equal
-to about £60 or £70 of modern money. The entry in the accounts
-runs as follows: “Paid to Master Hans for the payneting of the plat
-of Tirwan which standeth on the baksyde of the grete arche, in grete
-iiij<i>l.</i> x<i>s.</i>”—the words “in grete” meaning that he received a sum
-down for the work, instead of a daily wage.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Mr. F. M. Nichols first called attention to this work of Holbein’s
-in <i>The Hall of Lawford Hall</i>, published in 1891, and in the same year
-Mr. Alfred Beaver, in his <i>Memorials of Old Chelsea</i>, referred to some
-of the details in Dr. Brewer’s abstracts. Mr. Beaver was of opinion
-that the old picture of the “Battle of Spurs” at Hampton Court, in
-earlier days attributed to Holbein, was the very “plat of Tirwan”
-in question. This, however, is not correct. “The Battle of Spurs”
-was certainly not painted by Holbein, but by some much inferior
-artist. It has been attributed to Vincent Volpe and other of the
-minor foreign artists then in England, and probably was painted in
-commemoration of the victory shortly after the battle itself, which
-took place in 1513. It is on wood, and measures 4 ft. 4 in. high by
-8 ft. 6 in. wide, whereas Holbein’s picture was on canvas, and was
-evidently much larger, for we learn from Richard Gibson’s accounts
-that it took twenty-four ells of fine canvas “for the lyning of the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_316'>316</span>baksyde of the grete Arche wheruppon Tirwin is staynyd,” at a cost
-of 15 shillings. “It thus appears,” says Mr. Nichols, “that about
-90 feet of fine canvas (which we may suppose to have been a yard or
-not much less in width) was required to cover the back of the arch,
-and the main decoration of this widespread surface of some 20 or 30
-square yards appears to have been the picture in question.”</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The two pictures differed materially in subject. It is to be
-gathered from Hall’s account that Holbein’s painting represented the
-actual siege of Terouenne, whereas the Hampton Court panel shows
-the pursuit of the French cavalry and their surrender to the English,
-though the town of Terouenne, with its fortifications and houses, is
-shown plainly in the middle distance. In any case the subject, the
-defeat of the French by the English, seems to have been a singularly
-inappropriate one for the particular occasion for which it was painted,
-the ratification of a solemn treaty between England and France, and
-there was little delicacy in Henry’s humour in pointing it out to his
-guests! Even Hall intimates that they were more pleased with the
-painting of it than with the remembrance of the incident. The subject
-may have been suggested by Guldeford, who was Henry’s standard-bearer
-at Terouenne, and knighted after Tournay. The picture itself
-has disappeared, like so many of Holbein’s large decorative works;
-not even a study for it has been so far discovered.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>It is somewhat extraordinary, considering Henry’s evident appreciation
-of this “plat,” and the interest he took in the general decoration
-of the Banqueting House, that Holbein was not at once taken
-into the royal service. His work at Greenwich must have afforded
-ample proof of his powers as an artist, and the King was only too
-anxious to offer inducements to the best foreign painters to settle in
-England. It has been suggested that this lack of recognition was
-due to jealousy on the part of certain other painters then employed
-about the Court, but this does not appear a very plausible explanation,
-for Henry was by no means a man to be influenced in this way.
-This lack of royal patronage is all the more extraordinary when it is
-remembered that at the time Holbein was at work as a portrait-painter
-for several of Henry’s favourite servants, and that in all probability
-the portrait of More, if not others, had been seen by the King, who is
-said to have been fond of paying unexpected visits to the future Lord
-Chancellor at Chelsea. Whatever the reason, however, the fact remains
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_317'>317</span>that Holbein’s name does not appear in the royal accounts until much
-later, nor is there any portrait of the King by him of this date, or of
-Queen Katherine, or any other evidence to show that he held any
-official position at Court during his first residence in England.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>PORTRAIT OF SIR HENRY GULDEFORD</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>There are only three portraits by Holbein which bear the date
-1527—those of Sir Thomas More, Sir Henry Guldeford, and Archbishop
-Warham; and only two of the date 1528—Niklaus Kratzer,
-the King’s German astronomer, and the double portrait of Thomas
-Godsalve of Norwich, and his son John, though several others, undated,
-may be ascribed to this period with some certainty. The
-portrait of Guldeford (Pl. <a href='#pl-80'>80</a>),<a id='r703' /><a href='#f703' class='c021'><sup>[703]</sup></a> in the royal collection at Windsor
-Castle, was probably begun shortly after Holbein’s work at Greenwich
-was finished, and was painted to commemorate the sitter’s advancement
-as a Knight of the Garter on April 24, a few days before the
-festivities took place, as he is wearing the chain of the order across
-his shoulders.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>He is shown at half-length, the body turned slightly to the spectator’s
-right, the light coming in from the left. He is clean shaven,
-with bushy hair covering his ears, and wears a doublet of patterned
-cloth of gold, cut square, above a white shirt. Over it is a dark gown
-with a wide collar of brown fur and short sleeves, leaving the gold
-sleeves of his doublet uncovered. The thumb of his left hand is thrust
-into his girdle, and in his right hand he holds the white staff of his
-office as Comptroller of the Household. On the brim of his flat black
-cap is a circular medallion the design on which cannot now be deciphered.
-In the Print Room of the British Museum, however, there
-is an etching of this hat-badge, or “singular ornament on an escutcheon,”
-as a note upon the print terms it, which apparently was made
-when the picture was at Kensington Palace early in the eighteenth
-century, from which it appears that it represented a clock, a pair of
-compasses, and other instruments. Guldeford wears a thin double gold
-chain round his neck, the lower part of which is hidden by his doublet,
-and over his shoulders the Collar of the Order of the Garter with the
-pendant George. The background is dark green, with a dark green
-curtain on the spectator’s right, hanging by rings on an iron rod,
-which extends right across the upper part of the picture, and on the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_318'>318</span>left a sprig of vine-tree foliage. In the upper left-hand corner is
-painted a white label, on which is inscribed in cursive letters: “<span class='sc'>Anno</span>
-<span class='fss'>D. MCCCCCXXVII. ETATIS SUÆ XL IX</span>.” The age painted on the cartel
-is somewhat perplexing, as it indicates that the sitter was forty-nine
-in 1527, whereas during the proceedings relating to the divorce of
-Queen Katherine,<a id='r704' /><a href='#f704' class='c021'><sup>[704]</sup></a> Guldeford himself declared that his age in 1529,
-two years later, was only forty. Mr. Law suggests as a solution that
-at some time or other, in some process of restoration, the figures have
-been tampered with, and the fact that the <span class='fss'>XL</span> is separated from the
-<span class='fss'>IX</span> by a blank space of about a figure in width, adds some probability
-to his suggestion, while the face seems scarcely to be that of a man
-as old as forty-nine.<a id='r705' /><a href='#f705' class='c021'><sup>[705]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The masterly original drawing for this portrait, in the Windsor
-Collection,<a id='r706' /><a href='#f706' class='c021'><sup>[706]</sup></a> is inscribed “Harry Guldeford Knight,” and this, according
-to the same writer, may be the sole authority for the name bestowed
-on the picture, the untrustworthiness of some of these inscriptions
-being well known. Hollar’s engraving of the portrait, however, which
-was made in 1647, is inscribed with the name of Guldeford; and the
-fact that there is a companion engraving of his wife, entitled “the
-Lady Guldeforde,” and inscribed “Holbein pinxit, W. Hollar fecit,
-ex collectione Arundeliana A<sup>o</sup> 1647, Ætatis 28, A<sup>o</sup> 1527,” confirms
-the claims of this picture to be an authentic portrait of Sir Henry
-Guldeford. Both portraits were in the Arundel Collection, and are
-entered in the 1655 inventory as “Ritratto del Cavaglier Guildford”
-and “Ritratto della moglie sua.” They came to the Earl with other
-works by Holbein from the Lumley Collection. In addition to these
-portraits, Lord Arundel also possessed a miniature or small oil painting
-of Guldeford—“Ritratto del Cavaglier Guiltfort in piccolo.” It is
-possible that this small portrait is the one which Hollar copied, as
-his engravings of Guldeford and his wife are both roundels.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 80.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-80'  class='figcenter id098'>
-<img src='images/i318fp.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>SIR HENRY GULDEFORD<br />1527<br /><span class='sc'>Windsor Castle</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>PORTRAIT OF SIR HENRY GULDEFORD</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>There is a miniature at Windsor, a portrait obviously of the same
-man, in which the face is younger, and the collar of the Garter is
-absent, which apparently was painted some years before Holbein
-came to England, and may be the one formerly in the Arundel Collection.<a id='r707' /><a href='#f707' class='c021'><sup>[707]</sup></a>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_319'>319</span>A small copy of the Windsor picture, inscribed “Ser. Harry
-Gylldford,” was lent to the Tudor Exhibition, 1890 (No. 146), by the
-Hon. H. Tyrwhitt Wilson.<a id='r708' /><a href='#f708' class='c021'><sup>[708]</sup></a> Guldeford was the only son of Sir Richard
-Guldeford, K.G., by his second wife, Joan, sister of Sir Nicholas Vaux,
-afterwards Lord Vaux of Harrowden. He was a great favourite of
-the King’s, and his companion in all his sports and pastimes. He
-received many honours from the royal hands, and became successively
-Squire of the Body, King’s Standard-Bearer, Knight Banneret, Master
-of the Revels, Comptroller of the Household, and Master of the Horse.
-He remained in high favour with Henry, in spite of the enmity of
-Anne Boleyn, caused by his opposition to the divorce except after a
-papal sentence. He died in 1533, shortly after Holbein’s second
-arrival in England.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>This portrait, which is one of the finest of Holbein’s works now
-in the Royal Collection, is a dignified and lifelike representation, full
-of character, while the details of the rich and elaborate dress, and
-the sumptuous collar of the Garter, are painted with exquisite truth
-and care. The face has a peculiar yellow tint, concerning which
-Woltmann remarks: “It has been taken for granted that the head
-has been painted over; but such is not the case—on the contrary,
-it is in a remarkably good state of preservation. The colour must
-have been a peculiarity of the person portrayed. This may be
-inferred from its being indicated in a like manner in the drawing
-at Windsor Castle.”<a id='r709' /><a href='#f709' class='c021'><sup>[709]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Little is known of the history of the panel. In 1590 it, or a replica
-of it, was in the possession of Lord Lumley at Lumley Castle, together
-with the companion panel of Lady Guldeford, and it is described in
-the inventory as “Of Sir Henry Guilfourd, Coumptroller to K’. H’. 8,
-drawne by Haunce Holbyn.” It reappears, as noted above, in the
-seventeenth century in the Earl of Arundel’s Collection, while in the
-eighteenth more than one reference to it in contemporary literature
-shows that it was then in Kensington Palace.<a id='r710' /><a href='#f710' class='c021'><sup>[710]</sup></a> It was engraved in a
-small circle in Anstis’ <i>Order of the Garter</i>, 1724, in which his age
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_320'>320</span>is given as forty; by Vertue in 1726 for Knight’s <i>Life of Erasmus</i>,
-and again in 1791 by Schiavonetti, after a drawing by S. Harding,
-and described as “from an original picture by Holbein in the possession
-of Sir William Burrell”—that is, from the copy, possibly an
-almost contemporary one,<a id='r711' /><a href='#f711' class='c021'><sup>[711]</sup></a> which was destroyed in the Knepp Castle
-fire in January 1904, together with one of Lady Guldeford, and other
-replicas of well-known Holbein portraits.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 81.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-81a'  class='figcenter id099'>
-<img src='images/i320a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>JOHN FISHER<br />Bishop of Rochester<br /><i>Drawing in black and coloured chalks</i><br /><span class='sc'>Windsor Castle</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id='pl-81b'  class='figcenter id100'>
-<img src='images/i320b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY<br /><i>Drawing in black and coloured chalks</i><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 82.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-82a'  class='figcenter id099'>
-<img src='images/i320-2a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>UNKNOWN ENGLISHMAN<br />Bishop of Rochester<br /><i>Drawing in black and coloured chalks</i><br /><span class='sc'>Basil Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-<div id='pl-82b'  class='figcenter id100'>
-<img src='images/i320-2b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY<br /><i>Drawing in black and coloured chalks</i><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>The portrait of Lady Guldeford,<a id='r712' /><a href='#f712' class='c021'><sup>[712]</sup></a> lent by Mr. Frewen to the
-National Portrait Exhibition at South Kensington in 1868, and to
-the Royal Academy Winter Exhibition, 1880 (No. 171), was at Lumley
-Castle in 1590, and is entered in the inventory as “Of the La. Guilfourd,
-wife to Sir Harry Guilfourd, Coumptroller, drawne by Haunce
-Holbyn”; and at a later period was in the Duke of Buckingham’s
-Collection at Stowe. This once fine portrait has been much rubbed,
-repaired, and over-varnished, but according to Sir George Scharf and
-the late Mr. F. G. Stephens, its genuineness as a work of Holbein is
-unquestionable. This is proved, says the latter,<a id='r713' /><a href='#f713' class='c021'><sup>[713]</sup></a> “by the vigorous
-expression of the penetrating eyes of the lady, the still evident luminosity
-of the flesh, the imperiousness of the delicately cut nostrils, the
-exquisite execution of the details, and the energy imparted to the
-much injured hands. The fine painting of the sleeve of gold illustrates
-the practice of Holbein and his school in employing leaf gold
-to impart lustre to the fabric.... The best proof of the genuineness
-of ‘Lady Guildford’ is the exquisite execution of the branch of vine
-in the background, a feature which appears in several of Holbein’s
-paintings.... The Guildford portraits are both distinguished by the
-energy of the motives they exhibit, the precision, mastery, and complete
-softness of the modelling; this is the unfailing test of the genuineness
-of work ascribed to Holbein.... Another test is supplied by
-the flossy silk-like character of the hair and beards of the sitters whenever
-the works have, as in the ‘Reskimer,’ escaped restoration.”
-This portrait is now in the collection of Mr. W. C. Vanderbilt, New
-York; and there is a good early miniature copy of it in the possession
-of Mrs. Joseph,<a id='r714' /><a href='#f714' class='c021'><sup>[714]</sup></a> which in earlier days was said to represent
-Katherine of Aragon. That it is a portrait of Lady Guldeford, however,
-is proved by Hollar’s engraving,<a id='r715' /><a href='#f715' class='c021'><sup>[715]</sup></a> with which it is in close agreement.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_321'>321</span>There is a fine drawing of an English lady, in black and
-coloured chalks, in the Basel Collection (Pl. <a href='#pl-81b'>81</a> (2)),<a id='r716' /><a href='#f716' class='c021'><sup>[716]</sup></a> which appears to
-be a study for this portrait, though, if so, Holbein made several slight
-alterations when he came to paint the picture. It shows the six gold
-bands or chains which are looped across the lady’s breast and carried
-over the shoulders, and the head-dress is the same. There is a second
-study of a lady of Henry VIII’s Court at Basel (Pl. <a href='#pl-82b'>82</a> (2)),<a id='r717' /><a href='#f717' class='c021'><sup>[717]</sup></a> also
-in black and coloured chalks, which has considerable facial likeness
-to Lady Guldeford, though there are slight differences in the ornamentation
-of the angular head-dress and bodice. Two links of a heavy
-chain are drawn in detail on the breast. In the same collection there
-is a portrait drawing of this lady’s husband (Pl. <a href='#pl-82a'>82</a> (1)),<a id='r718' /><a href='#f718' class='c021'><sup>[718]</sup></a> which in turn
-bears a considerable resemblance to the Windsor head of Guldeford,
-while the dress, cap, and bushy hair over the ears are the same. It is
-possible that these two drawings represent Sir Henry and his wife.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>PORTRAIT OF WILLIAM WARHAM</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>One of the finest of the earlier drawings in the Windsor Collection
-is the magnificent head of William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury,<a id='r719' /><a href='#f719' class='c021'><sup>[719]</sup></a>
-which, though badly rubbed and damaged, remains a wonderful
-example of the truth and vividness of Holbein’s portraiture. It is on
-unprimed paper, 17 in. high by 12 in. wide. It was natural that the
-painter should turn to Warham for employment, not only through his
-close friendship with Sir Thomas More, but as the friend also and
-generous patron of Erasmus; and, no doubt, the artist carried with
-him from Basel a letter of recommendation from the latter, who also
-some little time before had sent his own portrait by Holbein as a gift
-to the Archbishop. Warham was seventy years old when Holbein
-painted him, and had long since retired from all active political life,
-having relinquished his post as Lord Chancellor to Wolsey in 1515.
-He still, however, retained his high ecclesiastical office, in spite of
-more than one indignity put upon him by the Cardinal. He was a
-leading representative of the older age then passing away, and his
-last days were far from happy ones.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>There are two versions of Holbein’s portrait of him, almost identical,
-and both based upon the Windsor drawing, one in Lambeth Palace<a id='r720' /><a href='#f720' class='c021'><sup>[720]</sup></a>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_322'>322</span>and the other in the Louvre (Pl. <a href='#pl-83'>83</a>).<a id='r721' /><a href='#f721' class='c021'><sup>[721]</sup></a> He is represented at
-half-length, seated, turned towards the left, his hands resting on a
-cushion covered with gold brocade. He is dressed in his episcopal
-robes, with a deep fur collar, and a black, closely-fitting cap. On the
-spectator’s right, on the table, is an open service book, and farther
-back on a shelf, behind the sitter’s left shoulder, are other books and
-his jewelled mitre; and to the left a magnificent crucifix of gold and
-jewels. The background consists of a curtain, which is yellowish brown
-in the Lambeth picture, and green in the Louvre version. The latter
-is the more brilliant and harmonious in colouring, and painted in a
-thicker impasto, the Lambeth example being greyer in tone and more
-dryly executed, and, perhaps, more carefully modelled. Both have
-suffered somewhat from the passage of time, more particularly in the
-face, but both are evidently from Holbein’s own hand, and are masterly
-studies of character, representing the wrinkled old man, saddened by
-adversities, and by the modern movements which he had not strength
-to stem, but always kindly and generous to all scholars and others who
-needed his help, and a sincere lover of learning. Both pictures have
-a cartel in the top right-hand corner with the inscription “Anno Dm̅̅.
-MDxxvij. Etatis sue <span class='fss'>LXX.</span>,” and round the base of the crucifix
-the words “<span class='fss'>AVXILIVM MEVM A DEO</span>” (My help is from God). In
-the execution of the numerous details of the ornaments, the jewels
-decorating the mitre, the patterns of the embroideries, the lettering,
-and particularly in the figure of Christ on the crucifix, the mastery
-of Holbein’s brush is everywhere in evidence. They are drawn with
-the utmost delicacy and truth, and while adding to the sumptuousness
-of the picture in no way detract the attention from the nobility
-and dignity of the portrait itself.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 83.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-83'  class='figcenter id101'>
-<img src='images/i322fp.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>WILLIAM WARHAM, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY<br />1527<br /><span class='sc'>Louvre, Paris</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>PORTRAITS OF WARHAM AND FISHER</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The Lambeth version is said to have been presented to Warham
-by Sir Thomas More or by Holbein himself, though there is no reason
-to suppose that it was not paid for in the usual way by the sitter.
-“It was lost during the civil wars, but was recovered again, as was
-supposed, by Sir William Dugdale, who restored it to Lambeth in the
-time of Archbishop Sancroft.”<a id='r722' /><a href='#f722' class='c021'><sup>[722]</sup></a> Walpole states that “Archbishop
-Parker entailed this, and another of Erasmus, on his successors;
-they were stolen in the civil war, but Juxon repurchased the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_323'>323</span>former.”<a id='r723' /><a href='#f723' class='c021'><sup>[723]</sup></a> The “Erasmus,” which did not return to its original resting-place,
-was, no doubt, the one by Holbein sent over by the sitter as a
-present to Warham. The same writer says that the “Warham” was
-at one time in De Loo’s collection, and was afterwards in the possession
-of Sir Walter Cope, who had several works by Holbein, which passed
-by marriage to the Earl of Holland. The history of the Louvre
-portrait is not known, but it belonged at one time to the Newton
-family, and later on to Louis XIV. It is possible that it was painted
-for Erasmus, and that it is the version which belonged to the Earl of
-Arundel, which is entered in the 1655 inventory as “Warramus
-Vescovo de Canterbury.” The Louvre picture, which is the larger of
-the two, is considered by some critics to be the original painting, the
-Lambeth version being a replica from Holbein’s brush; others hold
-that the latter is the original and the better work of the two, but
-the point is not easy of solution unless the two pictures could be
-exhibited side by side. There are two other versions of the portrait
-at Lambeth Palace, but both are inferior copies. A panel of far
-higher qualities was lent by Viscount Dillon to the Tudor Exhibition,
-1890 (No. 107),<a id='r724' /><a href='#f724' class='c021'><sup>[724]</sup></a> and to the Oxford Exhibition, 1904 (No. 21).<a id='r725' /><a href='#f725' class='c021'><sup>[725]</sup></a> This
-picture, which is an almost exact replica of the Louvre and Lambeth
-examples, has considerable claims to be considered an original work
-which has suffered, more particularly in the face and hands, from
-repainting. It has a beautifully rich golden tone, and certain of the
-details, more particularly the little gilded figure of Christ on the
-crucifix, are drawn with too great a mastery to be from the hand of
-any copyist. The writing on the cartellino in the background is also
-fine and full of character, very unlike the work of an imitator. Some
-lack of strength in the handling and characterisation of face and
-hands may, however, point to a good, contemporary worker. Evelyn,
-in his <i>Diary</i>, 1664, mentions this portrait at Ditchley as a head of
-a Pope.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Another high ecclesiastic, and friend of Erasmus and More, John
-Fisher, Bishop of Rochester, was painted by Holbein during his first
-visit to England, probably at about the same time as Warham. Unfortunately
-the picture itself is missing, but three preliminary drawings
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_324'>324</span>for it are in existence, one at Windsor (Pl. <a href='#pl-81a'>81</a> (1)), a second in the
-British Museum, and the third until recently in the possession of
-Mr. J. P. Heseltine. The first,<a id='r726' /><a href='#f726' class='c021'><sup>[726]</sup></a> in black and coloured chalks, is,
-perhaps, the finest, the somewhat hard, ascetic character of the face
-being rendered with extraordinary expression with a few bold and
-forceful touches. The lines of the body and dress are merely indicated in
-outline. He is wearing the close-fitting black doctor’s cap, and the face,
-almost in full, is turned slightly to the spectator’s left. At the bottom
-of the study is the inscription, “Il Epyscop<sup>o</sup> de resester fo tagliato il
-Cap<sup>o</sup> l’an<sup>o</sup> 1535” (The Bishop of Rochester beheaded in 1535), which
-seems to indicate that the drawing was once in the possession of some
-Italian. The drawing in the British Museum<a id='r727' /><a href='#f727' class='c021'><sup>[727]</sup></a> is more carefully finished,
-and was probably made from the Windsor sketch. It was once in the
-Richardson Collection, and was bequeathed to the Museum by the
-Rev. C. M. Cracherode. It has no inscription. The powerful drawing
-which formed part of the Heseltine collection, dispersed in 1912, is
-on a reddish ground.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In this drawing Holbein has accomplished, with the simplest means,
-one of his finest and most subtle studies of character. The pale face,
-and thin, determined lips, with a faint, scornful smile upon them, and
-the brightness of the eyes, still undimmed in spite of his age, fully
-express the character of one who was ever ready to do battle for his
-opinions, and to die rather than betray his convictions. Mingled
-with this obstinacy the painter has expressed that kindliness towards
-all who came in contact with him, which Erasmus extolled so highly,
-and that personal purity of life which, together with his profound
-learning, formed one of his most striking characteristics. Froude says
-of him: “Fisher was the only one of the prelates for whom it is
-possible to feel esteem. He was weak, superstitious, pedantic, and
-even cruel towards the Protestants. But he was a sincere man, living
-in honest fear of evil, so far as he understood what evil was, and he
-could rise above the menaces of temporal suffering under which his
-brethren of the episcopal bench sank so rapidly into humility and
-subjection.”<a id='r728' /><a href='#f728' class='c021'><sup>[728]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>As stated above, the portrait which Holbein must evidently have
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_325'>325</span>painted from this preliminary study has disappeared. The picture
-in St. John’s College, Cambridge, which was lent to the Tudor Exhibition
-in 1890 (No. 138), was ascribed to Holbein in the catalogue,
-but is not by him, though it may be a copy of the lost original. He
-is shown with a staff in one hand and a glove in the other, and it is
-inscribed “A<sup>o</sup> Ætatis 74,” which, as Fisher was born in 1456, would
-date the panel 1528. Dallaway, in his annotations to Walpole, notes
-another version at Didlington, Norfolk.<a id='r729' /><a href='#f729' class='c021'><sup>[729]</sup></a> There was a second portrait
-of Fisher in the Tudor Exhibition (No. 61), lent by the Hon. H.
-Tyrwhitt Wilson, a half-length, holding a prayer book in both hands.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>PORTRAIT OF THE GODSALVES</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Only two paintings by Holbein are known with the date 1528—the
-double portrait in the Dresden Gallery and the “Kratzer” in the
-Louvre. The former,<a id='r730' /><a href='#f730' class='c021'><sup>[730]</sup></a> a small square panel (Pl. <a href='#pl-84'>84</a>), represents
-Thomas Godsalve, of Norwich, and his son John, afterwards knighted.
-The figures, considerably less than life-size, are shown to the waist,
-seated at a table, turned slightly to the spectator’s right. The father,
-a ruddy-faced old man, dressed in the usual black cap and dark overcoat
-or robe with a heavy fur collar, holds a quill pen, with both hands
-resting on a sheet of paper in front of him, on which he has just written:
-“Thomas Godsalve de Norwico Etatis sue anno quadragesimo septo.”
-The son, dressed in a similar costume, is seated on the spectator’s left,
-a little behind his father. He wears no cap upon his dark hair, which,
-like the older man’s, is long, hiding the ears, and cut straight across
-the forehead. In his left hand, partly concealed in the folds of his
-cloak, he holds a paper. Both men are clean shaven, and wear white
-shirts, that of the son being decorated round the neck with black
-Spanish work. An inkpot is on the table, and in the left upper corner,
-above Sir John’s head, a cartellino is affixed to the plain background
-bearing the date—“Anno Dm. M. D. xxviij.” The picture is a fine
-example of Holbein’s work at this period, and is in an excellent state
-of preservation.<a id='r731' /><a href='#f731' class='c021'><sup>[731]</sup></a> There is no drawing of Thomas Godsalve among
-the Windsor studies, but of the son there is an exceptionally fine one
-(Pl. <a href='#pl-85'>85</a>).<a id='r732' /><a href='#f732' class='c021'><sup>[732]</sup></a> It is carried out in body-colours, and is much further advanced
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_326'>326</span>than the other drawings in the collection, and, though somewhat
-rubbed, is a most masterly example of Holbein’s veracity of portraiture.
-It cannot be regarded, however, with certainty, as a preliminary study
-for the Dresden picture for two reasons. In the first place, the sitter
-appears to be several years older than in that picture, and although the
-figure is seated and the position of the body is much the same, the poise
-of the head is different, and the face is turned more directly towards
-the spectator, while the hands, holding a sheet of paper, rest on a table
-or rail in front of him; and in the second place, it is practically a
-finished drawing, and is perhaps an example of Holbein’s occasional
-practice of preparing his portraits on paper or parchment, which he
-afterwards fastened to the panel before giving them the final touches.
-He wears a coat of violet open in front and showing the white shirt,
-and over it a black gown trimmed with yellow sable, and a black cap
-with a circular badge, of which the design is not indicated. The hair
-and eyebrows are finished with a hair pencil. The background is a
-plain one of azure blue. He has a thin face, a large and sharp nose,
-and blue eyes, with a scanty growth of beard on his shaven chin. He
-gazes at the spectator with a serious, thoughtful expression; in which
-Woltmann saw something puritanical, no doubt because Godsalve, as
-he notes, presented the King with a New Testament as a New Year’s
-gift in 1539.<a id='r733' /><a href='#f733' class='c021'><sup>[733]</sup></a> In the following year he gave a perfumed box. Blomefield<a id='r734' /><a href='#f734' class='c021'><sup>[734]</sup></a>
-mentions this drawing as being in his time in the Closet at
-Kensington Palace. There is a miniature of Godsalve in the Bodleian
-Library.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 84.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-84'  class='figcenter id102'>
-<img src='images/i326.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>THOMAS AND JOHN GODSALVE<br />1528<br /><span class='sc'>Royal Picture Gallery, Dresden</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 85.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-85'  class='figcenter id103'>
-<img src='images/i326fp-2.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>SIR JOHN GODSALVE<br />Drawing in black and coloured chalks and water-colour.<br />Reproduced by gracious permission of H.M. the King.<br /><i>Windsor Castle</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>The father, Thomas Godsalve, who died in 1542, was registrar of
-the consistory court at Norwich, and the owner of landed property
-in Norfolk. He was an intimate friend of Thomas Cromwell. In a
-letter to the latter, dated Norwich, November 6, 1531, after thanking
-Cromwell for kindnesses shown to his son, he says: “I send you half
-a dozen swans of my wife’s feeding”;<a id='r735' /><a href='#f735' class='c021'><sup>[735]</sup></a> and a year or two later he
-sends “six swans and a maund with pears of my own grafting.”<a id='r736' /><a href='#f736' class='c021'><sup>[736]</sup></a>
-The son, John Godsalve, who died in 1556, became Clerk of the Signet
-to Henry VIII, and was present at the siege of Boulogne. He was
-knighted at the coronation of Edward VI, and a year or two later
-was made Comptroller of the Mint. Various letters from him are
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_327'>327</span>included in the Calendars of State Papers. In one of them (1533),
-addressed to Eustace, clerk of the works at Hampton Court, he appears
-in the character of a “snapper-up of unconsidered trifles.” “Send
-me,” he writes, “as many golden balls as you can conveniently procure,
-and such fanes (vanes?) and other things at your pleasure. Help
-the bearer into the spicery to have an antique which I left there; of
-which he has the key. Send me also the head under the stair, and
-whatsoever other things your gentle heart can lovingly depart from.”<a id='r737' /><a href='#f737' class='c021'><sup>[737]</sup></a>
-John Godsalve had some connection with the Steelyard, a number of
-whose merchants were painted by Holbein, for in November 1532,
-he and one William Blakenhall received a grant in survivorship of
-the office of common meter of all cloths of gold and silver tissue,
-“tynsett,” satin, damask, and other cloths and canvas of aliens and
-others called “foreyns,” <i>alias</i> “le Stilliarde,” in the city of London,
-with the usual fees, &amp;c.<a id='r738' /><a href='#f738' class='c021'><sup>[738]</sup></a> He also obtained a small share of the plunder
-from the monasteries, and, in July 1534, an annuity of £8 “to him
-and his heirs for ever out of the issues of the manor of Stokesly, in
-Rydham, Norfolk, in the King’s hands by the attainder of Thomas,
-cardinal of York.”<a id='r739' /><a href='#f739' class='c021'><sup>[739]</sup></a> In 1535 he received the offices of Constable and
-Keeper of the Castle and Gaol of Norwich, succeeding Sir Henry Wyat
-and Sir Thomas Boleyn in the posts.<a id='r740' /><a href='#f740' class='c021'><sup>[740]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The portrait of Niklaus Kratzer,<a id='r741' /><a href='#f741' class='c021'><sup>[741]</sup></a> of Munich, Henry’s German
-astronomer, in the Louvre (Pl. <a href='#pl-86'>86</a>), is a half-length figure placed behind
-a table, which is covered with the instruments of his profession. He
-wears the usual flat black cap, and a black coat or doublet open at
-the neck, showing a glimpse of a red under-garment and white shirt,
-and over all the prevailing dark overcoat or gown with fur collar.
-In his right hand he holds a pair of compasses or dividers, and in his
-left a decagonal sundial, like the one shown in the “Ambassadors”
-picture. Behind him on the right various mathematical and astronomical
-instruments are hanging on the wall, and others, including a
-cylindrical sundial and an astrolabe, are placed on a shelf on the left.
-Among the numerous objects on the table are scales and rulers, scissors,
-and his seal, together with a sheet of paper with a Latin inscription
-giving his name, his age, forty-one, and the date 1528. Part of this
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_328'>328</span>inscription is confused and injured, and Holbein’s Latin was not of
-the best. The Louvre catalogue gives the reading as: “Imago ad
-vivam effigiem expressa Nicolai Kratzeri monacenssis q. (qui) bauarg.
-(bavarus) erat quadragessimū ... annū tpr̃e (tempore) ilio gplebat
-(complebat) 1528.” The illegible word after “quadragessimū” is
-given as “primo” in the replica mentioned below. The light falls
-from the right on his face, which, though rather heavy in features,
-is an interesting one, with an indication of humour about the eyes
-and mouth, which is in accord with a contemporary description of
-him in one of the letters of Nicolas Bourbon, the poet, another of
-Holbein’s friends. The numerous instruments and accessories are
-depicted with all the truth and loving care in which Holbein delighted.
-Carel van Mander, who saw the picture in London when in the possession
-of Andries de Loo, and speaks of it as “een feer goedt Conterfeytsel
-en meesterlijck ghedan,” calls particular attention to the beauty
-with which the instruments are delineated. Kratzer was the hero of
-the story told by the same writer. When asked by King Henry why
-he spoke English so badly, he replied, “Pardon, your Majesty, but
-how can a man learn English in thirty years?”</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Little is known about the history of the picture, which has suffered
-somewhat severely from the passage of time. As noted, it was once
-in the possession of De Loo, together with the Warham, the Thomas
-Cromwell, one of the versions of Erasmus, and the More family group.<a id='r742' /><a href='#f742' class='c021'><sup>[742]</sup></a>
-According to Wornum,<a id='r743' /><a href='#f743' class='c021'><sup>[743]</sup></a> it was formerly at Holland House;<a id='r744' /><a href='#f744' class='c021'><sup>[744]</sup></a> and
-Walpole states, erroneously, that there is a drawing for it among the
-Windsor heads.<a id='r745' /><a href='#f745' class='c021'><sup>[745]</sup></a> A replica or good contemporary copy was lent by
-Viscount Galway to the Tudor Exhibition, 1890 (No. 129), in which
-the inscription and date tally with the Louvre example. A miniature
-of Kratzer, in the late Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan’s collection, is described
-in Chapter XXV.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 86.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-86'  class='figcenter id070'>
-<img src='images/i328fp.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>NIKLAUS KRATZER<br />1528<br /><span class='sc'>Louvre, Paris</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>Kratzer, born in Munich, was educated at Cologne and Wittemberg.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_329'>329</span>He came to England as a young man, and in 1517 was admitted
-a fellow of Fox’s new College of Corpus Christi, Oxford. Later on
-Wolsey gave him the post of lecturer on astronomy and mathematics
-at Oxford, and Henry VIII appointed him his astronomer, with a
-salary of £20 per annum. While at Oxford he designed two sun-dials,
-one in Corpus Christi garden, and the other on a pillar in St. Mary’s
-Church, the latter remaining in position until 1744. He died about
-1550, and many of his works fell into the hands of the notorious
-Dr. Lee. Albrecht Dürer, during his visit to the Netherlands in 1520,
-made a drawing of Kratzer, as well as one of Erasmus. He notes in
-his diary: “In Antwerp I took the portrait of Master Nicolas, an
-astronomer, who resides with the King in England; he was very
-useful to me; he is a German, a native of Munich.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>NIKLAUS KRATZER AND HOLBEIN</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Kratzer and Holbein appear to have become close acquaintances,
-as was only natural with two men of the same nationality in a foreign
-country. One of the few contemporary letters in which the painter
-is mentioned by name is one from Kratzer to Thomas Cromwell,
-referred to more particularly in a later chapter,<a id='r746' /><a href='#f746' class='c021'><sup>[746]</sup></a> in which the astronomer
-announces that he has sent the Lord Privy Seal by Holbein’s
-hands a book just received from Germany. Like the Steelyard merchants,
-Kratzer was in the habit of serving the King as a forwarder
-and translator of letters and papers from abroad, and was sent on
-occasional journeys to the Continent on royal service. On one of these
-occasions, in October 1520, Tunstall, who was in the Netherlands for
-political purposes, wrote to Henry VIII saying that in Antwerp he
-had met “Nicholas Craczer, an Almayn, deviser of the King’s horologes,
-who said the King had given him leave to be absent for a time.”
-Tunstall asked him to stay till he had ascertained if the King would
-allow him to remain until the coronation and the assembly of the
-Electors were over. “Being born in High Almayn, and having
-acquaintance of many of the princes, he might be able to find out
-the mind of the Electors touching the affairs of the Empire.”<a id='r747' /><a href='#f747' class='c021'><sup>[747]</sup></a> Like
-Holbein and some of the other foreigners in England, Kratzer was
-not averse from an occasional commercial speculation. Thus, in October
-1527, he received licence to import from Bordeaux and other parts
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_330'>330</span>of France and Brittany 300 tons of Toulouse woad and Gascon wine.<a id='r748' /><a href='#f748' class='c021'><sup>[748]</sup></a>
-His name, spelt in a variety of fashions, frequently appears in the
-royal accounts, but as a rule only in connection with the payment of
-his quarter’s salary. On April 29, 1531, however, there is an entry:
-“To Nicholas the Astronomer for mending of a clock, 6<i>s.</i>”<a id='r749' /><a href='#f749' class='c021'><sup>[749]</sup></a> Some
-of the mathematical and astronomical instruments in the “Ambassadors”
-picture may possibly have been of Kratzer’s making.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Several undated portraits may be ascribed to this period with
-some certainty; and some others with perhaps less confidence. As
-a general rule, though it is not without exceptions, Holbein’s portraits
-of his first English period may be distinguished from those of his
-second by the fashion in which the sitters wear their hair. In 1526-8
-the prevailing custom in England was to wear it cropped straight
-across the forehead, while it was allowed to hang down lower than the
-ears all round the rest of the head, the face being clean shaven. A
-very distinct change of fashion took place in the spring of 1535, when
-Henry VIII began to grow a beard, and ordered his own household
-to cut their hair. Stow, in his <i>Annales</i>,<a id='r750' /><a href='#f750' class='c021'><sup>[750]</sup></a> says: “The 8th of May the
-King commanded all about his court to poll their heads, and to give
-them example, he caused his own head to bee polled, and from thenceforth
-his beard to bee notted and no more shaven.” This marked
-change in the dressing of the hair was, of course, not followed by
-everyone, but it became so general that it is of great assistance in
-helping to give approximate dates to a number of pictures and drawings.
-Of the two, the cut of the hair is a better indication of date than the
-beard or moustache, which were worn more at pleasure. Occasionally
-long hair is found in conjunction with the beard, and in other cases
-some men remained faithful to the earlier fashion. Thus Sir Richard
-Southwell (1536) and the Duke of Norfolk (1540) are examples of
-long hair and a shaven face after 1535. Some of the German merchants
-resident in London conformed to the English fashion, but certain
-of them will be found with beards before 1535, while others again,
-painted several years later, are clean shaven. It must not be forgotten,
-however, that Holbein had returned to England nearly three
-years before the King’s edict of 1535, so that certain portraits which
-have been usually ascribed to his first English period on account of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_331'>331</span>the cut of the sitter’s hair, may very possibly have been painted five
-or six years later.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>PORTRAIT OF SIR BRYAN TUKE</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The portrait of Sir Bryan Tuke, of which several versions exist, the
-best known being the one in the Munich Gallery (Pl. <a href='#pl-87'>87</a>),<a id='r751' /><a href='#f751' class='c021'><sup>[751]</sup></a> is ascribed
-by some writers to Holbein’s later English period, though the shaven
-face and the way in which the hair is worn indicate the earlier date
-of the first London visit. This test is not, of course, infallible, but
-it seems probable, nevertheless, that Tuke was painted in 1527 or
-1528. The date of his birth is not known, but he received his first
-public appointment, as king’s bailiff at Sandwich, in 1508, and became
-Clerk to the Signet in the following year. On more than one of the
-replicas of the portrait his age is given as fifty-seven.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Tuke was a scholar, and one of the More circle, secretary to Cardinal
-Wolsey, and French secretary to Henry VIII, and as Treasurer of the
-Household was responsible for the payments to Holbein for his share
-in the work of the Greenwich Banqueting House, and, later on, of
-his salary. He was also Clerk of the Parliament and Master of the
-Posts. He is represented in the Munich version at half-length, three-quarters
-to the left, with clean-shaven face and long hair, wearing a
-black cap with ear-pieces, a gown of black silk, lined with brown fur,
-and a fur collar, over a black doublet also fur-lined and fastened with
-a gold button, and sleeves of fine chequered black and gold stuff. A
-gold jewelled cross, on which the pierced hands and feet of Christ are
-represented in enamel, is suspended round his neck by a gold chain.
-With the forefinger of his left hand, which holds his gloves, he indicates
-a paper in front of him, inscribed “<span class='sc'>Nvnqvid non pavcitas diervm
-meorvm finietvr brevi</span>,” and, in smaller letters, “<span class='sc'>Job</span> cap. 10.”
-An hour-glass rests on the table behind the paper, in front of his right
-hand. In the background the figure of Death is seen against a green
-curtain, holding his scythe in his left hand and with the first finger of
-the right pointing to the hour-glass. It is signed “<span class='sc'>Io. Holpain</span>” in
-the old Augsburg orthography. From overcleaning and other causes
-the hands and face have lost much of the delicacy of their modelling,
-and the flesh tints remain unpleasantly red, and the face has a
-hardness and sharpness which, no doubt, it did not originally
-possess. Mr. Wornum, who, however, only saw the picture when it
-was hung too high for proper examination, considered it to be
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_332'>332</span>“painted in the taste and manner of Von Melem.” “This picture,”
-he says, “is not a bad one, but the signature is suspicious, as
-that of our painter; and the style does not proclaim it to be the
-work of Holbein.”<a id='r752' /><a href='#f752' class='c021'><sup>[752]</sup></a> Woltmann, on the other hand, says that it
-“declares itself as strikingly as possible to be the work of Holbein,
-and it is one of the two genuine paintings among the eight portraits
-ascribed to him in the Pinakothek,” and adds that though so greatly
-damaged, “yet still from its truth and lifelike feeling, as well as from
-its masterly execution, it is an excellent portrait.” The picture, however,
-is now regarded merely as a good workshop replica of the original
-painting, and is so described in the latest edition of the Munich
-catalogue. It appears to have been in the Wittelsbach Collection in
-1597, and in the description of it in the inventory of that date, the
-figure of Death is not mentioned, and was probably added later.<a id='r753' /><a href='#f753' class='c021'><sup>[753]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 87.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-87'  class='figcenter id104'>
-<img src='images/i332.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>SIR BRYAN TUKE<br /><span class='sc'>Alte Pinakothek, Munich</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>The best version of this picture is the one which at one time was
-in the possession of the Methuen family at Corsham Court, Wilts, and
-afterwards belonged to Mr. R. Sanderson, at whose sale at Christie’s
-in 1848 it was purchased for the Marquis of Westminster.<a id='r754' /><a href='#f754' class='c021'><sup>[754]</sup></a> It was
-bequeathed by the Marchioness of Westminster to her daughter, Lady
-Theodora Guest, and now belongs to the latter’s daughter, Miss Guest,
-of Inwood. It was in the National Portrait Exhibition, 1868 (No. 625),
-in the Royal Academy Winter Exhibition, 1880 (No. 188), and in the
-Burlington Fine Arts Club Exhibition, 1909 (No. 43), lent by Miss
-Guest.<a id='r755' /><a href='#f755' class='c021'><sup>[755]</sup></a> This version is almost identical with the one in Munich, but
-the skeleton and hour-glass are missing, and on the green-brown background
-is inscribed “<span class='sc'>Brianvs Tvke, miles. an<sup>o</sup> etatis svæ lvii</span>,”
-with his motto, “Droit et Avant,” below. It is in all ways a finer
-work than the Munich example, and undoubtedly by Holbein, and, in
-all probability, the original upon which all the others were based.
-At least three other versions exist, all without the skeleton. One of
-them, on canvas, was in the possession of Mr. William M. Tuke, of
-Saffron Walden, in 1869, who purchased it in Yorkshire in 1845, it
-having been formerly in the collection of a Mr. Winstanley. Another
-is, or was, in the possession of Mr. John Leslie Toke of Godington
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_333'>333</span>Park, Kent, which is said to have been in expression and features
-more of the type of Sir Thomas More; while a third belonged, in
-1870, to Mr. J. R. Haig.<a id='r756' /><a href='#f756' class='c021'><sup>[756]</sup></a> One or other of these versions was
-owned in the seventeenth century by Lord Lisle, son of the Earl
-of Leicester, as noted by Evelyn in his <i>Diary</i> under the date 27th
-August 1678.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>PORTRAIT OF RESKIMER</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The portrait of the Cornishman, Reskimer,<a id='r757' /><a href='#f757' class='c021'><sup>[757]</sup></a> at Hampton Court,
-has been ascribed by most critics to Holbein’s first English period,
-and so is included in this chapter, although the exceptionally long
-beard, which reaches almost to his waist, and the hair, which, though
-not polled, is short enough to show the ears, would indicate a date
-after 1535. It has suffered somewhat in the course of time, but in
-its technique it resembles Holbein’s work at the beginning of his
-second English period, and so was probably painted at about that
-time. There is a fine drawing for it in the Windsor Collection,<a id='r758' /><a href='#f758' class='c021'><sup>[758]</sup></a> which
-is inscribed, “Reskemeer a Cornish Gent.,” in which the hair and
-beard are carefully wrought. This study appears to be among the
-earlier drawings in the collection.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>“The portrait,” says Mr. Law, “represents a youngish man, not
-more than twenty-eight, we should say, seen in a nearly complete
-profile, turned to the left, the light coming in from the right. He is
-dressed in a plain, dark-coloured coat or mantle; with the small white
-collar of his shirt showing, the two strings of which hang down untied.
-His two hands, which are drawn and painted with all Holbein’s strength
-and precision, are both seen, the knuckles of the left being turned
-frontwards to the spectator, and the palm of the right upwards, with
-the fingers just touching the end of his beard. He wears a flat black
-cap slantwise over the right side of his head. His hair is red, as is
-also his long peaked beard. The background is a bluish green, with
-a sprig of vine.” Some such branch of vine or fig frequently appears
-in the backgrounds of Holbein’s earlier portraits. It is on wood, or,
-possibly, according to Mr. Wornum,<a id='r759' /><a href='#f759' class='c021'><sup>[759]</sup></a> on paper or parchment attached
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_334'>334</span>to oak, 1 ft. 6½ in. high by 1 ft. 1½ in. wide. The brand of Charles I—“C.R.”
-crowned—is on the back of the panel.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Nothing of its history is known, except that it was in Charles I’s
-collection, and is described in his catalogue, page 8, as follows: “A
-side-faced gentleman out of Cornwall, in his black cap, painted with a
-long peaked beard, holding both his hands before him; some parts
-of a landskip. Being less than life, upon a defaced cracked board,
-painted upon the wrong light. Done by Holbein, given to the King
-by the deceased Sir Rob. Killigrew, Vice-Chamberlain to the Queen’s
-Majesty.” Mr. Law suggests, no doubt correctly, that it was said
-to be “a gentleman out of Cornwall” in the catalogue on the
-authority of the inscription on the Windsor drawing.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The name is spelt in many ways in the records—Reskemeer,
-Reskimear, Rekymar, Reshemer, Reskemyr, Reskimer, and so on.
-The portrait is usually considered to represent John Reskimer, of
-Marthyn or Murthyn, though there is no authority for this except
-the fact that a John Reskimer was living at about this time. Among
-the various references to men of this family in the State Papers,
-Reskimers of more than one Christian name appear. A Mr. Reskemar
-is mentioned in 1527 as belonging to Wolsey’s household, and in 1532
-the name of John Reskymer, son and heir of John Reskymer, occurs
-in connection with a grant of land in Cornwall.<a id='r760' /><a href='#f760' class='c021'><sup>[760]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The John Reskemeer or Reskimer whose portrait this is said to
-be was the son of William Reskemeer, fourteenth in descent from the
-first of that name who settled in Cornwall, and Elizabeth, daughter
-of Sir John Arundel of Telverne. By his wife Catherine, daughter of
-John Trethurff, he had several children, his son William succeeding
-him;<a id='r761' /><a href='#f761' class='c021'><sup>[761]</sup></a> though, according to a pencil note in the copy in the British
-Museum of John Chamberlaine’s “Imitations of Holbein’s Drawings,”
-he married Jane, one of the daughters of Robert, natural son of Henry,
-Lord Holland, the last Duke of Exeter. He was High Sheriff of
-Cornwall in 1557, and his seat, Marthyn, was one of the eight parks
-in that county in 1602.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>There is a fine portrait in the Prado, Madrid, representing an
-elderly Englishman of extremely plain features and with an exceptionally
-large nose,<a id='r762' /><a href='#f762' class='c021'><sup>[762]</sup></a> which Woltmann, who first drew attention to it,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_335'>335</span>regarded as a genuine work of Holbein’s first English period. His
-clean-shaven face with its many heavy wrinkles is of a very ruddy
-brown colour. His small black cap has long ear-pieces, and he wears
-the customary dark cloak or overcoat, with a collar of black embroidered
-or watered silk, open at the top, and looped together with
-a cord, showing the white shirt below, cut straight without a collar of
-any kind. It is a half-length, almost full face, the head and eyes
-turned slightly to the left. He holds a rolled-up paper in his left
-hand. It bears the stamp of truth in every line of the rugged countenance.
-Modern criticism, however, refuses to accept it as a work
-from Holbein’s brush. Dr. Bode and other German writers consider
-it to be by the Master of the “Death of Mary.”</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>PORTRAIT OF SIR HENRY WYAT</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>A small portrait of undoubted genuineness, although badly over-painted,
-and belonging to the first English period, is the likeness of
-Sir Henry Wyat in the Louvre (Pl. <a href='#pl-88'>88</a>),<a id='r763' /><a href='#f763' class='c021'><sup>[763]</sup></a> which for many years was known
-as a portrait of Sir Thomas More. According to Mr. Lionel Cust,<a id='r764' /><a href='#f764' class='c021'><sup>[764]</sup></a>
-this panel is in all probability the same as the portrait of “Cavaglier
-Wyat,” painted in 1527, by Holbein, which was in the possession of
-Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel, and among those pictures which,
-after his widow’s death at Amsterdam in 1654, were disposed of by
-her son, Viscount Stafford, to M. Jabach of Cologne, from whom they
-were purchased by Colbert for the collection of Louis XIV, and so
-came into the Louvre. Several copies of it exist. There is an excellent
-replica in the National Gallery of Ireland<a id='r765' /><a href='#f765' class='c021'><sup>[765]</sup></a> (No. 370), which was
-acquired at the sale of the Magniac Collection in 1892; while a copy
-of it belongs to Constance, Countess of Romney, with which goes a
-picture of Wyat’s famous cat, which picture, according to Sir Martin
-Conway,<a id='r766' /><a href='#f766' class='c021'><sup>[766]</sup></a> may likewise represent an original by Holbein. A somewhat
-later, probably seventeenth-century, picture belonging to Lady
-Romney, is made up out of a combination of the two—master and
-cat—with a background of prison wall and window.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In the Louvre picture Sir Henry is represented at half-length,
-slightly turned to the right, wearing a black skull-cap over his long
-hair, and the customary overcoat with deep fur collar, and green
-under-sleeves; from his shoulders hangs a large heavy gold chain, to
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_336'>336</span>which a gold cross is attached, which he grasps with his right hand,
-and holds a folded paper in his left. He is clean-shaven, and has a
-large rounded nose. The wrinkled face, the small tremulous mouth,
-and the tired eyes with the sadness of their expression, produce a very
-lifelike effect of old age. The chain is put on with real gold, in a
-way which Holbein practised from time to time in England. Although
-it has suffered severely, it seems to be an undoubted example of the
-first English period. It is about 15½ in. high by 12 in. wide. Woltmann
-saw a copy of it in London in the Robinson Collection, probably
-the one now in Dublin, and he speaks both of it and of the one belonging
-to Lady Romney as of high artistic merit.<a id='r767' /><a href='#f767' class='c021'><sup>[767]</sup></a> Sir Henry Wyat, of
-Allington Castle, Kent, who had served Henry VII, was appointed as
-a member of the Privy Council by Henry VIII on his accession to the
-throne. He died in 1537. Holbein probably became acquainted with
-him when at work on the Greenwich Banqueting House.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 88.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-88'  class='figcenter id105'>
-<img src='images/i336fp.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>SIR HENRY WYAT<br /><span class='sc'>Louvre, Paris</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 89.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-89'  class='figcenter id059'>
-<img src='images/i336-2.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>SIR THOMAS ELYOT<br /><i>Drawing in black and coloured chalks</i><br /><span class='sc'>Windsor Castle</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>HIS EARLIER ENGLISH PORTRAITS</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>In addition to these undated portraits, there are several studies for
-paintings now lost which it is the custom, both from the style of
-drawing and the fashion of hair and dress, to attribute to this earlier
-period. The truly magnificent head of an unknown man at Chatsworth,
-and the almost equally fine drawing of Sir Thomas Elyot (Pl. <a href='#pl-89'>89</a>),<a id='r768' /><a href='#f768' class='c021'><sup>[768]</sup></a>
-author of the “Boke called the Governour,” and friend of More, and
-that of his wife, Lady Elyot,<a id='r769' /><a href='#f769' class='c021'><sup>[769]</sup></a> among the Windsor heads, have thus
-been ascribed to 1527-8; but in these three cases the draughtsmanship
-is so extraordinarily true and delicate, and at the same time so strong
-and so full of character in every touch, that one is inclined to place
-them some six or seven years later as work of the first years of Holbein’s
-second English period. The Chatsworth drawing<a id='r770' /><a href='#f770' class='c021'><sup>[770]</sup></a> is outlined in black
-with the point of the brush on flesh-coloured paper, with a spot of
-red here and there. “It would be useless to dilate upon the qualities
-of this masterpiece,” says Mr. S. Arthur Strong, “in which Holbein
-seems to touch the highest point attainable by human faculty within
-the chosen limits. By the side of such work as this, Leonardo da
-Vinci himself would appear conventional, almost effeminate.”<a id='r771' /><a href='#f771' class='c021'><sup>[771]</sup></a> This
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_337'>337</span>praise is by no means excessive, as the drawing is wonderful in its
-truth, its combination of delicacy and strength, and its beauty. There
-is a second head of an unknown man by Holbein at Chatsworth,<a id='r772' /><a href='#f772' class='c021'><sup>[772]</sup></a> of a
-later date, and in no ways as fine as the earlier one. It is in black
-chalk with a wash of red, and it has been dashed in with rapid, vigorous
-strokes, though with little of the subtlety of the first.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>With the exception of several doubtful examples, such as the
-Dr. John Stokesley, Bishop of London,<a id='r773' /><a href='#f773' class='c021'><sup>[773]</sup></a> in Windsor Castle, which,
-though a work of high quality, has characteristic features in the
-painting which preclude its attribution to Holbein, the above-mentioned
-pictures constitute the tale of the painter’s achievement in
-England during his first visit, which lasted only some twenty months
-or so. During that time, however, he not only spent a couple of
-months or more over the decoration of the Greenwich Banqueting
-House, and made numerous studies for the big More Family Group,
-and carried that picture itself some way towards completion, but also
-painted portraits of Sir Thomas and Lady More, Archbishop Warham,
-Sir Henry and Lady Guldeford, Thomas and John Godsalve, Niklaus
-Kratzer, Sir Henry Wyat, and Sir Bryan Tuke, so that his output
-was a considerable one.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In addition to these, there is the portrait of Reskimer, and possibly
-others of Margaret Roper, Sir Thomas and Lady Elyot, and Sir Nicholas
-Carew,<a id='r774' /><a href='#f774' class='c021'><sup>[774]</sup></a> while it is almost certain that he also painted one of Bishop
-Fisher, although the drawing for it is now the only record which
-remains. This list, which includes fourteen or more portraits, shows
-that Holbein, in spite of lack of official recognition from the King,
-received sufficient patronage from the More circle and the Court to
-keep him very busily and remuneratively occupied.</p>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_338'>338</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>CHAPTER XV<br /> <br /><span class='c019'>THE RETURN TO BASEL (1528-1532)</span></h2>
-</div>
-<p class='c020'>Return to Basel and purchase of a
-house—Iconoclastic outbreaks in that city—Destruction
-of sacred paintings and sculptures—Lack of work, and
-death or absence of old patrons—Portrait of his wife
-and children—His relationships with his wife—Completion
-of the wall-paintings in the Council Chamber of the
-Town Hall—“Rehoboam rebuking the Elders”—“Meeting of
-Samuel and Saul”—Portrait of Erasmus painted in
-Freiburg—Book illustrations—Repainting the faces of the
-clock on the Rhine Gate—Holbein’s return to England.</p>
-<div class='c012'>
-  <img class='drop-capi' src='images/dc-u.jpg' width='100' height='101' alt='' />
-</div><p class='drop-capi1_1'>
-UNTIL the discovery in 1870, by Dr. Édouard His-Heusler,<a id='r775' /><a href='#f775' class='c021'><sup>[775]</sup></a>
-that Holbein purchased a house in Basel in
-August 1528, it was generally supposed that the painter
-remained in England until the spring or summer of
-1529. In September of the latter year Erasmus wrote
-letters to Sir Thomas More and Margaret Roper thanking
-them very heartily for the drawing of the family picture which
-Holbein had brought to him. This was the study now in the Basel
-Gallery. Erasmus was then living in Freiburg, and it was supposed
-that the painter halted there on his way home on purpose to deliver
-this sketch and letters which he was bearing from Chelsea. This supposition
-has now to be abandoned.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>HOLBEIN’S PURCHASE OF TWO HOUSES</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>There is no doubt that Holbein had received a two years’ leave
-of absence from the Basel Town Council, and that his only reason
-for leaving England, where he was busily and lucratively occupied,
-was the fact that he was bound by the laws of his adopted city to
-return within the stipulated period, or otherwise to run the risk of
-forfeiting his rights of citizenship, and incurring other punishment, in
-addition to possible trouble with his own particular guild. By an
-order of the Council dated 1521, no one subject to the jurisdiction of
-Basel was allowed to take service with, or receive pension money from,
-any foreign prince or community; and this law may have been one
-of the reasons why Holbein did not enter into Henry VIII’s service at
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_339'>339</span>this time, as it would be necessary before doing so to obtain the
-Council’s special permission, as he did later on in his career.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Holbein’s purchase of a house in Basel was made on August 29,
-1528, exactly two years after the date of Erasmus’ letter to Ægidius,
-given to the painter on the eve of his departure for England. The
-record of the sale is to be found in the “Fertigungsbuch,” and from the
-entry it appears that both Holbein and his wife were present in person
-at the completion of the transaction. It was bought from the clothweaver
-Eucharius Rieher, and the price was 300 gulden or florins, which
-shows that Holbein had brought home money in his purse, though
-only one-third of the purchase price was paid, and the remainder
-secured by a mortgage. It was a two-storeyed house, overlooking
-the Rhine, in the St. Johann Vorstadt, next door to Froben’s bookstore,
-and its site is now occupied by No. 22. Within living memory
-it was still standing, outwardly very little changed since the days
-in which Holbein and his family lived in it; as also the smaller
-cottage next door, which the painter purchased some years later,
-on the 28th March 1531, for 70 gulden, from the fisherman Uly
-von Rynach, on part of the site of which a factory has since been
-erected.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>ERASMUS AND MORE FAMILY GROUP</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Here Holbein settled down to work again, but, if one may judge
-from the few examples of his brush which can be ascribed to this
-period, he must have found Basel a far less profitable field for his
-labours than England. During his absence Switzerland had fallen
-on evil days. At about the date of his return the religious differences
-had reached their climax, and in Basel violent outbreaks of hostilities
-were taking place. At Easter, 1528, the Council had been obliged to
-give way to the extent of allowing divine worship according to the
-Reformed ritual in some of the churches, and permitting the removal
-of all sacred pictures from their walls. The Council, indeed, did their
-best to prevent sedition. Their recommendation that “no man should
-call another papist or lutheran, heretic, adherent of the new faith or
-the old, but each should be left unharassed and unscorned in his own
-belief,” fell on unheeding ears.<a id='r776' /><a href='#f776' class='c021'><sup>[776]</sup></a> Such prudent advice was ill-suited
-to the passions which had been aroused. In the following year all
-the Catholic members of the Council were forcibly removed by a mob
-of armed citizens, and this action was followed by a number of excesses.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_340'>340</span>On Shrove Tuesday, 1529, a furious outburst of iconoclasm occurred.
-The Cathedral was attacked by a crowd of some hundreds of reformers,
-who broke open the doors, and pulled down and dashed to pieces all
-the pictures and altars. The Council issued orders and edicts which
-were powerless to stay the fanaticism of the rioters, who visited in
-turn the other churches and monasteries in the city, destroying everything
-that was not hastily hidden from them. On the following
-day, Ash Wednesday, the destruction continued. Four hundred men,
-headed by the public executioner, paid a second visit to the Cathedral,
-broke up everything that still remained, and of the fragments made
-five large bonfires. Pictures and wooden images were burnt, wall-paintings
-were whitewashed over; and however beautiful such works
-of art might be, their merits were insufficient to save them. The
-reformers’ hearts were hot against what they considered the gross
-idolatry of their opponents, and nothing was spared from the fire upon
-which they could lay their furious hands. Here and there a picture
-or relic was saved, among them at least one work of Holbein’s, the
-early “Last Supper,” already described, though it appears to have
-been badly damaged at the time, and restored later on.<a id='r777' /><a href='#f777' class='c021'><sup>[777]</sup></a> No doubt
-more than one of his pictures perished, together with others by such
-Basel painters as Urs Graf, Niklaus Manuel Deutsch, and Hans Herbster.
-His beautiful shutters for the Cathedral organ happily escaped; it
-may be that they were hung too high to be easily reached, and were
-thus protected from the first outbreak, and afterwards, when the edict
-was issued forbidding all sacred pictures in the churches, they would
-be allowed to remain on the walls under the order which permitted
-the use of all paintings of a character to which no adoration could be
-shown.<a id='r778' /><a href='#f778' class='c021'><sup>[778]</sup></a> Erasmus, in a letter to Pirkheimer, gives a graphic description
-of what took place on these two days of fanatical destruction.
-“There was no one,” he says, “who did not fear for himself, when
-these dregs of the people covered the whole market-place with arms
-and cannons. Such a mockery was made of the images of the saints,
-and even of the Crucifixion, that one would have thought that some
-miracle must have happened. Nothing was left of the sculptures,
-either in the churches or in the cloisters, in the portals or in the
-monasteries. Whatever painted pictures remained were daubed over
-with whitewash, whatever was inflammable was thrown upon the
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_341'>341</span>pile, whatever was not was broken to pieces. Neither pecuniary nor
-artistic value could save anything.”</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>This tumultuous state of affairs proved too much for Erasmus,
-who had a detestation of all forms of violence, and only wished for
-peaceful surroundings in which to pursue his work. More than one
-of his noble patrons, from whom he received pensions, objected to his
-continued residence in a city in which the Protestant party were
-dominant. He had, too, some fear for his own life; for though he was
-an adherent of neither side, his opinions were not popular with the
-reformers. So he now turned his back upon the city which he had
-made his permanent home since 1521, and in which, old and sickly as
-he was, he had hoped to end his days, and removed to the neighbouring
-city of Freiburg, where the Catholic party were in the ascendancy.
-Thither Bonifacius Amerbach accompanied him, and remained with
-him for some time.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>As Holbein found Erasmus still in Basel when he returned there
-in August 1528, he must have presented Sir Thomas More’s gift to
-him on his arrival. There could be no reason for delay unless he had
-in some way mislaid the sketch. Nor is it likely that Erasmus would
-have waited for thirteen months before writing to More to thank him;
-if he had done so, he would at least have made some apology for his
-remissness. Yet in his published works his letter of thanks is dated
-Freiburg, 5th September 1529, so that the matter is not easy of
-explanation, unless this again is another mistake in dating on the part
-of the editor of the letters. If the correct date of the letters to More
-and his daughter is 1528, not 1529, then Erasmus wasted little time
-before writing to More to thank him for the drawing. It seems certain
-that the scholar, highly delighted with the picture of his friends, and
-the letters from them which accompanied it, would not let many days
-go past without acknowledging them.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In his letter to Sir Thomas he says: “Oh that it were once more
-granted me in life to see such dear friends face to face whom I contemplate
-with the utmost joy imaginable in the picture, which Holbein
-(Olpeius) has brought me!”<a id='r779' /><a href='#f779' class='c021'><sup>[779]</sup></a> On the next day, September 6th, he
-wrote to Margaret Roper: “I can scarcely express in words, Margaret
-Roper, thou ornament of thine England, what hearty delight I experienced
-when the painter Holbein (Olpeinus) presented to my view
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_342'>342</span>your whole family in such a successful delineation, that I could scarcely
-have seen you better had I been myself near you. Constantly do I
-desire that once more, before my goal is reached, it may be granted me
-to see this dear family circle, to whom I owe the best part of my outward
-prosperity, and of my fame, whatever they may be, and would owe
-them rather than to any other mortal. A fair portion of this wish has
-now been fulfilled by the gifted hand of the painter. I recognise all,
-yet none more than thee, and from the beautiful vestment of thy form
-I feel as if I could see thy still more beautiful mind beaming forth....
-Greet thy mother, the honoured Mistress Alice, many times from me;
-as I could not embrace her myself, I have kissed her picture from my
-heart.”<a id='r780' /><a href='#f780' class='c021'><sup>[780]</sup></a> In the first letter Erasmus writes Holbein’s name as Olpeius,
-confusing him for the moment with an old “famulus” of his own,
-Severinus Olpeius. In the second letter, in which he calls him Olpeinus,
-he gets nearer to the correct name. In her answer to this last letter,
-dated November 4th, Margaret says: “Quod pictoris tibi adventus
-tantæ voluptati fuit, illo nomine, quod utriusque mei parentis nostrumque
-omnium effigiem depictam detulerit, ingentibus cum gratiis
-libenter agnoscimus.”<a id='r781' /><a href='#f781' class='c021'><sup>[781]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Holbein must soon have discovered that his prospects of remunerative
-employment were far from promising, when compared with
-the field he had so recently abandoned. Fortunately he had some
-little money in his pockets when he returned, and perhaps for some
-months, before the religious dissensions came to so acute a head,
-he may have found profitable work. But the outburst in the spring
-of 1529 put an abrupt end to all painting of sacred pictures or work of
-any kind for the churches. The 18th clause (“upon pictures”) in
-an order passed by the Reformation party in that year stated: “We
-have no pictures in our churches, either in the city or country, because
-they formerly gave much incitement to idolatry, therefore God has
-so decidedly forbidden them, and has cursed all who make images.
-Hence, in future, by God’s help, we will set up no pictures, but will
-seriously reflect how we can provide comfort for the poor needy ones
-who are the true and living images of God.”<a id='r782' /><a href='#f782' class='c021'><sup>[782]</sup></a> For a painter who had
-to make a living for a wife and family such conditions were serious
-enough, for they cut off one of his chief sources of employment.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_343'>343</span>Judging from the numerous studies in the Basel Gallery, Holbein,
-before his first visit to England, must have been frequently engaged
-on pictures, wall-paintings, and designs for windows for churches,
-all of which, with few exceptions, such as the Meyer Madonna and one
-or two others, perished before the fury of the mob. It was natural
-that he should look forward to a continuance of work of this nature,
-and however strongly, in his heart, he may have believed in the Reformation
-itself, he must have been in little accord with it in its
-treatment of art. Nor was it a time when the leading citizens of Basel
-had leisure or desire for so peaceful an occupation as sitting for their
-portraits. The times were far too strenuous. Several of his earlier
-friends, and patrons, too, were no longer there to help him. Froben
-had died two years before he got back, and Erasmus was about to wipe
-the dust of Basel from his feet, while Amerbach was a temporary
-absentee. His old friend, Jakob Meyer “zum Hasen,” was still a prominent
-figure among the Catholic minority, and, therefore, had little
-influence to place at his service. Under such adverse conditions it is,
-perhaps, not wonderful that only one panel painting of the second
-Basel period can be pointed to with any certainty—the portrait-group
-of his wife and two elder children. This, and the remaining wall-paintings
-in the Council Chamber of the Town Hall, are the only works
-of importance of which we have any record.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>PORTRAIT OF HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The portrait of his wife and his two elder children, Philip and
-Katherine, in the Basel Gallery (No. 325) (Pl. <a href='#pl-90'>90</a>),<a id='r783' /><a href='#f783' class='c021'><sup>[783]</sup></a> was, no doubt,
-one of the first things he undertook after his arrival. In any case, it
-was painted in 1528 or 1529. It is in oils on four pieces of paper
-fastened together, and at some subsequent time has been cut out
-round the figures and mounted on a panel, thus spoiling the delicacy
-of the outlines. The figures are life-size, and the wife, who is seated,
-facing the spectator, is shown at almost three-quarters length. She
-wears a dark green bodice without ornament, cut very low and straight
-across the breast, and a dark-brown over-garment trimmed with a
-thin band of fur. Her light brown hair is covered by a transparent
-veil which comes low over her forehead, and a small brown cap on the
-back of her head. On her left knee she supports a red-haired baby,
-about eighteen months old, born during Holbein’s absence, dressed in
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_344'>344</span>a cap and an undyed woollen garment, while her right hand rests on
-the shoulder of a boy of about six or seven, with long fair hair, wearing
-a dark blue-green dress above which the white collar of his shirt is
-visible. The lad, who is shown in profile, is looking upwards to the
-right, and presses against his mother’s knee. His head and shoulders
-only are shown.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The picture is dated, but in the cutting out process it underwent
-prior to its fastening upon the wood panel, which was done before
-1586, as is to be gathered from the Amerbach inventory, the last
-figure has been shorn away, and only “152” remains. It is almost
-certain that this date was 1528 or 1529, probably the former, for
-Holbein, once more united with his wife and family, would be likely
-to give expression to his pleasure by painting their portraits. In the
-greater energy of its conception and the vigour of its treatment it more
-closely resembles the portraits painted in England than his earlier
-Basel work.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 90.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-90'  class='figcenter id106'>
-<img src='images/i334fp.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>HOLBEIN’S WIFE AND CHILDREN<br />1528-9<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div  class='c004'></div>
-<div class='sidenote'>PORTRAIT OF HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>There are other versions of this picture in existence, among them
-a good late sixteenth-century copy in the Lille Museum,<a id='r784' /><a href='#f784' class='c021'><sup>[784]</sup></a> which has
-a blue background. Like the Basel example, it is on paper pasted
-upon wood, but it has not been cut out round the outlines, while on a
-piece of paper added to the top of the panel there is an inscription
-in gold, which runs—</p>
-
-<div class='lg-container-b c023'>
-  <div class='linegroup'>
-    <div class='group'>
-      <div class='line'>“Die Liebe zu Gott heist Charitas,</div>
-      <div class='line in1'>Wer Liebe hatt der tragtt kein hass,”</div>
-    </div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c025'>thus turning it into a representation of Charity. A second<a id='r785' /><a href='#f785' class='c021'><sup>[785]</sup></a> example,
-though a work of no particular skill, is of interest because it gives
-what was probably the background of the original work before it was
-cut down, one of those architectural compositions with pilasters and
-an ornamental frieze which Holbein so frequently used as a setting
-for his earlier portraits, part of which forms a high-backed seat in
-which the wife is placed. This copy, which belongs to Herr E.
-Trümpy, of Glarus, shows some small differences, in the boy’s hair,
-the folds of the draperies, &amp;c., but it has suffered so much that it is
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_345'>345</span>difficult to pass judgment upon it. It must have been painted before
-the original work was cut down towards the end of the sixteenth
-century. That the picture represents the painter’s wife and children
-is certain, for it was in the possession of Amerbach, whose son entered
-it in his inventory as “Holbeins fraw vnd zwei kinder von im
-H. Holbein conterfehet vf papir mit olfarben, vf holtz gezogen.”</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>This picture is painted with greater breadth and freedom than was
-his custom. The delicacy of handling which marked almost all that
-he did has given place to a more rapid but none the less truthful
-execution. The baby is by no means a beautiful child, and the
-mother’s plainness of countenance is almost repulsive at the first
-glance. Her expression is one of deep dejection, her face careworn
-and unhappy, and her eyes are rimmed with red, suggesting ill-health
-or sorrow. The grouping is unconventional, and it may be that the
-artist began to paint them just as he happened to see them, without
-any elaborate posing or attempt to make a picture of them. The
-wonderful truth with which he has realised them, however, the fine
-rich colour, and the luminous painting of the flesh tones, combine to
-make it one of his greatest works, in the study and appreciation of
-which the want of physical beauty in the principal sitter and the
-severe plainness of the costumes are overlooked and forgotten. Though
-only six years later than the Solothurn Madonna and the portrait at
-the Hague, Elsbeth Holbein has already lost all appearance of youth,
-and the cares of life have left heavy traces behind them. Her features
-are now not merely homely, but heavy and uninteresting, while her
-figure is solid, ample, and ungraceful. Yet it is still possible to
-recognise the likeness, no doubt somewhat idealised in the earlier work,
-but here set down with remorseless truth. The cause of this loss of
-youth and good looks, due, according to some modern critics, to
-Holbein’s neglect and his infatuation for Magdalena Offenburg, has
-been touched upon in an earlier chapter. M. de Wyzewa, who is one
-of those who hold this theory, regards this Basel family group as one
-of the few pictures in which Holbein completely reveals his artistic
-soul. “I doubt,” he says,<a id='r786' /><a href='#f786' class='c021'><sup>[786]</sup></a> “if there exists in the world another painting
-comparable to this for subtle and dolorous beauty of expression.”
-In its revelation of truth it is an act of accusation against the painter
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_346'>346</span>himself, such as is not to be found in any written account of him by
-his contemporaries, who, it is suggested, influenced by his importance
-as an artist and by his connection with big and influential people, did
-not think it wise to speak the truth about him. It was Magdalena
-who was the chief cause of this domestic misery, we are told. She
-was “l’odieuse rivale qui l’a dépouillée de sa beauté et de son bonheur,
-et de toute sa fortune par-dessus le marché, qui a réduit l’exquise jeune
-femme du portrait de la Haye à devenir le fantôme navrant du portrait
-de Bâle; voilà peut-être le grief qui aura pesé le plus cruellement
-sur le cœur ulcéré d’Elisabeth Holbein! Et qui sait si ce remords-là
-ne s’est point dressé au premier plan dans l’âme du peintre lui-même,
-lorsqu’en 1529 celui-ci a éprouvé le besoin de nous crier sa confession
-de mari et de père, en même temps qu’il allait nous révéler la
-puissante, l’émouvante grandeur de son génie d’artiste?”</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The boy in the picture, who appears to be six or seven years old,
-may well have been the model for the Infant Christ in the Solothurn
-Madonna. The group has been painted with a speed and spontaneity
-which is not usual in Holbein’s portraits, with their minute finish
-and careful elaboration of details. This unwonted vigour of handling,
-however, gives to it a freedom and a largeness which make it unique
-among the varied manifestations of his genius. It has many of the
-qualities of a brilliant sketch, in which both likeness and character
-have been set down with direct and masterly power.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 91.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-91'  class='figcenter id107'>
-<img src='images/i346.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>PORTRAIT OF A YOUNG WOMAN<br /><i>Unfinished study in oils</i><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>A very remarkable portrait study of a young woman in the Basel
-Gallery (No. 326) (Pl. <a href='#pl-91'>91</a>),<a id='r787' /><a href='#f787' class='c021'><sup>[787]</sup></a> which comes from the Faesch Cabinet, bears
-a close resemblance to the Family Group, and is ascribed by Dr. Ganz
-to the same year, 1528, to which it undoubtedly belongs. The subject,
-evidently a woman of Holbein’s own class, is extremely plain, with
-heavy features, and dark eyes and hair. She is represented to the
-waist, turned slightly to the spectator’s left, her long hands, with
-numerous rings, crossed in front of her. It is drawn with the pencil,
-and coloured with oil colours thinly laid on and mixed with white
-upon a red-toned ground. The background is a plain, deep blue.
-It is unfinished, the turban-like cap, and the outer bodice of the dress
-having the colour only slightly indicated. It is of the utmost interest,
-as it affords evidence of Holbein’s methods of working at this period,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_347'>347</span>methods which he employed in painting his wife and children, also
-done in oils on paper; and it is, in addition, a wonderfully powerful
-study in portraiture, lifelike, vigorous, and subtle.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>RESUMES WORK IN COUNCIL CHAMBER</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>Little is known of Holbein’s work in Basel during this period. No
-other portrait from his brush has been so far discovered; but, happily
-for him, in the summer of 1530 the Town Council found some employment
-for him worthy of his great talents, work which occupied him for
-the remainder of the year. They resolved to finish the internal
-decoration of their Council Chamber, which Holbein had left incomplete
-some years earlier, and he was naturally selected as the painter
-most fitted to do it. For this work he received in all 72
-florins, in four separate payments between July 6 and November
-18, 1530, a sufficiently modest sum for five months’ work, which
-included at least two large wall-paintings; but, nevertheless, better
-pay than he had gained for his earlier frescoes in the same room, for
-the original arrangement was that he should decorate the whole
-chamber for the sum of 120 gulden, and for that sum he had covered
-all but the “back wall” with large pictures.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The new subjects, which may have been selected in 1521, when the
-work was first begun, were “Rehoboam rebuking the Elders of Israel,”
-and “The Meeting of Samuel and Saul.” A third subject, “Hezekiah
-ordering the Idols to be broken in pieces,” was probably only one of the
-single figures which were placed between the larger compositions.
-Unlike the earlier wall-paintings, of which the subjects were taken
-from classical antiquity, the ones upon which Holbein was now
-occupied were drawn from the Old Testament, and were selected for
-the purpose of setting forth the evil effects of bad government and
-the punishment which follows the obstinacy of rulers who oppose
-their will to the will of God. The “Hezekiah”<a id='r788' /><a href='#f788' class='c021'><sup>[788]</sup></a> was chosen, no doubt,
-as an apt illustration of the wisdom of obeying the commands of God
-in the sweeping away of all false idols and images, as exemplified in the
-iconoclastic outbreaks in Basel itself in the previous year, the painting
-of which Holbein must have undertaken with mixed feelings.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 92.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-92'  class='figcenter id108'>
-<img src='images/i348a.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-</div>
-<div  class='figcenter id109'>
-<img src='images/i348b.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>“KING REHOBOAM REBUKING THE ELDERS”<br />Three fragments of the wall-painting formerly in the Basel Town Hall<br />1530<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 93.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-93'  class='figcenter id110'>
-<img src='images/i348-2.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>REHOBOAM REBUKING THE ELDERS OF ISRAEL<br />Study for the wall-painting in the Basel Town Hall, 1530<br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>Two fine preliminary designs for the “Rehoboam” and the “Samuel
-and Saul” form part of the Amerbach Collection, drawings which
-may have been made as early as 1521. Among the few fragments
-of the original wall-paintings preserved in the Basel Gallery, there
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_348'>348</span>are two showing the head and the raised hand with pointing little
-finger of Rehoboam (No. 328) (Pl. <a href='#pl-92'>92</a> (3)),<a id='r789' /><a href='#f789' class='c021'><sup>[789]</sup></a> the head being drawn
-in profile, whereas in the study it is full face, indicating a change
-in the design when carried out on the wall. In the centre of the
-composition, as shown in the drawing (Pl. <a href='#pl-93'>93</a>),<a id='r790' /><a href='#f790' class='c021'><sup>[790]</sup></a> King Rehoboam,
-seated upon a lofty throne beneath a rich canopy backed by a
-curtain decorated with a fleur-de-lys device, bends forward, his left
-hand stretched before him in vehement action, with little finger extended
-towards the group of Israelitish elders standing below him,
-some of whom turn away in despair. With his right hand he points
-to a scourge held by an attendant on the left. The moment depicted
-is when he cries out in a rage: “My little finger shall be thicker
-than my father’s loins; my father hath chastised you with whips,
-but I will chastise you with scorpions.” Behind the throne, within
-the rails enclosing a large vaulted chamber in the Renaissance style,
-are a number of figures, on the one side the older councillors who
-had served his father, Solomon, whose advice he neglected, and on
-the other the younger courtiers whose bad counsel he followed. On the
-right of the composition is a glimpse of a hilly landscape, with the
-Crowning of Jeroboam by the revolted tribes in the middle distance.
-The drawing is washed in Indian ink, with touches of colour in the sky,
-in the circular openings at the back of the hall, in the landscape, the
-faces of the figures, and the rails and the floor. The story is told very
-simply and clearly, but with considerable dramatic force, such as
-would make an instant appeal to those for whom the lesson it contained
-was intended. The figures are rather short and stumpy, a
-fault to be noticed in many of Holbein’s earlier designs for books,
-wall-paintings, and painted glass; but the composition is a dignified
-one, and the large painting based upon it must have been a
-noble work. As stated above, the fragments of the original painting
-which have been preserved show that Holbein deviated from
-the sketch in essential points. The head of Rehoboam, which
-is a masterpiece of strong expression, is seen in sharp profile.
-There are also in the same Gallery two fragments containing groups
-of heads of the Israelite Messengers (No. 329) (Pl. <a href='#pl-92'>92</a> (1 and 2)).<a id='r791' /><a href='#f791' class='c021'><sup>[791]</sup></a>
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_349'>349</span>Traces of gold are still visible on these remains of the original work,
-showing that Holbein made use of gilding in wall-paintings as well
-as in portraits.</p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>“THE MEETING OF SAMUEL AND SAUL”</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>The wall-painting of “Samuel and Saul” was the largest of all
-the decorations in the Council Chamber, and that it was painted side
-by side with the “Rehoboam” on the only wall in the room unbroken
-by door or window is evident from the fact that in the sketches the
-same dividing column appears in both. It was probably about
-7 or 8 feet high by 16 or 17 feet long, and if the same proportion was
-preserved in both designs, the “Rehoboam” must have been about
-13 feet long. The moment chosen for representation is the return
-of Saul from his conquest of the Amalekites, and his meeting with the
-Prophet Samuel. Instead of obeying the command of God, and
-destroying men, women, children, and flocks, he has spared them,
-and carried them and much spoil away with him. Samuel has come
-forth in anger, and Saul, perceiving him, has dismounted, and advances
-to meet him bent in reverence. The prophet heaps reproaches upon
-him. “Hath the Lord as great delight in burnt offerings and sacrifices
-as in obeying the voice of the Lord? Because thou hast rejected the
-word of the Lord, He hath also rejected thee from being king.” The
-right half of the composition is crowded with foot-soldiers and horsemen,
-wearing Roman helmets, among whom the conquered King Agag
-is borne captive. In the distance are seen the captured herds and
-flocks, and the burning villages on the hillsides. The composition
-is a finely-balanced one, and the noble, menacing figure of the Prophet
-is well contrasted with the cringing figure of the King, conscious,
-now that the flush of victory is passing, that he has failed to fulfil
-the sacred commands. The army behind him is most effectively
-grouped, and the soldiers’ lances, seen darkly against the sky, produce
-much the same effect of grandeur and of numbers as in Velazquez’s
-great picture. In the left upper corner is a long white tablet—no
-doubt in the finished painting it was shown hanging from the painted
-framework surrounding the picture—on which the Latin text, quoted
-by Tonjola, was inscribed.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The sketch (No. 347) (Pl. <a href='#pl-94'>94</a>)<a id='r792' /><a href='#f792' class='c021'><sup>[792]</sup></a> has been slightly washed with
-colour, blue in the sky, the stream in the middle distance, the trees,
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_350'>350</span>and the hills, and brown over the landscape, which combines with the
-blue to produce green in the trees and hillsides, while the flames
-from the burning villages are bright red. The figures are drawn in
-brown and shaded with a wash of cool grey. It is not possible from
-this, however, to gain much idea of the actual colouring of the wall-painting,
-but, from the darting flames and the volumes of heavy smoke
-rolling across the sky and blotting out a part of the landscape, it is
-possible that the general effect attempted was one of strong contrasts
-of chiaroscuro, such as are to be seen in the Basel Passion picture.
-Still, the sketch, small as it is, affords ample evidence of the greatness
-of Holbein’s power of design in large compositions crowded
-with figures, and emphasizes the seriousness of the loss suffered
-through the destruction of the whole of his wall-paintings and larger
-decorative works.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 94.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-94'  class='figcenter id111'>
-<img src='images/i350.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>SAMUEL AND SAUL<br />Study for the wall-painting in the Basel Town Hall<br /><i>Pen drawing in brown touched with water-colour</i><br /><span class='sc'>Basel Gallery</span></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>Beyond the Town Hall frescoes, little remains to show in what
-manner he was employed during the remainder of his stay in Basel.
-There is a fine design for a dagger-sheath, richly decorated with Renaissance
-ornament, in the Basel Gallery, dated 1529 (Pl. <a href='#pl-45'>45</a> (1),
-Vol. ii.);<a id='r793' /><a href='#f793' class='c021'><sup>[793]</sup></a> but this is the only work of the kind that can be given
-definitely to this period, though possibly some of the other designs for
-dagger-sheaths and bands of ornament in the Basel Gallery, described
-in a later chapter,<a id='r794' /><a href='#f794' class='c021'><sup>[794]</sup></a> were made during these years. He also produced
-a number of designs for woodcuts, among them a series
-of illustrations for the <i>Cosmography</i> and several astronomical works
-by Sebastian Münster of Munich, published by Heinrich Petri.
-Münster was in Basel in the autumn of 1529, and it is possible,
-so Dr. Ganz suggests,<a id='r795' /><a href='#f795' class='c021'><sup>[795]</sup></a> that his fellow-townsman, Niklaus Kratzer,
-whose portrait Holbein had so recently painted, drew his attention
-to the artist’s skill in the delineation of scientific and mathematical
-instruments, such as Münster required for the illustration of his books.
-In this way, no doubt, the author and the artist came into personal
-contact. Holbein drew for him a number of fine designs, such as
-figures representing the signs of the Zodiac, drawings of sun-dials,
-and a variety of mathematical and astronomical instruments, and a
-great astronomical table, first published in 1534, but starting from
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_351'>351</span>the year 1530, with ornamental accessories and representations of the
-four seasons, a work of great beauty.<a id='r796' /><a href='#f796' class='c021'><sup>[796]</sup></a></p>
-
-<p class='c013'>He also painted a new portrait of Erasmus, most probably in
-Freiburg, for the portrait at Parma, which is one of the best of various
-almost contemporary copies, is dated 1530. The small circular picture
-in the Basel Gallery is very possibly the original study painted directly
-from the sitter. These portraits and the roundel of Melanchthon in
-the Provinzial Museum at Hanover, which is probably of the same
-period, have been described in a previous chapter.<a id='r797' /><a href='#f797' class='c021'><sup>[797]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='sidenote'>REPAINTING OF RHINE GATE CLOCK</div>
-
-<p class='c013'>There is only one other record to show that he received any further
-employment from the civic authorities after the completion of the
-Town Hall paintings. On October 7, 1531, he was paid “17 pfund
-10 schilling,” or fourteen gulden, for repainting the two clocks on the
-Rhine Gate (“von beden Uren am Rinthor zemalen”).<a id='r798' /><a href='#f798' class='c021'><sup>[798]</sup></a> This
-commission was for renovating the two faces of the old clock, which
-was decorated with the grotesque figure of the “Lallenkönig,” with
-distorted countenance stretching out his tongue towards Little Basel.
-This undertaking seems very paltry after the big decorative works
-upon which he had been occupied twelve months earlier, but was
-apparently all that the authorities had to give. It is an exaggeration,
-however, to speak of it, as some writers do, as contemptible work for
-an artist of his standing. Mrs. Fortescue says of it: “As soon as
-Holbein got his pay for this disgraceful commission—a pay he was now
-much too hard pressed to refuse—he quietly slipped away from Basel
-without taking the Council into his confidence.”<a id='r799' /><a href='#f799' class='c021'><sup>[799]</sup></a> To Holbein, who
-by no means regarded himself as a portrait-painter only, but to whom
-all decorative work, however large or however small, was equally an
-occasion for giving of the best that was in him, the ornamentation of a
-clock face would in no ways appear to be work in any way disgraceful
-or beneath him; nor is there the slightest evidence to show that he
-ran away from Basel like a thief in the night. Throughout his life,
-indeed, his methods were orderly, and such as became a citizen and
-guildsman of his adopted town. He must, nevertheless, have suffered
-many anxieties, for times were unpropitious in Basel, and offered few
-opportunities for the remunerative practice of the fine arts.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Both in 1529 and 1530 great scarcity prevailed. The religious
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_352'>352</span>excitement, too, grew in strength, and the Protestant persecutions
-became as severe as the papal ones which had preceded them. Holbein
-himself fell under suspicion. On June 18, 1530, just when he was
-beginning to work on the Town Hall frescoes, he was called upon,
-together with a number of other citizens, to justify himself for not
-having taken part in the Communion instituted in the Basel churches
-after the abolition of the Catholic ritual in 1529. He gave as an
-answer that he demanded, before approaching the Lord’s Table, that
-the signification of the holy mystery should be better explained to him.
-It appears that the information given to him was sufficient to satisfy
-his conscience, as he did not persist in his refusal. His friend, Bonifacius
-Amerbach, was more obdurate, and so had the ban passed upon him.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>In 1531 open war broke out between the different cantons, through
-stress of religious differences. This was possibly the last straw in
-Holbein’s case. Work growing daily more difficult to obtain, his
-thoughts would naturally turn to the happier fields for his genius
-which England afforded, and he determined to return there. The
-exact date of his departure is unknown, but it must have been towards
-the end of 1531 or in the early spring of 1532; perhaps the latter date
-is the more probable of the two, as the journey, in the way in which
-he would be forced to make it, would be an unpleasant, if not a difficult,
-one in winter.<a id='r800' /><a href='#f800' class='c021'><sup>[800]</sup></a></p>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_353'>353</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>POSTSCRIPT TO CHAPTER XIV<br /> <br /><span class='c019'><span class='sc'>A Newly Discovered Portrait of an Unknown English Lady</span></span></h2>
-</div>
-<div class='c012'>
-  <img class='drop-capi' src='images/dc-t.jpg' width='100' height='99' alt='' />
-</div><p class='drop-capi1_1'>
-THE discovery of a new portrait by Holbein must always be a matter
-of the highest interest to students of the master’s art, and when the
-panel so discovered is one in practically faultless condition and of
-exceptional attraction, its importance as an addition to the list
-of the painter’s works cannot be easily exaggerated. It is pleasant,
-therefore, to have to record the fact that such a portrait was brought
-to light for the first time during the present year (1913). The
-portrait in question formed part of a collection of pictures and
-engravings removed from Rotherwas House, near Hereford, the
-seat of the Bodenham family, early in the year, the greater number
-of which were sold by auction in London last February. The
-Holbein picture, however, was first heard of at a sale at Messrs.
-Puttick and Simpson’s rooms in Leicester Square on April 8th. It
-was in a very dirty state, and its beauty was almost entirely
-obscured by a thick coat of dark varnish, with which it had
-been covered some two centuries or more ago. It had also two slight
-abrasions above and below the right eye. Across the left sleeve was
-painted in white, in late eighteenth-century lettering, the inscription
-“Margaret Tudor, Queen of Scotland.” This attribution, however,
-was changed by the compilers of the sale catalogue to “Mary, Queen
-of Scots,” and it was described as by an unknown artist of the early
-English School. The bidding for this picture started at £10, and it
-was finally acquired for 340 guineas by Mr. Ayerst H. Buttery.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Upon careful cleaning the false inscription at once came away,
-and after the removal of the varnish the picture was found to be,
-as already stated, in a practically faultless condition—except for the
-two small abrasions—and in the original state in which it was left by
-the artist, thanks, no doubt, to the varnishing process it had undergone.
-It is unsigned, and has no inscription giving the name and age
-of the sitter, but in spite of this it is difficult to doubt its authorship.
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_354'>354</span>Holbein was the only painter then in England who possessed so fine a
-technique. It has been carefully examined by several leading authorities
-on the painter, among them Dr. Friedländer, of the Kaiser Friedrich
-Museum, Berlin, and all are agreed that it is a splendid example of
-Holbein. A detailed description of it, with several suggestions toward
-the solution of the identity of the sitter, was first published by Mr.
-Maurice W. Brockwell, in the <i>Morning Post</i> of June 28, 1913.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div><span class='c003'><span class='sc'>Vol. I., Plate 95.</span></span></div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div id='pl-95'  class='figcenter id112'>
-<img src='images/i354.jpg' alt='' class='ig001' />
-<div class='ic001'>
-<p>PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY<br />(Formerly in the possession of the Bodenham family, Rotherwas Hall, Hereford)<br /><i>Reproduced by kind permission of Mr. Ayerst H. Buttery</i></p>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class='c012'>It is on panel, 31 inches high by 23½ inches wide (Pl. <a href='#pl-95'>95</a>). The
-lady is shown full face, and almost three-quarters length, holding with
-both hands a very small open prayer-book or breviary, which is attached
-to a ribbon round her waist by a plain chain. The dress is of deep
-maroon satin, with the upper part of the bodice of black velvet. The
-latter is open at the throat, the points of the collar being turned back,
-showing the white lining. This style of collar occurs very rarely in
-Holbein’s pictures, and is to be seen in only two others of his finished
-portraits of ladies—those of Catherine Howard and Lady Butts. In
-these two, however, the “revers” are quite plain, whereas in Mr.
-Buttery’s picture they are richly embroidered in black with a floral
-design, suggesting carnations, conventionally treated, while round the
-edge runs a narrow border with a row of conventionalised flowers of
-a somewhat similar pattern, which occurs again on the white ruffs
-at her wrists. Her long and thin arms are encased in tightly fitting
-sleeves, terminating in the then fashionable “hanging” or “over”
-sleeves, partly of black velvet, which are exceptionally full and
-heavy, with slashings filled in with white silk embroidered in black
-with a design suggesting acorns arranged in groups of four. The
-skirt, or petticoat, of which little can be seen, shows an elaborate
-floral pattern. The lady wears no rings, but has a plain gold chain
-wound twice round her neck. The collar of the bodice is fastened
-together by a small brooch or pin set with a dark “table” stone,
-from which is suspended a circular medallion or pendant of gold and
-enamel, with the figure of a lady in a red dress, seated in a high-backed
-chair, and playing a lute or viol. Above this figure is a scroll with
-the legend, “Praise the Lord for evermore.” The whole is enclosed
-within a border of scroll-work, with a grotesque head in white enamel
-on either side, green leaves at the bottom and a red rose at the top.
-The head-dress is of the curved shape introduced from Paris, and not
-the more customary angular English hood. It has two bands of
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_355'>355</span>elaborately wrought goldsmith’s work, and is filled in with cerise-red
-satin, which makes a very beautiful colour contrast with the plain
-blue-green background, against which the head is so effectively
-placed. The arrangement of the fair hair, such of it as can be seen,
-is both unusual and attractive, being parted in the centre, while on
-either side bands, of slightly lighter colour than the rest, are brought
-forward over the ears, which are completely hidden. Individual
-golden hairs are indicated against the dark background, and both
-hair and head-dress have been rendered with all Holbein’s minute
-and loving care and dexterity of draughtsmanship.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The face is a most expressive one. Both the mouth and the grey,
-contemplative eyes are full of character, suggested in the most
-subtle manner and with unerring brushwork. The modelling of the
-flesh is of extraordinary delicacy. The lady, whoever she may be,
-though not perhaps strictly beautiful has considerable pretensions
-to good looks, and her whole personality, indeed, is one of
-great charm. The colour-scheme, too, is one of exceptional attraction.
-The contrast between the sombre-coloured garments with
-glinting lights upon them, and the pale and pearl-like face, standing
-out against the blue-green of the background, is most harmonious,
-and the band of red in the head-dress adds to and sets off the delicate
-blondness of her features. Another point to be noted is the skill
-with which the slight ripples in the plainly-cut bodice and upper
-sleeves have been indicated, as well as the little inequalities and
-furrows in the satin of the head-dress, where the material has slightly
-puckered at the edge by which it is fastened to the ornamental bands.
-The portrait, indeed, is one of the most beautiful and attractive ever
-produced by the painter.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Little or nothing is known of the history of this picture, and at
-present the identity of the sitter has not been established. The
-ancient family of Bodenham was settled at Rotherwas long before
-Henry VIII came to the throne. It was the recent death of Mr.
-Charles Bodenham, the last direct descendant of this family, which
-brought about the sale of the estate together with the family mansion
-and the whole of its contents. “The entire property,” says Mr.
-Brockwell, “seems to have been first purchased by a firm at a south
-coast watering-place, who being in no special way attracted by the
-æsthetic and financial value of the contents of the house, without
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_356'>356</span>much ado proceeded to pass them on to a well-known trading firm
-in Hereford. Fifty-three pictures and thirty-five engravings were
-disposed of at the end of February last by auction in London.
-Before that time, it is understood, a picture”—the picture now in
-question—“had been, for sentimental reasons, offered for £15 to
-distant connections of the Bodenham family, an offer that was not
-accepted, and it was ultimately put up for sale at Messrs. Puttick and
-Simpson’s.” The Tudor panelling of the house was sold for a great
-sum of money to an American collector.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>Thomas Bodenham was one of the leading gentlemen of Herefordshire
-during Henry VIII’s reign. His name occurs frequently on
-lists of sheriffs, magistrates, gaol deliveries, and the like, in his own
-county, but otherwise there is no mention of him in the <i>Calendars of
-Letters and Papers</i>, and he does not appear to have been attached to
-the Court. It is not, therefore, very probable that the portrait
-represents his wife or daughter, though this would provide the most
-natural solution of the sitter’s identity. Most critics who have seen
-the picture are decidedly of the opinion that it was produced during
-Holbein’s first visit to England, in 1526-8, an opinion based largely
-on the painting of the hands, undoubtedly the least satisfactory part
-of the panel. They are hard and stiff in the modelling, and have
-none of the expressiveness which is so marked a characteristic of
-Holbein’s painting of hands during the last ten or twelve years of
-his life. In some other respects the picture shows qualities which
-would seem to place it some years later in the painter’s career, towards
-the beginning of his second and longer residence in this country. One
-feature which may possibly indicate a later date than 1527 is the
-dress, and more particularly the French hood. It is true that instances
-are known of the wearing of this head-dress in England as early as
-1527, but at that time its use seems to have been confined to a few
-ladies of the highest aristocracy about the Court. The angular hood
-with its long black fall was then the almost universal headgear, and
-remained so for some years longer. The fashion of the latter, and the
-method of wearing it, can be well seen in Holbein’s costume study
-of a lady in the British Museum. (No. 11 in Mr. Binyon’s Catalogue.
-Not in Woltmann. Reproduced by Ganz in <i>Die Handzeichnungen von
-Hans Holbeins des Jüngeren</i>, x. 4.) This drawing consists of two
-whole-length studies on one sheet. In one of them the lady stands
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_357'>357</span>turned three-quarters to the left, her hands in front of her, holding
-a rosary; in the other she is seen more from the back, the left hand
-raised and pointing. It is in Indian ink and brush outline, partly
-washed with Indian ink, and the flesh tints in red. It is signed twice,
-“H. H.” and “H. H. B,” but these signatures are false. An
-excellent idea of the costume of the period and of the method by
-which the fall was attached to the hood can be gained from this
-effective drawing, which was formerly in the Malcolm and Lawrence
-collections.</p>
-
-<p class='c013'>The lady of the picture appears to be about twenty-two or twenty-three
-years of age, and it is, of course, quite impossible that she can
-be Margaret Tudor, whose features are well known, and who was
-nearly forty in 1527, while Mary, Queen of Scots, born in 1542, is still
-more impossible. The “French Queen,” Mary Tudor, the King’s
-second sister, was born in 1498, and so was twenty-nine in 1527; but
-here again several authentic portraits of her exist, and these bear little
-or no resemblance to Mr. Buttery’s lady. It must be remembered,
-too, that all evidence points to the fact that Holbein had no connection
-with the Court during his first visit to England. It is very probable
-that the luting figure on the medallion is intended to represent St.
-Cecilia, and that the sitter, as Mr. Brockwell points out, was named
-after her. This suggested to him that it might be a portrait of Sir
-Thomas More’s second daughter, Cecilia Heron, who was twenty
-years of age in 1527 when the More Family Group was painted; but
-this theory had to be abandoned, for there is little or no likeness
-between the lady of the picture and the head of Cecilia in the Windsor
-collection. It is probable that medallions with a figure of St. Cecilia
-were by no means uncommon at that time. Two of them are mentioned
-in lists of jewels belonging to the Crown at the period in question.
-These lists will be found in the <i>Calendars of Letters and Papers.</i> Among
-the entries in the first list, dated 1528 (<i>C. L. P.</i>, vol. iv. pt. ii. 5114)
-are the following:—“A brooch with a gentlewoman luting, with a
-scripture above it,” and “a gentlewoman, holding a leyer in her
-hand, silver-gilt (delivered to Mr. Wyat).” In the second list, dated
-1530 (<i>C. L. P.</i>, vol. iv. pt. iii. 6789), which appears to be a copy of
-the first, the same entries occur with slight differences:—“A brooch
-with a gentlewoman luting, and a scripture about it,” and “<i>Images.</i>
-A gentlewoman, holding a layer in her hands, silver-gilt (Mr. Wyat).”
-<span class='pageno' id='Page_358'>358</span>There are not, however, sufficient grounds for suggesting that the
-lady in question is wearing one of these particular royal jewels, and
-that, therefore, she was closely connected with the King, or even a
-member of Sir Thomas Wyat’s family, though the richness and
-elaborateness of the dress and the exceptionally fine embroidery
-seem to indicate a personage of high quality. It is to be hoped that
-further researches will solve the mystery of this fair unknown. In
-the meanwhile, the portrait provides a very notable and welcome
-addition to the tale of the master’s work, and one not easily surpassed
-by any other among his portraits of ladies. Thanks to the great
-kindness of Mr. Buttery the picture is reproduced here.</p>
-
-<div class='nf-center-c0'>
-<div class='nf-center c004'>
-    <div>END OF VOL. I.</div>
-  </div>
-</div>
-
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<div class='chapter'>
-  <span class='pageno' id='Page_359'>359</span>
-  <h2 class='c011'>FOOTNOTES</h2>
-</div>
-<hr class='c027' />
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f1'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r1'>1</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anton Werner, <i>Der Sammler</i>, No. 143, 1907.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f2'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r2'>2</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Anton Werner, <i>Der Sammler</i>, No. 143, 1907.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f3'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r3'>3</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Entries in the Augsburg Bürgerbuch and Steuerbücher.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f4'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r4'>4</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Glaser, <i>Hans Holbein der Ältere</i>, p. 171.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f5'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r5'>5</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Katalog der Œffentlichen Kunstsammlung in Basel</i>, 1908, p. 66.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f6'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r6'>6</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, A. H., 20.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f7'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r7'>7</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, A. H., 25.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f8'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r8'>8</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, <i>Holbein und seine Zeit</i>, i. 67.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f9'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r9'>9</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Willy Hes, <i>Ambrosius Holbein</i>, p. 149.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f10'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r10'>10</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 1-4. The first and third reproduced by Curt
-Glaser, <i>Hans Holbein der Ältere</i>, Pl. ii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f11'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r11'>11</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The “Death of Mary” in the Basel Gallery, formerly part
-of the Afra altar-piece in the chapel of the
-Kaisheimer-Hofes in Augsburg, bears an almost illegible
-date, which the Basel catalogue gives as 1490, but is
-more probably 1495. See Curt Glaser, <i>Hans Holbein
-der Ältere</i>, p. 23, and Pl. iii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f12'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r12'>12</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 5. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. v.; Davies (central part), p. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f13'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r13'>13</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Or Rehlingen.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f14'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r14'>14</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 6. See Glaser, p. 36.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f15'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r15'>15</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 49. First cited by Hassler in <i>Verhandlungen des Vereins für Kunst und
-Altertum in Ulm und Oberschwaben</i>, ix. and x., 1855, p. 79.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f16'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r16'>16</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 207-210. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f17'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r17'>17</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Three of them reproduced by Glaser, Pls. x. and xi.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f18'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r18'>18</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 238-253. Ten of the panels reproduced by Glaser, Pls. xiv.-xix.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f19'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r19'>19</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 7. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xxii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f20'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r20'>20</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 8. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xxvi.; Davies (left-hand panel only), p. 12.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f21'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r21'>21</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Glaser, 230. Woltmann, 277. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. i.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f22'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r22'>22</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Glaser, 218 and 153. Woltmann, 160 and 170. The first
-reproduced by W. Hes (<i>Ambrosius Holbein</i>), Pl. i.
-(2), and by Woltmann and Frisch in <i>Hans Holbein des
-Ä. Silberstiftzeich. im Berlin</i>, Pl. 64; the second
-by Glaser, Pl. xxxvii.; Davies, p. 1; Woltmann, vol.
-i., frontispiece; and elsewhere.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f23'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r23'>23</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Glaser, 233. Reproduced by Davies, p. 14.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f24'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r24'>24</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Davies, p. 16.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f25'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r25'>25</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>For details of these payments, taken from the account books St. Moritz, see Woltmann,
-ii. p. 30.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f26'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r26'>26</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. pp. 96-97, ii. 31. (Extracts from the Augsburger Gerichtsbücher.)</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f27'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r27'>27</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The altar-piece of 1512 for the Convent of St. Catherine is referred
-to in the next chapter. See pp. 23-5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f28'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r28'>28</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 254-258. Central panel and inner sides of shutters
-reproduced by Glaser, Pls. xxx., xxxi.; the latter reproduced by
-Davies, p. 22; outer sides of shutters by Woltmann, vol. i. pp. 88, 89.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f29'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r29'>29</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 95.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f30'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r30'>30</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, vol. ii. p. 132, not numbered;
-reproduced by Glaser, Pls. xxxii., xxxiii.; A. Seeman,
-in <i>Zeitschr. f. bild. Kunst</i>, xiv. p. 197, 1903
-(in colour); Arundel Club, 1907, Pl. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f31'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r31'>31</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See note at end of this chapter.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f32'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r32'>32</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Raczynski, <i>Les Arts en Portugal</i>, 1846, p. 295.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f33'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r33'>33</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Glaser, p. 100; Reber, in <i>Kunstchronik</i>, xiv. p. 493, 1903.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f34'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r34'>34</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Glaser, p. 105.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f35'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r35'>35</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 41, 127-31, 279. G., 104-10.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f36'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r36'>36</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 131-2, 226, 279-80. G., 109-14.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f37'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r37'>37</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 109. G., 133.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f38'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r38'>38</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 110. G., 134.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f39'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r39'>39</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 117-18, 224. G., 137-9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f40'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r40'>40</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 119. G., 140.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f41'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r41'>41</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 120. G., 141.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f42'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r42'>42</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 121. G., 142.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f43'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r43'>43</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 122. G., 143.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f44'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r44'>44</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 149. G., 172.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f45'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r45'>45</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 148. G., 169.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f46'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r46'>46</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 143. G., 164.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f47'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r47'>47</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 141-2. G., 165-6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f48'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r48'>48</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 111-12. G., 135-6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f49'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r49'>49</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 153-4. G., 156-7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f50'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r50'>50</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 231. G., 154.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f51'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r51'>51</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 34. G., 170.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f52'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r52'>52</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 145-6. G., 167-8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f53'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r53'>53</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 155-7. G., 209-11.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f54'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r54'>54</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 159. G., 213.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f55'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r55'>55</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 133-4. G., 115-17.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f56'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r56'>56</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 124-5, 225. G., 100-2.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f57'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r57'>57</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 126. G., 103.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f58'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r58'>58</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>W., 108. G., 151-2. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xxxvi.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f59'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r59'>59</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 284.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f60'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r60'>60</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Glaser, p. 133.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f61'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r61'>61</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Burlington Magazine</i>, October 1908, pp. 37-43.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f62'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r62'>62</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Berlin, 2558. Glaser, 216. Woltmann, 158.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f63'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r63'>63</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The portrait and both drawings reproduced
-by Mr. Dodgson in his article; and the portrait in the
-<i>Illustrated Catalogue of the Burlington Fine Arts
-Club Exhibition</i>, 1906, Pl. xxxi.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f64'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r64'>64</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>In May of the present year (1913) the
-“Fountain of Life” picture was removed from the Palacio
-das Necessidades to the Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga
-in Lisbon.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f65'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r65'>65</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See page 254.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f66'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r66'>66</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Published in 1868.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f67'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r67'>67</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. p. 101.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f68'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r68'>68</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 14-17.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f69'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r69'>69</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xxix.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f70'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r70'>70</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Glaser, p. 85.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f71'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r71'>71</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Davies, p. 16.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f72'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r72'>72</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>This band of ornament, which is different in each
-panel, recalls the very similar scroll-work by the
-younger Hans used in the upper part of the organ
-shutters at one time in the cathedral church of Basel.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f73'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r73'>73</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>“<span class='sc'>IVSSV. VENER. PIENTQVE MATRIS VERONI . . W .&nbsp;.&nbsp;. E. H. HOLBAIN IN AVG. ÆT. SVÆ
-XVII.</span>” Wornum, p. 88. Woltmann, ii. p. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f74'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r74'>74</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Kunstwerke und Künstler in Deutschland</i>, 1845.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f75'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r75'>75</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Already mentioned, see p. 11. Glaser, 153. Woltmann, 107.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f76'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r76'>76</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See page 5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f77'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r77'>77</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Hes, p. 12, and footnote giving Woltmann’s various surmises as to the date and figures
-inscribed on the drawing.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f78'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r78'>78</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 160. Glaser, 218. Reproduced by Woltmann, <i>H. H. des Ä. Silberstiftzeichnungen</i>,
-&amp;c., Pl. lxiv.; Hes, Pl. i.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f79'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r79'>79</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 43. Glaser, 203. Reproduced by His in his publication of the elder Holbein’s
-drawings, Pl. lxxiv.; Hes, Pl. iii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f80'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r80'>80</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 58. Glaser, 265. Reproduced by His, Pl. lvii.; Hes, Pl. iv.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f81'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r81'>81</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xiii.; Hes, Pl. v.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f82'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r82'>82</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xvii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f83'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r83'>83</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Hes, p. 15.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f84'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r84'>84</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Parthey, No. 1418.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f85'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r85'>85</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Or possibly from such miniatures as those in the Duke of Buccleuch’s collection. See
-vol. ii. pp. 230-1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f86'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r86'>86</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 477. Dr. Paul Ganz suggests that one of these portraits may have been the
-small roundel belonging to Lord Spencer, traditionally known as a portrait of Holbein, but
-considered by him to represent the jeweller, Hans of Antwerp. See Ganz, <i>Holbein</i> (Klassiker der
-Kunst), p. 253. This large miniature is described more fully in vol. ii. pp. 14-15.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f87'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r87'>87</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Walpole, <i>Anecdotes</i>, ed. Wornum, 1888, i. p. 93.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f88'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r88'>88</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See vol. ii. pp. 230-1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f89'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r89'>89</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>This small roundel is now considered to be a portrait of Hans of Antwerp. See vol. ii. p. 14.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f90'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r90'>90</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Davies, p. 14.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f91'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r91'>91</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, note to i. 10.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f92'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r92'>92</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>His name does not appear in the Augsburg rate-books after 1509, and after 1512, the date on
-one of his brother’s portrait-studies of him, no further trace of him is to be found in his native
-city.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f93'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r93'>93</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Davies, p. 33; Knackfuss, fig. 1; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f94'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r94'>94</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 359.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f95'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r95'>95</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>S. Vögelin, “Ein wiedergefundenes Meisterwerk Holbeins,” in
-<i>Frankfurter Zeitung</i>, 1871 (Nos. 236-7, 244, 248), and <i>Der
-Holbein-tisch auf der Stadtbibliothek in Zürich</i>, Wien, 1878.
-Reproduced as a whole and in detail, together with a reconstruction,
-by Ganz in <i>Holbein</i> (<i>K. der K.</i>) pp. 6-9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f96'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r96'>96</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 7, 8. Reproduced by Knackfuss, figs. 2, 3; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, pp. 19, 20.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f97'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r97'>97</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 168. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p.
-4; and in outline by Reinach, <i>Répertoire de
-Peintures</i>, i. p. 401 (as by H. H. the Elder).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f98'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r98'>98</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Reinach, <i>Répertoire</i>, i. p. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f99'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r99'>99</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 5. Wrongly
-described in Reinach, <i>Répertoire</i>, as “The
-Flagellation.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f100'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r100'>100</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Dr. Willy Hes considers this portrait to be by Herbster himself. See p. 60.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f101'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r101'>101</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 27. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 4; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 21.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f102'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r102'>102</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 24. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 22.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f103'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r103'>103</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 25. Reproduced by Davies, p. 38; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 23.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f104'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r104'>104</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 26. Reproduced by Davies, p. 40; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 25.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f105'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r105'>105</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 28. Reproduced by Davies, p. 42; Knackfuss,
-fig. 5; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 24.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f106'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r106'>106</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Davies, p. 40.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f107'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r107'>107</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 233.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f108'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r108'>108</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 51. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Handzeichnungen Schweizerischer
-Meister</i>, iii. 8; Knackfuss, fig. 66.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f109'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r109'>109</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Appendix (A).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f110'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r110'>110</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, note to iii. 8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f111'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r111'>111</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, Woodcuts, 193. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 67.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f112'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r112'>112</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 234. Reproduced by Davies, p. 186; A. F. Butsch, <i>Die
-Bücher-Ornamentik der Renaissance</i>, 1878, Pl. 41; Wornum,
-dedication page.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f113'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r113'>113</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 111.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f114'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r114'>114</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>This inscription, however, is now regarded as a rather doubtful one, and it is possible that
-the book was never permanently in the possession of Erasmus. See Hes, <i>Ambrosius Holbein</i>,
-pp. 83-94, where the history of the book and the various theories as to its ownership and the
-authorship of the drawings are very fully discussed.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f115'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r115'>115</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schweiz. Mstr.</i>, note to i. 52.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f116'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r116'>116</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Dr. Hes subjects the drawings to careful analysis, and gives a complete list, together with
-the suggested authorship of each of them, in <i>Ambrosius Holbein</i>, pp. 90-94 and 161-166.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f117'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r117'>117</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Twelve of them reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schweiz. Mstr.</i>, i. 52;
-the whole set by Mantz, but so badly engraved that they are of little
-service for purposes of comparison; the whole of the drawings now
-attributed to Ambrosius by Hes, Pls. xvi.-xx., and p. 139.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f118'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r118'>118</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Dr. Hes points out the similarity of this figure to
-that of the schoolmistress in the “Schoolmaster’s
-Signboard,” and considers that Ambrosius had a share in
-the painting of the latter. See <i>Ambrosius
-Holbein</i>, p. 93.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f119'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r119'>119</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>By Ambrosius Holbein.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f120'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r120'>120</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The name, however, was not written by Erasmus, but is a later addition.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f121'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r121'>121</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, under H. H. the Elder, 182. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 6; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>
-(<i>K. der K.</i>), p. 203; Hes, Pl. xxxiv.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f122'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r122'>122</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Dr. Hes regards this portrait as the work of Herbster himself. See <i>Ambrosius Holbein</i>,
-p. 145.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f123'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r123'>123</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, under H. H. the Elder, 106, but he afterwards
-attributed it to the younger Hans. Reproduced by Ganz,
-<i>Handzeichnungen Schweizerischer Meister</i>, &amp;c.,
-ii. 2; Hes, Pl. xxiv.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f124'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r124'>124</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 5, 6. Reproduced by Knackfuss, figs. 10, 11;
-Ganz, <i>Holbein</i> (<i>K. der K.</i>), pp. 10, 11.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f125'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r125'>125</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 11. Reproduced by Davies, pp. 44, 46;
-Knackfuss, figs. 14, 15; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, pp. 12, 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f126'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r126'>126</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>On the back of the portrait of Meyer, Holbein painted, four years
-later, the sitter’s coat of arms, surmounted by a scroll inscribed
-“I.M. 1520.” (Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 30.) There is a
-good old copy of the wife’s portrait in the collection of Mr. Ralph
-Brocklebank, Haughton Hall, Tarporley, which was previously in the
-William Graham collection; and a copy of both portraits in the Basel
-Gallery, No. 350, from the Faesch collection.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f127'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r127'>127</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>According to Stödtner, these portraits show the influence of Burgkmair.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f128'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r128'>128</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 33, 34. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, ii. 18 and iii. 7, and the
-“Meyer” in <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 2; the “Dorothea” by Davies, p. 46; both by
-Knackfuss, figs. 12, 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f129'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r129'>129</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>“—ogen schwarz—baret rot mosfarb—brauenn gelber dan das har—grusen wit brauenn.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f130'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r130'>130</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 9. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 16; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i> (<i>K. der K.</i>) p. 14.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f131'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r131'>131</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ganz, <i>Holbein</i> (<i>K. der K.</i>), p. 233.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f132'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r132'>132</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Law, <i>Royal Gallery of Hampton Court</i>, p. 154.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f133'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r133'>133</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>This theory is held by Herr Th. von Liebenau. See his <i>H. H. des Jüng. Fresken am
-Hertensteinhause zu Luzern</i>, &amp;c., 1888.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f134'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r134'>134</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 16. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, ii. 52; Hes, Pl. xxx.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f135'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r135'>135</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>E. His, “Die Baseler Archive über H. H.,” in Zahn’s <i>Jahrbuch</i>,
-1870, p. 113. Woltmann, i. p. 135; Hes, p. 16.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f136'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r136'>136</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 5. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxxvi.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f137'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r137'>137</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, Woodcuts, 18-21. See Hes, p. 23, who reproduces all four woodcuts, Pls. xiv.-xv.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f138'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r138'>138</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 2, 3. No. 294 reproduced in the Basel Catalogue, 1908, and both by Hes,
-Pl. xxxi., xxxii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f139'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r139'>139</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 24. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxix.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f140'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r140'>140</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxviii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f141'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r141'>141</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 23. See Hes, pp. 124-6. Reproduced by him, Pl. xxxiii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f142'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r142'>142</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 1. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxiii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f143'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r143'>143</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f144'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r144'>144</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, under Hans the Younger, 203. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxxvii.; Ganz,
-<i>Holbein</i>, p. 204.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f145'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r145'>145</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Hes, pp. 144-6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f146'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r146'>146</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 6. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, iii. 6; Hes, Pl. xxvi.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f147'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r147'>147</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 7. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxvii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f148'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r148'>148</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 8. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. xvi.; Hes, Pl. xxv.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f149'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r149'>149</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 10. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, i.
-22; Knackfuss, fig. 39; Hes, Pl. xxii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f150'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r150'>150</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 22. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxxv.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f151'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r151'>151</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>This picture was included in the Exposition de la Toison d’Or, Bruges, 1907, No. 130.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f152'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r152'>152</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, Woodcuts, 7. Reproduced by Butsch, <i>Die Bücher-Ornamentik der Renaissance</i>,
-Pl. 46; Hes, Pl. x.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f153'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r153'>153</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, Woodcuts, 17.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f154'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r154'>154</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, Woodcuts, 16.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f155'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r155'>155</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Woltmann, ii. pp. 205-214; Hes, pp. 27-80, and Pls. vi.-xv.; also Butsch.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f156'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r156'>156</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, i. 39; Hes, Pl. xxi.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f157'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r157'>157</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Hes, p. 148. Reproduced by Vasari Society, No. 17, Pt. i., 1905-6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f158'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r158'>158</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 103. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, i.
-40; and in <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 4; and
-<i>Holbein</i>, p. 154.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f159'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r159'>159</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 216.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f160'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r160'>160</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. p. 143. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 16.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f161'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r161'>161</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 53. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, ii. 3; and in <i>Holbein</i>, p. 154;
-the left-hand half by His, <i>Dessins d’Ornaments de Hans Holbein</i>, Pl. ii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f162'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r162'>162</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, note to ii. 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f163'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r163'>163</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>For completer details, see Th. von Liebenau, <i>Hans Holbeins d. J. Fresken am Hertenstein
-Hause in Luzern</i>, 1888; P. Ganz, “Hans Holbeins Italienfahrt,” in <i>Süddeutsche Monatshefte</i>, 1909,
-vol. vi. p 596.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f164'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r164'>164</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Parthey, 1548. Woltmann, ii. p. 166, who doubts that the original was by Holbein.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f165'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r165'>165</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Eight of them reproduced by Ganz, together with a reconstruction of the façade by
-A. Landerer, in <i>Holbein</i>, pp. 153-158.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f166'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r166'>166</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced in the <i>Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of New York</i>, vol. i. No. 12 (Nov.
-1906); <i>Burlington Magazine</i>, Oct. 1906, p. 53; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 15.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f167'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r167'>167</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 58. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, i. 41 (<i>a</i>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f168'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r168'>168</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See <i>Süddeutsche Monatshefte</i>, 1909, p. 599.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f169'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r169'>169</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See pp. 140-3, 150, &amp;c.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f170'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r170'>170</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 16. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 19; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 55.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f171'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r171'>171</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See p. 40.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f172'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r172'>172</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>According to Dr. Ganz, the architectural motives are derived from the loggia of the
-Cathedral of Como. See <i>Holbein</i>, p. 236.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f173'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r173'>173</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See chapter vii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f174'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r174'>174</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, notes to ii. 3, 51, iii. 9, 35; <i>Holbein</i>, pp. xvi.-xviii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f175'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r175'>175</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 83, who calls the figure St. Pantalus. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz.
-Mstr.</i>, iii. 35.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f176'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r176'>176</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>For further proofs, see Appendix (B).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f177'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r177'>177</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Gauthiez, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 52, and the same writer’s “Holbein sur la route d’Italie,” in <i>Gazette
-des Beaux-Arts</i>, Dec. 1897, Feb. 1898.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f178'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r178'>178</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>One is to be seen in the “Fountain of Youth” decoration for the Hertenstein house.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f179'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r179'>179</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 29. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, i. 53.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f180'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r180'>180</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 107. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 34.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f181'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r181'>181</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>For two others, see Appendix (B).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f182'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r182'>182</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 99. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, iii. 10; and in <i>Hdz. von
-H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 5; Knackfuss, fig. 27.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f183'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r183'>183</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, note to iii. 10.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f184'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r184'>184</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by His, <i>Jahrbuch der Kgl. Preussischen Kunstsammlungen</i>, 1894, p. 208.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f185'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r185'>185</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Gauthiez, p. 56.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f186'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r186'>186</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Index Operum Holbenii</i>, appendix to <i>Moriæ Encomium</i>, 1676, Nos. 47-51. Walpole,
-<i>Anecdotes</i>, ed. Wornum, p. 77.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f187'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r187'>187</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 187, and note upon it, p. 249, from which this information is taken.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f188'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r188'>188</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced in <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, iii. 45, with note by Meyenburg.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f189'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r189'>189</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. xviii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f190'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r190'>190</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 145.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f191'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r191'>191</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. xl.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f192'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r192'>192</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 145.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f193'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r193'>193</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 183.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f194'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r194'>194</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>From Pantaleon, <i>Heldenbuch</i>, vol. iii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f195'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r195'>195</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>For an exhaustive account of the formation and history
-of the Amerbach Collection, which contains transcripts
-from the earliest inventory, prepared by Basilius
-Amerbach, down to the one drawn up when the collection
-was taken over by the city, see <i>Die Entstehung des
-Amerbach’schen Kunstkabinets und die Amerbach’schen
-Inventare</i>, by Dr. Ganz and Dr. Emil Major, in the
-59th annual report (1907) of the Basel Gallery.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f196'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r196'>196</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 10. Reproduced by Davies, p. 60; Knackfuss, fig. 20; Ganz,
-<i>Holbein</i>, p. 29.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f197'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r197'>197</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wornum, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 117.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f198'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r198'>198</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. xvi.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f199'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r199'>199</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. xix.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f200'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r200'>200</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See p. 138.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f201'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r201'>201</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Appendix (E).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f202'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r202'>202</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, pp. 188-191.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f203'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r203'>203</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 155, 156. Reproduced by Knackfuss, figs. 58,
-59; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, pp. 56-59.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f204'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r204'>204</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>There is considerable likeness between this group of
-the Infant Christ and the boy angels surrounding him,
-and the one in the beautiful “Holy Family” by Gaudenzio
-Ferrari at Dorchester House, more particularly in the
-figure of the angel with small wings and close-fitting
-dress, who, in Holbein’s picture, kneels in front of
-the Child with his back to the spectator, and in the
-other is shown in profile, supporting him. According to
-Miss Halsey (<i>Gaudenzio Ferrari</i>, p. 86), the
-Dorchester House picture was “probably painted about
-1521.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f205'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r205'>205</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Knackfuss, p. 83.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f206'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r206'>206</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 178.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f207'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r207'>207</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 176. Wornum, p. 112 (quoting from Hegner, <i>Hans Holbein
-d. J.</i> 1827, and Schreiber, <i>Geschichte des Münsters zu
-Freiburg</i>, &amp;c.).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f208'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r208'>208</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 20. Reproduced by Knackfuss, figs. 54, 55,
-and 56; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, pp. 46-54; Mrs.
-Fortescue, Pl. 9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f209'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r209'>209</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>According to Peter Ochs, it was painted for the Council Chamber of the Basel Town Hall.
-Boisserée (1829) was of opinion that the damaged panel of “The Last Supper,” already described,
-originally formed the central panel of this altar-piece.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f210'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r210'>210</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Sandrart, <i>Teutsche Akademie</i>, ii. p. 82.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f211'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r211'>211</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wornum, pp. 68-71.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f212'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r212'>212</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>That the restorer made changes, more particularly in the colour, can
-be seen from two old copies of the “Betrayal” and the “Crucifixion”
-subjects, now in the depot of the Basel Gallery, which indicate the
-picture’s original state.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f213'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r213'>213</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, Eng. trans., p. 128.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f214'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r214'>214</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ethel Halsey, <i>Gaudenzio Ferrari</i>, pp. 58, 69,
-&amp;c.; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. xxii., &amp;c. The technique,
-also, closely resembles that of the Milanese school,
-differing considerably from Holbein’s earlier practice.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f215'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r215'>215</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 235.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f216'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r216'>216</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ernest Law, <i>Holbein’s Pictures at
-Windsor Castle</i>, Pl. x.; Davies, p. 98; Knackfuss,
-fig. 57; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 80.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f217'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r217'>217</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Knackfuss, p. 81.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f218'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r218'>218</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Davies, p. 98.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f219'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r219'>219</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Holbein’s Pictures at Windsor Castle</i>, p. 32.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f220'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r220'>220</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 19. Reproduced by Davies, p. 76; Knackfuss, figs. 60, 61; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 45.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f221'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r221'>221</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 235.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f222'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r222'>222</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Jahrbuch der preuss. Kunsts.</i>, 1907, vol. 28.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f223'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r223'>223</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span> Woltmann, 62. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, ii. 51; Knackfuss, fig. 65.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f224'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r224'>224</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Ganz, Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, note to ii. 51. A photograph of the sculptures on this doorway is
-reproduced by Dr. Ganz in his <i>Holbein</i>, p. xix.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f225'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r225'>225</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 52. Reproduced by Davies, p. 224; Knackfuss, fig. 64.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f226'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r226'>226</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 172. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f227'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r227'>227</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See also Appendix (C).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f228'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r228'>228</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 14. Reproduced by Davies, p. vii.; Knackfuss,
-figs. 45 and 46; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, pp. 32, 33.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f229'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r229'>229</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, vol. i. p. 174.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f230'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r230'>230</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 247. Reproduced by Davies, p. 80; Knackfuss, fig. 47; Ganz,
-<i>Holbein</i>, p. 36.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f231'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r231'>231</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Or, according to some writers, St. Martin of Tours.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f232'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r232'>232</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Holbein</i>, p. 234.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f233'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r233'>233</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ethel Halsey, <i>Gaudenzio Ferrari</i>, p. 42, and Ganz,
-<i>Holbein</i>, p. 234.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f234'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r234'>234</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>First deciphered by Herr F. A. Zetter-Collin. The carpet itself
-recalls more than one very similar carpet in Ferrari’s pictures,
-though the latter are much finer in design; in a “Madonna and Child”
-belonging to Sig. Vittadini at Arcorre, for instance, or the “Christ
-before Herod” in the Varallo frescoes.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f235'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r235'>235</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See note to No. 91 in Basel Catalogue, 1908.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f236'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r236'>236</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>“Ein nackend kindlin sitzt vf einer schlangen kompt von Holbeins
-gemeld durch H. Bocken vf holtz mit olfarben mehrteil nachgemolt.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f237'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r237'>237</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, No. 173. Eng. by J. C. Loedel for Weigel’s <i>Hdz. berühmter Meister.</i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f238'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r238'>238</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, vol. i. p. 183.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f239'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r239'>239</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 161. Reproduced by Sir Claude Phillips, <i>The Picture
-Gallery of Charles I</i>, <i>Portfolio</i> monograph, 1896, p. 63;
-Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 60.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f240'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r240'>240</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 237.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f241'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r241'>241</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>T. de Wyzewa, in a review of Dr. Ganz’ book, “À propos
-d’un Livre nouveau sur Holbein le Jeune,” in <i>Revue des Deux Mondes</i>,
-January 15, 1912.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f242'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r242'>242</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 234. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>,
-Pl. 14; Mantz, p. 45.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f243'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r243'>243</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>In a woodcut by Lucas Cranach, representing Sibylla of Cleves, the
-same motto is shown embroidered in pearls on her cap and collar. See
-Campbell Dodgson, <i>Catalogue of Early German and Flemish Woodcuts,
-&amp;c. in the British Museum</i>, ii., p. 320.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f244'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r244'>244</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Davies, p. 83.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f245'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r245'>245</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Mrs. Fortescue, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 96.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f246'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r246'>246</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Amiet, <i>Hans Holbeins Madonna von Solothurn</i>, &amp;c., 1879.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f247'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r247'>247</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See F. A. Zetter-Collin, “Die Zetter’sche
-Madonna von Solothurn,” in <i>Festschrift des
-Kunst-Vereins der Stadt Solothurn</i>, 1902; and
-<i>Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins</i>,
-New Series, vol. xi. p. 442.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f248'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r248'>248</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, <i>Holzschnittwerk H. H.</i>,
-217 and 218. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 40.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f249'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r249'>249</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Woltmann, vol. i. p. 199.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f250'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r250'>250</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 169. Reproduced by Knackfuss,
-fig. 48; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 35; Woltmann (woodcut
-by Knaus), vol. i. p. 179.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f251'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r251'>251</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 170. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 49; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 34.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f252'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r252'>252</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See page 79.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f253'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r253'>253</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, p. 179.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f254'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r254'>254</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Davies, p. 99.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f255'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r255'>255</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 4. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, pp. 61-64.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f256'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r256'>256</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Quoted by Woltmann, vol. i., p. 175.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f257'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r257'>257</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. xxvii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f258'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r258'>258</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 237.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f259'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r259'>259</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 98. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, ii., 19,
-20; Davies, p. 74; Knackfuss, figs. 62, 63; His, <i>Desseins</i>, &amp;c.,
-viii., ix.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f260'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r260'>260</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See pp. 157-9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f261'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r261'>261</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, pp. 246-7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f262'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r262'>262</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Theodori Zwingeri methodus
-apodemica</i>, 1577, p. 199—quoted by Woltmann, i.
-149.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f263'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r263'>263</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 118. Reproduced by Davies, p. 54; His, Pl. xxiv.; Ganz,
-<i>Holbein</i>, p. 160.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f264'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r264'>264</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 94. Reproduced by him (woodcut), i. 151.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f265'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r265'>265</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 162.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f266'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r266'>266</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 161.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f267'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r267'>267</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 159.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f268'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r268'>268</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 48. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz.
-von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 10; Knackfuss, fig. 41.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f269'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r269'>269</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ganz, <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, p. 26.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f270'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r270'>270</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 39. Reproduced by His, Pl. xxii. (i.).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f271'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r271'>271</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See pp. 68-9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f272'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r272'>272</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 235, who regarded it as a genuine example of Holbein’s earlier Basel period.
-Reproduced by His, Pls. xviii.-xx.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f273'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r273'>273</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 148-9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f274'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r274'>274</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 153-4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f275'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r275'>275</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 247.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f276'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r276'>276</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Quoted by Woltmann, i. 152.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f277'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r277'>277</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 159 (note), and Eng. trans., p. 173.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f278'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r278'>278</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Basilea Sepulta</i>, p. 382.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f279'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r279'>279</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Geschichte der Stadt und Landschaft Basel</i>, 1786-1822, vol. v. pp. 394-400.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f280'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r280'>280</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 165.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f281'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r281'>281</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 164.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f282'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r282'>282</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The head of Charondas was introduced into a glass painting by H. J. Plepp in 1581. See
-Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 247. A badly over-painted fragment with the head from the wall itself is
-preserved in the Basel Gallery.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f283'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r283'>283</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 167.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f284'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r284'>284</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 166.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f285'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r285'>285</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 247.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f286'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r286'>286</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 168.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f287'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r287'>287</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 31.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f288'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r288'>288</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. p. 157.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f289'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r289'>289</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 47. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, i. 13, and
-also in <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. xi., and <i>Holbein.</i>
-163.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f290'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r290'>290</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, note to i. 13.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f291'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r291'>291</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 247.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f292'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r292'>292</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 171.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f293'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r293'>293</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 171.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f294'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r294'>294</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 169.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f295'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r295'>295</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 170.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f296'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r296'>296</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 170.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f297'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r297'>297</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See pp. 347-50.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f298'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r298'>298</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Woltmann, i. p. 158 (note); Eng. trans., p. 172 (note).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f299'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r299'>299</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>“Vnnd dwyl die hindere wand noch nit gmacht vnnd
-gemolet ist, vnnd er vermeint an dysem das gelt
-verdient habenn, sol man dieselbig hindere want bis vff
-wytherenn bescheit lossenn an ston.”—Der Dreyer Herren
-Gedenkbüchlein. (Woltmann, i. 159.)</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f300'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r300'>300</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See pp. 78-9, and Appendix (B).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f301'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r301'>301</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 82-89.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f302'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r302'>302</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 22; His, Pl. xvii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f303'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r303'>303</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, iii. 35; His, Pl. xvi.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f304'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r304'>304</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, note to iii. 35.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f305'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r305'>305</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Knackfuss, figs. 23, 24.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f306'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r306'>306</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 25.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f307'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r307'>307</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f308'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r308'>308</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 101. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, i. 24.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f309'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r309'>309</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 93. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, iii. 9; His, Pl. iii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f310'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r310'>310</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, note to iii. 9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f311'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r311'>311</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, ii. 49.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f312'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r312'>312</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, note to ii. 49.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f313'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r313'>313</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See also Appendix (B).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f314'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r314'>314</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 92. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, iii. 36;
-Knackfuss, fig. 37; His, Pl. i.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f315'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r315'>315</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f316'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r316'>316</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 119. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 36 (in colours); His, Pl. xv.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f317'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r317'>317</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 96. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 35.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f318'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r318'>318</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f319'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r319'>319</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Appendix (B).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f320'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r320'>320</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 121.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f321'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r321'>321</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 49. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, iii. 24.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f322'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r322'>322</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, note to iii. 24.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f323'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r323'>323</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Appendix (D).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f324'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r324'>324</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. xxi.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f325'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r325'>325</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 112. Reproduced by His, Pl. v.; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 30.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f326'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r326'>326</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 102. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, iii. 38; His, Pl. iv.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f327'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r327'>327</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, note to iii. 38.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f328'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r328'>328</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>British Museum, 13, Binyon Catg., ii. p. 329. Woltmann, 209.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f329'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r329'>329</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 95. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, iii. 53
-(see note to the plate by Meyenburg).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f330'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r330'>330</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, iii. 54, and in <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 13.
-See his notes to both plates.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f331'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r331'>331</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, note to iii. 54.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f332'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r332'>332</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, note to iii. 54.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f333'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r333'>333</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 90. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, ii. 35; His, Pl. vii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f334'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r334'>334</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 91. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, i. 42, and
-in <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 15; Knackfuss, fig. 26; His,
-Pl. vi.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f335'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r335'>335</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 66. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 28; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 1).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f336'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r336'>336</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 67. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, iii. 22; Davies, p. 72; Knackfuss
-fig. 29; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 2).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f337'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r337'>337</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 68. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, iii. 39; Knackfuss, fig. 30; Mantz,
-p. 44 (No. 3).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f338'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r338'>338</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, note to iii. 39.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f339'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r339'>339</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 69. Reproduced by His, Pl. x.; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 4).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f340'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r340'>340</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 70. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 31; His, Pl. xi.; Woltmann, i. p. 173;
-Mantz, p. 44 (No. 5).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f341'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r341'>341</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 71. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 17; His, Pl. xii.,
-Mantz, p. 44 (No. 6).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f342'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r342'>342</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, p. 36.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f343'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r343'>343</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 72. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, ii. 50; Knackfuss, fig. 32; His,
-Pl. xiii.; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 7).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f344'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r344'>344</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 73. Reproduced by Mantz, p. 44 (No. 8).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f345'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r345'>345</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 74. Reproduced by Davies, p. 68; His, Pl. xiv.; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 9).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f346'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r346'>346</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 75. Reproduced by Davies, p. 70; Knackfuss, fig. 33; Woltmann, i. p. 174;
-Mantz, p. 44 (No. 10).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f347'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r347'>347</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 177-183; British Museum, 1-7, Binyon Catg., ii. pp. 327-8. See Appendix (D).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f348'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r348'>348</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann 76-81. All six reproduced by Mantz, eng. by Edouard Lièvre, p. 128.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f349'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r349'>349</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 76. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, iii. 11, and in <i>Hdz. von H. H.
-dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 3; Knackfuss, fig. 42.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f350'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r350'>350</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 80. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, iii. 37; Davies, p. 136;
-Knackfuss, fig. 44.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f351'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r351'>351</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 78. Also wearing a gauze cap.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f352'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r352'>352</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 77. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 43.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f353'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r353'>353</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 79.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f354'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r354'>354</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See pp. 245-6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f355'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r355'>355</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, note to iii. 11.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f356'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r356'>356</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 26; and see
-his note, p. 44.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f357'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r357'>357</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, iii. 55, and in <i>Hdz.
-von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 12.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f358'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r358'>358</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 104. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, ii. 36, and in <i>Hdz. von H. H.
-dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 28; Knackfuss, fig. 68.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f359'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r359'>359</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>And the Lachner glass design. See Appendix (B).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f360'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r360'>360</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 63. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, i. 10; Knackfuss, fig. 69.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f361'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r361'>361</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>This drawing is only the central part of the design, the left-hand
-half being in the Albertina, Vienna (Woltmann, 259). For the drawing
-at Frankfurt of the transport ship with landsknechte, see Vol. ii. p.
-264.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f362'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r362'>362</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 105. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 17.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f363'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r363'>363</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 106. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 18.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f364'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r364'>364</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ægidius was thirty-one when the portrait was painted, and had been
-appointed town-clerk seven years previously.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f365'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r365'>365</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Archæologia</i>, xliv. pp. 435 <i>et seq.</i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f366'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r366'>366</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Sir Claude Phillips, <i>Art
-Journal</i>, 1897, p. 101; Arundel Club, 1905;
-Catalogue of the Pictures in the Earl of Radnor’s
-Collection, 1909, vol. i. No. 80; A. Machiels, <i>Gaz.
-des Beaux-Arts</i>, Nov. 1911, heliotype.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f367'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r367'>367</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Inscribed “Viro Literatissimo Petro Egidio
-Amico Charissimo Antuerpiæ.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f368'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r368'>368</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Eng. by F. Leuwers, 1873. For a
-description and history of the two pictures, see H.
-Barclay Squire, in Lord Radnor’s Catalogue, note to No.
-80, vol. i. pp. 44, 45.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f369'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r369'>369</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Law, <i>Royal Gallery of Hampton Court</i>, 1898, p. 215.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f370'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r370'>370</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>A poor reproduction of this portrait—which Wornum (p. 143) regarded as
-a fine, genuine work by Holbein, but in some of its details recalling
-Metsys—accompanies M. Henri Hymans’ article “Quentin Metsys et son
-Portrait d’Erasme,” in the <i>Bulletin des Commissions Royales d’Art
-et d’Archéologie</i>, 1882; reproduced also by J. R. Haarhaus,
-“Bildnisse des Erasmus,” <i>Zeits. für bild. Kunst</i>, Nov. 1898.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f371'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r371'>371</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See André Machiels, “Les Portraits
-d’Erasme,” <i>Gazette des Beaux-Arts</i>, November
-1911, pp. 349-61, who reproduces the Rome portrait;
-also W. Barclay Squire, <i>Lord Radnor’s Catalogue</i>,
-addit. note to No. 80.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f372'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r372'>372</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>One of these drawings is in the collection
-of M. Léon Bonnat, Paris, and is reproduced in the
-<i>Gaz. des Beaux-Arts</i>, 1879, i. p. 269.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f373'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r373'>373</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by A. Machiels, <i>Gaz. des
-Beaux-Arts</i>, Nov. 1911, p. 355.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f374'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r374'>374</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Appendix (E).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f375'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r375'>375</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>According to Walpole, <i>Anecdotes</i>,
-ed. Wornum, 1888, i. p. 344, the pictures were
-“altered” by Von Steenwyck for King Charles.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f376'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r376'>376</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wornum, p. 140.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f377'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r377'>377</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Law, <i>Holbein’s Pictures at Windsor Castle</i>, 1901, p. 28.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f378'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r378'>378</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 207.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f379'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r379'>379</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Appendix (E).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f380'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r380'>380</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See A. Horawitz, <i>Zeitschrift für
-bildende Kunst</i>, viii. p. 128. Quoted by Woltmann,
-i. p. 286.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f381'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r381'>381</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>F. M. Nichols, <i>Proceedings of the
-Society of Antiquaries</i>, second series, xvii. No.
-I., pp. 132-145.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f382'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r382'>382</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 214. Reproduced by Davies, frontispiece; Sir Claude
-Phillips, <i>Art Journal</i>, 1897, p. 102; Earl of Radnor’s
-Catalogue, No. 81; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 37; Machiels, <i>Gaz. des
-Beaux-Arts</i>, Nov. 1911, p. 357. Exhibited Royal Academy Winter
-Exhib., 1873, No. 178.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f383'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r383'>383</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>In <i>Jahrbücher des Vereins von Alterthumsfreunden im Rheinlande</i>,
-1868, p. 269, quoted by Woltmann, i. p. 288. For other readings by
-Grimm, &amp;c., see W. Barclay Squire in Lord Radnor’s Catalogue, note to
-81.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f384'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r384'>384</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Sir Claude Phillips, <i>Art Journal</i>, 1897, p. 103. Also
-Waagen, <i>Galleries and Cabinets</i>, 1857, p. 356, who says that it
-is “alone worth a pilgrimage to Longford Castle.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f385'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r385'>385</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 232. Reproduced by Davies, p. 110; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. xxiii.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f386'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r386'>386</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 231. Reproduced by Davies, p. 110; Ganz, <i>Hdz. von H. H.
-dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 16.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f387'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r387'>387</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>It is possibly the portrait noted by Evelyn in his <i>Diary</i>,
-August 10, 1655—“I went to Alburie to visit Mr. Howard.... He shew’d
-me many rare pictures, particularly ... <i>Erasmus</i> as big as the
-life, by Holbein.” This could hardly refer to the small Greystoke
-portrait.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f388'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r388'>388</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 206. Mr. Barclay Squire notes
-copies of Mr. Gay’s version in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, presented
-by Sir James Thornhill in 1728, and one in Archbishop Tenison’s
-School, Leicester Square (note to No. 81, Lord Radnor’s Catalogue).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f389'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r389'>389</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Colvin, <i>Burlington Magazine</i>, vol. xvi. Nov. 1909, p. 71.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f390'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r390'>390</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 224. Reproduced by Davies, p. 108; Knackfuss, fig. 52; Sir
-C. Phillips, “Picture Gallery of Charles I,” <i>Portfolio
-Monograph</i>, 1896, p. 23; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 39.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f391'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r391'>391</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The study for this hand, in the Louvre, has aleady been mentioned (see Pl. 55).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f392'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r392'>392</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Cust, <i>Royal Collection of Paintings, Windsor
-Castle</i>, Pl. 47.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f393'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r393'>393</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Or perhaps the small roundel at Basel mentioned below.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f394'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r394'>394</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Vol. xxix., 1884, p. 423.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f395'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r395'>395</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 12. Reproduced by Woltmann, vol. i. p. 315, fig. 57; Ganz,
-<i>Holbein</i>, p. 38.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f396'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r396'>396</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, ii. p. 99.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f397'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r397'>397</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. p. 290.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f398'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r398'>398</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. xxvi.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f399'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r399'>399</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, pp. xxv.-vi.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f400'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r400'>400</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Appendix (F).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f401'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r401'>401</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>He may have gone, of course, as Lützelburger’s representative.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f402'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r402'>402</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 44 and 45.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f403'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r403'>403</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i> iii. 25; Knackfuss, fig. 53.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f404'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r404'>404</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Chapter xxi., Vol. ii. p. 138 <i>et seq.</i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f405'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r405'>405</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Vol. ii. p. 162.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f406'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r406'>406</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced in the <i>Burlington Magazine</i>, vol. xvi., November 1909, frontispiece; Ganz,
-<i>Holbein</i>, p. 91.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f407'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r407'>407</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Burlington Magazine</i>, vol. xvi., November 1909, pp. 67-71.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f408'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r408'>408</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Only one of these has Holbein’s name attached to it in the
-Arundel inventory of 1655. The two are entered as “Erasmo di
-Holbein” and “Ritratto d’Erasmo Roterodamo.” See above, p. 171,
-note 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f409'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r409'>409</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced in <i>Burlington Magazine</i>, vol. xvi., November 1909.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f410'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r410'>410</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 240. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 86.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f411'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r411'>411</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The much inferior version in the Besançon Museum (reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 215) is
-an almost exact replica of the Parma picture.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f412'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r412'>412</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See M. Curtze, <i>Beiblatt der Zeitschrift für bildende Kunst</i>,
-1874, ix. 537 ff.; Woltmann, vol. ii. p. 15; and Colvin, <i>Burlington
-Magazine</i>, vol. xvi. p. 68.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f413'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r413'>413</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 13. Reproduced by Davies, p. 112; Knackfuss, fig. 114; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 90.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f414'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r414'>414</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 23.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f415'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r415'>415</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 214; the hands and body follow the Longford picture,
-while the head is like the Parma version.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f416'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r416'>416</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 250. Reproduced by André Machiels, <i>Gaz. des Beaux-Arts</i>, November 1911,
-p. 359, who regards it as an original work by Holbein.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f417'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r417'>417</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 171.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f418'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r418'>418</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 207. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 51.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f419'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r419'>419</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 206. Reproduced by Woltmann, i. 357, fig. 63; Knackfuss, fig. 112; Machiels,
-<i>Gaz. des Beaux-Arts</i>, November 1911, p. 358; and elsewhere.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f420'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r420'>420</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Law, <i>Holbein’s Pictures in Windsor Castle</i>, viii.
-p. 27, and in <i>Royal Gallery of Hampton Court</i>, p. 220; Sir C.
-Phillips, “The Picture Gallery of Charles I,” <i>Portfolio
-Monograph</i>, 1896, p. 111; Davies, p. 28; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p.
-207.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f421'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r421'>421</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 208.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f422'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r422'>422</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Law, <i>Holbein’s Pictures</i>, &amp;c., p. 28.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f423'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r423'>423</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. p. 289.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f424'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r424'>424</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Knackfuss, p. 78.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f425'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r425'>425</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 164. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 113; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 92.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f426'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r426'>426</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 92.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f427'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r427'>427</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>On this point see Koegler, <i>Jahrbuch d. Pr. K.-S.</i>, 1911, and Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 239.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f428'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r428'>428</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, ii. p. 359.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f429'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r429'>429</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 43. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 50 (in colours), and
-<i>Holbein</i>, frontispiece; Davies, p. 100; Knackfuss, fig. 21; Wornum, frontispiece, eng. by C. W.
-Sharpe.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f430'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r430'>430</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>According to Dr. Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 232, this cutting-out was in
-all probability done in the eighteenth century, when at the same time
-the hat and mantle were freshened with water-colours.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f431'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r431'>431</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Dr. Ganz points out (<i>Holbein</i>, p. 232), that it was not until after his journey into France, in
-1523-4, that he made use of coloured chalks in his drawings.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f432'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r432'>432</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Another drawing of this period in the Basel Gallery, the Young Man with the big hat, is
-described in Vol. ii. pp. 259-60.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f433'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r433'>433</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Including Woltmann, in the first edition of his book, Eng. trans., p. 205.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f434'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r434'>434</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The same initials occur on the title-page to Hall’s <i>Chronicle</i>, 1548. See Vol. ii. p. 79.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f435'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r435'>435</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, Eng. trans., p. 205.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f436'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r436'>436</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Campbell Dodgson, <i>Burlington Magazine</i>, vol. x., Feb. 1907,
-pp. 319-22; also the same writer’s Catalogue of Early German and
-Flemish Woodcuts in the British Museum, vol. ii., 1911, p. 295, &amp;c.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f437'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r437'>437</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See His, “Hans Lützelburger,” &amp;c., in <i>Gazette des Beaux-Arts</i>,
-2<sup>e</sup> Période, vol. iv. pp. 481-9 (December 1871).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f438'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r438'>438</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Mr. Frederic Lees, however, mentions as clearly by Holbein, “a drawing
-for the celebrated <i>Dance of Death</i> series, and the only one of
-the forty which now exists,” which is in the collection of M. Emile
-Wauters in Paris.—<i>The Studio</i>, vol. li. No. 213, p. 213
-(December 1910).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f439'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r439'>439</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See pp. 44-5 and Pl. 11.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f440'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r440'>440</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 223. Reproduced by Butsch, <i>Die Bücher-Ornamentik der Renaissance</i>, Pl. 45;
-and by Mantz, <i>Hans Holbein</i>, p. 26.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f441'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r441'>441</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Calendars of Letters and Papers, Hen. VIII</i>, vol. ii. pt. i. 2540.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f442'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r442'>442</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, A. H., 4. Reproduced by Butsch, Pl. 43. Already used by Froben in more
-than one book in the previous year (1517).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f443'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r443'>443</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 217, 218. See p. 111.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f444'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r444'>444</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 227. Reproduced by Butsch, Pl. 54; Knackfuss, fig. 50; Mantz, p. 43.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f445'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r445'>445</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 215. Reproduced by Butsch, Pl. 57.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f446'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r446'>446</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 216.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f447'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r447'>447</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 184-7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f448'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r448'>448</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 188-91.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f449'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r449'>449</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 192. Reproduced in <i>Holbein</i>, “Great Engravers” Series
-(A. M. Hind), 1912.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f450'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r450'>450</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 213.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f451'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r451'>451</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 150-70.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f452'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r452'>452</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Woltmann, i. 218-20.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f453'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r453'>453</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 171.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f454'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r454'>454</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 226.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f455'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r455'>455</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 212.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f456'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r456'>456</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 195, 196. Reproduced by Woltmann, i. pp. 237-38.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f457'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r457'>457</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 231. Reproduced by Butsch, Pl. 64; Woltmann, i. p. 200.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f458'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r458'>458</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 232. Reproduced by Butsch, Pl. 64; Wornum, p. 13, &amp;c.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f459'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r459'>459</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 233.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f460'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r460'>460</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 253. Four of the letters reproduced by Woltmann, Eng. trans., p. 218.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f461'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r461'>461</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 254.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f462'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r462'>462</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 255-9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f463'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r463'>463</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 251.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f464'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r464'>464</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 266-8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f465'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r465'>465</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 238<i>a</i>, 238<i>b.</i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f466'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r466'>466</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 239-41.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f467'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r467'>467</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 242, 243.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f468'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r468'>468</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 244, 245.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f469'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r469'>469</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 246-8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f470'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r470'>470</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 249. A number of these marks reproduced by Butsch, Pls. 50, 51.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f471'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r471'>471</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Appendix (G).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f472'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r472'>472</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 209.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f473'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r473'>473</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 205.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f474'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r474'>474</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Vol. ii. pp. 76-9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f475'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r475'>475</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Woltmann, i. chap. xi.; Chatto, <i>Treatise on Wood Engraving</i>, ed. Bohn, chap. vi.; Douce,
-<i>Dance of Death</i>, 1858, pp. 30-37.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f476'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r476'>476</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 92-149.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f477'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r477'>477</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See p. 190.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f478'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r478'>478</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Chatto, <i>A Treatise on Wood Engraving</i>, ed. 1861, pp. 330-1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f479'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r479'>479</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Woltmann, i. 269.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f480'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r480'>480</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Campbell Dodgson, <i>Catalogue of Early German and Flemish Woodcuts</i>, &amp;c., vol. ii.
-p. 207. The cut of “The Duchess” has the date 1542, and that of “The Advocate” the engraver’s
-monogram, HVE, from which it appears that Jost de Negker did not cut the blocks himself, but
-was only the publisher.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f481'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r481'>481</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See introductory note by Austin Dobson to the edition published by George Bell &amp; Sons,
-1898. The whole set reproduced by Mantz, pp. 83-87; and by Davies, pp. 196-200, from the
-proofs in the British Museum; and in Heinemann’s “Great Engravers” Series, <i>Holbein</i>, ed. A. M.
-Hind, 1912, which includes the cuts of the 1562 edition.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f482'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r482'>482</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Chatto, <i>Treatise</i>, &amp;c., pp. 324-5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f483'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r483'>483</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Chatto, <i>Treatise</i>, &amp;c., p. 365; Woltmann, i. p. 240; Wornum, p. 25.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f484'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r484'>484</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 252. The set reproduced by
-Davies, p. 194; Knackfuss, fig. 71; and elsewhere. They
-are used as the initial letters in this book.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f485'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r485'>485</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 1-91. The whole series reproduced by Mantz, pp. 92-108; and, with the exception
-of seven, by A. M. Hind, in <i>Holbein</i>, “Great Engravers” series, 1912; thirteen by Davies,
-p. 188.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f486'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r486'>486</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Chatto, <i>Treatise</i>, &amp;c., p. 366.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f487'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r487'>487</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 1st ed., Eng. trans., p. 233.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f488'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r488'>488</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>A considerable number of the subjects appear to have been suggested to Holbein by the
-small woodcuts in the Malermi Bible, published in Venice in 1490, which, in turn, had been more
-or less adapted from the Cologne Bible of 1480; but the material so used by Holbein was
-completely transformed by the magic of his pencil. See A. M. Hind, <i>Holbein</i>, in “Great
-Engravers” series, p. 10.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f489'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r489'>489</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See pp. 160-1.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f490'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r490'>490</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 251.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f491'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r491'>491</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 316.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f492'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r492'>492</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 143. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 89; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 65; and elsewhere.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f493'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r493'>493</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Dr. Ganz points out the resemblance between this picture and
-Mantegna’s “Madonna of Victory” in the Louvre. In the latter the
-kneeling suppliants are also protected by the Virgin’s cloak, and the
-movement of her hand, outstretched in benediction over Gonzaga’s head,
-is just the same as that of the Infant Christ in the Meyer votive
-picture (<i>Holbein</i>, p. xxviii.).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f494'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r494'>494</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 40-42.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f495'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r495'>495</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Davies, p. 90; Knackfuss, fig. 86.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f496'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r496'>496</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem
-Jüng.</i>, Pl. 18 (in colour); Davies, p. 92;
-Knackfuss, fig. 87.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f497'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r497'>497</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, iii. 56; Davies, p. 94; Knackfuss, fig. 88.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f498'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r498'>498</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Davies, p. 88; Knackfuss, fig. 90; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 209.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f499'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r499'>499</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Wornum, p. 166; Woltmann, i. pp. 300-14.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f500'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r500'>500</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>December 1871, iv., 2nd period, pp. 516-19.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f501'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r501'>501</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, ii. pp. 49-50. See Appendix (E).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f502'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r502'>502</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. p. 296.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f503'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r503'>503</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wornum, p. 171.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f504'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r504'>504</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Anzeiger für Schweiz. Altertumskunde</i>, N. F. xii. 4. Sarburgh
-painted a portrait of Remigius Faesch. See Appendix (E).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f505'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r505'>505</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Sainsbury, <i>Original unpublished Papers, illustrative of the Life of
-P. P. Rubens</i>, &amp;c., 1859, Appendix, No. liii. p. 290. Quoted by
-Wornum, p. 170.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f506'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r506'>506</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. p. 298; ii. p. 56.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f507'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r507'>507</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The history of the Dresden copy, given below, bears out this supposition.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f508'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r508'>508</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Elsewhere he speaks of it as the sixth.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f509'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r509'>509</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Walpole, <i>Anecdotes</i>, &amp;c., ed. Wornum, 1888, i. 93.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f510'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r510'>510</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ruskin, “Sir Joshua and Holbein,” <i>Cornhill Magazine</i>, March 1860, p. 328; reprinted in
-<i>On the Old Road</i>, vol. i. pt. i., pp. 221-236.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f511'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r511'>511</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Davies, p. 94-5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f512'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r512'>512</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See p. 158.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f513'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r513'>513</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>She was, however, born in 1508, and so
-would be too young for the lady of these pictures.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f514'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r514'>514</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 17. Reproduced by Knackfuss,
-fig. 91; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 40.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f515'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r515'>515</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 18. Reproduced by Davies, p.
-102; Knackfuss, fig. 92; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 41.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f516'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r516'>516</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 1st ed., Eng. trans., p. 289. Omitted in 2nd ed.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f517'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r517'>517</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wornum, p. 163.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f518'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r518'>518</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Mrs. G. Fortescue, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 105-6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f519'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r519'>519</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>T. de Wyzewa, “À propos d’un Livre nouveau
-sur Holbein le Jeune,” <i>Revue des Deux Mondes</i>,
-15th Jan. 1912.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f520'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r520'>520</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See pp. 79 and 137-8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f521'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r521'>521</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Knackfuss, p. 115.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f522'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r522'>522</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wornum, pp. 162-4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f523'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r523'>523</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Davies, pp. 102-3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f524'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r524'>524</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Burlington Magazine</i>, vol. iv. No. xi. (Feb. 1904) p. 187.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f525'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r525'>525</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See p. 233.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f526'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r526'>526</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Calendars of Letters and Papers, &amp;c., Hen. VIII</i>, iv. Pt. i. 1547.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f527'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r527'>527</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See p. 22.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f528'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r528'>528</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 1st ed., Eng. trans., p. 292.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f529'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r529'>529</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Erasmi Opera</i>, iii. 951.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f530'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r530'>530</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Calendars of Letters and papers, &amp;c., Hen. VIII</i>, i. preface, p. xxv.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f531'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r531'>531</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, i. 2053.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f532'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r532'>532</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, i. 5720.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f533'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r533'>533</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, ii. Pt. ii., Revels Accounts, p. 1499.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f534'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r534'>534</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, i. 4954.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f535'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r535'>535</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>18th April 1520. <i>C. L. P.</i>, iii. Pt. i. 750.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f536'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r536'>536</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>21st May 1520. <i>C. L. P.</i>, iii. Pt. i. 825.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f537'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r537'>537</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iii. Pt. ii., Revels Accounts, p. 1551.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f538'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r538'>538</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Memoir of Henry FitzRoy, Duke of Richmond and Somerset</i>, Camden Society, 1855, p. 87.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f539'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r539'>539</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iii. Pt. ii. 3517.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f540'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r540'>540</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iv. Pt. i. 965.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f541'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r541'>541</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iv. Pt. ii. 3564.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f542'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r542'>542</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>J. Gough Nichols, <i>Archæologia</i>, xxxix. pp. 23-25 (1862).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f543'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r543'>543</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See <i>Archæologia</i>, xxxix. p. 25.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f544'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r544'>544</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Walpole, <i>Anecdotes of Painting</i>, ed. Wornum, 1888, i. 64.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f545'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r545'>545</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v. 1139 (30).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f546'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r546'>546</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v., Privy Purse Expenses of Hen. VIII, Feb. 1532.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f547'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r547'>547</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v. 952.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f548'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r548'>548</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, x. 914.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f549'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r549'>549</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xiv. Pt. ii. 238.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f550'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r550'>550</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xiv. Pt. ii. 782 (p. 336).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f551'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r551'>551</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xvi. 1489 (f. 188).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f552'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r552'>552</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>J. Gough Nichols, <i>Archæologia</i>, xxxix. p. 27.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f553'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r553'>553</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See p. 276.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f554'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r554'>554</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>J. Gough Nichols, <i>Archæologia</i>, xxxix. p. 34.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f555'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r555'>555</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Walpole, <i>Anecdotes of Painting</i>, ed. Wornum, 1888, p. 62.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f556'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r556'>556</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Archæologia</i>, xxxix. p. 30.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f557'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r557'>557</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wornum, p. 22.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f558'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r558'>558</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lionel Cust, <i>Introductory Notes to the Catalogue of the Burlington
-Fine Arts Club Exhibition of Early English Portraiture</i>, 1909, pp.
-47, 48.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f559'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r559'>559</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Nichols, <i>Archæologia</i>, xxxix. p. 29.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f560'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r560'>560</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lionel Cust, <i>Introductory Notes, Catg. Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib.
-Early English Portraiture</i>, 1909, p. 48.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f561'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r561'>561</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, vii. 922 (14 and 15).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f562'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r562'>562</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wornum, p. 32.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f563'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r563'>563</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iv. Pt. ii. 3169.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f564'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r564'>564</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iv. Pt. i. 2152.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f565'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r565'>565</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iv. Pt. ii. 4435, 4572, 4574-77, 4652.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f566'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r566'>566</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iv. Pt. iii. 5163.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f567'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r567'>567</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iv. Pt. ii. 5117.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f568'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r568'>568</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v. 978 (15).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f569'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r569'>569</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Loseley Manuscripts.</i></p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f570'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r570'>570</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xiii. Pt. ii. 1280, f. 55 b.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f571'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r571'>571</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, i. 5604.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f572'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r572'>572</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Vol. ii. pp. 238-9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f573'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r573'>573</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xvi. 305 (25).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f574'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r574'>574</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib., 1909, No. 29.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f575'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r575'>575</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lionel Cust, <i>Introductory Notes</i>, <i>Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib.
-Catg.</i>, 1, 1909, pp. 45, 46.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f576'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r576'>576</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See also Scharf, <i>Archæologia</i>, xxxix. pp. 47-9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f577'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r577'>577</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See <i>Burlington Magazine</i>, vol. xiv., March 1909, pp. 366-8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f578'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r578'>578</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Cust, <i>Catg. Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib.</i>, 1909, p. 60.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f579'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r579'>579</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, i. 775.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f580'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r580'>580</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See M. Digby Wyatt, “On the Foreign Artists employed in England during the Sixteenth
-Century,” <i>Transactions of the Royal Institute of British Architects</i>, 1868, p. 220.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f581'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r581'>581</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cust, <i>Catg. Burlington Fine Arts Club Exhibition</i>, 1909, p. 61.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f582'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r582'>582</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cust, p. 61.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f583'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r583'>583</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, i. 5720.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f584'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r584'>584</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, i. 4954.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f585'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r585'>585</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, ii. Pt. ii. p. 1461.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f586'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r586'>586</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, ii. Pt. ii. p. 1472.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f587'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r587'>587</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, ii. Pt. ii. 3862.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f588'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r588'>588</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iii. Pt. i. 826. See p. 259.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f589'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r589'>589</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iv. Pt. i. 366.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f590'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r590'>590</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iv. Pt. ii. 3104.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f591'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r591'>591</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v., Privy Purse Expenses.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f592'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r592'>592</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v. 686.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f593'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r593'>593</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Archæologia</i>, xxxix. p. 28.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f594'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r594'>594</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v., Treasurer of the Chamber’s Accounts, p. 305.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f595'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r595'>595</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. 273.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f596'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r596'>596</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Transactions of the Royal Institute of British Architects</i>, p. 227.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f597'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r597'>597</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Lewis Einstein, <i>The Italian Renaissance in England</i>, 1902, p. 196, and Cust, <i>Catg. Burl.
-Fine Arts Club Exhib.</i>, 1909, p. 64.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f598'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r598'>598</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v., 952 (p. 446).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f599'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r599'>599</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v., Treasurer of the Chamber’s Accounts, p. 307.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f600'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r600'>600</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Mr. Cust gives his salary as £20 per
-annum, but the entry in the accounts is always
-33<i>s.</i> 4<i>d.</i> a quarter, not a month, though
-this, of course, may be an error of book-keeping.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f601'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r601'>601</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See M. Digby Wyatt, <i>Transactions</i>, &amp;c., p. 225.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f602'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r602'>602</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Transactions</i>, &amp;c., p. 225.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f603'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r603'>603</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v., Treasurer of the Chamber’s Accounts, p. 319.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f604'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r604'>604</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v., Privy Purse Expenses, March 1531. “To Anthony Pene and Bartilmew Tate,
-paynters, for ther lyveray at 22<i>s.</i> 6<i>d.</i> a pece, 45<i>s.</i>”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f605'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r605'>605</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Vol. c. 6, 12. Quoted by Wornum, p. 204, note.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f606'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r606'>606</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Hampton Court Accounts</i>, Wornum, p. 205, note.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f607'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r607'>607</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v., Privy Purse Expenses.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f608'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r608'>608</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xiii. Pt. i. 1309 (35).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f609'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r609'>609</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xiv. Pt. ii. 782 (p. 335).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f610'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r610'>610</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xiii. Pt. ii. 967 (46).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f611'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r611'>611</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xiii. Pt. ii. 1280 (f. 53<i>b</i>).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f612'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r612'>612</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xvi. 1489 (f. 165).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f613'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r613'>613</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xvi. 779 (18).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f614'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r614'>614</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xvii. 1251 (13).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f615'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r615'>615</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Loseley Manuscripts</i>, edit. Kempe, pp. 81, 84, 89.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f616'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r616'>616</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Archæologia</i>, xii. pp. 381, 391.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f617'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r617'>617</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iii. Pt. ii. 2486.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f618'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r618'>618</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See J. Gough Nichols, <i>Archæologia</i>, xxxix. p. 38: and Cust,
-<i>Catg. Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib.</i>, 1909, p. 63.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f619'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r619'>619</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Dimier, <i>French Painting in the Sixteenth Century</i>, pp. 115, 116.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f620'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r620'>620</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xvi. 1308 (4).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f621'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r621'>621</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iii. Pt. i. 1355.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f622'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r622'>622</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v., Treasurer of the Chamber’s Accounts, p. 305.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f623'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r623'>623</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Catg. Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib.</i>, 1909, p. 65.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f624'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r624'>624</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Dimier, <i>French Painting in the Sixteenth Century</i>, pp.
-60, 86. Also the same writer’s <i>Le Primatice</i>, 1900. The
-name was sometimes spelt Belin.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f625'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r625'>625</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>p. 75.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f626'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r626'>626</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Quoted in <i>Burlington Gazette</i>, II. i. May 1903, p. 55.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f627'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r627'>627</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xiii., Pt. ii. 1280 (f. 47b).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f628'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r628'>628</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xiv. Pt. ii. 781 (f. 68).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f629'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r629'>629</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xvi. 37.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f630'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r630'>630</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xvi. 59.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f631'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r631'>631</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xvi. 60.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f632'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r632'>632</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xvi. 82.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f633'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r633'>633</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xvi. 115.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f634'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r634'>634</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xvi. 163, 168.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f635'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r635'>635</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xvi. 182.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f636'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r636'>636</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xvi. 276. See also Appendix (H).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f637'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r637'>637</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Appendix (H).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f638'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r638'>638</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xvi. 308 (f. 119b).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f639'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r639'>639</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, xvi. 1308 (5).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f640'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r640'>640</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Archæologia</i>, xxxix. p. 37.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f641'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r641'>641</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Loseley Manuscripts, “Revels at Hampton, 16 July to 6 Sep., 38 Hen. VIII.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f642'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r642'>642</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Loseley Manuscripts, “Coronation of Ed. VI.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f643'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r643'>643</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Loseley Manuscripts, “Shrovetide Revels, 2 Ed. VI.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f644'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r644'>644</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Quoted by Nichols, <i>Archæologia</i>, xxxix. p. 37.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f645'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r645'>645</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Archæologia</i>, xxxix. p. 55.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f646'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r646'>646</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Cust, <i>Cat. Burl. F.A. Club Exhib.</i>, 1909, p. 64; National Gallery Catalogue.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f647'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r647'>647</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Vasari, as quoted by Scharf, <i>Archæologia</i>, xxxix. pp. 53, 54.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f648'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r648'>648</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See above, p. 245.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f649'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r649'>649</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Davies, p. 115.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f650'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r650'>650</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See page 245. Davies, p. 94.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f651'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r651'>651</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See below, p. 315.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f652'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r652'>652</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See p. 169.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f653'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r653'>653</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iv. pt. i. 1826; <i>Erasmi Opera</i>, iii. 951.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f654'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r654'>654</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries</i>, Second Series, xvii. No. i. pp. 132-145.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f655'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r655'>655</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Proceedings</i>, Second Series, xvi. No. iii. pp. 321-327.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f656'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r656'>656</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Walpole, <i>Anecdotes</i>, &amp;c., ed. Wornum, 1888, i. 90. The sixth picture to which he refers is
-the Meyer Madonna.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f657'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r657'>657</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 35. Reproduced by Ganz,
-<i>Holbein</i>, p. 192, <i>Hdz. Schwz. Mstr.</i>, i.
-55, and <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 23;
-Davies, p. 116; Knackfuss, fig. 93.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f658'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r658'>658</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Engraved by Dean for <i>The Bijou</i>, 1829.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f659'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r659'>659</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>One of the versions of the picture was in
-the Earl of Arundel’s collection, and is entered in the
-1655 inventory as “Tomaso Moro con la sua famiglia.” In
-the same collection there was a portrait of More’s son,
-entered as “Il figliolo de Tomaso Moro,” but without
-the name of the artist. See Appendix (I) for the
-history of the Nostell picture.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f660'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r660'>660</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Roper’s <i>Life and Death of Sir Thomas
-More</i>, &amp;c., ed. Rev. J. Lewis, 1731, p. 169.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f661'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r661'>661</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The heads in the Windsor Collection.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f662'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r662'>662</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Walpole, <i>Anecdotes</i>, &amp;c., ed. Wornum, 1888, p. 92.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f663'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r663'>663</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wornum, p. 244.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f664'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r664'>664</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 1st ed., Eng. trans, p. 322. For Vertue’s account, see Appendix (I).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f665'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r665'>665</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Nos. lviii. and lix., “Nostell Priory, Wakefield,” <i>Athenæum</i>, Sept. 18, 25, 1880.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f666'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r666'>666</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See pp. 311-16.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f667'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r667'>667</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 350, note.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f668'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r668'>668</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wornum, pp. 231-246.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f669'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r669'>669</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Appendix (I).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f670'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r670'>670</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wornum, pp. 245-6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f671'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r671'>671</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p.
-193.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f672'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r672'>672</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>According to Mr. W. Roberts, <i>Memorials
-of Christie’s</i>, 1897, vol. i. p. 81, the
-measurements of the picture, as given in the sale
-catalogue of 1808, are 10 ft. by 15 ft.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f673'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r673'>673</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced in the catalogue, p. 214.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f674'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r674'>674</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Walpole, <i>Anecdotes</i>, &amp;c., ed. Wornum, 1888, p. 92.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f675'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r675'>675</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Vol. iii. pt. i. p. 490.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f676'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r676'>676</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 275; Wornum, i. 6; Sir R. Holmes, i. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f677'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r677'>677</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 276; Wornum, i. 42; Sir R. Holmes, i. 7.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f678'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r678'>678</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wrongly inscribed “The Lady Barkley.” Woltmann, 278; Wornum, ii. 34; Sir R. Holmes,
-i. 5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f679'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r679'>679</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 279; Wornum, ii. 12; Sir R. Holmes, i. 6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f680'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r680'>680</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 277; Wornum, ii. 35; Sir R. Holmes, i. 8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f681'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r681'>681</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wrongly inscribed “Mother Jak.” Woltmann, 280; Wornum, ii. 40; Sir R. Holmes, i. 9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f682'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r682'>682</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 273, 274; Wornum, i. 3, 4; Sir
-R. Holmes, i. 3 and ii. 18.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f683'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r683'>683</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 207. Reproduced by Davies, p. 118; <i>Catalogue of the Tudor
-Exhibition</i>, 1890, p. 44; A. F. Pollard, <i>Henry VIII</i>, p. 114;
-<i>Burlington Fine Arts Club Exhib. Catg.</i>, Pl. xviii.; Ganz,
-<i>Holbein</i>, p. 69. The portrait is now in America. See Appendix
-(I).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f684'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r684'>684</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Catg. Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib.</i>,
-1909, p. 95. The entry in the Lumley inventory is—“Of
-Sir Thomas Moore, Lo. Chancello<sup>r</sup>, drawne by Haunce
-Holbyn.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f685'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r685'>685</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>One of these copies was in 1867 in the
-possession of Mr. Charles J. Eyston, of East Hendred
-(Wornum, p. 246), and a second in the collection of the
-Marquis of Lothian. There was a small circular portrait
-of More, on wood, 4 in. in diameter, in Charles I’s
-collection (No. 48), in a black cap, furred gown, and
-red sleeves. Evelyn notes in his Diary, under the date
-Feb. 15th, 1649:—“Sir William Ducy shew’d me some
-excellent things in miniature, and in oyle of Holbein’s
-<i>Sir Tho. More’s</i> head.” Among the numerous copies
-in existence is one by Rubens in the Prado, Madrid. A
-portrait of More, “invested with the collar of the
-Garter, by Holbein; upon a pedestal is inscribed the
-date, <span class='fss'>MDXXVII</span>,” was included in the sale of
-the Duke of Bedford’s pictures from Woburn Abbey, on
-30th June 1827, and fetched 70 guineas.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f686'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r686'>686</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See p. 335.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f687'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r687'>687</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Mr. W. F. Dickes, however, reproduces it in his book, <i>Holbein’s
-“Ambassadors” Unriddled</i>, p. 80, as a portrait by Holbein of the
-Count Palatine Philipp! Engraved by Vorsterman as a portrait of More
-by Holbein. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p.
-225.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f688'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r688'>688</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Athenæum</i>, June 19, 1886, No. 3060, p. 820.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f689'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r689'>689</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Quoted by Wornum, p. 248.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f690'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r690'>690</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wornum, pp. 248, 249.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f691'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r691'>691</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Il Microcosmo della Pittura</i>, 1657, ii. 265.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f692'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r692'>692</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>History of Portrait Miniatures</i>, 1904, vol. i. p. 8.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f693'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r693'>693</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced in Dr. Williamson’s book, Pl.
-iii. No. 2, and in colours in the <i>édition de
-luxe</i> of Mr. Pierpont Morgan’s Catalogue, No. 5; and
-by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 227 (1), who includes it
-among the copies after Holbein.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f694'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r694'>694</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>In the exhibition of miniatures held at
-South Kensington in 1865 there was one of “Alicia, wife
-of Sir Thomas More,” attributed to Holbein, lent by Mr.
-J. Heywood Hawkins (No. 1146).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f695'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r695'>695</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced in the <i>Burl. Fine Arts Club
-Exhib. Catg.</i>, Pl. xiv; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p.
-194.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f696'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r696'>696</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Vasari Society, Pt. i. No. 31; <i>Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib. Catg.</i>, Pl. xxix.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f697'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r697'>697</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Daily Telegraph</i>, 23rd March 1910.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f698'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r698'>698</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced in <i>The Ancestor</i>, vi., June 1903.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f699'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r699'>699</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>The drawing in the Windsor Collection inscribed “Lady Henegham” bears
-considerable likeness to the Margaret Roper of the Basel sketch, and
-some writers hold that it represents her, and that it is a study for
-the Family Group. The position, however, in the Windsor study is
-exactly reversed, the sitter being shown in profile to the right, so
-that it is not probable that it was a preliminary drawing for the big
-group. Though the resemblance is marked, it is not so close as that
-between the “Queen Katherine” portrait at Knole and the Basel sketch,
-and the same criticism applies to the ornaments and dress, which in
-the two last-named are identical, whereas the “Lady Henegham” drawing
-shows differences, particularly in the jewellery. See also vol. ii. p.
-258. The question of the authorship of the various versions of the
-More Family Group is dealt with more fully in Appendix (I).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f700'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r700'>700</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries</i>,
-Second Series, vol. xvii. No. i. pp. 132-145, from
-which the quotations from Hall, and other facts in this
-chapter, have been taken.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f701'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r701'>701</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>For these and the following extracts, see <i>C. L. P.</i>, iv. pt. ii. 3097-98, 3104, 3107.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f702'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r702'>702</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v. 952. See p. 262. The
-name suggests Nicholas Lysard or Lyzarde,
-serjeant-painter to Queen Elizabeth, who was also in
-the service of Henry and Edward VI. He died in 1570,
-and has been usually regarded as an Englishman. See
-vol. ii., pp. 309-10. Possibly, however, Lasora was not
-an Italian. He may have been the “Nic. Leysure, a
-German,” mentioned in the royal accounts, in September
-1539, as receiving payment under a warrant for 200
-<i>cr. soleil</i> for life.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f703'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r703'>703</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 264. Reproduced by Law, <i>Holbein’s Pictures at Windsor Castle</i>, Pl. i.; Davies,
-p. 130; Knackfuss, fig. 100; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 72.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f704'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r704'>704</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iv. pt. iii. 5774.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f705'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r705'>705</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Law, <i>Holbein’s Pictures</i>, &amp;c., p. 3.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f706'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r706'>706</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 282; Wornum, i. 1; Sir R. Holmes, i. 11.
-Reproduced by Davies, p. 210. A second fine drawing of
-Guldeford, on a reddish a different version from the
-one at Windsor, was in Mr. J. P. Heseltine’s collection
-of drawings, dispersed in 1912.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f707'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r707'>707</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Mr. Lionel Cust notes a roundel painting
-of Guldeford in the collection of Lord Kinnaird at
-Rossie Priory (<i>Burl. Mag.</i>, August 1912, p. 258).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f708'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r708'>708</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>On panel, 25½ in. × 20½ in.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f709'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r709'>709</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, “Holbein at the National Portrait Gallery,” <i>Fortnightly
-Review</i>, vol. vi. 1866, p. 160; also <i>Life</i>, i. 344.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f710'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r710'>710</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>The English Connoisseur</i>, 1776, vol. i. p. 145; Dodsley’s
-<i>London and its Environs Described</i>, vol. iii. p. 268 (quoted by
-Mr. Law, p.
-4).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f711'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r711'>711</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Law, p. 4.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f712'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r712'>712</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 206.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f713'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r713'>713</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Athenæum</i>, 17th January 1880.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f714'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r714'>714</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 227 (2).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f715'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r715'>715</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Parthey, 1410. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 260.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f716'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r716'>716</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 32. Reproduced by Davies, p.
-224; Knackfuss, fig. 105; Mantz, p. 175.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f717'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r717'>717</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 37. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz.
-Schwz. Mstr.</i>, i. 11.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f718'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r718'>718</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 36.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f719'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r719'>719</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 281; Wornum, i. 2; Sir R.
-Holmes, i. 12. Reproduced by Davies, p. 126; Knackfuss,
-fig. 96.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f720'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r720'>720</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 208. Reproduced by Ganz,
-<i>Holbein</i>, p. 70.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f721'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r721'>721</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 225. Reproduced by Davies, p. 126; Knackfuss, fig. 97; Ganz,
-<i>Holbein</i>, p. 71.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f722'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r722'>722</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wornum, p. 218, quoting from Lysons and Brayley.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f723'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r723'>723</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Walpole, <i>Anecdotes</i>, &amp;c., ed. Wornum, 1888, i. 79.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f724'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r724'>724</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced in the illustrated edition of Catalogue, p. 64.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f725'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r725'>725</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced in the illustrated edition of the Oxford Catalogue.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f726'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r726'>726</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 283; Wornum, i. 24; Sir R. Holmes, i. 13. Reproduced by Davies, p. 128;
-Knackfuss, fig. 98.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f727'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r727'>727</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>British Museum, 9; Woltmann, 198. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng.</i>,
-Pl. 24.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f728'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r728'>728</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Froude, <i>Henry VIII</i>, i. 301.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f729'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r729'>729</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Walpole, <i>Anecdotes</i>, &amp;c., ed.
-Wornum, i. p. 81.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f730'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r730'>730</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 144. Reproduced by Knackfuss,
-fig. 103; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 74.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f731'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r731'>731</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>It was at one time in the Arundel
-Collection, and is entered in the 1655 inventory as “2
-Ritratti in un quadro col nome de Thomas Godsalve.” It
-was purchased for Dresden in Paris in 1749.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f732'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r732'>732</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 286; Wornum, i. 31; Sir R.
-Holmes, i. 36. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. von
-H. H. dem Jüng.</i>, Pl. 25; Davies, p. 218.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f733'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r733'>733</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 345.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f734'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r734'>734</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Norfolk</i>, vii. 214.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f735'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r735'>735</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v. 514.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f736'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r736'>736</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, vii. 1189 (25th Sept. 1534).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f737'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r737'>737</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, vi. 576.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f738'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r738'>738</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v. 1598 (12).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f739'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r739'>739</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, vii. 1026 (2).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f740'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r740'>740</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, viii. 802 (26).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f741'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r741'>741</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 226. Reproduced by Davies, p.
-132; Knackfuss, fig. 102; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 73.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f742'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r742'>742</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>It appears to have been at one time in the Arundel Collection, and is entered in the inventory
-of 1655 as “Ritratto d’un Mathematico.” As all the other portraits just mentioned were also
-in the Earl’s possession, it is natural to suppose that they were obtained by him directly from
-De Loo.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f743'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r743'>743</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wornum, p. 222.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f744'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r744'>744</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>According to Walpole, the Kratzer which was at Holland House “till the death of the
-Countess of Warwick, wife of Mr. Addison,” was a second version; perhaps the one now belonging
-to Viscount Galway. This version, according to the same authority, appears to have been in the
-possession of Sir Walter Cope before passing into the Holland House collection.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f745'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r745'>745</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Walpole, <i>Anecdotes</i>, &amp;c., ed. Wornum, i. 79.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f746'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r746'>746</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See chap, xxi., vol. ii. p. 152.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f747'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r747'>747</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iii. pt. i. 1018, 1019. It
-was during this same visit to Antwerp that Dürer drew
-Kratzer’s portrait.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f748'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r748'>748</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iv. pt. ii. 3540 (28).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f749'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r749'>749</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v., Privy Purse Expenses.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f750'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r750'>750</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ed. Howes, p. 570.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f751'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r751'>751</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 219. Reproduced by Knackfuss,
-fig. 104; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 211.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f752'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r752'>752</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wornum, p. 295.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f753'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r753'>753</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, note to 211, p.
-251; and K. Voll, <i>Suddeutsche Monatshefte</i>, 1905,
-ii. 8, p. 177.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f754'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r754'>754</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 213. Wornum, p. 294.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f755'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r755'>755</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced in the <i>Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib. Cat.</i>, Pl. xiii.; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 79.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f756'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r756'>756</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See <i>Notes and Queries</i>, 4th series,
-v. p. 313; <i>Athenæum</i>, Nos. 2186, 2187 (Sept. 18,
-25, 1869); and <i>Dict. of Nat. Biog.</i>, under
-“Tuke.”</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f757'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r757'>757</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Hampton Court, 610 (325). Woltmann, 162.
-Reproduced by Ernest Law, <i>Holbein’s Pictures</i>,
-&amp;c., Pl. ix.; Davies, p. 184; Cat. Tudor Exhib., 1890,
-No. 72, p. 32; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 113.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f758'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r758'>758</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 308; Wornum, i. 17; Sir R.
-Holmes, i. 48. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 143.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f759'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r759'>759</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Wornum, p. 216.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f760'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r760'>760</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, v. 1363.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f761'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r761'>761</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Law, <i>Holbein’s Pictures</i>, &amp;c., p. 29.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f762'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r762'>762</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 217. Reproduced by Knackfuss,
-fig. 101; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 224.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f763'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r763'>763</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 227. Reproduced in <i>Masterpieces of Holbein</i> (Gowan’s Art Books, No. 13),
-p. 19; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 78.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f764'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r764'>764</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Burlington Magazine</i>, December 1909, p. 159.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f765'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r765'>765</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>On panel, 14 in. high by 12½ in. wide.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f766'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r766'>766</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Burlington Magazine</i>, December 1909, p. 154.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f767'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r767'>767</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 341.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f768'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r768'>768</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 284; Wornum, i. 34; Sir R.
-Holmes, i. 38. Reproduced by Davies, p. 216.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f769'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r769'>769</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 285; Wornum, ii. 19; Sir R.
-Holmes, i. 39. Reproduced by Davies, p. 216.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f770'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r770'>770</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 140. Reproduced by S. Arthur
-Strong in <i>Drawings by the Old Masters at
-Chatsworth</i>, 1902, Pl. liv.; <i>Burlington
-Magazine</i>, vol. i., April 1903, p. 224.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f771'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r771'>771</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>S. Arthur Strong, <i>Drawings, &amp;c.</i>,
-and in <i>Critical Studies and Fragments</i>, p. 133.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f772'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r772'>772</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 141. Reproduced by Strong in
-<i>Drawings</i>, &amp;c., 1902, Pl. lv.; <i>Burlington
-Magazine</i>, vol. i., May 1903, p. 354.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f773'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r773'>773</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Law, <i>Holbein’s
-Pictures</i>, &amp;c., Pl. iv.; Knackfuss, fig. 99.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f774'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r774'>774</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Vol. ii. pp. 87-9.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f775'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r775'>775</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Die Basler Archive über H. H. dem
-Jüngern</i>, in Zahn’s <i>Jahrbücher für
-Kunstwissenschaft</i>, iii. 123, 1870.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f776'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r776'>776</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 354.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f777'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r777'>777</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See pp. 75-6.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f778'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r778'>778</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 355.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f779'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r779'>779</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iv. pt. iii. 5922. <i>Eras. Ep.</i>, p. 1230.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f780'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r780'>780</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iv. pt. iii. 5924. <i>Eras. Ep.</i>, p. 1232.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f781'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r781'>781</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>C. L. P.</i>, iv. pt. iii. 6048. <i>Eras. Ep.</i>, p. 1743.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f782'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r782'>782</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 356.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f783'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r783'>783</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 15. Reproduced by Davies, p. 134; Knackfuss, fig. 107;
-<i>Œffentliche Kunstsammlung in Basel</i>, 57th annual report, new
-series, iii. p. 1, 1907; Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 83.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f784'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r784'>784</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p.
-213, who mentions other copies at Aix-les-Bains,
-Constance, in the Albertina, &amp;c. At the time Dr.
-Woltmann was writing his book it was in Cologne, in the
-possession of Herr Brasseur, the picture-dealer.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f785'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r785'>785</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. 212.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f786'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r786'>786</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>“A propos d’un Livre nouveau sur Holbein
-le Jeune,” in <i>Revue des Deux Mondes</i>, 15th
-January 1912.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f787'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r787'>787</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 46. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz.
-Schwz. Mstr.</i>, i. 23 (in colour); and in
-<i>Holbein</i>, p. 89. Possibly it represents a sister
-or near relation of Elsbeth Holbein.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f788'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r788'>788</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Woltmann, i. p. 159.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f789'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r789'>789</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 21. Reproduced by Ganz,
-<i>Holbein</i>, p. 84.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f790'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r790'>790</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 65. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz.
-Schwz. Mstr.</i>, ii. 4 (in colour), and in
-<i>Holbein</i>, p. 172; Knackfuss, fig. 115.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f791'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r791'>791</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 21. Reproduced by Ganz,
-<i>Holbein</i>, p. 85.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f792'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r792'>792</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span> Woltmann, 64. Reproduced by Ganz, <i>Hdz. Schwz.
- Mstr.</i>, iii. 23, and in <i>Hdz. von H. H. dem
- Jüng.</i>, Pl. 27 (both in colours), and in
- <i>Holbein</i>, p. 173; Knackfuss, fig. 116.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f793'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r793'>793</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, 56. See Vol. ii. p. 278.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f794'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r794'>794</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Vol. ii. pp. 277-8, 281.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f795'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r795'>795</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Ganz, <i>Holbein</i>, p. xxxiv.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f796'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r796'>796</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Koegler, <i>Jahrbuch der preuss. Kunstsammlungen</i>, 1911.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f797'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r797'>797</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See pp. 179-80 and 184-5.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f798'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r798'>798</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>Woltmann, i. 362.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f799'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r799'>799</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span><i>Holbein</i>, p. 136.</p>
-</div>
-<div class='footnote c028' id='f800'>
-<p class='c029'><span class='label'><a href='#r800'>800</a>.&nbsp;&nbsp;</span>See Appendix (J).</p>
-</div>
-<div class='pbb'>
- <hr class='pb c004' />
-</div>
-<p class='c013'>&nbsp;</p>
-<div class='tnbox'>
-
- <ul class='ul_1 c004'>
-    <li>Transcriber’s Notes:
-      <ul  class='ul_2'>
-        <li>Footnotes for all chapters have been moved to the end of this volume.
-        </li>
-        <li>Appendices A through K referenced in this volume are in volume 2.
-        </li>
-        <li>Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected.
-        </li>
-        <li>Typographical errors were silently corrected.
-        </li>
-        <li>Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only when a predominant 
-        form was found in this book.
-        </li>
-      </ul>
-    </li>
-  </ul>
-
-</div>
-<p class='c013'>&nbsp;</p>
-
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author	nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org>	2025-01-23 15:58:42 -0800
committer	nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org>	2025-01-23 15:58:42 -0800
commit	056438fd8cef883f38fd2d8421fd27e43813b890 (patch)
tree	121795c6484fe9cb75bf84b235103696a4d76310
parent	c425171457f4cf802e33203556bb2208adf9084d (diff)