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diff --git a/old/64208-0.txt b/old/64208-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index b3644e9..0000000 --- a/old/64208-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,19507 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Hans Holbein the Younger, Volume 1 (of 2), -by Arthur B. Chamberlain - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Hans Holbein the Younger, Volume 1 (of 2) - -Author: Arthur B. Chamberlain - -Release Date: January 03, 2021 [eBook #64208] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Tim Lindell, Barry Abrahamsen, and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was - produced from images generously made available by The Internet - Archive/American Libraries.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HANS HOLBEIN THE YOUNGER, VOLUME 1 -(OF 2) *** - - - - - HANS HOLBEIN THE YOUNGER - - - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - VOL. I., FRONTISPIECE - - -[Illustration: - - HANS HOLBEIN - - Self-Portrait - - Drawing in Indian ink and coloured chalks, washed with water-colour - - BASEL GALLERY -] - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - HANS HOLBEIN - - THE YOUNGER - - - - BY - - ARTHUR B. CHAMBERLAIN - - ASSISTANT KEEPER OF THE CORPORATION ART GALLERY, BIRMINGHAM - - - - - WITH 252 ILLUSTRATIONS, INCLUDING 24 IN COLOUR - - - - - IN TWO VOLUMES - - VOL. I - - - - - NEW YORK - DODD, MEAD AND COMPANY - 1913 - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - Printed by BALLANTYNE, HANSON & CO. - at the Ballantyne Press, Edinburgh - - - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - TO MY WIFE - - - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - PREFACE - - -IN this book the writer has endeavoured to give as complete an account -as possible of the life and career of the younger Holbein, together with -a description of every known picture painted by him, and of the more -important of his drawings and designs. The earlier books devoted to the -subject—such as Wornum’s _Life and Works_, 1867, and Dr. Woltmann’s two -volumes—although they must always remain of the utmost help to the -student, are now in some respects out of date. The second edition of the -latter’s great work, in which he modified and corrected many passages in -the earlier issue, has never been fully translated into English; while -the latest book of importance on the subject published in this country, -_Hans Holbein the Younger_, by Mr. Gerald S. Davies, M.A., 1903, is -mainly devoted to the art of the painter, and does not profess to give -complete biographical details of his life. In recent years many new -facts as to Holbein’s career have been discovered, and fresh pictures by -him unearthed, while modern criticism has reversed some of the earlier -conclusions respecting the authorship of a certain number of works at -one time attributed to him. Much valuable information upon the subject -has been published at home and abroad, largely in periodicals devoted to -such matters and in the transactions of artistic and learned societies, -by various well-known students of the master in Germany and Switzerland, -chief among whom must be mentioned Dr. Paul Ganz, the director of the -Public Picture Collection in Basel, now recognised as the leading -authority on Holbein, together with Dr. Hans Koegler, Dr. Emil Major, H. -A. Schmid, and other writers too numerous to mention here; while in -England equally valuable contributions to our knowledge have been made -from time to time by such critics as Mr. Lionel Cust, M.V.O., Sir Sidney -Colvin, Mr. Campbell Dodgson, Sir Claude Phillips, Miss Mary F. S. -Hervey, and a number of others, in the pages of the _Burlington -Magazine_ and elsewhere. Much valuable information is also to be found -in two recently-published volumes—Dr. Curt Glaser’s _Hans Holbein der -Ältere_, 1908, and Dr. Willy Hes’ _Ambrosius Holbein_, 1911. - -The writer has availed himself as fully as possible of the newer facts -and conclusions embodied in such papers and communications, the source -of information in all cases being fully acknowledged. A very careful -study of the Calendars of Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of -the Reign of Henry VIII, extending over a number of years, has enabled -him to add some fresh items of information about the painter and certain -of his sitters, and of several of the artists who were his -contemporaries in England. He has dealt at some length, though -necessarily in a condensed form, with the chief painters and craftsmen, -both English and foreign, who were at work in London under Henry VIII, -much of the information thus brought together having been hitherto -scattered about in a variety of publications not always conveniently -accessible to the student. He thus hopes that the book will to some -extent serve the purpose for which it is primarily intended—the -provision, in as concise a form as possible, of a complete biography of -the painter, embodying all the more recent discoveries; and he trusts -that it may be of some small service to those who are interested in -Holbein, but have neither the time nor the opportunity to avail -themselves of the many scattered sources of information which he has -attempted to bring together within the covers of a single book. - -By the gracious permission of His Majesty the King, the writer has been -allowed to include among the illustrations, reproductions, in some -instances in colour, of a number of pictures and drawings by Holbein in -the royal collections; and he has to thank the Lord Chamberlain and Mr. -Lionel Cust, M.V.O., Surveyor of the King’s Pictures, for the kind -assistance they rendered him in obtaining such permission. He has also -to express his grateful acknowledgments to a number of owners and -collectors for similar permission to reproduce works by the master in -their possession, among them Her Majesty the Queen of Holland, who has -graciously allowed the inclusion of the beautiful miniature of an -Unknown Youth; the Duke of Devonshire, G.C.V.O.; Earl Spencer, G.C.V.O.; -the Earl of Radnor; Lord Leconfield; the Earl of Yarborough; Sir John -Ramsden, Bt.; Sir Hugh P. Lane; the late Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan; Major -Charles Palmer; and the Barber-Surgeons’ Company. Special thanks are due -to Lord St. Oswald for permitting the large “More Family Group” at -Nostell Priory to be photographed for the purposes of this book, and for -allowing the writer to take notes from a very interesting manuscript -containing a description of the various versions of the Family picture -compiled by his grandfather, Mr. Charles Winn. He has also to record his -great indebtedness to Mr. Ayerst H. Buttery for giving him the privilege -of reproducing the recently discovered portrait of an Unknown English -Lady, formerly in the possession of the Bodenham family at Rotherwas, -near Hereford. His thanks also are due to Senhor José de Figueiredo, -director of the National Museum of Ancient Art, Lisbon, for permission -to include the elder Holbein’s “Fountain of Life” among the -illustrations, as well as to the directors of a number of galleries and -museums, including the Public Picture Collection, Basel; the National -Gallery, British Museum, and Wallace Collection; the Kaiser Friedrich -Museum, Berlin; the Imperial Gallery, Vienna; the Louvre, Paris; the -Royal Picture Gallery, The Hague; the Metropolitan Museum of New York; -the Royal Hermitage Gallery, St. Petersburg; and the Galleries of -Dresden, Munich, Hanover, Rome, Florence, Solothurn, and elsewhere. - -In addition, he has the pleasure of recording his great indebtedness to -Mr. Lionel Cust, M.V.O., for kind assistance and advice; to Mr. Maurice -W. Brockwell, for much valuable help in many directions; to Mr. Campbell -Dodgson, who was good enough to assist in the selection of woodcuts from -the British Museum Collection for the purposes of reproduction; to Dr. -George C. Williamson, through whose kindness the writer has been able to -make use of his Catalogue of the late Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan’s -Collection of Miniatures; to the Editors of the _Burlington Magazine of -Fine Arts_ for permission to include the writer’s paper on Holbein’s -visit to “High Burgony”; to Mr. James Melville for transcribing from the -Balcarres MSS. a long letter from the Duchess of Guise referring to that -visit; to Herr F. Engel-Gros for information about the interesting -roundel in his possession, which possibly represents the painter Lucas -Hornebolt; and to Dr. James H. W. Laing, of Dundee, to whom he is deeply -indebted for most generously undertaking the very onerous task of -reading the whole of the proofs. He wishes also to offer his grateful -thanks to his publishers, and in particular to Mr. Hugh Allen, for the -great care and trouble they have spent upon the book, and for their -hearty co-operation in attempting to make it as complete a record as -possible of the great master to whom it is devoted. - - A. B. C. - -BIRMINGHAM, _August 1913._ - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - CONTENTS - - - CHAP. PAGE - - I. HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER AND HIS FAMILY 1 - - II. YOUTHFUL DAYS IN AUGSBURG 23 - - III. FIRST YEARS IN SWITZERLAND 32 - - IV. WORK IN LUCERNE AND THE VISIT TO 57 - LOMBARDY - - V. CITIZEN OF BASEL 82 - - VI. THE HOUSE OF THE DANCE AND THE 116 - WALL-PAINTINGS IN THE BASEL TOWN HALL - - VII. DESIGNS FOR PAINTED GLASS AND OTHER 135 - STUDIES - - VIII. PORTRAITS OF ERASMUS AND HIS CIRCLE 162 - - IX. DESIGNS FOR BOOK ILLUSTRATIONS 187 - - X. THE “DANCE OF DEATH” AND OLD TESTAMENT 204 - WOODCUTS - - XI. THE MEYER MADONNA AND THE DEPARTURE FOR 232 - ENGLAND - - XII. NATIVE AND FOREIGN ARTISTS IN ENGLAND 256 - DURING THE REIGN OF HENRY VIII - - XIII. THE FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND: PORTRAITS OF 288 - THE MORE FAMILY - - XIV. THE FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND: OTHER 311 - PORTRAITS AND DECORATIVE WORK - - XV. THE RETURN TO BASEL (1528-1532) 338 - - - POSTSCRIPT TO CHAPTER XIV. A NEWLY-DISCOVERED 353 - PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY - - FOOTNOTES FOR ALL CHAPTERS 359 - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - ILLUSTRATIONS - - - HANS HOLBEIN: SELF-PORTRAIT _Frontispiece_ - - Reproduced in colour. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 1. THE BAPTISM OF ST. PAUL 11 - - Left-hand panel of the “Basilica of St. - Paul” altar-piece. By HANS HOLBEIN THE - ELDER. - - _Museum, Augsburg._ - - 2. THE ST. SEBASTIAN ALTAR-PIECE 15 - - Central panel. By HANS HOLBEIN THE - ELDER. - - _Alte Pinakothek, Munich._ - - 3. (1) ST. BARBARA. (2) ST. ELIZABETH 16 - - Inner sides of the wings of the “St. - Sebastian” altar-piece. By HANS - HOLBEIN THE ELDER. - - _Alte Pinakothek, Munich._ - - 4. THE FOUNTAIN OF LIFE 17 - - By HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER. - - _National Museum of Ancient Art, - Lisbon._ Reproduced by kind permission - of the Director, Senhor José de - Figueiredo. - - 5. STUDY FOR THE PORTRAIT OF A LADY OF 21 - AUGSBURG - - Silver-point drawing. By HANS HOLBEIN - THE ELDER. - - _British Museum._ - - 6. AMBROSIUS AND HANS HOLBEIN 25 - - Silver-point drawing. By HANS HOLBEIN - THE ELDER (1511). - - _Royal Print Room, Berlin._ - - 7. VIRGIN AND CHILD (1514) 33 - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 8. (1) HEAD OF THE VIRGIN MARY. (2) HEAD OF 37 - ST. JOHN - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 9. THE LAST SUPPER 40 - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 10. THE SCOURGING OF CHRIST 41 - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 11. HOLBEIN’S EARLIEST TITLE-PAGE 45 - - First used in 1515. - - _From a copy of More’s “Utopia” in the - British Museum._ - - 12. MARGINAL DRAWINGS IN A COPY OF THE 48 - “PRAISE OF FOLLY” - - (1) FOLLY LEAVING THE PULPIT. - - (2) PENELOPE AT HER LOOM. - - (3) THE POPE. - - (4) THE CARDINAL. - - (5) THE BISHOP. - - (6) NUNS KNEELING BEFORE AN ALTAR-PIECE. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 13. MARGINAL DRAWINGS IN A COPY OF THE 49 - “PRAISE OF FOLLY” - - (1) THE BASKET OF EGGS. - - (2) NICOLAS DE LYRA. - - (3) KING SOLOMON. - - (4) YOUNG NOBLEMAN. - - (5) FOLLY AND HIS PUPPET. - - (6) ERASMUS AT HIS DESK. - - (7) “A FAT AND SPLENDID PIG FROM THE - HERD OF EPICURUS.” - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 14. THE TWO SIDES OF A SCHOOLMASTER’S 51 - SIGN-BOARD (1516) - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 15. DOUBLE PORTRAIT OF JAKOB MEYER AND HIS 52 - WIFE, DOROTHEA KANNENGIESSER (1516) - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 16. (1) HEAD OF JAKOB MEYER. (2) HEAD OF 55 - DOROTHEA KANNENGIESSER - - Drawings in black and coloured chalks. - Studies for the double portrait of - 1516. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 17. ADAM AND EVE (1517) 56 - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 18. PORTRAITS OF TWO BOYS 60 - - By AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 19. STUDY OF A YOUNG GIRL NAMED “ANNE” 61 - (1518) - - Silver-point and red chalk drawing. By - AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 20. THE FOUNDING OF BASEL 61 - - Design for painted glass. By AMBROSIUS - HOLBEIN. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 21. PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN YOUNG MAN (1518) 61 - - By AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN. - - _Royal Hermitage Gallery, St. - Petersburg._ - - 22. ILLUSTRATION TO SIR THOMAS MORE’S 62 - “UTOPIA” - - By AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN. - - _From a woodcut in the British Museum._ - - 23. DESIGNS FOR THE WALL-PAINTINGS OF THE 68 - HERTENSTEIN HOUSE, LUCERNE - - (1) LEÆNA AND THE JUDGES. - - (2) ARCHITECTURAL DECORATION OF THE - GROUND FLOOR. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 24. PORTRAIT OF BENEDIKT VON HERTENSTEIN 72 - (1517) - - _Metropolitan Museum, New York._ - - 25. THE LAST SUPPER 75 - - Central panel of a Triptych. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 26. THE ARCHANGEL MICHAEL AS WEIGHER OF 79 - SOULS - - Drawing. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 27. MINERS AT WORK 80 - - Drawing in Indian ink, pen, and bistre. - - _British Museum._ - - 28. BONIFACIUS AMERBACH (1519) 85 - - Reproduced in colour. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 29. (1) ADORATION OF THE SHEPHERDS. (2) 88 - ADORATION OF THE KINGS - - Inner sides of the wings of the Oberried - altar-piece. - - _University Chapel, Freiburg Minster._ - - 30. THE PASSION OF CHRIST 91 - - Outer sides of the wings of an - altar-piece. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 31. (1) CHRIST BEARING THE CROSS. (2) THE 94 - CRUCIFIXION - - Details of the outer sides of the wings - of the “Passion” Altar-piece. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 32. “NOLI ME TANGERE” 95 - - Christ appearing to Mary Magdalen. - Reproduced by gracious permission of - H.M. the King. - - _Hampton Court Palace._ - - 33. (1) CHRIST, THE MAN OF SORROWS. (2) 98 - MARY, MATER DOLOROSA - - Diptych, painted in brown monochrome, - with blue sky. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 34. THE HOLY FAMILY 99 - - Washed drawing on a red ground. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 35. THE DEAD CHRIST IN THE TOMB (1521) 101 - - Predella of an altar-piece. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 36. THE VIRGIN AND CHILD, WITH ST. URSUS AND 103 - A HOLY BISHOP (1522) - - _Solothurn Gallery._ - - 37. PORTRAIT OF A YOUNG WOMAN, POSSIBLY 106 - HOLBEIN’S WIFE - - Reproduced in colour. - - _Royal Picture Gallery, Mauritshuis, The - Hague._ - - 38. HEAD OF A YOUNG WOMAN, PROBABLY 108 - HOLBEIN’S WIFE - - Study for the Solothurn “Madonna.” - Silver-point drawing, touched with - red. - - _Louvre, Paris._ - - 39. DESIGN FOR THE ORGAN-CASE DOORS, BASEL 113 - CATHEDRAL - - Pen and wash drawing. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 40. (1) STUDY FOR A PAINTED HOUSE FRONT WITH 121 - THE FIGURE OF A SEATED EMPEROR. (2) - THE AMBASSADORS OF THE SAMNITES BEFORE - CURIUS DENTATUS - - The latter a fragment of the - wall-painting in the Basel Town Hall. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 41. SAPOR AND VALERIAN 131 - - Design for one of the wall-paintings in - the Basel Town Hall. Pen and - water-colour drawing. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 42. (1) TWO LANDSKNECHTE. (2) THE PRODIGAL 139 - SON - - Designs for painted glass. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 43. DESIGN FOR A PAINTED WINDOW WITH THE 144 - COAT OF ARMS OF THE VON HEWEN FAMILY - (1520) - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 44. ST. ELIZABETH, WITH KNEELING KNIGHT AND 148 - BEGGAR - - Design for painted glass. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 45. THE VIRGIN AND CHILD, WITH A KNEELING 149 - DONOR - - Design for painted glass. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 46. (1) CHRIST BEFORE CAIAPHAS. (2) THE 151 - SCOURGING OF CHRIST - - The “Passion” series of designs for - painted glass. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 47. (1) THE MOCKING OF CHRIST. (2) CHRIST 152 - CROWNED WITH THORNS - - The “Passion” series of designs for - painted glass. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 48. (1) PILATE WASHING HIS HANDS. (2) ECCE 153 - HOMO - - The “Passion” series of designs for - painted glass. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 49. (1) CHRIST BEARING THE CROSS. (2) THE 154 - STRIPPING OF CHRIST’S GARMENTS - - The “Passion” series of designs for - painted glass. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 50. (1) CHRIST NAILED TO THE CROSS. (2) THE 155 - CRUCIFIXION - - The “Passion” series of designs for - painted glass. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 51. (1) COSTUME STUDY. (2) COSTUME STUDY 157 - - Two drawings from a set of designs of - ladies’ costumes. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 52. “THE EDELDAME” 157 - - Drawing from a set of designs of ladies’ - costumes. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 53. A FIGHT BETWEEN LANDSKNECHTE 160 - - Drawing in Indian ink. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 54. ERASMUS (1523) 169 - - Reproduced by kind permission of the - Earl of Radnor. - - _Longford Castle, Salisbury._ - - 55. STUDY FOR THE HANDS OF ERASMUS 171 - - Drawing in silver-point and red and - black chalk. - - _Louvre, Paris._ - - 56. ERASMUS (1523) 172 - - Reproduced in colour. - - _Louvre, Paris._ - - 57. THE DUCHESS OF BERRY 176 - - Drawing in black and coloured chalks. - Reproduced in colour. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 58. (1) ERASMUS 180 - - Roundel. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - (2) PHILIP MELANCHTHON 180 - - Roundel. - - _Provinzial Museum, Hanover._ - - 59. ERASMUS 181 - - _From a woodcut in the British Museum._ - - 60. MUCIUS SCÆVOLA AND LARS PORSENA 191 - - Woodcut first used in 1516. - - _From a copy of More’s “Epigrams” in the - British Museum._ - - 61. “THE TABLE OF CEBES” 193 - - Woodcut first used in 1521. - - _From a copy of Perotto’s “Cornucopiæ” - in the British Museum._ - - 62. TITLE-PAGE TO LUTHER’S “NEW TESTAMENT” 195 - - Woodcut first used in 1522. - - _From a copy in the British Museum._ - - 63. THE FOUR EVANGELISTS 195 - - Woodcuts and Initial Letters used on the - first page of each gospel in the 1523 - edition of Luther’s “New Testament.” - - _From a copy in the British Museum._ - - 64. THE “CLEOPATRA” TITLE-PAGE 198 - - Woodcut first used in 1523. - - _From a copy of Erasmus’ “Christiani - Matrimonii Institutio” in the British - Museum._ - - 65. (1) CHRIST THE TRUE LIGHT. (2) THE SALE 198 - OF INDULGENCES - - Woodcuts. - - _From proofs in the British Museum._ - - 66. THE DANCE OF DEATH WOODCUTS 217 - - (1) THE EMPEROR. - - (2) THE KING. - - (3) THE CARDINAL. - - (4) THE EMPRESS. - - (5) THE ADVOCATE. - - (6) THE COUNSELLOR. - - (7) THE PREACHER. - - (8) THE PRIEST. - - _From proofs in the British Museum._ - - 67. THE DANCE OF DEATH WOODCUTS 220 - - (1) THE OLD MAN. - - (2) THE COUNTESS. - - (3) THE NOBLE LADY. - - (4) THE DUCHESS. - - (5) THE PLOUGHMAN. - - (6) THE YOUNG CHILD. - - (7) THE LAST JUDGMENT. - - (8) THE ARMS OF DEATH. - - _From proofs in the British Museum._ - - 68. THE DANCE OF DEATH ALPHABET 224 - - _From a proof in the Royal Print - Cabinet, Dresden._ - - 69. THE OLD TESTAMENT WOODCUTS 230 - - (1) JACOB BLESSING EPHRAIM AND MANASSEH. - - (2) RUTH AND BOAZ. - - (3) JUDITH WITH THE HEAD OF HOLOFERNES. - - (4) AMOS PREACHING. - - _From proofs in the British Museum._ - - 70. THE OLD TESTAMENT WOODCUTS 230 - - (1) MOSES RECEIVING THE TABLES OF THE - LAW. - - (2) THE RETURN FROM THE BABYLONIAN - CAPTIVITY. - - _From proofs in the British Museum._ - - (3) THE ANGEL SHOWING ST. JOHN THE NEW - JERUSALEM (Revelation xxi.). Woodcut - from Adam Petri’s “New Testament,” - 1523. - - _From a copy in the British Museum._ - - 71. THE MEYER MADONNA 233 - - _Darmstadt._ - - 72. (1) JAKOB MEYER. (2) DOROTHEA 236 - KANNENGIESSER - - Studies for the Meyer Madonna. Drawings - in black and coloured chalks. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 73. (1) MAGDALENA OFFENBURG AS VENUS (1526). 246 - (2) MAGDALENA OFFENBURG AS LAÏS (1526) - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 74. STUDY FOR THE MORE FAMILY GROUP 293 - - Drawing in Indian ink, with corrections - and inscriptions in brown. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 75. THE MORE FAMILY GROUP 295 - - Reproduced by kind permission of Lord - St. Oswald. - - _Nostell Priory, Wakefield._ - - 76. THE MORE FAMILY GROUP 301 - - The version formerly at Burford Priory, - now in the possession of Messrs. - Parkenthorpe, London. Reproduced by - kind permission of Sir Hugh P. Lane. - - 77. CECILIA HERON, DAUGHTER OF SIR THOMAS 303 - MORE - - Drawing in black and coloured chalks. - Reproduced by gracious permission of - H.M. the King. - - _Windsor Castle._ - - 78. SIR THOMAS MORE 303 - - Drawing in black and coloured chalks. - Reproduced by gracious permission of - H.M. the King. - - _Windsor Castle._ - - 79. PORTRAIT OF AN ENGLISH LADY 309 - - Drawing in black and red chalk and - Indian ink. - - _Salting Bequest, British Museum._ - - 80. SIR HENRY GULDEFORD (1527) 317 - - Reproduced in colour, by gracious - permission of H.M. the King. - - _Windsor Castle._ - - 81. (1) JOHN FISHER, BISHOP OF ROCHESTER 321 - - Drawing in black and coloured chalks. - Reproduced by gracious permission of - H.M. the King. - - _Windsor Castle._ - - (2) PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY, 321 - POSSIBLY LADY GULDEFORD - - Drawing in black and coloured chalks. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 82. (1) UNKNOWN ENGLISHMAN. (2) UNKNOWN 321 - ENGLISH LADY - - Drawings in black and coloured chalks. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 83. WILLIAM WARHAM, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY 322 - (1527) - - Reproduced in colour. - - _Louvre, Paris._ - - 84. THOMAS AND JOHN GODSALVE (1528) 325 - - _Royal Picture Gallery, Dresden._ - - 85. SIR JOHN GODSALVE 326 - - Drawing in black and coloured chalks and - water-colour. Reproduced by gracious - permission of H.M. the King. - - _Windsor Castle._ - - 86. NIKLAUS KRATZER (1528) 327 - - Reproduced in colour. - - _Louvre, Paris._ - - 87. SIR BRYAN TUKE 331 - - _Alte Pinakothek, Munich._ - - 88. SIR HENRY WYAT 335 - - Reproduced in colour. - - _Louvre, Paris._ - - 89. SIR THOMAS ELYOT 336 - - Drawing in black and coloured chalks. - Reproduced by gracious permission of - H.M. the King. - - _Windsor Castle._ - - 90. HOLBEIN’S WIFE AND CHILDREN (1528-9) 343 - - Reproduced in colour. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 91. PORTRAIT OF A YOUNG WOMAN 346 - - Unfinished study in oils. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 92. KING REHOBOAM REBUKING THE ELDERS (1530) 348 - - Three fragments of the wall-painting - formerly in the Basel Town Hall. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 93. KING REHOBOAM REBUKING THE ELDERS 348 - - Study for the wall-painting formerly in - the Basel Town Hall. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 94. SAMUEL AND SAUL 350 - - Pen drawing in brown touched with - water-colour. Study for the - wall-painting formerly in the Basel - Town Hall. - - _Public Picture Collection, Basel._ - - 95. PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY 354 - - Formerly in the possession of the - Bodenham family, Rotherwas Hall, - Hereford. Reproduced by kind - permission of Mr. Ayerst H. Buttery. - - _Mr. Ayerst H. Buttery, London._ - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - NOTE - - -The following abbreviations are used in the footnotes to this book:— - - _C. L. P._, for Calendars of Letters and Papers, Foreign and - Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII. - - Davies, for _Hans Holbein the Younger_ (Gerald S. Davies). - - Ganz, _Holbein_, for _Holbein d. J., des Meisters Gemälde in 252 - Abbildungen_ (Klassiker der Kunst). - - Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, for _Handzeichnungen Schweizerischer - Meister_, ed. Dr. Paul Ganz. - - Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, for _Handzeichnungen von Hans - Holbein dem Jüngeren._ - - Woltmann, for _Holbein und seine Zeit_ (A. Woltmann). - - Wornum, for _Some Account of the Life and Works of Hans Holbein_ (R. - N. Wornum). - -In order to obviate the constant use of a somewhat long official title, -the Public Picture Collection, Basel, is generally referred to in this -book as the Basel Gallery. - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - Hans Holbein the Younger - - - - - CHAPTER I - - HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER AND HIS FAMILY - -The Holbein family in Switzerland and South Germany—Michel Holbein, the - leather-dresser—Hans Holbein the Elder, citizen of Augsburg—His - brother Sigmund, and his two sons, Ambrosius and Hans—The art of Hans - Holbein the Elder and his position in the German School of - painting—His principal pictures—Work in Ulm and Frankfurt—Paintings - for the Convent of St. Catherine in Augsburg—Work for the Church of - St. Moritz—Monetary difficulties—The St. Sebastian altar-piece—the - “Fountain of Life” at Lisbon—His silver-point portrait drawings—His - death at Isenheim. - - -DURING the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the name of Holbein was -not uncommon in various parts of Southern Germany and Switzerland. At -Ravensburg, near Lake Constance, a family of that name had settled as -paper manufacturers, their trade-mark being a bull’s head, which was -also used by Hans Holbein in his coat of arms. The name is also found in -the records of the town of Grünstadt, in Rhenish Bavaria, during the -same centuries; while for a still longer period members of a Holbein -family were living in Basel, where they had a house called “Zum Papst” -in the Gerbergasse. It was from this branch that the painter was in all -probability descended,[1] and it is also possible that the Basel and -Ravensburg Holbeins were connected. This relationship between the three -branches may have been one of the reasons which induced the youthful -Hans to turn his face towards Switzerland when he finally left Augsburg, -the city of his birth. - -In Augsburg itself the first reference to a burgher bearing the name of -Holbein occurs in the middle of the fifteenth century. In 1448 a certain -Michel Holbein, who had been living at Oberschönefeld, in the near -neighbourhood, moved into Augsburg, and settled there permanently. In -the first entry in the records in which his name occurs he is called -“Michel von Schönenfeld,” but in 1454 his surname is given as “Holbain,” -this being the common spelling of the name in Augsburg at that time, or, -less frequently, “Holpain.” This Michel Holbein, who came from -Oberschönefeld, and died in Augsburg about 1497, and at one time was -regarded as the father of Hans Holbein the Elder, is no longer -considered to be identical with the latter, who was also named Michel -and was a leather-dresser by trade. From 1464 to 1475 the last named was -living in a house of his own, No. 472A in the Vorderer Lech, which is -spoken of as “Michel Holbains Hus,” or “Domus Michel Holbains.” After -1475 he changed his dwelling more than once, and his several removals -can be traced from the rate-books, in which his addresses at various -dates are given as “Salta zum Schlechtenbad,” “Vom Bilgrimhaus,” “Vom -Nagengast,” “In der Prediger Garten,” and so on. All these places were -in the Vorderer and Mittlerer Lech, in that part of the city to the east -of the Maximilianstrasse known as the Diepold, in the neighbourhood of -the Lech canals and streams, by which Augsburg is watered, along the -banks of which most of the smaller trades of the city were carried on -and the workshops of the artificers and metal-workers were situated. In -the years 1479, 1481, and 1482 Michel Holbein was absent from Augsburg, -and appears to have left his wife behind him, for in 1481 it is noted -against her in the rate-book that her husband was not with her (“Ihr -Mann nicht bei ihr”). Michel Holbein died probably about the year -1484.[2] His widow, whose name first occurs in the town records in 1469, -continued to move from house to house, her addresses being given as “in -der Strasse Am Judenberg,” “Von Sant Anthonino,” “Vom Diepolt,” and -beyond the Sträfinger Gate. - -[Sidenote: HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER] - -The name of “Hanns Holbain” first appears in the records in the year -1494. This was the painter usually known as Hans Holbein the Elder, to -distinguish him from his more celebrated son. Although there is no -actual proof of the relationship, there is every reason to believe that -Hans the Elder was one of the sons of Michel the currier. He lived in -the same quarter of the city as the latter, his address in 1494 being in -the “Strasse vom Diepolt,” and two years later in the “Salta zum -Schlechtenbad.” More than once Hans Holbein’s mother is mentioned as -living with him, thus evidently at that time a widow, which affords -further proof in favour of the connection.[3] In 1504 it is recorded -that Sigmund, his brother, was living in the same house with Hans, which -confirms the statement by J. von Sandrart, one of the earliest of -Holbein’s biographers, in his _Teutsche Akademie_ (1675), that the elder -Hans Holbein and Sigmund were brothers, a relationship of which absolute -proof is to be found in the latter’s will. Sigmund was born after 1477, -was of age in 1503, and died in Berne in 1540.[4] The two painter -brothers had several sisters. Between 1478 and 1480 the records speak of -a daughter, Barbara von Oberhausen, as living with her mother, Michel -Holbainin, and a few years later a second daughter, Anna Holbainin, who -is sometimes called by the diminutive name “Endlin.” There appear to -have been four sisters in all, but Sigmund Holbein mentions only three -of them in his will, Barbara being apparently dead—Ursel (Ursula) -Nepperschmid, of Augsburg; Anna Elchinger, living by St. Ursula am -Schwall, in the same city; and Margreth Herwart, at Esslingen. The name -of this last sister, Margaret, occurs in the town records from 1502 as -“Gret” or “Margreth Holbainin.” In 1493 there is a reference to an -“Ottilia Holbainlin,” but the use of the diminutive in this case -suggests that she was a small child, and, therefore, more probably a -daughter rather than a sister of Hans Holbein the Elder. - -[Sidenote: HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER] - -At one time, before these authentic records of the Holbein family had -been unearthed from the Steuerbücher and Gerichtsbücher of Augsburg, it -was believed that a third painter named Hans Holbein had existed, the -father of Hans Holbein the Elder. Attention was first called to him by -Passavant in 1846, in connection with a painting then in the possession -of Herr Samm of Mergenthau, and now in the Augsburg Museum. This -picture, which represents the Virgin Mary seated on a grassy bank by a -wall, with the Infant Christ in her arms, is signed “Hans Holbein, C.A. -(_i.e._ Civis Augustanus) 1459,” a date too early for the picture to -have been painted by Hans Holbein the Elder; but the inscription has -been proved to be a forgery. Further proof of the existence of this -painter was thought to have been discovered in connection with a second -picture, forty years later in date, and in reality from the hand of Hans -Holbein the Elder. It is one of a series of six pictures representing -the principal basilicas of Rome, ordered by the nuns of St. Catherine in -Augsburg in 1496, on the occasion of the reconstruction of their -convent. The names of the several donors of these pictures, with the -prices and other details, are preserved in the annals of the convent, -compiled by the nun Dominica Erhardt from old records and documents. -Extracts from this work were supplied to Passavant, including one with -reference to the picture of the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore, now in -the Augsburg Gallery (Nos. 62-64), which is signed “Hans Holbain” on the -two bells in the tower, and bears the date 1499. The passage in question -is as follows:— - -“Item Dorothea Rölingerin hat lassen machen unser lieben frauen Taffel, -die gestatt oder steht 45 gulden. Vom alten Hans Holbein hie.” (Item. -Dorothea Rölingerin has ordered of old Hans Holbein a panel painting of -our dear Lady for the sum of 45 gulden.) - -The term “old Holbein,” Passavant thought, could only be applied to the -grandfather of the family, for in 1499 Hans Holbein the Younger was -still a little child, and his father too young a man to be termed “the -old.” Later researches, however, proved that the extracts supplied to -Passavant were incorrect, containing numerous amplifications and -spurious additions not to be found in the original document, which, -after considerable search, was discovered by Dr. Woltmann in the -Episcopal Library in Augsburg. In the original record the price paid for -the picture is given as 60 gulden, and neither the name of “old Holbein” -nor of any other painter occurs, so that the myth of the grandfather -Hans was finally demolished. - -[Sidenote: THE MYTHICAL BRUNO HOLBEIN] - -There is no record of the birth of Hans Holbein the Elder; but as the -earliest dated picture by him so far discovered was painted in 1493, it -is supposed to have taken place about 1473-4.[5] There is equal lack of -information as to the date of his marriage or the name of his wife. It -was believed at one time, on the authority of Paul von Stetten, that she -was the daughter of Thomas Burgkmair, and sister of the more famous Hans -Burgkmair, and that the young couple lived with their father-in-law; but -no confirmation of this legend has been discovered. The two families -dwelt in the same street, “Vom Diepolt,” but Burgkmair’s house was No. -7, while Holbein’s was No. 17. His family, as far as is known, consisted -only of his two sons, Ambrosius and Hans. A third son, Bruno, is -mentioned by Remigius Faesch (1651) in his manuscript notes preserved in -the Basel Library, compiled from information supplied to him from the -Amerbach papers; but beyond this short notice, and a repetition of it by -Patin, there is no trace of a Bruno Holbein to be found. There are two -silver-point drawings, one of the head of a child in the Bernburg -Library,[6] and the other of a mitred bishop in the Albertina, -Vienna,[7] both dated 1515 and signed with the letters B. H. in -monogram, which it has been suggested are the work of the supposed -Bruno. Dr. Woltmann, however, considered them to be by Ambrosius -Holbein. The latter, he says, was known by the diminutive name of -“Prosy” in the family circle, and as at that time in Germany the letters -_p_ and _b_ were often used indifferently—as can be seen in the spelling -of Holbein’s own name in the Augsburg records, where it is sometimes -given as “Holbain,” and sometimes as “Holpain”—it may well be that the -monogram on these two drawings is that of “Prosy” or “Brosy” Holbein.[8] -Modern criticism, however, has shown that the attribution of these two -drawings to Ambrosius is a wrong one.[9] - -[Sidenote: THE “BASILICA OF S. MARIA MAGGIORE”] - -Hans Holbein the Elder, whose exceptional ability as an artist has -always been overshadowed by the greater genius of his celebrated son, -was one of the most representative painters of the Swabian School at the -close of the fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century. His -art, more particularly, but not only, in its earlier manifestations, -shows the influence of Martin Schongauer, and, through Schongauer, that -of Rogier van der Weyden and the Flemish School. The influence of -Schongauer upon him is at times so marked that it has been suggested -that he may have studied under him at Colmar during his younger days. -Whether this be true or not, it is evident that Holbein was still under -the spell of Schongauer’s painting during his stay in Isenheim towards -the end of his life. The “Fountain of Life,” painted there in 1519, owed -much of its inspiration to Schongauer’s “Madonna in the Rose Garden,” -which Holbein must have seen in the not far-distant city of Colmar. Both -in the types of his figures and the management of his draperies, as well -as in the arrangement of his compositions, there is an echo of -Schongauer’s art, which, however, may not have been derived through -personal contact with that painter, but largely from the study of his -numerous engravings, which were widely popular throughout Southern -Germany. Schongauer himself, whose father, Kasper Schongauer, was an -Augsburg painter, had studied, or, at least, had come much under the -influence of, Rogier van der Weyden at Tournai, and had caught from him -something of the sweetness and grace which characterised the finest -Flemish art of that day. These characteristics, and others -representative of the school, he handed on in his turn to the Swabian -painters, the elder Holbein among them. Hans Burgkmair was one of -Schongauer’s pupils, and was afterwards a near neighbour of Holbein, so -that he also may have been an inspiring force in the moulding of the art -of both the older and the younger Hans. Another of Schongauer’s -followers, Bartolomaeus Zeitblom of Ulm, is also considered to have had -some influence upon the elder Holbein’s painting. The latter, at one -period of his career, became a citizen of Ulm, where he must have -encountered Zeitblom, the leading painter of that city. Thus his earlier -works show a gradual fusion of the methods of the old German or Rhenish -School with those of the Flemings. He began to paint in the days when -German art was almost uninfluenced by the great Italian Renaissance, -which was gradually but surely spreading over Europe, but before the -close of his career he had succumbed to its spell. A chronological -examination of his later works shows what a vitalising force his study -of Italian models had upon his style, though he did not accept these -changes as easily or as rapidly as some of his contemporaries, such as -Burgkmair. Unlike the latter, however, he never paid a visit to Italy, -but he nevertheless found it impossible in the end to resist the new -artistic impulses with which that country was then flooding the rest of -Europe. It was not necessary for him, however, to cross the Alps in -order to experience the magic spell of the new teaching, for Augsburg -was one of the first of the South German towns to feel the effects of -the Renaissance. The two chief routes from Italy, the western one from -Milan, and the eastern road from Venice, met at its gates. The greater -part of the trade between the Venetian States and Germany passed through -the city, and its leading merchants had business branches in Venice and -other North Italian towns. Many members of the Fugger and other -patrician families of Augsburg spent long periods in the districts -immediately south of the Alps, for the purpose of extending their trade -connections; and the active commercial intercourse with Italy which -resulted brought not only riches to the Augsburgers, but knowledge and -love of the new culture as well, and thus through the old free city of -Swabia the intellectual and artistic wealth of the Renaissance made its -way into Germany. The elder Holbein was among those who reaped advantage -from this intercourse between the two countries. Without entirely -abandoning the solid German groundwork of his art, he stripped it, more -particularly in his management of draperies, of many of its hardnesses. -His colour grew more harmonious, and his handling broader and more free. -His figures became less attenuated, and his heads, treated with greater -realism, displayed more character, while the general composition of his -pictures showed a greater dignity of conception and a deeper sense of -beauty. In addition to these gradual changes in his art, the new -influence wrought a complete alteration in his methods of dealing with -all accessories and with the architectural backgrounds against which his -subjects were placed, Renaissance forms and ornamentation taking the -place of the earlier Gothic settings. - -The earliest dated pictures which can be ascribed to him with any -certainty are four altar-panels in the Cathedral of Augsburg, of the -year 1493, which at one time formed the two wings of an altar-piece in -the Abbey of Weingarten, representing Joachim’s Sacrifice, the Birth and -the Presentation of Mary in the Temple, and the Presentation of -Christ.[10] They display a strong Flemish influence, with a warm, -luminous colour, and considerable dignity and sense of beauty in the -figures. - -His next pictures of which the date is certain are of the year 1499,[11] -and include the picture of the Basilica of Santa Maria Maggiore,[12] the -work already mentioned as ordered by Dorothea Rölingerin[13] for the -Convent of St. Catherine in Augsburg, and at one time attributed to the -mythical grandfather Hans. It is a panel in the form of a broad pointed -arch, corresponding, like the five other pictures of the series, with -the vaulting of the chamber for which it was painted. It contains four -scenes in three sections, divided from one another by gilded Gothic -ornamentation. The lower half of the central compartment contains a view -of the church, with a pilgrim kneeling at the altar. On the two bells is -inscribed “Hans Holba—in 1499,” while an “H” is on one of the -tombstones, and the date is repeated on the outer wall of the church. -The upper part of the arch is filled with the Crowning of the Virgin. -The division on the left contains St. Joseph and the Virgin adoring the -Child in the stable, that on the right the Martyrdom of St. Dorothea, in -honour of the donor of the picture, who is represented, a small figure, -kneeling in prayer behind the saint. This picture is now in the Augsburg -Museum (Nos. 62-64). - -A second work in the same gallery (No. 61), of the same date, is, -however, far inferior to the foregoing, the execution being careless and -perfunctory. It was a commission from the nun Walburg Vetter, also for -the Convent of St. Catherine, as an offering from herself, and in memory -of her two sisters, Veronica and Christina, all three of whom lived, -died, and were buried in the convent; and the indifference of the -workmanship has been attributed to the fact that Holbein received -extremely poor payment for it, only 26 gulden in all. It has an arched -top, and is divided into a number of small compartments, with the -Crowning of the Virgin above, and six roughly-painted scenes from -Christ’s Passion below, in which the figures, more particularly of the -executioners, are extremely repulsive. It is dated, and contains a long -inscription.[14] - -Shortly after he had sent out this very inferior example of his art from -his workshop, Holbein appears to have left Augsburg for a year or two, -and to have settled in Ulm. His name is found in the Augsburg rate-books -every year from 1494 to 1499, but is missing in 1500 and 1501, while -there is a document in the Augsburg archives, dated Wednesday, November -6, 1499, which proves that in that year he had become for the time being -a citizen of Ulm (“Hannsen Holbain dem Maller, jetzo Bürger zu -Ulm”),[15] though no traces remain of any work undertaken by him in that -city. This entry is in connection with the contract for the purchase of -a house in Augsburg from which Holbein received interest. - -[Sidenote: THE KAISHEIM ALTAR-PIECE] - -In 1501 he was in Frankfurt, engaged upon an altar-piece for the -Dominican convent church. Two large panels, which once formed the back -of the centre portion of this work, represent the genealogy of Christ -and that of the Dominicans,[16] each in two divisions. On the first -there is a Latin inscription stating that the work was executed in 1501 -to the order of the Superior, one “I. W.,” and concluding with the -words, “HANS HOILBAYN DE AVGVSTA ME PINXIT.” These panels are now in the -Städtisches Museum in Frankfurt, together with seven out of eight scenes -of “Christ’s Passion,” which originally covered the outer and inner -sides of the wings of the same altar-piece.[17] - -In 1502 he was back again in Augsburg, at work upon a large altar-piece -for the monastery of Kaisheim at Donauwörth. Sixteen portions of it, -which formed the inner and outer panels of the folding doors, are now in -the Munich Gallery (Nos. 193-208).[18] Between the years 1490 and 1509 -the Abbot Georg Kastner spent much money on the adornment of the fine -Gothic church of this famous imperial monastery, and in an old -manuscript chronicle which has survived, there is a passage referring to -this particular altar-piece, from which it is to be gathered that two -other artificers of Augsburg, the sculptor Gregorius and the joiner -Adolph Kastner, were associated with Holbein in the work. It speaks of -them as three masters of Augsburg, who were the best masters far and -near. The panels from the outer sides of the shutters represent scenes -from the Passion, those from the inner ones incidents in the life of the -Virgin and the childhood of Christ. The former are of inferior -workmanship to the latter, and were no doubt produced wholly or in great -part by an apprentice or assistant, for they display many exaggerated -and grotesque types and a general lack of taste in composition. The -inner panels show a far higher standard, and are from the hand of the -elder Holbein himself, whose signature occurs no less than three times -as “J. H.,” “Hans Holbon,” and finally the inscription, “Depictum per -Johannem Holbain Augustensem 1502.” Studies for some of the heads are to -be found in his sketch-book in the Basel Gallery. Several panels -representing the martyrdom of the Apostles, at Nuremberg, Schleissheim, -and elsewhere, have much in common with the Kaisheim altar-piece. - -In the same year (1502) Holbein was engaged for a second time upon work -for the Convent of St. Catherine in Augsburg. This was a panel, in three -compartments, representing the Transfiguration of Christ,[19] a -commission from a leading Augsburg citizen, Ulrich Walther, whose -daughters, Anna and Maria, were inmates of the convent, the former being -the prioress. It is now in the Augsburg Gallery (Nos. 65-67). It was -ordered to be made “to the praise of God and in honour of his two -daughters,” and the price paid was 54 gulden 30 kreuzers. Walther, who, -dying at the age of eighty-six in 1505, left behind him one hundred and -thirty-three living descendants, is represented kneeling in the lower -part of the left-hand compartment, with eight sons behind him; and in -the corresponding part of the opposite compartment are his wife, the two -nuns, and twelve others, daughters and daughters-in-law, also kneeling -in prayer. These portraits, of which those of the younger children in -particular are of considerable charm, form the happiest part of the -painting. In the central subject, the movements by which the Apostles -express their surprise at the transfiguration of their Master are -exaggerated almost to the point of caricature. The side panels represent -the Miracle of the Loaves and Fishes, and the Healing of the Possessed -Youth. - -[Sidenote: THE “BAPTISM OF ST. PAUL”] - -A much finer work, painted for the same convent, is the “Basilica of St. -Paul,”[20] like the “Transfiguration,” now in the Augsburg Gallery (Nos. -68-70). Although undated, it is usually ascribed to the year 1504. It -was ordered by Veronica Weiser, daughter of the Burgomaster Bartholomäus -Welser. She was one of the wealthiest of the sisters, and was at that -time secretary to the convent, and afterwards succeeded Anna Walther as -prioress. It follows the shape of the other pictures in the cloisters, -that of a broad pointed arch, and is divided into a central and two side -panels, separated by late Gothic gilded ornamentation. It depicts scenes -from the life of St. Paul. In the upper arched portion is the Mocking of -Christ, while the lower compartments contain the Conversion, Baptism, -Martyrdom, and Burial of St. Paul, with other events in his life in the -background. In the central division Holbein has shown the donor seated -in a chair in front of the basilica with her back to the spectator, an -evident portrait, although the face is not visible. The name “Thecla” is -written on the chair-back. The division on the left hand is of much -greater interest, for it contains portraits of the Holbein family, -including the earliest but one known of Hans Holbein the Younger. The -subject is the Baptism of St. Paul (Pl. 1), who is represented, a nude -figure, standing in a stone font in the foreground. In the right-hand -foreground the artist has placed a group of three spectators, a -middle-aged man and two small boys, representing, according to old -tradition, the painter himself and his two sons, Ambrosius and Hans. The -truth of this tradition is confirmed by three drawings by the elder -Holbein which still exist—one, a head of himself, a study for the St. -Sebastian altar-piece, inscribed “Hanns Holbain maler—Der alt,” now in -the Aumale Collection at Chantilly;[21] and the others, in the Berlin -Print Room, representing the two boys in the years 1502 and 1511.[22] In -the picture the painter himself, with long hair and a flowing beard, but -the upper lip shaved, and dressed in a fur-lined coat, stands with his -right hand resting upon the head of the younger boy, and with the first -finger of his left points towards him as though wishing to draw -particular attention to him. Ambrosius, with his hair curling upon his -shoulders, stands with his right hand placed affectionately upon his -younger brother’s shoulder, and with his left clasps the other’s hand. -Both boys are dressed in grey cloth gowns, with gaiters and thick shoes, -the elder having a pen-case and ink-bottle suspended from his girdle. -Hans, a big-headed, round-faced, chubby little lad, six or seven years -old, has shorter hair. One hand is raised to his chest, and the other -grasps a stick. The father’s face is not a highly intellectual one, but -is sensitive and amiable; that of the boy Hans is stronger in character, -with a fine forehead and good mouth. On the opposite side of the picture -there stands a lady, seen in profile, with plaited golden hair and a -white head-dress. Her costume is a rich one, with brocaded sleeves, and -the lower part of her skirts edged with pearls. Tradition, which is -possibly correct, declares this lady to be the mother of the two boys. -There is considerable likeness between her and Ambrosius, and it is -evident that she is taking no part in the incident of the Baptism beyond -that of a very passive spectator. The costume she wears precludes her -from being the donor of the picture, who, indeed, is already represented -in the central compartment. Holbein apparently introduced his whole -family into the work. The only reason for throwing doubt on the -tradition lies in the elaborate dress she is wearing, which seems too -sumptuous for a poor painter’s wife; for the elder Holbein at this -period of his life was in frequent difficulties over money. Mr. Gerald -Davies draws attention to a drawing by him in coloured chalks in the -Munich Print Room, which, he thinks, represents the wife some years -earlier, perhaps before her marriage.[23] “It is,” he says, “a very -charming drawing of a young woman, not of any special beauty beyond that -which belongs to every young face which has the sparkle of happy -pleasure in the lips and eyes; the hair is partly covered with a white -cap, into which some delicate yellow is touched, and she wears yellow -sleeves and bands of the same colour across the white chest front. -Allowing for some years’ difference in age, this may well, I think, be -the same person as she who appears in the Augsburg picture. But, whether -it be the mother of the great painter or no, it is certainly a study -which shows Hans Holbein the Elder to have been possessed in some degree -of those very qualities in which his son afterwards stood supreme. There -is something of the same sympathetic power of seeing, and the same -completeness of recording what has been seen, without pedantries and -without makeshifts, all that gives to any given human face its charm and -its interest.... There is in it something of inspiration which neither -care nor industry nor strength—and there are certainly artists stronger -than he—can give. There is in this drawing the germ, and something more -than the germ, of the spirit of his great son.”[24] - -This altar-piece, in which the figures are represented at about -one-third the size of life, marks a considerable advance in Holbein’s -art, both in technical qualities, the harmony of colouring, and in the -drawing of the figures and natural arrangement of the draperies. When -ordering the picture, Veronica Welser at the same time commissioned Hans -Burgkmair to paint one of the Basilica of Santa Croce and the legend of -St. Ursula. Only one payment, 187 gulden, is recorded for the two. As -Burgkmair’s picture is dated 1504, it is natural to suppose that -Holbein’s altar-piece was painted at about the same time. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 1. - - -[Illustration: - - THE BAPTISM OF ST. PAUL - Left-hand panel of the “St. Paul” Altar-piece, with portraits of the - Holbein Family - HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER - AUGSBURG GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: THE ELDER HOLBEIN’S TROUBLES] - -Between the years 1504 and 1508 Holbein found frequent employment in -connection with the Church of St. Moritz in Augsburg. Various payments -are recorded in the church account books, but the pictures he painted -cannot now be traced. Among them appear to have been two large -altar-pieces, for which he frequently received small sums in advance at -his own request. On the 28th October 1506, he agreed to supply four -altar-panels for 100 gulden, receiving 10 gulden on account. Money was -evidently scarce in the Holbein household in these years; he was even -obliged to borrow 3 gulden from the churchwarden’s wife. For the second -altar-piece, commissioned on the 16th March 1508, he was to receive the -considerable sum of 325 gulden; but, as he was evidently still in debt, -the whole of the money was not paid directly to him, but was handed over -to various creditors; thus 74 gulden was paid to one Thomas Freihamer. -On the same occasion Holbein’s wife received a present of 5 gulden from -the church authorities, and his son, no doubt Ambrosius, one gulden.[25] - -The elder Holbein, indeed, was often in monetary difficulties, more -particularly towards the end of his life. From time to time he was sued -for small sums by impatient creditors. In 1503 he went to law with a -neighbour, Paulson Mair, and on the 10th May 1515 he was sued by his -butcher, Ludwig Smid, for one gulden. In the following year he was twice -in the courts, the second time at the suit of one Jörg Lotter for the -small amount of 32 kreuzers. On the 12th January 1517 his own brother, -Sigmund, was obliged to take proceedings against him for a debt of 34 -florins, money advanced to enable Holbein to move his painting materials -to “Eysznen”—that is, Isenheim in Alsace—to which place he went towards -the end of 1516 for the purpose of painting an altar-piece for the -monastery of St. Anthony. Once again, in 1521, a certain Hans Kämlin -sued him before the justices for two sums of 40 kreuzers, and 2 florins -40 kreuzers. Thus, in spite of numerous commissions, which, however, -were not always well-paid ones, he often had great difficulty in -supporting his household in comfort.[26] - -[Sidenote: THE “ST. SEBASTIAN” ALTAR-PIECE] - -The scope of this book does not permit a detailed description, or even a -bare list, of his numerous works. Two only of his later, and probably -his finest, paintings must be alluded to briefly—the “Martyrdom of St. -Sebastian,” in the Munich Gallery (Nos. 209-211), painted shortly before -his departure from Augsburg to Isenheim, and the “Fountain of Life,” in -Lisbon, both of which were at one time ascribed to his younger son.[27] -The “St. Sebastian” altar-piece,[28] which in earlier days was rightly -regarded as a work of the elder Holbein, is thought to have been one of -several commissions given to him by the nuns of St. Catherine in -Augsburg. The entry in the archives which is supposed to refer to it -merely states that “Sister Magdalena Imhoff has given 3 gulden to the -new Sebastian, for the Holy Cross on the altar, and the lay sisters 2 -florins. This is the cost of the said picture.” Neither the name of the -artist who was employed upon it nor the date of the order is given, and -from the wording of the entry, and the very small price paid, it seems -evident that it cannot refer to so important a painting as the “St. -Sebastian.” Dr. Woltmann was probably right in suggesting that what was -ordered was merely a painted wooden figure of the saint, which was to be -added to a carved group of the Crucifixion on the altar of the -church.[29] The picture was first attributed to the younger Holbein by -Passavant and Dr. Waagen, who were misled by the forged extracts from -the St. Catherine annals, in which the passage quoted above was -considerably amplified, the “St. Sebastian” being definitely described -as a picture “by the skilful painter Holbein,” with the additional -information that it was ordered in 1515, and placed in the church in -1517, after its rebuilding, and that Magdalena Imhoff paid 10 gulden -towards it, and the other lay sisters 2 gulden each. As a result of this -falsification, the authorship of the picture was taken from the father -and given to the son, and, in consequence, it was regarded for a number -of years as an extraordinary manifestation of youthful genius. Even when -the forgery was discovered, such critics as Dr. Woltmann and Mr. Wornum -continued, from considerations of style, to uphold the picture as an -early Augsburg work of the younger Holbein. The inner and outer panels -of the wings, in particular, were considered to afford undoubted proof, -by their high artistic merit and their method of handling, that they -were from the brush of the son; and some modern critics still maintain -that, if not entirely his work, they were nevertheless carried out by -him under his father’s supervision, although they show a much more -finished and mature style than is to be found in the first sacred -paintings he produced in his early Basel days. Professor Karl Voll of -Munich holds that no one but the younger Hans could have painted the -lovely figures of St. Elizabeth and St. Barbara. Dr. Glaser, on the -other hand, is of opinion that the whole altar-piece is the work of Hans -Holbein the Elder. The picture is undated, though Passavant states that -it is inscribed “1516.” According to Förster, in 1840 the old frame bore -the inscription “1516, H. Holbain.” Dr. Woltmann placed it in the year -1515, but at that date the younger Hans had already left Augsburg for -Basel. From considerations of style, however, and the strong Renaissance -influence it displays, it is now generally considered to have been -executed by Hans Holbein the Elder in or about 1516, prior to his -departure from Augsburg to Isenheim. - -Judged by his authentic works of this date in Basel, it is difficult to -allow that the younger Holbein had any serious part in the painting of -this altar-piece, though he may have worked on some of the details under -his father’s direction. Whether originally painted to the order of the -nuns of St. Catherine or not, the picture is said to have been found in -their possession on the abolition of the convent. It was acquired in -1809 from the church of St. Sauveur in Augsburg. - -The central panel (Pl. 2) shows the nude figure of the saint, transfixed -with arrows, his right arm fastened by a chain above his head to a -fig-tree. Four archers at very close quarters are shooting at him, the -one kneeling in the left foreground, in the act of bending his bow, -being dressed in a striped costume of blue and white, the colours of -Bavaria, the hereditary enemy of Augsburg. Behind them stand spectators -in rich costumes, two on either side, the foremost one on the right -being the officer of the Emperor Diocletian, who is directing the -execution. In the background is a river, on the far side of which rise -the towers and buildings of a city, with the Alps beyond. The outer -panels of the shutters are painted with the “Annunciation to the -Virgin,” and the inner ones with the figures of St. Barbara and St. -Elizabeth (Pl. 3). St. Barbara, who is attired in a purple mantle, a -blue dress embroidered with gold, and wide white puffed sleeves, holds a -cup with the Host hovering over it. St. Elizabeth has also a purple -mantle, and a dress edged with fur. With her left hand she gathers up -her cloak, in which she is carrying bread for the poor, and with the -other pours wine from a tankard into a shallow bowl held by one of the -two beggars crouching at her feet. These two suppliants, both of whom -are afflicted with leprosy, have been painted with extreme and even -repulsive realism. Behind the leper on the right appears the head of the -painter himself, kneeling in adoration. The background in both these -panels is similar in character to the central one, that behind St. -Elizabeth representing, so it is said, a view of the Wartburg, near -Eisenach; while above and below are deep bands of rich Renaissance -ornamentation, of the type of design which the younger Holbein -afterwards carried to so high a degree of excellence. The whole work, -though still retaining many indications of the earlier influences which -moulded the elder Holbein’s art, is strongly imbued with the newer -conception of painting received from Italy. The drawing of the nude -displays greater knowledge than in the “St. Paul” altar-piece, the -colour is finer, and the figures of the two saints on the shutters -possess much grace and beauty. There are several silver-point studies -for the picture in the Copenhagen Museum, while the study for the head -of Holbein himself is, as already pointed out, at Chantilly. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 2. - - -[Illustration: - - THE MARTYRDOM OF ST. SEBASTIAN - Central Panel - HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER - ALTE PINAKOTHEK, MUNICH -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 3. - - -[Illustration: - - ST. BARBARA ST. ELIZABETH - Inner sides of the wings of the St. Sebastian Altar-piece - HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER - ALTE PINAKOTHEK, MUNICH -] - -[Sidenote: “THE FOUNTAIN OF LIFE”] - -It is in the “Fountain of Life” (Pl. 4),[30] painted in 1519,[31] that -the strongest proofs of the elder Holbein’s final surrender to the -influences of the Italian Renaissance are to be discovered. This -picture, like more than one other of his works, was formerly ascribed to -the son. Nothing is known of its earlier history, but it is said[32] to -have been taken from England to Portugal by Catherine of Braganza, -daughter of John IV of Portugal, and wife of Charles II, when she -returned home a widow after the king’s death in 1685, and that it was -presented by her to the chapel of the castle of Bemposta, where it -remained until removed to the royal palace in Lisbon forty or fifty -years ago. It thus appears to have belonged to the royal collections of -England in Charles II’s time, but no traces of it are to be found in any -inventory. If the picture ever was in this country, it can have been -only for a short time, for about the year 1628 it was in the collection -of the Elector Maximilian I of Bavaria, and is very carefully described -in a manuscript catalogue of his pictures of that date, with the -measurements, the date, and the name of the artist—“von Hanns Holpain ao -1519 gemalt.”[33] It is signed “IOHANNES HOLBEIN FECIT 1519,” but from -its present condition this signature seems to have been painted over an -older one. Attention was first called to the picture by Pietro -Guarienti, keeper of the Dresden Gallery, who was in Portugal from 1733 -to 1736. He read the name as “Holtein,” and considered it to be the work -of one of Holbein’s pupils. This would indicate that the signature was -then becoming illegible, and that it was renovated some time after -Guarienti saw it. On the inner edge of the circular fountain in the -foreground there is also an inscription, “PVTEVS AQVARVM VIVENTIVM,” -which has also been retouched by some clumsy hand, for the older -writing, white on a brown ground, can still be seen beneath it. - -The background, which occupies the upper half of the picture, is filled -with a building or open loggia of very elaborate architecture in the -style of the Italian Renaissance, with pillars of vari-coloured marbles, -and capitals and friezes richly carved and decorated. In the central -foreground, on the steps which ascend to this building, the Virgin -appears, enthroned. The Infant Christ sits astride her right arm, firmly -clasped against her breast. The Virgin appears to have been painted from -the same model as the Virgin on the outer shutters of the “St. -Sebastian” altar-piece. The Fountain of Life drips from a marble Cupid’s -mask on the step below her feet into a small circular basin, on the edge -of which is placed a tall vase with a spray of white lilies. Behind her -carved chair stand St. Joseph and St. Anne, and on either side of her -are groups of three saints, the two foremost ones being seated, with the -folds of their dresses spread over the flower-strewn grass. On the right -is St. Dorothy, in a richly-brocaded costume, and behind her kneels St. -Catherine of Alexandria with her right hand stretched towards the Infant -Christ, as a sign of their betrothal. On the left St. Margaret is -seated, with a book and a long cross, and a dragon at her feet, and -behind her St. Barbara is kneeling, holding the cup with the Host. Two -other saints complete the near groups, and in the background a number of -other saints are placed on either side. One of the figures is not unlike -the so-called wife of Holbein in the “St. Paul” altar-piece. Still -farther off, beyond the rails of the portico or temple, are three groups -of singing and playing angels with vari-coloured wings. In the distance -is an elaborate landscape, with a tall palm-tree, classical ruins, and a -view of sea and mountains. Bands of dark cloud stretch across the sky, -and the evening light still lingers over the waters, producing a -peaceful and rather sombre effect. The composition is the most -considerable to be found in any of the elder Holbein’s works, and is -well grouped and arranged. The influence of Martin Schongauer can be -very clearly traced in it, and the unusual position in which the Virgin -is holding the Child is directly derived from Schongauer’s beautiful -“Madonna in the Rose Garden,” which Holbein must have studied in the -neighbouring city of Colmar.[34] There were also altar-panels by -Schongauer in the Isenheim Monastery itself, where Holbein appears to -have been working when he painted the “Fountain of Life.” In addition to -this direct influence, others, both Flemish and Italian, are to be -traced in it, but well fused, so that the whole composition is unforced -and natural, and contains passages of much beauty. There is delicacy and -warmth in the flesh tints, and the sincerity of feeling which pervades -all the principal figures is one of its chief charms. The rich -architecture of the background shows good understanding and appreciation -of the Italian models upon which it is based, and in all ways the -picture indicates that when the elder Holbein put forth his greatest -powers he was worthy of being ranked among the best German painters of -the early sixteenth century. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 4. - - -[Illustration: - - THE FOUNTAIN OF LIFE - HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER - NATIONAL MUSEUM OF ANCIENT ART, LISBON -] - -Although he does not appear to have had many opportunities of exercising -his skill as a portrait-painter, his very numerous studies in this -branch of art show abilities of a very high order, and possess many of -the qualities, though in a lesser degree, which his son afterwards -developed to so high a pitch of perfection. Indeed, in these -portrait-studies of men his art attains its greatest strength and finest -accomplishment. Sixty-nine of his drawings of heads are preserved in the -Imhoff Collection in the Berlin Museum. They are on the leaves of -sketch-books, and were made between 1509 and 1516, in silver-point and -pencil, some of them strengthened with white and with red chalk. A -smaller number of heads from the same series are in the Copenhagen -Museum, and at Basel and Bamberg, while isolated examples are to be -found in the print rooms of more than one European museum. Some of the -Basel drawings were made before 1508, and in the collection of M. Léon -Bonnat, which contains several fine silver-points by the elder Hans, -there is one of the Augsburg goldsmith, Jörig Seld, dated 1497. - -[Sidenote: THE ELDER HOLBEIN’S STUDIES] - -These drawings, which at one time were all ascribed to his son, and -are so attributed in the first edition of Dr. Woltmann’s book, -represent citizens of Augsburg in all classes of life, many of them, -no doubt, personal friends of the painter, who, in a number of cases, -has written their names on the sketches. There is no evidence to show -that the majority of them were preliminary studies for portraits for -which he had received commissions; they were done partly for his own -amusement and practice, and partly to serve as models for figures in -his sacred paintings. They form, nevertheless, a very valuable record -of the Augsburg life of his day, and so may be compared, in the -wideness of their range at least, with the more brilliant series of -drawings by his son. In numerous instances the same sitter has been -drawn two or three times; of Johannes Schrott[35] and Hans -Griesher,[36] monks of St. Ulrich, there are no less than seven and -six respectively. Among them there are portraits of the Emperor -Maximilian,[37] on horseback, in helmet, and with sword, and of his -grandson, afterwards Charles V,[38] with a falcon on his wrist, -inscribed “herzog karl vo burgundy.” As Charles became Duke of -Burgundy in 1515, and King of Castile in 1516, the drawing must have -been made in the former year. There are several portraits of members -of the great Fugger family, among them Jacob Fugger,[39] the head of -the clan; his nephews, Raimund[40] and Anton[41]; his cousin, Ulrich -Fugger the Younger,[42] and his wife, Veronica Gassner[43]; and -several more. Other leading Augsburg families are represented in heads -of Gumprecht Rauner,[44] Hans Nell,[45] Hans Pfleger,[46] and Hans -Herlins,[47] and members of the court circle by such men as Kunz von -der Rosen,[48] the Emperor Maximilian’s lifelong friend and adviser. -Included among these drawings are representations of more than one of -Holbein’s fellow-workers in art, such as Hans Schwartz[49] the -wood-carver, and Burkhart Engelberg,[50] stone-carver and architect. -Representatives of more lowly pursuits are Gumpret Schwartz,[51] -schoolmaster, and one Grün,[52] a tailor, and certain “merry fellows” -of the artisan class. The heads of ladies are not very numerous, but -one of them, the wife of the Guildmaster Schwartzensteiner,[53] a -typical example of the “good wife” of Augsburg, has been drawn no less -than three times. A less reputable personage among them is Anna, known -as “the Lomentlin,”[54] who was twice expelled from the town for -serious misconduct, and returned in the end apparently repentant, -afterwards posing as a saint, and professing to be able to live -without meat or drink. One of the most important groups in this series -of drawings represents the monks of St. Ulrich, Augsburg’s famous -monastery—Heinrich Grün,[55] Leonhard Wagner,[56] Conrad Merlin,[57] -Johannes Schrott, Hans Griesher, and others. Finally, there are a few -studies of heads of members of the artist’s family, including his own -likeness, that of his brother Sigmund,[58] and the double portraits of -his two sons, which have been already mentioned. - -[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF A LADY OF AUGSBURG] - -There is a small finished portrait of a lady of Augsburg, whose -Christian name only, Maria, is known, in the collection of Sir Frederick -Cook, at Richmond, which is the sole example of portraiture by the elder -Holbein in England; and, indeed, with the exception of the portrait of a -man, dated 1513, in the Lanckoronski Collection in Vienna,[59] which is -also attributed to him, it is very possibly the only specimen of such -work by him in existence. This portrait is of particular interest, -because it conflicts with the statement of Dr. Glaser, that he never -painted an independent portrait.[60] It was formerly attributed to the -younger Holbein, but most critics failed to see his hand in it; and, -when exhibited at the Burlington Fine Arts Club in 1906, it was -described as of the South German School, with a note recording that the -names of Schaffner and Ambrosius Holbein had been tentatively suggested -in connection with it. Dr. Friedländer, however, considered it to be a -work of the younger Holbein in his early Basel period. In 1908 Dr. Carl -Giehlow suggested that the older painter was its real author, and drew -attention for the first time to the fact that a fine study for it exists -in the British Museum (Pl. 5); and further evidence in favour of this -attribution has been brought forward by Mr. Campbell Dodgson.[61] - -The picture is on panel, 13¾ by 10½ inches. The sitter wears a white cap -with embroidered margin of fleur-de-lis pattern. Her yellow bodice, -trimmed at the edges with a broad band of black velvet, opens in front -to show a white under-garment patterned in black and gold. The girdle is -studded with gold ornaments. The hands are hidden, being pushed within -the sleeves, as though for warmth. The background is plain blue, and on -the back of the panel is painted “Maria” in an abbreviated form, -evidently the sitter’s Christian name. On the front of the old original -frame is inscribed: “ALSO.WAS.ICH.VIR.WAR.IN.DEM. 34. IAR.” (So was I in -truth in my thirty-fourth year.) - -The silver-point drawing in the British Museum is, says Mr. Dodgson, “a -delicate piece of work, in perfect preservation, and so fresh and -spontaneous that it must be regarded as a study from life, preparatory -to the picture, and not as a copy from the latter. It is significant -that only the main outlines of the costume are noted, and that -ornamental details, which it would have taken a long time to draw, are -reserved for the final execution of the portrait in oils; nothing of the -kind is even suggested except the fleur-de-lis pattern on the cap. All -the essential outlines of the figure itself, on the other hand, are -drawn with a careful and expressive line, which notes the folds of the -flesh beneath the chin more accurately than the creases of the sleeve at -the elbow.” This drawing, like the portrait itself, is neither signed -nor dated, so that it may be suggested, by those who see in the finished -work the hand of the younger Holbein, that the drawing also is the work -of the son. There is, however, a second drawing of the same lady in the -Berlin Museum,[62] one of the series of the elder Holbein’s studies, in -which she is represented in almost the same position, and wearing the -same dress, though apparently several years older.[63] It does not seem -to be a repetition of the earlier drawing, but a fresh portrait from -life made after a considerable interval. The Berlin drawing is -undoubtedly the work of the elder painter, while the one in the British -Museum is closer to his style than to that of his son at the period in -question, when the latter was still in his teens, as shown in such early -Basel drawings as the studies of Meyer and his wife. The new -attribution, therefore, appears to be the correct one, the evidence in -favour of the elder Holbein being, if not conclusive, at least very -strong. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 5. - - -[Illustration: - - STUDY FOR THE PORTRAIT OF A LADY OF AUGSBURG - _Silver-point drawing_ - HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER - BRITISH MUSEUM -] - -Little is known of the last eight years of his life. The “Fountain of -Life” is the only picture painted by him during that period which has -survived.[64] It is supposed that he never returned to Augsburg, but -died in Isenheim; but that he spent the whole period there seems -unlikely. Isenheim is close to Basel, and it is not impossible that his -last days were passed under the roof of his son Hans in the latter city. -A letter, dated 4th July 1526, and addressed to the Vicar of the Order -of St. Anthony in Isenheim by the burgomaster of Basel, Heinrich -Meltinger, bears out this supposition.[65] It was written on behalf of -Hans Holbein the Younger, and by means of it he made a final attempt to -obtain possession of, or compensation for, his father’s painting -materials, which the latter had left behind him, or which had been -detained for some purpose by the monastery authorities. From this letter -it appears, also, that the son had made more than one previous attempt, -during his father’s lifetime, and at the elder painter’s request, to get -the goods returned; from which it is to be inferred that for some -considerable time prior to his death Hans Holbein the Elder had left -Isenheim. In 1521, as already pointed out, he was sued by Hans Kämlin -for a small debt, but this does not necessarily indicate that the -painter himself was in Augsburg at the time. His death took place in -1524, as is proved by an entry in the Handwerksbuch of the Augsburg -Painters’ Guild of that year, in which “Hannss Holbain maller” is noted -as deceased; but this again does not prove that his actual death -occurred in that city. - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - CHAPTER II - - YOUTHFUL DAYS IN AUGSBURG - -Birth of Hans Holbein the Younger—Forgeries of dates on early pictures - attributed to him—Various portraits bearing on the question of the - year of his birth—His early life in Augsburg—The family house on the - Vorderer Lech—Early training in his father’s studio—Hans - Burgkmair—Augsburg and the decorative arts. - - -NO absolutely conclusive proof has yet been discovered of the exact date -of the birth of Hans Holbein the Younger. For years the question was -complicated by more than one forgery of dates and signatures on certain -pictures in Augsburg, and by spurious amplifications made in the modern -copies taken from certain entries in the annals of the convent of St. -Catherine. Owing to these forgeries, Dr. Woltmann, in the first edition -of his book,[66] advanced the opinion that Holbein was born in 1495; but -before the publication of the first volume of the second edition of his -work, in 1874, these inscriptions and entries had been proved to be -falsifications, and he then altered the date to 1497,[67] and this is -now generally accepted as correct. Equal doubt existed at one time as to -the place of his birth. Among earlier writers, Carel van Mander (1604) -and Patin (1676) stated that he was born in Basel, while Matthis Quad -gave his birthplace as Grünstadt in the Palatinate. Sandrart (1675) was -the first biographer to name Augsburg, which modern research has shown -to be correct. The forgeries, no doubt, were the result of the discovery -that Holbein was not a Swiss, as had been usually supposed, and were -intended to supply convincing evidence that he was of German origin, and -a citizen of Augsburg, and also to furnish proof of the precocity of his -youthful genius. - -[Sidenote: THE YOUNGER HOLBEIN’S BIRTH] - -The chief forgery was an inscription on a picture in the Augsburg -Gallery (Nos. 74-77), dated 1512, which until 1845 had always been -rightly regarded as the work of the elder Holbein. This picture is one -of the four panels which originally formed the inner and outer sides of -the two shutters of an altar-piece or shrine painted for the convent of -St. Catherine.[68] The two inner panels represent the Martyrdom of St. -Catherine[69] and the Legend of St. Ulrich, the patron saint of -Augsburg; the outer ones the Crucifixion of St. Peter, and the Virgin -and St. Anne teaching the Infant Christ to walk. On the panel -representing St. Catherine the date 1512 occurs on a votive tablet -containing a Latin prayer to the saint, while on the old original frame -the name of the painter, “Hans Holbain,” the two last letters of the -surname now defaced, stands in gold letters.[70] It was upon the panel -representing the Virgin and St. Anne with the Infant Christ[71] that the -false inscription was placed. In this picture Mary and her Mother are -seated, each holding a hand of the youthful Saviour, who stands between -them on the bench making his first attempts to walk. Three small angels -hold up a curtain behind them, and at the top of the panel is a band of -rich Renaissance ornamentation, with two cupids blowing horns.[72] St. -Anne holds an open book on her lap with her left hand; and when, in -1854, the panel was separated from its obverse side and cleaned and -restored, a Latin inscription upon this book came to light, parts of -which were hidden by the hand of the saint. This inscription stated that -the picture had been painted “by order of the venerable and most pious -mother Veronica Welser—Hans Holbain, of Augsburg, at the age of 17.”[73] -Before this Dr. Waagen[74] and several other critics had attributed this -altar-piece to the younger Holbein because of supposed differences in -style between it and the greater number of the authenticated works by -the father. The newly-discovered inscription, which was accepted as -genuine by Dr. Woltmann and most German writers, was considered to -afford final proof of the truth of Waagen’s contention, though a few, -among them Herman Grimm, refused to credit it. It was not until after -the death of A. Eigner, the keeper of the Augsburg Gallery, and the -originator of the falsification, in November 1870, that it was possible -to apply a practical test to it, with the result that it proved to be a -modern forgery. Upon the application of turpentine the whole of the -inscription disappeared, and traces of a much earlier and badly-defaced -one were found beneath it. The discovery of its fictitious nature led to -further investigation, and the final abandonment of the date 1495 as the -year of the painter’s birth, while the picture is now rightly restored -to the older artist who painted it. - -[Sidenote: THE YOUNGER HOLBEIN’S BIRTH] - -Far more reliable proof as to the correct date of Holbein’s birth is -afforded by the fine silver-point drawing by the elder painter, in the -Berlin Museum, of the heads of his two sons (Pl. 6).[75] Between the -heads is written “Holbain,” and over that of the younger boy on the -right the word “Hanns,” with the age “14” above the name. Over the head -of the elder boy on the left the shortened name “Prosy” is still -legible. Probably the first syllable, “Am,” has become obliterated in -course of time, or it may be that the father merely set down his -nickname, “Prosy.”[76] The age of Ambrosius, which must also have been -added, is now entirely effaced. At the top of the sheet is placed the -date, which to-day is barely legible. Dr. Woltmann read it as “1511,” -which would give the birth-year of Hans as 1497, and this reading is now -generally accepted. The same writer imagined that he could trace the -figure “5” above the head of Ambrosius, which would make his age -fifteen, and thus one year older than his brother. In the drawing -itself, however, he appears to be at least two or three years the -senior. Dr. Willy Hes, in his recently-published book on Ambrosius -Holbein, states that this now almost obliterated age-figure is “17,” and -this is probably correct.[77] Both heads are full of character. The -younger boy, with round face, and straight hair falling on his forehead -and covering his ears, though not a child of much personal beauty, has a -pleasant, thoughtful expression. The forehead is a fine one, projecting -over the eyes, and showing, according to phrenologists, a -strongly-developed power of imagination, while the mouth is large and -determined. Ambrosius has more mobile features, and a mass of curling -hair. This drawing, which at one time was attributed to the younger -Hans, is one of the most masterly in the Berlin series, and shows how -largely the son’s great gift of lifelike portraiture was inherited from -his father. - -[Sidenote: THE YOUNGER HOLBEIN’S BIRTH] - -Dr. Hes also publishes a second drawing by the elder Holbein from the -Berlin collection,[78] which, as he was the first to point out, -undoubtedly represents the two boys at an earlier age. This silver-point -drawing, hitherto known merely as “Portraits of two Children,” and -bearing the inscription “Thomasins Sohn und Tochter” in a later hand, -represents the two boys in profile, facing one another. It is not of -such fine quality as the drawing of 1511, but the likeness to Ambrosius -and Hans is unmistakable. In this earlier study Dr. Hes considers the -age of the boys to be eight and five respectively. The further -researches of the same writer have resulted in his discovery of a third -likeness of the elder son from his father’s pencil, a beautiful drawing -of a curly-haired lad with looks cast downwards. It is among the -silver-point drawings of Hans Holbein the Elder in the Basel -collection,[79] and seems to be connected with two other works by the -Augsburg master, both also at Basel, for which, perhaps, it may have -served as a preliminary study. One is an Indian-ink study for a “Death -of Mary,” and the other a large oil-painting of the same subject (No. -301). In both the features of the youthful St. John, who bends over the -Virgin with palm-branch and long candle in either hand, are evidently -those of Ambrosius. This drawing[80] is dated 1508 on a slate hanging at -the head of the bed, so that the “St. John” represents the boy at the -age of about fourteen. A still more youthful figure, with long hair, -stands behind the wooden head of the bed, with clasped hands, gazing -down at the Virgin. It may be suggested, though Dr. Hes does not call -attention to it, that in this figure we have a third likeness of the -younger Hans. The resemblance to the heads in the two drawings is not as -close as in the case of Ambrosius, but is sufficiently so to permit the -conjecture that the father intended to introduce both his boys into the -picture to be painted from this study. The connection between these -drawings and the picture at Basel is not, however, very clear. In the -oil-painting[81] Mary is enthroned, the arrangement is entirely -different, and many more figures are introduced; but the figure and face -of the St. John are the same as in the Indian-ink drawing, though seen -from the opposite side. According to the Basel catalogue, however, this -picture was painted in 1501, and it does not appear very probable that -the painter would have used a boy of seven as his model for the Saint. -Behind St. John appears the curly head of a young man looking down; and -here again, though possibly only in the imagination of the present -writer, there is a faint resemblance to Hans the Younger. But this -cannot be so if the picture was painted in 1501, when Hans was only -four. The same figure of St. John occurs also in the “Death of -Mary,”[82] on one of the panels of the Kaisheimer altar-piece at Munich. -We have thus, in these drawings, together with the “Basilica of St. -Paul” picture of 1504, portraits of Ambrosius Holbein at the ages of -eight, ten, fourteen, and seventeen respectively, and of Hans when five, -seven, and fourteen,[83] and also, if the likeness in the Indian-ink -drawing of 1508 be allowed, at the age of eleven as well. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 6. - - -[Illustration: - - AMBROSIUS AND HANS HOLBEIN - 1511 - _Silver-point drawing_ - HANS HOLBEIN THE ELDER - ROYAL PRINT ROOM, BERLIN -] - -Further evidence as to his birth-date is afforded by two engravings, by -Vorsterman and Hollar respectively, and several miniatures of Holbein by -himself, some of the latter being only early copies, all of which are -dated 1543, and give the age as forty-five. Vorsterman’s print, which is -4¾ inches in diameter, shows no date on the background, but round the -outside is engraved “Ioannes Holbenius Pictor Regis Magnæ Britanniæ Sui -Cæculi Celeberrimus Anno 1543 Ætat: 45.” Hollar’s etching is also -circular. There is no lettering round the rim, but across the background -is inscribed: “HH. Æ. 45—AN^o 1543.” Below is the legend—“Vera Effigies -Johannis Holbeinii Basiliensis Pictoris et Deliniatoris rarissimi. Ipse -Holbeinius pinxit, Wenceslaus Hollar aqua forti æri insculpsit. Ex -Collec: Arundel: 1647.”[84] The original paintings from which these two -engravings were taken have not been discovered, but they were, no doubt, -two small roundels in oils.[85] In Carel van Mander’s time two such -portraits were in existence. He says, when speaking of Holbein’s works -then in Amsterdam: “At the house of Jacques Razet, the fine arts -amateur, I saw Holbein’s portrait, painted by himself very prettily and -neatly, in miniature, with a small margin round it; and in the -possession of Bartholomäus Ferreris, I saw a second, about the size of -the palm of my hand, excellently and neatly executed in flesh -tints.”[86] Sandrart, who was in Amsterdam between 1639 and 1645, gave -to the collector Le Blond a small round portrait of Holbein, and this is -probably identical with the one which Van Mander saw in the possession -of Razet. From Le Blond, who acted as agent for the Earl, it may well -have passed into the Arundel Collection before 1647, in which year -Hollar etched it. Vorsterman’s engraving is not dated, but it is -evidently taken from the same or an almost similar original, and this -artist engraved other pictures in the Arundel collection. According to -Walpole, the picture in the Earl’s possession was dated. He says, -quoting from one of the pocket-books of Richard Symonds:—“In the -Arundelian collection was a head of Holbein, in oil, by himself, most -sweet, dated 1543.”[87] The various miniatures of the painter, the -greater number of which are merely good and almost contemporary copies, -described in a later chapter,[88] have all, with one possible exception, -the same date, 1543, upon them, and, like the engravings, represent the -artist with a beard, wearing a black skull-cap, and, in those which show -the hands, in the act of painting. The exception is the fine miniature -in the Salting Collection, which is inscribed “ETATIS SVÆ 35,” but is -without date. It is almost certain, however, that this miniature does -not represent the painter.[89] - -[Sidenote: HOLBEIN’S BIRTHPLACE] - -The fact that the inscriptions on these various engravings and -miniatures agree as to the date and the age of the painter does not -necessarily prove that such date and age were placed by the artist -himself upon the original painting on which most of them are based; but -the probability is that such was the case, and that Holbein, therefore, -was forty-five years old in 1543. Unless, however, more definite -evidence is forthcoming in the future, the question must remain -undecided, though it is practically certain that his birth took place -either in 1497 or 1498. - -Nothing is known of Holbein’s early life in Augsburg, where he spent the -greater part of his first seventeen years. It is not very likely that -his father took his family with him upon his painting expeditions to -Ulm, Frankfurt, and elsewhere, although he became a burgher of the -first-named place for a time. It was the custom at that period for a -painter to leave wife and children at home while he visited other -centres in search of work or to carry out commissions. The house in -which the young Hans is supposed to have been born is still standing in -Augsburg, and bears a recording tablet on its front. It is in the -Vorderer Lech, No. 496A, one of the quieter streets of the city to-day. -It is thus described by Mr. Davies: “The Vorderer Lech obtains its name -from the fact that a narrow channel of the Lech runs clear and green -down one side of the street, separating the roadway from the houses on -the north side. Access is gained to these houses in most instances by a -wooden bridge or gangway which leads the visitor under an archway in the -house itself. The house of the Holbeins, one of those little whitewashed -buildings with the comfortable red-tiled roofs which are so plentiful in -the city, has nothing to distinguish it beyond the tablet aforesaid. You -pass under the arch, and find on either side the doors (still retaining -their ancient hinges) and the open staircase which leads to the separate -tenements into which the house is now divided. Ascending the staircase -to the right, one finds the little room wherein tradition has it that -our Hans Holbein was born, the little kitchen over which his mother -presided, and the room which is traditionally regarded as the painting -room of Hans Holbein the elder. It looks pleasantly out over enclosed -gardens and picturesque roofs up towards the statelier buildings of the -Maximilianstrasse. The house is not luxurious, but may well have been a -house of no small comfort in the days when the Holbeins held it.”[90] - -It is impossible to point to any work of this period which can be -accepted without question as from the hand of the younger Holbein alone. -Both he and his brother Ambrosius received a very thorough training in -their father’s workshop, and for the last few years before their -departure for Basel they must have taken an active though minor share in -the completion of the various commissions which fell to the elder -painter. Many attempts have been made to separate the work of the father -from that of his sons in such pictures as the “St. Catherine” -altar-piece panels of 1512, already described, and the more famous “St. -Sebastian” altar-piece in Munich; but the critics have never been able -to come to any settled agreement as to the particular parts of these -pictures, if any, which were the actual work of the younger Hans. It is -only possible to say with some certainty that he must have been employed -by his father on the less important portions of his altar-pieces, and -that such work would be carried out under the personal direction of the -elder painter, who alone was responsible for the general design and -composition, and the arrangement of the colour-scheme, if not for the -actual painting of the figures and the chief passages of the pictures. -It is not possible to allow, as some writers have done, that such -figures as the St. Elizabeth and St. Barbara on the shutters of the -Munich “St. Sebastian” altar-piece were conceived and carried out by the -younger Holbein independently of his father, although he may have shared -to some small extent in the actual painting of the panels. They display -a more advanced technique, and an art in all ways more matured, than is -to be found in the earliest independent work of Holbein’s first Basel -period. - -[Sidenote: THE DECORATIVE ARTS IN AUGSBURG] - -In his father’s studio Holbein obtained a very complete grounding in all -the technical processes of his art, and was encouraged to develop that -extraordinary gift for portraiture which he had largely inherited. The -family seems to have been so frequently hard-pressed for money that the -two boys would be obliged, at as early an age as possible, to begin to -work seriously for a living, and in this way would gain much useful -practical knowledge and facility in the handling of brush and pencil. In -other respects Holbein’s art was apparently more strongly influenced by -the example of Hans Burgkmair, who was some twenty-five years his -senior, than by that of his own father, and more particularly in his -ready assimilation of the newer methods and aspirations springing from -the Italian Renaissance, which afterwards became so perfectly blended in -his painting with those older forms and conceptions of the Germanic -school of the fifteenth century, in which he was first trained in the -elder Holbein’s workshop. Burgkmair returned from Italy about 1508, full -of enthusiasm for the new movement, and his example must have acted as -an inspiration to Holbein’s budding genius. Not only in his pictures and -wall-paintings, but in his remarkable designs for woodcuts for the two -great works in his own honour projected by the Emperor Maximilian—the -“Weisskunig,” and the “Triumphal Procession”—Burgkmair exercised an -undoubted influence over his younger contemporary. A year or two later -in Basel Holbein’s art appears to have been affected to some extent, -though indirectly, by that of Hans Baldung Grien and Matthias Grünewald, -through the medium of some painter whose name so far has not been -traced.[91] Other causes, too, were at work in moulding him for his -future career. The city of Augsburg was exceptionally well fitted for -providing incentives to a young artist to develop his powers in many -directions. The practice of decorating the more important buildings of -the city and the mansions of its merchant-princes with wall-paintings -both within and without provided work for numerous artists, and in this -way, no doubt, Holbein first began to practise a form of art which a few -years later he was to carry to so high a pitch of excellence in Lucerne -and Basel. Numerous printers, too, were settled in the city, who -provided employment for many wood-engravers and designers of book -illustrations and ornamentation—the latter a form of art in which -Holbein was very busily engaged during the first ten years of his -residence in Switzerland. His skill, too, in making designs for workers -in gold and silver, in enamels and painted glass, must have received its -first encouragement in Augsburg, which was noted for its craftsmen. -Every branch of handicraft, indeed, was practised there. Its armourers, -headed by the great Kolman family, were celebrated throughout Europe, -while the Augsburg goldsmiths were equally famous for the artistic -excellence and fine workmanship of their productions. Among such masters -in their various arts the youthful Holbein moved, and it must have been -from personal intercourse with them that he gained his first knowledge -of design, and how it should be rightfully applied to the service of the -several decorative arts, and how best modified to suit the nature of the -materials used in each particular handicraft; and that he made the most -of his opportunities is proved by the fact that when, a few years later, -he started upon an independent career in Basel, the first works he -produced show him to have been even at that early age an almost complete -master of decorative design. - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - CHAPTER III - - FIRST YEARS IN SWITZERLAND - -Departure of Hans and Ambrosius from Basel—The “Virgin and Child” of - 1514—The painted Table at Zürich—Their arrival in Basel—Heads of the - Virgin and St. John—The “Cross-Bearing” at Karlsruhe—The five scenes - from “Christ’s Passion” at Basel—Work for the Basel printers—Holbein’s - first title-page—The marginal drawings to Erasmus’ “Praise of - Folly”—The share of Ambrosius in these illustrations—The legend of the - painter’s intemperance—The Schoolmaster’s Sign-Board—Double portrait - of Jakob Meyer and his wife—The “Adam and Eve.” - - -THE fortunes of the Holbein family, never very brilliant, having become -still more precarious, if existing records are to be believed, the two -sons, now approaching manhood, resolved to seek employment farther -afield. Possibly in 1513, but more probably in the spring of 1514, they -turned their backs on Augsburg and set out for Switzerland. Whether -Basel was their objective from the beginning or whether they arrived -there more or less by chance, in the course of their wander-year, and -finding work plentiful, resolved to make it their headquarters, there is -no actual proof to show; but their uncle, Sigmund, had been settled in -Switzerland for some years,[92] and had established himself in good -practice in Berne, and this fact may have had something to do with the -resolve of the younger Holbeins to turn their faces in that direction. -The discovery of a little picture of the “Virgin and Child,” dated 1514, -in a small village near Constance, which is attributed to Hans, affords -some evidence that their departure from Augsburg took place in that -year; that they had reached Basel some time in the spring or early -summer of 1515 is proved by the existence of more than one authentic -work by the younger brother bearing that date. Not long afterwards the -father himself left Augsburg for Isenheim, near Gebweiler, in Alsace, at -no great distance from Basel, and, so far as is known, never returned to -his native city, so that the old home was finally broken up. - -[Sidenote: THE “VIRGIN AND CHILD” OF 1514] - -The small picture of the “Virgin and Child” (Pl. 7) was discovered in -the village of Rickenbach, near Constance, by Herr Anton Seder, and on -the sale of his collection in 1876 it was acquired for the Basel Gallery -(No. 302).[93] It came originally from the Maria Wallfahrts -(Pilgrimages) Church of Rickenbach. On the background of the panel, on -either side of the Virgin’s head, are two coats of arms, the one on the -left being that of the Von Botzheim family, and that on the right of the -family of Ycher von Beringen. The picture, therefore, is supposed to -have been ordered by Johann von Botzheim, canon of Constance, son of -Michael von Botzheim and Anna Ycher von Beringen. - -The Virgin is shown to the knees, a seated figure, holding the Child in -her lap, upon whom she gazes with downcast eyes. She clasps him to her -with her left hand, the right hand being placed under his chin. Her -white dress of soft material is arranged in a multiplicity of small -folds, each carefully drawn, and is decorated with a band of gold -embroidery; the wide flowing sleeves are drawn in above and below the -elbow with similar bands, and resemble the sleeves in the “St. Barbara” -of the “St. Sebastian” altar-piece. The lower part of the dress is a -very dark blue, almost black. She wears a golden crown, and her fair -hair falls upon her shoulders, as in the famous Darmstadt “Madonna.” The -Child lies quietly in her arms, a somewhat sad expression on his face, -with his small toes curled up, both feet and hands being admirably -drawn. The background is a deep red, and over the Virgin’s head hangs a -festoon of laurel leaves, suspended from the painted framework which -surrounds the group. This framework represents white stone pillars, with -panels of black marble decorated with Renaissance ornamentation, and a -number of small naked putti, three on either side and seven on the top. -Some of these little winged angels salute the Virgin with trumpets, -others carry the instruments of Christ’s Passion, and four of them hold -small tablets for inscriptions. These delightfully natural little -figures are painted in an ivory tone and stand out well against the dark -background. The work is immature, but displays a very tender, -sympathetic feeling, and possesses very considerable attractions. The -colour-scheme, in which few tints are employed, is delicate and -harmonious, and indicates that the artist already possessed a true sense -of its possibilities. The type of the Virgin resembles that employed by -the elder Holbein in such pictures as the “Fountain of Life.” The -natural affection of mother for child is well expressed, both in the -downcast face and in the drawing of the hands with which she holds the -little one close to her. - -On the plinth at the base of the picture is inscribed, in Roman -lettering: “Que virgo peperit virgoque permanet lactavit propriis -uberibus deum portantemque gerebat ulnis prona trementibus. M.D.XIIII.” -It is regarded as the earliest authentic work of the younger Hans, but -neither his signature nor his initials are now clearly distinguishable -upon it, and its authorship is not absolutely certain. The four small -tablets in the hands of the putti at one time held inscriptions. No -traces of them remain on the two on the right, but portions of those on -the left are still visible. On the upper one there appears to be part of -a Latin sentence and the remains of a date “151—.” On the right-hand -side of the lower one can still be deciphered some letters of a -three-lined inscription, in the top line “R.A.,” in the middle one -“C.A.” (Civis Augustanus), and in the bottom one the painter’s monogram. -To the writer this latter appears to resemble more closely that of -Ambrosius, “AH,” rather than that of Hans, “HH.” If this -supposition be correct, it would indicate that the elder brother was the -author of the picture, or, at least, that he had a share in the painting -of it. In style it resembles almost as closely the few known works by -Ambrosius as the earlier Basel works of Hans; indeed, in some ways, it -approaches more nearly to the elder brother’s art, as seen in his -drawings. In these there is a slight hesitancy and lack of decision in -the touch which is not met with in the younger Holbein’s work of the -same period. The tenderness of feeling displayed in the picture is also -to be found in such drawings by Ambrosius as the head of a young girl -inscribed “Anne,” in the Basel Gallery, while the putti have much in -common with those which bear the shields above the heads of his two -charming portraits of unknown boys, also at Basel. These putti, however, -have a still greater likeness to those so frequently used by his brother -Hans, as can be seen very plainly in the first title-page designed by -him a year or two later; indeed, the whole framework of the picture -recalls his handiwork. It may be suggested, therefore, that the -Rickenbach “Madonna” was painted, in part at least, by Ambrosius. The -two youths appear to have travelled together—though there is no absolute -proof of this—and it might be expected that any small commissions picked -up on the way would be given to the elder brother, who, again, may have -been assisted in carrying them out by his younger companion. Dr. Ganz -points out the close resemblances between this picture and a -silver-point drawing at Basel attributed to the two brothers. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 7. - - -[Illustration: - - VIRGIN AND CHILD - 1514 - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: THE PAINTED TABLE AT ZURICH] - -A work of a very different kind, the Painted Table at Zürich,[94] has -been regarded by some writers as the result of a commission received by -Hans Holbein during a halt in that town on his journey to Basel. This, -however, was not the case. It must have been painted after he had -settled in the latter place, for it was ordered on the occasion of the -marriage of Hans Baer, a citizen of Basel, with Barbara Brunner on the -24th June, 1515, either by Baer himself or by some friend of his as a -wedding present, and the coats of arms of the two families are -represented on it. Shortly afterwards the bridegroom left Basel for the -Italian wars, marching as standard-bearer with one of the mercenary -troops, and was killed at the battle of Marignano on the 14th of -September in the same year. - -This large table-top is of wood, and oblong in shape, with a slab of -slate inserted in the centre. This broad wooden border or framework is -painted with hunting, fishing, jousting, and other outdoor scenes. One -of the longer sides is occupied with a number of mounted knights with -long lances engaged in a tournament, attended by their squires and -servants. The action is very spirited, and several of the individual -figures are finely conceived. The corresponding side is devoted to -hunting scenes, including the chase of the stag, the wild boar, the -hare, and the bear. The last-named animal is represented in the act of -overturning a number of bee-hives. The decoration of one of the end -borders shows the banks of a river with a number of men and women -engaged in fishing, using both the rod and nets of great variety. In the -meadow at the back a table is spread for a meal, and two women are -cooking at a fire. On the other end is depicted a lady and gentleman out -hawking, with the branches of the surrounding trees crowded with birds -of many kinds, and rabbits playing on the grass, and, on the left, some -game is shown in progress, in which young men are capturing girls in -nets. The slate slab in the middle contains two principal subjects. One -of them represents the old legend of “St. Nobody,” the unfortunate -mythical personage usually accused of being the author of all breakages -and accidents in German households, and incapable of defending himself -from such false accusations, and, for this reason, represented by -Holbein with a padlocked mouth, and surrounded by broken crockery and -other objects of daily use. A comic poem on “Nobody,” by Ulrich von -Hutten, published in Basel at about the time the table was painted, -suggested this subject, and some lines from it are inscribed on a -ribbon-scroll above the dejected saint. The second subject is also -humorous, and shows a pedlar sleeping by the roadside, quite unconscious -of a troop of monkeys who have plundered his pack. Over the rest of the -surface a number of small scattered objects have been painted, as though -left there by the owner. These formed a part of the joke, and were -painted with a realism intended to deceive, and with the expectation -that the spectator would attempt to pick them up. Among them are a pair -of spectacles, a seal, a quill-pen, and penknife, scissors, a carnation, -and a folded letter with a seal, round the margin of which part of the -painter’s signature, “HANS HO,” can still be deciphered, though the coat -of arms itself is not that of the Holbein family. A circle in the centre -of the table contains the armorial bearings of Hans Baer and his wife. - -In the year 1633 the table was presented to the State Library of Zürich, -where it was held in high estimation throughout the seventeenth century. -Both Sandrart and Patin saw it there. The former describes it at some -length. “In particular,” he says, “there is a large table which is -worthy of inspection, entirely painted by our Hans Holbein the younger, -on which, in artistic oil colours, he has represented the so-called -Saint (Nobody) sitting sadly on a broken tub, his mouth fastened up with -a great lock. Around him torn old books are lying, earthen and metal -vessels, glass pans, dishes, and various other utensils, but all broken -and destroyed. An open letter, on which Holbein’s name stands, is so -naturally represented, that many people have seized it by mistake, -thinking it is a real one. The rest of this table is ornamented with -various hunting scenes and foliage.” Patin speaks of it as “a square -table, about five spans broad, on which are depicted dancing, fishing, -hunting, fish-spearing, represented for the most part playfully.” In -spite of this praise, in course of time it became neglected, and finally -disappeared, and was not heard of again until 1871, when it was -discovered by Professor Salomon Vögelin, buried under thick dust and a -mass of old papers, and in a very damaged condition.[95] It now forms -one of the chief treasures of the Zürich Library, but it has been so -seriously injured by the neglect and ill-usage to which it was subjected -for so long a time, that even after more than one careful attempt at -restoration, much of Holbein’s original and entertaining work has -permanently disappeared. - -[Sidenote: ARRIVAL OF HOLBEIN IN BASEL] - -Although the exact date of the arrival of the two brothers in Basel is -not known, there is evidence to show that they were busily at work there -throughout the year 1515. Possibly it may have been their original -intention to make a halt in that city of only some months’ duration; but -they found it so profitable a field for their labours that they -determined to remain there permanently. Basel, with its famous -University, was at that time the home and refuge of many of the ablest -thinkers and writers of the day, and it opened its gates freely to all -whose advanced opinions made Germany and other parts of Europe -undesirable as places of residence. Its many printing-presses were -already celebrated, and the printers and publishers found constant -employment both for learned scholars who edited for them new editions of -the classics and the fathers of the Church, and for a large body of -draughtsmen, designers, and wood-cutters who were engaged in -illustrating their publications with portraits, pictures, title-pages, -and innumerable initial letters and other ornaments. This well-paid and -regular work which the city offered to all artists of ability was, no -doubt, the real cause which induced the two brothers to become citizens -of Basel. - -Among the earliest works produced there by Hans were two small heads of -saints now in the Basel Gallery (Nos. 308, 309), apparently intended to -represent the Virgin Mary and St. John the Evangelist. (Pl. 8).[96] The -Virgin is wearing a crown, and her long straight hair falls upon her -shoulders, as in the Rickenbach “Virgin and Child” of the previous year. -The type of face, too, is the same as in that picture, and is seen again -in the “Adam and Eve” picture of 1517. St. John is represented as a -beardless young man with curly hair, and here again the head closely -resembles that of the man in the “Adam and Eve.” Each has a large golden -nimbus, which stands out against a plain pale-blue background. These -small panels are pleasant in colour, and carefully painted, but -otherwise afford few indications of the artist’s future greatness. They -formed part of the Amerbach collection, and in the inventory are -described as the young Holbein’s first works. (“Item einer heiligen -iungen und iungfrawen köpflin mit patenen vf holz mit ölfarb klein H. -Holbein erste arbeit.”) - - - VOL. I., PLATE 8. - - -[Illustration: - - THE VIRGIN MARY - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Illustration: - - ST. JOHN - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: EARLY “PASSION” PICTURES IN BASEL] - -The earliest work of Hans which is both signed and dated is the small -panel in the Karlsruhe Gallery (No. 64), representing “Christ Bearing -the Cross,” a composition crowded with small figures.[97] In the centre -Christ has fallen to his knees under the weight of the Cross, and is -urged forward by the brutal soldiery, clad in the costume of the -mercenary landsknechte of Holbein’s day. On the right stands St. -Veronica holding the handkerchief, and behind her the mounted Centurion, -with a small dog running by his horse’s feet, both animals very -inadequately rendered. On the left is a group consisting of the weeping -Virgin, St. John, Simon the Cyrenean, who is helping to raise the Cross, -and Joseph of Arimathea. Behind the chief characters is a crowd of armed -men and spectators issuing from the gate of a town, and in the -background a hilly landscape with distant buildings. It is signed “H.H. -1515,” and was at one time attributed to the elder Holbein, and is still -considered to be from his hand by some writers. It is so described in -the first volume of the second edition of Woltmann’s book, but in the -second volume he reverses his opinion, and modern criticism is mainly in -agreement with this. Though in many ways a crude performance, it appears -to be an undoubted work of the younger painter, conceived under the -influence of his father. The figure of the stumbling Christ, the action -of Simon, and of the soldiers striking at Christ are all reminiscent -both of the “Cross-bearing” panel in the “Passion” series by the elder -Holbein in the gallery of Prince Carl von Fürstenberg at Donaueschingen, -(Nos. 43-54),[98] and of the similar subject in the Vetter votive -picture of the year 1499 in the Augsburg Gallery (No. 61). Upon the back -of the Karlsruhe picture are the badly-damaged remains of a second -“Passion” subject, the “Crowning with Thorns,” also by the younger Hans, -first published by Dr. Paul Ganz in his recent book, which also has much -in common with the same two works by the elder Holbein.[99] The work, -again, is closely akin to the five scenes from “Christ’s Passion” in the -Basel Gallery (Nos. 303-307), which are certainly among the very -earliest productions of the younger Hans. Two of these, “The Last -Supper” and “The Scourging of Christ,” belonged to Bonifacius Amerbach, -and are the best of the set, the remaining three having been acquired in -1836 at a sale in Basel. They are painted on canvas, instead of on -panel, an unusual method for pictures of any value in those days, and -for this reason it is supposed that they were ordered for some special -purpose, such as the decoration of a church during Holy Week, after -which they would be rolled up and put away until wanted again in the -following year. The hasty execution which they betray possibly arises -from the same cause. They may have been wanted in a hurry, and the pay -for them was perhaps too small to allow of careful, elaborate work, -which, indeed, would not be necessary, considering the temporary purpose -for which they were intended. They have also been taken as affording -indications that the young painters did not immediately on their arrival -set up an independent workshop of their own, but entered for a period -the service of some Basel artist as journeymen painters for a weekly -wage. - -The composition of these “Passion” pictures, it is urged, is too -elaborate to be the unaided invention of the two young men, and it is -therefore assumed that the designs were provided by some other painter, -and that Hans and Ambrosius carried them out under his instructions. The -name of Hans Herbster, whose portrait by the elder brother[100] is now -in the Basel Gallery (No. 293) has been suggested in this connection. On -the other hand, although it is not easy at the first glance to recognise -the workmanship of Hans in these coarsely-painted pictures, it is -equally difficult to point to any one among the older painters then in -Basel who, judged by existing works, was capable of producing -compositions of this importance; in any case, the colour-scheme was -probably Holbein’s own, as well as the vigorous expression given to the -heads, which, however, in some of the subjects is exaggerated to the -verge of caricature. The grotesquely ugly and brutal executioners in -“The Scourging” have much in common with such works of Hans Holbein the -Elder as the Passion scenes at Donaueschingen, and it may very well be -that these five pictures were the unaided productions of Hans and his -brother, based upon the knowledge of similar paintings by their father, -in the execution of which they had in all probability given him -assistance, and that they did not renew their prentice days in -Herbster’s or any other workshop, but started as independent painters -from the first. - -In the “Last Supper” (No. 303) (Pl. 9),[101] the meal is laid on two -tables placed at right angles, with Christ sitting at the angle, and he -is represented in the act of passing the bread across the table to -Judas, who, dressed in yellow, is half rising from his seat. The supper -takes place in an open loggia or courtyard, the background being filled -with archways and openings through which the deep blue sky is seen. In -the distance on the right is a representation of the Washing of Peter’s -feet. In the night scene on the Mount of Olives (No. 304),[102] the -kneeling Christ lifts up his arms with a passionate movement. The angel, -a much fore-shortened figure in red draperies, flies head foremost from -the skies bearing the host. Christ and St. Peter, who is asleep in the -left foreground, are darkly clad. The background, with its tall, gloomy -trees, is illuminated by the torches and lanterns of the soldiers -entering the garden, while the light of the coming dawn is just breaking -along the horizon. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 9. - - -[Illustration: - - THE LAST SUPPER - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: EARLY “PASSION” PICTURES IN BASEL] - -The “Arrest in the Garden” (No. 305)[103] is a composition crowded with -figures, and is full of movement and noise. In the centre Judas is -kissing Christ, who is surrounded by armed men; and on the left Peter, -with uplifted sword, has just struck off the ear of Malchus, who, -screaming with pain, and flinging one arm over his head, has fallen -prone on the ground, while Christ reaches down his hand to heal the -wound. Clever use is made of the spears, maces, and other upraised -weapons of the soldiery, which are seen against the dark sky. Many of -the movements of the figures are awkward and ugly, and the faces of the -men who are dragging Christ away are repulsive and exaggerated, but the -general effect produced is an impressive one, and the grouping is -noteworthy as the work of a youth of seventeen or eighteen. - -The picture of the “Handwashing” (306)[104] is the finest of the series, -more particularly in the left-hand half of the composition, which -represents Pilate in the act of washing his hands in a golden dish. He -is clad in dark green, with an ermine cape over his shoulders, and an -Eastern turban, and is seated on a throne or daïs with pillars of -coloured marbles and an arch filled in with a shell design. Two -attendants, one in yellow and black, hold the basin and pour out the -water from a golden ewer. On the right, Christ, in dark blue and crowned -with thorns, is led forth to execution. In this picture the colour is -less crude and violent than in most of the others of the series, and in -technical achievement, more particularly in the draughtsmanship of the -group of Pilate and his attendants, is somewhat higher. - -In the “Scourging” (No. 307) (Pl. 10),[105] Christ, a nude figure, is -bound round the waist to a pillar in the prison, his uplifted arms being -fastened to an iron ring above his head. His body is scored with wounds -from the lashes of his executioners, his head falls in agony upon his -shoulder, and one leg is dragged across the other in the extremity of -his pain. The action of his torturers is of the utmost violence, and -they jeer at him as they rain heavy blows upon his defenceless body. The -scene to be depicted was a brutal and ruthless one, and to drive it home -to the spectators, Holbein spared no details or efforts to make it as -brutal in paint as it was in deed. The agony of Christ is well -expressed, and considerable knowledge is displayed in the drawing of the -body. The bright garments of the executioners form a striking though -harsh contrast to the pale flesh tints of Christ and the stone wall of -the cell, through the doorway of which on the right Pilate is gazing at -his victim. Though by no means faultless, this picture has qualities, -both of expression and of execution, which are remarkable when the age -of the painter is remembered, qualities which already give indications, -however faint, of the coming greatness of the master. This picture, and -the one of the “Last Supper,” are noted in the Amerbach inventory as -among Holbein’s first works. - -Taken as a whole, the series displays numerous reminiscences of the art -of the father, sufficiently so, indeed, to make needless the supposition -that in the painting of them the artist was assisted by some older -practitioner of Basel. They possess considerable dramatic power, and the -draughtsmanship, though in parts faulty, is often excellent, the signs -of hasty manipulation, which are very apparent, being due, no doubt, to -the fact that the pictures were intended to serve merely as processional -standards or temporary “stations of the Cross”; but the colour -throughout is for the most part crude and harsh. It is difficult, if not -impossible, to determine how much of them was the work of Hans and how -much that of his brother Ambrosius. The three which do not form part of -the Amerbach collection were regarded at the time of their acquisition -by the Basel Gallery as the handiwork of Holbein the Elder, but this -ascription has been long since abandoned. Mr. Davies is of opinion that -the “Pilate Washing his Hands” is entirely the work of the younger Hans, -and that “The Scourging” is almost wholly by him, while he gives “The -Agony in the Garden” and “The Arrest” to Ambrosius alone.[106] One is on -safer ground, however, in confining oneself to the assertion that the -pictures were produced in the common workshop of the two youths, and -that both of them may have had something to do with the painting of all -five canvases, but that the predominant hand was that of the younger -brother. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 10. - - -[Illustration: - - THE SCOURGING OF CHRIST - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: EXAGGERATED TYPES] - -These pictures were painted at some date between 1515 and Holbein’s -departure for Lucerne in 1517, and are based largely upon the knowledge -obtained in his father’s workshop in Augsburg, before the short visit to -Lombardy produced so rapid an awakening of his genius. Dr. Ganz places -them in the last-named year, and draws attention to the strong -similarity of many of the motives to those of Dürer’s “Little Passion” -series of engravings, thus showing that the younger artist must have -borrowed from them freely.[107] It is probable that the set was -originally a larger one, and that one or two of them are now missing. -There is an elaborate pen drawing on a dark grey ground, washed with -Indian ink and heightened with white, in the Basel Gallery, which is -very closely allied to these canvas pictures of the Passion. It -represents the “Bearing of the Cross,” under the weight of which Christ -has fallen on his hands and knees.[108] He is in the centre of a body of -soldiers and callous onlookers, who have just issued from the gate, the -procession deploying along the outer wall of the town with its circular -watch-tower. The head of the procession turns at a sharp angle round the -corner of the wall. Christ looks up with his face contorted with agony, -while one of the leading soldiers strikes at him with a heavy club, and -a second pulls violently at the ropes in order to make him rise again. -Behind them a third soldier bears the ladder, while a fourth man is -carrying huge nails and the various implements to be used in the -Crucifixion. The head of Christ is evidently based upon Dürer’s -representation in his “Passion” series. In the brutality and -grotesqueness of the faces of the soldiery and the lack of expression of -those of the accompanying mob, many of whom do not even glance towards -the prostrate figure, this drawing closely resembles both the Karlsruhe -“Cross-bearing” of 1515, which must have been painted on the journey to -or shortly after Holbein’s arrival in Basel, and the Passion series just -described. In order to bring home to the spectator the cruelty of the -scene depicted, and his detestation of it, he makes use of violent -movement and brutal types, and even in the head of our Lord the agonized -expression is so pronounced that it becomes painful to look upon. After -he had gained wider experience of the art of the great painters of -Northern Italy, Holbein gradually rid himself of these cruder and more -vehement methods, and depicted the pitiful story by means of more -natural and less exaggerated types, helped by a deeper insight into -character. During these early years he was often employed in painting -subjects from the “Passion,”[109] and the gradual change in his point of -view and the maturing of his art can be seen very plainly in them, from -the early Karlsruhe panel and the canvas series and the drawing just -described to the great altar-piece in eight scenes in the Basel Gallery, -and, finally, in the masterly set of ten designs for glass-painting in -the same collection, in which the fruits of his Italian experience are -seen to so great an advantage. In the “Cross-bearing” scene in the large -altar-piece, as well as in the later design of the same subject for -painted glass, the procession issues from a similar gateway and passes -along walls with the same round tower shown in the earlier examples. In -the former, too, the procession turns sharply to the left, as in the -Basel drawing, while the same type of face in the soldiery occurs in -all, but gradually becoming less exaggerated and truer to life. The -ill-treatment shown to Christ, though still brutal, is less violent in -its exhibition, and the Saviour, though faltering under his burden, has -not fallen to the ground. In the altar-piece his face is bent downwards, -and cast into shadow by the Cross beneath which he staggers, so that his -agony is hidden, while in the glass design the face, though agonized, -has a spiritual beauty which is not to be found in the drawing now in -question. This latter is undated, but Dr. Ganz places it in the year -1517, and he considers that it is most probably Holbein’s design for a -picture, now lost, which originally formed one of the early “Passion” -series on canvas.[110] Holbein drew this figure of Christ over again for -the very beautiful woodcut of which only the single impression, in the -Amerbach collection, is known. This woodcut,[111] which, from the beauty -of its cutting, must be from the hand of Lützelburger, recalls Dürer -even more strongly than the drawing, from which it differs slightly. -Christ, who has fallen to his knees, has one arm round the bar of the -Cross, the other hand resting on the stony ground. A small twisted tree, -almost leafless, is on the right, and the background consists of a -cloudy sky. The head, with its crown of thorns, long hair falling on the -shoulders, its open mouth, and the drops of bloody sweat on the brow, is -a wonderful realisation of deep suffering nobly borne. - -[Sidenote: THE “PRAISE OF FOLLY” DRAWINGS] - -Both Hans and Ambrosius appear to have obtained regular employment from -the Basel printers and publishers very shortly after their arrival in -the town, but more particularly from Johann Froben, one of the best -known of them all, who was then issuing, among many fine books, numerous -works from the pen of Erasmus. The earliest work of this nature which -Holbein produced was a title-page in the form of a Renaissance arch with -a number of small cupids, one blowing a horn, others with spears, two -holding the flat cartoon or roll of parchment in the centre reserved for -the lettering of the title-page, and two others supporting a shield with -Froben’s trade-mark, the caduceus (Pl. 11).[112] This appears to have -been cut towards the end of 1515, and did service in several books -issued by Froben during the next few years, including More’s _Utopia_ in -1518. Two small panels at the top contain the artist’s signature, “Hans -Holb.” This interesting specimen of Holbein’s youthful skill in design -and other examples of his earlier work for book illustrations are dealt -with in a later chapter. Another design of the year 1515 formerly -attributed to Hans, and afterwards to Ambrosius, was the coat of arms of -Petrus Wenck, painted in gouache on parchment, in the Matriculation Book -of the Basel University, of which Wenck was rector in that year. It -represents a man in Roman armour holding a large shield with a coat of -arms in each hand. It is reproduced by Dr. Willy Hes in his recent book -on Ambrosius Holbein, Plate xxxviii., who shows that it is not the work -of either brother. - -By far the most important of Holbein’s surviving works of the year 1515 -is the series of drawings, eighty-two in all, which he made on the -margins of a copy of Erasmus’ _Encomium Moriæ_, or “Praise of Folly.” -Erasmus paid his first visit to Basel in 1513, in order to make -arrangements with Froben for the publication of his _Adagia_ and his -edition of the New Testament. The two men became close friends, and -Erasmus, who from that time spent some months every year in Basel, -always stayed in Froben’s house during these annual visits until 1521, -when he made Basel his permanent home. This biting and jesting satire on -the follies of mankind, written in Latin, with its punning title on the -name of Sir Thomas More, was composed by Erasmus, according to his -preface, during his journeys on horseback, and was done in order to -beguile the weariness of the way. It was published by Froben in 1514, -and Holbein’s pictorial commentary upon it was drawn in a copy of the -first edition, now preserved in the Basel Gallery.[113] The little -pictures have been done with the pen on the broad margins by the side of -the passages of the text to which they refer. All that is known of the -history of the book is that it possibly belonged at one time to Erasmus -himself, and afterwards to the theologian and schoolmaster Oswald -Molitor, or Myconius. At a somewhat later date Basilius Amerbach, son of -Erasmus’ friend, Bonifacius Amerbach, who continued to add to the -collection of Holbein’s works formed by his father, obtained it with -some difficulty, thanks to the kindly intervention of the painter Jakob -Clauser, from Daniel Wieland, the town-clerk of Mühlhausen, who was very -loath to part with it. Molitor’s ownership of the book is proved by an -inscription on the title-page: “Est Osualdi Molitoris Lucerni”; and the -earlier ownership of Erasmus by a second inscription on the second -title-page, also in Molitor’s handwriting: “Hanc moriam pictam decem -diebus ut oblectaretur in ea Erasmus habuit,” which shows that the -marginal illustrations were completed in ten days, and that Erasmus -derived much entertainment from them.[114] Molitor was living in Basel -until 1516, and afterwards in Zürich and his native city, Lucerne, -returning finally to Basel in 1532. It has been suggested that on the -death of Erasmus, of whom Molitor was a friend and admirer, he received -the book from Bonifacius Amerbach, who was the philosopher’s residuary -legatee, and made a point of presenting valuable mementos to a number of -Erasmus’ closest friends. The book contains annotations in Molitor’s -handwriting, and from one of them we learn that the illustrations were -done in 1515. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 11. - - -[Illustration: - - HOLBEIN’S EARLIEST TITLE-PAGE - First used in 1515 - _From a copy of More’s “Utopia” in the British Museum_ -] - -[Sidenote: THE “PRAISE OF FOLLY” DRAWINGS] - -It has been suggested, too, that the drawings were made by Holbein at -the personal request of Erasmus, which is not very probable; and again, -that Molitor gave the commission, and selected the passages to be -illustrated, which is much more likely, and when finished presented the -book to his friend, and that it was for this reason that Amerbach made a -point of giving it back to him on the death of Erasmus. The book has -also been taken as a proof that Holbein had gained a good knowledge of -Latin in his school days, and that he selected his own passages for the -pictures; but the few Latin inscriptions on his paintings do not -indicate much proficiency in that language. The supposition that Molitor -was the prime mover in the matter, and that it was done for him -personally, and not as a gift to be presented to Erasmus, is by far the -most probable; for, as stated above, he was in Basel at the time, and -this would account for Holbein’s apparent knowledge of the language in -which the book was written. On the other hand, the pen drawings in more -than one instance do not so much illustrate the incidents and sense of -the text, as isolated sentences and phrases which appear to have caught -the fancy of the artist, and, therefore, are not likely to have been -selected for pictorial comment by a learned student of the book. In -recent years the drawings have been subjected to a searching examination -and comparison, and Dr. Ganz was the first to point out that it is -impossible to accept the whole of them as by Hans Holbein.[115] -Considerable variations in style are to be noted, and it is now held, -and with good reason, that while the more important share of the work -was due to Hans, not only did Ambrosius contribute a certain number of -the drawings, but that a third artist, some unknown Basel painter of the -school of Urs Graf, and possibly even a fourth, also had a hand in it. -One of these drawings, which represents Jupiter seizing the naked Ate by -the hair, and flinging her across his knees in order to chastise her -with his thunderbolts, bears letters which until recently were regarded -as the initials of Ambrosius, though not his usual monogram; but this -inscription has now been correctly read by Dr. Hes as the word “ATEN,” -and refers to the subject, and not to the author of the drawing.[116] - -The two brothers must have been in constant communication with Froben, -and for the purposes of the work they undertook for him would pay many -visits to his house “zum Sessel” in the Fischmarkt, where Erasmus also -had his headquarters, and where, no doubt, they first made his -acquaintance. The illustrations to the “Praise of Folly” may thus have -been begun in some idle moment in a copy of the book found lying about -in Froben’s office, to pass the time while waiting for proofs or -instructions in connection with work in hand; and having been thus -begun, the interest would grow, and the printer himself would encourage -its completion, and, perhaps, show it to Erasmus himself more than once -during the short period of ten days in which the eighty-two drawings -were accomplished. Any lack of profound Latinity on the part of the -brothers, who in turn jotted down their fancies on the book’s margin, -may have been overcome by Froben himself translating passages of the -book to them. - -The sketches[117] are drawn freely and rapidly, without any attempt at -elaboration or such careful draughtsmanship as would have been necessary -had they been a commission or intended in the end to serve as woodcut -illustrations in some future edition of the text. Many of them are witty -and to the point, and show that Holbein had a true sense of humour. The -wit is, perhaps, not so biting as that of Erasmus himself, but it -matches in character the satirical humour and popular tone of the book. -The contributions of Hans are both the most numerous and the best, and -some of them, in the freedom and certainty of their draughtsmanship, -show a distinct advance in his art. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 12. - - -[Illustration: - - MARGINAL DRAWINGS IN A COPY OF THE “PRAISE OF FOLLY” - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: THE “PRAISE OF FOLLY” DRAWINGS] - -The opening picture represents Folly, as a young woman in cap and bells, -mounting the pulpit in order to sing her own praises to a listening -world, and in the concluding one she is seen descending the same steps -with a gesture of farewell, leaving a gaping and astonished audience -behind her (Pl. 12 (1)). One of the most beautiful of the drawings, -representing Penelope at her loom (Pl. 12 (2)), is now given to -Ambrosius, but it bears so close a resemblance to the style of some of -the figures in the “Dance of Death” woodcuts, that it is difficult to -believe that it is not by Hans.[118] Some of the representations of -single figures, such as the Pope under a high canopy (Pl. 12 (3)), the -Cardinal (Pl. 12 (4)), the Bishop (Pl. 12 (5)), and the Astronomer, are -drawn with greater care, and show a more serious point of view, than is -anywhere disclosed in the book itself. In these Holbein is seen at his -best, and also in the charming little picture of nuns kneeling with -lighted candles before a picture or carving of the Virgin and Child, -which calls to mind more than one of his later designs for painted glass -(Pl. 12 (6)). In several of them, such as the group of men engaged in an -animated theological discussion, and that of the young man looking back -so intently at the fair damsel who comes after him that, without -noticing it, he has stepped into a basketful of eggs belonging to an old -market woman, there is a landscape background of town and river and -distant Alps, charmingly though hastily indicated (Pl. 13 (1)). Among -the classical allusions there are comic representations of the slaying -of Niobe’s children,[119] of Vulcan splitting the skull of Jupiter,[119] -of Atlas staggering under the weight of the world,[119] of Polyphemus -dancing, and of Hercules quieting Cerberus by means of a sausage.[119] -Nicolas de Lyra is represented reading the Scriptures, and at the same -time playing a small hand-organ, in allusion to his name (Pl. 13 (2)). -King Solomon stands pointing to his open book (Pl. 13 (3)), and another -excellent little drawing is that of the young courtier or nobleman (Pl. -13 (4)). The sketch of Folly talking to his puppet (Pl. 13 (5)) is one -of the illustrations now given to the unknown artist who collaborated -with the Holbeins. - -The drawing illustrating the phrase, “the golden collar of princes,” is -an unmistakable portrait of the Emperor Maximilian. A portrait, much -less easily recognised, is that of the writer of the book. In one -passage Erasmus has mentioned his own name, and opposite to it Holbein -drew the philosopher seated at a desk in his study, in scholar’s cap and -gown, engaged in writing the _Adagia._ Through an arched opening is seen -a view of mountain and lake (Pl. 13 (6)). To make certain that there -should be no doubt as to whom the portrait represented, Holbein has -written the name “Erasmus” at the top of the arch. Molitor, in a -marginal note, states that when Erasmus came to this drawing, in which -he is depicted as a comparatively youthful man, he exclaimed, “Ohé! Ohé! -if Erasmus still looked like this, he would certainly take a wife.” The -name “Holbein” occurs over one of the other sketches, which represents a -fat and coarse-looking carouser seated at table, draining a bottle of -wine, and at the same time fondling a woman seated by him, and -illustrating the passage from Horace which refers to “a fat and splendid -pig from the herd of Epicurus” (Pl. 13 (7)). This is said to have been -written by the sage himself in playful revenge for the introduction of -his own portrait among the foolish of mankind.[120] - -This somewhat primitive jest appears to be the sole foundation for the -statements of several of Holbein’s earlier biographers that he was of a -gross and sensual character, too fond of the wine-cup, and, in -consequence, lived in poverty. The worst offender in this way was -Charles Patin, a French physician who had settled in Basel in the -seventeenth century, after having been forced to leave Paris on account -of some misbehaviour. He was the first to bring this accusation against -the painter, and later writers copied him without verifying his -statements. Van Mander and Sandrart, who repeated all the gossip they -could collect, do not allude to this supposed weakness in the painter’s -character. Patin’s misrepresentations occur in a short life of Holbein, -filled with inaccuracies, which he wrote as a preface to an edition of -the _Praise of Folly_, issued in Basel in 1676, in which, for the first -time, these marginal illustrations were published, being engraved for -the book by C. Merian from copies of the originals made by W. Stettler. -They at once became highly popular, and various editions followed, both -on the Continent and in England. Patin evidently allowed his imagination -to run away with him in his interpretation of this somewhat feeble joke -made at Holbein’s expense. There is absolutely no foundation for the -legend thus set going; the painter’s whole career, the high perfection -of his technical powers, and the extraordinary amount of work he -accomplished in his short life are more than sufficient in themselves to -refute it. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 13. - - -[Illustration: - - MARGINAL DRAWINGS IN A COPY OF THE “PRAISE OF FOLLY” - BASEL GALLERY -] - -There is a small portrait in the Grand-Ducal Museum at Darmstadt, dated -1515, at one time in the possession of the Von Schinz family of Zürich, -which represents, at half-length, a young man in scarlet dress and cap, -with long fair hair falling over the ears, the head standing out -strongly against a bright-blue background.[121] It is inscribed across -the bottom with the date between the initials H.H., and until recently -has been considered by most writers to be a work of the younger Hans, -and was reproduced as his by Herr Knackfuss. In 1904 Dr. Hes first drew -attention to its close similarity to the work of Ambrosius, and most -modern criticism is in agreement with him. It bears, in style and touch, -a far stronger likeness to the art of Ambrosius than to that of Hans, -and has much in common with the portrait of Hans Herbster in the Basel -Gallery (No. 293), painted by him in the following year,[122] which, -when it was in Lord Northbrook’s collection, was regarded as from the -brush of his brother; and still more so to the two portraits of unknown -boys, also in the Basel Gallery (Nos. 294-5). There is, indeed, a fine -drawing of the head of an unknown man by Ambrosius, belonging to the -Basel Kunstverein, which as a portrait bears so strong a likeness to the -Darmstadt picture that it might almost be regarded as a study for -it.[123] In the drawing the position is reversed, the subject being -turned to the right instead of to the left, but the dress and hair are -the same, and, judging from the technique, both are from the same hand. -The inscription on the Darmstadt portrait is possibly of a somewhat -later date than the painting, and there are faint indications of an -earlier one beneath it. When this earlier one was replaced or renewed, -the initial of the Christian name may have been changed from A. to H. In -his book Dr. Woltmann included the portrait among the works of Hans -Holbein the Elder, but modern criticism does not follow him in this. - -[Sidenote: THE SCHOOLMASTER’S SIGN-BOARD] - -At this early period of his career the young painter was willing to -undertake any piece of work, however humble, that came to his hand. -Thus, in 1516, he painted a sign-board for some Basel schoolmaster to -hang outside his house (Pl. 14). The panel was painted on both sides, -the upper and larger portion of each being filled with a long -inscription in German stating that the owner of the sign was prepared to -teach reading and writing in the shortest possible time, and at moderate -prices, to all comers, citizens, artisans, women, and maidens; and that -if in any instance the scholar proved too stupid to learn, no fee would -be demanded, but that children were to be paid for in advance at each -quarter. The inscription is the same on both sides, one being dated -“1516,” and the other “Anno MCCCCCXVI.” In the narrow space left below, -Holbein depicted two scenes representing the interior of the school, -with benches against the wall under the leaded windows. In one of them -the schoolmaster is shown on the left, in red and yellow, seated at his -high desk, with a birch rod in his hand, teaching a small boy in green -to read. On the other side of the room is the schoolmistress, in red -dress and white coif, at a similar desk, instructing a little girl clad -in blue and green. Between them sit two small lads at their books, one -in blue, and the other in yellow with a red cap. The second picture -represents the same room from another point of view, with a washing -cistern and basin, and a long towel fastened to the wall. In the centre -is a large table at which the schoolmaster is engaged with two young men -dressed in the fashion of the landsknechte, one in trunks of red and -yellow stripes, who is wrestling with a pen, and the other in green, who -is listening with an intent and highly-puzzled expression to the -instructions of the master, who is attempting to teach him to read. -Holbein has represented the mental perturbation of this second pupil -with considerable humour. Both pictures display signs of some haste in -the execution, but they must have served the purpose for which they were -intended admirably. Though slight works, they have undoubted charm, and, -small as they are, the youthful painter has managed to give considerable -expression in both the faces and the gestures of his figures, while the -light which comes through the windows is well managed. This sign-board, -now in the Basel Gallery (Nos. 310-11), has been split into two, in -order that both sides may be exhibited.[124] When in actual use it must -have hung from an iron bar over the pavement. It is quite possible that -it was painted for Oswald Molitor, who, as already pointed out, was at -that time in Basel, engaged in teaching. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 14. - - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: - - BACK AND FRONT OF A SCHOOLMASTER’S HANGING SIGN - 1516 - BASEL GALLERY -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 15. - - -[Illustration: - - DOUBLE PORTRAIT OF JAKOB MEYER AND HIS SECOND WIFE, DOROTHEA - KANNENGIESSER - 1516 - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: PORTRAITS OF MEYER AND HIS WIFE] - -A much more important work of the same year, 1516, also in the Basel -Gallery (No. 312),[125] is the double portrait of the Burgomaster of -Basel, Jakob Meyer or Meier “zum Hasen,” so called from the sign of a -hare which hung upon his house, and his second wife, Dorothea -Kannengiesser (Pl. 15). This new patron of Holbein’s proved to be an -excellent friend, giving him more than one commission, and obtaining -important public work for him. Meyer was a man of influence in Basel, -and was the first citizen not of knightly birth to be elected as -burgomaster. His election took place in 1516, and it was no doubt in -honour of this event that he ordered the portraits. He was again elected -to the post in 1518 and 1520—no one was allowed to fill it for two years -in succession; but in 1521 he fell into disgrace, through secretly -accepting a higher pension from the French king than the laws of the -city allowed. For this he was dismissed from office, and made to refund -the money, with the exception of the fifteen crowns which was the -permitted sum. Objecting to this treatment, he was clapped into prison, -and was only released on his family paying a fine. During his -burgomastership many important changes took place in the municipal -government of Basel, and the Church and the nobility were gradually -deprived of all their privileges. In his younger days he had served as a -soldier in Italy with some distinction, and after his deprivation of -office he went there again, in 1524, as captain of a Basel troop in the -pay of France. On his return home he attempted without success to obtain -the annulment of the decree against him of exclusion from all public -offices; and during the religious disturbances of 1529 he was at the -head of the Catholic party, then in armed opposition to the Reformers. -The reasons which induced Meyer to choose Holbein as the painter of the -portraits of himself and his young, comely, and newly-married wife, when -there were older painters of repute in the town, are not known; but his -first wife, Magdalena Baer, had been a sister of the Hans Baer for whom -the Zürich table had been painted, and it may have been owing to this -connection that the young artist obtained his first introduction to the -burgomaster. - -In the portraits, which were painted and framed as a diptych, Meyer and -his wife are shown at half-length and three-quarters face, turned -towards one another. Meyer is wearing a black dress, open at the front -to show his white, gold-embroidered shirt, and a scarlet cap on his -bushy, curly brown hair, which covers his ears. He is clean-shaven, and -holds in his left hand a coin, which is introduced to indicate his -calling as a money-changer, and also, it is supposed, to commemorate the -charter granted to the Baselers in January 1516 for the mintage of gold -coins. On the same hand he wears several heavy gold rings. His eyes are -dark brown, and his complexion of a ruddy hue, and his face shows -shrewdness and strength of character, while the eyes are intelligent and -determined. His wife wears a red dress, fronted and edged with a broad -band of black velvet across the breast, embroidered with circles of gold -ornamentation. The dress is cut low, to show a white under-bodice worked -in elaborate designs, with hanging tassels and a band of gold embroidery -of a heart-shaped pattern. Her hair and ears are covered with a large -white cap of thin linen decorated with bands of gold of a checked -design, of the hooded shape common in Switzerland at that period, with a -long white fall which is brought over the right shoulder and reaches the -waist. Round her neck hang two thin chains, one of gold and one of -pearls, the ends of which are hidden beneath the bodice. Her hands are -not shown. Though not strikingly handsome, she has youth and good looks -in her favour. The two portraits are placed against one continuous -architectural background, seen in rather strong perspective. In the -centre an elaborate gilt frieze of Renaissance ornamentation is -supported by short pillars of red marble, and on either side larger -columns, also decorated with gilded carving, form the supports of two -arches. Through these the blue sky is seen, against which the wife’s -head stands out in strong colour contrast. Owing to the perspective -arrangement, the opening is smaller in the portrait of Meyer, but part -of his red cap is placed against the blue sky with equally striking -effect. The signature, “H.H.,” and the date, “1516,” are placed on a -small shield in the entablature over Meyer’s head.[126] - -In these two portraits—the earliest in point of date which can be -ascribed to him with absolute certainty—Holbein, though not yet twenty -years old, shows himself to be already a master of portraiture. The -qualities they possess are the same, though not yet perfectly developed, -as those which are to be discovered in such complete perfection in the -work of his maturity. They show that he had already the power of seizing -character, and was accurate and unhesitating in draughtsmanship. All the -details, more particularly the elaborate ornaments of the woman’s dress, -are drawn with a truth and delicacy that already falls but little short -of the brilliance of his technique in such a masterpiece of portraiture -as the Georg Gisze in Berlin, or the Jane Seymour in Vienna. The colour, -though rich and strongly contrasted, is harmonious and delicate in the -general effect it produces. The whole work, indeed, gives the impression -that it is from the hand of an artist who is already sure of his -methods. There is nothing faltering about it, and few indications that -the painter was still only on the threshold of his career. All that was -to come in the future was a deeper insight into nature, a greater -perfection of methods which in the main were to remain unaltered -throughout his life, and a more brilliant understanding and application -of the lessons of the Italian Renaissance to the more decorative -portions of his pictures.[127] - -[Sidenote: STUDIES FOR THE MEYER PORTRAITS] - -The rapidity with which his art was maturing is shown more strikingly, -perhaps, in the two studies for the portraits, now in the Basel Gallery -(Pl. 16),[128] than even in the pictures themselves. These heads, of the -same dimensions as the finished works, are about half the size of life. -They are drawn in silver-point, with fine and delicate lines, and -equally delicate modelling of the flesh, which has been afterwards -touched here and there with red chalk. They display the utmost care and -precision, though the line is less subtle and searching than it is in -the drawings of his greater English period. They are, nevertheless, -extraordinary work for so young a man, and of great beauty. They show a -method of procedure in the taking of portraits which remained Holbein’s -almost invariable practice throughout his life. He always made these -preparatory drawings—the later ones, of course, with much greater -freedom—in which the form, character, and expression of his sitter were -fixed once and for all. Colour was occasionally indicated, but as a rule -all that he did was to jot down on the margin of the paper a few notes -for future guidance. Thus on the drawing of Meyer, he has written notes -as to the colour of the hair, eyebrows, and cap.[129] It was his habit, -apparently, to rely upon his memory and these curt notes when he came to -paint the actual portrait. This method enabled him to dispense with many -sittings; after a few hours spent in close observation of his subject, -he had obtained all the information he wanted. For the rest, he depended -on what must have been a remarkable memory both for colour and form. - -During 1517 Holbein left Basel, and was absent for a considerable time. -There is one work by him, however, of this year which in all probability -was painted before his departure, as it belonged to Bonifacius Amerbach. -This is the “Adam and Eve”[130] of the Basel Gallery (No. 313) (Pl. 17), -which is painted in oils on paper. It is entered in the Amerbach -catalogue as: “Ein Adam vnd Eva mit dem äpfel H. Holb. vf holz mit -olfarb.” It is a study from life of the head and shoulders of the same -models used for the heads of St. John and the Virgin already described, -while the “Adam” also served as model for the head of Christ in “The -Scourging” of the early Passion series on canvas. Eve, with a long curl -of fair hair falling over her right shoulder and breast, holds the apple -in her left hand, her face being of a rather dull and heavy type. Adam, -with dark curly hair, and a long moustache which drops below his chin, -and head slightly bent, has his right arm flung across Eve’s shoulders. -The general tone is brownish, but considerable effect is produced by the -contrast between the dark complexion of Adam and the blonder tones of -Eve’s flesh. - -It is boldly and thinly executed, and the lines of the drawing are still -plainly to be distinguished through the paint. The fingers of Eve’s -hand, with high lights on the nails, are excellently modelled, already -giving indications of what afterwards became one of the chief features -of his portraiture, the beauty and character of the hands. Both heads -stand out against a background which is now black. It is signed and -dated, “1517, H.H.” Dr. Ganz points out the strong influence of both -Baldung and Dürer this small study betrays.[131] It also bears a curious -resemblance to the heads in the well-known picture of “Adam and Eve” by -Mabuse at Hampton Court[132] (No. 385 (580)), though the position of the -two figures is reversed. It is seen more particularly in Adam’s mass of -dark hair covered with small curls, Eve’s long ringlets, the expression -of pain on the faces, and the position of Adam’s arm across Eve’s -shoulders. There is another very similar, but smaller, “Adam and Eve” by -Mabuse in the Berlin Gallery (No. 661), displaying a composite art, half -Flemish and half Italian, which is signed and dated 1516. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 16. - - -[Illustration: - - JAKOB MEYER - Studies for the Double Portrait, 1516 - _Silver-point and red chalk drawings_ - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Illustration: - - DOROTHEA KANNENGIESSER - Studies for the Double Portrait, 1516 - _Silver-point and red chalk drawings_ - BASEL GALLERY -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 17. - - -[Illustration: - - ADAM AND EVE - 1517 - BASEL GALLERY -] - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - CHAPTER IV - - WORK IN LUCERNE AND THE VISIT TO LOMBARDY - -Holbein leaves Basel for Lucerne—Ambrosius Holbein—The known facts of - his short life—His pictures, designs, and woodcuts—Records of Hans in - Lucerne—His decoration of the Hertenstein house—Description of the - wall-paintings—Portrait of Benedikt von Hertenstein—Holbein’s visit to - North Italy—“The Last Supper” at Basel, and Leonardo’s - influence—Evidences of his Italian journey in his designs for painted - glass—Possible visit to Altorf—Return to Lucerne—Drawings of the - “Archangel Michael” and of “Miners at Work”—Pictures painted for the - Church of the Augustines in Lucerne. - - -IN 1517 Holbein left Basel, and was absent for nearly two years. For the -greater part of the time he was in Lucerne, but traces of him are to be -found in other parts of Switzerland, and it is practically certain that -he also paid a short visit to Lombardy. It is possible, too, that during -this time he may have returned to Basel more than once for a few weeks -in connection with his work for Froben and other publishers. Whether he -left Basel in the first place because he found that it gave him less -employment than he had expected, or from a spirit of pure adventure, or, -again, on account of the offer of some definite commission, such as the -decoration of the Hertenstein house, is not known; but the last-named -reason is the most probable one, for it cannot be said that his talents -had been unrecognised in Basel. Although there is no record of any -earlier wall-paintings than those he was now to complete in Lucerne, it -is quite possible that the two brothers had already carried out work of -this nature, and that Jakob von Hertenstein had seen it and had admired -it, and so decided to employ one or both of the young men to decorate in -like fashion the new mansion he had just completed. Even if this were -not the case, Lucerne at that time offered nearly as many inducements to -a young artist as Basel itself. The two towns were closely allied, and -artists and learned scholars constantly passed backwards and forwards -between them; and Holbein had at least one acquaintance in Lucerne, -Oswald Molitor, who had recently returned from Basel to his native city, -and was practising there as a schoolmaster. - -There is an old legend in Lucerne that at this period the elder Holbein -was living in the town with his two sons, but it does not appear to have -any foundation in fact.[133] There is much more probability that -Ambrosius accompanied Hans, or followed him shortly afterwards, and -remained for some time at work with his brother on the Hertenstein -house; though here again there is no actual record of such an absence -from Basel. There is, however, a fine drawing by him in the Basel -Gallery (No. 297), a half-length figure of a young man of the Von -Rüdiswiler family,[134] which is thought to afford some proof that -Ambrosius was in Lucerne at the time, for the Rüdiswiler family was one -of the most important in the district, their chief seat being at -Rüdiswil. Members of this house were settled both in Lucerne and -Solothurn, and it is supposed that Ambrosius drew the portrait of this -youth of patrician birth in the former town during 1517. The sitter is -shown in profile, in a heavy brown cloak, wearing his cap on the side of -his head. His fair straight hair covers his ears, and he holds a large -red heart in his hand. The drawing has at some time been cut out round -the outline and mounted on parchment, and the inscription in secret -cipher, below the coat of arms, had been copied at the same time from -the one which existed on the original drawing before the cutting out -took place. - -Ambrosius, however, must have been back again in Basel by the summer of -1518, for in that year, on June 6, he purchased his right of -citizenship. The first mention of him in the town books is on September -26, 1516, when “Ambrosy Holbein von augspurg, ein maler,” appeared in -court as a witness in a libel action brought by Bastian Lepzelter, the -sculptor, against a tailor, Andreas Huber, for insulting remarks made on -the previous 25th of July, when the plaintiff, Ambrosius, and another -friend, were enjoying themselves in the house of Hans Herbster.[135] -Ambrosius may perhaps have been working as a journeyman under Herbster -at the time. He joined the Painters’ Guild “zum Himmel,” to which -bakers, saddlers, and barber-surgeons also belonged, on St. Matthias’ -Day, February 24, 1517. The entry in the book of the guild runs as -follows: “Item es hatt entpfangen die zunfft vff sant Mattistag ambross -Holbein maler von augspurg In dem xvii Jor.” According to an order of -the Basel Council issued in 1487, any one entering a guild was obliged -to take oath to purchase the freedom of the city within a month. This -Ambrosius did not do until the following year, which possibly indicates -that he left the town shortly after joining the guild, early in 1517, -without fulfilling his obligations. It may be that he had not sufficient -money for the payment of the fees, for when, on June 6, 1518, he became -a burgher, he was only able to find one gulden out of the four which -were required, Jörg Schweiger, the goldsmith, whose portrait, now in the -Basel Gallery (No. 296),[136] he painted about this time, standing -surety for the remainder. The portrait may have been taken as some -return for the kindness shown on this occasion. It should be noted, -however, that this portrait is not attributed to Ambrosius by all -critics, and differs to some extent from his accustomed style. - -[Sidenote: AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN] - -The entry in the archives runs as follows: “Item do hat burckrecht kufft -Ambrosy Holbein der moler uff Sundag nach corporis Xpi Im xviij jor umb -iiij glden und hat bar gen j glden und sol al fronfasten j ort bitz zu -bezallung dofür ist bürg und schuldner meister Jerg schweiger der -goldschmit.” - - - VOL. I., PLATE 18. - - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: - - PORTRAITS OF TWO BROTHERS - AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN] - -This is the last reference to the elder brother so far discovered in the -official archives, and as no work by him of a date later than 1518 is -known, it is supposed that he died in that year or early in 1519. -Apparently the last work upon which he was engaged was a series of -woodcut illustrations for the _Geuchmatt_ of Thomas Murner, which was -published by Adam Petri in Basel in April 1519. The first four only of -the illustrations to this book[137] were designed by Ambrosius, which -would seem to indicate that he died before he had completed the -commission. The only other supposition, and a most improbable one, is -that he suddenly left Basel at about this time in search of better -fortune elsewhere, though no traces of such removal have so far been -discovered. Almost all the few works which can be attributed to him with -any certainty are now in the Basel Gallery. In addition to those already -mentioned, there are two charming half-length portraits of small boys in -a Renaissance framework (Nos. 294-5) (Pl. 18),[138] for one of which, -the boy turned to the left, the silver-point drawing is in the -Albertina, Vienna,[139] while a similar study for the other, recently -published for the first time by Dr. Willy Hes, is in the Rodriguez -Collection, Paris.[140] A half-length portrait of a little girl, in a -similar framework, also published for the first time by Dr. Hes, is in -the Ambraser Collection, Vienna, but not exhibited.[141] The strong -likeness to the two lads proves almost conclusively that she was their -sister. On the medallion which hangs from a chain round her neck are the -initials H. V. So far, no preliminary drawing for this portrait has been -discovered. In the Basel Gallery there are also “The Saviour as the Man -of Sorrows” (No. 292),[142] an oil-painting adapted from the title-page -to Dürer’s “Great Passion” series; and a study of two death’s heads -behind a trellised window (No. 299).[143] Both pictures form part of the -Amerbach Collection, but the latter is not regarded as the work of -Ambrosius by Dr. Hes. A somewhat similar picture, attributed to Hans, -was in the Arundel Collection, and was entered in the 1655 inventory as -“Testa de Morte con osse.” The portrait of Hans Herbster, also at Basel -(No. 293),[144] which has been already mentioned, was at one time -regarded as a work by Hans the Younger, but since its purchase for the -Basel Gallery it has been given, more correctly, to the elder brother. -Dr. Hes, however, considers that it is not his work, but rather a -portrait of Herbster painted by himself.[145] It is a bust portrait, -turned to the right, representing a middle-aged man with long brown hair -and a large bushy beard, wearing a dark dress and a red cap over his -right ear. He is placed under an archway of Renaissance architecture, -his head standing out against the blue sky seen through the opening. -From the top of the pillars which support the arch hang two festoons of -fruit and leaves held by small amorini. Above the heads of these boys -two small tablets are suspended, one containing the date, “1516,” and -the other the now illegible remains of the painter’s monogram. Across -the bottom is the inscription, “IOANNES HERBSTER PICTOR OPORINI PATER,” -the last words referring to his son, the well-known scholar of Basel, -who afterwards turned printer, and Latinised his name to Oporinus. -Herbster himself, like the Burgomaster Meyer, had taken his part in the -Italian wars, and was in the battle of Pavia in 1512. In addition to -several drawings already described, the Basel Gallery also possesses a -charming study in silver-point and red chalk of a young girl, inscribed -“ANNE,” and dated 1518, in which a very tender, delicate feeling for the -beauty of childhood is shown (Pl. 19);[146] the head of a young woman in -a hood in profile to the left;[147] a very fine drawing of the head of a -young man turned slightly to the left, wearing a black cap on the side -of his head, signed and dated 1517;[148] and a design for painted glass, -representing the foundation of the city of Basel (Pl. 20),[149] a pen -drawing lightly touched with colour, which was formerly attributed to -Hans. In the centre are the arms of Basel, supported by basilisks, under -an archway in course of building, which is decorated with a series of -empty shields for coats of arms. In the landscape background on either -side are men engaged in erecting buildings on the river bank, and in the -foreground is a boat filled with soldiers. The commander of this troop, -the legendary founder of the town, has the name “Basilius” engraved upon -his breastplate. - -One of the most important of the few paintings by him which have been so -far traced, is the portrait of an unknown young man in the Royal -Hermitage Gallery in St. Petersburg (Pl. 21).[150] The sitter is turned -three-quarters to the left, under a Renaissance arcading, and is wearing -a green dress and white shirt ornamented with lace. On his black hat are -the initials “F. G.” or “C. I. E.” (?). His right hand rests on the iron -pommel of his sword. In the distance is a mountainous landscape with a -palace or large building of elaborate Renaissance architecture, and on a -column hangs a tablet with the inscription, “ETATIS. SVE. XX. M.D. -XVIII.” From the arch above his head is suspended a garland of leaves -bound round with ribbon, to which is attached a small cartouche with the -monogram AHB, of which the H is the most distinct letter.[151] The -drawing, mentioned above, signed and dated “1517 AH,” was considered -by Woltmann to be a study for this portrait, and there is certainly a -strong likeness between the two. The arrangement of the foreground -architectural setting, and the position of the garland supporting the -cartouche, of which only the left-hand loop is shown, prove that the -picture formed one of a pair, the missing half in all probability -containing a portrait of the young man’s wife. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 19. - - -[Illustration: - - PORTRAIT OF A YOUNG GIRL, “ANNE,” 1518 - _Silver-point and red chalk drawing_ - AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN - BASEL GALLERY -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 20. - - -[Illustration: - - THE FOUNDING OF BASEL - Design for Painted Glass - AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN - BASEL GALLERY -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 21. - - -[Illustration: - - PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN YOUNG MAN - 1518 - AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN - ROYAL HERMITAGE GALLERY, ST. PETERSBURG -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 22. - - -[Illustration: - - ILLUSTRATION TO SIR THOMAS MORE’S “UTOPIA” - AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN - _From a woodcut in the British Museum_ -] - -[Sidenote: AMBROSIUS HOLBEIN] - -In addition to works of this nature, Ambrosius produced, during the few -years he was in Basel, a considerable number of designs for title-pages, -initial letters, and other decorations for books, issued by Froben, -Cratander, Adam Petri, Thomas Wolff, and Pamphilus Gegenbach. One of the -best known is the “Calumny of Apelles,”[152] the painting described by -Lucian, which bears the monogram of Ambrosius and the date 1517. It was -first used in Erasmus’ version of the New Testament, published by Froben -in 1519. He had a share, too, in the numerous illustrations and -ornaments which Froben provided for the first edition of Sir Thomas -More’s _Utopia_, upon which work his brother, Urs Graf, and others, were -also engaged. Ambrosius was the designer of the charming little picture -representing the scene in the garden of Petrus Ægidius in Antwerp in -which Raphael Hythlodæus, the traveller, is describing to his host and -Sir Thomas his adventures in the island of Utopia.[153] A larger -woodcut, with a bird’s-eye view of the island, on which the chief places -are marked as given in the text, with Hythlodæus in the foreground -pointing out its features to Ægidius and More, is also his work (Pl. -22).[154] It is difficult in every case to separate the designs of the -two brothers in this field of art, more particularly as in many -instances they have been so badly cut that much of the beauty of the -original line has been lost. In book-illustration the art of the two -young men had much in common, though Ambrosius was never as powerful or -varied in conception as Hans, nor possessed of as great a mastery of -technical execution. His woodcuts are not so thoroughly imbued with the -true spirit of the Italian Renaissance, nor had he the same gift of -producing the effect of largeness of design within an inch or two of -space. His figures, too, are often too short, with the head out of -proportion to the body. Yet much of his decorative work has considerable -charm, and fulfils its purpose admirably. Some forty woodcuts after his -designs, including a number of initial letters, are known, of which it -is impossible to attempt any description here.[155] His skill as a -designer for glass-painting has been already noted; and among his few -drawings are two small roundels, in the Karlsruhe Gallery, of “Pyramus -and Thisbe,” and “Hercules and Antæus,”[156] which are very pleasing, -and in their delicate and somewhat “pretty” handling have great -resemblance to a number of the marginal drawings to the _Praise of -Folly_ which are now given to him. - -In painting he was overshadowed by his younger brother. Like Hans, he -had inherited a considerable gift for portraiture from his father, as -the few works of this nature which remain show very clearly. In his -studies for portraits the draughtsmanship is looser and more free than -in the corresponding work of the younger Hans in his earlier Basel -period, and there is less searching after exact truth of line. His -portraits, nevertheless, display an original talent of no mean order, -which, had he lived, would have gained for him a place of some -distinction among the leading German painters of his day. Such a drawing -as the “Anne” is filled with a very tender feeling, and a sympathetic -expression of the wistful charm of childhood; and much of the same -appreciation of youthful character is to be seen in the portraits of the -two small boys in the Basel Gallery, while there is a careful and -realistic drawing of the head and body of a baby, supported by the -mother’s hand, in the British Museum, evidently a study for a Madonna -and Child, which is very attractive. It is inscribed “Hans Holbein, -1522,” by some later hand, over some earlier signature, now obliterated. -According to Dr. Hes, however, it is not by Ambrosius.[157] - -The records of Hans Holbein’s residence in Lucerne are scanty ones, but -such as they are, they extend from 1517 to 1519. Shortly after his -arrival he joined the painters’ guild, the Brotherhood of St. Luke, -which had been formed in 1506. In the book of the confraternity his name -is entered as having paid one gulden for admission: “Meister Hanns -Holbein hat j gulden gen.” Unfortunately the year-date is not given. The -original book has disappeared, but a copy exists which was made by -Zacharias Bletz, the town registrar, in 1541, but in transcribing it he -has omitted the dates which would fix the exact details of Holbein’s -membership. - -His first recorded commission was a badly-paid one. On the Sunday before -the feast of Saints Simon and Jude (October 28), 1517, he received one -florin nine shillings for a design for a glass window. In the same year, -on December 10, an entry in the town records shows him engaged in less -reputable occupation. He and a certain Caspar, a goldsmith, were each -fined five livres for fighting in the streets. “Item Caspar goldschmid -vnnd der Holbein soll jeder 5 ll. buss als sy vber ein andern zuckt -hand.” This same Caspar, one learns from the town books, was by nature a -brawler, for he was in trouble of the same kind on more than one -occasion. The punishment in this particular case was heavy, so that the -disturbance must have been a serious one, and it has been suggested that -on account of it Holbein left Lucerne for a time, in order that the -affair might blow over, and that he took the opportunity of paying a -visit to Lombardy. It is not likely, however, that he crossed the Alps -in the winter. - -[Sidenote: PAINTINGS OF HERTENSTEIN HOUSE] - -In one of the rooms of the Hertenstein house, at the time of its -demolition early in the last century, there still remained the date 1517 -on one of the wall decorations, which suggests that his work in the -interior of the mansion was well advanced, if not completed, during that -year. The outer walls were still unfinished when Holbein left Lucerne, -for what reason is not known, but it does not seem probable that he -would have abandoned an important commission for several months merely -on account of some small trouble with the town authorities. The visit to -Italy, it seems certain, took place in the spring or early summer of -1518, after the decorations of the Hertenstein house had been well -advanced. These decorations, as far as can be judged from the few -existing remains, show a certain Italian influence, but for the greater -part not so strongly that it cannot be accounted for by the teaching of -his father, the study of prints and engravings, and other second-hand -sources. There is, however, a drawing in the Basel Gallery, described -below, a preliminary study of architectural decoration for the lower -part of the façade of the house, which, as Dr. Ganz points out, must -have been made after Holbein’s return from Italy, for in it this new -influence can be seen much more clearly and strongly, just as it can in -similar work undertaken by him in Basel a year or two later, after a -visit to Lombardy had brought him into personal contact with the works -of some of the leading Italian masters in painting and architecture. It -is clear, therefore, that the journey over the Alps formed an interlude -of some duration between two sojourns in Lucerne, each extending over -several months, and that during the second period he completed the -Hertenstein wall-paintings. - -Lucerne was one of the first towns in Switzerland to feel the influence -of the Italian Renaissance, and the fashion, copied from the southern -country, of decorating the fronts of its houses with wall-paintings, had -been adopted before Holbein worked there. As early as 1435 the Frey -family owned a house which was covered with such paintings; a second -house with sixteenth-century decorations was demolished in 1871, while -others of the same period retained traces of wall-paintings until -comparatively modern times. Certain fragments of this early -wall-painting still exist, and there has been a revival of the art in -Lucerne in recent years. Augsburg was probably the first town outside -Italy to adopt this method of house decoration, to which the painters -who practised it owed so much of the freedom of their style; but many of -the towns immediately to the north of the Alps followed suit in course -of time, and modified the architecture of their buildings in order to -meet the requirements of the new fashion, abandoning to a certain extent -the structural Gothic decorative forms to which they were accustomed, in -order to make room for the provision of large flat wall surfaces, broken -only by plain rectangular windows and doors, upon which the painters -would have free scope for their work. It became the habit, too, among -the wealthier of the citizens, to decorate the inner walls of their -mansions in the same way. - -Jakob von Hertenstein, who, when he gave the commission to Holbein for -the painting of his new house, was the chief magistrate of Lucerne, was -a member of one of the oldest families in Switzerland. His father, -Caspar von Hertenstein, held many important civic and military offices, -and led the Swiss rearguard at the battle of Murten. His son inherited -many of his dignities, and was also a notable soldier, and in 1515, in -which year he was mayor, commanded the men of Lucerne at the battle of -Marignano. His ancestral castle stood on a steep rock on the shore of -the lake of Lucerne, near Weggis, and from it the family took its name. -Jakob was married four times, in each instance to a lady of a patrician -Swiss family, and in the decoration of the façade of his new dwelling, -Holbein introduced the coats of arms of all four of them. In 1511 he -purchased of Hans Wolf an old wooden house which stood on the -Kappelplatz at the corner of a small street leading to the Sternen -Platz, near the Corn Market, and in the heart of the city. This house he -pulled down, and erected in its place a fine stone mansion, which was -finished, and ready for its decorations, by 1517. - -It has been suggested that Holbein obtained this commission through the -good services of Oswald Molitor, who was a friend of one of -Hertenstein’s sons; but, however it may have been gained, it was one of -great importance to so young an artist, and he made the most of his -opportunities. The house was one of four storeys, and the whole of its -frontage he covered with paintings. It was still standing in 1824, with -its decorations for the greater part well preserved; but it was then -pulled down, and all that remains of its painted glories is comprised in -a number of very inadequate copies of certain portions, a single -fragment of one of the original paintings, together with a small study -for one of the pictures, and the architectural design already mentioned -for part of the ground floor decoration, both from Holbein’s own pencil. -It is thus to-day almost impossible to obtain any adequate impression of -the actual effect of the painter’s earliest undertaking of importance, -as it was in the days of its first freshness and beauty. - -[Sidenote: PAINTINGS OF HERTENSTEIN HOUSE] - -The ground floor was left undecorated, with the exception of the -painting of certain architectural details, and on the floor above, which -had numerous windows of varying sizes, and little wall space, Holbein’s -work was confined to three single female figures, one at each corner, -and one between the windows in the middle. Immediately over the windows -on the left, which were irregular in arrangement, the decoration -consisted of ornaments and figures adapted to fit the window crowns; and -on the right, where the windows were considerably higher and stood in a -straight line, a long frieze of fighting children was introduced. All -these decorations were painted in grisaille, but between the two groups -was a larger picture in colours, the upper part of which extended to the -floor above. This picture was so arranged that its framework had the -appearance of a large projecting bay, semicircular in shape, with an -arched opening supported by pillars, through which a view was obtained -of what appeared to be a large inner chamber of the house. Within this -room Holbein depicted a story from the _Gesta Romanorum_, the one which -tells of the old king who tested the love of his three sons and their -right to succeed him by offering his dead body as a target to their -arrows. This picture was still in a fairly good condition at the time of -the destruction of the house, so that from the copy then made it is -possible to gain an idea of the artist’s conception of the scene. He -represented the white-haired monarch, death-pale in face, still seated -upright on his throne, though his heart has ceased to beat. Two of the -sons have shot their arrows, and one points to the cruel wound he has -made, and claims the crown; but the third, rather than aim at such a -target, breaks his bow in indignation, and is acclaimed the victor by -the assembled courtiers. On the third storey, between the windows, were -placed the coats of arms of Hertenstein and his four wives, within -arched openings with hanging wreaths. - -Between the windows of the third storey and those of the floor above it, -there ran a long triumphal procession from right to left, broken up into -groups by pilasters placed at intervals, giving the effect of an open -arcading through which the passing show was seen. This design was -borrowed in its main details and arrangement from Andrea Mantegna’s -engraved “Triumph of Caesar.” In this he followed his original so -closely as to clothe the figures in antique costumes, whereas in the -pictures drawn from classical sources painted on other parts of the -building, he made use of the costumes of his own day. On the topmost -storey five pictures were placed between the windows reaching up to the -cornice of the roof. These, too, were chosen from classical literature, -apparently for the purpose of providing moral lessons, not only for the -members of Hertenstein’s own family, but for all the citizens of Lucerne -who paused to admire their mayor’s new residence. They included the -stories of the treacherous schoolmaster who attempted to betray the town -of Falerii to Camillus, Tarquin and Lucretia, the self-sacrifice of -Marcus Curtius, Mucius Scævola before Porsenna, and Leæna, who bit off -her tongue rather than betray her lover Aristogiton to the judges after -the murder of Hipparchus. - -The only original study for these painted stories now remaining is the -one for the last-named subject, which is preserved in the Basel Gallery -(Pl. 23 (1)).[158] It is a washed monochrome drawing, in which Leæna, in -the costume of Holbein’s own day, stands before her two judges, her hand -lifted to her tongue in sign of her determination to keep silence. The -story is told with the aid of but few figures. A gaoler stands near -Leæna, and behind the two judges are two other seated men. The scene -takes place in a vaulted hall with open archways at the back, and has -been cleverly arranged to fill in the irregular spaces between the -brackets supporting the cornice. This study is of great interest, as it -marks a great advance in Holbein’s power of drawing the human figure -when compared with the schoolmaster’s sign-board of the previous year, -and shows much greater freedom of draughtsmanship. The heads of one or -two of the figures still retain something of the grotesqueness of type -which characterises those of the early Passion series of pictures, but -the figure of Leæna is a graceful one, and the judge in the centre, in a -furred robe and cap, with one finger lifted in admonition and a rod of -justice or sword grasped in his left hand, is natural and dignified. The -only fragment of the actual wall-painting itself which now remains is a -small portion of the Tarquin and Lucretia fresco,[159] showing the -latter’s hand grasping the dagger, the figure of her husband before whom -she is about to kill herself, the right arm of a woman attendant who -stands behind her, and part of the architectural background. This -fragment was built into the wall of the house which replaced the older -one, and can still be seen on the upper floor of the façade. It is -insignificant enough in itself, and has greatly darkened with age and -exposure, but it is of value as the only actual evidence of the broad -and vigorous manner in which the whole façade was painted.[160] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 23. - - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: - - DESIGNS FOR THE WALL-PAINTINGS OF THE HERTENSTEIN HOUSE - 1. Leaena and the Judges 2. Architectural - Decoration of the Ground Floor - BASEL GALLERY - -] - -A second original drawing by Holbein in the Basel Gallery is a study for -a part of the ground-floor façade of this house (Pl. 23 (2)).[161] It is -a pen and wash drawing slightly touched with colour. Groups of pillars -support a frieze with flat carving in the Gothic manner. Above the -pointed doorway on the left he has thrown a circular arch, round which -the pattern of the frieze is continued, filled in with grotesque -sculptured figures supporting a tablet for a date. On the right he has -placed an open loggia, to which a flight of stone steps descends, with -square pillars, inlaid with marble panels, on either side supporting a -wide, flattened arch richly ornamented. The space over the frieze on the -right is filled in with a procession of naked boys, some dragged along -by their comrades, and others carried on litters, and above this again, -hanging garlands of leaves with swinging putti, one blowing a trumpet. -According to Dr. Ganz, this last motive, as well as other parts of the -architectural design, are reminiscent of details to be seen in the -cloisters and on the façade of the Certosa of Pavia, and suggest that -Holbein must have taken them directly from that building.[162] If this -be so, it proves that a part at least of the wall decoration of the -Hertenstein house was not finished until after Holbein’s visit to -Lombardy. - -[Sidenote: PAINTINGS OF HERTENSTEIN HOUSE] - -It seems certain that Holbein began his work in the interior of the -house, and that he covered the walls of at least five rooms, chiefly on -the third floor, with paintings. In 1825 many of them still remained in -an excellent state of preservation. In contradistinction to those on the -outer walls, they consisted of religious pictures, and scenes from -ancient fables and from everyday life in which humour found a prominent -place. The sacred decorations were in a large hall which served as the -family chapel. One of them represented the legend of the fourteen saints -who are said to have appeared to a shepherd in 1445 at a church in the -neighbourhood of Bamberg. Holbein depicted them in an elaborate -landscape, with mountains and a church in the background, grouped on -their knees round the Infant Christ, with the shepherd, a striking -figure, kneeling in adoration with his sheep round him. A second picture -in this room contained portraits of Hertenstein, his wife, and three -sons, very diminutive figures, kneeling before seven saints, among them -St. Benedictus, the patron saint of Lucerne. A third picture showed a -religious procession, with a bishop and other ecclesiastics, headed by -banners, issuing from the walls of a town in a hilly country. In the -large hall of the house, on the third floor, which at the time of the -demolition was still in its original state, were a number of landscapes -with hunting scenes, in one of which, a stag-hunt, the ancient castle of -the Hertensteins on a hill by the lake of Lucerne was introduced. In -these scenes portraits of the chief magistrate and members of his family -were included. In one of them Hertenstein, his fourth wife, and two -sons, Benedikt and Leodegar, all mounted, are hunting wild ducks by the -side of the lake, accompanied by dogs. Husband and wife appear again in -the painting representing a stag-hunt in the woodland below the castle -at Weggis. In a third scene hares are being hunted with a pack of hounds -over hilly country. Near the fireplace was a representation of a subject -which was popular with German painters—the Fountain of Youth. In this a -certain amount of latitude was permitted, and Holbein depicted some of -the incidents with a rough, unrefined humour. Nude men and women are -sitting crowded together in a small circular fountain, some still old, -others already rejuvenated by its waters. In the centre of the basin -rises a pillar with a banner bearing the arms of Hertenstein and his -fourth wife. From all sides old people come crowding and hurrying up, -some in carts, some on donkeys, one pushed in a wheelbarrow, and others -carried in litters or on the backs of less feeble seekers after -perpetual youth. In one instance an ugly old woman, seated in a basket -slung on the back of a sturdy young man, holds in her arms an equally -old and ugly dog, in order that it, too, may benefit from the bath. A -second painting next to it continued the story. Other old men and women -are crowded into a long cart drawn by four horses, into the back of -which a lame man has scrambled, while a second limps painfully after it. -In other rooms the decorations were so dilapidated and damaged that it -was impossible to make copies of them; but they included battle scenes, -and various Renaissance ornaments and devices. In one of these latter -rooms occurred the date 1517 under the family shield.[163] In one of the -chambers was a wooden pillar, carved with the likeness of Heini von Uri, -court fool of Duke Leopold of Austria, for which Holbein appears to have -supplied the design from which the carver worked. Hollar made an etching -from this drawing, or from a woodcut of it, as he has inscribed it, “H. -Holbein incidit in lignum,” when it was in the Arundel Collection, in -1647.[164] - -In carrying out this monumental work, Holbein, in addition to possible -help from his brother, must have employed more than one assistant. He -made, no doubt, designs for every part of it, and painted the principal -pictures himself, but much of the remainder was very probably done by -others under his personal direction. North of the Alps such work was not -particularly well paid, nor was great care displayed in carrying it out. -Both artist and employer were satisfied if a good decorative effect in -design and colour was produced; the former, considering the large amount -of surface to be covered, could not waste much time over the careful -painting of details, nor was the latter prepared to pay more than a very -moderate price for it. There is no doubt, however, that Holbein’s work -in this field was far in advance of anything hitherto carried out in -Switzerland, more particularly in the elaborate architectural settings -in which he placed his wall pictures, and in the use made of -perspective, so that the scenes depicted appeared to be taking place -within the rooms of the house itself, and the eye was deceived into -supposing that a building of somewhat plain design was in reality a -mansion erected in the richest style of the Italian Renaissance. - -[Sidenote: DESTRUCTION OF WALL-PAINTINGS] - -In 1825 the Hertenstein house came into the possession of a Lucerne -banker named Knörr, who pulled it down in order to replace it by a more -modern building. In spite of the efforts of a few art-lovers, this work -of demolition was carried out, and the town authorities made no attempt -to stop such an act of vandalism, or to save the only surviving record -they possessed of the art of by far the greatest artist their walls had -ever sheltered—a record which to-day would be rightly regarded as one of -their greatest treasures. It was only through the efforts of Colonel May -von Büren and Colonel Karl Pfyffer von Altishofen, who employed certain -local artists to make copies of the frescoes before the house was -finally destroyed, that any record at all of the decorations remains. -Time and the damp climate had so dimmed them, however, that it was found -necessary to wash them down with the town’s fire-engine before they -could be seen clearly enough for the artists to copy them. The copies, -which were made by the Lucerne painters Schwegler, Ulrich von -Eschenbach, Eglin, Marzohl, and an Italian, Trolli von Lavena, had to be -hurriedly done, and they naturally possess little or nothing of the -combined delicacy and force of the originals. Much of the purely -decorative work, the scroll and wreath ornament, and details in the -Renaissance style, in the use of which Holbein was to become so great a -master, had to be left uncopied, attention being concentrated on the -pictures and figure subjects. Still, what was done was sufficient to -show something of the ideas Holbein brought to the undertaking, the -influences he came under in his choice of subjects, and the methods he -employed in carrying them out. Colonel May persuaded Usteri, the painter -and poet, to visit Lucerne in order to give his opinion as to the value -of the paintings, but he was unable to do so until 1825, when the -demolition had already begun. Usteri directed the making of the copies, -and saw to it that the artists adhered as faithfully as possible to the -originals. No “restoration” was permitted; those parts which had -perished were left blank in the copies. The latter were made with the -view of publication, but they proved too inadequate, and the scheme was -dropped. In 1851 they were presented by Colonel May to the town library -of Lucerne, together with Usteri’s letters concerning them.[165] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 24. - - -[Illustration: - - BENEDIKT VON HERTENSTEIN - 1517 - METROPOLITAN MUSEUM, NEW YORK -] - -[Sidenote: BENEDIKT VON HERTENSTEIN] - -Before turning to Holbein’s journey across the Alps in 1518, reference -must be made to a portrait painted by him during his first residence in -Lucerne, which is the only one by him so far discovered bearing the date -1517. This work, of considerable importance to the student making a -careful study of Holbein’s early development, is a likeness of Benedikt -von Hertenstein, one of the sons of his new patron, who was twenty-two -years of age at the time of the sitting. He was a member of the Council -in the year he was painted, and was slain at the battle of Bicocca in -1522. This portrait was acquired from a private collection in England in -1906 for the Metropolitan Museum of New York (Pl. 24).[166] He is -represented standing, facing the spectator, with his left hand resting -on the pommel of his sword. He wears a black under-dress and a white -shirt with an embroidered edge. His cloak or overcoat with wide upper -sleeves is of crimson, trimmed with dark green bands, and lined with -bright myrtle-green silk. His left hand is half hidden by the sleeve and -the right arm hangs down, the hand not being shown. His cap is of black -and scarlet velvet with gold tags, and a plain chain of gold links hangs -from his neck. He wears six rings on his left hand, the one on his first -finger being a signet ring with a coat of arms now almost illegible. The -pommel of his sword is of gold and silver ornamented with a design in -imitation of Cufic script in the fashion of Italian goldsmith’s work of -the period. His bushy hair almost hides the ears, and his eyes are small -and bright. The background, as in the Meyer portraits, is a study in -perspective, for Holbein has placed him within the angle of a wall, -along the two sides of which, over the sitter’s head, runs a stone -frieze carved with a representation of a Roman triumph, crowded with -small figures, in which the victor is seated in a chariot drawn by -prancing horses, and in front of him, among the soldiers and trumpeters, -a number of prisoners led captive. It has suffered rather severely from -repainting. The design, an imitation of an antique bas-relief, was no -doubt based upon Mantegna’s “Triumph,” which Holbein was at the same -time adapting for the façade of the Hertenstein house. A somewhat -similar design, though later in date, is to be seen on the drawing of a -dagger sheath in the Basel Gallery (Vol. ii., Pl. 46 (2)).[167] The wall -on the left is in shadow, and on it, immediately below the frieze, is -inscribed: “DA · ICH · HET · DIE · GESTALT · WAS · ICH · 22 · JAR · ALT -· 1517 · H · H · PINGEBAT.” This inscription is interesting as the only -one in German to be found on any one of his portraits, with the -exception of that of Fallen at Brunswick, and the addresses on the -letters in some of the other Steelyard portraits. The picture is painted -in oils on paper, and afterwards mounted on a panel, a method not -infrequently employed by Holbein in his earlier practice. The technical -skill displayed in it is already of a high order, though the -draughtsmanship is still a little laboured, and lacking in that ease and -certainty to which he afterwards attained, while the flesh tints are -paler and flatter than in his later work. It shows, nevertheless, a -distinct advance when compared with the Meyer portraits of the preceding -year. The draughtsmanship is firmer, the colour tones softer, and the -general effect produced is one of greater naturalness, though still far -behind the “Bonifacius Amerbach,” painted two years later, in subtlety -of line and harmony of colour. When the picture was purchased in 1906 -the name of the sitter was unknown, and beyond the fact that at the -beginning of the last century it was in the possession of the Burckhardt -family, its history has not been traced; but by means of the coat of -arms on the ring it was identified three years later as Benedikt von -Hertenstein.[168] In 1826 Ulrich Hegner saw in Lucerne a portrait of his -father, Jakob von Hertenstein, of the same date, 1517, still in the -possession of one of his descendants, which he considered to be an -original work by Holbein, which would indicate that the artist, in -addition to including portraits of various members of the family in the -wall-paintings in the interior of the house, was also commissioned to -paint individual portraits of more than one of them. The portrait seen -by Hegner has now disappeared, but others of Hertenstein still remain in -the Town Hall and the Library of Lucerne. These, however, are not -contemporary likenesses, but later copies, possibly after an original by -Holbein now lost. - -[Sidenote: THE VISIT TO LOMBARDY] - -The great likelihood—indeed, the certainty—that Holbein, before these -wall-paintings were finally completed, paid, during 1518, a short visit -to Italy, is now generally acknowledged by most writers. It is true that -Carel van Mander distinctly states that “Hans Holbein never travelled in -Italy,” and the artist’s earliest biographer was, no doubt, correct, if -his words are to be understood as meaning that Holbein never made any -long sojourn in that country, or studied for a considerable period under -some Italian painter. This statement, however, in no way precludes a -visit of several months’ duration to Lombardy, of which Van Mander was -ignorant. From Lucerne the journey to the foot of the Alps was only a -matter of a few days, while traces of his presence in Altorf, which is -on the route to the St. Gotthard Pass, still remain. From Altorf the -Italian side of the mountains could be easily reached. The influence of -both Mantegna and Leonardo and the Milanese school of painting is -unmistakable in certain of his pictures, and though some of this may -have been due to earlier influences in his Augsburg days, received -through Hans Burgkmair and other German painters who had worked in -Italy, and to the study of engravings, they are not strong enough to -account satisfactorily for the very marked Italian influence to be seen -in such pictures as the early “Last Supper,” or the “Venus” and “Lais -Corinthiaca” of 1526. The indications of personal acquaintance with -Italian painting and architecture are even more strongly marked in -numerous designs for glass paintings, dealt with in a later -chapter.[169] It is therefore assumed that he crossed the Alps and -penetrated into the country at least as far as Milan and its -neighbourhood. Indeed, the careful researches of Dr. Ganz have removed -all doubts on the question. - -The “Last Supper” in the Basel Gallery (No. 316) (Pl. 25),[170] which -must not be confounded with the still earlier version of the same -subject on canvas already described,[171] although badly damaged, bears -in its composition so striking a reminiscence of Leonardo’s celebrated -fresco in the refectory of the church of Santa Maria delle Grazie in -Milan, that it appears almost certain that Holbein must have seen it. -This panel painting, apparently the central part of a triptych, when it -came into the possession of Amerbach was already in a badly-damaged -state, due, no doubt, to injuries received during the religious -disturbances of 1529, which finally helped to drive Holbein for a second -time from Basel. It had been cut in two, and then roughly joined -together, while a piece was missing from either side, so that to-day -only nine apostles remain, though the hands and feet and parts of the -bodies of the others are still to be seen at the sides. It is described -in the Amerbach inventory as “ein nachtmal vf holtz mit olfarb H. -Holbein. Ist zerhöwen vnd wider zusammengeleimbt aber unfletig.” In 1750 -it was again reset by Nikolaus Grooth, who repainted and restored it in -a hard and crude fashion, so that it is now very difficult to form any -adequate idea of the original scheme of colour, though the heads still -retain something of their original vigour and expression. The scene is -set in a loggia of plain Renaissance architecture, the blue sky seen -through its arched openings, against which branches of fig or vine stand -out, and a distant tower on the right. Christ, seated in the centre of -the table, with hands spread out before him, is depicted at the moment -when he exclaims, “One of you shall betray me.” This figure, both in the -expressive gesture of the hands, the position of the body, and the type -of features, follows closely the greater figure which evidently inspired -it. The group of St. John, St. Peter, and Judas is also based on the -corresponding group in Leonardo’s fresco. The youthful St. John, seated -next to the Saviour, and turning round to listen to St. Peter, who -stands behind him with his hand resting on St. John’s shoulder, is -admirably conceived and full of character. Judas, seated in front on the -left, rests his chin on his left hand, his strongly marked, almost -grotesque, face, convulsed with conflicting passions, and his right hand -pressed against the seat as though he were about to spring up and rush -from the table. The picture, in spite of the damage it has received, -shows a great advance upon the earlier “Last Supper,” both in power of -expression and technical execution. In its style of painting it has -considerable affinity with the “Noli Me Tangere” in Hampton Court, more -particularly with the distant figures of St. John and St. Peter in the -last-named picture, while the head of St. James, seen in profile, bears -a close resemblance to that of the Risen Christ. The background, too, -displays a decided Italian influence.[172] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 25. - - -[Illustration: - - THE LAST SUPPER - Central Panel of a Triptych - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: THE VISIT TO LOMBARDY] - -Still stronger evidence of this journey to Lombardy is to be found in -Holbein’s numerous designs for painted glass,[173] which he produced -during the next six or seven years, designs which, in most cases, are -filled round the borders and in the backgrounds with rich and elaborate -architecture based upon Renaissance models. It is difficult to -understand how he could have produced so much work of this nature, so -filled with the beauty and dignity of the style upon which it was -founded, had he not had at least some personal acquaintance with the -original examples upon the far side of the Alps, which these drawings of -his so often suggest. A close comparison of certain of these studies -with the architectural details of some of the splendid Renaissance -buildings which he must have seen if this journey across the plains of -Lombardy did in reality take place, makes it almost certain, although -there are no documentary proofs, that he made drawings and sketches of -some of the principal edifices of Milan, the façade and interior of the -Certosa of Pavia, the monumental tombs of architectural design which are -to be met with throughout Northern Italy, and such cathedral churches as -those of Como and Lugano;[174] and that he must have studied also the -use made by the Italian painters of similar architectural features in -the backgrounds of their frescoes and paintings. It is difficult to -believe that his intimate knowledge of the true principles of that style -were gained merely by the study of a few engravings or isolated -pictures. Here and there, too, in those glass designs in which the -background is a landscape, there is more than one Alpine scene. In the -one with the figure of a Pope or Bishop, in the Basel Gallery (No. -334),[175] there is a view of the old Devil’s Bridge on the Andermatt -route, and the same bridge is to be seen in the “Table of Cebes” -woodcut. There is a view of the Rigi in the background of the woodcut of -“Jacob’s Ladder” in Thomas Wolff’s edition of the Pentateuch, 1523, and, -again, a representation of Lucerne in the woodcut of the “New -Jerusalem,” in the same publisher’s edition of the New Testament, 1523 -(Pl. 70 (3)).[176] - -In the course of his journey to and from Lombardy he probably made short -halts in more than one Swiss town. Hegner mentions pictures by him in -Coutrai, Zürich, Altorf, and Berne, but the works he enumerates, with -the exception of the painted table at Zürich, are not the work of -Holbein. There are, however, indications that he spent some time in -Altorf, in the canton Uri, from which district it has been suggested -that his family originally came, for the Holbein arms are almost -identical with those of that canton. In the church is a “Head of -Christ,” which local tradition gives to Holbein, and in the Convent of -the Capuchins still hangs a copy of the “Christ in the Tomb” of the -Basel Gallery. The “Head of Christ” has suffered so severely that it is -impossible to-day to say whether it is from his hand; the church -archives, which are said to have contained proofs of its authenticity, -were lost in a fire which occurred in 1799, and did a great amount of -damage, destroying, among other things, an altar-piece of the -“Crucifixion,” attributed to Holbein, painted on canvas, one of the -chief treasures of the church. The version of the “Christ in the Tomb” -in the monastery shows material differences from the original at Basel. -The body of Christ is no longer rigid in death. He has conquered it, and -the artist, whoever he may have been, has represented him as the giver -of eternal life, by means of rays of light which emanate from the -recumbent body. Above the figure is a medallion with the Burial, which -bears little likeness to Holbein’s work. M. Pierre Gauthiez suggests -that this Christ was painted by Holbein when under the immediate -influence of certain Lombard painters, but that it became so badly -damaged in course of time that it was restored and repainted by some not -very skilful worker.[177] - -[Sidenote: DESIGNS FOR PAINTED GLASS] - -Wherever Holbein may have wandered in search of work, he was back again -in Lucerne early in 1519. The town books contain records of payments -made to him for the painting of certain banners and pennons in the -spring of that year. It was a custom of the Lucernois to plant banners -on the gables and summits of their street fountains, as a signal for -assembly whenever there was question of war; and, in addition to this -custom, small flags of painted cloth were usually to be seen hanging in -such places.[178] On the 19th February 1519, Holbein was paid twelve -schillings for two flags of this kind, which were hung near the -cathedral, and on the 21st May of the same year he received one livre, -one schilling, six heller for banners for the fountain near the convent -of the Franciscans. It was round this fountain of the Cordeliers that -the shoemakers and sellers of various merchandise had their stalls, and -the neighbouring street was the quarter of the glass-painters. For these -latter craftsmen Holbein made several designs. There is one of these in -the Basel Gallery (No. 354), which, however, is not from Holbein’s own -hand, but merely a good workshop copy. It represents the standing figure -of the Virgin with the Child in her arms, under an arch with hanging -garlands, supported by pillars and pilasters with Renaissance ornament -in low relief, and appears to have been drawn in Lucerne, for the -background consists of an admirable little landscape study with a view -of the towers and roofs and the old covered bridge of that city, and -cloud-capped mountains in the background.[179] It was, however, designed -for some citizen of Basel, and may, therefore, have been done after he -had left Lucerne, and the background sketched in from memory. It forms -the left-hand half of a double window containing the patron saints of -Basel, of which the right-hand half still exists in the original glass -in the cloisters of Wettingen, representing the Emperor Heinrich II -holding a model of the minster, and with a shield containing the arms of -Basel at his feet. In its architectural details this window agrees with -the “Virgin and Child” drawing in the Amerbach Collection, which is in -pen and wash and lightly coloured. - -A second window design, also in the Amerbach Collection, dated 1518, and -signed “H.H.,” represents the arms of State-councillor Holdermeier of -Lucerne.[180] Under an open archway with pillars inlaid with marble -stand three peasants with grotesque head-dresses, busily talking, -conceived by the artist with considerable humour. One rests on his -scythe, another carries a sack over his shoulder, while the one in the -middle holds a basket of eggs. Over the centre of the arch is a small -tablet with the date, and on either side of it, in the spandrils, -peasants are shown at work in the fields, mowing and reaping. In the -centre foreground is placed a shield with the Holdermeier arms. A third -design for painted glass of this period with the arms of Hans -Fleckenstein of Lucerne, and dated 1517, is in the Brunswick Gallery, -and was lent to the Holbein Exhibition in Basel in 1897-8.[181] - -Two other existing designs appear to belong to Holbein’s Lucerne period. -The first is the very beautiful drawing in the Basel Gallery of the -Archangel Michael as the Weigher of Souls (Pl. 26).[182] It is evidently -a drawing for a wooden statue. The Archangel Michael as the Soul Weigher -was the patron saint of the cloisters of Beromünster, near Lucerne, and -most probably, according to Dr. Ganz, this design was a commission from -Holbein’s patrons, Peter and Jakob von Hertenstein. Jakob was feoffee of -the cloisters, and Peter, canon of Basel, was from 1483 until his death -in 1519 also canon of the minster. He had his own private chapel, to -which he presented various works of art, including a window of painted -glass with a representation of the Archangel, which is now in the -Lucerne Museum.[183] The winged figure of the youthful saint stands -erect upon a slight carved bracket, raising a great sword over his head -with one hand, and with the other holding a large pair of scales just -clear of the ground, in one of which is Satan, with wings and a long -curled tail, and in the other a naked child with a nimbus, representing -the soul. St. Michael, too, wears a nimbus above his masses of curled -hair, and gazes down with a smile on the upturned face of the Evil One, -whom he is about to strike with his sword. He is clad in clinging -drapery, which leaves one leg bare, and a breastplate richly chased with -a Renaissance flower-and-leaf design, a long cloak falling from his -shoulders to the ground. The figure displays extraordinary grace and -energy, and in the beauty of its conception and its draughtsmanship -recalls the best work of the Italian painters, and was evidently -accomplished immediately after his return from Lombardy, when the -stimulus of that journey was still at its highest and strongest. - -The second drawing, in Indian ink, with pen and bistre outlines, in the -British Museum (No. 14), is a round composition nearly nine inches in -diameter, representing miners at work on the face of a mountain side -(Pl. 27).[184] In the foreground is a rocky platform on which two men -are driving wedges into the rock with hammers with long pliant handles. -Others are working with smaller hammers, and one, with a lantern -fastened to his cap, is mounting to the platform by a ladder. Above them -another man is ascending in the same way to a higher part of the quarry, -while from an opening on the right a miner is pushing a truck full of -ore along a wooden bridge, and another, down below, is raking the stone -into a tray. Various wooden huts are placed here and there on the -ledges. According to Dr. E. His, this drawing was in Basel in the -sixteenth century, and was then copied by an unknown artist as an -illustration to a manuscript book on mining by Andreas Ryff. It was -probably made by Holbein in the neighbourhood of the St. Gotthard Pass, -on his way to or from Lombardy. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 26. - - -[Illustration: - - THE ARCHANGEL MICHAEL AS WEIGHER OF SOULS - _Drawing in Indian ink_ - BASEL GALLERY -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 27. - - -[Illustration: - - MINERS AT WORK - _Drawing in Indian ink, pen, and bistre_ - BRITISH MUSEUM -] - -[Sidenote: SACRED PICTURES FORMERLY IN LUCERNE] - -Patin mentions five pictures painted by Holbein which in his day were in -the church of the Augustines in Lucerne—a “Nativity,” the “Adoration of -the Kings,” “Christ disputing with the Doctors,” a “Sancta Veronica,” -and a “Taking down from the Cross,”[185] but Hegner could find no traces -of them. They probably formed a triptych. M. Gauthiez suggests that -these pictures were the result of his study of the paintings of the -Lombard masters, the titles alone suggesting a list of works by -Luini.[186] - -The last-named of these pictures, the “Taking down from the Cross”—in -which, according to Patin’s description, Christ’s body was on the -ground, the head resting on the Virgin’s lap, and surrounded by Mary -Magdalene, Saint John, Nicodemus, and other persons, with the two -thieves still on the Cross—was still in the church in the middle of the -seventeenth century. Two sketches exist, with notes as to the colour, -and an inscription stating that they were drawn in Lucerne from -Holbein’s altar-piece in the church of the Augustines by C. Meyer in -1648. Dr. Ganz has recently published a copy of this picture,[187] which -is in Palermo, and draws attention to the fact that it agrees in -dimensions with the lost original, which was in the possession of the -painter Marquard Wocher in Basel in 1834, at which time it was copied by -the painter Hieronymus Hess. Another copy, half the size of the -original, was exhibited at the Exhibition of Early German Art at the -Burlington Fine Arts Club in 1906, and a third is still in the sacristy -of one of the Lucerne churches. In addition, there is a drawing of the -group of the two chief figures, Christ and the Virgin, in the Basel -Gallery,[188] a free copy of the central group of Christ and the Virgin, -signed H. H. W. and H. H. It was done towards the end of the sixteenth -century either by Hans Jörg Wannewetsch of Basel, or Hans Heinrich -Wegmann of Lucerne. - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - CHAPTER V - - CITIZEN OF BASEL - -Holbein’s return to Basel—Enters the Painters’ Guild “zum - Himmel”—Becomes a burgher—His marriage—Portrait of Bonifacius - Amerbach—The Amerbach Collection—Church pictures—The “Nativity” and - “Adoration of the Kings” at Freiburg—Hans Oberried—The altar-piece of - the “Passion of Christ” at Basel—Italian influences in his work—The - “Noli Me Tangere” at Hampton Court—“Christ as the Man of Sorrows” and - “Mary as Mater Dolorosa”—Designs for sacred pictures or - wall-paintings—The “Dead Christ in the Tomb”—The Solothurn - Madonna—History of the picture—“St. Ursula” and “St. George” at - Karlsruhe—The organ doors of Basel Cathedral. - - -IN the summer or autumn of 1519 Holbein was back again in Basel. His -return may have been due to lack of sufficient employment in Lucerne, or -it may be that he was recalled by news of the death of his brother -Ambrosius. As already pointed out, no traces of the latter can be found -after this year, and it is generally supposed that he died about this -time. If such were the case, it is natural that Hans should return, in -order to wind up his brother’s affairs, and it may be, to complete any -commissions he may have left unfinished. Slight indications, also, of a -visit to his father, who was then working in Isenheim, not far from -Basel, are perhaps afforded by his designs for painted glass at Murbach -and Andlau, described in a later chapter, which he produced in the -following year.[189] He now made Basel his permanent residence, and from -that time until he came to England, seven years later, he was very -busily employed in painting portraits, altar-pieces for churches, -decorating house-fronts and interiors, and supplying designs for book -illustrations, and for the glass-painters, armourers, and metal-workers -of his adopted city. - -On September 25, 1519, he became a member of the Painters’ Guild, the -“Zunft zum Himmel.” The entry runs: “Item, Hans Holbein the painter has -been received into the Guild on Sunday before St. Michael’s Day, in the -year 1519, and has sworn to preserve the statutes of the Guild like -every other Guild brother of the painters.” (“Item es hat die Zunfft -entffangen Hans Holbein der moller vff suntag vor sant michelss Dag im -XVCXIX jor vnd hat geschworen Der Zunft ordnung zu halten wie ein ander -Zunfftbruder der moller.”[190] His coat of arms,[191] a black bull’s -head with ringed nose, on a yellow or gold ground, surmounted by a red -star between the horns, and with “Hans Holbein de maller” inscribed -above it, painted at the time he was admitted a member, remained in the -Guild Chamber until modern times, and is now in the Basel Historical -Museum. The entrance fee was one pound three shillings. He soon appears -to have become an important member of the confraternity, for in the -following year, on June 25, 1520, he was elected chamber-master of the -Guild, as set forth in the treasurer’s book. A few days afterwards, on -July 3, 1520, he obtained the rights of citizenship; probably a -residence of twelve months was necessary before the freedom of the city -could be obtained, and Holbein had now been back in Basel for about a -year. The entry in the town book runs as follows:—“Item, Tuesday before -St. Ulrich’s Day anno 20 Hans Holbein of Augsburg, painter, has received -the right of citizenship, and has sworn in the customary manner.” (“Item -Zinstag vor Vlrici anno XX 1st Hans Holbeinen von Augspurg dem maler das -burgrecht glichenn. Et juravit pro ut moris est.”)[192] Less than a -month afterwards his name occurs, on the 1st of August 1520, in the -records of the Court of Justice. The wife of the painter Michel Schuman -sued him for a debt of eight pounds, which he was condemned to pay, a -proceeding recalling similar monetary difficulties in his father’s life. - -[Sidenote: BECOMES A BURGHER AND MARRIES] - -It was probably about the same time that Holbein married Elsbeth Schmid, -the widow of a tanner, with one son named Franz, who afterwards followed -the occupation of his father. It appears possible, therefore, that she -may have been possessed of some means, and that she carried on the -tannery business until her son was of age. Perhaps both marriage and -citizenship were necessary qualifications for membership of the Guild -“zum Himmel,” as was the case with other guilds elsewhere, and some such -regulation may have been one of the chief causes which brought about -Holbein’s early marriage. In Breslau, for instance, a painter who wished -to settle in the town as a master was obliged to be married, or if not, -must have taken a wife within a year and a day of his entry into the -Guild, under a penalty of ten marks.[193] Additional proof that the -marriage must have taken place in 1520 or 1521 is afforded by the -Solothurn “Madonna,” dated 1522, for which Holbein’s wife and infant son -served as the models for the Virgin and Child. - -A few weeks after his admittance into the Guild, Holbein finished one of -the most beautiful portraits of his Basel period—that of Bonifacius -Amerbach, to whose unfailing admiration of Holbein’s art the present -fine collection of his works in the Basel Gallery is due. Bonifacius was -the youngest of the three sons of Hans Amerbach, the scholar, and -afterwards printer and publisher, who, born in Reutlingen, settled in -Basel in 1484, where he set up a printing-press which soon became -famous, and attracted a number of learned men, who assisted him in -preparing books and translations for publication, which included several -fine editions of the early Fathers. His three sons were all brilliant -scholars. Bonifacius, born in 1492, was about five years older than -Holbein. His education was a very thorough one, and while pursuing his -studies he was closely associated with various scholars of an older -generation than his own, such as Conrad Leontorius, Gebwiler, Beatus -Rhenanus, and the Franciscan monk, Johann Conon of Nuremburg, under whom -he studied Greek. Later on he went to the University of Freiburg, where -he lived with Ulrich Zasius, who was both his teacher and friend. He -afterwards continued the study of the law at Avignon under Alciat, and -at Montpellier, and in 1525 received the appointment of professor of law -in the Basel University. He became a close friend of Erasmus, hardly a -day passing without some intercourse between them. The elder scholar, -who had the highest admiration for his abilities and learning, grew to -regard him almost as a son, and appointed him his heir. Contemporary -references to him speak not only of his great scholastic gifts, but of -the modesty and amiability of his character, his integrity, his lively -wit, and his talent for music and poetry. One such reference, quoted by -Hegner,[194] speaks of him as a tall man, with a charming countenance, -who made use of brave, serious language, and appeared modestly attired -in a long coat. - -It is to be assumed from Amerbach’s enthusiasm in collecting every -picture, drawing, and design by Holbein which he could find, that the -two young men became personal friends, or, at least, that their -acquaintance, first made in the latter’s painting-room, grew to be a -closer one than was usually formed between sitter and artist in days -when the painter and his craft were not always very highly considered, -or his social standing more than a very modest one. Amerbach also -collected pictures and sketches by other artists, and engravings, coins, -and antiquities of all kinds. Upon his death in 1562 his son Basilius -inherited the collection, and, inheriting also the artistic tastes of -his father, he added, in course of time, a number of important examples, -among them various works by Holbein, including the copy of the _Praise -of Folly_ with the marginal drawings. In 1586 he drew up an inventory -and catalogue of the collection, which by that time had obtained -considerable reputation. It remained in the possession of his -descendants until the middle of the seventeenth century, when it was -offered for sale, and was purchased by his native city for the very -moderate price of 9000 rix-dollars in the summer of 1662. In addition to -examples of metal-work, ivory carvings, coins, and various objects of -decorative art, the collection contained forty-nine paintings, of which -fifteen were attributed to Holbein, and a chest of thirty-seven drawers, -all full of sketches and engravings, among them one hundred and four -original drawings by Holbein, a sketch-book with eighty-five studies, -one hundred and eleven woodcuts after his designs, the illustrated -_Praise of Folly_, and two copies each of the “Dance of Death” and “Old -Testament” woodcuts. Modern criticism has somewhat reduced these -numbers, but the collection is one of extraordinary value, and, thanks -to the energy and artistic taste of the father and son who formed it, -and thus preserved many examples which otherwise would have been -scattered and lost, it is possible for the Holbein student of to-day to -obtain very adequate knowledge of much that the great artist -accomplished during the earlier half of his life.[195] - -[Sidenote: BONIFACIUS AMERBACH] - -In Holbein’s portrait of Bonifacius Amerbach, in the Basel Gallery (No. -314) (Pl. 28),[196] the jurist is represented to the shoulders, almost -in profile to the spectator’s left, a little less than the size of life. -He wears a black velvet cap and a black gown with a fur collar, open to -show the under-vest of blue-green damask and small white ruff round the -neck. The fine, handsome face, with its prominent nose, is of a warm, -ruddy complexion, and the bushy hair, which almost hides the ears, and -the beard and moustache, are of chestnut colour. On a tree-trunk on the -left hangs a large framed tablet with a Latin inscription, probably -composed by Erasmus, in which the picture itself is made to extol the -art of the painter for its truth to nature. Below these lines the names -of the artist and the sitter, and the date, October 14, 1519, are given— - - - “BON · AMORBACCHIVM · - IO · HOLBEIN · DEPINGEBAT · - A · M̅ · D̅ · X̅I̅X̅̅ · PRID · EID · OCTOBR.” - -The head stands out against a pale blue-green sky, with the snow-covered -crests of the Schneeberg in the distant background, and the branch of a -vine or fig-tree on the right. The richness and transparency of the -colour is remarkable; it is, perhaps, of all Holbein’s portraits the -most transparent in effect, with no trace of the dryness which sometimes -characterises his later work.[197] In technical execution it shows a -considerable advance on the earlier portraits of Meyer and his wife and -of Benedikt von Hertenstein, the modelling and the minute and accurate -draughtsmanship of the details, such as the beard and the hair, being -already almost as masterly and assured as in his greatest portraits -painted fourteen or fifteen years later. As a study of character and -expression, too, it is very striking. The combined strength and -refinement of Amerbach’s nature, and the kindliness and sense of humour -which shine from his deep blue eyes, below projecting brows, have been -admirably rendered, and in many ways the portrait shows that Holbein had -already attained almost, if not quite, to the full maturity of his -powers. In it, too, can be seen for the first time in his portraiture -the practical application of the experience he must have gained during -his visit to Italy, for in the lighter, gayer, scheme of colour, and the -change in technique, which gradually developed into the enamel-like -surface of his flesh tints which is so characteristic a feature of his -English portraits, the influence of the painters of Lombardy, such as -Leonardo, Mantegna, Luini, and others, is plainly evident.[198] In the -Amerbach inventory it is described as: “Meines vatters conterfehtung in -der iugend H. Holbeins vf holz mit ölfarb.” There is an old copy of it -in the Karlsruhe Gallery. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 28. - - -[Illustration: - - BONIFACIUS AMERBACH - 1519 - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: SACRED PAINTINGS FOR CHURCHES] - -During the first years of his citizenship Holbein received a number of -commissions for sacred paintings for churches, including the cathedral. -For the last-named building he painted the great folding doors of the -organ-case, and possibly the altar-piece, now lost, of which, however, -the wings, with scenes from the Passion, remain, among the most valued -possessions of the Basel Gallery. A still earlier connection with the -cathedral works is proved by an entry in the Bishop’s court-treasury -accounts for September 1520; and that at this time, only a month or two -after he had taken up his rights of citizenship, he was not too proud to -undertake tasks of the humblest kind, is shown by the nature of the -commission, which was merely for the painting over of some -stonework.[199] Only a few of his sacred works have survived. Others, no -doubt, were destroyed during the religious disturbances of 1529, when so -many of the pictures and works of art in the Basel churches were burnt -or shattered to pieces by the mob. - -Old copies or engravings exist of several of these destroyed pictures, -so that some idea can be obtained of the originals. In all instances -they appear to be works of the early Basel period. Earliest of all, -possibly one of the very first pictures painted by him in that city, is -a “Christ on the Cross between Mary and John,” of which there is a copy -in the Basel Gallery. This copy, according to the Amerbach inventory, -was made by a Bavarian painter, Jakob Clauser, a contemporary and -associate of Holbein. A painting of “Christ taken Prisoner,” some years -later in date, is now only known from an engraving by W. Akersloot, done -in 1664. This is a very fine composition, with striking effects of -lighting produced by the flaming torches and a large lantern carried by -the soldiers, recalling the earlier picture in the first “Passion” -series on canvas, as well as “The Arrest” in the Basel altar-piece and -the “Adoration of the Shepherds” at Freiburg. There are also two -etchings by Hollar after two lost works by Holbein, one representing the -“Lamentations over Christ after the taking down from the Cross” -(Parthey, 109), which appears to have been the central panel of a -triptych, and the other a figure of “St. Barbara” in a landscape -(Parthey, 176), which bears a close resemblance to the glass design -representing the same saint in the Basel Gallery, described in a later -chapter.[200] Finally, there is a series of nine paintings on canvas, -representing the Prophets, shown in pairs, now in the Basel Gallery, and -coming from the Faesch Collection. According to the Faesch inventory, -these are copies made by Bartholomäus Sarburgh after Holbein, and Patin -states that the originals, which have now disappeared, were taken by -Sarburgh to Belgium.[201] These copies and engravings have all been -reproduced by Dr. Ganz in his latest work on the master.[202] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 29. - - -[Illustration: - - ADORATION OF THE SHEPHERDS - Inner side of the left wing - of the Oberried Altar-piece - UNIVERSITY CHAPEL, FREIBURG MINSTER -] - - -[Illustration: - - ADORATION OF THE KINGS - Inner side of the right wing - of the Oberried Altar-piece - UNIVERSITY CHAPEL, FREIBURG MINSTER -] - -[Sidenote: “THE NATIVITY”] - -Among those which escaped the fury of the iconoclasts only one or two -are dated, but all of them were produced between the years 1519 and -1526. One of the earliest, “The Last Supper,” has been already -described; two others of about the same date are now in the University -Chapel of the minster at Freiburg-im-Breisgau. They are the two wings of -an altar-piece, with curved tops, representing “The Nativity” and “The -Adoration of the Kings” (Pl. 29).[203] In both panels the artist has -striven to achieve striking contrasts of light and shade. In “The -Nativity” the figures, which are very small, are placed amid the ruined -splendours of some palace of Renaissance architecture, with tall marble -pillars, carved capitals, and shattered arches, through which the light -of the moon, cloud-obscured, glimmers faintly. The chief illumination -emanates from the Infant Christ, who lies, a small nude figure, on his -white-covered little bed. The soft, supernatural brilliance lights up -the faces and figures of Mary and Joseph, who bend over the Child in -adoration. This unusual effect of lighting is also to be found in a -second painting of “The Nativity” in Freiburg Minster, a fine example of -the work of Hans Baldung Grien, completed in 1516; and again in -Correggio’s famous “Night,” painted some years later. In Holbein’s -picture this light also plays over the small angels who surround the -bed, and less brightly on the figure of one of the shepherds peering -round a pillar on the left, and on the undersides of the arches -overhead. The wings of the attendant angels, instead of springing from -the shoulders, grow along and form part of the arms, apparently an -original conception of the painter’s.[204] In the distance, forming a -radiant patch of light amid the darkness of the background, is seen the -angel who is hastening to carry the glad tidings to the shepherds. -Above, in the sky, the moon also bends and does homage to the new-born -Child; to suggest this, Holbein has represented its disc as turned down -towards the bed, and foreshortened.[205] The source from which this -arrangement was taken was the passage in the Apocrypha: “And behold the -cave was filled with a light, surpassing the brilliancy of tapers and -torches and greater than sunlight.” The effect of the gradually -diminishing radiance, which finally loses itself amid the dimly seen -ruins, where it mingles with the pale effulgence of the moon, has been -finely rendered, and though the picture has suffered some damage, it -still retains much of its charm, particularly in the small figures of -the angels with their graceful gestures. - -In the “Adoration of the Kings,” the personages are grouped in front of -a great half-ruined building, more massive and less ornate than the one -in the “Nativity,” whose walls and broken towers, upon which vegetation -grows, recede into the distance. Overhead shines the Star of Bethlehem, -which has guided the kings on their journey, so bright, in spite of the -clouds which partly veil it, as to make the daylight seem almost dark. -One of the members of the retinue is gazing upwards at it, and is forced -to shield his eyes with his hand, so great is its brilliance. The Virgin -is seated with the Child on her knees, before whom the eldest king, an -old man with a long grey beard, and dressed in a red robe and a large -ermine cape, is kneeling in adoration and offering a golden cup. On the -left stands the Moorish king, in white, waiting his turn to present his -gifts, and in front of him is a greyhound, which also is looking towards -the Child. The second of the three worshippers is on the right, a -dark-bearded man, with white ribbons fluttering from his crown, and his -offering held in front of him. Numerous figures of attendants are seen -in the background. In both pictures the head of Mary is a very -expressive one. In a narrow compartment at the bottom of each panel the -donor, Hans Oberried, and his family are represented kneeling in a long -row. On the one side, under the “Nativity,” are the donor and his six -sons; on the other, under the “Adoration,” his wife, Amalie -Tschekkenbürlin, and his four daughters. At the front of each row of -figures is a shield with the coat of arms of the two families. - -These two panels, which were once the wings of an arched altar-piece, -the centre panel of which has disappeared, have suffered considerably in -the course of their wanderings, more particularly the “Adoration,” from -injudicious repaintings and repairs, so that much of the beauty of the -original colouring has been lost. They appear to have been among -Holbein’s earliest sacred works after his return from Lucerne, and in -them German and Italian influences are commingled; but in spite of their -charm and _naïveté_, they do not show that mastery of technique which is -already to be found in such a portrait as that of Amerbach, though this -no doubt is largely owing to repairs and restoration by some later hand. -This less assured touch is particularly noticeable in the figures of the -donor and his family. - -They were a commission from the merchant Hans Oberried, a native of -Freiburg, at the time a town councillor of Basel, in which town he had -been resident for nearly thirty years, but who, as an adherent of the -Catholic party, was dismissed from office during the religious -disturbances of 1529. He therefore renounced his citizenship, and, like -Erasmus and Amerbach, left the town and returned to Freiburg, where -members of his family still lived. It has been suggested that he ordered -this altar-piece of Holbein for presentation to the church of the -Carthusian Monastery in Basel, in which a near relative of his wife’s, -Hieronymus Tschekkenbürlin, was prior. This monastery was in Little -Basel, where the Catholic party were in the ascendant, so that some of -their pictures and church ornaments were saved from the fury of the mob. -Oberried may, therefore, have succeeded in carrying off the two panels -with him, though forced to leave the centre one behind, as too big for -concealment. His name occurs on one occasion in the Basel town records -in connection with Holbein. On September 14, 1521, the Council paid to -him a sum of money due to the painter—probably in connection with the -Town Hall wall-paintings—which was possibly in discharge of a debt which -the councillor had failed to obtain from the artist.[206] - -Oberried died in the same year as the painter, 1543, but the two panels -do not appear to have been placed in the chapel of the minster until -October 17, 1554, on which day the altar over which they hang was -consecrated. With the exception of two short intervals, they have -remained ever since in Freiburg. During the Thirty Years War they were -sent to Schaffhausen for safety. From there the Elector Maximilian I of -Bavaria had them brought to Munich for his inspection, and later on they -were taken to Ratisbon, in order to be shown to the Emperor Ferdinand -III. In 1796 they were carried away by the French, but were returned -from Colmar in 1808.[207] They were then replaced over the altar of the -University Chapel in the choir of the minster, where they still remain, -the only church paintings by Holbein still to be found hanging within -the walls of a consecrated building. About the time of their return from -France they appear to have undergone a severe restoration. - -[Sidenote: “PASSION OF CHRIST” ALTAR-PIECE] - -The altar-piece in the Basel Gallery (No. 315) (Pl. 30),[208] consisting -of eight scenes from the Passion of Christ, on four upright panels, -forming the wings of a triptych, was evidently painted after Holbein’s -return from those wanderings which took him for a short period over the -Alps, for in composition and colour-scheme it displays a marked North -Italian influence. At one time it was regarded throughout Switzerland as -Holbein’s masterpiece. Nothing is known of its early history, but it was -held in the highest estimation throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth -centuries. According to tradition, it was originally painted for the -cathedral of Basel, and was, by some means or other, saved from -destruction during the troubles of 1529. In this case tradition appears -to have probability on its side.[209] On November 5, 1770, it was -removed from the Basel Town Hall, where it had been hanging for more -than two hundred years, and was placed in the Library among the other -art treasures of the city, in which building the collection was housed -until the present Gallery was built. Numerous early references to it are -to be found which testify to its great reputation in the past. Sandrart -was enthusiastic in its praises. “The most excellent and the crown of -all his art,” he wrote, “is the Passion of Christ, painted on a panel in -eight compartments, and preserved in the Town Hall at Basel; a work in -which all that art can do is to be found, both as regards the devotion -and the grace of the persons represented, whether religious or secular, -or of a higher or lower class, and with respect to the figures, -building, landscape, day and night. This panel testifies to the honour -and fame of its master, giving place to none either in Germany or Italy, -and justly bearing the laurel wreath among ancient works.”[210] - -Sandrart, when painting the portrait of Maximilian I of Bavaria, who was -a great art-collector, spoke so highly of this work that the latter -determined to possess it. He is said to have offered the Baselers any -price they liked to put upon it; and, having already succeeded in -tempting the Nurembergers to part with Dürer’s “Apostles,” although the -painter had bequeathed them to his native city, he hoped to be equally -successful in this instance; but the Basel councillors were less -mercenary, and refused his offer. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 30. - - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: - - THE PASSION OF CHRIST - Outer sides of the Wings of an Altar-Piece - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: “PASSION OF CHRIST” ALTAR-PIECE] - -In more recent days this altar-piece has been subjected to severe and -unfavourable criticism. Rumohr refused to accept Holbein as its author, -and Mr. Wornum regarded it as a careful work by the elder Holbein, -though better in grouping and decoration than was usual with him. He -could not see in it any sign of the younger Holbein’s stupendous power -of grasping and representing individual character, and thought that -though the composition might possibly be his, the actual painting was -certainly the work of some other hand.[211] Unfortunately, in 1771, -immediately after the picture’s transference from the Town Hall to the -Library, it was placed in the hands of Nikolaus Grooth of Stuttgart for -restoration, who succeeded only too well in removing all the original -beauty of the colouring, though leaving the drawing much as he found it. -Though following to the best of his ability Holbein’s colour-scheme, he -completely destroyed its harmony, and obliterated all signs of the -delicacy of the painter’s brushwork by the garish tones and smooth -finish which he gave to the whole surface.[212] The picture thus retains -little of its early beauty, charm, and freshness, but in spite of the -superadded paint of the restorer, it is an undoubted and an important -work by the master of about the year 1520. This can be seen most -clearly, perhaps, when the picture is studied from photographs, in which -the eye is not misled by gaudy and inharmonious colour. It is, no doubt, -owing to this painful restoration that more than one earlier writer has -refused to regard it as Holbein’s handiwork. On the other hand, Woltmann -was of opinion that Grooth’s restoration was limited to careful cleaning -and slight retouching, and he states that this is proved by existing -records in the minutes of the University.[213] The general effect of the -small pictures of which it is composed is also marred by the heavy -upright bars of the gold frame which divide each wing into two parts. - -The top is circular, and Holbein has divided each panel into two by a -horizontal band of scroll and leaf ornament in gold. The four scenes in -the upper half, running from left to right, are “Christ on the Mount of -Olives,” “The Kiss of Judas,” “Christ before the High Priest,” and “The -Scourging”; and in the lower half, “Christ Mocked,” “Christ bearing the -Cross,” “The Crucifixion,” and “The Burial.” This arrangement gives a -series of high, narrow compartments, about 26 in. high by 13 in. wide, -and in the filling of them the artist has adapted his composition to -this somewhat unusual shape with remarkable skill. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 31. - - -[Illustration: - - CHRIST BEARING THE CROSS - Details of the outer sides of the wings of the “Passion” Altar-piece - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Illustration: - - THE CRUCIFIXION - Details of the outer sides of the wings of the “Passion” Altar-piece - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: “NOLI ME TANGERE” AT HAMPTON COURT] - -In spite of the cruel treatment to which it has been subjected, enough -of Holbein’s original work remains to show a striking advance in -composition, power of conception, and dramatic feeling when compared -with the “Passion” pictures produced by the two brothers some four or -five years earlier. Each one of the subjects forms a small but complete -picture in itself, but at the same time they have been combined, by a -judicious arrangement of light and shade, into one harmonious whole. In -each composition the story is told with considerable dramatic force, and -the facial types are in most cases less grotesque than in the earlier -“Passion,” in which an exaggerated ugliness of feature is made use of in -order to bring home to the spectator the hateful character of the -persecutors of Christ. Here and there the drawing is somewhat faulty, -more particularly where violent action is shown, as in the movements of -the soldiers with whips and rods in “The Scourging.” In several of the -scenes the lighting is managed with admirable effect. In “Christ on the -Mount of Olives” the black darkness of the night is brightly illuminated -by the flying angel upholding the Cross, the radiance falling upon the -uplifted face of the kneeling Saviour and on the heads of the disciples -sleeping at his side, while in the distance the light from a single -torch glitters on the helmets of the advancing soldiers. In the next two -scenes the light comes entirely from the torches of the soldiery. In the -“Kiss of Judas” it illuminates the trunk and lower branches of a great -tree, the heads of Christ and Judas, and the uplifted spears and -battle-axes of the mob of gesticulating and shouting men who are roughly -binding their captive. In the foreground St. Peter, kneeling over the -body of Malchus, holds the knife aloft with which he is about to strike -off the latter’s ear. The scene is full of dramatic movement. In “Christ -before the High Priest,” the torches light up the front of an elaborate -Renaissance building and the raised seat of Caiaphas. Both the -“Scourging” and “Mocking” take place within the interior of an equally -elaborate edifice, with large arches and marble pillars, the light in -the former coming through circular windows. In the “Scourging” the -utmost vehemence is displayed in the actions of the soldiers; in the -“Mocking” the figure of Christ has great nobility of character. In -“Christ bearing the Cross” (Pl. 31 (1)) the foreground is crowded with -figures issuing through the gateway of the town, one of the round towers -of which rises to the top of the picture, while in the distance are seen -the walls and roofs and bridges of a city by a river, with horsemen and -other figures, and lofty snow mountains in the background. In “Christ on -the Cross” (Pl. 31 (2)) the three crucified figures stand out strongly -against an inky black background. In the final scene the dead body of -Christ is borne across a green meadow towards the entrance to the tomb, -which is cut in a lofty rock, in the fissures of which trees and bushes -are growing, while some way off the Virgin and others with her stand -overcome with grief. The whole composition of this altar-piece shows the -influence of Holbein’s Italian visit in more ways than one; and in it he -has abandoned to a very great extent the earlier practice of his country -in the figures of his soldiers, who are no longer dressed in the German -costume of his day, but in the Roman helmet and accoutrements such as he -must have seen in contemporary Italian pictures, more particularly those -of Mantegna. Although the types of some of the heads are distinctly -German, recalling similar heads in his father’s pictures and his own -earlier works, the predominating influence is Italian. At about the time -of his visit to Italy Luini and Gaudenzio Ferrari were at work together -upon the screen for the ancona in the chapel of Sant’ Abbondio in the -cathedral at Como, and it is suggested, not only that Holbein must have -studied this, and earlier works by the two Italian masters in the same -building, such as the great altar-piece in the Sant’ Abbondio Chapel now -regarded as largely Ferrari’s work, and the beautiful altar-piece by -Luini in the neighbouring chapel of St. Jerome, but that possibly he -also entered the studio of one or the other of them for a short period. -Reminiscences of Ferrari in particular can be traced in this and other -sacred paintings produced by Holbein at about this time.[214] For his -background motives he appears to have made use in some instances of -buildings close at hand; in others traces of his journey over the Alps -can be seen. Thus, in the “Scourging” the setting recalls the Romanesque -architecture of the neighbouring church of Othmarsheim, that of the -“Mocking” the interior of the cathedral of Basel, while the round tower -in the “Cross-Bearing” resembles the flanking towers to one of the gates -of the same city.[215] - -The small picture of “Mary Magdalen at the Holy Sepulchre,” or “Noli Me -Tangere,”[216] in Hampton Court Palace (No. 599) (Pl. 32), is closely -allied to the Basel altar-piece, and was probably painted at about the -same period, possibly in 1520 or the following year. The light of dawn -is stealing over the landscape, driving away the darkness of night, well -suggesting “the early morning, when it was yet dark.” On the right rises -a great rock, with trees and bushes growing over it, and at its base the -square opening of the tomb, from which issues a dim, supernatural light, -making visible the two angels in white raiment seated at the head and -foot of the grave. In the centre of the foreground stands Mary Magdalen, -a look of wonder on her face, holding a marble vase of spikenard in her -left hand, and the right stretched out towards the risen Christ, who -shrinks back, both hands held up with a gesture of repulsion, as he -exclaims, “Touch Me not.” Mary’s head is bound with a turban, and a dark -cloak almost covers her dress. This figure is reminiscent of an Italian -model. In the distance are seen the small figures of Peter and John, -hastening away from the empty sepulchre to spread the news of the -Resurrection. Peter, still doubting his eyes, is eagerly gesticulating -as he strides over the ground, while John, who “saw and believed,” walks -more calmly by his side. Behind them rises a tall tree into the dim -morning sky, of the pyramidal shape so familiar in Italian paintings of -the period, while in the background the breaking dawn lights the crosses -on Calvary. It is, as Knackfuss says, “a wonderful masterpiece of -poetical painting.”[217] - -The face of Our Lord bears a strong resemblance to that of the Christ in -the “Christ before the High Priest” subject in the Basel altar-piece. -Indeed, both in treatment and feeling, there is a close resemblance -between these two works. The landscape in the Hampton Court picture has -much in common with that of “Christ on the Mount of Olives” and of “The -Entombment” of the altar-painting. In the latter, too, is to be found -the same bush-grown rock of yellow colour, with the square opening of -the sepulchre, while in each picture the light and shade and colouring -are much alike. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 32. - - -[Illustration: - - “NOLI ME TANGERE” - Christ appearing to Mary Magdalen - HAMPTON COURT -] - -When attention was first called to this work some forty years ago, -critics were divided in their opinions as to its authorship. Dr. -Woltmann ascribed it to Bartholomäus Bruyn, and several other names in -place of Holbein’s have been suggested from time to time. His latest -English biographer, Mr. Gerald Davies, assigns it to “a painter of the -German school, who had probably seen and been deeply influenced by the -grave and earnest works of Holbein at Basel.” “Neither on the grounds of -its design nor of its technique,” he says, “do I find myself able to -accept it as a work of Holbein,” and he proceeds to draw attention to -“the angular and uncouth projection of the forward leg in the figure of -our Lord, an exaggeration which is repeated with even more unnatural -emphasis in the distant figure of St. Peter as he walks and gesticulates -at the side of St. John. The action, moreover, of the hands of the chief -figure, intended to be expressive of the “Noli Me Tangere,” is somewhat -exaggerated and theatrical.”[218] He calls attention to other details -which he thinks prove that the work cannot be from Holbein’s brush. The -type of the head, however, and the action of the hands, as well as the -position of the feet, very closely resemble more than one of Holbein’s -small figures in his designs for woodcuts, more particularly the Christ -in one of the little pictures on the frontispiece to Coverdale’s Bible, -in which the action is almost identical, while other instances could be -given. The picture has suffered in the course of time, and, like the -Basel altar-piece, has not escaped repainting in parts, but remains -nevertheless an undoubted example of Holbein’s sacred art at, or shortly -after, the period when he had just settled down in Basel as a member of -the Guild “zum Himmel.” Modern German criticism is agreed as to its -authorship. Dr. Ganz places it at the end of Holbein’s first visit to -England. - -[Sidenote: “NOLI ME TANGERE” AT HAMPTON COURT] - -This picture has been in the royal collections of England since the -reign of Henry VIII, and in the inventory of his pictures at Whitehall, -taken at his death in 1547, it was entered as “Item, a table with the -picture of our Lord appearing to Mary Magdalen” (No. 33), while it -occurs again in that of James II (No. 520), “Our Saviour appearing to -Mary Magdalen in the garden.” That in those early days the picture was -regarded as a work of Holbein’s is proved by an entry in Evelyn’s -_Diary_, under the date September 2, 1680, describing several days spent -by him in the examination of the contents of the library and private -rooms at Whitehall during the absence of Charles II at Windsor. He says: -“In the rest of the private lodgings contiguous to this (_i.e._ the -library), are divers of the best pictures of the great masters, Raphael, -Titian, &c., and, in my esteeme, above all, the _Noli me tangere of our -blessed Saviour to Mary Magdalen after his Resurrection_, of Hans -Holbein, then which I never saw so much reverence and kind of heavenly -astonishment express’d in a picture.” Nothing is known of its earlier -history, or how it came to England, but it is not unnatural to suppose -that it was brought over by Holbein himself, as an easily portable -example of his powers as a painter of sacred subjects. It is doubly -valuable as being the only work by him of this particular class now -remaining in this country. On the other hand, it is quite possible that -it was painted in England in 1527 for one of his new patrons. Mr. Ernest -Law points out that there is a rendering of this same subject by Lambert -Sustris, a German painter, and pupil of Christopher Schwartz of Munich, -who flourished about the end of the sixteenth century. This last-named -work, both in the figure of Christ, and in several other points, bears a -close resemblance to the Hampton Court picture, to which, indeed, it may -have owed its inspiration.[219] - -Holbein’s rapidly-maturing mastery of technique and power in expressing -the most poignant emotion, as well as his complete understanding of the -architecture of the Renaissance and skill in making brilliant use of it -as a setting for his figures, is shown in two panels in the Basel -Gallery, which at one time evidently formed a small diptych such as -would be used in some household chapel. They represent “Christ as the -Man of Sorrows” and “Mary as Mater Dolorosa” (No. 317) (Pl. 33),[220] -and are carried out in a brown monochrome, with the exception of the sky -seen through the arches, which is a bright blue, the two contrasted -tones producing a very harmonious colour effect. In each panel the -background consists of an elaborate arrangement of pillars, arches, and -vaulting, richly carved and decorated with panels, friezes, and -medallions of ornament, which recall the very similar fantastic details -of Renaissance architecture in the left wing of the Freiburg -altar-piece, and more than one of his designs for painted glass of this -period.[221] In the “Mater Dolorosa” one of the friezes represents a -band of small naked putti, which, according to Dr. Kœgler, is based upon -a similar frieze in the cathedral of Como,[222] while other figure -subjects are contained in the medallions; in the “Man of Sorrows” the -decoration is entirely of floriated ornament. The general effect -produced is one of great richness, almost superabundance, of -ornamentation, and lavishness of architectural detail. In spite of this, -the two figures are not overwhelmed by it, but at once arrest the -attention. Christ is seated on the steps between two pillars, nude, with -the exception of a loin-cloth, crowned with thorns, his head sinking in -agony on his left shoulder. Mary, a veil over her head, and the folds of -her robes falling in straight parallel lines, kneels with open, -outstretched hands, and gazes with grief-stricken countenance at the -Saviour’s sufferings. Very reverent feeling is shown in the conception -of each figure. The nude form of Christ indicates a very accurate study -of the human body, while the expression of pain and intense sorrow has -been admirably seized. The solitude of this grief-stricken figure is -intensified by the grandeur and richness of the building in which he is -seated, deserted by all men. An equally fine conception of deep though -restrained sorrow is shown in the face of the Virgin, and in the -beautiful, expressive hands. A peculiarity of this diptych is that the -horizon is placed below the level of the picture, although it is so -small that it can never have been intended for hanging at a considerable -height, such as the arrangement of the horizon-line would suggest. It -may be, therefore, that it is the preliminary study for some larger -wall-painting, finished with unusual care, or a reduced copy made by -Holbein from some altar-piece of his which has now disappeared, probably -during the disturbances of 1529. It forms part of the Amerbach -Collection, and is described in the catalogue as: “Item zwei H. Holbeins -mit olfarb gmalte täfelin darin Christus vnd Maria in eim ghüs, mit -steinfarb.” - - - VOL. I., PLATE 33. - - -[Illustration: - - CHRIST, THE MAN OF SORROWS - Diptych, painted in brown monochrome, with blue sky - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Illustration: - - MARY, MATER DOLOROSA - Diptych, painted in brown monochrome, with blue sky - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: DRAWING OF THE “HOLY FAMILY”] - -There is a drawing in the Basel Gallery representing the “Holy Family” -(Pl. 34),[223] which is remarkable for the rich setting of Renaissance -architecture in which Holbein has placed his figures. The arrangement is -so elaborate that the latter at first appear to be of only secondary -importance. On the topmost of a flight of steps the Infant Christ is -learning to walk, his hands held by his mother and Anna, who are seated -on either side of him. On the left the aged Joachim, whose pronounced -features recall more than one head in the earlier “Passion” series, is -looking on from behind a pillar, while Joseph stands with his arm round -another pillar on the opposite side. Behind the group is a semicircular -niche, the upper part scalloped like a shell, supported by columns and -outstanding pillars, the latter with a sculptured frieze of putti round -the base. The capitals of the columns and the frieze which they support -are decorated with foliated designs in which figures are mingled. A -lunette in the arch which crowns the niche is ornamented in a similar -way, and contains a tablet with the signature “Hans Hol.” Over a -projecting cornice is a sculptured figure of Samson slaying the lion. -The architectural motive throughout is strongly Italian, and, indeed, in -parts bears a striking resemblance to the Porta della Rana of the -cathedral of Como,[224] while the whole drawing furnishes still further -strong evidence that Holbein must have crossed the Alps, and that -designs such as this were not mere efforts of his imagination. It is a -pen drawing on a brown-red ground, washed with grey-black and heightened -with white in the parts where the light falls, and its date is about -1520 or 1521. It is a study for a picture, or, more probably, for a -wall-painting, to be placed at some height, as the horizon-line is well -below the level of the ground. The strongly-marked perspective of the -background, too, which slants rapidly towards the right, suggests such a -purpose, and that it was to form the left wing of some considerable -scheme of wall decoration, with a more important central subject, and a -corresponding right wing. A smaller drawing, also at Basel, of the same -date and style, a pen and wash drawing, heightened with white on a grey -ground, represents the Virgin, seated on a similar high step between two -pillars, suckling the Child.[225] With the exception of the two columns, -one of which is unfinished, the background is left blank, but in the -painting for which it was a study it is natural to suppose that the -architectural setting would have been as elaborate as in the “Holy -Family,” which it resembles in its low horizon-line. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 34. - - -[Illustration: - - THE HOLY FAMILY - _Washed drawing on a red ground_ - BASEL GALLERY -] - -There is a third drawing, in the Städtisches Museum, Leipzig, which -belongs to the same period as the two just described, and has many -points in common with them.[226] It is a pen drawing heightened with -white on a dark grey ground, and represents the Madonna seated on a -stone bench over which her cloak is spread, supporting the Infant Christ -in his first attempts to walk. The Child, with one arm and leg uplifted, -is laughing with delight, and the attitude of the Virgin, with head bent -down, and her long hair blown on one side as though by a breeze, is one -of great beauty. In this arrangement of the hair, though more free, and -in the type of the Madonna’s face, though more beautiful, this drawing -bears a close resemblance to the more elaborate of the two in the -Amerbach Collection. It is signed and dated “H. H.” and “1519” on two -panels on either side of the carpet or pavement beneath the Virgin’s -feet, and was possibly made shortly after Holbein’s return from Lucerne -to Basel. It is a most sympathetic and natural study of maternal love -and the happiness of childhood, and has a grace and charm which the two -other drawings, made at about the same date, do not possess in the same -degree.[227] - -[Sidenote: THE “DEAD CHRIST IN THE TOMB”] - -After the early “Cross-Bearing” panel of 1515 at Karlsruhe, there is no -dated picture among this group of sacred paintings until the “Dead -Christ in the Tomb,” in the Basel Gallery (No. 318), of the year 1521, -is reached (Pl. 35).[228] This remarkable work, which forms part of the -Amerbach Collection, is a life-size study of a dead man, and one whose -end has, perhaps, been brought about by violence. Holbein has painted -the corpse upon a long, low panel, and has represented it as lying -enclosed within the narrow confines of a tomb of plain marble of a -greenish hue, the side facing the spectator being removed in order to -permit a view of the interior. The body, which almost fills the narrow -space, rests on its back on a plain white cloth, over which the long -dark hair falls. The head is seen almost in profile, but very slightly -turned towards the front, the short brown beard pointing directly -upwards. The light comes from some small aperture low down at the foot -of the tomb, and falls on the soles of the feet, and illuminates the -lower side of each prominent feature of the body, such as the under -parts of the chin, the white swollen lips of the open mouth, the nose, -and the eyebrows, leaving other portions in shadow, and thus -intensifying the feeling of horror which the picture at first produces. -It shows that Holbein, at the age of twenty-four, had attained a -complete mastery of technical expression, for it is painful in the -completeness of its realism. The rigidity of the limbs, the haggard -cheeks with strongly-projecting bones, the staring, half-sunken eyes, -the lifeless skin, the colourless face with bloodless lips, the -emaciated body with its ribs standing out, have all been set down with -relentless accuracy. The indication of decay in the hands and feet, and -in the flesh turning green round the wounds in the side, helps to -intensify the terror and horror of death which the picture is intended -to depict. It was evidently painted from some dead body, how obtained it -is impossible to say, but, according to an old tradition, his model was -the corpse of a man just taken out of the Rhine by the Rhine Bridge. -Holbein’s object in painting it was undoubtedly to give as complete a -rendering as possible of the physical aspects of death as seen in a body -approaching decay. It is hardly to be believed that it was his original -intention to paint a picture of the “Dead Christ,” and that for the -purpose he made search in Basel for a corpse to serve as his model. It -is much more natural to suppose that, having painted this vividly -realistic study, which no patron was likely to purchase, he made it of -marketable value by adding the wounds and the title, and so turning it -into a “Christ in the Tomb.” This is borne out by Basilius Amerbach’s -entry in his inventory. He calls it “A picture of a dead man, with the -title Jesus of Nazareth” (“Ein todten bild H. Holbeins vf holtz mit -ölfarben cum titulo Iesus Nazarenus rex”). This Latin title, in large -gold Roman letters, runs across a long strip at the top of the picture, -a part of the old frame, and between each word is placed a small angel -bearing the instruments of Christ’s torture. It is from this -superscription, and from the stigmata, that the work receives its only -sacred significance; in all other respects it is a remorseless, almost -revolting, study of some man who has died a violent death, a man with -features of no physical beauty, and in no way resembling Holbein’s -customary type of the Christ. There is nothing of the dignity or the -supernatural beauty which so often irradiate the inanimate countenance -shortly after life has passed away; but, regarded as a work of art, the -picture is in the highest sense one of great beauty by reason of the -mastery of its technical achievement, the knowledge it displays of the -human body, its absolute truth to nature, and the harmony of its -colouring. The contrast of the warm olive green of the sarcophagus with -the pale grey tones of the flesh produces an admirable effect. On a -darker slab at the feet is the inscription “MDXXI. H.H.” A further touch -of realism is shown in the large crack in the marble at the back of this -slab. - -Possibly this picture found a place in one of the Basel churches; it has -been suggested by Woltmann[229] that it once formed the predella to some -altar-piece representing Christ’s Passion, and this, no doubt, is -correct, though for the reasons given above it does not seem likely that -the artist originally painted it for that purpose. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 35. - - -[Illustration: - - THE DEAD CHRIST IN THE TOMB - Predella of an Altar-piece - 1521 - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: THE “SOLOTHURN MADONNA”] - -This “Dead Christ” remains an isolated example among the many varied -sides of Holbein’s art. In the following year, in the “Solothurn -Madonna” (Pl. 36)[230] he combines truth in the delineation of the human -figure with physical and spiritual beauty, and reaches great dignity and -nobility in his conception of character. This picture, with the -exception of the “Meyer Madonna,” is the most important and beautiful -altar-panel from Holbein’s brush that has survived, though by no means -in its original condition. - -The composition consists of only four figures. The Virgin is seated in -the centre, upon a small platform covered with a carpet, holding the -Infant Christ on her lap, and, standing on either side, are St. -Nicholas,[231] and St. Ursus, the patron saint of Solothurn. The Virgin -is clad in a light-red robe, and over it a bright-blue sleeveless -mantle, fastened round the neck with a cord, which hangs in somewhat -straight and simple folds and spreads over the carpet at her feet, an -ample garment wide enough to cover all who seek her protection. Her -golden hair falls upon both shoulders, the upper part of the head being -covered with a veil of thin, transparent gauze, surmounted by a golden -crown of very decorative design studded with precious stones. She holds -the nude Child upon her knees, her right hand grasping one chubby little -leg, while the other is placed under his left arm. The head is perhaps -the most attractive and sympathetic of all Holbein’s representations of -the Madonna. There is a sweetness, modesty, and purity in its -expression, and a quiet dignity which personify in the happiest manner -the beauty of divine motherhood, and betray stronger evidences than had -hitherto appeared in his work of the marked effect of his study of the -paintings of contemporary Italian artists. The face is round and full, -and of the German type, and in its features by no means one of ideal -loveliness, but the happy and tender smile which hovers on the lips, and -the deep maternal love which shines in the eyes, give to it a very real -and arresting beauty of its own. The plump, round-headed Child is a -delightful study from real life. The foreshortening of the little feet, -with their crinkled-up toes and the delicately-traced folds in the skin, -is admirable, and the small fat hands, one of which is turned away from -the body with the palm upwards, a characteristic attitude with small -children, are full of expression. The right hand is held as though in -the act of benediction. - -St. Ursus, the patron saint of the church, and one of the martyrs of the -Theban Legion, stands on the spectator’s right, a noble and dignified -figure, clad from head to foot in plate armour of a fashion still worn -in Holbein’s day. His helmet is decorated with ostrich feathers, and one -gauntleted hand grasps the hilt of his great sword, while with the other -he holds the banner of the Legion, a large red flag with a white cross, -which reaches almost to the top of the picture. He appears a true -soldier of the Church, with his dignified and martial bearing, his keen -eye and determined mouth, half hidden by the dark moustache, each hair -of which has been carefully drawn in the manner which Holbein practised -in portraiture throughout his life. The colours of the flag are -reflected in the highly-polished surface of his armour. On the opposite -side stands St. Nicholas, the patron saint of the poor. He is dressed in -ecclesiastical vestments of great splendour, which have evidently been -copied by the painter from some existing example, dating from an earlier -period than that of the painting. Over his violet chasuble are rich -embroideries in gold and colours, with representations of the Centurion -of Capernaum before Christ, the Saviour before Caiaphas, and the -Crowning with Thorns. The red mitre is embroidered with gold and pearls, -and, as recently pointed out by Dr. Ganz,[232] the figure of St. -Nicholas himself, with his attributes, a book and three golden balls. In -his left hand he holds his pastoral staff, and with the other drops alms -into a bowl held up by a kneeling beggar at his feet. The beardless face -is refined and delicate, and its spiritual character is in marked -contrast to the vigorous and manly expression of the knightly saint who -stands facing him. Only the uplifted face of the beggar, and the one -hand which holds the alms-bowl, are shown. He appears as one of the -attributes of the saint, and the artist has only indicated enough of his -form to make this clear; otherwise he is almost entirely concealed -behind the Virgin’s voluminous mantle. There is nothing here of the -painful realism of poverty and disease such as is shown in the kneeling -figures in the “St. Elizabeth of Hungary” wing of the “St. Sebastian” -altar-piece of the elder Holbein at Munich, or in the son’s earlier -Passion pictures in Basel. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 36. - - -[Illustration: - - THE VIRGIN AND CHILD, WITH ST. URSUS AND A HOLY BISHOP - 1522 - SOLOTHURN GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: THE “SOLOTHURN MADONNA”] - -Holbein’s art had reached a point in its development when such realistic -methods of bringing home to the spectator the lessons his pictures were -intended to convey were discarded. - -A peculiarity of the picture is the exceedingly simple setting in which -the figures are placed; whereas Holbein’s usual practice at this period -of his life was to make an almost lavish use of architectural -ornamentation in his backgrounds. In the “Solothurn Madonna” it consists -of a perfectly plain round archway of stone, quite free from sculptured -decoration, across which two thick iron bars are placed, fixed into the -stonework as though to strengthen it, with upright cross bars running to -the crown of the arch. It has been suggested that the vaulting of the -church for which the picture was intended was supported and strengthened -in the same way, and that Holbein introduced it into his altar-piece in -order that it might be in perfect harmony with its surroundings; but the -motive appears in more than one of the backgrounds to Ferrari’s -pictures, such as the “Flagellation,” one of the great series of -frescoes in the church of S. M. delle Grazie, at Varallo,[233] finished -in 1513. Through this open archway a pale-blue sky is seen, against -which the Virgin’s crown stands out. The light increases in brightness -as it nears the Madonna’s head, thus forming a natural halo. This -simplicity of treatment is also to be observed in other details. The -Virgin is not seated upon an elaborate throne, but on some low seat or -stool which cannot be seen. The carpet at her feet, covering the stone -step, is green, with a geometrical diamond pattern in white and red, and -two shields inset containing the arms of the donor and his wife,[234] -which are partly hidden and protected by the Virgin’s cloak. Below St. -Ursus the monogram “H. H.” and the date “1522” are painted as though cut -in the stone step. - -The Virgin and the Infant Christ in this picture appear to be idealised -portraits of Holbein’s wife and first-born child. All available evidence -indicates either 1520 or 1521 as the date of his marriage, shortly -before or after he became a citizen of Basel, so that his own child may -well have served him as his model. Hans Bock the elder, the artist who -was employed by the Basel Council to renovate Holbein’s wall-paintings -in the Town Hall, made a free copy of the figure of the Child in this -picture when he was in Solothurn in 1604 or the following year, and -depicted him with a serpent as the conqueror of sin.[235] This copy, now -in the Basel Gallery (No. 91), belonged to Amerbach, and was entered in -the catalogue as “A naked child sitting on a serpent, a copy of a -painting by Holbein, exactly copied in the greater part by H. Bock on -wood in oil colours.”[236] Woltmann describes a drawing of the same -child’s head, almost in profile, with the mother’s hand supporting it -under the left shoulder, as in the picture, in the Weigel Collection, -Leipzig, a silver-point drawing, signed and dated, “Hans Holbein, -1522.”[237] It has the same large, rather round head, short neck, and -high forehead, as in the painting, and it was probably a preliminary -sketch for it.[238] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 37. - - -[Illustration: - - PORTRAIT OF A YOUNG WOMAN, POSSIBLY HOLBEIN’S WIFE - ROYAL PICTURE GALLERY, MAURITSHUIS, THE HAGUE -] - -[Sidenote: HOLBEIN’S PORTRAIT OF HIS WIFE] - -In the head of the Madonna, although Holbein has idealised and -spiritualised his model, can be traced the predominant features of his -wife as shown in the portrait he painted of her with their two children -some seven years later, after his return from England to Basel in 1528, -though the face in the latter painting has become coarsened and bears -the marks of care and even sorrow, and has little in common with the -beautiful Solothurn head. The latter more closely resembles the very -fine portrait of a young woman in the Hague Gallery (No. 275) (Pl. -37),[239] which is now regarded by some critics as a likeness of -Holbein’s wife, painted just before or immediately after he married her, -in the earliest part of his second Basel period. This picture is one of -the strayed waifs from the royal collections of England, for it is -branded on the back with the crown and “C.R.,” which denote that it was -once in the possession of Charles I, in whose catalogue it was -attributed to Leonardo da Vinci. It appears afterwards to have been in -the Arundel Collection, and is most probably the portrait described in -the 1655 inventory as “ritratto della Moglie de Holbein,” which, after -the death of the Countess of Arundel, must have been sold in Amsterdam, -and purchased by some Dutch collector. It fetched 65 florins at the Joan -de Vries sale in 1738, and was afterwards in the G. van Slingelandt and -the William V of Orange collections. It is evidently not one of the -pictures taken over to Holland by William III during one of his visits -to the Hague, as has been suggested, for there is nothing to show that -it ever returned to the English royal collections, nor is it included in -the list of works unsuccessfully reclaimed by Queen Anne from the Dutch -States when she ascended the throne. Holbein’s authorship of this work -has been frequently disputed, some writers regarding it as a good old -copy after a lost original by the master, while others look upon it as a -fine original work by some Netherlandish contemporary of Holbein’s who -was strongly under his influence. Dr. Woltmann considered it to be most -probably by Holbein himself, and others have followed him in this -opinion. Dr. Ganz, in his recent book, includes it among the genuine -works of the second Basel period, and points out that the soft, tender -colour-scheme in which it has been carried out was the result of -Holbein’s recent visit to Italy, and explains its earlier attribution to -Leonardo.[240] When allowance is made for the passage of time, and the -troubles and cares which are supposed to have embittered Elsbeth -Holbein’s life, there is considerable likeness between this portrait of -a comely young _haus-frau_ and the wife in the portrait of 1528-9. This -is particularly to be noticed in the heavy-lidded, slightly-protruding -eyes, much more pronounced in the later picture, while the general shape -of the head and form of the features are alike in both. The likeness, -however, is not so striking as to make it absolutely certain that in the -Hague picture we have a portrait of Holbein’s bride. The work is without -inscription. She is represented seated, with her crossed hands resting -upon her white apron. Her hair is completely covered by a white gauze -veil which is carried under the chin, and her gown, edged and lined with -fur, is open at the front, showing the plain white, high-necked bodice -below. Whether by Holbein or not—and it is difficult to see who else -could have painted it—this picture has great charm. A recent writer[241] -speaks of this picture as leaving a vivid and permanent impression on -the spectator, by reason of the luminous freshness of its colour, the -delicate perfume of its purity, and the exquisite, limpid sweetness -which exhales from it as from a white rose under a blue sky in -spring-time. - -In the Louvre there is a silver-point drawing, touched with Indian -ink and red crayon, of the head and shoulders of a young woman (Pl. -38),[242] which bears considerable likeness both to the Solothurn -Madonna and to the portrait of 1528-9. She is represented almost -full face, with eyes cast down, and her straight hair falling in two -large plaits down her back. She wears a necklace with a pendant -circular medallion with the Cross of St. Anthony, and across the -border of her bodice, which is cut low and straight, runs the device -“ALS.IN.ERN.ALS.IN ...” (“In All Honour”).[243] The same -heavily-lidded eyes, prominent nose, well-chiselled mouth with its -full lips, double chin, and slope of the shoulders, occur both in -this drawing and in the Solothurn altar-piece, and are even more -strongly marked in the later portrait-group, though in this earlier -study the features as yet bear few traces of the trials and -experiences of life, but still retain much of their youthful bloom -and freshness, and gain a certain beauty from the happy smile which -lights them up. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 38. - - -[Illustration: - - HEAD OF A YOUNG WOMAN - (Probably Holbein’s wife) - Study for the Solothurn “Madonna” - _Silver-point drawing, touched with red_ - LOUVRE, PARIS -] - -[Sidenote: THE “SOLOTHURN MADONNA”] - -All writers, however, are not agreed in seeing in the Louvre drawing and -in the Solothurn Madonna an idealised portrait of Holbein’s wife. Those -who hold the contrary view regard it as almost impossible that so great -a change as that to be noted between the fair and youthful face of the -Madonna and that of the sad and careworn, elderly wife of the family -group could have taken place in the space of seven years. Mr. Gerald -Davies, who fails to see the likeness, regards the Louvre drawing as the -work, not of Holbein, but of his father, in which case it cannot be a -portrait of Holbein’s wife,[244] unless the elder painter spent some -time in Basel with his two sons, towards the end of his life, as stated -by earlier writers, of which there is no documentary record. It is, -however, impossible to agree with this writer in his ascription of this -drawing to Hans Holbein the Elder. Mrs. Fortescue, in her recent book on -the painter, weaves a romance around the Louvre drawing which has -nothing to support it but imagination. Her theory is that Holbein became -enamoured of his future wife shortly after his arrival in Basel, and -that he then made this drawing, the fashion of the hair showing that she -was still unmarried. The course of true love, however, did not run -smoothly, and the consequent disappointment was the real reason of his -“otherwise inexplicable” departure for Lucerne in 1517. During his two -years’ absence Elsbeth married the tanner Schmid, who not long -afterwards died, leaving her free to become the painter’s wife when he -renewed his suit shortly after his return to Basel. This is a pretty -little story, but there is not the slightest evidence to be found in -support of it.[245] On the other hand, Woltmann and Dr. Ganz are no -doubt correct in regarding the Louvre drawing as the actual first study -for the Solothurn Madonna. - -[Sidenote: ST. URSULA AND ST. GEORGE] - -The picture was commissioned by Hans Gerster, town archivist of Basel, -who was not a native of that city, but whose wife, Barbara Guldenknopf, -was a member of a local family. Among Gerster’s official duties was that -of conducting negotiations with the councils of neighbouring towns, and, -after Basel had entered the Swiss confederation in 1501, one of the -places to which his official duties frequently took him was Solothurn. -There he became a close friend of the Coadjutor Nikolaus von Diesbach, -dean of Solothurn Minster, whom he made his spiritual adviser. -Circumstances seem to indicate that in 1522 Gerster was under some -suspicion as to illegal dealings in the Imperial interests, which -eventually brought about his dismissal from office, at about the same -time as the fall of that other early patron of Holbein, Jakob Meyer, who -lost his seat in the Council through similar causes. It has been -suggested, therefore, that the picture was ordered for the Solothurn -Minster on the advice of the Coadjutor, in expiation of Gerster’s -irregular conduct. For the same reason, according to those who hold that -the saintly figure on the left represents the Bishop of Tours, St. -Martin was chosen as the particular saint to whom all sinners made -appeal, and was introduced as intercessor for the donor, while the -kneeling beggar may even be a portrait of the archivist himself. The -chasuble the saint wears is the one specially prescribed for this -office, while the figure of St. Nicholas on the mitre may have been -placed there in order to associate the donor’s friend, Nikolaus von -Diesbach, with the intercession. It is possible that the picture was a -commission for the St. Nicholas Chapel of the Minster, founded in 1520, -for the presence of St. Ursus, Solothurn’s patron saint, proves that it -was intended for that place.[246] As the years went by, it suffered from -neglect, and the name of the master who had painted it was forgotten, so -that when, in 1648, this chapel was pulled down and rebuilt, the picture -was regarded as of not sufficient value or beauty to be rehung over its -altar. Between 1689 and 1717 it came into the possession of a certain -Canon Hartmann, the Minster choirmaster, who in 1683 built and endowed -the little chapel of All Saints on the heights above Grenchen, to which -he presented or bequeathed the picture. Here, again, it does not appear -to have been regarded as a work of any particular importance, and the -process of neglect and deterioration continued; and when, in 1864, it -was rediscovered by Herr Franz Anton Zetter of Solothurn, in the same -small church, it was hanging high up on the wall of the choir, blackened -with the smoke of more than two hundred years, its panels worm-eaten, -without a frame, and suspended by a cord through two holes which had -been bored into the picture itself. Although it was impossible to -examine it closely, Herr Zetter was struck with its beauty, still to be -discerned through all the discoloration and damage, and when, shortly -afterwards, he heard that the chapel was being renovated, he made -anxious inquiries as to its fate. For some time all search for it proved -unavailing, but in the end it was found, face downward, and splashed all -over with whitewash, under the boards which formed the workmen’s -platform. He was only just in time to save it from final destruction. -Upon examination he discovered the signature, and feeling convinced, in -spite of scepticism on the part of others whom he consulted, that it was -a genuine work of the master’s, he purchased it. It was placed in the -hands of Eigner, the keeper of the Augsburg Gallery, for restoration, -the work occupying three years. The state of the picture was so bad that -restoration was essential, and this, on the whole, was well done, though -it suffered to some extent during the process. There is, however, a -seventeenth-century copy of the picture in existence, which shows that -the restorer substituted yellow for red in the Virgin’s right sleeve, -which does not harmonise with Holbein’s original colour-scheme. Herr -Zetter presented the picture to the Gallery of his native town, where it -now occupies the place of honour, so that, thanks to his acumen and -enthusiasm, one of Holbein’s finest achievements in sacred painting has -been saved from oblivion.[247] - -In composition the Solothurn Madonna bears close resemblance to a large -woodcut, designed by Holbein, on the back of the title-page of the -Statute Book or Town Laws of Freiburg-im-Breisgau.[248] This book, _The -Municipal Laws and Statutes of the Praiseworthy Town of Freiburg_, by -Ulrich Zasius, was published in Basel by Adam Petri in 1520. The Virgin -is seated enthroned in front of a niche of Renaissance design. In her -attitude, and the way in which she holds the Child on her knees, as well -as in her dress and her long hair falling on her shoulders, there is -considerable likeness to the altar-piece, as also in the two figures of -the patron saints of Freiburg who stand on either side of her, St. -George, with one hand resting on his shield and a flag held aloft in the -other, and clad, like St. Ursus, in complete armour, and Bishop Lambert, -in rich ecclesiastical dress, and holding the crozier, as St. Nicholas -does in the Solothurn picture. The similarity between the two designs is -particularly close in the position and movement of the arms and hands of -the Infant Christ. The woodcut, which is signed “H. H.” on the edge of -the step on the left, and dated 1519, is richly and grandly designed, -the figures of the two saints having been conceived with great nobility, -and it is possible that Holbein was so satisfied with its composition -that he made use of it two years later when Gerster came to him for an -altar-piece.[249] - -Only one other picture bears Holbein’s signature and the date 1522. This -is the full-length representation of “St. Ursula,”[250] which with its -companion, “St. George,” is in the Karlsruhe Gallery. They evidently -formed the wings of an altar-piece, the central panel of which is -missing. St. Ursula, who carries a number of long arrows in her arms, -symbols of her martyrdom, is clad in the fashion of the rich citizen’s -wife of Holbein’s day, as seen in the set of his costume studies in the -Basel Gallery, and wears a golden crown and a nimbus with a band of -Renaissance ornamentation. Behind her, the branches of a fig-tree stand -out against the blue sky, and low down on the horizon is a landscape -with a tower. Her necklace, with an openwork medallion containing the -cross of St. Anthony, closely resembles the one in the Louvre sketch of -Holbein’s wife as a young woman. In the companion panel, St. -George,[251] with his flag grasped in his left hand, stands over the -prostrate dragon, which he has transfixed with his spear. Here again the -background consists chiefly of blue sky with a distant hilly landscape. -The types of the two heads are not unlike the “Adam and Eve” study of -1517, while the St. Ursula also recalls the Solothurn Madonna, though -the face is less idealised. It is possible that his wife also sat for -this picture. The costume of St. George, who is crowned with a nimbus -containing his name, is very similar to that of the Archangel Michael in -the beautiful study in the Basel Gallery already described.[252] The -“St. Ursula” is signed and dated “HANS HOLBEIN MDXXII.” - -[Sidenote: ORGAN-CASE DOORS IN BASEL MINSTER] - -These two panels have been renovated and retouched, and, in consequence, -much of Holbein’s original brushwork has vanished. For this reason they -have been regarded by some writers as merely works of the Holbein -school. They are accepted as genuine, however, by such modern critics as -Dr. Ganz and Herr Knackfuss, while Woltmann,[253] who speaks of the face -and bust of St. Ursula as delicately finished in Holbein’s happiest -manner, though the lower part of her figure and that of St. George are -so inferior as to suggest a less skilful hand, conjectured that they -were probably designed, and in part painted, by the master himself, and -executed under his direction, but without very careful supervision. It -has also been suggested that they were the result of a poorly-paid -commission for some village church, and that Holbein, in consequence, -did not take much trouble over them; but such a supposition has little -probability, for Holbein was never satisfied with inferior work, but -always gave of his best, both in great things and small. Mr. Gerald -Davies refuses to accept “these weak and slightly affected figures” as -possible work of the painter who in the same year produced so great a -picture as the Solothurn Madonna.[254] There can be little doubt -however, that, though damaged, they are from the hand of the master -himself. - -The two large paintings in monochrome on canvas, for the decoration of -the inner sides of the doors of the case which covered in the organ in -the Minster of Basel when it was not in use, must not be omitted in any -consideration of Holbein’s work for church decoration.[255] They -survived the iconoclastic outbreak of 1529; possibly the mob did not -regard them as religious paintings, or they may have escaped owing to -their position high up on the wall of the nave, and so not easily -reached. Merian mentions them in his _Topographia Helvetiæ_, published -in 1622,[256] and in 1775 Emanuel Büchel made a water-colour drawing of -them in their original position,[257] for his collection of the -monuments, sculptures, and paintings in Basel Minster, from which -drawing it is to be seen that they decorated the upper part of the -organ. The organ-case was of wood, richly carved in the style of the -early Renaissance, and Holbein’s decorations were painted in brown -monochrome in order to produce the effect of similar carving, as though -they formed an integral part of the case itself. The organ was restored -in 1639, when the doors were repainted by Sixt Ringle, and in 1786 it -was replaced by a new one, Holbein’s decorations and some of the old -carved woodwork being deposited in the Public Library. The doors -suffered a second “restoration” in 1842, and in the following year were -removed to the Basel Picture Gallery (No. 321).[258] Quite recently much -of the over-painting has been removed, and it is possible to obtain a -good idea of the noble and decorative effect they must have produced -when fresh from Holbein’s brush and in the position intended for them. -In spite of this careful renovation, however, the damage done to them in -earlier days was so severe that much of their original beauty has -vanished. The figures are larger than life-size, and produce the effect -of carved wood statues. Happily, the original study for them, a very -beautiful and powerful pen-drawing washed with brown-black Indian ink, -is to be found among the drawings in the Amerbach Collection (Pl. -39).[259] The design is on six vertical strips of paper fastened -together. The peculiar shape of the doors necessitated considerable -ingenuity on the part of the artist in the arrangement of his material, -and he succeeded admirably in adapting the spaces to his purpose. Each -door is in three divisions, the innermost being the highest. In the -left-hand shutter this inmost space contains the figure of the Emperor -Henry II, founder of Basel Minster. In the shorter, outer division -stands his wife, Kunigunde, and between them is a representation of the -Minster itself. On the right-hand wing the Virgin and Child stand facing -the Emperor, and in the outer division, St. Pantalus, the first Bishop -of Basel; between them is a group of small nude singing and playing -angels. The spaces above the heads of the Emperor and the Virgin, and -the other spaces, triangular in shape, over the central part of each -wing, are filled in with Renaissance ornamentation. The four large -figures are designed with great nobility, and are very impressive in -effect. The horizon lies below the level of the ground, on account of -the height at which the doors were to be hung, a frequent practice of -Holbein’s in his wall-paintings, and an observance of the laws of vision -probably brought home to him by his study of Mantegna’s works. For this -reason the figures are represented as seen from below in effective -perspective foreshortening. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 39. - - -[Illustration: - - DESIGN FOR THE ORGAN DOORS, BASEL CATHEDRAL - _Pen and wash drawing_ - BASEL GALLERY -] - -The Emperor, with long beard, is shown in profile, crowned, and wearing -a royal mantle, a sceptre in his left hand. His Empress, also crowned, -carries a large cross in her hands, and stands in the curious Basel -manner of those days, with the body thrust forward, and the back bent, -as in Holbein’s costume studies referred to in a later chapter.[260] The -figure of the Virgin is nobly conceived. The Child flings his little -arms round her neck, and presses his cheek against hers, while she -clasps him closely to her breast with both hands. In carrying out the -design, Holbein made one or two slight changes in the position of the -Child. In the finished painting the right arm is not flung round the -Virgin’s neck, but, instead, the hand rests in the bend of her elbow, -while their cheeks no longer touch. St. Pantalus, in full ecclesiastical -robes and mitre, holds his crozier in his left hand and stretches out -the right, as though speaking. The group of small child-angels, three of -whom blow trumpets, while four others hold a sheet of music from which -they are singing, is a design of the greatest charm, the figures being -excellently grouped, and drawn with the utmost freedom. They are sturdy -little boys, with curly hair and small wings. One of the singers beats -time with a stick, and another does so with his hand. In the finished -picture this sheet of music is inscribed with the words from the “Song -of Solomon”—“Quam pulchra es amica.” The corresponding division of the -left wing, representing the exterior of the Minster, is just as free and -masterly a study, and the Renaissance ornament which is so cleverly -adapted to the remaining spaces is in the finest taste. This decorative -filling is not the same on both doors, and it is possible that the -artist intended the church authorities to select whichever design they -preferred. The one chosen was that on the right-hand door, though the -design on the left-hand one with the figure of a nude child among the -foliage, is the more beautiful of the two. The whole composition was -admirably suited for the purpose for which it was intended, and when the -doors were thrown open, and the organ itself was played, the effect -produced must have been a fine one. The dignified conception of the four -great figures was in perfect keeping with the deep and solemn tones of -the organ which they decorated. Neither the doors themselves, nor the -design, are dated, but the beauty of the composition and the brilliant -and assured technique point to a period towards the end of Holbein’s -second sojourn in Basel, about 1525, shortly before his departure for -England, and they are thus of about the same date as the ten designs in -Indian ink made for painted glass, representing scenes from Christ’s -Passion. Among the monumental works of decorative painting undertaken by -him during his second residence in Basel, these designs stand among the -highest. The influences which were brought to bear upon his art during -his sojourn in Italy find in them their fullest and most dignified -expression, happily blended with and modified by those other influences, -springing from his native soil, under which he was trained in his -father’s studio. - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - CHAPTER VI - - THE HOUSE OF THE DANCE AND THE WALL-PAINTINGS IN THE BASEL TOWN HALL - -Holbein as a mural decorator—The “Haus zum Tanz”—The “Dance of Peasants” - frieze—Original studies and old copies—Decoration of the inner walls - of the new Basel Town Council Chamber—“Charondas of Catanea”—“Zaleucus - of Locris”—“Curius Dentatus”—“Sapor and Valerian”—The single figures - placed between the large compositions—Cessation of the work before its - completion. - - -AT this period of his life Holbein’s work was by no means confined to -the painting of portraits and church pictures. His activity was -ceaseless, and every moment of his time must have been fully occupied. -In addition to many book illustrations for the publishers, and designs -for glass-painters, armourers, and other craftsmen, he found -considerable employment in decorating the street-fronts of houses of -certain of the leading citizens with large wall-paintings, and, in some -instances, painted similar decorations on the inner walls. It is evident -from various contemporary and later references that he covered more than -one house in Basel with decorative designs in this fashion, and that the -art of wall-painting, practised in that city to some extent before his -time, received a great impetus from his example. He carried it to a far -greater pitch of excellence than had been achieved until then in any -country but Italy, and founded a school of monumental decorative design -which existed for a considerable period after his death, and has been -revived again in modern times in Lucerne, if not in Basel. -Unfortunately, nothing remains of his original work in this field except -a few isolated designs for one or two façades, and several tracings and -inferior copies of fragmentary remains of the actual wall-paintings; nor -has any definite record been handed down in Basel of any particular -dwelling so decorated by him, with the exception of the “House of the -Dance,” which obtained a wide celebrity in his own day, and was -evidently looked upon as his masterpiece. In carrying out the mural -ornamentation of this building he allowed his brilliant fancy full play, -and exercised the greatest ingenuity in turning to advantage the wide, -flat spaces of the commonplace frontage with its irregularly-placed -Gothic arched windows and openings, covering the whole of it with -painted Renaissance architecture rich in columns and friezes, balconies -and elaborate porticoes and other features, amid which characters from -ancient history and fable and modern life were placed with admirable -effect. - -[Sidenote: THE HOUSE OF THE DANCE] - -The “Haus zum Tanz” was so named by his fellow-citizens from the large -frieze representing a number of peasants dancing with the wildest -merriment and abandon, which at once took the popular fancy, though it -only formed a part of the decoration. An original drawing for the narrow -front façade still exists, while there is an old tracing of Holbein’s -study for the general design, and some sixteenth-century copies of his -sketches, from which a good idea of the decorative effect produced after -he had finished the work can be obtained. It was a corner house, and -stood in the Eisengasse, near the Rhine Bridge, and at that time -belonged to the wealthy goldsmith Balthasar Angelrot, from whom Holbein -received the commission. The decorations, probably carried out by him in -1520, were still visible, and described by Patin, in 1676, but towards -the end of the eighteenth century their faded remains were whitewashed -over. The old building itself stood until 1907, when it was pulled down -and rebuilt.[261] - -The plan Holbein pursued shows a marked advance in his conception of -decorative design when compared with the earlier paintings of the -Hertenstein house in Lucerne. In the latter large pictures filled -practically the whole of the wide spaces between the windows, but he now -abandoned this practice to a great extent, and subordinated the -pictorial effect to one in which architecture played the leading part, -the characters introduced appearing as actual figures occupied in -various ways amid this elaborate setting. The main front of the house -was very irregular in its features. There were no straight lines, for -the windows differed greatly in height and breadth, and those of one -storey were in most instances not placed exactly over those in the -storey below them. To a painter of lesser mastership than Holbein such a -nondescript frontage would have greatly increased the difficulties to be -overcome in carrying out a successful decorative scheme; in his case the -very difficulties appear to have provided an added spur to his -imagination and the fanciful play of his humour, and he seized upon them -and turned them to the utmost advantage. According to Dr. Ludwig Iselin, -in his notes on Holbein written towards the end of the sixteenth -century, the painter regarded his work upon Angelrot’s house with some -amount of satisfaction, for when he revisited Basel in the autumn of -1538, and saw his wall-paintings both on the house-fronts and in the -Council Chamber rapidly fading away, he proposed to repaint them at his -own expense, and in criticising his work found that the “Haus zum Tanz” -was “rather good” (“Das Haus zum tantz wär ein wenig gutt”). According -to Theodor Zwinger (1577),[262] he received only forty florins (gulden) -for the whole of this work, very inadequate payment even for those days, -considering the amount of labour which he must have given to it. This -reference of Zwinger’s is of great interest, as, with the exception of -the wall-paintings in the interior of the Basel Town Hall, it is the -only record so far discovered of the prices the artist was in the habit -of receiving for such undertakings. - -[Sidenote: THE HOUSE OF THE DANCE] - -The house, as already stated, was a corner one of three storeys, the -left-hand and narrow side being the one which fronted the Eisengasse. -The decoration covered both sides, and was painted more or less in -perspective, so arranged that the spectator, in order to obtain the full -effect of the design, must stand at the corner angle of the house, from -which he could see both sides at the same time. On the ground floor he -placed on either side of the broad arched windows and the narrower door -at the end of the chief façade thick, stumpy columns, with garlands -hanging below their Ionic capitals. He made skilful use of the Gothic -forms of the openings, as they actually existed, in such a way that the -pointed arches appeared to be merely the result of perspective -foreshortening, as seen from the spectator’s standpoint. Above these -arches, in the flat space beneath the first-floor windows, was painted -the broad band containing the “Bauerntanz,” or “Dance of the Peasants,” -which gave the house its popular name. This band was broken by a small -oblong window over the house-door, which Holbein utilised by turning it -into a stone table, with cans and jugs for the refreshment of the -dancers, against which two musicians are leaning, one playing the -bagpipes and the other a wind instrument of unusual shape. Boisterous -mirth reigns among the dancers. Their flitting shadows are cast upon the -wall behind them, as they give full vent to their delight in life by -means of measures more energetic than graceful, and much -rough-and-tumble play. Judging from the fine original study in the -Berlin Print Room,[263] which shows a part of this frieze, the -wall-painting itself must have produced a vivid effect of rapid, -lifelike movement, and even of noise and laughter. Above the Dance, -decorated pilasters supporting lofty columns, which ran up to the top of -the building, were placed between the windows, together with antique -figures of Mars, Venus, Cupid, and other gods. Above these again ran a -balcony with an open balustrading, supported on projecting cornices, -with numerous figures of Holbein’s fellow-citizens in contemporary -costume walking about and looking over into the street below, one of -them with a greyhound. Round the windows of the second floor, which were -of varying heights, he gave full play to his delight in Renaissance -architecture of a very intricate and fantastic kind, including his -favourite round medallions containing the heads of Roman Emperors and -other classical heroes and heroines, friezes with rich ornamentation, -grotesque figures with human bodies and tails of dolphins, and columns -and arches seen in strong perspective. On the top floor of all the small -windows were given the appearance of little square towers surrounded by -broken and ruined arches and masonry, overgrown with bushes, and behind -and between them the blue sky. On one of the walls was a peacock, and on -another a paint-pot with the brush stuck in it, as though left up there -by accident by the painter after the work had been finished and the -scaffolding removed, a pictorial joke which no doubt entertained the -passers-by. - -The other frontage of the house faced a side street. On the wall nearest -the corner Holbein painted a lofty arched doorway, with steps leading to -the interior, above which Marcus Curtius, brandishing a battle-axe, was -represented on a great white, rearing horse, on the point of plunging -into the street, and close below him a Roman soldier in a crouching -position, with right arm uplifted in self-protection, as though fearful -that the rider would fall upon and crush him. Beyond this doorway there -were no windows on the ground floor, but merely a few small apertures. -Holbein covered this surface with arches and pillars with festoons, and -a low wall below. Over this wall the spectator was supposed to obtain a -view of the stabling below the level of the street, with a groom in -charge of a fine horse, the latter attached to a ring at the foot of a -lofty column, surmounted by a figure of Hebe. Between the windows on the -floor above stood a fat and youthful Bacchus, crowned with vine-leaves, -and holding a cup in his hand, and at his feet a cask with a second boy -asleep against it, and a cat stealing away with a mouse in her mouth. -Above this floor the treatment was mainly architectural, following the -lines of that on the Eisengasse frontage. The general effect produced by -the whole decoration must have been an exceptionally gay and brilliant -one, both from the effective manner in which Holbein made free use of -the Renaissance style of architecture, and from the joyous life and -movement of the numerous figures depicted. The decoration was intended -to amuse as well as to delight, and the tricks of perspective, together -with a realism the main purpose of which was to deceive the eye, were -conceived as a jest which should provide a source of continual interest -and merriment to the passing citizens. Such a method of covering house -walls had little in common with the work he had seen in Italy, except in -the sumptuousness of its setting. Although it may have sinned against -many of the right principles of mural decorative art, it nevertheless -appealed strongly to the fancy and taste of the Baselers of that day, -and “took the town” so completely that it set a fashion which lasted -many years. The humour and realism of it, however, were by no means its -foremost features; in many ways it must have produced a decorative -effect of great beauty and richness. Though he gave free play to his -fantastic imagination, he at the same time kept it within reasonable -bounds, so that it never offended against good taste, except in a -certain freedom of representation in some of the dancing couples, but -was always subordinate to the higher aims of his art. - -[Sidenote: WALL-PAINTING FOR AMERBACH HOUSE] - -There is a large tracing of the design in the Basel Gallery, which has -evidently been taken from Holbein’s original drawing, and there are -other copies, almost contemporary, of his original studies for portions -of the work, one showing the lower part of the side wall with the horse -and groom. The Berlin Print Room, as already noted, possesses the very -beautiful drawing from Holbein’s own hand, which is the original study -for the front façade, showing the musicians and three of the dancing -couples of the “Bauerntanz,” with which the Basel tracing is in close -agreement, while in the Amerbach Collection there is a slighter version, -with certain variations, of the upper portion of the Berlin drawing, -showing the balcony with figures. It is a chalk and pen drawing, touched -with Indian ink.[264] Dr. Woltmann suggested that the man with the flat -cap on the extreme left of the balcony in the Berlin drawing, who is -looking down into the street, is intended for a portrait of Holbein -himself. In addition, the Basel Gallery possesses good copies of the -frieze with the dancers (No. 353),[265] and of the portion of the façade -with the mounted figure of Marcus Curtius,[266] made by the -glass-painter Niklaus Rippel in 1623 and 1590 respectively. Rippel was -master of the Basel Painters’ Guild in 1587. The “Curtius” drawing is -inscribed “in frontispicio domus,” and is evidently a faithful -transcript of the original; so much so that by its means it is possible -to obtain a very adequate idea of the grandeur of Holbein’s design, more -particularly in the magnificent group of the horse and its armed rider, -in which the Mantegnesque influence is unmistakable. Finally, there is -in the same Gallery an excellent reconstruction of the whole frontage -(No. 352), a water-colour drawing made by H. E. von Berlepsch in 1878, -based upon the Berlin study and the sixteenth-century copies of -Holbein’s sketches.[267] - -One or two original studies remain, which were evidently made as designs -for exterior wall-paintings of which all record has been lost. There is -a slight but masterly washed pen drawing in the Amerbach Collection (Pl. -40 (1)),[268] representing the upper part of a house in which the -irregularly-placed windows have been adapted with the greatest skill to -suit the purposes of the elaborate scheme of Italian architecture, one -part of which is made to recede by a series of flat columns with -ornamented capitals seen in sharp perspective, while the other half -appears to project, and shows the seated figure of an Emperor, possibly -Charlemagne, between two windows, to which Holbein has given rounded -arches with a medallion between them containing an antique head. Dr. -Ganz is, no doubt, right in his suggestion that this drawing is a study -for a scheme of decoration for the façade of the family house of the -Amerbachs in the Rheingasse, in Little Basel, and that the figure of the -enthroned Emperor is a pictorial representation of the name—“zum -Kaiserstuhl”—by which the house was known. Probably Holbein received a -commission for its decoration in 1519, at the time he was painting -Bonifacius Amerbach’s portrait.[269] In the same collection there is a -design for a framework to surround an ordinary square-headed window, -either for internal or external wall-painting,[270] over which he has -thrown an ornamented arch filled in with scalloping, and crowned with a -brazier from which flames are blowing. It is supported by pillars of -elaborate and fantastic design, broken up into various bands of rich -ornament, among them ox skulls with small hanging garlands. At the base, -on each side, is a nude figure of a woman with a basket of fire on her -head. The window, only one half of which is shown, is supported below -with corbels, the central one with a grotesque head with an iron ring -suspended from its mouth. A third sketch, for the ground floor of the -Hertenstein house, has been already described.[271] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 40. - - -[Illustration: - - 1. STUDY FOR A PAINTED HOUSE FRONT WITH THE FIGURE OF A SEATED EMPEROR - BASEL GALLERY -] - - -[Illustration: - - 2. THE AMBASSADORS OF THE SAMNITES BEFORE CURIUS DENTATUS - 1521-22 - Fragment of the wall-painting formerly in the Basel Town Hall - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: LEGEND OF THE INN “ZUR BLUME”] - -In the collection of drawings in the Louvre there is an elaborately -drawn design for the decoration of a house with a narrow frontage and -high-pitched gables,[272] which, although not from Holbein’s own hand, -bears considerable resemblance to his style and methods in carrying out -large mural paintings. It may be a contemporary copy of one of his -designs, or, perhaps, an original work by one of the clever Basel -artists who adopted his manner. The architectural details, however, are -characterised by a fantastic play of fancy carried beyond the limits -Holbein usually prescribed for himself in work of this nature. Some of -them are frankly impossible, and if actually carried out in brick or -stone would at once fall to pieces. This element of architectural -absurdity is to be seen very clearly in the large capital in the centre -supported by a much weaker and smaller one, in the curious thin bands of -projecting stonework with circular openings through which all the -columns pass, and the equally curious circular vaulting over the door, -with round openings through which two cupids bend down in the act of -supporting a coat of arms. The principal features of the design are two -deep bands divided by the columns into panels containing combats between -sirens and grotesque men with fish-like extremities ending in spirals of -foliage. On either side of the windows of the second floor double -columns are set close together, between which three nude old men are -striving to force themselves. On the topmost storey two figures are -looking over a balcony in front of two small windows. Medallions with -antique heads are freely introduced, and every part of the house-face is -so lavishly covered with small ornamentation that the eye becomes -confused, and the general effect produced is one of restlessness and -over-elaboration. Below the ground-floor window a fictitious opening is -shown, in which two large dogs are fighting over a bone. Woltmann -suggests that a passage in Dr. Ludwig Iselin’s notes has reference to -these two animals, and may be taken as some indication that this -particular design for house-decoration was Holbein’s own, and had been -carried out by him in Basel. Iselin says, in speaking of the artist’s -truthfulness to nature: “He painted a dog, at which dogs running past -used to bark.”[273] - -[Sidenote: LEGEND OF THE INN “ZUR BLUME”] - -An old Basel legend, which, like so many other legends, has no evidence -to support it, connects Holbein’s name with the decoration of another -house in Basel—the inn “zur Blume” in the Fischmarktplatz. The story -runs that the painter was deeply in debt to the innkeeper, and in order -to pay his dues he undertook to cover the outside of the house with -frescoes; but the work progressed too slowly for the owner, and -Holbein’s absences in search of enjoyment were too frequent, so that the -former kept a close watch upon him, and threatened to cut off supplies -unless he remained at his post. The painter’s ingenuity, however, was -equal to the emergency. When he was at work high up on the building his -body was hidden from the view of those in the street by the scaffolding, -but his legs were still in sight, so he painted a fictitious pair on the -wall, as though dangling down, with feet crossed; and seeing these, the -landlord thought all was well, and so left his artist to his own -devices. - -The most important work in wall-painting undertaken by him at this -period was the decoration of the Council Chamber in the newly-rebuilt -Town Hall or Rathaus of Basel. In 1504 it was decided to replace the old -building with a new one, and the work was begun in 1508 and completed -early in 1521, the Council assembling in it for the first time on the -12th of March in the latter year. The decoration of the interior walls -of the chief room was given to Holbein, partly, no doubt, through the -influence of his patron, Jakob Meyer, who was still burgomaster, though -his troubles were already beginning, and culminated before the close of -that year, when he was removed from office. The commission must have -been mainly due, however, to the Council’s knowledge of Holbein’s skill -and inventive powers in this branch of art, as shown in the decorations -of several house-fronts in the city. The painter continued his work in -the Chamber after the deposition of Jakob Meyer and the election of -Adelberg Meyer, who was unrelated to his predecessor, to the post of -chief magistrate. According to the account books of the Council, the -commission was given to the painter on the 15th June 1521, on the day of -St. Veit and St. Modestus, and the contract stated that he was to -receive 120 gulden for the whole work, and that he was to be paid in -advance by the “Drei Herrn,” who were the members of the Council who -controlled the finances, on the day of the signing of the contract, -forty gulden, or fifty Basel pounds, the gulden being equal to one Basel -pound and a quarter.[274] The remaining payments, in smaller amounts, -were made to him on the 20th July and 14th September 1521, and on the -12th April, 16th June, 31st August and 29th November 1522. He received -no money during the winter of 1521-22, when the work, no doubt, would be -temporarily suspended owing to the shortness of the days and the lack of -good light. This is one of the few instances in which we possess -authentic records of the amounts received by Holbein for his work. - -[Sidenote: WALL-PAINTINGS IN BASEL TOWN HALL] - -The Town Hall, which stood in the market-place, with the house of Jakob -Meyer, “zum Hasen,” adjoining it on the south, has undergone -considerable changes since its building, so that to-day both the -exterior and interior are by no means in the same condition as when -Holbein was working there. In those days the Council Chamber was an -irregular quadrangle, about 34 feet by 65 feet, and only 12½ feet high, -and the ceiling was supported by three columns down the centre of the -room. The wall fronting the market-place was entirely filled with large -windows and the doors leading to the chief staircase, and provided no -space for decorative treatment, so that Holbein’s work was confined to -the three remaining walls, the long one opposite, which was also broken -up by two windows and two doors, and the two narrower ones at either -end, which were not parallel. Of these latter, the one on the north had -a heating chamber and a large stove at one end of it, and was separated -from the rest of the hall by a balustrade. The only unbroken wall was at -the southern end, next Meyer’s house. It was called in the accounts the -“back wall,” because the visitor turned his back on it on entering the -room, and this wall was not decorated by Holbein until after his return -from his first visit to England. Taking it altogether, the room was so -low and so irregular in its arrangement that it was by no means well -suited for carrying out a scheme of mural decoration on a monumental -scale; but Holbein triumphed over all difficulties, and produced -magnificent results, so far as can be judged from the few studies, -tracings, and copies which remain. The subjects selected for -representation were divided from one another by richly-ornamented -Renaissance columns, so that the room, when finished, appeared to be -open on all sides, here looking out upon some landscape, and there into -some great hall or palace made to appear vast by the clever use of -perspective. Between the principal pictures were placed smaller, -single-figure subjects, standing in niches on a somewhat higher level, -and forming part of the architectural framework. The subjects of the -larger paintings were of the kind then popular north of the Rhine, and -were intended, by means of celebrated examples taken from ancient -history, to bring home to those who used the room, the absolute -necessity of impartial justice in the administration of the affairs of a -state or community, and at the same time to indicate the punishment -which in most cases is bound to follow the breaking of the law, and to -extol the virtues of simplicity and a love of country free from all -self-seeking. These subjects, and the Latin inscriptions which -accompanied them, were not Holbein’s own invention, but were, in all -probability, selected for him by such learned friends as Myconius and -Beatus Rhenanus.[275] - -The only records which remain of this great work, all of which are in -the Basel Gallery, consist of a few fragments taken from the walls -before the last traces of the paintings had finally faded away; original -studies for three of the chief subjects from Holbein’s own hand; a few -contemporary copies of his designs; and others taken from those parts of -the design which could still be discerned at the time when the actual -fragments of Holbein’s handiwork were cut away from the walls. -Unfortunately the paintings themselves had but a short life. Less than -fifty years after the last one was completed they were already in a -deplorable condition, largely through damp. Probably the three months’ -interval which elapsed between the completion of the building and the -beginning of its decoration was due to the desire to allow the walls to -become thoroughly dry; but even this precaution was not sufficient to -save Holbein’s handiwork from gradual destruction. The walls, possibly -from faulty construction, appear never to have become entirely free from -moisture, while the paintings were also allowed to suffer from general -neglect. Wurstisen in his _Epitome Historiæ Basiliensis_, published in -1577,[276] speaks of them as “delineations of the choicest things by the -hand of the German Apelles,” but two years later the largest of them was -reported to be so terribly injured by the weather that it was in danger -of complete destruction. The Council, therefore, commissioned the -painter Hans Bock to make a copy of it in oils on canvas, which, when -completed, was hung on the wall in front of the original painting. This -“large piece,” which Bock copied in 1579, was probably the whole of the -back wall, containing the “Rehoboam” and the “Samuel and Saul.” This -work occupied his whole time for twenty-six weeks, and his application -for payment for this half-year’s work, dated the 23rd November 1579, to -be found among the Basel archives. In it he demands one hundred florins, -a sum which the Council evidently considered too great, although it -works out at little more than a shilling a day in modern money, a -moderate but not a contemptible wage as rates of payment went in those -days. Among the reasons Bock gives for asking so much is that far more -is really due to a copyist, who has to imitate laboriously the work of -another, than to one who paints merely from his own fancy; and he goes -on to say that, “among all the Holbein pieces in the painted hall, this -is not only the greatest in length, but also contains the most difficult -and laborious work, as, besides landscape, there are one hundred faces -drawn perfectly or partially, so that I must copy them all piece by -piece, besides many horses, weapons, and other things.”[277] The details -he mentions were only to be found in one of the paintings, that of -“Samuel and Saul,” though it did not contain nearly one hundred heads, -but with the adjoining picture of “Rehoboam,” which Bock probably -included, the number would be nearly correct. - -[Sidenote: DESTRUCTION OF THE WALL-PAINTINGS] - -One hundred years later the wall-paintings were still to be seen, though -rapidly deteriorating. They are mentioned by Tonjola (1661), who quotes -the various inscriptions which accompanied them,[278] and by Patin -(1676), who speaks of the three walls of this hall as painted by -Holbein. After this all traces of them were gradually lost, damp and -neglect almost obliterating them. They were no longer visible in 1796, -for Peter Ochs does not mention them in his description of the Council -Chamber.[279] Even Bock’s copy seems to have fallen to pieces, and in -the end the walls were covered with tapestry hangings, and Holbein’s -work was completely forgotten. In 1817, however, when some repairs were -carried out in the hall, necessitating the removal of the tapestries, a -few remaining traces of the original work were discovered. On the fresco -of “Charondas,” on the north wall, the date 1521 was still legible. -Seven fragments of considerable size were saved, from the three -paintings of “Rehoboam,” “Curius Dentatus,” and “Zaleucus,” and small -copies of the chief remains were made in water-colours by Hieronymus -Hess for the art firm of Birmann, and these are now preserved in the -Basel Gallery (Nos. 328-332). From such inadequate materials as these it -is possible to obtain only a very general idea of the original beauty of -this great undertaking. It would be supposed that these mural -decorations, painted as they were on interior walls, would have long -outlived Holbein’s work of a similar nature on the exterior façades of -Hertenstein’s mansion and the House of the Dance, whereas the contrary -was the case, for in both the last-named instances the paintings -remained in fairly good condition until comparatively modern times. This -indicates that the cause of the rapid destruction of the Town Hall -decorations was not owing to Holbein’s lack of knowledge of the proper -methods of fresco painting, but was due solely to bad building on the -part of the Council’s architect, and, later on, to neglect at the hands -of the authorities, who made no adequate attempt to preserve works which -added so great a distinction to their building. - -The four chief subjects painted by Holbein in 1521-22 were—(1) Charondas -of Catanea, the law-giver of the city of the Thurii, who had issued a -decree forbidding the wearing of arms in the public assembly under pain -of death, but himself inadvertently broke the law. Hurrying to the -council chamber from a journey, he forgot to leave his weapons behind -him; and on attention being called to this by one of his enemies, he -immediately cried out, “By Zeus! the law shall be master,” and ran -himself through with his sword. (2) Zaleucus of Locris, whose laws -punished adultery by the loss of both eyes. His only son was found -guilty of this crime, but the people begged him to show mercy, as the -culprit was his heir, and their future ruler. Zaleucus resisted their -entreaties for a long time, but in the end yielded to the extent of -sacrificing one of his own eyes, and ordering only one of his son’s to -be removed, thus upholding the majesty of the law. (3) Curius Dentatus, -who, kneeling before his fire, preparing his modest meal, sends away the -ambassadors of the Samnites, who have come with rich presents in order -to persuade him to take no part in the war against them. (4) Sapor, king -of Persia, who is making use of the body of the captive emperor Valerian -as a step from which to mount his horse. Between these pictures were -placed single figures of Christ, King David with the harp, Justice, -Wisdom, and Temperance. The remaining large subjects, which were painted -in 1530-31, were Rehoboam spurning the Elders of Israel, Saul rebuked by -Samuel, and possibly Hezekiah breaking the Idols. - -In the picture of “Charondas” the action takes place in a lofty hall, -its roof supported by richly-decorated columns, with long architraves -covered with bands of sculptured figures and medallions. Charondas -stands in front of the councillors in the act of plunging his sword into -his breast, as with uplifted eyes he calls the gods to witness that he -is prepared at all costs to uphold the laws. Some of the onlookers sit -spell-bound, too overcome with surprise and agitation to attempt to stay -his hand, while others are still disputing among themselves as to the -necessity or justice of so severe a punishment for so trivial a fault. -This is one of the frescoes which Hess copied in 1817,[280] and the -Basel Gallery also possesses a contemporary copy of Holbein’s original -design,[281] which was probably made by some pupil or assistant attached -to his own workshop. When the two are compared, it becomes apparent that -Holbein, when he came to paint the subject upon the wall, added -considerably to its length. Hess’s copy is almost twice as long as it is -high, and on either side three or four figures have been added to the -group of councillors which do not appear in the copy of the first -design, which is almost square in its proportions, and corresponds in -size with Holbein’s original design for the “Sapor” subject.[282] - -[Sidenote: “THE BLINDING OF ZALEUCUS”] - -In the “Zaleucus” the scene is laid in a great chamber with a large -arched opening at one end, through which can be seen the outer walls of -the palace and other Renaissance buildings illuminated by sunshine. The -blinding of the two men is depicted with great realism. The son falls -back in his chair, with open mouth and a look of terror on his face as -the executioner prepares to tear out his left eye. Opposite to him his -father, crowned, in princely robes, an aged man, with long silvery -beard, sits in his chair of state, placed in front of heavy tapestry -hangings, freely offering himself to the torture. Holbein has very -skilfully marked the contrast between the abject fear of the culprit, -who appears about to scream aloud, and the old man, who makes ready to -meet the sharp pain with dignified restraint, and only displays his -feelings in the way in which he grips the arms of his throne. In the -case of the son, the executioner, dressed in the body armour of a Roman -soldier, is using considerable violence; in that of the father, he is -first examining the eye with a lens in order that he may remove it with -as little pain as possible. This severe object-lesson in the majesty of -the law is witnessed by a great crowd of spectators, all clad in togas, -who regard the scene with contending emotions of horror and compassion. -Two fragments of the original painting are still preserved at Basel—the -head of Zaleucus (No. 331), and that of one of the spectators (No. 332). -Of this fresco also there is a water-colour copy at Basel made by Hess -from the almost obliterated original,[283] and a sixteenth-century copy -of Holbein’s design for it.[284] In this case the two copies agree in -their proportions, and indicate that the painting was one of the smaller -of the chief subjects with which the room was decorated. According to -Dr. Ganz, three other old copies of this wall-painting exist, one by H. -R. Manuel in a private collection in France, one by J. Wentz, done in -1551, now in the Basel Collection, and the third in a glass painting of -1580.[285] - -Of the picture of “Curius Dentatus” no record remains beyond the -water-colour copy made by Hess in 1817,[286] and a fragment of the -painting itself in a bad state of preservation, showing the heads of the -three foremost of the five Samnite ambassadors (No. 330) (Pl. 40 -(2)).[287] From Hess’s copy it is to be gathered that this composition -must have been an exceptionally fine one, though one of the smallest of -the series. The characters are placed under an open portico with round -arches through which a wide expanse of country is seen. There is a tall -tree in the foreground, and in the distance buildings and a bridge over -a river, and a lofty mountain. Curius, dressed in Roman armour, is -kneeling in front of his open hearth, cooking his evening repast, and -looking round, without rising, at the five ambassadors, who are attired -in rich Renaissance dress, and bear golden vessels and a large dish full -of gold. Curius, refusing their bribes, points to the turnips he is -cooking, and exclaims: “Malo hæc in fictilibus meis esse et aurum -habentibus imperare” (“I would rather have these in my pot and rule over -those who have gold”). These words were painted over the picture itself. -Each one of the larger compositions, as well as the single figures, had -similar painted inscriptions in Latin, and other admonitory couplets -were placed upon the walls, the text of all of them being given by -Tonjola in his _Basilea Sepulta._ The hall in which Curius is receiving -the Samnites fills the upper half of the fresco, and is supported on -masonry which occupies the lower half, in which is seen the opening to a -vaulted chamber or cellar, in front of which stands an armed man, -possibly intended to represent the messenger of the Basel Town Council, -as he is dressed in the black-and-white armorial colours of the city, -and wears a small badge with the city’s coat of arms fastened to his -shoulder. His right hand is raised to his feathered hat as though he -were about to salute the spectator. This picture was intended to glorify -republican simplicity, and may have had reference also to the burning -question of the “French pensions,” which helped to bring about Jakob -Meyer’s downfall.[288] - -[Sidenote: “SAPOR AND VALERIAN”] - -Of the fourth picture, “Sapor and Valerian,” the only record remaining -is the beautiful design at Basel from Holbein’s own hand (Pl. 41).[289] -The drawing is lightly washed with water-colour, chiefly red in the -faces and the brickwork of the architectural background, and blue and -grey in other parts. This picture was one of the narrower ones, and the -space was crowded with figures. In the centre, the aged Emperor, -crowned, and with a long white beard, kneels on the ground resting on -his outspread hands, his body pressed down by the weight of Sapor, who -places one foot on his back as he prepares to mount his horse. The -latter, like all the other figures, is dressed in the costume of -Holbein’s own day, with a long sword and a gold chain across his -shoulders. The horse is held by a foot-soldier, in a blue cloak, who -looks over his shoulder towards the spectator. The space behind the -central group is filled with soldiers, mounted and on foot. The knights, -some of whom are in full armour, carry long lances over their shoulders, -which add to the effect of the scene, while the men on foot hold aloft -great pikes. The mounted knight near the centre, with plumes all round -his broad hat, is a noble and dignified figure, and the drawing of -Sapor’s horse is excellent. The procession comes along the street from -the right, and passes round the corner of the building, which fills in -the background, as in several of the earlier “Cross-Bearing” pictures. -This building, which is seen from an angle, with deep arched arcading -below and a row of windows above, is a representation of the -recently-finished Town Hall of Basel, within which the wall-painting -itself was placed, and the quaint building next to it, with its -battlemented cresting seen against the blue sky, is to be found marked -on Matthaeus Merian’s plan of the city (1615). It was in reality -separated by two other houses from the Rathaus, but Holbein, attracted -no doubt by its picturesqueness, has moved it nearer. Over Sapor’s head -is a large ribbon label inscribed “Sapor Rex Persar,” and below the -Emperor is written “Valerianus Imp.” On either side are shown the -pillars which divided the chief compositions from each other; flat -columns, the upper half covered with carving of Renaissance design, and -the lower with slabs of coloured marbles and a circular medallion -containing an antique head such as is to be found in almost all -Holbein’s architectural drawings. An inscription at the foot, which -runs, “Hans Conradt Wolleb schanckts Mathis Holzwartenn,” gives the -names of two consecutive owners of this drawing. Wolleb, who was -Magistrate of Basel, died on September 9, 1571. On August 6th of that -year the Alsatian poet, Matthias Holzwart, permitted a performance of -his play, _King Saul and the Shepherd David_, to be given in the Basel -market-place, and Wolleb may have presented the drawing to him at that -time in recognition of the event. The same border also contains the -letters A.V.E. in a monogram, probably the initials of a third owner of -the design.[290] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 41. - - -[Illustration: - - SAPOR AND VALERIAN - Design for one of the wall-paintings in the Basel Town Hall - _Pen and water-colour drawing_ - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: COMPLETION OF TWO OF THE WALLS] - -The five single figures in painted niches which filled in the smaller -spaces on the walls had each an appropriate inscription in Latin. The -Basel Gallery possesses copies of Holbein’s preliminary studies for each -one of them, which, like the similar copies of the Charondas and -Zaleucus designs, are drawn on paper made in Basel with a water-mark -which was not used after 1524, thus showing that they must be -contemporary, and, as already suggested, very possibly done by some one -in Holbein’s own studio.[291] Christ[292] is represented holding a long -tablet with the words: “Quod tibi non vis fieri alteri non facias” -(“What thou dost not wish to be done to thee, that do to no other”). In -the band of ornament at his feet is a small tablet with the date 1523. -King David[293] is shown with his harp, and a scroll over his head with -“Juste judicate filii hominum” (“Judge justly, ye sons of men”). -Justice,[294] crowned, stands beneath an open arch behind a balustrade, -with her balance at her feet. With her sword, grasped in her right hand, -and with the forefinger of her left, she is pointing to a large tablet -suspended from the top of the arch, which contains the inscription: “O -vos reigentes obliti privatorum publica curate” (“O ye rulers, forget -your private affairs, and care for those of the public”). Wisdom[295] is -shown in a shell-crowned niche. She has a double face, and her long hair -falls below her waist. In her left hand she holds a torch, and in her -right a book with the inscription, “Inicium sapiencie timor domini” -(“The fear of the Lord is the beginning of wisdom”). A scroll over the -torch bears the words, “Experiri prius consilio quam armis prestat” (“It -is better to try by counsel than by arms”). Finally, Moderation[296] is -represented as a young woman with long, clinging garments, in the act of -pouring wine from a large vessel of blown glass into a small flagon. The -admonition in her case runs, “Qui sibi plus licere vult quam deceat sue -studet ruine” (“He who wishes to enjoy more than is his due, acts to his -own destruction”). Other inscriptions quoted by Tonjola appear to refer -to further paintings, possibly single figures only, of which, however, -no traces remain. The compositions on the “back wall,” with subjects -from the Old Testament, painted some eight years afterwards, are -described in a later chapter.[297] - -While Holbein was carrying out the earlier paintings, the sculptor -Martin Lepzelter was also at work in the Council Chamber. He carved two -half-length figures of prophets and four coats of arms for the pillars -which supported the ceiling, for which he was paid eight Basel pounds on -August 3, 1521.[298] - -When, on the 29th November 1522, on the Saturday before St. Andrew’s -Day, Holbein received a final payment of twenty-two Basel pounds and ten -shillings, which was the balance of the 120 gulden he was to receive for -the whole work, he had completed two walls of the Council Chamber, and -he felt that he had more than earned the amount of his commission, -although the back wall was still untouched. He, therefore, made -representations to the Council to this effect, and they appear to have -felt the justice of the claim, as they could hardly have failed to do, -when they saw in how brilliant a manner the completed portion had been -carried out. In consequence, they agreed that he had fully earned the -money, and ordered the balance to be paid to him, deciding “to let the -back wall alone till further orders.”[299] In any case, as the winter -had begun, it would have been necessary to postpone the completion of -the work until the following spring, and, no doubt, it was the original -intention that Holbein should finish the room as soon as the season -permitted. For some reason, however, nothing was done in the matter -until after his return from his first visit to England. Possibly the -Council were too busily occupied in attempting to keep order in a city -in which the spread of the new opinions brought about by the Reformation -was already dividing the townsfolk into two separate camps. In the -spring of 1522, also, Basel was engaged in several military enterprises, -which would cause the Council to hesitate before spending money upon -such luxuries as art, which could be dispensed with until times were -less critical and the city’s affairs more prosperous. - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - CHAPTER VII - - DESIGNS FOR PAINTED GLASS AND OTHER STUDIES - -Holbein’s work as a designer for the glass-painters—Eight panels of - saints—The “Prodigal Son”—The “Two Unicorns”—Designs with landsknechte - at Berne, Basel, Berlin, and Paris—Heraldic drawings for Erasmus and - others—Designs showing the influence of North German art—“Virgin and - St. John”—The “Annunciation”—“St. Elizabeth”—“Virgin and Child with - kneeling donor”—The great “Passion” series—Studies of costumes of - Basel ladies—“St. Adrian”—Studies from the nude—“A Fight”—Animals. - - -IN addition to his commissions, both public and private, for -wall-paintings, Holbein was frequently employed in the preparation of -designs for artificers in more than one branch of decorative art. The -Amerbach Collection is rich in works of this class, more particularly in -designs for glass windows. It must be remembered in studying these -“scheibenrisse” that they were intended for painted, and not for -stained, glass. The older method of employing translucent glass of -various tints, in which the colour is incorporated in the body of the -glass itself, so that the window depended for its beauty on its -transparency, had already become, in the Switzerland of Holbein’s day, a -little-practised and, in some districts, an almost forgotten art, its -place being taken by glass, usually white, on which the design was -painted in enamel colours and afterwards permanently fixed by refiring. -Such glass painting produced the effect of a semi-opaque design on a -translucent ground, and, beginning merely with a few brown lines to -indicate the features, or the patterns on a dress, it had gradually -developed, in Germany and Switzerland, into a method of pictorial -representation which imitated as closely as possible a painted picture, -and was, therefore, in marked contrast to the older and more beautiful -art, in which the great aim of the artist was to produce a lovely effect -of transparent colour. In the newer method, which in reality was opposed -to the true nature of the medium employed, but which nevertheless became -a thing of beauty when designed by a master, small panels, as a rule, -were used, which were surrounded by plain white glass, so that they had -the appearance of little pictures set in the middle of a window. The -panels being small ones, and the subjects on them drawn on a small -scale, it was necessary that the panes should be placed near the ground -so that they could be properly seen, and this, again, made it essential -that the draughtsmanship should be as careful and delicate as possible, -design having usurped the place of colour. These glass paintings were -usually surrounded by a framework of a decorative nature which divided -them sharply from the plain glass around them, and helped still more to -produce the effect of a picture. The lines of leadwork, which, in the -older method, held the pieces of vari-coloured glass together, were -abandoned as much as possible, as they naturally marred the delicate -pictorial effect of the work, and were sometimes confined to the -boundary lines of the panel. Under such conditions it was natural that -the glass-workers should turn to artists for their supply of designs, -since accurate draughtsmanship was now all-important. - -Holbein, who was largely employed by the Basel glaziers and -glass-painters for this purpose, made the freest and finest use of this -new convention in the decoration of windows. The convention was, no -doubt, a wrong one, and in the end all but extinguished the older and -more beautiful art, but Holbein took it as he found it, and brought to -it all his mastery of design and purity of line, so that the panels he -produced were of great beauty and fine decorative effect. In his day -glass-painting was no longer confined to the services of the Church, but -was introduced into the windows of all private houses of importance, -usually in the form of single panes with the householder’s coat of arms, -or with sacred or profane subjects, according to his tastes. Thus he had -many opportunities of showing his skill in this form of decoration, and -he made use of a great variety of subjects. In some instances, such as -the “Passion” series described below, the treatment is frankly -pictorial, and the decorative effect is confined to the framework of -Renaissance architecture within which the subject is set; but in others, -and more particularly those intended for the display of shields with -armorial bearings, the design becomes largely a decorative one, in which -the artist gives free play to his imagination and taste for -ornamentation in the Italian manner. Whatever the subject, however, each -drawing displays wonderfully free yet delicate draughtsmanship, skilful -arrangement of the design in the space to be filled, and extraordinary -facility of invention. The studies appear often to have been made to the -exact size of the panel they were to decorate, and, as a rule, Holbein -left the question of colour to the taste of the glass-painter; in a few -cases, however, he indicated it by the addition of one or two slight -tints. There can be little doubt that they were carried out largely in -that combination of pale yellow for the higher lights and brown or -grisaille for the darker portions and shadows which was the customary -practice in Switzerland at that period, with touches of more positive -colour here and there in the dresses of the figures, the landscape -backgrounds, and the coats of arms. The designs are in most cases drawn -with the reed pen and washed with Indian ink. - -[Sidenote: EIGHT PANELS OF SAINTS] - -Only two or three of these designs, of which some thirty or more are in -existence, are dated, and, with the exception of four or five made -during his sojourn in Lucerne,[300] they were all produced between the -years 1519 and 1525 or 1526. Among the earliest are eight panels of -Saints at Basel (Nos. 333-40),[301] which were designed in pairs, and -were to be placed side by side in the two divisions of a single window, -the architectural framework and background in which the figures are set -corresponding in almost all details in each pair of designs, so that it -is evident that they were intended to be seen together, forming between -them a complete picture. They were probably produced for the decoration -of some large hall, or the aisle of a church. Two other drawings -belonging to the same series are contemporary copies after Holbein from -the hand of some follower, one of which bears the date 1520 and the coat -of arms of the town of Basel, proving that the designs were made, most -probably towards the close of 1519, shortly after his return from -Lucerne. They appear to have been done for the cloisters at Wettingen. - -The first pair represent the Virgin standing with the Infant Jesus in -her arms,[302] in the left division, and some prince of the Church in -the robes of a bishop in the right.[303] This last figure has been -described as that of St. Pantalus, the patron saint of Basel, but there -is little resemblance in expression to the fine head of that bishop in -Holbein’s design for the organ shutters in the minster. Here the face is -full of arrogance, rather than piety, and the prelate bears himself -proudly as though conscious of his exalted position. His mitre and -ecclesiastical robes are richly embroidered and ornamented. A marked -peculiarity in the drawing of all the figures in this series is their -appearance of stumpiness, the legs being too short for the bodies. A -similar defect is to be noted in some of Holbein’s earlier designs for -book ornaments. In the case of these glass designs it may have been that -they were to be enlarged afterwards by the glass-painter, and placed at -some height from the floor, and that Holbein, therefore, attempted -foreshortening. This, however, is not very probable, as all his designs -for this purpose seem to have been intended for small paintings, to be -placed near the eye, and it is much more likely that this characteristic -of his figures was a fault, also to be noticed in his earlier woodcut -designs, of which he afterwards broke himself. The two in question are -placed in an architectural setting of a somewhat fantastic design, with -large open arches through which an extensive mountainous landscape is -seen. Below the hills, on the right of the bishop, are the houses of a -village and a stone crucifix by the wayside, and on the left a torrent -rushing down a mountain gorge crowned with trees, and forming a large -waterfall under a bridge of one wide arch where the stream joins the -plain. The same landscape is continued in the background of the panel of -the Virgin and Child, the river wandering away through another gorge -among the hills on the left. This view is strongly reminiscent of the -St. Gotthard district and the Devil’s Bridge over the Reuss, and affords -some slight additional proof of Holbein’s expedition across the -Alps.[304] - -A second pair represent St. Anna with the Virgin and Child, and St. -Barbara.[305] Here again the unusual shortness of the figures is very -apparent. St. Barbara, who is dressed in the rich costume of a Basel -lady of the sixteenth century, stands in the characteristic attitude, -with the upper part of her body bent backwards, and the heavy dress held -up in front by the hand, as is the case in each one of the series of -studies of ladies’ costumes by Holbein to be described later, which thus -appears to have been the customary habit of walking at that time. The -setting is less fantastic and elaborate than in the two panels just -described, and consists in each of an open arch supported by pillars, -with sculptured figures above the capitals. Although the details of the -ornamentation of the columns do not exactly agree in the two designs, -they are evidently a pair. On the left-hand panel, as in the one on the -same side in the preceding set, there is an empty shield for a coat of -arms, and the background is also a mountainous landscape, though drawn -in less detail. In the design of St. Catherine,[306] which forms one of -a pair with St. John the Baptist, the background is almost entirely -filled with a building with pointed arches supported by short pillars, -but on the left a narrow strip of landscape is visible, with an archway -or bridge across a road with a building on the far side of it, and -distant mountains behind. The face of the saint is a very charming one, -and her hair falls in elaborate ringlets down her back, and is -surmounted with a jewelled crown. In the pair representing St. Andrew -and St. Stephen, Dr. Ganz recognises, in the arcading with flat -pilasters and shallow scallop-crowned niches in front of which the -saints are standing, an architectural motive taken from the cathedral of -Como.[307] There is no need to describe every figure in this series in -detail, each one of which wears a halo, a symbol of which Holbein -afterwards made very little use. - -[Sidenote: THE “PRODIGAL SON” WINDOW] - -Two other designs for painted glass in the Basel Gallery are of about -the same date as these eight sheets with figures of saints, and were -done in the earlier years of his second Basel period, either in 1519 or -1520. One represents the “Prodigal Son,” and the other is an heraldic -device with two unicorns supporting a shield. The former is a very -effective design, in which the Prodigal Son is shown tending a herd of -swine (Pl. 42 (2)).[308] He strides along, barefooted, in ragged -clothes, through which his bare knees protrude, his long staff on his -shoulder, and his short sword grasped in his left hand. His head is -turned towards the spectator, and there is a look of misery and despair -on his face. The animals he is driving have come to a halt round the -trunk of a large oak tree which fills the greater part of the left-hand -side of the sheet, and is one of the most considerable pieces of -tree-drawing Holbein ever designed. Some of the pigs are devouring the -fallen acorns; others raise their snouts as though expecting the food to -drop from the branches into their mouths. Their keeper, whose miserable -thoughts are far away from his task, unconsciously thrusts the end of -his staff into the eye of one of the herd. The background is a landscape -of wide expanse, with a large walled-in building with farm outhouses on -the bank of a river in the middle distance, and a range of mountains on -the horizon. The whole is surrounded by a simple framework consisting of -a single arch supported by pillars, with two nude sculptured figures in -the angle above the capitals. The rather weak and wavering line of the -flattened arch, and the similar hesitating double spiral which runs -round the pillars, together with the very simple ornamentation of arch, -capitals and bases, indicate that the design is quite an early one, -though the drawing of the figure and the accompanying animals is -excellent and full of character. An empty shield for a coat of arms is -placed in the right-hand corner against the column, and a flat space is -left below for an inscription. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 42. - - -[Illustration: - - TWO LANDSKNECHTE - Design for painted glass - BASEL GALLERY -] - - -[Illustration: - - THE PRODIGAL SON - Design for painted glass - BASEL GALLERY -] - -The sheet with the two unicorns[309] is much more elaborate in its -architectural treatment, and is a design of great decorative effect. The -two beasts stand on their hind-legs, and support with their forelegs an -empty shield of Italian fashion. The animals themselves are -realistically drawn, and are not treated merely as conventional heraldic -beasts, the sense of reality being increased by the head of the one on -the left, which is turned round over its back, so that the horns of both -point in the same direction, but at different angles. They are placed -beneath a very richly-decorated edifice which Holbein appears to have -taken from one of the monumental tombs to be seen in many of the cities -of Northern Italy. The principal feature is a barrel-shaped wooden roof, -supported by a flattened arch and double pillars at the sides and in the -centre. At either side of this roof-like structure rise short chimneys -of Italian design, and above it is a deep frieze with Renaissance -carvings supported by three short pillars. As Dr. Ganz points out,[310] -the design has features in common with the fine tomb of Andrea Fusina, -now in the Archæological Museum in Milan, while the three sculptured -antique heads which crown the lower columns have their counterpart both -in the Certosa of Pavia and the church of S. Maria delle Grazie in -Milan. The whole design, in fact, so closely resembles in its elaborate -architecture these Renaissance monuments, that it is impossible to -believe that it was the result of Holbein’s imagination alone, but -rather was due to personal knowledge and actual study. In the landscape -background is seen a country château with a projecting tourelle. - -[Sidenote: FIGURES OF LANDSKNECHTE] - -Among these designs for painted glass there is a considerable group in -which the mercenary soldier or landsknecht of Holbein’s day forms the -chief subject. These warriors are introduced as heraldic supporters of -shields, and were intended, no doubt, for the use of burghers and nobles -who had seen military service, while others were designed for the city -authorities. The fact that in most cases the shields are left blank -shows that Holbein produced them as stock patterns for the -glass-painters, which could be adapted to the use of any customer who -desired a military subject for his window. In these designs Holbein has -made effective use of the picturesque and sumptuous dress and -richly-decorated weapons these bold and reckless fighting-men affected. -One of the earliest of them in point of date is in the Historical Museum -of Berne.[311] It is, unfortunately, only the lower half of a design, of -which the remaining portion is now lost. Only the legs, the lower part -of the body, and the left hand, with which the landsknecht grasps his -sword, are seen, together with part of the shaft of his lance. His right -foot is hidden by a large shield containing the coat of arms of the city -of Basel. The bases of the columns on either side very closely resemble -those in the glass design of the “Prodigal Son,” which places the date -at about 1520. The soldier is represented as standing on a platform -above the river Rhine, and down below, seen between and on either side -of his outstretched legs, is a distant landscape, drawn in a free and -masterly manner, of exceptional interest on account of its elaborate -detail. Across the rapidly-flowing river stretches a wide tressel bridge -supported on wooden piers, which leads to an arched gateway in a high -tower. Along the river bank, on either side of the bridge, are a number -of houses, and behind them a town within steep fortified walls, with -many buildings huddled together, and a church tower rising above the -surrounding roofs. In the distance ranges of snow mountains close in the -view. Trees and a high rock on the near side of the water fill the -background on the left-hand side of the design. The view Holbein has -thus shown is by no means an exact representation of Basel as seen from -across the water, but is rather the simplified type of a Rhine town of -his day. It is not improbable that the artist, in addition to the -wall-paintings in the new Town Hall, also supplied designs for the -windows in some of the rooms, in which case this fragment of a drawing, -which contains the city coat of arms, may very possibly have formed a -part of such decoration.[312] - -The other sheets with landsknechte were produced some few years after -the Berne study, though, according to an old copy of one of them, not -later than 1524. In most of them the motive consists of two warriors -supporting an empty shield between them. It was first used by Holbein in -1517 in a glass painting for Hans Fleckenstein of Lucerne,[313] and was -followed a year or two afterwards by the beautiful design in the Basel -Gallery and the still later and equally beautiful study in the Berlin -Print Room. The date of the last-named drawing can be fixed with some -certainty from an old copy which is inscribed 1523. The example at Basel -(Pl. 42 (1))[314] must have been done shortly after the completion of -the wall-paintings of the Hertenstein house. In the decorative details -of the architectural setting it bears a close resemblance to the glass -design of the Madonna with the view of Lucerne in the background, of the -year 1519, while the warrior on the right is seen again in an early -glass design in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris.[315] The double -columns carrying the arch in the Basel drawing are richly ornamented, -and at the base are supported by a number of small nude sculptured -figures. Festoons of laurel leaves and ribbons hang down from the arch—a -feature to be found in many of these designs—and in the angles over the -capitals are round medallions with antique heads, which was also a -favourite decorative motive with Holbein, and, as already noted, is -rarely missing from any of his Renaissance frameworks. The two -landsknechte wear breastplates over their gay attire, and large slouched -hats with many feathers. The one on the left, a bearded man, carries -sword and dagger, and holds a battle-axe on his shoulder; the one on the -right, clean shaven, leans upon the shaft of his lance. The two figures -are splendidly conceived and drawn with the greatest force and truth; -and the whole design affords proof of how considerable an effect his -stay in Lucerne and his short visit to Northern Italy had upon his art, -and of the extraordinarily rapid manner in which his genius for -decorative design, and his delight in the invention of these settings of -Renaissance architecture, developed under these new influences. The -background of this particular design, which, according to Dr. Ganz, is -strongly reminiscent of the country in the Vierwaldstättersee, shows the -tall tower of some village church, the lower part of which is hidden by -the beautifully-designed Italian shield which the two warriors support, -situated in a hilly landscape, with the sharp peaks of a range of -mountains in the distance. - -[Sidenote: FIGURES OF LANDSKNECHTE] - -A similar background is shown in the design in the Berlin Print -Room,[316] though only the red roof of the church tower appears above -the shield. This drawing has been touched with colour in places, the -faces of the two landsknechte with red, and also the roofs of the houses -of the village seen in the distance, the landscape with green and brown, -while colour is also used in several of the decorative details, such as -the festoons hanging from the wide flattened arch. The attitudes of the -two shield-bearers are more natural and less forced than in the Basel -sheet. They are dressed in the same fashion, the man on the right -wearing his large feathered hat fastened to his back, and leaning on a -large pike held with both hands. The soldier on the left, an exceedingly -graceful figure, with a long lance placed point downwards, rests one -hand on the shield, and with the other touches his sword hilt. The -architectural setting is similar in general design to that of the Basel -example, though here the arch is supported by pairs of short slender -columns, with sculptured figures of Judith and Lucretia standing on the -capitals, and above them Samson and Hercules, while a long frieze over -the arch contains a battle of nude foot soldiers and horsemen, in the -midst of a shallow stream. - -In another drawing in the Basel Gallery,[317] the shield, a fine -heraldic design, completely fills the right-hand side of the sheet. It -contains a coat of arms consisting of two pears hanging from a branch -and a star on either side, and, surmounting the shield, a helmet with -large upstanding wings, between which is placed a branch with a single -pear, elaborate scroll-work falling on either side. On the left stands a -fierce-looking landsknecht, with his plumed hat on his back, and a great -two-handed sword upon his shoulder. Over the crown of the arch, but not -forming part of the architectural design, is a battle scene with four -men fighting, two with long lances and one with a gun. This drawing, -which is a most effective one, is signed “H.H.” The design in the -Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris,[318] appears to be one of the earliest of -all, produced during his stay in Lucerne. It is evident, from the figure -on the left-hand side, that it was ordered in celebration of a wedding, -the richly-dressed young lady wearing a bridal crown being the -newly-wedded wife of the landsknecht standing on the right. Each one -supports a shield with a coat of arms, the woman’s consisting of three -arrows, and the man’s of an anchor. The soldier, with long pike over his -shoulder, has a strong facial likeness, as already mentioned, to the -warrior on the right of the Basel design, while the face of his wife is -of the same type as the head in the Louvre study for the Solothurn -“Madonna.” In the background is a castle on a precipitous rock by the -side of a lake, shut in by a mountain range. The framework consists of -two columns with grotesque heads in the capitals, supporting some -elaborate scroll-work in place of an arch. Several other drawings in -which these mercenaries form the subject are in existence,[319] -including a study from life of a seated landsknecht at Berlin,[320] -which was formerly in the Lawrence and Suermondt Collections. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 43. - - -[Illustration: - - DESIGN FOR PAINTED GLASS - With the Coat of Arms of the Von Hewen Family - 1520 - BASEL GALLERY -] - -A glass design at Basel (No. 341), remarkable for the beauty and freedom -of its luxuriant Renaissance scroll design, and also for its fine -architecture, bears the date 1520 (Pl. 43).[321] This design is without -supporting figures, the whole of the centre of the sheet being filled -with a blank shield, surmounted by two helmets with elaborate crests, -one with the rampant body of a winged goat, and the other with a pair of -curved trumpet-shaped horns. From them flows, down either side of the -shield, a mass of beautifully-drawn scroll and leaf ornament. This -elaborate coat of arms, designed for a married couple, is placed in an -architectural setting resembling a Romanesque church portal. The -circular arch is supported by six pillars on either side. At the base of -the two nearer ones kneel warriors in Roman armour, supporting a blank -tablet for some inscription; above each is a small blindfolded and -trumpet-blowing cupid, with a body ending in foliated scrolls, and on -the capitals stand sculptured figures of Mercury and Cronos, the -devourer of mankind, resting on his scythe, and about to swallow a small -naked child. Behind their heads are two tablets, chained to the crown of -the arch, one inscribed “MERCHVRIVS EIN PLONET,” and the other, “ANNO -DOMINI·M·D·XX·H.” The upper moulding of the arch is filled with small -sculptured figures of saints, kings, warriors, and others of humbler -rank. In the lower right-hand corner is written “d he’ von Hewen,” -showing that the design was made for a member of the noble family of Von -Hewen, who was probably a churchman, and, judging from the inscription -round the helmet on the right—“DHIOEQV”—a knight of the Order of St. -John. Dr. Ganz suggests,[322] therefore, that the orderer of the glass -was Wolfgang von Hewen, Canon of Trier, Strasburg, and Chur, who became -Rector of Freiburg University in 1504. There is in the Basel Gallery a -companion drawing with the coat of arms of the Von Andlau family, which, -however, is not so fine a design.[323] - -Another and still more elaborate design of a like nature, and of the -same year, 1520, was made for Georg von Massmünster, Abbot of Murbach, -of which the original glass painting is in a private collection in -Basel.[324] The coat of arms which fills the centre of the panel is -surmounted by a mitre between two croziers, and many small putti and -other figures are introduced into the architectural setting. - -[Sidenote: COAT OF ARMS OF PETRUS FABRINUS] - -Another purely heraldic drawing may be mentioned here, although not -intended for reproduction as a glass painting. It contains the arms of a -compatriot of Holbein’s, Petrus Fabrinus of Augsburg, who became Rector -of Basel University.[325] It is painted in gouache on vellum, and was -done for insertion in the Matriculation Book of the University in 1523. -The arms are placed in front of a Renaissance portico, supported by two -columns of green marble, and with a triangular pediment, over which is a -flaming brazier, while two naked cupids are seated on the capitals of -the columns. In the angles of the arch are two medallions with antique -crowned heads. A yellow curtain hides the whole of the lower part of the -background. The left half of the shield shows three roses on a blue -ground, and the right three fishes on black. It is crowned with a -helmet, from which springs the figure of a Moor in parti-coloured dress, -who holds in either hand, attached to ribbons from his turban, the three -roses and the three fish. - -Another heraldic drawing for glass-painting is of particular interest -because it was designed by Holbein for Erasmus.[326] It represents the -truncated form of the god Hermes as Terminus within an arch supported by -single columns, standing in a wide, undulating landscape. The statue is -turned three-quarters to the left, the head surrounded by rays, the eyes -looking upwards. Over the head, suspended by ribbons from the arch, -hangs a large wooden tablet for an inscription, placed slantwise, like -the figure below it. The latter bears a considerable likeness to Erasmus -himself. The setting is unusually simple, both pillars and arch being -almost devoid of ornament, with the exception of a panel with -roughly-indicated winged figures terminating in floriated scrolls, and -two roundels with the customary heads in the angles of the arch. The -background, which consists of some open fields, with a tree or two, one -distant house, and hilly country beyond, the whole indicated with a few -lines and touches of green colour, slight as it is, shows to advantage -Holbein’s knowledge of landscape perspective. There is a freedom and -simplicity in the drawing, a dignity of conception, and a fine sense of -proportion, which indicate that it is one of the latest in date of his -drawings for glass, and that it was most probably made shortly before -his departure for England in 1526. Erasmus adopted Terminus, the god of -boundaries and established ways, as his symbol after Alexander Stuart, -Archbishop of St. Andrews, had presented him, when in Italy, with a gold -ring set with a cornelian on which was engraved the figure of Hermes and -the motto “CONCEDO NULLI”;[327] and this motto Holbein has placed in -large letters across the sky of the drawing on either side of the head. -Thus the design, by means of the symbols used, suggests the character of -the philosopher himself, a man who in the opinions he held would yield -to no man, and yet in his writings confined himself to established ways, -and broke few boundaries. This drawing is in the Amerbach Collection. - -In the British Museum there is a glass design representing a Wild Man of -the Woods, drawn with the brush and washed with Indian ink and a slight -colour wash.[328] It represents a naked bearded man, with a defiant -look, his head and loins girt with forest leaves, holding an uprooted -sapling in his hands, and with feet planted apart. He stands on a stone -ledge forming the sill of a window, decorated with pilasters and -garlands in the Renaissance style and opening upon a hollow among -mountains covered with pines. It was purchased in 1895 with the Malcolm -Collection, and is an exceedingly fine drawing. Sandrart appears to have -possessed a copy of it. - -[Sidenote: “CHRIST ON THE CROSS”] - -Two glass designs, one in the Basel Gallery and the other in Paris, show -that though Holbein at this period of his life was strongly influenced -by North Italian art, yet the earlier influence of such German painters -as Grünewald and Hans Baldung Grien, gained through a study of their -great altar-pieces, had by no means been completely overshadowed. For -some years at least after he had become a citizen of Basel these two -divergent forces in his development both made themselves felt in varying -degrees in much of his work, so that it is not at all easy to arrange in -chronological order the large number of decorative designs and other -works he produced at this time. This double influence can be easily -traced in these “scheibenrisse” of “Christ on the Cross between the -Virgin and St. John,” and “The Annunciation.” In the former[329] the -influence of Grünewald is to be seen in the two standing figures, in -both of which, and more particularly in that of St. John, the acute -grief which overpowers them as they gaze on the crucified Christ is -strongly, even violently, depicted. St. John, by the agitated movements -of his whole body, his extended fingers, and his open mouth, shows how -passionately he is suffering. The framework which surrounds them is -over-decorated with a conglomeration of Renaissance motives. The side -columns are covered, and their form almost hidden, by masses of plastic -ornament, writhing snakes round the bases, and above them grotesque -heads with long tassels hanging from their mouths; and, higher up, -sculptured figures of a sphinx-like nature. In contrast to this, the -background is filled with one of his naturally-treated landscape scenes, -with a high rock on the right behind St. John, from which a tree is -growing, and on the left a glimpse of a town by a lake, with mountains -beyond and a cloudy sky overhead. - -The “Annunciation” drawing, in the collection of M. Léon Bonnat, -Paris,[330] shows so many points in common with Grünewald’s altar-piece -at Isenheim, not only in the general arrangement of the figures, but in -numerous details, that it seems evident that Holbein must have been well -acquainted with it.[331] As his father was working at Isenheim for some -considerable time, it is exceedingly probable that his sons, even if -they did not accompany him directly there from Augsburg, as the first -stage on their journey to Basel, paid him one or more visits, for the -distance between the two places was not great. Holbein has placed the -kneeling Mary on one side of a wooden chest on which rests a cushion -with her book; on the other side the Angel of the Annunciation has just -alighted, an imposing winged figure, very richly and elaborately -dressed, holding a long sceptre in one hand, and the other outstretched -towards the Virgin. The latter is by no means one of Holbein’s most -pleasing representations of the Mother of our Lord; it is to the angel -the eye turns as the centre of interest. The Romanesque pillar and -frieze behind the Virgin is a motive taken from the crypt of the Minster -of Basel, while the wooden barrel roof of the chamber at the back, in -which the Virgin’s bed is placed, was common in Holbein’s day throughout -Switzerland in council chambers, courts of justice, and other large -rooms.[332] The architectural framework resembles that of the -“Crucifixion” drawing in the lavishness of its somewhat incongruous -ornamental details. The bases of the columns are sheathed with grotesque -heads from which spring large foliated scrolls, supporting wicker -baskets filled with fruit and leaves. Dr. Ganz gives the date of the -drawing as about 1521 or 1522. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 44. - - -[Illustration: - - ST. ELIZABETH, WITH KNEELING KNIGHT AND BEGGAR - Design for painted glass - BASEL GALLERY -] - -In composition and technique the foregoing drawing resembles a design -for a glass painting in the Basel Collection, representing “St. -Elizabeth” (Pl. 44),[333] like the last named touched with bistre. The -figure of the saint is placed within a semicircular niche, round which -run a number of slender, decorated pillars, apparently of wood, which -support the dome-shaped roof with its large rosettes in compartments and -a frieze of ox-heads and ribbons. St. Elizabeth, who is dressed in the -rich costume of a noblewoman or wealthy burgher’s wife, with her hair -covered by a long veil which falls down her back, holds up the front of -her gown with her right hand in the customary Basel manner, and with the -other pours wine or water into a bowl held by a kneeling and almost -naked beggar, who gazes up into her face. On the other side of her -kneels a bearded knight in full armour, with hands raised in prayer, his -feathered helmet and his mailed gloves on the ground before him. He is -evidently the donor of the window for which the drawing is the original -design. His breastplate, with its high gorget, and his other -accoutrements, resemble those worn by St. Ursus in the Solothurn -picture, and the kneeling beggar recalls the penitent in the same work. -The saint, a very graceful and beautifully-drawn figure, is placed on a -low circular platform of wood or stone, giving the suggestion of a work -of sculpture. The whole is strongly reminiscent of the more elaborate -monumental tombs of the Italian Renaissance erected in the interior of -some church. At the bottom of the drawing, on either side, rise the -capitals of two columns, as though the niche in which the figures are -placed were raised at some considerable height from the ground. These -capitals bear small boys in Roman helmets holding empty shields. The -graceful and refined architecture of this drawing suggests, according to -Dr. Ganz, that it was designed after Holbein’s journey to Montpellier in -1523, during which he became acquainted with the fine buildings of the -French Renaissance in Besançon, Dijon, Lyon, and elsewhere. - -[Sidenote: “ST. ELIZABETH WITH KNEELING DONOR”] - -The same influence is to be seen in a second glass design at Basel, -representing the Virgin with the Child in her arms and a kneeling donor -on the left (Pl. 45),[334] in which the architectural setting is even -more beautiful than in the one just described, of which it is a free -variant. The Virgin stands, crowned, on a low sculptured pedestal in -front of a shallow niche under a circular arch beneath a pointed -vaulting, the filling in of which is carved like a scallop-shell, as in -the “Meyer Madonna.” The pilasters which support it and the frieze of -Renaissance ornamentation are flat, and the whole setting is admirable -in its restraint and quiet beauty, and its well-balanced masses. The -Virgin is surrounded with projecting rays from head to foot, a symbol of -the Immaculate Conception, and the whole figure, like that in the -foregoing design, is of tall, fine proportions, unlike so many of -Holbein’s figures in his earlier drawings, and gives the impression of a -carved wooden statue with rays of metal or gilded wood. The Child in her -arms is kicking out his legs, and raises one chubby fist in the air, -looking over his mother’s arm with a cross expression, as though angry -at having been lifted from the ground. The armed, kneeling knight -appears to be the same donor as in the other drawing, but is turned more -towards the spectator, with hands uplifted as he gazes in adoration. -This exceptionally beautiful and masterly design is said to have been -reproduced on a considerably larger scale for a window of the church of -St. Theodore in Little Basel. A fragment of the glass, containing the -Madonna’s head, is preserved in the Historical Museum in Basel. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 45. - - -[Illustration: - - THE VIRGIN AND CHILD, WITH A KNEELING DONOR - Design for painted glass - BASEL GALLERY -] - -By far the most important of Holbein’s designs for glass windows are -those forming the series of ten subjects from the “Passion of Christ,” -in the Basel Gallery, which in dramatic power and fertility of invention -surpass all his earlier treatments of this great subject. The range over -which the series extends is a shorter one than in the painted -altar-piece in eight scenes representing the same subject. The latter -begins with the “Mount of Olives” and ends with the “Entombment,” -whereas the glass designs start with “Christ before Caiaphas” and -conclude with the “Crucifixion,” so that the part of the story which is -represented is told with greater detail. In most cases the designs are -arranged in pairs, with the architectural framework in close though not -exact correspondence, and similarly shaped and decorated spaces left at -the bottom for the inclusion of the appropriate scriptural text. -Evidently in each of the windows of the church for which they were -designed pairs of subjects were to be placed side by side. Two of the -scenes, however, seem to be single designs, the “Mocking” (No. 3), and -the “Ecce Homo” (No. 6), in which the setting corresponds with none of -the other drawings; while in the two last of the series, the “Nailing to -the Cross” and the “Crucifixion,” the architectural framework only -agrees in its general lines, though the designs evidently form a pair. -Apparently, therefore, the series was made for a range of six windows, -four of them with double and two with single divisions. According to Dr. -Ganz, the series was begun, but not completed, by Holbein in 1523, his -journey to the south of France intervening. On his return to Basel he -resumed the work, which was probably finished by the end of the same -year or early in 1524. He sees differences, more particularly in the -architecture, in certain of the drawings, such as the “Mocking,” which -suggest that the artist had gained fresh ideas from his study of the -buildings in the towns through which he passed on his way to -Montpellier, where he went to deliver the portrait of Erasmus to -Bonifacius Amerbach. - -[Sidenote: THE “PASSION OF CHRIST” SERIES] - -The series opens with “Christ before Caiaphas” (Pl. 46 (1)).[335] The -high priest is seen from the side, seated upon a throne raised on steps -within a richly-decorated hall, through the entrance to which the -soldiers escorting Christ are crowding. Christ stands below his judge, -his hands bound, and his sorrowful face turned towards one of the -soldiers, who, with uplifted fist, is about to strike him. The second -scene, that of the “Scourging” (Pl. 46 (2)),[336] is enacted in another -part of the same building, showing the same low, flattened arches, and a -corresponding pillar on the right with Renaissance carving in flat -relief and inlaid marble. Christ, his head drooping on his shoulder, an -almost nude figure, is bound to a broad circular column with a decorated -top. In the action of the three soldiers who are plying their whips and -scourges there is little of that exaggerated vehemence of action which -is to be seen in Holbein’s earlier versions of this subject, while in -both this and the succeeding pictures the type of face is less -repulsive, and greater reticence is shown in the display of brutality. -In most cases the faces of the soldiers are turned away from the -spectator, or half hidden by their action, or only seen in profile. The -distortion and caricature have disappeared, and his types have become -natural ones, taken from the daily life around him. The costume in few -instances only is that of Holbein’s time, and the soldiers wear what is -intended to be the antique Roman dress, such as had become familiar to -him through Mantegna’s designs. Near Christ, in “The Scourging,” a -little behind the central group, stands a bearded man in the gown and -hood of a monk, resting on a stick, as though superintending the -punishment, and waiting for a confession; and in the background a -gallery runs across the building under the arches, from which a second -hooded figure is looking down on the scene. - -Unlike the other sheets of the set, the “Mocking of Christ” (Pl. 47 -(1))[337] takes place beneath the high, pointed vaulting of some Gothic -building, with its arches open to the sky. Christ, blindfolded and with -tied hands, his body covered by the robe they have placed over him, is -seated in the centre, with bent head, and mouth half open with pain. One -of the soldiers kneels, and thrusts the reed into his hand as a sceptre, -while a second, stooping down, clutches his hair with one hand, and -raises the other as though about to strike him in the face. On the left -between two pillars stands a tall figure clad in a long gown, and the -upper part of his face concealed by a hood of a peculiar pattern, with a -hanging peak behind, such as is associated with portraits of Dante. This -spectator, who is also to be seen among the crowd in the first design, -has a cynical smile on his face. The whole group, which suggests a study -for a work of plastic art, is shown in strong foreshortening, as though -it were intended to be seen from some distance below; and the same -effect is produced by the perspective of the vaulting and in the drawing -of the hanging lamp, of an unusual and interesting pattern, over -Christ’s head.[338] This drawing is, perhaps, the most beautiful of all, -the happiest in its composition, and the most spiritual in its feeling. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 46. - - -[Illustration: - - CHRIST BEFORE CAIAPHAS - The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Illustration: - - THE SCOURGING OF CHRIST - The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass - BASEL GALLERY -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 47. - - -[Illustration: - - THE MOCKING OF CHRIST - The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Illustration: - - CHRIST CROWNED WITH THORNS - The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: THE “PASSION OF CHRIST” SERIES] - -The remaining sheets of the series have each an independent -architectural framework, which forms no part of the actual setting of -the scene itself, but through which it is seen like a picture. In the -“Crowning with Thorns” and “Pilate washing his Hands” it consists of two -pillars with large diamond-shaped panels containing antique heads in -medallions, and, above the elaborately-carved capitals, charmingly-drawn -winged putti supporting the ends of a wreath which hangs from the centre -of the frame. In the “Crowning” (Pl. 47 (2)),[339] Christ is seen from -the side, an almost nude figure, seated on a high stone step in front of -a building upon which Holbein has given free play to his delight in the -richest Renaissance forms. In the Saviour’s downcast face is a look of -intense suffering, nobly borne. Two of the soldiers press the crown of -thorns upon his head by means of a long curved stick held across it, -which a third man is striking violently with a stout staff, in order to -force it securely down. A fourth kneels in front and thrusts the reed -into the victim’s hands with a jeer. Behind them, on the left, Pilate -stands, his wand of office held aloft. In the next scene (Pl. 48 -(1))[340] Pilate is seated on a high throne with a canopy supported by -chains fastened to the necks of two sculptured figures, and long -curtains, both canopy and curtains being decorated with the lilies of -France. This throne, or judgment-seat, is placed in an open court, and -in the background rises a Gothic building of the type to be seen in the -streets of Basel in Holbein’s day. Pilate performs the symbolic action -of washing his hands with the greatest vigour and determination, one -attendant holding a large flat basin in front of him while a second -pours in the water. On the right Christ is being led away by a crowd of -soldiers with uplifted pikes and spears. Pilate, with head turned -towards the departing Saviour, is calling after him, strong excitement -shown on his face. - -[Sidenote: THE “PASSION OF CHRIST” SERIES] - -The next scene, the “Ecce Homo” (Pl. 48 (2)),[341] also takes place -outside the hall of judgment, with a large Gothic building with -pinnacled gables filling in the background. This building is neither -German nor Italian in style, but of late Gothic French architecture, of -the type of the hospital founded by the Chancellor Nicolas Rollin in -Beaune, a town through which Holbein would be likely to pass on his way -to Montpellier, and for this reason Dr. Ganz regards it as one of the -latest of the series, done after the artist’s return to Basel in 1524. -Holbein has made use of the same building in the cut of the Empress in -the “Dance of Death.”[342] Pilate stands in the open doorway on the -right, with Christ by his side. One hand grasps his wand of office, and -the other is held up as though demanding silence from the crowd of -spectators and soldiery filling the space below him, who are shouting -and gesticulating, and pointing their fingers in scorn at the drooping -figure by Pilate’s side. Here again the expression of suppressed anguish -and pain on Christ’s face has been admirably suggested by the artist, -who has also produced the effect of a large and vehemently-agitated -crowd of people by means of a few figures cleverly grouped and -contrasted. Behind the Saviour is seen the head of the man in the -hood-like cap, possibly intended for some official of the Court, who is -shown in two of the earlier designs of the set. He appears again in the -“Cross-bearing” (Pl. 49(1)),[343] the last figure issuing from the gate, -and here, too, Holbein, with admirable skill in composition, has -produced the effect of a large body of excited people. The procession on -its way to Calvary has just issued through the gateway of the town, a -view of the street with its high-roofed houses being seen in the -background through the archway, and on the right the outer wall with a -circular tower at the angle. The general composition follows with some -closeness Holbein’s earlier versions of the subject, though marked by -less passionate action and less insistence on ugly facial types. Christ, -a most nobly-conceived figure, in the centre of the procession, is -stumbling under the weight of the great cross, though he has not -actually fallen to the ground. He is urged forward by the soldiers who -surround Him, some of whom raise their clenched fists, while one, clad -in Roman helmet and armour, thrusts a great cudgel into his side with a -brutal energy which is mirrored in his face. In front walk the two -thieves, almost nude, their hands tied behind them, the one who is -turning towards the spectator with a finely-drawn head full of -character. Above the crowd rise the shafts and points of weapons of many -shapes, together with the uplifted ladder and the reed. The framework -surrounding this drawing and its fellow is exceptionally rich in its -decorative treatment. The columns with their basket-work and flat -stucco-like ornament are connected across the top of the sheet by an -acanthusleaf scroll design of great beauty, recalling similar work on -the organ shutters in Basel Minster, which surrounds and supports a -wreath containing an antique head in the centre. The scroll-work in the -next design, the “Stripping of Christ’s Garments” (Pl. 49 (2)),[344] is -entwined round the bodies of two naked boys. The Saviour kneels upon the -Cross, in the utmost misery and dejection, while two soldiers tear his -garments from him with great violence. In striking contrast to these two -men is the figure of the kneeling man in the front who is boring holes -in the wood to take the nails. He bends over his work, indifferent or -oblivious to the turmoil around him, or to the tragedy in which he is -playing his humble part. Behind the central group there is a great -concourse of people, among whom can be distinguished one of the thieves, -and a man with uplifted mattock preparing a hole for the Cross, and, on -the right, the head and shoulders of Pilate. In this scene most of the -figures are clad in contemporary dress. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 48. - - -[Illustration: - - PILATE WASHING HIS HANDS - The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass - BASEL GALLERY -] - - -[Illustration: - - ECCE HOMO - The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass - BASEL GALLERY -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 49. - - -[Illustration: - - CHRIST BEARING THE CROSS - The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Illustration: - - THE STRIPPING OF CHRIST’S GARMENTS - The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass - BASEL GALLERY -] - -An even greater crowd is shown in the last scene but one, the “Nailing -to the Cross” (Pl. 50(1)).[345] Christ lies stretched upon the ground, -his body upon the Cross. One of the kneeling executioners forces down -his right arm with both hands, while a second, with uplifted hammer, is -driving in a huge nail through his palm. On the other side a third man -has seized the left arm and is dragging it with violence towards him in -order to stretch the body to the utmost. Behind them the soldiers are -casting lots for the garments, and still farther away the crosses with -the two thieves are being raised aloft. On the right Pilate, on a mule, -gazes down at the agonised body of the Saviour, as does a man placed -nearer to the spectator, wearing a scholar’s cap and gown, who bears -some small likeness to Erasmus. In the front, on the ground, is placed a -circular wooden box with handles, containing the executioner’s tools. -The columns of the framework are supported by fauns. In the last scene -of all, representing the “Crucifixion” (Pl. 50 (2)),[346] the two -crosses with the bodies of the thieves are placed at right angles to the -central one, on which Christ is nailed, as in the same subject in the -painted altar-panel. This drawing is the only one in the set in which -the Virgin and St. John are introduced. St. John, gazing upwards at the -Saviour, whose sufferings are at length over, supports the Virgin’s -drooping body as she leans forward with clasped hands against the foot -of the Cross. On the opposite side, on the right, the Centurion, in full -Roman armour, and with a large shield decorated with a Medusa head, -lifts up his right arm as a sign of his belief. Behind him is a soldier -with his crossbow under his arm, and his hands clasped as though he, -too, were moved to the utmost by the tragedy. A man who has just affixed -the placard over Christ’s head is descending a ladder raised at the back -of the Cross, and on either side, above the heads of the crowd, are seen -the uplifted reed with the sponge dipped in vinegar, and the spear which -pierced the Saviour’s side. In this scene there is little of the energy -and even violence of the earlier pictures; for the action has come to an -end with the death of Christ, and Holbein has depicted it as though a -hush had fallen over the multitude of people who, with uplifted faces, -are gazing on their handiwork. Their attitudes are quiet and restrained, -the vehemence of passion has subsided, and the presence of death has -quelled all anger and clamour. Each picture of the series is -characterised by great dramatic power, and a force and dignity of -conception which shows a striking advance in Holbein’s art when compared -with the early “Passion” scenes on canvas. In the simplicity and -grandeur of their composition, and in the largeness of their design, -they afford evidence that had Holbein worked on the southern side of the -Alps, he would have equalled, if he had not surpassed, in work of this -kind, the frescoes and wall-paintings of the great Italian masters. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 50. - - -[Illustration: - - CHRIST NAILED TO THE CROSS - The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Illustration: - - THE CRUCIFIXION - The “Passion” series of designs for painted glass - BASEL GALLERY -] - -Replicas of seven of these ten designs, but reversed, are in the British -Museum.[347] They are not the direct work of Holbein’s hand, but offsets -taken from the Basel drawings by means of damped paper, a common -practice with the artist in making decorative designs for such things as -cups or goblets, in which the ornamentation on both sides of the object -was similar. In the same manner Holbein obtained copies of the “Passion” -drawings, and they were afterwards strengthened in places by retouches -with a fine brush and Indian ink, undoubtedly the work of Holbein -himself. They have thus very largely the character of the original -drawings, and are equal to them in effect, though lighter in appearance -on account of the method employed, the Indian ink shading being paler in -colour than in the originals. In the “Cross-bearing” additional -retouches in sepia by a later and weaker hand, which greatly mar the -design, are to be seen. The three missing subjects are the “Scourging,” -“Christ Crowned with Thorns,” and the “Nailing to the Cross.” This set -was formerly in the Lawrence Collection, from which it was purchased for -the Museum. It may possibly be the series possessed by Sandrart, which -he calls a “Passion in folio,” of which two compositions of the set were -missing. Sandrart offered 200 florins to anyone who would procure them -for him, so that he could exhibit the work complete for the honour of -the great master who designed it. - -[Sidenote: COSTUMES WORN BY BASEL LADIES] - -Among the drawings and designs of this period which were not made for -the purpose of reproduction in painted glass, the set representing the -costumes worn by contemporary Basel ladies is among the most important. -There are six of these,[348] or rather five, for the sixth, which -represents a _fille de joie_ with large hat and low-cut dress (Pl. 51 -(1)), is not regarded as a work from Holbein’s own hand. They are pen -and wash drawings, and, with the exception of the last one, were in -Amerbach’s possession. It is not easy to say exactly for what purpose -they were made, but certainly not for painted glass. It has been -suggested that they represent designs for dresses invented by -Holbein—sixteenth-century fashion plates—which the ladies of Basel -afterwards used as models; but a simpler and more natural explanation is -that they are merely studies of costume made from time to time when -Holbein saw a dress which pleased him, which would be of use in the -carrying out of his wall-paintings, or his book illustrations, or in -other ways. They appear to have been done during his first years in -Basel. Perhaps the earliest of them is the one of the noble lady with a -hat covered with ostrich feathers,[349] and her hair confined in a -silken net at the back, who wears a dress of watered silk with a train, -which she holds up with her right hand. This, according to Dr. Ganz, is -of about the date 1516 or 1517, and in draughtsmanship and handling has -much in common with the portrait of Meyer’s wife, Dorothea, while the -embroidery and tassel-work of the bodice in both the drawing and the -picture are very similar. The drawing of the Basel “Edeldame” (Pl. -52),[350] taken almost from the back, which is the most beautiful of the -series, is certainly a little later in date, and shows great freedom, -delicacy, and truth of draughtsmanship. Her hair is covered with a -semi-transparent striped gauze cap, of a similar pattern to the one in -the portrait of the burgomaster’s wife. The neck and shoulders are -covered with fine white lawn, and the plain dress is only relieved by -deep bands of velvet, and a girdle from which is suspended a metal case -of chased work for a measure or “house-wife” at the end of a long band. -At least two ladies appear to have served Holbein as a model for these -studies. The “Frau Burgermeister,” Dorothea Kannengiesser, posed as the -Baseler “Burgersfrau,”[351] and perhaps as the “Edeldame,” while for the -remaining studies, among them that of the patrician dame with the -feather hat already described, a model of a more lovely and a more -wanton appearance served him, who later on was painted by him as “Laïs -Corinthiaca.” In a second drawing of the set the same lady appears in a -gown with puffed sleeves and deep velvet bands, embroidered petticoat -and head-dress, and wearing a number of ornaments round her neck, -including an openwork collar with the word “AMOR.”[352] The same model -appears in a third drawing (Pl. 51 (2)), in which she poses as a -waitress, or hostess, with a tall cylindrical beer-glass supported on -her right hand, while with the other she holds up her finely-pleated -apron.[353] She wears a large flat hat of unusual shape on the side of -her head, trimmed all round with bunches of feathers, and round her neck -is a gold collar of openwork with the initials “M.O.” repeated several -times. The “Amor” of the first-named collar or neckband was the -invention, in all probability, of the artist himself, by adding an A and -an R to the initials, M.O., of the lady’s name. These initials indicate -that Holbein’s sitter was Magdalena Offenburg, and the likeness between -these studies and the “Laïs” and “Venus” pictures is striking.[354] This -notorious personage, by birth a Tschekkenbürlin, and the mother of -Dorothea Offenburg, who at one time was regarded as the model of the -“Laïs,” married, on the death of Hans Offenburg in 1514, Christof -Truchsess von Wolhusen. She appears to have served as a model and to -have had relationships of a doubtful character with more than one -painter of Basel. There is a drawing of her by Urs Graf, dated 1516, to -which he has added an indecorous marginal note reflecting upon her -course of life.[355] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 51. - - -[Illustration: - - COSTUME STUDY - Two drawings from a set of designs of Ladies’ Costumes - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Illustration: - - COSTUME STUDY - Two drawings from a set of designs of Ladies’ Costumes - BASEL GALLERY -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 52. - - -[Illustration: - - “THE EDELDAME” - One of a set of designs of Ladies’ Costumes - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: COSTUMES WORN BY BASEL LADIES] - -One use to which Holbein put such drawings as these is to be seen in the -“Dance of Death” woodcuts. In several of them in which women are -introduced, these costume studies are closely followed; for instance, in -the little picture of the newly-married couple, the wife’s dress is -almost identical with that in the first drawing of the “Baseler -Frauentrachten” series; and other dresses of the set are closely copied -in such cuts as “The Countess” and the “Arms of Death.” These drawings, -as already noted, show very plainly the peculiar carriage of the body in -walking which the ladies of Basel adopted in Holbein’s day, with the -back hollowed so that the lower part of the figure was thrust forward, -in a very ugly fashion to modern eyes, but no doubt necessary to some -extent owing to the length of the dress in front, which had always to be -held up by one hand. - -There is a very beautiful costume study in the Library at Dessau,[356] -which is closely allied to the Basel series. It is an exceedingly -graceful rendering of a fair lady in an elaborate dress with long -hanging sleeves, and a close-fitting cap over her curled hair. The body -is slightly inclined, and with her right hand she holds up her dress, -and from the other, which is stretched out, hangs a bridle and harness. -There is much elegance and grace of movement in the figure, which -Holbein has set down with a light and flowing touch. It is doubtful what -character the model is intended to represent. Dr. Ganz calls her “Die -schöne Phyllis,” and, from the bridle she is holding, it is very -possible that Holbein intended her for that fair Phyllis who made the -learned Aristotle serve her as a horse; or she may represent Nemesis, -the driver of mankind, whom Holbein introduced into his Steelyard -wall-painting of “The Triumph of Riches,” flying through the sky with -somewhat similar attributes in her hands. Such a representation of -Nemesis or Fortune was not unusual, and occurs in more than one drawing -of the period. There is one in the Basel Gallery of “Frau Venus” by -Niklaus Manuel Deutsch, and Dürer also makes use of the bridle in his -“Great Fortune.” - -The beautiful study of “St. Adrian” in the Louvre,[357] a pen and wash -drawing, touched with white, on grey paper, is probably the preliminary -design for the outer side of the shutter of an altar-piece, to be -carried out in grisaille. The saint is represented in full armour, with -a long cloak, holding the sword and anvil, symbols of his martyrdom, in -either hand, and a lion crouching at his feet. He stands on a stone -parapet, in front of which is an empty shield. The figure has much in -common with that of St. Ursus in the Solothurn Madonna picture, and -there is a still closer resemblance in face to the “St. George” in the -Karlsruhe panel, both of the year 1522. Holbein evidently made use of -the same model both for the “St. Adrian” and the “St. George,” for the -facial likeness is very close, and both wear the same bushy, curling -hair. It is, therefore, safe, following Dr. Ganz, to date the Louvre -drawing as of the same year, 1522. It was formerly catalogued as of the -North Italian School. - -Holbein’s studies from the nude are so rare that the one of a young -woman in the Basel Gallery is of exceptional interest.[358] It is a pen -and wash drawing, touched with white in the high lights, on red paper. -With the exception of the “Christ in the Tomb,” and a single leaf of the -Basel “Sketch-Book,”[359] this nude woman is almost the only drawing of -the kind by him that is known. It appears to have been made merely as a -study of muscular movement, and not as a preliminary design for a -picture. The model is stepping forward from the side of a plain stone -pillar, a heavy stone held in either hand, the weight of which brings -the muscles of the arms into prominence. Her hair falls in long curls -down her back, the head is bent towards the right shoulder, and the eyes -are cast downwards, and the lips parted. Both in movement and in the -suggestion of the rounded softness of the figure the drawing is -admirable, and at the same time displays an Italian influence, recalling -similar studies by Raphael and Leonardo. Dr. Ganz places it among the -work of Holbein’s second English period. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 53. - - -[Illustration: - - A FIGHT BETWEEN LANDSKNECHTE - _Drawing in Indian ink_ - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: “A FIGHT OF LANDSKNECHTE”] - -Holbein made use of the Swiss landsknechte for other purposes than that -of painted windows. One or two of his most masterly drawings depict -incidents in the lives of these men, whose picturesque dress and gay and -manly bearing made a strong appeal to him. The finest and most important -of them is the large study in the Basel Gallery representing a fierce -conflict between two considerable bodies of warriors (Pl. 53).[360] It -depicts the contemporary methods of warfare with the utmost vivacity and -close adherence to truth. It is, according to Dr. Ganz, a work of -Holbein’s last residence in Basel, probably made just before his return -to England in 1532. In the foreground of the fight two men are at close -quarters, one of whom, with sword whirling over his head, grips the hair -of his opponent, who is striking at his throat with a long dagger. On -either side of them two soldiers are forcing a space round them with -enormous pikes, while behind is a great crowd of shouting, panting, and -struggling men, whose lances, dashed in with a few hasty strokes, stand -out against the sky with an extraordinary effect both of number and -movement. In the hottest part of the fight one combatant uplifts a great -double-handed sword, while another protects his face with his raised -drum. Beneath their feet are many trampled bodies and shattered weapons. -The composition is a very fine one, and the draughtsmanship of -extraordinary vigour and vitality. One can almost hear the cries and -yells, and the clash of the arms, so completely has Holbein realised the -scene, and so vividly set it down on paper with rapid but unerring -pencil.[361] - -It is impossible to give here even a list of his many drawings, of which -so large a number are in the Basel Gallery. In the Amerbach Collection -there is a sheet with studies of a recumbent lamb and a lamb’s -head,[362] both drawn with the utmost delicacy in silver-point and -slightly washed with water-colour, most faithful renderings of nature, -perhaps made as a preliminary study for some picture of the youthful St. -John; and a second sheet with a drawing of the underside of a bat with -outstretched wings,[363] carried out with the same minute care, the red -veins, which show through the transparent membranes of the wings, being -put in with water-colour. In the same collection there are numerous -designs for jewellery, dagger-sheaths, cups and other vessels, for the -use of silversmiths and metal-workers; but as much of Holbein’s best -work of this kind was produced in England, discussion of them may be -reserved until a later chapter dealing with his designs for the London -goldsmiths. - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - CHAPTER VIII - - PORTRAITS OF ERASMUS AND HIS CIRCLE - -Portraits of Erasmus and Ægidius by Quentin Metsys—Copy of the “Erasmus” - at Hampton Court and the original in Rome—Portraits of Erasmus by - Holbein sent to London—The Longford Castle “Erasmus” and copies of - it—The Louvre portrait, and the study for it at Basel—Holbein’s - journey to the South of France—Drawings of the sepulchral effigies of - the Duke and Duchess of Berry—The Greystoke portrait and the version - at Parma—The Basel roundel—Woodcut portraits of Erasmus—Portraits of - Froben—Melanchthon—Holbein’s drawing of himself at Basel. - - -THE portraits painted by Holbein prior to his departure from Basel to -England were not numerous, even when allowance is made for the probable -disappearance or destruction of several of which no trace now remains. -There are less than a dozen in all, even when the three different -versions of Erasmus are included. The Burgomaster Meyer and his wife, -Benedikt von Hertenstein, Amerbach, Froben, Erasmus, and his own -portrait almost complete the list, to which may be added the two -versions of Magdalena Offenburg as “Venus” and as “Lais,” and the -portrait at the Hague now said to represent his wife shortly after he -married her. Considering the mastery he had already displayed in this -branch of art, it is extraordinary that he did not receive more -commissions for portraits from his fellow-citizens. He found a good -patron in Erasmus, however, who was always ready to sit for his -likeness. He was painted by several well-known artists, and employed -Holbein on more than one occasion. He presented several of these -portraits to friends and supporters in England and elsewhere, and as he -had many admirers who were anxious to possess one, Holbein’s original -pictures of him were copied a number of times both during the -philosopher’s lifetime and afterwards. - -Although Erasmus paid his first visit to Basel in 1513 for the purpose -of making the acquaintance of Froben, who was about to publish several -of his works, including his edition of the New Testament, and renewed -this visit on several occasions, sometimes remaining there for months at -a time, he did not make the city his permanent home until 1521. Both -during these earlier visits and after he had settled in Basel, he made -Froben’s home his own. This house, “zum Sessel,” was in the Fischmarkt, -but after Froben’s death in 1526, Erasmus moved to the house of Froben’s -son, “zum Luft,” now No. 18 in the Bäumleingasse, and it was in this -latter house that he died in 1536. He was attracted by the freedom and -independence of the life within the city, and the opportunities it -afforded both for quiet study and daily intercourse with many learned -men, and also by the number and fame of its printers and their presses. - -[Sidenote: PORTRAITS OF ERASMUS AND ÆGIDIUS] - -The earliest portrait of Erasmus of which we have a record is the one -painted by Quentin Metsys in Antwerp in 1517, which formed the left-hand -side of a double portrait or diptych, of which the other half contained -the portrait of Peter Ægidius, the learned traveller, and town-clerk of -Antwerp,[364] to whom the _Utopia_ was dedicated, and whose garden was -selected by More as the scene in which Raphael Hythlodæus told the -imaginary story of that island city. It was painted as a joint-gift from -Erasmus and Ægidius to Sir Thomas, and the two portraits were hinged -together, and sent over to England. Several letters in the -correspondence of More and Erasmus have reference to this present. The -painting was delayed in the first place by the serious illness of Peter, -and then by indisposition on the part of Erasmus. “I was well enough,” -Erasmus tells More, “but some fool of a doctor prescribed for me a -couple of pills for purging my bile, and I, still more foolishly, -followed his advice; my picture had been previously begun, but, from the -physic I took, when I came back to the painter, he declared that my -features were not the same, so that his work is delayed for a few days -until I become more alive.” The portraits were finished by the 16th of -September 1517, and sent to More, who was then at Calais, in charge of -Erasmus’ “famulus,” Peter Cocles. More’s letter of thanks, dated October -6th, expressed the greatest delight with the gift, and contained a Latin -poem in honour of the portraits, in which they were both minutely -described. In a postscript he spoke in admiration of the way in which -Quentin had imitated his (More’s) handwriting on the letter which Peter -holds in his hand. - -These two portraits no longer hang together, and until quite recently -all traces of the “Erasmus” had been lost. The “Ægidius” is now in -Longford Castle, in the possession of Lord Radnor, and with it hangs a -portrait of Erasmus; but the latter is not by Metsys, but by Holbein. At -what period the original pair were parted is not known, but the two in -Longford Castle were purchased at Dr. Meade’s sale in 1754, the first -Lord Folkestone giving 105 guineas for the “Erasmus,” which was rightly -sold as by Holbein, and 91 guineas for the “Ægidius,” also described as -by the same painter; and for many years both portraits were regarded as -the work of Holbein. Dr. Meade placed Latin inscriptions on the frames, -in which the names of Erasmus, Ægidius, and Holbein were joined -together. In more recent years the authorship of the “Ægidius” has been -rightly ascribed to Metsys, while Holbein’s signature, and the date 1523 -on the “Erasmus” prove conclusively that it is not the original -companion-half of the diptych painted in Antwerp in 1517, further proof -of this being afforded by the fact that both subjects are represented -looking to the spectator’s left, instead of towards one another, and -that the “Erasmus” is painted on a considerably larger scale than the -other, which would not have been the case had the portraits been -intended as a pair. The matter was finally cleared up by the late Mr. -John Gough Nichols.[365] Ægidius[366] is represented in a fur coat, -holding in his left hand a letter addressed to himself in the -handwriting of Sir Thomas More,[367] and his right touching a book which -is inscribed “Antibarbaroi” in Greek capitals. An ivory sand-castor and -a gold cup and cover are on one of the shelves at the back, which are -covered with books. There is a replica of it in the Antwerp Museum, -which differs slightly in a few of the details, and is either a fine -contemporary copy or from the hand of Metsys himself, though until quite -recently it was still officially described as a portrait of Erasmus by -Holbein.[368] - -[Sidenote: THE “ERASMUS WRITING”] - -Until a year or two ago all traces of the original “Erasmus” by Metsys -had disappeared, but Herman Grimm, Woltmann, and H. Hymans all -identified a picture at Hampton Court as a reduced copy of the original. -This is the “Erasmus Writing” (No. 594-331), a small half-length, turned -to the right, but with both eyes seen. He is writing in a book which -lies on a desk in front of him. Other books are on a shelf at the back, -with the titles inscribed on the edges of the leaves, all of them works -by Erasmus published before 1517. Mr. Ernest Law[369] suggests that it -is identical with the picture in Charles I’s catalogue described as -“Some schollar without a beard, in a black habit and a black cap, -looking downwards upon a letter which he holds in both hands, being -side-faced, less than life; which was sent to the King by his Majesty’s -sister, by Mr. Chancellor, Sir Henry Vane, Lord Ambassador from the King -to the King of Sweden, painted upon the right light—done by Cornelius -Vischer.” The poorness of the execution, the indistinctness of the -lettering on the books, and the utter gibberish of the words which -Erasmus is writing, betray the hand of some ignorant copyist, though -enough of the wording can be traced to show that the philosopher is -engaged in setting down the title and first words of his commentary on -St. Paul’s Epistle to the Romans, which was begun in 1517.[370] There is -a second copy of this portrait in the Amsterdam Museum; and in the 1904 -edition of the Amsterdam Catalogue (p. 200), a third example was first -described, which is now generally regarded as the work of Metsys himself -and the missing half of the diptych. It is in Rome, until recently in -the collection of the late Count Stroganoff, and was in the possession -of Count Alexander Stroganoff as early as 1807. It is slightly smaller -than the “Ægidius” at Longford Castle, but has evidently been cut down, -as the height of the heads as seen against the shelves at the back is -the same in both pictures. Metsys represented the two friends as though -seated in a single chamber. Erasmus is placed on the left, facing the -right, and engaged in writing, and Ægidius is on the other side of the -room, looking up with More’s letter in his hand, and pushing forward his -own book of travels as though about to present it to the Englishman. The -same bookshelves run across the background in both portraits.[371] The -picture has been recently presented by Count Stroganoff’s heirs to the -Corsini Gallery in Rome. - -Three or four years later Erasmus’ likeness was taken by Albrecht Dürer, -who met him during his tour in the Netherlands in July 1520. Dürer -appears to have made two drawings[372] of him at this time, and some -years afterwards, in 1526, he engraved his head from memory, with the -aid of one of these two studies. This engraving[373] by no means equals -Holbein’s several portraits of the scholar, either as a likeness, or in -its subtle expression of character. Erasmus, writing to Pirkheimer, said -that it was not at all like him, but that this was not surprising, as he -had greatly changed in five years. - -[Sidenote: THE “ERASMUS AND FROBEN” DIPTYCH] - -There is no direct evidence to prove that Holbein painted any portrait -of Erasmus before the year 1523, though it is very possible that he did -so. Perhaps the earliest may be the one mentioned by Remigius Faesch, -who infers, in his manuscript life of the painter, that Holbein once -painted a double picture of the friends Erasmus and Froben.[374] It is -said that after the sudden death of the latter in 1527, from injuries -caused by a fall on the pavement, Erasmus obtained the two portraits, -and had them hinged together, as a perpetual memorial of their great -friendship. After the death of Erasmus in 1536 this diptych remained in -Basel for nearly a century, and was then bought, about the year 1625, by -Michel Le Blond, the well-known collector of works of art, for one -hundred golden ducats, and shortly afterwards sold by him to the Duke of -Buckingham. The Duke afterwards gave the panels to Charles I. On the -back of the “Froben” portrait at Hampton Court there is pasted a piece -of paper inscribed—“This picture of Frobonus was delivered to his M^t. -by ye Duke of Buckingham [before he went to the] Isle of Ree,” the five -words in brackets being now illegible. In King Charles’ Catalogue they -are entered as, “The picture of Frobonius, with his printing tools by -him, being Erasmus of Rotterdam’s printer and landlord at Basil. Done by -Holbein”; and, “The picture of Erasmus of Rotterdam, in a high black -frame; done by Holben, fellow to the aforesaid piece of Frobenius, -painted upon the right light.” They were sold separately, after the -King’s execution, by order of the Commonwealth, and fetched larger -prices than almost any other pictures from the royal collection. They -were valued at £100 each, and at that price were purchased by Mr. -Milburne and Colonel Hutchinson respectively. They were returned to the -royal collection at the Restoration, and in 1672 Patin saw them hinged -together as they had been in earlier days. They are now in Hampton -Court. - -While in the possession of Charles I, or more probably Le Blond,[375] -these two portraits were “restored,” and by no means improved. Four -inches were added to the top of the “Frobenius” in order to make it a -pendant to the “Erasmus,” and the backgrounds were repainted and altered -by Von Steenwyck. The original background of the “Frobenius” was either -plain or a simple room with a window, but has been changed to a lofty -apartment with pillars and a paved floor, part of the original -blue-green ground being left behind the head; in the “Erasmus” it has -been turned into an elaborate arrangement of stone pillars and arches, -resembling the gloomy interior of a church. Walpole states that Von -Steenwyck’s name and the date 1629 are on the “Frobenius,” but this -inscription cannot now be discovered. The latter is by far the finer -work of the two. - -The portrait of Froben, which most modern critics do not admit to be an -original work, is described below. The companion portrait of Erasmus—No. -597 (324)—is certainly only a copy, and not a very good copy, of some -original by Holbein, possibly the Longford “Erasmus,” to which it bears -a close resemblance. It was accepted by Wornum as a genuine work of the -early Basel period,[376] but modern criticism is unanimous in condemning -its authenticity. Its only claim, and a very slight one, to genuineness -is that it was formerly hinged to the portrait of Froben; but Mr. Ernest -Law[377] throws doubt on the story that Erasmus himself had the two -joined together, which he regards as a myth, and suggests that the -joining was done by some picture-dealer in Basel after Erasmus’ death, -or by Le Blond himself when he purchased them. In the Hampton Court -picture[378] the scholar is represented at half-length, less than life, -turned slightly to the left. He is dressed in the usual black coat -trimmed with fur, and a black cap. The hands, excellently drawn, rest on -a closed red-bound book in front of him. The original plain background, -as already stated, has been elaborated and spoilt by Von Steenwyck. It -is probable that the double portrait spoken of by Faesch, of which he -had a copy, was not the original work of Holbein, and in that case the -supposition, based on his manuscript, that at some unknown period in the -history of the diptych the “Erasmus” was removed, and a copy substituted -for it, is equally incorrect.[379] - -Most possibly the picture now at Hampton Court was the one actually -purchased by Le Blond in Basel, to whom it would be sold as a genuine -work by Holbein. A still less probable supposition is that a change took -place after the sale of the royal collection in 1650, when the picture -was in the possession of Mr. Milburne, who, it is suggested, at the -Restoration returned a copy in place of the original. - -[Sidenote: PORTRAITS OF ERASMUS] - -The first portraits of Erasmus by Holbein to which a date can be given -are the Longford Castle example and the profile likeness in the Louvre, -both of which were painted in 1523, probably towards the end of that -year, when the artist was about twenty-six; and it is generally agreed -that these are the two which were sent to England by Erasmus in 1524. In -a letter to his friend Wilibald Pirkheimer at Nuremberg, dated June 3rd -of that year, Erasmus says: “Only recently I have again sent two -portraits of me to England, painted by a not unskilful artist. He has -also taken a portrait of me to France.” That the painter to whom Erasmus -refers was Holbein is proved by a passage in Beatus Rhenanus’ -_Emendations of Pliny_, published by Froben in March 1526, and written -in the previous year. In speaking of the most celebrated German painters -of the day, he mentions Dürer in Nuremberg, Hans Baldung in Strasburg, -and Lucas Cranach in Saxony, and concludes with Hans Holbein in -Switzerland, “born in Augsburg, but for a long time a burgher of Basel, -who last year painted, most successfully and finely, two portraits of -our Erasmus of Rotterdam, which he afterwards sent into England.”[380] -One of the two sent to England was a present to William Warham, -Archbishop of Canterbury, whose yearly pension to Erasmus was increased -about this time. The latter wrote to Warham on September 4, 1524: “I -hope that the portrait painted of me, which I sent to you, has reached -you, so that you may have somewhat of Erasmus should God call me hence.” -It is not known for whom the second portrait was intended. No reference -to it is to be found in the numerous letters despatched to England by -Erasmus in that year, addressed, among others, to Fisher, Tunstall, -Wolsey, and the King himself. It was not, apparently, meant for Sir -Thomas More, for he already possessed the portrait of his friend by -Metsys, and it is not very probable that Erasmus would send him a -second. Nor does More speak of it in his letters to Basel, although he -is certain to have done so had he received so valuable a gift, for he -was lavish in his praise and his thanks for the Metsys portrait in 1517. -It has been generally supposed that the well-known letter from More to -Erasmus, in which he speaks of Holbein as a wonderful artist, affords -proof that Sir Thomas had seen one or both of these two portraits, and -that it was of them he was speaking when he praised the painter’s skill. -The date of this letter is given as December 18, 1525, in the published -works of Erasmus, but Herman Grimm showed that it was incorrect, and -altered the year-date to 1524, in which Woltmann followed him. This, -however, is also an error. The real date of the letter is 1526, as is -proved by the literary work of Erasmus mentioned in it; and it has, -therefore, nothing to do with the two portraits sent over in 1524, but -was written shortly after Holbein’s arrival in London, when More had -made his personal acquaintance.[381] - -It is impossible to say which of the two portraits of 1523 is the -earlier in date. No doubt the preliminary drawings for both were made in -the little room or study in which the scholar sat daily at work upon his -own writings, or supervising the publication and correcting the proofs -of other volumes issued by Froben, for whom he was then acting as a kind -of editor-in-chief. In the Longford Castle example (Pl. 54)[382] Holbein -has shown his sitter to the waist, turned to the left, the face seen in -three-quarters. He is wearing his invariable dress of black lined with -sable, and over it a dark cloak trimmed with black fur, and a black -doctor’s cap over his grey hair. He gazes in front of him, with a -half-smile in his blue eyes and on his fine, sensitive mouth. His hands -rest on a red book placed on the table before him, on the gilt edges of -which is inscribed, partly in Greek and partly in Latin characters, -“ἩΡΑΚΛΕΙΟΙ ΠΟΝΟΙ ERASMI ROTERO—” (The Herculean labours of Erasmus of -Rotterdam)—the end of the last word being hidden by the sable cuff of -the cloak. The background shows on the left a flat, richly-ornamented -pillar and capital of Renaissance design, and on the right a green -curtain hung from a rod by rings, partly drawn aside, and revealing a -shelf on which are three books and a glass water-bottle. On the cover of -the book which leans against the latter is the date “MDXXIII.,” and on -the edge of the same volume is a damaged couplet in Latin, now partly -defaced, which J. Mähly, after supplying several missing words, read as -follows:— - - “Ille ego Joannes Holbein, en, non facile ullus. - Tam mihi mimus erit quam mihi momus erat.”[383] - -These lines, no doubt, were composed by Erasmus himself in praise of the -artist. Traces of further inscriptions, now undecipherable, are to be -seen on the edges of the other books. This work shows an extraordinary -advance in Holbein’s powers as a portrait-painter when compared with -even so fine a work as the “Bonifacius Amerbach,” painted four years -earlier. The modelling of both head and hands is searching in its truth, -and he rarely accomplished anything more perfect in the subtlety of its -delineation of character, and in a realism without exaggeration or -hardness of detail. We see the “little old man,” as Dürer described him -when he met him in Brussels some years earlier, just as he was in -reality, the marks of age on his strongly-lined face, and about the eyes -something of the tired look of the scholar and bookman, but the face -still stamped with mental energy, and a calm, tolerant, and dignified -outlook on life. A faint smile lights up his features, as though -satisfied both with his own accomplished work and with the world in -which he was living. For penetrating insight, indeed, this portrait is -almost unsurpassed. It shows that side of the character of Erasmus which -is displayed in his familiar letters to friends, in his _Praise of -Folly_, and his _Colloquies_, a gentle, genial sense of humour which -sweetened his intercourse with his fellows.[384] A sheet in the Print -Room of the Louvre contains a slight, almost obliterated, study for the -head in this picture, but full face, and a masterly drawing for the -right hand, full of character;[385] a second contains two studies of the -left hand, and one of the right hand holding the pen in the Louvre -portrait (Pl. 55).[386] In the catalogue of the Meade sale it was stated -that the picture had been at one time in the Arundel Collection.[387] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 54. - - -[Illustration: - - ERASMUS - 1523 - _From the picture in the collection of the Earl of Radnor at Longford - Castle_ -] - -[Sidenote: THE LONGFORD CASTLE “ERASMUS”] - -This version of Erasmus was repeated and copied more than once, with -slight modifications, during the lifetime of the sitter as well as after -his death. Such versions are to be found at Turin, Vienna, and -elsewhere, the best of which is the one in the collection of Mr. Walter -Gay, in Paris;[388] while there are others, less closely following the -original, such as the “Erasmus” at Hampton Court already described, -which forms a pendant to the “Frobenius.” There is a fine portrait of -Erasmus in Windsor Castle by George Pencz[389] of Nuremberg, a pupil of -Dürer’s, which is evidently based on the Longford Castle picture, or a -good copy of it,[390] which bears the artist’s initials and the date -1537, so that it was painted the year after the scholar’s death. It has -a plain green background, on which the shadow of the head is cast, and -part only of the clasped hands are shown. The dress closely resembles -that worn by Erasmus in the Longford Castle picture. This portrait, -though it lacks much of the character of the original which inspired it, -reproduces many of its small details, including the peculiar patch of -darkened skin between the left cheek-bone and the ear, which is to be -seen in almost all Holbein’s portraits of him.[391] It was bought by the -Duke of Hamilton in Nuremberg and presented by him to Charles I in 1652. -It was No. 13 in Van der Doort’s Catalogue of that King’s collections. -Everything indicates that the original picture of which this is a -version was in England in 1537; but as there is no record of any visit -paid to this country by Pencz, he must have worked, not from the -Longford original, but from one of the variants painted about 1530, -after Holbein’s return to Basel from England. - -The portrait in the Louvre (Pl. 56)[392] is smaller than the Longford -Castle picture. Erasmus is shown in profile to the left, about -two-thirds the size of life, seated at a table, writing, his eyes cast -down on the paper, which he holds in position with his left hand upon a -book he is using as a writing-desk. In his right[393] is a reed pen. His -dress is the same as in Lord Radnor’s picture, and his black cap almost -conceals his grey hair. In the background on the left is a damask -curtain of dark bluish green, with a pattern of trees and lions in sage -green, and powdered with small red and white flowers; and, on the right, -some wooden panelling. The inscription on the paper he holds is now -quite illegible, but in the study for the picture, in the Basel Gallery, -it is still to be plainly read, and shows that the scholar is setting -down the title of the work upon which he was engaged at the time he was -sitting to Holbein. It runs— - - “In Evangelium Marci paraphrasis per - D. Erasmum Roterodamium aucto[rem] - Cunctis mortalibus ins[itum est].” - -This is the heading of his paraphrase of the Gospel of St. Mark, upon -which he was at work in 1523, and gives the date of the picture. The -inscription on the Louvre portrait was undoubtedly the same. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 55. - - -[Illustration: - - STUDY FOR THE HANDS OF ERASMUS - _Drawing in silver-point and red and black chalk_ - LOUVRE, PARIS -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 56. - - -[Illustration: - - ERASMUS - 1523 - LOUVRE, PARIS -] - -[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF ERASMUS IN THE LOUVRE] - -This portrait, like the one in Longford Castle, is painted with the -utmost perfection, in dark but warm tones; it almost surpasses the other -both in colouring and in its mastery of expression. The features are -firmly set, the sitter’s thoughts entirely concentrated on his work, so -that he is oblivious to all else but the matter in hand. The drawing of -the hands is masterly. The complexion is warm and healthy, and the -eyebrows, unlike the hair, locks of which straggle below the cap, have -not yet turned grey. This picture was once in the possession of the -Newton family. On the back of the pine panel on which it is painted is -pasted a paper memorandum, now partly destroyed, which runs: “Of -Holbein, this ... of Erasmus Rotterdamus was given to ... Prince by Jos. -Adam Newton.” In addition there is a red seal with the Newton arms and -their motto, “Vivit post funera virtus,” as well as the brand of Charles -I (C. R. surmounted by a crown), and of the French royal collection (M. -R.—_i.e._ Musée Royal—also below a crown). King Charles afterwards -exchanged this picture and a “Holy Family” by Titian with Louis XIII for -Leonardo’s “St. John the Baptist,” through the medium of the French -Ambassador, the Duc de Liancourt. After Charles’s execution the Leonardo -returned to the French royal collections, being purchased at the sale by -the French banker Jabach for £140, and presented by him to Louis XIV. In -the catalogue of the Louvre by MM. Lafenestre and Richtenberger it is -stated that the “Erasmus” was “painted for Sir Thomas More,” but this is -mere conjecture, and probably not correct. It was engraved by François -Dequevauvillers for the “Galerie du Musée Napoléon,” and etched by Félix -Bracquemond about 1860. A facsimile of the first state of this fine -plate was reproduced in the _Gazette des Beaux-Arts_[394] shortly after -the etcher’s death. - -The original study for the Louvre portrait, in the Basel Gallery (No. -319),[395] is painted in oil on paper, afterwards fastened down on -panel. With the exception of a plain background, and some slight -differences in the costume, it agrees in all points with the more -elaborately finished picture. Erasmus is using a book bound in red as a -writing-desk, which rests upon a second volume. The tablecloth is green. -His upper lip shows several days’ growth of iron-grey hair. Although not -so fine in execution, it is nevertheless a remarkable and lifelike -study. The present plain green background, however, is not original. It -had at one time a patterned tapestry hanging behind the figure, as can -be seen in the woodcut taken from it by Rudolf Manuel in the Latin -edition of Sebastian Münster’s _Cosmography_, published in 1550, which -has an inscription beneath it referring to the portrait in terms of high -praise, and stating that Holbein painted it from life.[396] It is -described in the Amerbach inventory as “Ein Erasmus mit olfärb vf papir -in eim ghüs H. Holbeins arbeit,” and it appears to have belonged to -Bonifacius almost from the day it was painted. All evidence points to -this oil-study being the third portrait mentioned by Erasmus in his -letter to Pirkheimer of the 3rd June, 1524, which was taken by the -painter into France. Bonifacius Amerbach was absent in that country, -studying law at Avignon under Alciat, and afterwards at the University -of Montpellier, for two years, from May 1522 to May 1524.[397] In his -absence Erasmus sent him his own portrait as a present, and by the hands -of the artist who painted it. If the date of the letter to Pirkheimer is -correct, Holbein must have paid his visit to the South of France in the -early spring of 1524. The letter to Pirkheimer, written in the beginning -of June, states that the pictures had been sent to England and France -“recently,” but, according to Woltmann, Amerbach was back again in Basel -in May, before the date of the letter, so that the sequence of events -becomes a little confused. It is, of course, possible that Amerbach -received the portrait on the eve of his departure from Montpellier, and -that he may even have made the journey home in Holbein’s company; while -Erasmus may not have troubled himself to inform his correspondent that -the portrait sent into France was already back again in Basel. - -[Sidenote: VISIT TO THE SOUTH OF FRANCE] - -Nothing is known of this journey undertaken by Holbein, but it is not at -all likely that he set out solely as the messenger of Erasmus, for the -set purpose of delivering the portrait to Amerbach. It is much more -probable that the desire for travel was still strong in him, and that -the spirit of adventure, combined with the wish to discover fresh fields -for the practice of his art, may have sent him forth as a wanderer -again. In this connection, Dr. Ganz points out the somewhat strange -coincidence that at this very time, the 19th April 1524, his patron, -Jakob Meyer, set out from Basel for Lyon, with a band of two hundred -men, in order to join the French expedition about to proceed against -Milan.[398] Holbein may have seized the opportunity of travelling with -him, not necessarily as a fighting man, but for the sake of company on -his journey. The route followed was probably through Besançon, Dijon, -Beaune, Macon, Lyon, and down the Rhône to Avignon, Nimes, and -Montpellier. In these cities he would see many fine examples of French -Renaissance architecture, the influence of which, as already pointed -out, can be detected in certain of his designs for glass-painting; and -it is highly probable, also, that he must have had opportunities of -studying to some extent the work of the Clouets and their school, with -whose art, both in point of view and technique, his own had certain -features in common, and that their portraits, with their enamel-like -surfaces, and more particularly their lifelike and elegant -portrait-studies in coloured chalks, must have made a considerable -impression upon him.[399] Beyond such influences as these, to be seen in -his later work, there is nothing to indicate such a journey, nor, if it -were actually taken, for how long he was absent from Basel.[400] The -scarcity of dated works between 1523 and 1526 may suggest a lengthy -absence abroad, but this is more than counterbalanced by the fact that, -with the exception of a couple of drawings, there is nothing from his -hand, either portrait, or church picture, or wall decoration, so far -discovered, which can be shown to have been carried out in France. It is -possible, though not probable, that the greater number of the “Dance of -Death” woodcuts, which were first published in 1538 at Lyon, were -finished by 1523, and that Holbein, during his stay in that city, may -have made arrangements with the Trechsels for their publication; but -there is nothing to show that this was the objective of his journey. -Moreover, everything seems to indicate that Holbein merely supplied the -designs for these woodcuts to the engraver Lützelburger, and had no -further monetary interest in them or their publication in which case his -visit to Lyon need not necessarily have had anything to do with -them.[401] - -The two drawings to which reference has been made are in the Basel -Collection, and are studies of two life-size sepulchral effigies of the -early fifteenth century, in the cathedral of Bourges, representing the -Duke Jehan de Berry, who died in 1416, and his wife, kneeling with hands -clasped in prayer. In Holbein’s day the monument was still in its -original position in the private chapel of the Dukes of Berry, -afterwards pulled down, when the figures were removed to the ambulatory -of the choir. Other parts of the monument are now in the local museum. -Holbein’s masterly touch has vivified the somewhat stiff and formal -attitudes of these kneeling figures, in which, however, can be seen the -beginnings of that realism and individuality which formed so marked a -characteristic of the work of a later period of sculpture. These two -fine drawings,[402] of which that of the Duchess (Pl. 57)[403] is the -more beautiful, have almost the appearance of being studies from life -instead of mere transcripts from the stone, and this effect is -heightened by the skilful use the artist has made of touches of red and -yellow crayons to his black chalk drawings. The sharp features of the -Duchess, with high forehead and pointed nose, seen in profile, are full -of expression. She wears the costume of the early fifteenth century, -with a high ruff and heavy gold necklace, her golden hair enclosed in a -fine net, and surmounted by a diadem set with square stones and jewels. -It is now only possible to compare Holbein’s truth of likeness to the -original in the case of the statue of the Duke, for in that of the -Duchess the head was broken off during the French Revolution, and was -replaced by another some forty years later, lacking all expression, and -with a royal crown instead of the ducal diadem. - -These two studies, however, cannot have been made during Holbein’s visit -to Southern France in 1524; the draughtsmanship of them points to a -later period, when his art had reached its greatest pitch of perfection. -The position of Bourges, too, in the very centre of France, was far -distant from the route he would take to reach Montpellier. Nor can they -be connected with his first journey to England in 1526, for on that -occasion he passed through Antwerp, his direct route being down the -Rhine; and he made use, no doubt, of the same waterway on his return to -Basel in 1528. In all probability the visit to Bourges took place in -1538. In the late summer of that year Holbein went with Philip Hoby to -Joinville and Nancy on Henry VIII’s business,[404] and took the -opportunity of paying a visit of a few weeks’ duration to his family and -old friends in Basel. On his return to England he is supposed to have -taken his eldest son with him as far as Paris, where he apprenticed him -to the goldsmith Jakob David, and from Switzerland Bourges would be on -the route to the capital of France.[405] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 57. - - -[Illustration: - - THE DUCHESS OF BERRY - _Drawing in black and coloured chalks_ - BASEL GALLERY -] - -After Holbein’s return to Switzerland from England in 1528 he painted -Erasmus again. A number of versions of this third type exist, of which -the finest are the small Greystoke portrait, which in 1909 passed into -the collection of the late Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan, and the small roundel -in the Basel Gallery. One of the versions, in the Parma Gallery, bears -the date 1530. Erasmus had retired to Freiburg with Amerbach in 1528 in -order to avoid the iconoclastic disturbances in Basel, and he must have -given Holbein a sitting, most probably in that town, between 1528 and -1530. These later portraits closely follow the Longford Castle type as -regards the pose and the position of the head, three-quarters face to -the spectator’s left, and the details of the dress; but the sitter -appears considerably older, and in every instance the background is a -plain one. - -[Sidenote: THE GREYSTOKE PORTRAIT OF ERASMUS] - -The Greystoke picture[406] has every appearance of being a work from -Holbein’s own brush. The masterly modelling, the fine and subtle -draughtsmanship, the wonderful expression of the mouth and the still -keen and brilliant eyes, are too good and too true to life to be the -work of a mere copyist. The cheeks are more sunken and the face more -heavily lined than in the portraits of 1523. The eyebrows are still -dark, but the hair which straggles from below the black cap is white, -and is drawn with all the minute care and delicacy with which Holbein -always portrayed it in his portraits, and the stubble of a beard of a -few days’ growth is also indicated with the touch of a master. The -hands, resting on a narrow ledge in front of him, and half concealed by -the deep fur cuffs of his gown, are not so good, and are much less -expressive than was usual with Holbein. The picture is in a fine state -of preservation, and the colour scheme is rich and harmonious, though -the plain blue background has turned to a greenish hue in the course of -time. Upon it, to the left of the head, is a small white label, with the -inscription, “Erasmus Roterodamus,” which appears to be fastened to the -wall with red wafers and a pin, like the label in the portrait of the -Duchess of Milan. According to Sir Sidney Colvin,[407] both labels were -probably the work of the same hand, and are of later date than the -paintings. He suggests that the inscription on the “Erasmus” portrait -was added to it when it was in the Arundel Collection. - -On the back of the panel is an interesting inscription, written, -according to the same authority, in a hand of not later date than -1530-50. It runs as follows:— - - “Haunce Holbein me fecit - Johanne[s] Noryce me dedit - Edwardus Banyster me possidit.” - -John Norris, or Noryce—the name was spelt in various other ways—was one -of the minor officials of Henry VIII’s court, filling the part of -gentleman usher, which he afterwards held under Edward VI and Queen -Mary, dying in 1564 as chief usher of the Privy Chamber to the latter -queen. Among other offices which he obtained was that of Controller of -Windsor Castle. He was son and heir of Sir Edward Norris of Bray and -Yattendon in Berkshire, and elder brother of that ill-fated Henry -Norris, one of Henry’s close companions, who was involved in the tragic -fate of Anne Boleyn. The inscription shows that at some time, probably -during Holbein’s life, John Norris owned this portrait of Erasmus, and -that he presented it to a friend named Edward Banister. According to Sir -Sidney Colvin’s researches, this Banister was also employed about the -Court. In 1526 he appears as a gentleman usher out of wages for the -county of Hants, and in 1539 he was one of the representatives of the -same county appointed to receive Anne of Cleves at Calais and escort her -to England. The inscription on the picture was probably written by -Banister himself. - -This portrait may have been the one in the possession of John, Lord -Lumley, son-in-law of Henry Fitzalan, twelfth and last Earl of Arundel -of that creation. In the Lumley inventory of 1590 it is described as “Of -Erasmus of Roterdame, drawne by Haunce Holbyn.” Among his other -portraits by Holbein, Lord Lumley also possessed the full-length of the -Duchess of Milan, and it is most probable that the label with the -inscription was added to both portraits when in his collection. The -“Erasmus” was afterwards in the famous collection of Thomas Howard, the -great Earl of Arundel, from which it passed by bequest of Alathea, -Countess of Arundel, to her grandson, Charles Howard, into that of the -Greystoke branch of the Howard family, where it remained, at their seat -in Cumberland, until its recent purchase by Mr. Morgan. The Earl of -Arundel possessed two portraits of Erasmus by Holbein,[408] the second -being the Longford Castle picture. While in this collection the -Greystoke version was engraved by Lucas Vorsterman, a very excellent -print, undated, in which the figure is in reverse of the picture.[409] -It was engraved again, when in the same collection, by Andreas Stock, -the plate being dated from the Hague, 1628. In this engraving the -position is the same as in the portrait, which suggests that Stock -merely copied from Vorsterman, and not from the picture itself. In the -inscription at the foot of Stock’s engraving it is stated that the -portrait from which it was taken was the one which Erasmus himself told -Sir Thomas More he very greatly preferred to the one of him by Albrecht -Dürer; but the statement appears to have no real foundation in fact. -Whether the portrait was sent to England by Erasmus in charge of Holbein -when he returned to England in 1532, as a present to some friend or -admirer, or whether the artist brought it over in the ordinary way of -his business, it is now impossible to say. It is now in the Metropolitan -Museum, New York. - -[Sidenote: PARMA PORTRAIT OF ERASMUS] - -The Greystoke portrait closely resembles the Parma picture, which is -regarded by most critics as an original work, though to the present -writer it appears to be no more than a fine contemporary copy or -adaptation of Mr. Morgan’s picture or the Basel roundel. The Parma -example,[410] in which Erasmus is shown with his hands holding open one -of his own books, has the date 1530 on the plain background, two figures -on either side of the head.[411] Documentary evidence[412] exists, -showing that Holbein had painted one or more portraits of Erasmus at -this period. One of them was in the possession of Goelenius, professor -at Louvain, and in 1531 Johannes Dantiscus, Bishop of Kulm, and -afterwards of Ermeland, was anxious to obtain a copy of it, and wrote -asking to have this done for him by a painter of Malines. Goelenius, in -reply, sent to his friend the original portrait as a gift. The Bishop, -however, not to be outdone in generosity, returned the present, at the -same time saying that the portrait was an earlier one than he had -supposed, and that he wanted one of a more recent date. In answer to -this Goelenius wrote that fortunately he was on terms of such close -friendship with Holbein that he could get him to do anything he wished, -and would procure from him a portrait of Erasmus which he had quite -recently painted. Some portrait, whether an original or only a copy, was -eventually sent, and it has been suggested that it was the portrait now -in the Parma Gallery. When Dantiscus became Bishop of Ermeland, he -would, in all probability, take the portrait with him; and this district -was afterwards devastated by the Swedes during the Thirty Years’ War, -and many of the art treasures of the province carried to Sweden. Some of -these spoils of war became the property of Queen Christina, who took -them with her to Italy, where she lived in later life, and among the -works so taken, it is conjectured, may well have been the Erasmus -portrait now at Parma. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 58. - - -[Illustration: - - 1. ERASMUS - Roundel - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Illustration: - - 2. PHILIP MELANCHTHON - Roundel - PROVINZIAL MUSEUM, HANOVER -] - -The little roundel in the Basel Gallery (No. 324) (Pl. 58 (1)),[413] -which is about four inches in diameter, forms part of the Amerbach -Collection, and, no doubt, came into the possession of Bonifacius on the -death of Erasmus. It agrees in all respects with the Greystoke portrait, -though only the head and shoulders are shown, and it is not quite so -masterly in its execution. It is very possibly the original study made -by Holbein in Freiburg, upon which the Greystoke and other portraits -were based. It has a plain blue-green background, and is perhaps not -quite in its original state. There is a third “Erasmus” at Basel, the -small panel in the Faesch Collection (No. 356),[414] a good old copy of -the roundel in the Amerbach Collection. All three are mentioned by -Patin. It would serve no useful purpose to enumerate and describe the -many other versions of the roundel, the Greystoke, and the Longford -portraits, which exist in various European collections at St. -Petersburg,[415] Cassel, Karlsruhe, Vienna, Turin,[416] Rotterdam, -Lausanne,[417] and elsewhere. As already stated, they were in great -demand among the admirers of Erasmus, so that numerous copies must have -been made. In the lifetime of Amerbach’s son Basilius there were no less -than five in Basel, and when Richard Strein of Vienna wrote to him -asking him to procure him a portrait of the great humanist, Amerbach, in -reply, wanted to know which of the five he would like copied. The copy -by Pencz, already described, may have been taken from one of these later -portraits rather than from the Longford portrait of 1523. The copy at -Rotterdam is said to have been presented by the Basel Council to the -Rotterdam Council in 1532. - -[Sidenote: WOODCUTS PORTRAIT OF ERASMUS] - -Two other portraits of Erasmus by Holbein cannot be overlooked. These -are the two beautiful woodcuts from his designs, which, from the -fineness and accuracy of their execution, must have been cut by Hans -Lützelburger. The first is a small round portrait,[418] showing the head -and shoulders only, in profile, turned to the spectator’s right, seen -against a plain background, and inscribed round the plain circular -framework “Erasmus Roterodam.” It is evidently of about the same date as -the Louvre portrait, and may have been one of the first of Holbein’s -designs engraved by Lützelburger, who settled in Basel about 1523. The -delicate and rather emaciated features of the scholar have been -reproduced with wonderful skill. It was first used on the back of the -title-page of the _Adagiorum opus Des. Erasmi Roterodami_, published by -Froben in 1533, and again in _Des. Erasmi Rot. Ecclesiastæ sive de -ratione concionandi libri quatuor_ (1535). - -The second,[419] and still more beautiful, woodcut is considerably -larger, being 11¼ inches high by 9 inches wide (Pl. 59). In his -catalogue Amerbach calls it “Erasmus Rotterdamus in eim Ghüs.” Erasmus -is represented at full length, standing, turned three-quarters to the -right, in his doctor’s cap and furred gown, his right hand resting on -the head of a truncated figure of Terminus, towards which he points with -his other hand. The framework or “ghüs” within which he is placed shows -to the fullest advantage Holbein’s complete mastery of Renaissance -design, and is equal to the finest contemporary Italian work of the -kind. It is purer in style, and lighter and more elegant in effect, than -the greater number of his earlier designs for woodcuts. Two pillars with -caryatid figures, with long beards and folded arms, and baskets of fruit -on their heads, support a round arch above which on either side are nude -figures with cornucopiæ, from which hang long wreaths of fruit and -foliage. The whole is surmounted by a winged cherub above a lion’s head, -from the mouth of which hangs a tablet inscribed “ER. ROT.” At the base -a larger tablet is supported by two fish-tailed female figures. As a -portrait this engraving is as fine as either the Longford or the Louvre -pictures. The small head is full of force and character; and equally -fine is the expression on the smiling face of the Terminus, while the -treatment of the draperies is just as admirable. It is difficult to know -which to admire the most, the beauty of the artist’s design and -draughtsmanship, or the wonderful fidelity of the engraver, who in -cutting it has lost little or nothing of the delicacy of Holbein’s -touch, for both are masterly. - -The original pear-wood block is in the Basel Gallery. Early proof -impressions of it are in the British Museum, the Berlin and Munich Print -Rooms, and elsewhere. These have a two-lined Latin inscription on the -tablet at the base— - - “Corporis effigiem si quis non vidit Erasmi, - Hanc scite ad vivum picta tabella dabit.” - -(If anyone has not seen Erasmus in his bodily shape, this cut, drawn -from life, will give his counterfeit.) The design was evidently made for -a complete edition of the works of Erasmus, but no such publication has -been met with in which this impression with the single distich appears. -The woodcut is first encountered in the complete edition of his writings -published by Froben’s son, Hieronymus, and Nic. Episcopius in 1540, with -a four-lined inscription, in which Holbein’s name is coupled with that -of Erasmus in terms of high praise— - - “Pallas Apellæam nuper mirata tabellam, - Hanc ait, æternum Bibliotheca colat. - Dædaleam monstrat Musis Holbeinnius artem, - Et summi Ingenii Magnus Erasmus opes.” - -No one but Lützelburger can have cut it, so that the design must have -been made before Holbein’s first visit to England. Why Froben made no -earlier use of it, it is impossible to say. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 59. - - -[Illustration: - - ERASMUS - _From a woodcut in the British Museum_ -] - -[Sidenote: PORTRAITS OF FROBEN] - -The history of the double portrait of Erasmus and Froben, as far as it -is known, has been already given. The version of Froben, at Hampton -Court[420]—No. 603 (323)—is a drawing on parchment, afterwards fastened -down on a panel, and roughly finished as a picture, and has little of -the careful elaboration of Holbein’s painted portraits. It is a -half-length figure, less than life-size, turned to the right, the face -seen almost in profile. The arms are folded, and the hands, thrust -within the sleeves of his brown cloak, which is lined with fur at the -neck, are not seen. He wears no cap, and his straight hair is growing -thin. The head is seen against what now appears to be a window or -opening, sea-green in colour, which is part of the original plain -background, afterwards repainted by Von Steenwyck with various pillars -and mouldings. In front is a narrow stone ledge, over the greater part -of which hangs what appears to be a white cloth, on which is inscribed, -“IOANNES FROBENIUS TYP. HHOLBEIN P.” which is not the original -handiwork of the painter. The face is a kindly but ugly one, and bears -out the character given to him by Erasmus, who was overcome with grief -at his sudden death. “All the friends of the belles lettres,” he wrote -to a friend, “should put on mourning attire and shed tears at the death -of this man, and should wreath his grave with ivy and flowers. Never -before have I felt how great is the power of sincere friendship. I bore -with moderation the death of my own brother; but what I cannot endure is -the longing for Froben. So simple and sincere was his nature that he -could not have dissembled had he wished. To show kindness to everyone -was his greatest delight, and even if the unworthy received his -benefits, he was glad. His fidelity was immovable, and as he himself -never had evil in his mind, he was never able to cherish suspicion of -others.” - -There is a similar portrait of Froben in the Basel Gallery (No. -357),[421] an old copy, which was presented to the Basel University by -Christian von Mechel, who acquired it as an original work by Holbein -from the publisher Enschede at Haarlem in 1792, and was transferred to -the Gallery in 1811. In the letter making the gift he speaks of it as -softer, richer, and more powerful than the usual Holbein style. A third, -and inferior, example was lent to the Tudor Exhibition in 1890 by Sir -Henry B. St. John Mildmay, Bt. (No. 134), which is perhaps identical -with the small portrait in oil which belonged to Walpole and was sold in -1842 at the Strawberry Hill sale for 19 guineas. - -The genuineness of the Hampton Court portrait of Froben has been often -disputed, and to-day the consensus of opinion is not in its favour. Both -Waagen and Woltmann regarded it as a copy, and more recent writers, -among them Dr. Ganz, hold the same view. Even those who consider it to -be a genuine work by Holbein are forced to own that it is by no means a -fine example of his portraiture. The head, however, has more character -than is usually found in a copy, and, no doubt, its present condition is -due to some extent to the mishandling it received from Von Steenwyck, -who probably did not confine his attentions solely to the background. It -is possible, therefore, to regard it as an original study by Holbein, -which has suffered somewhat severely in the course of years. Mr. Ernest -Law speaks of it as a genuine though not first-class example, and refers -to the version at Basel as “little more than a clumsy imitation” of -it.[422] The Basel Catalogue, on the other hand, says that the latter -portrait, which is an old copy or else an original which has suffered -severely from repainting, is “incomparably better than the -seventeenth-century replica at Hampton Court.” Woltmann considered the -Basel version to be merely a late Netherlandish copy,[423] while -Knackfuss says that it is “very bad as regards colouring.”[424] - -[Sidenote: ROUNDEL OF MELANCHTHON] - -Another friend and correspondent of Erasmus, Philip Melanchthon, was -painted by Holbein, though there is no evidence to show when or how they -met. The small roundel in oils of the young German scholar in the -Provinzial Museum at Hanover (Pl. 58 (2))[425] may perhaps have been -done as a pendant to the circular “Erasmus” at Basel. It is almost -exactly the same size, about four inches in diameter, and is carried out -with an almost equal delicacy and freedom of touch, as though it were a -study direct from nature. Melanchthon is shown nearly in full profile to -the right, with dark smooth hair falling on his ears, and a scanty beard -and moustache. His coat and plain white shirt are open in front, showing -the bare chest. The background is grey, but may possibly have been at -one time blue. The head itself is not free from retouching. It is -preserved in its original circular box, the inner side of the cover -being decorated in grey monochrome with a very beautiful design of -foliage and fruit intermingled with the heads and figures of satyrs in -the Renaissance style from Holbein’s own hand, and across the centre a -cartouche with the following inscription in gold: “Qui cernis tantum -non, viva Melanthonis ora, Holbinus rara dexteritate dedit,”[426] which -is perhaps the sitter’s own personal tribute to the skill of the -painter. The style of the Renaissance decoration indicates that in all -probability the portrait was painted during Holbein’s third stay in -Basel (1528-32).[427] Melanchthon attended the Imperial Diet at Speier -in 1529,[428] and a little later visited his mother in Bretten, and it -is by no means impossible that he also went to Freiburg to see Erasmus, -and that while there, some time during 1530, Holbein painted the -roundels of both friends. A second version of this portrait was in the -possession of Horace Walpole, in which the inscription runs round the -outer edge. It fetched fifteen guineas at the Strawberry Hill sale in -1842, and is now in the collection of Sir William van Horne in Montreal. - -With these portraits of Erasmus and some of his most intimate friends -may be placed Holbein’s own portrait of himself (_Frontispiece_), the -very exquisite drawing in the Basel Gallery (No. 320),[429] in which he -is represented almost full face, wearing a large red hat, a brown-grey -cloak or overcoat with bands of black velvet, and a white shirt tied -with strings at the neck. He is beardless, with short dark-brown hair, -and brown eyes. The study is on paper, and is drawn in Indian ink and -coloured chalks, and washed with water-colour which has faded in parts. -This drawing, like the portrait of Holbein’s wife and children, and the -one of Von Rüdiswiler of Lucerne by Ambrosius Holbein, has been at some -time cut out round the outlines, and afterwards mounted on a greyish -paper, which produces the slight effect of hardness which must certainly -have been missing in its untouched state.[430] In 1907 the plain blue -background was carefully renewed from an old example. - -Some writers have held that it is not absolutely certain that this -drawing really represents the painter. In the Amerbach inventory of 1586 -it is described as, “Item ein tafelen gehort darin ein conterfehung -Holbeins mit trocken farben (a counterfeit of Holbein in dry colours, -_i.e._ crayons), so im grossen kasten vnder Holbeins kunst ligt”; and in -the later inventories it is described in much the same way. Knackfuss, -among others, says that from these words it is not positively to be -concluded that the “counterfeit” was of Holbein himself. There can be -little doubt, however, that Amerbach intended to describe it as a -portrait of Holbein by himself; if it had been a drawing of some unknown -sitter he would have so described it. As far back as 1676 it was -published by Patin in his edition of the _Praise of Folly_ as Holbein’s -portrait from his own hand. It bears, too, a strong likeness to the -portraits of Holbein as a boy by the elder Hans, both in the “St. Paul” -picture and in the drawing of 1511 of the two brothers at Berlin. There -is the same massive head, with its fine forehead, breadth of -cheek-bones, strong chin, and firm mouth. It has great resemblance, too, -when due allowance has been made for the passing of twenty years or so, -to the miniature portraits of himself which he painted at the end of his -life. It may be accepted, indeed, without reservation as a genuine -portrait of Holbein, of about the date 1523-5, when he was some -twenty-six years old.[431] As a portrait it is a magnificent study. The -face is a strong one, of a somewhat serious cast, but with a suggestion -of humour about the finely shaped mobile mouth and in the clear brown -eyes. The broadly built head with its high forehead indicates strength -of character and intellectual capacity, and there is a quiet dignity and -a sense of power in the whole countenance and in the carriage of the -youthful figure, which one would expect to find in the likeness of a -painter possessed, as Holbein was, of such brilliant technical abilities -and so wonderful a creative genius.[432] - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - CHAPTER IX - - DESIGNS FOR BOOK ILLUSTRATIONS - -Holbein’s work for the Basel publishers—Imperfection of the cutting of - his earlier book illustrations—His connection with Hans - Lützelburger—His first title-page—More’s _Utopia_—the Table of - Cebes—Luther’s translation of the New Testament—Title-page to the - quarto edition—Work for Luther’s translation of the Old Testament—“The - Sale of Indulgences”—“Christ the True Light”—Woodcuts representing - incidents of common life, dancing, merry-making, &c.—Initial letters - and alphabets—Trade-marks and devices for printers. - - -THROUGHOUT the whole period of his first residence in Basel a -considerable part of Holbein’s time was occupied with the production of -designs for book illustrations, such as title-pages, head and -tail-pieces, ornamental borders, initial letters, and printers’ marks. -Including the “Dance of Death” and Old Testament illustrations, and the -various alphabets of his designing, Woltmann enumerates more than three -hundred woodcuts or metal engravings, large or small, for which Holbein -made the drawings. Much of his work of this kind was done for Froben, -but he was also frequently employed by Adam Petri, Thomas Wolff, and -other printers and publishers. - -The old contention that Holbein himself cut the blocks bearing his own -designs, which at one time produced much acrimonious dispute and a -voluminous literature, has long since been abandoned, and there is -absolutely nothing to be said in its favour. He must, however, have had -a thorough working knowledge of the technical side of woodengraving, and -of the limits within which it was necessary to confine his art; and -within those limits he produced the most splendid results. - -A number of his earlier designs were not cut in wood, but in metal. The -method was similar to that of wood-cutting, the drawing being left in -relief, as on the wood block, a process exactly opposite to copperplate -engraving, in which the lines to be reproduced are incised. Several of -his title-pages and ornaments from metal blocks bear the initials I.F. -upon them, and it was at one time considered that they were probably the -work of Froben himself,[433] who is described more than once as -“chalcographer,” or a worker in metal. The term, however, may mean only -a designer and caster of type, which was a trade Froben followed side by -side with that of a publisher. The I.F. of these engravings was not -Froben, but Jakob Faber, who was the best of the cutters in metal who -worked after Holbein. Froben, no doubt, employed a permanent staff of -engravers, both for his own publications and also for the sale of blocks -and plates to other publishers. Faber was possibly one of those who -found more or less regular employment in his service, and another was -the engraver with the signature “C.V.,” who engraved the eight metal -cuts in illustration of the Lord’s Prayer, which appeared about 1523, -badly printed, in two rare editions of the _Precatio Dominica_ of -Erasmus, copies of which are included in the William Mitchell Collection -in the British Museum. The proofs in the Basel Gallery have German text; -the Mitchell set, with a clause of the Paternoster in French printed at -the top of each cut, is a unique state, and the impressions are very -early and sharp. The same “C.V.” engraved in metal the Evangelists in -the Greek Testaments of 1524 and 1540. - -One of the finest of Faber’s metal-cuts is the folio title-page issued -by Cratander in 1525, representing Christ before God the Father, -surrounded by a great crowd of boy-angels, in the lunette at the top, -the symbols of the four Evangelists in niches shown in perspective at -the sides, and the Apostles at the foot. This title-page is made up of -four separate plates, each of which bears the initials “I.F.”[434] Quite -recently (1913) the British Museum has received from the National -Art-Collections Fund a rare Book of Hours, printed at Lyon in 1548, -containing fourteen metal-cuts by Faber after Holbein’s designs. - -[Sidenote: HANS LÜTZELBURGER] - -According to Woltmann, many copper plates after Holbein’s designs were -still in existence in Basel as late as 1852, in the possession of the -family of a publisher named Haas, but were subsequently sold on a -division of the property, all further traces of them being lost.[435] -These metal engravings of Holbein’s book ornaments as a rule do but -little justice to the original designs, and compare very unfavourably -with the later wood engravings cut by Hans Lützelburger. They miss much -of the strength and character of Holbein’s line, and are marked by a -hardness of effect which is by no means pleasing. - -Many of the earlier wood engravings, too, suffer in the same way from -the imperfection of the cutting, inferior workmen having been employed -to reproduce them, just as in the case of the book illustrations of -Ambrosius Holbein, who was employed by Froben quite as often as his -brother Hans, and whose work also suffered from inadequate translation. -It thus becomes difficult, in the case of several unsigned prints, to -decide which of the two young men was the designer of them. In these -earlier efforts, too, Hans had not reached to that pitch of excellence -in adapting his design to the requirements of the wood-cutters to which -he attained some years later, when he was working in conjunction with -Lützelburger, nor had his powers of draughtsmanship and composition yet -found their complete expression. Having at length met with an engraver -who could do full justice to his ideas, and one who was as great a -master in one branch of art as he himself was in another, Holbein’s -genius for decorative design matured rapidly, so that the two men -between them produced works in this field which have never been -surpassed. They worked together from the autumn of 1522 until -Lützelburger’s death and Holbein’s departure from Basel in 1526. - -Modern researches have failed to glean much information about the life -and career of Lützelburger. On a tablet below a wood engraving of his -cutting representing a battle between peasants and naked men in a fir -wood in Utopia, designed by the unknown Augsburg master N.H., he signs -himself “HANNS. LEVCZELLBVRGER. FVRMSCHNIDER. 1.5.2.2.” At a later date, -on the proofs of Holbein’s “Dance of Death” alphabet, he calls himself -“Hanns Lützelburger, furmschneider, genant Franck,” that is, “Hans -Lützelburger, wood-engraver, called Franck.” This is printed in movable -type, the first H being an ornamented Roman capital, while the other -letters of the name are in the German character. He was one of the group -of wood-engravers who were working at Augsburg about 1516-19, under the -direction of Jost de Negker, on the blocks for the Emperor Maximilian, -and his name is written or his monogram cut upon the back of nine of the -“Triumph” blocks, still preserved at Vienna, and he also cut nine of the -series of “Saints connected with the House of Habsburg” in 1516-17. All -available evidence indicates that the “Battle of Naked Men” was engraved -in Augsburg. In the same year, 1522, Lützelburger cut an alphabet for -the printer Schöffer at Maintz, of which the letter L is signed -“H.L.F.,” and the same date and initials occur on two specimen -ornamental alphabets evidently designed by the same unknown artist.[436] -Whether he was residing at Maintz at the time is uncertain, but by the -autumn of 1522 Lützelburger had moved to Basel, and was at work on Adam -Petri’s folio New Testament. There he remained until his death in the -summer of 1526, in constant collaboration with Holbein, engraving, among -many other designs, the “Dance of Death” woodcuts and many of the Old -Testament illustrations. What little is known of him points rather to -Augsburg than to Basel as his place of birth, though, according to Herr -His-Heusler’s researches, a family of that name was then living in -Basel, the names of both a Michael and a Jakob Lützelburger appearing in -the baptismal register of St. Leonhard between 1529 and 1533; while the -same name occurs frequently in the parish register of the adjacent town -of Colmar during the first half of the sixteenth century. Further -documents discovered by His-Heusler show that Lützelburger died in Basel -before the 23rd June 1526, and that he was insolvent at the time. Among -his creditors were the printer, Melchior Trechsel, of Lyon, for an -advance of 27 florins 15 shillings, and Hans zum Sessel (Froben), for 3 -florins 10 shillings. Trechsel, the publisher of the “Dance of Death” -and “Old Testament” woodcuts, on hearing of Lützelburger’s death, also -demanded certain wood blocks ordered by his firm, for which the money -had been advanced, upon which the deceased had been at work. These -blocks were sent to him on the condition that he appointed some person -of substance in Basel as security, in case some other creditor proved to -have prior claims on the estate; and in accordance with this arrangement -he appointed Johan Lukas Iselin as his surety.[437] In the list of -Lützelburger’s furniture and effects seized by the court he is described -merely as “Hans Formschneider,” but there is no doubt that this -“form-cutter” was Lützelburger, who at the time of his death was cutting -the block of “The Waggoner” for the “Dance of Death,” which he left -incomplete. - -Holbein drew all these designs directly on the wood block. There is not -a single sketch or study in existence for any one of the very numerous -book illustrations and decorations which he produced.[438] His -title-pages consist, in almost every case, of an ornamental framework of -Renaissance design with small panels on either side containing figure -subjects, usually taken from classical history or mythology, and across -the bottom a larger panel in which the chief subject is depicted. These -title-pages do not always consist of a single block, but of four -separate borders or strips, not always used together, but combined with -others, or used singly as chapter-headings or sidepieces. These -title-pages, designed in the first place for some particular book, were -thus afterwards often made to serve for the ornamentation of other -publications, with which at times their subjects had very little -connection; and they were also copied by various publishers and printers -in other cities of Switzerland and in Germany and elsewhere. - -[Sidenote: “MUCIUS SCÆVOLA AND LARS PORSENA”] - -Holbein’s earliest design for this purpose, drawn in 1515, shortly after -his arrival in Basel, and signed with the abbreviated name “Hans Holb.,” -has been already described.[439] This title-page, with its nine little -cupids, which has suffered from inferior cutting, but nevertheless has -considerable charm, was first used by Froben in the winter of 1515, and -appeared in a number of books issued during the next five years, -including More’s _Utopia_, published by Froben in 1518. The first of his -designs from ancient history formed the title-page to _Æneæ Platonici -Christiani de immortalitate animæ_, issued by Froben in 1516, and also -appeared in the Basel edition of the _Utopia_, and again in Erasmus’ -_Praise of Matrimony_ in 1518. It represents the story of Mucius Scævola -and Lars Porsena (Pl. 60),[440] but has been so badly cut that much of -the dramatic force of Holbein’s composition has been lost. When Porsena, -the Etruscan king, was blockading Rome, after his attempted entry into -the city had been frustrated by the bravery of Horatius Cocles, Mucius, -a young Roman nobleman, resolved to rid his country of the invader. In -disguise he entered the hostile camp, and, approaching the tent in which -Porsena sat, with his secretary, dressed in similar fashion to his -master, by his side, plunged his dagger into the latter’s body, -mistaking him for the king. He was seized by the guards, and condemned -to death, but thrust his right hand into a fire which was already -lighted for a sacrifice, and held it there without flinching, to show -how little he heeded pain. Amazed at his bravery, Porsena allowed him to -go free; and Mucius afterwards received the name of Scævola, or the -left-handed, on account of his courage. Holbein has depicted the two -chief incidents of this legendary story side by side across the bottom -of the title-page. On the right is an open tent, in which Mucius is -stabbing the secretary, who is seated at a table by the side of the -king. On the left, Mucius, held by a guard, plunges his hand into the -fire in the presence of Porsena and his courtiers. Over each of the -principal characters is a label with his name, and in the background is -a small walled city labelled “Roma.” The figures, which are clad in -sixteenth-century costume, are short and stumpy, these faults, no doubt, -being exaggerated by the inadequate rendering of the engraver. The sides -of the page consist of two narrow panels of conventional foliated -design, with small figures, springing from vases, while the upper border -contains a group of naked children, blowing trumpets and dragging one of -their number in triumph. A small shield in the middle of the left-hand -border contains Holbein’s initials, “H.H.” - - - VOL. I., PLATE 60. - - -[Illustration: - - MUCIUS SCÆVOLA AND LARS PORSENA - First used in 1516 - _From a copy of More’s “Epigrams” in the British Museum_ -] - -Froben, on the recommendation of Erasmus, undertook the publication of -Sir Thomas More’s _Utopia_ in 1518, and the edition was lavishly -ornamented with woodcuts, title-pages, and initials, in honour of the -author. The book had been already published in Louvain in the winter of -1516. Gerardus Noviomagus, of Nimeguen, writing to Erasmus on November -12th of that year, says that his friend Theodoricus has undertaken to -print it, and that Paludanus will show him “a cut of the island by a -great artist,” in order that Erasmus may make any suggestions he may -think necessary.[441] In Froben’s edition this “cut of the island” was -drawn by Ambrosius Holbein, as also the charming little picture of -Hythlodæus recounting his adventures in Utopia. As already stated, two -of Hans Holbein’s designs were re-used for this work, the title-page -with the children for the dedication to Ægidius, and the “Scævola” for -More’s _Epigrams_, which were added to the volume, together with others -by Erasmus, for which Urs Graf provided a title-page with the beheading -of St. John the Baptist. The title-page to the book itself, with the -story of Tarquin and Lucrece,[442] was designed by Ambrosius, who in -this instance took a much more important share in the work of -illustration than his brother, and he was possibly the “great artist” of -whom Noviomagus spoke in his letter. - -[Sidenote: THE TABLE OF CEBES] - -The title-page for the Statute Book of Freiburg-im-Breisgau, published -in 1520, with the beautiful design of the patron saints of that city on -the back, has been already described.[443] It is more finely cut than -most of these earlier book illustrations, as is also the title-page -representing the “Table of Cebes” (Pl. 61), perhaps the most important -work of the kind undertaken by Holbein before his connection with -Lützelburger began.[444] The unknown cutter of this block has rendered -Holbein’s design with considerable truth and artistic feeling. It is -founded on the Πιναξ or “Table,” a philosophical work of Cebes of -Thebes, the disciple and friend of Socrates, a book which enjoyed a -great popularity. It gives an allegorical picture of human life, as -explained by an old man to a circle of youths, and is intended to show -that true happiness is only to be attained by the cultivation of the -mind and the possession of real virtue. The “Picture” described in the -book was shown to the sage in a temple of Chronos, and was a painting -containing many figures, representing the progress of man towards the -desired goal. Holbein has followed the text very closely. The whole -picture is surrounded by a wall, which indicates the limits of human -life. Outside this wall, at the bottom of the design, are groups of -naked children, representing the souls of those who have not yet entered -life. They are playing and fighting, and some are begging admittance of -the old man, labelled “Genius,” who stands beneath the archway of the -portal. On the right, within the first courtyard, is the winged, naked -figure of Fortune on her rolling sphere, between two groups of people, -on the one side those on whom she has smiled and on the other the -unfortunate ones, who are railing at her; on the left is the seated -figure of a woman, richly dressed, representing Seduction or Persuasion, -with her attendant ladies as False Opinions. She holds out a gold cup to -tempt the newcomer to life from the true path. Behind, gazing over the -wall into the second courtyard, is the Traveller on life’s journey. He -next encounters Avarice, Lust, Incontinence, and other pitfalls, all -represented by small and characteristic groups of figures. Then, passing -through a gate, he follows a winding road, encountering on the way Pain -and Sorrow, the latter an old woman crouching in a ruined hut, who -threatens him with a whip, until he is welcomed at a further gateway by -Penitence, who holds out both hands in welcome. All danger, however, has -not yet been overtaken, for within he meets with False Discipline, a -grandly dressed lady and her attendants, but he gives her only a -sidelong glance as he hastens forward. The road now becomes rougher and -narrower, and he comes next upon a group of people engaged in the -pursuit of all the arts and sciences, which they regard as the end of -life. After this he has to clamber up steep rocks, which he does with -the help of Fortitude and Courage, the latter holding a golden cup in -either hand. Further on, at the entrance to the innermost enclosure, he -kneels before True Discipline, who, in the guise of a saint, with a -halo, stands on a small pedestal, attended by Truth and Conviction. From -here he enters the Castle of True Happiness, and again kneels, this time -to receive the laurel crown, the reward for his avoidance of all evil -and error on his life’s journey, which is placed on his head by -Happiness, who sits enthroned in the centre, in front of a castellated -building. She wears a crown and holds a sceptre, and her head is -surrounded by a halo of brilliant light. On either side are groups of -the Virtues. Many of the small figures in this design have great charm, -and the whole composition is well arranged and full of interest. Holbein -has signed it on one of the stones of the wall in the lower left-hand -corner with his initials in the form of a monogram, a small H within a -larger one. This woodcut was first used in the edition of Tertullian -published by Froben in 1521, and in the following year it formed the -title-page of Erasmus’ Latin edition of the New Testament. It became -very popular, and was frequently used for dictionaries, lexicons, and -similar publications during the next sixty years, being copied and -imitated by numerous printers. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 61. - - -[Illustration: - - “THE TABLE OF CEBES” - First used in 1521 - _From a copy of Perotto’s “Cornucopiæ” in the British Museum_ -] - -[Sidenote: LUTHER’S NEW TESTAMENT] - -The first fruits of the collaboration of Holbein and Lützelburger -appeared in an edition of Luther’s German translation of the New -Testament, which was issued by Adam Petri in Basel in December 1522. For -this Holbein drew a very beautiful title-page,[445] which, although it -bears no name or initials, is unmistakable in its authorship (Pl. 62). -The sides of the design are occupied with niches within which stand St. -Peter and St. Paul, grandly conceived figures of great nobility and -dignity. St. Peter, on the left, has a great key in one hand, and an -open book in the other, from which, with head and eyes cast down, he is -reading. On the right is St. Paul, with a long, flowing beard, holding a -sword across the open volume of his gospel. The architectural background -is simple, with shell ornamentation behind the heads of the two saints. -In the four corners of the page are the symbols of the four -Evangelists—the Angel, Eagle, Lion, and Bull—which serve as heraldic -supporters to the volumes of the gospels. In the centre at the top are -the arms of Basel, with the motto “INCLYTA BASILEA,” and at the bottom -is placed the printer’s mark, a naked child riding on a harnessed lion, -and bearing a standard with Petri’s monogram, and antedated 1523, the -background filled in with roses, a very fine design. A second edition of -this folio volume was published in March 1523, and at the same time one -in octavo. In the latter the title-page[446] closely follows the one in -the folio edition, and the book is also embellished with other woodcuts -of Holbein’s designing. On the first page of each gospel is a cut of the -figure of the Evangelist enclosed within a framework of Renaissance -design (Pl. 63).[447] The first three are each shown within a room, on -the wall of which is a framed picture illustrating that part of the -career of Christ most fully treated by the respective writers. St. -Matthew looks up from his writing, and listens to the kneeling Angel, -who raises a finger in admonition. The picture on the wall represents -Christ in the manger, with Mary kneeling, and Joseph kindling a fire. -St. Mark is seen from behind, deep in thought, the Lion crouching by his -side. The picture hanging above him is of Christ rising from the Tomb. -St. Luke, busily writing, wears a high cap, the Bull standing at the -back of the desk. Christ on the Cross forms the subject of the picture -on the wall. In each of these three pictures the Evangelist’s desk or -writing-table and seat form an interesting feature, as each one is of a -different design, and illustrates the furniture of Holbein’s own day. -St. John is represented in the wilderness, seated among rocks, writing -his gospel, his candle sheltered from the wind by stones, and the Eagle -looking down upon it. Christ appears in glory in the sky over the -distant mountains, and the saint is gazing up at the vision. This -woodcut is without an ornamental framework. Four other designs by -Holbein are included in the volume.[448] At the head of the Acts of the -Apostles is a representation of the Outpouring of the Holy Spirit. The -Epistle to the Romans is headed by the figure of St. Paul, preaching, -his sword under his arm, beneath a richly-decorated portal. The other -two represent the Conversion of Saul and St. Peter’s Vision of the -Unclean Beasts, and there are also a number of initial letters (Pl. 63). -The beautiful engraving of the title-page and many of the woodcuts -points to the hand of Lützelburger, though none of them are signed by -him. Another fine woodcut with the figure of St. Paul, with sword and -book, standing within an architectural niche, is to be found in the -Greek New Testament issued by T. Platter of Basel in 1540.[449] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 62. - - -[Illustration: - - TITLE-PAGE TO LUTHER’S “NEW TESTAMENT” - First used in 1522 - _From a copy in the British Museum_ -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 63. - - -[Illustration: - - THE FOUR EVANGELISTS - Woodcuts, and Initial Letters used on the first page of each gospel, - in the 1523 edition of Luther’s New Testament - S D - _From a copy in the British Museum_ -] - -[Illustration: - - THE FOUR EVANGELISTS - Woodcuts, and Initial Letters used on the first page of each gospel, - in the 1523 edition of Luther’s New Testament - D I - _From a copy in the British Museum_ -] - -In the same year, 1523, a second Basel publisher, Thomas Wolff, issued a -quarto edition of Luther’s translation of the New Testament, in the -decoration of which both Holbein and Lützelburger were employed. The -title-page[450] shows Holbein’s fertility of invention, his power of -dramatic representation, and his sense of style to the greatest -advantage. In the centre of the upper border St. John is baptizing the -Saviour in the river Jordan, the angel standing on the bank with his -garments, and on either side are the symbols of the four Evangelists. -The lower border contains Wolff’s device, a philosopher in a niche -enjoining silence, his monogram, and the motto, “Digito Compesce -Labellum,” and on either side of it the Vision of St. Peter and the -Conversion of St. Paul, who, dressed in German costume, is flung from -his horse. On the right-hand border St. Paul is shown on the island of -Melita, shaking off the viper from his hand into the fire, and in the -background the wreck of the ship; on the left-hand border is a -representation of the Baptism of the Treasurer of the King of Ethiopia -by St. Philip, while in the distance is depicted the journey of the same -eunuch along a hilly road shaded by trees. He is riding in a small -four-wheeled carriage, drawn by two horses tandem fashion, with the -driver mounted on the after one—one of the methods of travelling in -Holbein’s own day. This title-page is a masterpiece of the engraver’s -art, and is signed “H.L.FVR.” on the footstool on which St. Paul is -kneeling, in the lower border. Holbein also furnished twenty-one -illustrations to the Revelation of St. John for the same edition,[451] -which, however, for the most part were very badly cut, so that -Lützelburger cannot have been the engraver of them. They were used again -in Adam Petri’s folio New Testament of the same year. They are -particularly interesting as representing the same subjects as those -treated by Dürer in his first important work, which must have been known -to Holbein, who, however, has borrowed very little in his rendering of -the Visions. He shows less imagination and grandeur of conception than -Dürer, but follows the text with even closer fidelity, and treats each -subject with greater simplicity and clearness.[452] The last one of the -series, the Angel showing the Saint the New Jerusalem (Pl. 70 (3)), -contains a view of Lucerne with its covered bridge. - -[Sidenote: THE “CREATION OF EVE”] - -For Adam Petri’s reprint of Luther’s translation of the Old Testament, -published in December 1523, for which a title-page was provided by Urs -Graf, Holbein, in addition to numerous initial letters, was the designer -of the large woodcut which was placed at the head of the first chapter -of Genesis, representing the Creation of Eve,[453] a very beautiful -conception, in which God the Father is uplifting Eve from the side of -Adam, while a small angel tugs at his mantle. The earlier days of the -Creation are also represented—the Earth as a small island with various -animals upon it, surrounded by a strip of water containing fish, and -round this again a ring of clouds and stars, and a final circle of -angels, above whom the Almighty is shown again, blessing his work. In -the four corners are placed the heads of the four winds. Several other -illustrations were drawn by Holbein for this edition, but in most -instances they are marred by bad cutting. - -One of the finest of his designs for woodcuts is the one representing -the Death of Cleopatra and the Sacrileges of Dionysius of Syracuse (Pl. -64),[454] first used by Froben in 1523 as the title-page for several -works by Erasmus. The framework, in the form of a sculptured monument in -the Italian style, is exceptional among Holbein’s work as a -book-illustrator, being shown in marked perspective as though seen from -the right. At the foot, beneath an arch, the dying Cleopatra, at full -length on the ground, holds an asp in each hand. On either side is -represented an act of sacrilege on the part of the Tyrant of Syracuse. -On the right he is reaching up to pluck off the golden beard from the -statue of Æsculapius, and on the left he is robbing the statue of -Jupiter of its golden mantle and ornaments. Above the frieze on the top -are Cupids riding on dolphins. The figures throughout are finely -conceived, and the Italian influence is marked. - -Another fine title-page of his designing was cut for Bugenhagen’s -_Interpretation of the Psalms_, published by Petri in March 1524, and -afterwards used in Münster’s _Cosmography_, and elsewhere, in which the -principal subject is David dancing before the Ark;[455] and there are -others of which the scope of this book does not permit any description. - -Two important woodcuts, “Christ the True Light,” and “The Sale of -Indulgences” (Pl. 65),[456] from their oblong shape were probably -intended to be placed at the head of some broadsheet written by a -supporter of the Reformation. In these designs, in which Lützelburger’s -extraordinary skill in delicate and at the same time forcible use of the -cutter’s knife has rendered with the utmost fidelity the beauty of -Holbein’s line, the artist shows himself to have been in close sympathy -with the new movement, in defence of which he brings to bear -considerable powers of ridicule and satire. The rarity of these two -prints is owing, no doubt, to the fact that the Basel Council maintained -at that time a very severe censorship over all theological -controversies, and strictly prohibited every publication or picture -dealing with such debatable topics. These two woodcuts, therefore, -attacking with merciless scorn the clergy, ecclesiastical abuses, and -superstitions, would come under the ban of the Council, and, at the same -time, every copy falling into the hands of the clerical party would be -destroyed. Hence only three or four copies of each are known. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 64. - - -[Illustration: - - THE CLEOPATRA TITLE-PAGE - First used in 1523 - _From a copy of Erasmus’ “Christiani Matrimonii Institutio” in the - British Museum_ -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 65. - - -[Illustration: - - 1. CHRIST THE TRUE LIGHT - _From proofs in the British Museum_ -] - -[Illustration: - - 2. THE SALE OF INDULGENCES - _From proofs in the British Museum_ -] - -[Sidenote: THE “SALE OF INDULGENCES”] - -The “Sale of Indulgences” is divided into two parts. On the right is -shown the interior of a church, with the Pope enthroned, and surrounded -by his cardinals. In the decorations of the building the arms of the -Medici occur many times. Leo X is handing a letter of indulgence to a -kneeling Dominican. In the choir-stalls on either side are seated a -number of Church dignitaries. On the right, one of them rests his hand -on the head of a kneeling youth and with a stick points to a large -iron-bound chest for the money-offerings, into which a woman is putting -her contribution. At a table on the left various Dominicans are -preparing and selling indulgences. One of them repulses a beggar, who -has nothing to give in exchange for the remission of his sins, while -another is carefully checking the money which a suppliant is counting -out on the table, and holding back the letter until the full amount has -been received. The small figures are very lifelike, and the whole -composition is a bitter satire upon the traffic of the Church. The -left-hand half of the picture shows a landscape in which three true -penitents are beseeching forgiveness from God the Father, who appears -with outstretched arms in the clouds above them. Over the head of each -figure is a label inscribed, “K. David,” “Manasses,” and “Offen-Synder,” -respectively. The first-named kneels, with his harp by his side on the -ground; the others stand with clasped hands and bowed heads. - -The second sheet, called in the Amerbach inventory “Christus vera lux, -philosophi et papa in foveam cadentes,” is divided into two halves by a -magnificent candlestick which rises in the centre, the flame surmounted -by a large halo of light. The stem contains sculptured figures of the -four Evangelists, and the base is supported by their four symbols. On -the left, Christ, a finely-conceived figure, points to the light with -uplifted hand, and addresses a group of citizens, peasants, beggars, and -other simple folk, who listen eagerly to his words. On the right, a -procession of the clergy and learned men turn their backs upon the true -light, and wander forth into the wilderness, led by Plato and Aristotle, -the first of whom has stumbled into a deep pit, while the second is -about to fall after him. They are followed by the Pope, a bishop, -canons, and other churchmen, and monks of various orders, and a figure -which appears to represent Erasmus. Behind them rise lofty snow -mountains, while a distant city is seen across the plain in the centre, -and trees on the left. This woodcut bears witness to the rapidly growing -change in the point of view of the Reformers, who were already parting -company with their former allies, the humanists and scholars. Holbein in -this design gives expression to the popular feeling of his day in Basel, -which was beginning to regard classical learning with suspicion as a -supporter of the theology to which it was opposed. This woodcut was used -in 1527 to illustrate a large broadsheet, the “Evangelistical Calendar” -of Dr. Johannes Copp. - -Holbein’s fertility of invention in this field was not confined to -subjects chosen from the Bible or from classical literature. Numerous -woodcuts occur in which he has made excellent use of incidents taken -from the ordinary life of his day. There is a well-known border -representing a group of peasants chasing a fox which has stolen a goose -from the farmyard, an engraving on metal, which, in spite of the -inferiority of the cutting, is full of humour and rapid movement.[457] -The small figures, carrying flails, spades, and other hastily -snatched-up weapons—among them a girl with a hayrake on her shoulder and -a soldier with his spear—are running at full speed, while behind them an -old man, leaning on a stick, stands among the remaining geese and shouts -directions for the fox’s capture. Another border shows a peasants’ -dance,[458] very similar in treatment to the same subject in the -wall-painting of the House of the Dance. These two borders, with two -side ones, representing children climbing trees, were frequently used by -Cratander of Basel in books published between 1526 and 1534, and a -second “Peasants’ Dance”[459] is often found in Adam Petri’s -publications. Similar borders with dancing or playing children -frequently occur. Most of them appear to have been cut in metal by -Faber. - -[Sidenote: ALPHABETS WITH PEASANTS & CHILDREN] - -Both peasants and children were favourite themes with him in his designs -for initial letters, which formed an important part of the decoration of -the books issued from the Basel presses. He produced a number of -complete alphabets, from A to Z, in which the little pictures which -surrounded the letters formed a connected series of designs. Almost -invariably the letter itself was shown in plain Roman type, placed -within a small square, the background being filled in with small figures -which have no actual connection with the letter, but are so combined -with it as to produce a very decorative effect. One of the most -beautiful of these alphabets, of which complete proof-sheets are to be -found at Basel and Dresden, represents the merry-makings of a rustic -fair,[460] and was used by both Froben and Cratander. The series opens -with two musicians playing bagpipes, and the ten next letters represent -dancing couples. In succeeding letters the peasants are represented -making love, fighting, playing games and practical jokes, drinking, and -other scenes in which the humour is too gross for modern tastes, and -concluding with the return from the fair, the peasant riding home with -his wife behind him, and the visit of the doctor on the following -morning, made necessary by over-indulgence in merry-making. The cutting -of the set is so beautiful that it must be from the hand of -Lützelburger; no other engraver then working in Basel was capable of -such minutely fine work, or could do such full justice to Holbein’s -genius for filling such small spaces with designs which appear so -spacious and so large in style. - -Another alphabet, which was evidently also cut by Lützelburger and used -by Cratander, of which there is a proof-sheet at Basel, is devoted to -the games of children.[461] They are represented dancing, playing music, -tilting on hobby-horses, riding on one another’s backs, hair-pulling, -wrestling, and so on, while in one instance a small boy is chasing a cat -with a bird in its mouth. Holbein was always very happy in his treatment -of children, and in this instance, as in the Peasants’ Alphabet, the -delicacy of the execution is wonderful. There are three other alphabets -dealing with children, and portions of others,[462] in one of which they -are engaged in various trades and employments, and appear as carpenters, -millers, masons, fishermen, bakers, painters, doctors, and so on. -Another alphabet gives scenes from the Old Testament,[463] and a second -consists of Greek initials.[464] Other letters, far too numerous to -enumerate here, represent ornaments, flowers, animals, still life, love -scenes, and soldiers. The most famous series of all, however, is the one -known as the “Alphabet of Death,” which is described in the next -chapter. - -[Sidenote: WOODCUTS PRODUCED IN ENGLAND] - -Holbein also designed a number of marks or devices for the various -printers who employed him, which were used on the first and last pages -of their publications. For Johann Bebelius he drew a palm-tree with a -heavy weight pressing down the branches among which it is placed; in a -second design for the same publisher a naked man is shown beneath this -weight, who attempts with hands and feet to resist the pressure.[465] -Cratander’s trade-mark was Fortune or Opportunity, a naked goddess, with -long flowing hair and winged feet, poised on a revolving ball, a -broad-bladed knife in her hand. Valentine Curio’s device was the Table -of Parrhasius, a hand drawing[466] on a panel one straight line between -two others, enclosed, like the mark of Cratander, within an ornamented -shield. For Thomas Wolff[467] Holbein drew the figure of a scholar or -publisher issuing from a doorway, his finger on his lips enjoining -silence, with the inscription: “Digito compesce labellum.” The devices -of Matthias Bienenvater or Apiarius of Berne and Christopher Froschover -of Zürich, contain punning allusions to their name. The former[468] -represents a bear climbing a tree after honey, with the bees swarming -round him; for the latter[469] Holbein made three different designs, -each one containing frogs. In one the frogs are climbing a tree, with a -beautiful landscape background of hills and peasants’ houses, the whole -within a Renaissance framework, and evidently cut by Lützelburger; in -the two others a boy is represented riding on a large frog, one of them -with a background representing the Lake of Zürich, with villages at the -foot of the mountains, and the other with a hilly landscape with a -castle on a height. Lastly, a very beautiful device made for Reinhold -Wolfe[470] appears to have been produced during Holbein’s last residence -in England, though the cutting of the block was most probably done in -Basel. It represents three boys flinging sticks into an appletree laden -with fruit, and bears his motto “Charitas.”[471] Wolfe, who was settled -in London, was possibly some relation of Thomas Wolff, the Basel -publisher, and so may have sent his book illustrations to Switzerland to -be engraved. This particular device, in any case, is too finely cut to -have been done in England at that period. Wolfe was the publisher of -John Leland’s _Naeniæ_, which contained a woodcut portrait of Sir Thomas -Wyat after Holbein,[472] and also of the same writer’s poem on the birth -of the Prince of Wales, which was not issued until 1543. On the back of -the title-page of the last publication is the device of the Prince, “Ich -Dien” under a crown of ostrich feathers, within a halo, which appears to -be after a design by Holbein.[473] A few other woodcuts which date from -the artist’s last residence in England are referred to in a later -chapter.[474] - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - CHAPTER X - - THE “DANCE OF DEATH” AND OLD TESTAMENT WOODCUTS - -The “Dance of Death” in literature and art—Early examples in Basel—Date - of Holbein’s “Dance of Death” woodcuts—Early proofs—Date of - publication—Description of the first edition—Reasons for delay in - publication—Description of the separate woodcuts—Holbein’s “Alphabet - of Death”—His illustrations to the Old Testament. - - -HOLBEIN’S fame as a designer of woodcuts, which had spread throughout -Europe before the close of the sixteenth century, was due almost -entirely to his celebrated “Dance of Death” pictures, and, in a lesser -degree, to his Old Testament illustrations, both first published in -1538, though they were drawn, and for the greater part cut, between the -years 1523 and 1526. They attained an immediate and widespread -popularity, a popularity which has been a lasting one. Edition after -edition followed in quick succession, and throughout the succeeding -years down to the present day hardly a decade has passed without a fresh -version being given to the world. - -For centuries before the birth of Holbein the subject of Death in both -pictorial and literary art was a favourite one throughout Europe, and -more particularly among the German-speaking peoples, to whose -imagination it made a strong appeal. Its representation both in painting -and in literature was of common occurrence long before he made use of -it, and by his genius rendered it immortal. The whole history of the -subject is of great interest, and a voluminous literature has gathered -round it, upon which it is not possible to touch in these pages. From -the Middle Ages onwards these representations of the Dance of the Dead -became common, and were painted on the walls of churches, the cloisters -of convents, and castle halls. Well-known examples of such -wall-paintings at one time existed in Paris, Blois, Berlin, Dresden, -Lubeck, Strasburg, Basel, Berne, and other places, while in England a -famous one was painted on the north side of St. Paul’s Cathedral during -the reign of Henry VI. With the invention of printing, small versions of -the pictures were issued in book form, and beneath them the old verses -which accompanied the earlier wall-paintings, pointing out the terrors -of death, and exhorting the wicked to repentance ere it was too late. In -course of time the illustrations assumed greater importance, the number -of the figures was increased, and the verses played only a secondary -part. - -[Sidenote: WALL-PAINTINGS OF “DANCE OF DEATH”] - -More than one early wall-painting of the Dance existed in Basel in -Holbein’s day, and there can be little doubt that the constant sight of -them stirred his imagination, and influenced his conception of the -subject when he in his turn made use of it. The earliest in point of -date was the one in the Klingenthal nunnery in Little Basel, which is -said to have been dated 1312; but it is doubtful whether much of this -wall-painting remained by the beginning of the sixteenth century. Only a -few badly-damaged portions were in existence in 1773, when it was -rediscovered by Emanuel Büchel, a baker, who made coloured copies of -what was left, which are now in the Basel Gallery. No traces of the -original painting are now to be seen. The better-known Dance of the -Dominican monastery in Great Basel in the suburb of St. John was of -later date, executed probably towards the end of the fourteenth or early -in the fifteenth century. According to tradition, for which there is no -absolute proof, it was painted after the deliverance of Basel from the -horrors of the terrible plague which raged there in 1439. It was copied -or adapted from the older Klingenthal painting, closely following its -arrangement of the various couples, but showing a great advance in -artistic treatment, and in the variety and movements of the dancers. It -consisted of about forty life-sized groups. In course of time it became -so faded that in 1568 it was restored by Hans Hug Kluber, who made -several additions to it; and it was again repaired in 1616, and in 1703. -After that it was allowed to fall into a state of dilapidation, and in -1815 the wall of the cemetery of the monastery on which it was painted -was pulled down by order of the Council, for the purpose of street -improvements. A few remnants of it are still preserved in the Gallery, -as well as coloured copies made by Emanuel Büchel in the same year as -those he took from the Klingenthal painting. It is also well known from -the engravings made after it by Merian in the seventeenth century.[475] -This wall-painting was formerly regarded in Basel as the work of -Holbein, a legend which was a long time dying. The mistake, no doubt, -originally arose through the wide celebrity attained by the artist’s -woodcut designs of the Dance, underneath which were printed verses taken -from the older wall-paintings, so that the confusion between the two -gradually grew, at first in Germany and elsewhere outside Switzerland, -until in the end the error became established in Basel itself. At one -time, too, the almost equally celebrated “Dance of Death” in the -cemetery of the Dominican monastery in Berne, painted with the most -biting satire by Niklaus Manuel, called Deutsch, was also attributed to -Holbein. This wall-painting, which was finished before the year 1522, -had completely perished by 1660, and the only records of it now -remaining consist of a few drawings copied from it before its -disappearance. - -Holbein’s designs for the “Dance of Death”[476] were all made, and -nearly all the blocks were cut, before Lützelburger’s death in the -summer of 1526 and his own departure for England later in that year. -This is not only proved by the evidence of the cuts themselves, which -display a hand so masterly that it can only be that of Lützelburger, but -also more directly from a series of copies of twenty-three of them -preserved in the Berlin Museum. These are circular studies, about five -inches in diameter, on brown paper, enlarged from the original blocks. -They are somewhat coarse in execution, and appear to have been made for -reproduction as glass-paintings. That they are not the original designs -for the woodcuts, or taken from such designs, but were copied from the -woodcuts themselves, is proved, first, by the fact that they are not -reversed, as they would have been if based on the original drawings, -and, secondly, that the one of “The Duchess” repeats the initials “H.L.” -on the bedpost with which Lützelburger signed his work. These copies, -therefore, must have been executed after the actual cutting of the -blocks; and as one of them (“The Emperor”) is dated “1527,” it gives a -date before which both the woodcuts, and the designs for them, must have -been prepared. The copies were taken, no doubt, from one or other of the -several proof impressions which were printed off while the work of -cutting was in progress, complete sets of which are in the British, -Berlin, and Basel Museums, the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, and the -Grand Ducal Cabinet at Karlsruhe, while less complete sets are to be -found elsewhere. The Basel set is printed on four folio sheets, on one -side of the paper only, with ten cuts on each page, and the title of -each subject printed over it in German, in italic movable type, as in -all but one of the other proof impressions known. These proofs include -the whole of the subjects in the first printed edition of 1538, with the -exception of the one of “The Astrologer,” and they are of the greatest -beauty and sharpness, and are printed in a fine black ink. The -Bibliothèque Nationale also possesses a second but incomplete set of -proofs, but among the subjects that of “The Astrologer” is included, -which is missing in the other sets, which seems to indicate that it is a -little later in date. This is the only copy extant, and, like the -earlier ones, the set is printed on one side of the paper only, but has -slight variations in the titles, which are printed in upright German -Gothic characters instead of the more usual sloping Latin lettering. - -[Sidenote: REASONS FOR DELAY IN PUBLICATION] - -Lützelburger’s work upon the blocks was probably spread over several -years. The “Alphabet of Death,” which appears to have been undertaken -before the “Dance,” was first used in 1524, and Holbein’s designs for -both series must have been prepared during that year and the following -one. This was the period of the Peasants’ War, years of misery and -bloodshed throughout Switzerland, and the state of feeling which it -excited can be traced to some extent in these little pictures. This -unsettled state of public affairs may have been the cause, otherwise -almost inexplicable, of the long delay in the publication of the -“Dance,” which was not issued until twelve years after the engraver’s -death, and then not in Switzerland, but France. The acuteness of the -religious controversy which divided Basel into two hostile factions, -resulted, in 1524, in an edict of the Council forbidding the publication -of all controversial matter; and although it is difficult to see much -cause for controversy in the “Dance of Death,” it is easy to understand -that in those days of doubt and disturbance the Basel publishers may -well have hesitated to produce anything which might be considered as -coming, however indirectly, within the ban of the civic authorities. -Otherwise it seems certain that such a printer as Froben, or one of the -other leading publishers, who knew so well the capabilities of both -artist and engraver, would have been only too pleased to issue so fine a -result of their united labours. Publication in Basel being debarred for -the time, Lützelburger appears to have entered into negotiations with -the Trechsels of Lyon, to whom, in the end, the blocks were transferred. -The engraver was working for them at the time of his death, most -probably on the “Dance” itself, one of the subjects of which, “The -Waggoner,” he left unfinished, and the Trechsels, as already -explained,[477] were put to some trouble before they could obtain -possession of it. Probably Holbein had nothing to do with this -transaction. He seems to have received a commission from Lützelburger -for the designs, and to have had no further interest in the venture. - -It is equally difficult to explain the delay on the part of the -Trechsels in publishing the book, unless for a similar reason—a belief -that the times were inopportune for the issue of such a satire. The cuts -were at length published in 1538 under the title of “Les Simulachres & -Historiees Faces de la Mort, avtant elegammēt pourtraictes, que -artificiellement imaginées” (The Images and Storied Aspects of Death as -elegantly delineated, as ingeniously imagined). From this it will be -seen that the popular title for the work, “The Dance of Death,” by which -it was already known by the end of the sixteenth century, is an -incorrect one. The woodcuts were “Pictures of Death,” and though the -characters introduced are largely those of the earlier representations, -Holbein has entirely abandoned the general motive of a dance of the -living and the dead, which was the leading characteristic of the -numerous wall-paintings. Instead, each sheet forms a separate dramatic -scene, in which Death, in the guise of a skeleton, claims the living as -his prey. In Basel, however, where the wall-painting of the Dominican -monastery was one of the most familiar sights, and one in which the -citizens took great pride, the title by which it was known, “The Dance -of Death,” was also popularly applied to the woodcuts shortly after -their appearance, and the name has adhered to them ever since. - -[Sidenote: FIRST EDITION OF THE DANCE] - -The first edition is in the form of a small quarto. On the title-page -below the title is a printer’s mark or emblem, which is not of Holbein’s -designing or Lützelburger’s cutting, representing three heads—of an old -man, a youth, and a woman—joined together, two in profile, and the -central one, that of the woman, full face, with a star on her forehead, -and a wreath above. From the shoulders spring a pair of peacock’s wings, -the whole resting on a pedestal, on the top of which is an open book -inscribed in Greek characters, “Gnothi Seauton,” and at the foot a -serpent and two chained globes, one surmounted by a small cross, and the -other with two wings. This emblem has the further motto “Usus me -Genuit.” At the bottom of the page is printed, “A Lyon, Soubz lescu de -Coloigne, M.D.XXXVIII.” At the end of the book, within an ornamental -border, is the imprint: “Excvdebant Lvgdvni Melchior et Gaspar Trechsel -Fratres. 1538.” Next to the title-page comes a preface of six pages, -which is followed by seven pages descriptive of “diverses tables de -Mort, non painctes, mais extraictes de l’escripture saincte, colorées -par Docteurs Ecclesiastiques, et umbragées par Philosophes.” After these -verbal sketches come the woodcuts themselves, forty-one in all, each one -printed on a separate page, and, in place of the German titles of the -various sets of early proofs, a text in Latin above the pictures, and -beneath them a four-lined verse in French, written by Gilles Corrozet, -containing moral reflections appropriate to the various subjects. The -subjects themselves are not arranged in the same order as in the proof -impressions, in which the clergy are separated from the laity, and the -men from the women, beginning with the Pope and ending with the Little -Child. In the Lyon edition the Emperor follows the Pope, and is in turn -followed by the King, the Cardinal, the Empress, and so on. The pictures -are succeeded by a series of descriptions of Death and reflections on -mortality of a didactic character, under the title, “Figures de la Mort -moralement descriptes, & depeinctes selon l’authorité de l’scripture & -des sainctz Peres,” the whole being brought to a conclusion with a -discourse, “De la Necessite de la Mort qui ne laisse riens estre -pardurable.” - -A passage in the French preface is of considerable interest, as it -relates to the engraver of the woodcuts. This preface is dedicated “A -moult reverende Abbesse de religieux Couuent S. Pierre de Lyon, Madame -Jehanne de Touszele, Salut dun vray Zele.” The convent of Saint Pierre -les Nonnains, of which Madame Jehanne was abbess, was a religious house -of long standing, among its inmates being many noble and wealthy ladies. -The author of this preface, who only signs it with his motto, “D’un vray -zelle,” was Jean de Vauzelles, Pastor of St. Romain and Prior of -Montrottier, poet and scholar, one of three famous brothers who took a -leading part in the literary life of Lyon. The passage referred to may -be translated as follows: “But to return to our figured representations -of Death, we have greatly to regret the death of him who has imagined -(_imaginé_) such elegant figures as are herein contained, as much -excelling all those heretofore printed (_patronées_) as the pictures of -Apelles or of Zeuxis surpass those of modern times; for his funereal -histories, with their gravely versified descriptions, excite such -admiration in beholders, that the figures of Death appear to them most -lifelike, while those of the living are the very pictures of mortality. -It therefore seems to me that Death, fearing that this excellent painter -(_painctre_) would paint him in a manner so lively, that he should be no -longer feared as Death, and apprehensive that the artist would thus -become immortal, determined to shorten his days, and thus prevent him -finishing other subjects which he had already drawn. Among these is one -of a waggoner, knocked down and crushed under his broken waggon, the -wheels and horses of which appear so frightfully shattered and maimed -that it is as fearful to see their overthrow as it is amusing to behold -the liquorishness of a figure of Death, who is perceived roguishly -sucking the wine out of a broken cask, by means of a reed. To such -imperfect subjects, as to the inimitable heavenly bow named Iris, no one -has ventured to put the last hand, on account of the bold drawing, -perspectives, and shadows contained in this inimitable chef d’œuvre, -there so gracefully delineated, that from it we may derive a pleasing -sadness and a melancholy pleasure, as in a thing mournfully -delightful.”[478] - -[Sidenote: VAUZELLES’ PREFACE TO THE BOOK] - -This passage is rather confusing, and at one time was supposed to refer -to the designer, and not to the engraver of the woodcuts, and that -Holbein, therefore, who was alive in 1538, could not have been the -author of the designs. Now, however, that more modern research has -proved that Lützelburger died in the summer of 1526, leaving several -blocks which had been commissioned by the Trechsels unfinished, it -becomes clear that Vauzelles, in his preface, is praising the -woodcutter, and not the artist. It is true that the word “painctre” is -used in one place, and that the term “imaginé” has been taken in the -modern sense by earlier writers, whereas it is from the Latin -“imaginatus” which has the same meaning as “sculptus.” In old French -“ymaginier” is the same as “tailleur d’images,” just as “sculptor” was -the common Latin expression for a stone-cutter or engraver. There is the -possibility that Vauzelles was ignorant of Holbein’s share in the work, -and imagined that both the designing and cutting of the blocks were the -work of one man; but this is not very probable, for in the same year the -Trechsels published the Old Testament woodcuts, also engraved by -Lützelburger, in a second edition of which, issued in the following -year, 1539, Holbein’s name as the designer is expressly mentioned in -Nicolas Bourbon’s Latin verses which were added to the volume. Bourbon -was in Lyon at the time, and in a new edition of his _Nugæ_, published -shortly afterwards, he included a Latin epigram, not given in the first -edition of 1533, headed, “De morte picta à Hanso pictore nobili,” which -undoubtedly refers to Holbein as the painter or deviser of the “Dance of -Death.” Taking these facts into consideration, it does not seem probable -that Vauzelles would have been ignorant of Holbein’s connection with the -work. In any case, the publishers must almost certainly have known it, -and it may be conjectured that Bourbon’s verses were written expressly -to accompany the “Dance,” just as his other lines were written for the -Old Testament woodcuts, but that for some reason they were not used for -that purpose. - -Woltmann’s contention that Holbein’s name was purposely suppressed on -account of the satirical character of the pictures, and that the preface -was written with the intent to mystify, may be the correct solution. -Holbein’s interest, he says,[479] like that of the publisher, rendered -it desirable that they should appear anonymously. In Lyon every movement -towards the Reformation was zealously opposed by the bishop and the -authorities, and the bloody edict against heretics issued by Francis I -was put in force. Many of these pictures of Death, especially sheets -such as the Pope or the Nun, might have given offence to the strict -Catholic party. This would possibly have been all the more serious, had -the book appeared with the name of Holbein, who was at that time -residing at the court of the Protestant King of England, and was a -citizen of Basel, in Switzerland, from whence the new doctrines -emanated. - -These arguments, however, as far as the suppression of Holbein’s name is -concerned, seem a little far-fetched. If certain of the woodcuts were -likely to give offence, it is difficult to see how such offence could be -removed by merely withholding the artist’s name. It is probable, as -already pointed out, that Holbein had no personal interest in the -publication either of the “Dance” or the Old Testament pictures, his -active co-operation in the work having ceased twelve years or more -earlier, when he had completed Lützelburger’s commission for the -designs; and under such circumstances it is not likely that the -Trechsels would have consulted him as to the use of his name or -otherwise. The most reasonable explanation seems to be that it was -omitted from the preface through an oversight or some confusion on the -part of Vauzelles as to the separate identities of the artist and -engraver, which the publisher did not consider was important enough to -rectify. If it was safe to issue the book, there was surely no need to -indulge in mysteries as to its authorship. - -The book had an almost instantaneous success, and new editions followed -in the course of a few years. The second edition was issued in 1542 from -the same address, but by the brothers Frellon—“A Lyon, A lescu de -Coloigne, chez Jan et François Frellon, freres”—and it has been assumed -that the new publishers had acquired the business of the Trechsels. The -latter were Germans who had settled in Lyon, the father, Johann -Trechsel, having started business there as a printer in 1487. The -Frellons were equally well known in the town as publishers, and it is -probable that they had become the proprietors of the rival establishment -by 1538, and that the Trechsels were then only conducting the printing -under their orders, for the preface to the Old Testament pictures, first -published in that year, is signed by Franciscus “Frelläus,” and -subsequent editions of both publications bore the name of this firm. A -third edition, in Latin, was published in the same year, 1542, with the -title “Imagines de morte et epigrammata e Gallico idiomate in Latinum -translata,” &c. The fourth appeared in 1545, with the title, “Imagines -Mortis,” &c., in which Corrozet’s French verses under the cuts were -translated into Latin by George œmmel or Æmilius, Luther’s -brother-in-law. The only addition to the illustrations was a cut -representing a lame beggar, introduced as a tail-piece to one of the -discourses on death at the end of the book, but so poorly engraved that -it is difficult to trace Holbein’s hand in the design. A fifth edition -was issued in the same year, 1545, also under the title “Imagines -Mortis,” in which eleven new cuts were added to those which had appeared -in earlier editions, or twelve, counting the one of the “Lame Beggar.” -These new subjects were, “The Soldier,” “The Gamblers,” “The Drunkards,” -“The Fool,” “The Robber,” “The Blind Man,” “The Waggoner,” and four -subjects with naked children, in one of which they are represented as -hunters, in another they lead a horse upon which one of them is mounted, -bearing a standard, while in a third they are engaged in carrying one of -their comrades in triumph. These latter cuts have no real connection -with the subject-matter of the book, although French verses and Latin -texts were added to them in an endeavour to find one, however -far-fetched, but the designs are undoubtedly Holbein’s, and must have -been drawn by him on the blocks and cut by Lützelburger. It may be -conjectured that after the engraver’s death they were sent to Lyon with -other unfinished blocks which the Trechsels had ordered from him. Three -more editions were issued in 1547, the third of them with the title, -“Les Images de la Mort,” and the original French verses of the first -edition; and in 1549 a version was published with Italian title and -text. In the preface to the latter, Jehan Frellon, who was the sole -publisher from 1547 onwards, makes complaint of a pirated edition which -had been printed in Venice two years previously. - -[Sidenote: LATER EDITIONS OF THE BOOK] - -Further editions followed in 1554 and 1562, the number of illustrations -in the last-named being increased to fifty-eight by the addition of five -new cuts, thus making seventeen more pictures than had appeared in the -original edition of 1538. Two of these fresh illustrations, “The -Bridegroom” and “The Bride,” rightly belong to the series, and though -they made their first appearance nineteen years after Holbein’s death, -were undoubtedly drawn by him, and in all probability at the same time -as the other designs of the series, between 1523 and 1526. The remaining -additions consist of three more subjects with children, which again have -every appearance of the same authorship. In one of these they appear as -Bacchanalians, in another as musicians, and in the third they are -carrying a suit of Roman armour. - -It is needless to enumerate the many editions which followed these -earlier ones. Inferior copies and pirated editions, in which much of the -beauty of the original woodcuts was lost, were numerous, and appeared in -many parts of Europe. The earliest copy was apparently the small folio, -entitled “Todtentantz,” printed at Augsburg in 1544, and published by -Jost de Negker.[480] In the following year appeared the pirated Venetian -copy. Five editions of a third version, with fifty-three cuts, were -published in Cologne between 1555 and 1573, while another copy appeared -at Wittemberg in 1590. Of the copperplate engravings copied from them -the most important were the set of thirty etched by Wenceslaus Hollar -between 1647 and 1651, which appear to be based not on one of the -original Lyon editions, but on the copy produced at Cologne. Forty-six -of the subjects were etched by David Deuchar in 1788, but these are of -very inferior workmanship, and mere caricatures of Holbein’s designs. In -1789 a free copy was cut by John Bewick, the younger brother of the more -famous Thomas, and published under the title of “Emblems of Mortality.” -Turning to more recent days, they were reproduced upon stone in 1832 -with great care by Joseph Schlotthauer, Professor in the Academy of Fine -Arts at Munich; and these were re-issued in England by John Russell -Smith in 1849. The best modern wood engravings after them are those cut -by Bonner and John Byfield for Douce’s “Holbein’s Dance of Death” in -1833. The “Dance” has also been rendered in photo-lithography for an -edition issued by H. Noel Humphreys in 1868, and for the Holbein Society -in 1879. In 1886 Dr. F. Lippmann edited for Mr. Quaritch a set of -reproductions of the engraver’s proofs in the Berlin Museum; and the -_editio princeps_ has been facsimiled by one of the modern processes for -Hirth of Munich, as vol. x. of the Liebhaber-Bibliothek, 1884.[481] - -[Sidenote: BEAUTY AND DRAMATIC FORCE] - -These woodcuts are among the finest manifestations of Holbein’s art. -Small as they are, they have a largeness of design, a dramatic force and -fertility of invention, and a brilliance of draughtsmanship which place -them not only among the greatest achievements of the artist, but of the -century in which he worked. Each little picture tells its tale and -points its moral with the utmost clearness, and the interest never flags -throughout the series, although each one is merely a variation on a -single theme. Detail there is in plenty, but it does not confuse the -main action of the play, but rather helps to make the meaning which -underlies it still clearer. There is nowhere a line too much or too -little. The space to be filled is so small that these details are -minute, yet Holbein’s line is so broad, and his hand so unerring, that -nothing is confused or meaningless. The spacing of each cut is masterly, -so that they produce the effect of a great design set forth on some -spacious canvas. Few as the touches of the pencil may be, they are -sufficient to give each small figure its own individual appearance and -character, as though it were an actual portrait studied from the life, -while the action is natural and unexaggerated, and well expresses the -particular emotion called forth in each separate case by the sudden and -unexpected appearance of Death. - -Death is represented throughout the series as a skeleton, occasionally -with scanty, tattered garments, and wearing the most characteristic -portions of the dress of the particular mortal he is about to snatch -from the world of the living. Thus, in the woodcut of the Pope, Death -wears a cardinal’s hat; in the Abbot he has a mitre on his head, and -carries a crosier across his shoulder; and in the Knight he is dressed -in chain mail. In two of the pictures, the Empress and the Nun, Death is -represented as a woman, and in several there are two skeletons who seize -or attend the victim. In his representation of them Holbein displays -little anatomical knowledge, but in spite of this the dead bones live, -and in their movements, their expression, and their suggestion of the -grim horror of death, produce an effect of vivid reality, which could -not be bettered even though he had thought fit to give them greater -scientific accuracy. In almost every case Death greets his prey with a -mocking, ironical grin, and in most instances, too, he comes quietly, -his presence unnoticed by those about to fall into his clutches; and -with natural, unexaggerated movements and actions he assumes the -principal part in the drama. In a few instances, however, he makes known -his presence in a more aggressive manner, and seizes his victims with -such violence that they cry aloud in terror or rage, and struggle to -break away from his merciless grip. The victims whom he treats in this -fashion are those who have themselves led violent lives. His action, in -short, is always appropriate to the character and worldly position of -those whose days he is about to cut short. He comes always as a mocker, -and the prevailing note of the whole series is one of irony. - -The first four cuts form, as it were, a preface to the actual “Dance of -Death” which follows. The first of all represents the Creation. The -Almighty bends over Adam, who lies asleep on a small island amid the -waters, and draws Eve from his side. Then comes one of Adam and Eve in -Paradise. The serpent, with human head, is twined round the branches of -the tree, beneath which Adam is reaching up to pluck the fruit, while -Eve is seated below, leaning against a rock. All around them, as in the -first sheet, are animals—a stag, a sheep, a goat, a dog, a monkey, a -rabbit, a hedgehog, a lizard, and so on—while in the branches of the -beautifully drawn tree are a number of birds. The third cut represents -the Expulsion from Paradise, with the angel with the flaming sword -flying in a cloud over the heads of the guilty couple. In this cut Death -makes his first appearance. Playing upon his viol, he leads the way, -dancing as he goes. This is one of the few instances throughout the set -in which Holbein has so represented Death; in most of the illustrations -he does not follow at all closely the earlier wall-paintings, in which -the living and the dead are shown dancing together. In the next scene -Adam is at work clearing the rough ground, with Death at his side -helping him to uproot a tree, and Eve seated, half naked, in the -background, suckling her child, her distaff held across one arm. This is -followed by a design headed in the proof impressions “Gebeyn aller -Menschen” (Bones of all Men), a crowd of skeletons in front of a -charnel-house, with drums, trumpets, and other musical instruments, as -though forming the orchestra which is to provide the music for the play -which is about to follow. Some wear fantastic head-dresses, and their -winding-sheets still hang around them in tatters. - -[Sidenote: THE EMPEROR, AND OTHERS] - -The Dance opens with the Pope upon his throne, whom Death seizes as he -is about to place the crown upon the head of a king who kneels to kiss -his foot. Round him stand high dignitaries of the Church, among whom is -a second figure of Death, a mocking figure, wearing a cardinal’s hat -surmounted with a cross, and holding another cross aloft. In the curtain -over the throne lurks a small devil or demon, and a second, holding a -bull with five seals, flies over the heads of the ecclesiastics. In this -the satire is so bold that it was altered in some of the later editions -of the book. The Emperor (Pl. 66 (1)), too, sits on his throne, -underneath a baldachin supported by Renaissance pillars, the Golden -Fleece across his shoulders, the sword of justice in his hand, and the -orb on a cushion at his feet. He is surrounded by his counsellors, and -on the right a poor man kneels demanding justice. The Emperor, who bears -a recognisable likeness to Maximilian, turns from him with frowning face -towards the rich oppressor, who attempts, with little success, to excuse -himself. Death has sprung upon the throne behind the monarch, and is -about to tear the imperial crown from his head. On the ground is the -hour-glass, with the sand almost run out, which is introduced into -nearly all the pictures. The King (Pl. 66 (2)), who sits at table within -an open loggia, is evidently intended to represent Francis I. The face, -small as it is, has a strong resemblance to his portraits, and the -curtain behind his chair is patterned with the lilies of France. The -table is crowded with dishes, among which stands the hour-glass. Death -mingles with the serving-men, and pours wine from a jug into a bowl for -the King to drink. Between the pillars of the room can be seen the -houses of the city. The Cardinal (Pl. 66 (3)), a distinguished figure, -sits among the vine-trees, and, just as he presents a letter of -indulgence to a kneeling man, Death, a grisly figure with long wisps of -hair hanging from skull and chin, tears his hat from his head. Next -comes the Empress (Pl. 66 (4)), walking in the garden in front of her -palace, with her ladies of honour around her, one of whom bears her -train. Death, disguised as one of her women attendants, leads her by the -arm to the brink of an open grave, of which she and those with her are -quite unconscious. She is followed by the Queen, whom Death, in the -motley of a court jester, seizes by one hand, and drags away, while in -the other he holds his hour-glass aloft. She shrieks aloud in terror, -while the cavalier who accompanies her attempts to set her free, and her -maid-of-honour flings up her arms in despair. The scene takes place in -front of a Renaissance loggia, with open country and a village in the -distance. - -The woodcut of the Bishop is one of the most beautiful of the designs. -Death takes the arm of the aged prelate and gently leads him away. It -illustrates the text: “I will smite the shepherd, and the sheep of the -flock shall be scattered abroad.” Behind the two chief actors the sheep -and their distracted shepherds are seen wandering in all directions. The -background is a very picturesque landscape with high mountains, on one -of which rises a castle, and the western sun, filling the sky with -light, is just sinking behind their crests. Next comes the Duke with his -retinue, of whom a poor woman with her child begs alms, and as he turns -his head away in refusal, Death, crowned with a wreath of vine-leaves, -reaches forward as though to pluck his ermine cape from his shoulders. -Underneath a tree, in the branches of which is placed the hour-glass, -the same grim skeleton, with mitre on head and crozier on shoulder, -seizes the fat Abbot by the robes, and pulls him after him, his victim -vainly protesting, and striving to hurl his breviary at his attacker’s -head. In similar fashion he drags along the Abbess by her scapulary from -the convent gateway with its little belfry. She cries aloud in her -terror, clutching her beads in her clasped and trembling hands, while -the porteress joins in her lamentations, raising her arms to heaven. The -Nobleman shows less fear when his time comes. He flourishes his long -sword over his head, and attempts at the same time to push away Death, -who drags him towards a bier on the ground with the hour-glass resting -upon it. In striking contrast to the violence of this scene is the -following one of the Canon or Prebendary, who is entering a church, -attended by his falconer, his jester, and his page. Death, wearing a -hood, walks quietly by his side, holding his hour-glass in front of him, -as though to show the worldly churchman, whose face is not visible, that -the sands have nearly run out. The unjust Judge stretches out his hand -to receive a bribe from the rich man, while the poor petitioner on the -other side is ignored; but Death, unnoticed, stands on a ledge behind -his chair and breaks in two the Judge’s staff. The next picture harps -upon the same theme. The Advocate (Pl. 66 (5)) is receiving his fee from -a wealthy citizen whom he has helped in despoiling a poor man, who -stands with clasped hands in the background. Death thrusts himself -between them, hour-glass held aloft, and drops into the Advocate’s open -hand a few gold coins. The action takes place in a street of gabled -houses and cobbled pavements, a transcript of a corner of Basel of -Holbein’s own day. The Counsellor (Pl. 66 (6)), in his furred gown and -cap, is also shown in the street, deep in consultation with a nobleman, -and oblivious to the entreaties of a man clad in rags, who, hat in hand, -touches him on the shoulder to attract his attention. Perched upon the -Advocate’s back, a little winged devil with curly tail blows into his -ear with a small pair of bellows; while Death, as a sexton, lies at his -feet, with spade and hour-glass, ready to trip him up. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 66. - - -[Illustration: - - THE DANCE OF DEATH WOODCUTS - - 1. THE EMPEROR - - 2. THE KING - - 3. THE CARDINAL - - 4. THE EMPRESS - - _From proofs in the British Museum_ -] - -[Illustration: - - 5. THE ADVOCATE - - 6. THE COUNSELLOR - - 7. THE PREACHER - - 8. THE PRIEST - - _From proofs in the British Museum_ -] - -[Sidenote: PREACHER, PRIEST, NUN, AND OTHERS] - -One of the most beautiful designs of the series shows the Preacher (Pl. -66 (7)) in his pulpit, expounding a false doctrine which he believes to -be the true one, his hands held forth in exhortation. Behind him stands -the other preacher, Death, wearing a stole, and with a jaw-bone upraised -over the unheeding victim’s head as though about to strike him down. The -members of his congregation, some standing, some seated on low stools, -gaze upwards with close attention, except one who has fallen asleep with -his head against the pulpit base. Both the preacher and several of his -listeners, especially the woman seated in the front on the right, are -very expressive figures, and are drawn with masterly precision. Next -comes the Priest (Pl. 66 (8)), one of the few of Death’s victims whom -Holbein has depicted without a touch of irony or satire. He passes along -the street in his robes, bearing the sacrament to the bedside of some -dying man, preceded by Death, who acts as his sacristan, with bell and -lantern, his hour-glass tucked under his arm. Very different is Death’s -treatment of the Mendicant Friar, whom he seizes roughly by the hood, -just as he is about to enter his monastery with well-filled box and -begging-bag. There is bitter satire, too, in the picture of the Nun, -kneeling in front of the altar in her cell, but her head turned behind -her towards the young gallant who sits on the edge of her bed and plays -his lute. Behind them Death, in the guise of an old hag, stretches forth -a hand to extinguish the altar candles. Two skeletons accompany the Old -Woman, who totters along a rough road by the aid of a stick, telling her -rosary as she goes. One of them dances in front, playing with two sticks -a musical instrument slung from his shoulders, while the other, crowned -with a wreath, and a malicious grin upon his fleshless face, takes her -by the arm, and dances by her side. - -To the Physician in his chamber Death leads an old man broken down in -health, and at the same time warns him that his hour, too, has come. A -dog is curled up asleep in the foreground, and over the Physician’s head -is a shelf with books and glass water-bottles as in Holbein’s portrait -of Erasmus in Longford Castle. The setting of the Astrologer is one of -the most effective and elaborate of the series. His chair and the -circular table, covered with books and mathematical instruments, at -which he sits, are richly carved and ornamented. He is gazing at a -celestial globe which hangs over his head, while Death strives to -attract his attention by holding a skull for his inspection. The Rich -Man, in a gloomy chamber with a window with heavy double bars, sits -surrounded by his money-chests and bags, a heap of gold spread before -him on the table. He springs up in a fury of anger at the sight of -Death, perched on a stool and filling a large bowl with money from the -heap. It is as bitter to him to lose his wealth as his life. Equally -furious is the feeling displayed by the Merchant, upon whom Death -pounces, seizing him by both hair and cloak, at the moment when he is -examining and checking his bales and barrels of merchandise which have -just been unshipped on the quay. A companion, a bearded man, cries out -in fear, with uplifted hands. Behind them the masts and spars of the -ships in the harbour stand out against the sky. Terror, too, is the -keynote of the Mariner. The storm is raging violently, the wind howls, -and the waves dash over the ship. The greater part of the sail has blown -away, and the sailors have abandoned all hope, and wring their hands in -terror, as Death clambers over the side and snaps the mast in two. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 67. - - -[Illustration: - - THE DANCE OF DEATH WOODCUTS - - 1. THE OLD MAN - - 2. THE COUNTESS - - 3. THE NOBLE LADY - - 4. THE DUCHESS - - _From proofs in the British Museum_ -] - -[Illustration: - - 5. THE PLOUGHMAN - - 6. THE YOUNG CHILD - - 7. THE LAST JUDGMENT - - 8. THE ARMS OF DEATH - - _From proofs in the British Museum_ -] - -[Sidenote: THE DUCHESS, AND OTHERS] - -Some of the finest designs are to be found among the remaining woodcuts. -Death, clad in chain mail, runs a lance through the body of the Knight, -a man in full armour, with huge plumes in his helmet, who gives a last -despairing cry and attempts to strike down his enemy with his sword. A -low-lying landscape stretches out in the distance, lit up by the rays of -the fast-sinking sun. The Count has little of the Knight’s bravery. He -clasps his hands in terror as Death, disguised as a peasant, with his -flail flung on the ground, prepares to strike him down with his own -heraldic escutcheon. On the other hand, the Old Man (Pl. 67 (1)), bent -with the weight of years, tottering down his garden with the help of a -thick stick, finds in Death nothing but a kindly companion, who leads -him gently by the hand to the edge of a deep grave dug in the turf, -while with the other hand he plays a dulcimer. The Countess (Pl. 67 (2)) -in her chamber, to whom her maid is handing a sumptuous dress, is helped -in her toilet by Death, who fixes round her shoulders a necklace of dead -men’s bones. The Nobleman’s Wife (Pl. 67 (3)) walks along hand in hand -with her husband, who gazes on her with affection, oblivious to all -else, while a grinning skeleton precedes them, beating vigorously on his -drum. The woodcut of the Duchess (Pl. 67 (4)) is the one which -Lützelburger has signed with his initials in an escutcheon on the foot -of the bedpost. The lady, fully dressed, springs up from her sleep in -fright, as Death at the end of the bed tears the coverlet from her. A -second skeleton plays the fiddle, while her greyhound crouches terrified -on the floor. Death is also accompanied by a music-making comrade when -he encounters the Pedlar with his heavily-laden pack on his back, and -clutches him by the sleeve. - -Once again he comes in the guise of a friend to the old and weary -Ploughman (Pl. 67 (5)), in rags and barefooted, his hair straggling -through his broken hat. Death helps him in ploughing the last furrow, -and flogs forward the worn-out team of thin and miserable horses. At the -end of the field with its long ploughed lines a delightful landscape -lies stretched, with the houses of a village nestling among the trees, -the church tower rising from the hillside on one of the lower spurs of -the Swiss mountains, the whole peaceful scene flooded with the light of -the setting sun. This background is, perhaps, the most beautiful of all, -and yet its lovely effect is produced with the simplest means. The long -list of Death’s victims concludes with the Young Child (Pl. 67 (6)), -whom he leads by the hand through the doorway of a miserable, -half-ruined cottage, with broken roof open to all weathers. The child -turns back in terror, its free hand stretched towards its mother, who -kneels stirring the pot on the scanty fire, the smoke of which half -fills the room. Both she and an older child gaze after the little one -with mouth wide open in astonishment and fear, and hands uplifted to -head. The original series concludes with two cuts, one representing the -Last Judgment (Pl. 67 (7)), with Christ enthroned on the rainbow over -the celestial globe, with the saints around him, and down below a crowd -of men and women newly risen from the grave; and the other showing the -Arms of Death (Pl. 67 (8)), which recalls, in its arrangement, more than -one of Holbein’s designs for painted glass. The shield, on which is -placed a skull, with a worm hanging from its jaws, is shattered and torn -in places, as though fashioned from a great bone which has mouldered in -the grave. A tattered winding-sheet is draped round it, and it is -surmounted by a helmet with an hour-glass for a crest, from the base of -which two skeleton arms grasping a large stone are raised aloft. The -supporters are a man and woman in the rich costume of Holbein’s day, -each of whom rests a hand on the escutcheon, the latter gazing down at -it, while the former points to the skeleton arms and looks towards the -spectator as though to urge him to remember that death is the end of all -things. In the background rise the peaks of the Alps beneath a cloudy -sky. Dr. Woltmann saw in these two figures likenesses of Holbein and his -wife, but they evidently represent personages in a higher sphere of -life. - -[Sidenote: THE WAGGONER AND OTHERS] - -The eight additional subjects which were included in the edition of 1545 -were, with possibly one exception, designed by Holbein, and it seems -almost certain that the cutting of most, if not all, of the blocks had -been begun by Lützelburger, and that they were sent to Lyon after his -death in 1526, as part of the commission he had received from the -Trechsels. The first of them represents the Soldier, who is attacking -Death with his two-handed sword. The latter is armed with a great bone -and a circular shield. The ground beneath them is strewn with the dead -and dying, and over the hills in the background comes rushing a body of -soldiers, with a second skeleton beating a drum as he leads the charge. -Next we have the Gamester, seated at table with two comrades. Death -clutches him by the throat, and a devil seizes him by the hair. One of -the party is counting his gains, and cards are strewn over the floor. -This is followed by the Drunkard, a scene with men and women in the -middle of a disorderly carouse, among whom Death stalks, and, pulling -back the head of one of them, a gross and bloated old man, pours wine -down his throat from a tankard. The Fool dances over the rough ground, -one finger in his mouth, and a long bladder grasped in the other hand, -as though about to strike at Death, who, falling into his humour, dances -by his side to the music of the bagpipes he is playing. The Robber, -hidden in the recesses of a wood, is springing from behind the trees in -order to snatch the market-basket from the head of a barefooted woman -who passes by as night is falling, but Death has him by the neck before -he can accomplish his purpose. In the next scene he is leading the Blind -Man by his stick towards the water into which the next step or two will -plunge him; and then comes the Waggoner, the woodcut which in the -preface is mentioned by name as the one which the engraver left -unfinished. Vauzelles’ description of it is not in complete accord with -the finished block. The driver is not crushed beneath his waggon, but -stands with hands clasped over his head, and a look of mingled fear and -consternation on his face. The horse within the shafts has fallen on the -side of a steep hill, and the cart with its great barrels is overturned. -Death springs up behind, and untwists the stick by which the cord which -fastens the barrel is kept taut. A second skeleton carries away one of -the waggon wheels, which has been broken off. The concluding design -shows the Beggar, lame and blind, and almost nude, seated among the -straw and rubbish in front of some rich man’s house, his hands raised as -though imploring Death to come for him; but he is the only one from whom -Death keeps aloof. This block, as already noted, is so badly cut that it -is not easy to say with certainty whether Holbein was the designer of -it. In the “Young Wife” of the 1562 edition, Death is dancing as he -leads her away in tears, while they are preceded by a gaily dressed -gallant who plays a guitar. In the companion cut, Death also dances, and -blows a trumpet, as he drags off the “Young Husband” by the corner of -his cloak. In the background is a ruined building. - -It would be difficult to find a happier partnership than that which -existed between the designer and the engraver of this great Dance. -Lützelburger has reproduced Holbein’s dramatic story with the utmost -sympathy and understanding, and from a technical point of view the -cutting comes as near perfection as possible. Holbein’s delicate and -expressive line is retained almost unimpaired, and there is no -pretentious elaboration of detail merely to show the skill of the -woodcutter. With the simplest methods—with sparing use of cross-hatching -for the indication of light and shade—methods best suited to the -material used, the most beautiful results have been obtained, for which -designer and engraver must share the praise. So admirably are these cuts -executed, says Chatto, “with so much feeling and with so much knowledge -of the capabilities of the art, that I do not think any wood-engraver of -the present time is capable of surpassing them. The manner in which they -are engraved is comparatively simple: there is no laboured and -unnecessary cross-hatching where the same effect might be obtained by -simpler means; no display of fine work merely to show the artist’s -talent in cutting delicate lines. Every line is expressive; and the end -is always obtained by the simplest means. In this the talent and feeling -of the engraver are chiefly displayed. He wastes not his time in mere -mechanical execution—which in the present day is often mistaken for -excellence;—he endeavours to give to each character its appropriate -expression; and in this he appears to have succeeded better, considering -the small size of the cuts, than any other wood-engraver, either of -times past or present.”[482] - -In this great work “in little” Holbein’s imagination found its fullest -and most expressive play, and it is small wonder, therefore, that the -Dance soon gained a wide popularity. Almost from the beginning it -appears to have been well known as Holbein’s work, and numerous -references to it occur in contemporary literature. The learned Conrad -Gesner, of Zürich, a younger contemporary of the artist, expressly -ascribes it to him in his _Partitiones Theologicæ_, &c., published in -1549. The passage runs: “Imagines Mortis expressæ ab optimo pictore -Johanne Holbein cum epigrammatibus Georgii Æmylii, excusæ Francofurti et -Lugduni apud Frellonios, quorum editio plures habet picturas. Vidi etiam -cum metris Gallicis et Germanicis, si bene memini.” Van Mander, whose -_Het Schilder Boek_ was first published in 1604, includes the Dance -among Holbein’s works; and Joachim von Sandrart, in his Life of the -artist, tells a charming story which indicates in how high an estimation -Holbein’s designs were held just one hundred years after he drew them on -the wood. Sandrart, who was a pupil of Gerard Honthorst at Utrecht, -says: “I remember that in the year 1627, when the celebrated Rubens was -proceeding to Utrecht to visit Honthorst, I accompanied him as far as -Amsterdam; and during our passage in the boat I looked into Holbein’s -little book of the _Dance of Death_, the cuts of which Rubens highly -praised, recommending me, as I was a young man, to copy them, observing -that he had copied them himself in his youth.” Sandrart was then a young -man of twenty, and was on his way to England with his master. “And after -this,” he adds, “Rubens held a beautiful and laudatory discourse almost -the whole way upon Holbein, Dürer, and other old German painters.”[483] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 68. - - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: - - THE DANCE OF DEATH ALPHABET - - _From proof in the Royal Print Cabinet, Dresden_ -] - -[Sidenote: THE “DANCE OF DEATH” ALPHABET] - -Holbein’s Alphabet of Death (Pl. 68),[484] also engraved by -Lützelburger, displays all the inventive power and dramatic feeling of -the larger Dance. These diminutive inch-square letters show the -engraver’s wonderful delicacy of cutting, and his power of reproducing -the artist’s designs in almost their full beauty and force. Much of the -space in each one of them is occupied by the plain Roman letter itself, -behind which the subject is arranged, and Holbein has succeeded in -placing his minute figures so ingeniously that the action is not -concealed by the letters to an extent detrimental to the clearness of -the story. Isolated examples of the use of these letters in printed -books occur as early as 1524, the letter N appearing in the Greek New -Testament issued by Bebelius in that year, and a number of them are to -be found in the publications of several Basel printers from 1525 -onwards. This proves that the Alphabet was designed at about the same -time, if not before, the Dance. The subjects of the twenty-four letters -(J and U are not included) are, with few exceptions, the same as in the -larger woodcuts, although in most cases they are treated differently. It -is possible that Holbein, in drawing these letters on the blocks, became -so fascinated with his theme, and delighted with the skill of his -engraver, that he determined to carry it still further, and on a more -important scale, in which the play of his poetic and ironic fancy could -find even wider scope, without the hampering presence of the letters -themselves. The backgrounds of the Alphabet are plain, but in the more -than quadrupled space which the size of the Dance woodcuts permitted, he -was able to add many details which helped to point his moral and tell -his tale more vividly, and also those wonderful backgrounds, landscapes, -street scenes, the interiors of palaces, offices, and hovels, which form -so charming and characteristic a part of each little picture. - -The smaller series begins, like the Dance, with the concourse of -skeletons playing weird music for the dancers who follow, from the Pope -in the letter B down to the Young Child in the letter Y. In certain -instances, such as the Bishop (H), the Monk (O), the Soldier (P), the -Fool (R), and the Gamblers (X), the action has a close resemblance to -that in the cuts dealing with the same characters in the Dance, though -differing in slight details. Thus the Fool in the Alphabet wears cap and -bells, and Death, instead of dancing with him and playing the pipes, is -seizing him violently by the shoulder. In a number of the letters two -skeletons are shown, and they are occasionally aided by a small devil. -The little child is torn from the cradle in the sight of its agonised -mother, the Queen is dragged away by a rope round her neck, the Nun is -led off gently by the hand, with head downcast, and the Drunkard, prone -on the ground, has his last draught poured roughly down his throat, -while the second skeleton seizes him by the leg as though to pull him -up. Three new subjects are introduced into the series: the Courtesan, -whom Death, wearing the high hat of a gallant, closely embraces, while -his companion crawls away on his hands and knees, the hour-glass -balanced grotesquely on his back; the Hermit, who is led gently from his -cell, and the Horseman, behind whose back Death has sprung. The letter Z -contains a reproduction of the Last Judgment conceived in a similar -fashion to the woodcut of the Dance. The inclusion in this Alphabet of -the Fool, the Soldier, and the Gamblers, who appear for the first time -in the 1545 edition of the Dance, after the death of both artist and -engraver, and the similarity of the conception in both series, afford -further proof that the new subjects added to the Dance seven years after -it was first published were drawn by Holbein on the blocks, although -portions of the cutting of them were probably the work of some other -hand than Lützelburger’s. - -[Sidenote: EARLY EDITIONS OF THE WOODCUTS] - -The third great work in which these two masters collaborated was the -series of woodcut illustrations to the Old Testament,[485] first -published, like the Dance of Death, at Lyon by the brothers Trechsel, -and in the same year, 1538. The total number of these woodcuts is -ninety-one, but the whole of them are not included in the earlier -editions. The first issue (1538) contains eighty-eight of them, the rare -“Fall” (1), “Nathan rebuking David” (40), and “Isaiah lamenting over -Jerusalem” (72) being absent. In the second edition (1539) only the -first of the series, “The Fall” is missing. In addition to these -illustrations, the first four woodcuts of the “Dance of Death”—the -Creation, the Temptation, the Expulsion, and Adam tilling the -Ground—were borrowed from that publication, and placed at the beginning -of the new one. The Bible cuts, which vary slightly in their dimensions, -are of different form, being oblong and almost double the size of those -of the Dance. They were issued as a small quarto picture-book, instead -of being included, as was probably the artist’s or the engraver’s -original intention, as illustrations to an edition of the Bible. In the -same year, however, as the first issue of the book, they were used for -the latter purpose, the complete set of ninety-one appearing in a Latin -edition of the Bible produced by another Lyon printer, Hugo a Porta, -though with the imprint of the Trechsels. The title of the first edition -is as follows: “Historiarum veteris Instrumenti Icones ad vivum -expressæ. Una cum brevi sed quoad fieri potuit, dilucida earundem -expositione. Lugduni, sub scuto Coloniensi. M.D.XXXVIII.” The title-page -contains an emblematic cut almost exactly similar to the one in the -Dance, and with the same motto, “Usus me genuit.” The imprint at the end -is also the same, with the names of Melchior and Gaspar Trechsel, and -the date. The address to the reader is signed “Franciscus Frellæus” in -the first two editions, but in subsequent issues the surname was given -as “Frellonius.” This seems to indicate that the Frellons were already -associated with the Trechsels in the business, of which they shortly -afterwards obtained full control, the third edition (1543) of the Old -Testament illustrations being published in their name, “apud Joannem et -Franciscum Frellonios fratres,” and from the same address, “sub scuto -Coloniensi.” Chatto[486] suggests that they were the actual publishers -of the first editions of both the Bible cuts and the Dance, but for -reasons of policy, connected with the satirical nature of the -subject-matter of the designs, their names were withheld until the -success of the two publications was assured. There is no mention of -Holbein’s name in the first edition, but a year later, in the second, -the publisher’s address is followed by a set of Latin verses by -Holbein’s friend, Nicolas Bourbon, the French poet, in which the -artist’s name, as the author of these designs, is coupled with Apelles, -Zeuxis, and other famous painters of classical times, whom he is said in -all ways to eclipse. Other verses in French were added, from the pen of -Gilles Corrozet, which form more or less a rhyming paraphrase of -Frellon’s address, in which the reader is exhorted to avoid seductive -paintings of Venus, Diana, Helen, Dido, and other ladies celebrated in -fable and poetry, and to turn instead to those sacred pictures taken -from the Holy Scriptures, from the study of which far greater profit is -to be obtained. Corrozet, no doubt, was also responsible for the French -explanatory verse which, together with the appropriate Latin text, -accompanied each woodcut, just as he was the author of the “descriptions -severement rithmées” of the Dance of Death. There is no need to give a -list of the later editions, which are almost as numerous as those of the -Dance. An English edition was published in 1549, with the title—“The -Images of the old Testament, lately expressed, set forthe in Ynglishe -and Frenche with a playn and brief exposition. Printed at Lyons by Johin -Frellon, the yere of our Lord God, 1549.” - -These illustrations were drawn on the blocks by Holbein at about the -same date as the Dance of Death pictures. This is proved not only from -the fact that a number of them were engraved by Lützelburger, and that -in style and composition they closely resemble the “Todtentanz” and -other Basel designs by Holbein before his departure for England in 1526, -but also because copies of more than half of them are to be found in the -Bible published by Froschover in Zürich in 1531, showing that at least -proofs of them were well known among Swiss publishers long before they -were issued in book form in Lyon. There is a proof impression of the -whole series in the Basel Gallery, on sheets printed only on one side, -which was probably struck off immediately after the blocks were -completed. It begins with the very rare “Fall,” which otherwise only -appears in Hugo a Porta’s Bible of 1538, being missing in all editions -in which the pictures appear alone, its place being taken in the latter -by the four introductory sheets borrowed from the Dance of Death. The -two other woodcuts already noted as missing from the first edition (Nos. -40 and 72), and absent, too, from the Latin Bible, are also to be found -among the Basel proof impressions. In one instance, the “David and -Uriah” (No. 39) there are two versions among these proofs, in one of -which a background of wall, window, and curtain is introduced, but so -badly engraved that it was evidently decided to abandon or alter the -block in favour of the second version, in which the two figures are -shown against a plain, white surface. - -A large number of the illustrations were engraved by Lützelburger, but -side by side with them are others which are the work of a far less -skilful hand or hands. In one or two instances, such as the “Joel” (No. -86) and the “Zechariah” (No. 90), the workmanship is so rude that it is -difficult to say with certainty that they are based on Holbein’s own -designs. Woltmann suggests that these woodcuts were originally -commissioned by Adam Petri, with the intention of using them to -illustrate later editions of his German Old Testament, but that on -account of the acute religious strife which then existed in Basel, it -was thought advisable to hold them in reserve.[487] Even though -Holbein’s name had been withheld from these designs, as it was from the -Dance of Death, his authorship of them would still remain undoubted, for -in style and method they are in exact agreement with the Dance woodcuts, -and certain of the figures recall the still earlier “Praise of Folly” -drawings. The children in some of these Bible cuts, such as those who -jeer at the Fool (No. 69, Psalm lii.), those among the captive -Midianites (No. 26, Numbers xxxi.), and those mocking Elisha (No. 47, 2 -Kings ii.), all delightfully sympathetic little figures, have the -closest resemblance to the children in the Duke or Elector, and the -Young Child woodcuts of the Dance. The same resemblances are to be seen -between many of the other figures, some of which still retain that -stumpiness which marked his delineation of the human form at that time, -and in the minor details, such as the representation of smoke and water, -of trees, and in the landscape backgrounds. In the cut of Esther -kneeling before Ahasuerus (No. 65, Esther ii.), the curtain at the back -of the King’s throne is covered with fleurs-de-lis, as in the -representation of the King in the other series, showing that when -kingship was in question Holbein’s thoughts turned to Francis I, as the -most notable monarch of his day. Many other instances of resemblance can -be easily perceived when a close comparison of the two sets of designs -is made. - -[Sidenote: THEIR EXCELLENCE AS ILLUSTRATIONS] - -Regarded as illustrations to the books of the Old Testament, these -woodcuts are in all ways admirable. Holbein has brought to their making -less of that imaginative power and biting humour which characterise the -marvellous little pictures of the great Dance. He has concentrated his -skill rather upon the faithful and accurate telling of these sacred -stories as they are given in the text itself, and he does this with a -perfect understanding of their strong dramatic power and their equally -strong human interest. They are historical rather than spiritual in -their conception, filled with the actual spirit of the narrative itself, -to the exclusion of all else. He is revealed in them as a teller of -stories of the first rank, with the power of seizing the most dramatic -moment of each incident he depicts with unfailing instinct, and then -representing it with a few unerring strokes of his pencil clearly and -simply, with no over-elaboration of needless detail or overcrowding of -characters. All that is absolutely necessary he gives, and no more; but -within these narrow limits, a space only of a few square inches, he -produced a series of designs admirable in composition, dignified and -noble in conception, and yet free and dramatic in action.[488] - -It is impossible within the limits of this book to attempt even a short -description of these illustrations. Among the finest are Abraham -sacrificing Isaac (No. 5), Jacob blessing Ephraim and Manasseh (No. 9) -(Pl. 69 (1)), Moses and the Burning Bush (No. 11), the Brazen Serpent -(No. 25), the Submission of the Midianites (No. 26), Ruth and Boaz (No. -32) (Pl. 69 (2)), Hannah and Elkanah (No. 33), the Death of Jeroboam’s -Son (No. 45), Elisha and the Children (No. 47), David before the Ark -(No. 53), Solomon blessing the Faithful (No. 55), the Blinding of Tobit -(No. 61), Job (No. 62), Esther and Ahasuerus (No. 65), Judith with the -Head of Holofernes (No. 67) (Pl. 69 (3)), Daniel in the Lion’s Den (No. -84), Amos (No. 87) (Pl. 69 (4)), and Jonah under the Walls of Nineveh -(No. 88). Considerable charm is added to a number of them by the beauty -of the landscape or architectural background, put in with a few simple -but masterly lines, as in the Burning Bush (No. 11), in which Moses -kneels to unfasten his shoes, his sheep grazing round him; in Moses -receiving the Commandments (No. 21) (Pl. 70 (1)), with the people at -work in the vineyards, and in the distance a harvest waggon passing -along a road towards a village on the plain; and in the walled city of -Jerusalem with the Temple rising in its midst, in the Return from the -Captivity (No. 58) (Pl. 70 (2)). Many others could be cited, as well as -subjects containing dramatic battle scenes, recalling the masterly study -of a fight of landsknechte in the Basel Gallery which has been described -on a previous page.[489] This is particularly the case in the cut -showing the Defeat of Sennacherib’s Army (No. 57). Other animated battle -scenes occur in David learning of the Death of Saul (No. 37), and David -triumphing over the Philistines (No. 38). - - - VOL. I., PLATE 69. - - OLD TESTAMENT WOODCUTS - - -[Illustration: - - 1. JACOB BLESSING EPHRAIM AND MANASSEH - - 2. RUTH AND BOAZ - - _From proofs in the British Museum_ -] - -[Illustration: - - 3. JUDITH WITH THE HEAD OF HOLOFERNES - - 4. AMOS PREACHING - - _From proofs in the British Museum_ -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 70. - - OLD TESTAMENT WOODCUTS - - -[Illustration: - - 1. MOSES RECEIVING THE TABLES OF THE LAW - - 2. THE RETURN FROM THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY - - _From proofs in the British Museum_ -] - - -[Illustration: - - 3. THE ANGEL SHOWING ST. JOHN THE NEW JERUSALEM - Revelation xxi. - Woodcut from Adam Petri’s New Testament, 1523 - - _From a copy in the British Museum_ -] - -[Sidenote: THE OLD TESTAMENT ALPHABET] - -Holbein also went to the Old Testament for the subjects of an Alphabet -of twenty-four letters, engraved on metal, and of considerable -size.[490] They begin with the Creation of Eve, and conclude with -Jacob’s journey into Egypt. The letters N to Y are occupied with the -story of Joseph, which is thus given in considerable detail. In the -letter O, representing Joseph and Potiphar’s wife, the bed on which the -latter sits has curtains ornamented with the French lilies. - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - CHAPTER XI - - THE MEYER MADONNA AND THE DEPARTURE FOR ENGLAND - -Commission from Jakob Meyer for the “Meyer Madonna”—Description of the - picture at Darmstadt—Preliminary studies for the heads—The copy at - Dresden—History of the two pictures—Magdalena Offenburg and the “Lais - Corinthiaca” and “Venus”—Lack of work in Basel owing to the disturbed - state of the city—Holbein’s departure for England. - - -THE year 1526 was by no means a favourable one for the members of the -Basel guild of painters, although, in all probability, it was in this -very year that Holbein received one of his most important commissions, -the famous altar-piece known as the “Meyer Madonna,” now in the -Grand-ducal palace of Darmstadt, in the possession of the Grand Duke of -Hesse. At this period ecclesiastical dissension had reached its acutest -pitch, and party feeling ran so high that there was little time or -inclination among the leading citizens for the patronage or even the -consideration of the fine arts. The Reformers, then in the ascendant in -the control of public affairs, were strongly opposed to all forms of -pictorial or decorative art for church use, and it was this side of the -painter’s craft which, until then, had been the most lucrative. Times, -indeed, were so bad for them that in January of this year the Painters’ -Guild had been forced to petition the Council for permission to remain -in Basel in the pursuit of their art in order that they might obtain -means for the support of their families. Holbein, in spite of his -outstanding merits and the high reputation he had made for himself in -his adopted city, felt the pinch of adverse circumstances almost as -severely as his brother painters. The authorities, unwilling, -apparently, to complete the decorations of the Town Hall, had no -remunerative work to give him. From November 1523, when he received the -last instalment of his money for his wall-paintings in that building, -down to the beginning of 1526 there is no record of any civic payment -made to him. On the 3rd of March, however, in the latter year, he -received the meagre sum of two Basel pounds ten shillings, about equal -to two gulden, for the painting of some shields or coats of arms for the -borough of Waldenburg, a township on the slopes of the Jura within the -jurisdiction of Basel, no doubt for the decoration of the court of -justice or public hall of that place. The entry runs as follows: -“Sampstag nach Reminiscere, 1526: Item ij ll. x sh. geben Holbein dem -moler, für etliche schilt am stettlin Waldenburg vergangener Iaren -zemolen.”[491] Unimportant commissions of this nature cannot have been -of much help in keeping the wolf from the door, and that he was willing -to undertake such mere journeyman’s work, in which his splendid talents -could have little opportunity for their full display, affords proof that -for the time being an artist’s life in Switzerland was a very precarious -one. - -[Sidenote: MEYER’S COMMISSION FOR A PICTURE] - -Happily for him, at about this time his old patron Jakob Meyer “zum -Hasen” gave him a commission for a votive picture, in which he and the -members of his family were to be represented as kneeling in adoration -under the direct protection of the Virgin Mary, a work in the painting -of which his genius found complete expression.[492] Meyer, who since -1521 had been removed from all public offices, was a thorough-going -adherent of the old religion, and the party to which he belonged was by -this time in the minority; but his sturdy belief remained unshaken, and -in 1529, immediately before the fiercest iconoclastic outburst in the -city, he was at the head of the Catholic party. At the time when the -greater number of his fellow-citizens were beginning to view with -disfavour all sacred paintings, he proved that he had the courage of his -convictions by ordering this picture, in which his faith was very -plainly expressed. It is doubtful whether it was intended to be placed -over an altar in some chapel in one of the Basel churches, or to be hung -in Meyer’s own house, but in either case it was a definite public -profession of his faith. - -The figures in the picture (Pl. 71) are about three-quarters of the size -of life. The Virgin is not represented on her throne, but stands amid -the donor’s family as the Mother of Grace, her mantle spread over them -as a sign of her protection. Holbein has placed her in the centre of the -composition in front of a shallow niche with a circular arch, fluted -like a shell, against which her head is relieved. In her arms she clasps -the Infant Christ, whose head rests against her shoulder, his left arm -outstretched over the kneeling suppliants below as though in -benediction. The edge of her cloak falls over the shoulders of Meyer, -who kneels on the left, with hands clasped, gazing upwards in -adoration.[493] In front of him kneels his elder son, a youth of about -sixteen, whose attention is diverted from his prayers by his small -brother, a little naked boy with curly hair, standing upright on the -Turkey carpet which is placed beneath the group, whom he is holding with -both hands. The child stands, with left arm outstretched, gazing at his -open palm. On the right-hand side is a group of three kneeling women, -Meyer’s second wife, Dorothea Kannengiesser von Tann, with her daughter -Anna in front of her, and, next to the Virgin, a third woman who has -been taken to represent either the Burgomaster’s first wife, Magdalena -Baer, who died in 1511, and was a widow when he married her, or her -daughter by her earlier marriage. It has been also suggested that the -figure represents Meyer’s mother, or his mother-in-law, but it is most -probable that it is a portrait of his first wife, for it was by no means -unusual at that time to combine both the living and the dead in such a -votive picture. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 71. - - -[Illustration: - - THE MEYER MADONNA - DARMSTADT -] - -[Sidenote: DESCRIPTION OF THE PICTURE] - -This picture is Holbein’s greatest masterpiece of sacred painting, noble -and dignified in feeling and composition, remarkable for the direct and -striking veracity of its portraiture, and the splendour of its rich, -subdued colour. There is extraordinary expression in Meyer’s head, with -its rapt, tense look, in which the depth of his faith is clearly -portrayed. His ruddy complexion and blue shaven chin form a strong -colour contrast with the fresher, paler flesh tints of his two sons, in -whom the likeness to the father can be plainly traced. There is an equal -contrast, too, between the face of the living wife, energetic and -capable, and that of the other woman, seen in profile, whose features -are nearly concealed by the white hood and the chin band she is wearing, -giving almost the appearance of grave-clothes, though it was a -head-dress then in common use, as can be seen from a number of Holbein’s -book illustrations. In the Virgin’s face, with its downcast eyes, there -is a look of heavenly tranquillity. Her complexion is fair, and her -cheeks have a rosy tinge. She wears a golden crown set with pearls and -precious stones, below which her golden hair falls upon her shoulders -and over her mantle, and is painted with all Holbein’s minute care and -complete technical mastery. The pale, delicate flesh tints are continued -in the body of the Infant Christ and in the hands of his mother, the two -heads forming a lovely chord of colour in perfect harmony with the -reddish marble and grey stone of the niche against which they are set. -The Virgin’s dress is dark blue, which has turned almost green with the -passing of time, with under-sleeves of gold, in the painting of which -actual gold has been used, as also in the crown, and in Anna Meyer’s -head-dress and other ornamental parts of the picture. Her girdle is red, -and her mantle a greenish grey. Meyer’s hair is black, and his black -surcoat is lined with light-brown fur. The kneeling boy wears a dress of -light brown trimmed with bands of dark red velvet, and red hose, and -from his belt hangs an elaborate purse with long blue tassels. The -colouring of the group on the spectator’s right is largely black and -white. The two elder women are in black, with plain white head-dresses. -The daughter’s dress is also white, decorated with deep bands of gold -material embroidered with pearls, her head-dress being formed of two -similar bands, with crimson tassels, which almost conceal the brown -braided hair, and a little wreath of white and red flowers on the top. -She gazes across the picture at her little brother, her rosary in her -hands, of which, owing to the long sleeves of her dress, only the tips -of her fingers can be seen. The Turkey carpet, which falls over the low -step upon which the figures are grouped, has an elaborate pattern of -red, green, black, and white on a yellow-brown ground. The monotony of -its geometrical design is broken by a large irregular fold in the -centre, as though the rug had been hastily thrown down and not -straightened out. On either side of the shell-shaped circular niche the -carved pilasters of two low columns are seen above the heads of the -kneeling figures, and the green branches of a vine or fig-tree stand out -against a bright-blue sky. - -The picture, like the Solothurn Madonna, is of peculiar shape, the top -of the panel following the lines of the architectural background. It -measures about 4 ft. 8½ in. (1.44 m.) to the top of the circular niche, -and 3 ft. 8½ in. (1.125 m.) to the horizontal edge above the pilasters -at the side, and is nearly 3 ft. 3½ in. (1.01 m.) wide. It is possible -that in its original state it was furnished with a pair of shutters. It -is now generally agreed that its date is about 1525 or 1526, and that it -was the last work of importance painted by Holbein before he left Basel. -Meyer took a second wife in 1513, and their daughter Anna, who -afterwards married Nikolaus Irmi, appears in the picture to be about the -age of twelve, which gives the year 1526 as the one in which Holbein -received the commission. Nothing is known of the two boys, who must have -died young, for Meyer left no male heirs. After his decease his widow -was twice married, and on her death in or about 1549 her heir was her -daughter Anna. The elder boy was perhaps the son of the first wife. The -technical qualities of the painting, too, place it in the years -immediately preceding Holbein’s first visit to England. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 72. - - -[Illustration: - - JAKOB MEYER - _Drawings in black and coloured chalks_ - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Illustration: - - DOROTHEA KANNENGIESSER - Studies for the Meyer Madonna - _Drawings in black and coloured chalks_ - BASEL GALLERY -] - -There are three preliminary studies for the picture in the Basel -Gallery, portrait heads of the ex-burgomaster, his wife, and their -daughter.[494] All three are drawn in his customary manner in black -chalk, with spare use of coloured chalks and water-colour here and -there. The head of Meyer (Pl. 72 (1)),[495] in black and red, is in the -same position as in the picture, and placed against a greenish -background. His wife (Pl. 72 (2))[496] is also taken in the position she -occupies in the finished work, but her head-dress is a different one, -and the chin and the greater part of the mouth are hidden by a linen -band similar to the one worn by the unknown kneeling woman. Red is used -in the face, and brown for the hair, which is seen through the muslin -cap, and for the fur lining to the collar of her gown. The daughter, -Anna,[497] is shown almost at three-quarter length, with the arms and -hands visible. She wears the same dress with embroidered bands as in the -picture, but her hair, instead of being almost hidden by the elaborate -cap, hangs down straightly below her waist. More colour is used in this -drawing than in the others, the face being worked in flesh tints, the -hair of a golden-brown colour, the girdle red, and the ornaments of the -collar in yellow, while the background is washed with pale green. The -effect produced is very delicate and beautiful, and the portrait is -perhaps finer and more natural than in the picture itself. These -drawings closely resemble in style those which Holbein produced shortly -afterwards in England, and approach them very nearly in their complete -mastery of expressive line. - -[Sidenote: THE BATTLE OF THE PICTURES] - -For many years the fine early copy of the Meyer Madonna in the Dresden -Gallery[498] was regarded as Holbein’s original work, and one of the -greatest treasures of the collection, and it was not until 1822, when -the Darmstadt picture, purchased in that year by Prince William of -Prussia from a Parisian picture-dealer, was first brought to the notice -of connoisseurs, that any doubt was thrown upon the authenticity of the -better-known example, which was then almost universally regarded as one -of the greatest masterpieces of the German school. A few German critics -of note, among them Dr. Kugler, admitted that the Darmstadt picture was -a genuine work by Holbein, but it was many years before anyone had the -temerity to refuse a like honour to the famous example in Dresden. The -first to do so publicly was Wornum, in his Life of Holbein, published in -1867, and he was followed by Woltmann, A. von Zahn, and others.[499] In -spite of such critics, however, both pictures were still regarded by -most people as from Holbein’s own hand, and it was not until the Holbein -Exhibition, held in Dresden in 1871, when the two panels were placed -side by side, and a close comparison became possible, that the undoubted -genuineness of the Darmstadt painting was admitted by all except the few -who had a personal interest in upholding the prestige of the Dresden -Gallery, and who, therefore, refused to believe that their own picture -was a mere copy, however good. Throughout the autumn of 1871, a fierce -battle raged between the contending parties, and Dresden was split up -into two hostile camps. A manifesto was issued by thirteen of the -leading critics, headed by Woltmann, Thausing, De Lutzow, and A. -Bayersdorfer, affirming their belief that the Darmstadt picture was -indubitably a genuine work by Holbein, with considerable and later -retouches in the heads of the Virgin, the Infant Christ, and the -Burgomaster, and that the Dresden Madonna was a free copy of it, in -which the hand of Holbein was not to be seen in any part. The other -party retaliated with a manifesto of their own, in which they claimed -that the modifications of the design in the Dresden example were so -free, and were such great improvements, particularly in the spacing and -the proportions of the figures, that no one but Holbein could have -accomplished it, and that he alone could have given so lofty an ideality -and beauty of expression to the figure of the Virgin, and that the -picture remained a monument which attested the culminating point of -German art. The Darmstadt picture, on the other hand, they found to be -so badly obscured by dirty varnish and partial repaints that it was -impossible to judge seriously the question of its originality. An -interesting account of the dispute was given in the _Gazette des -Beaux-Arts_[500] by the artist Rudolf Lehmann, who was a staunch -upholder of the genuineness of the better-known picture. He saw in it a -greater beauty, maturity, and nobility, and held that the modifications -were so intelligent as to be in reality corrections of the earlier work, -and therefore only from the hand of the master himself. - -The Darmstadt picture had certainly suffered from retouching in many -places, but in 1887 it underwent a careful cleaning at the hands of -Hauser of Munich, by means of which the dirt and the spurious paint were -removed. It was then found to be in a very perfect state of -preservation, with the original splendour of its colour almost undimmed, -and the details as fine and as clear as when Holbein first painted them. -The differences between the two pictures are many, but in colour, in -expression, and in technical achievement the one at Darmstadt is far -superior. The copyist who produced the Dresden picture has apparently -attempted to improve upon the original, by beautifying the face of the -Madonna, which has lost much of its character in the process, and giving -a more graceful form to the rather thickset, stumpy figure of the -original, so characteristic of Holbein. The proportions of the -background have been also changed, with the same idea of improvement. -The copyist appears to have thought that the top of the semicircular -niche pressed too closely upon the Virgin’s head, and he accordingly -raised it, thus relieving what he considered to be a cramped position; -whereas in Holbein’s original arrangement, in which the diameter of the -semicircle cuts across the shoulders of the figure, the spacing is more -effective than in the copy, in which the line passes through the -Virgin’s neck. In the same way the pilasters over the kneeling figures -on either side have been raised well above the heads, so that the upper -parts of the columns become visible. In richness and harmony of colour -the Darmstadt version is far finer. In the Dresden copy the Virgin’s -dress is green, which proves that it was painted at some time -considerably later than the original, when the blue of the latter had -taken on a greenish tint from the discoloration of the varnish. Again, -the extraordinary delicacy and precision of the draughtsmanship of all -the details of dress is far more marked in the original work, in which, -too, there is much greater expression and animation in the faces. - -[Sidenote: HISTORY OF THE DARMSTADT PICTURE] - -The history of the Darmstadt picture can be traced, with few breaks, -from the day it was painted. On the death of Dorothea Meyer about 1549 -it passed into the possession of her daughter Anna and the latter’s -husband, Nikolaus Irmi, or Irmy (1507-52). Anna Irmi, who married, after -Irmi’s death, Wilhelm Hebdenring, and died a widow in 1558, left it to -her daughter Rosa or Rosina, who, in 1576, married, as his third wife, -Remigius Faesch, burgomaster of Basel. Rosa died about 1606, and shortly -afterwards Faesch sold the picture for one hundred golden crowns -(_coronatos aureos solares_) to a certain Lucas Iselin. This information -is contained in a Latin manuscript in the Basel Library, which was -written about the middle of the seventeenth century by a second Remigius -Faesch, grandson of the burgomaster. He was a doctor of laws, and a -collector of pictures, and his manuscript bears the title, “Humanæ -Industriæ Monumenta.” The thirty-fifth folio is concerned with Holbein, -and from it the history of the picture may be taken a step farther. -Faesch says: “In the year 163-, the above-named painter, Le Blond, -bought here of the widow and heirs of Lucas Iselin, of St. Martin’s, a -painting on wood, about three Basel ells in size, the height and width -being the same; in which were represented the foresaid Burgomaster Jakob -Meier, together with his sons on the right side, and on the opposite -side his wife with the daughters, all painted from life, kneeling before -the altar. I possess copies of a son and a daughter, painted in Belgium -from the picture itself by Joh. Ludi. Le Blond paid for the picture 1000 -imperials, and sold it afterwards for three times as much to Maria de’ -Medici, Queen Dowager of France, mother of King Louis XIII, while she -was residing in Belgium, where she died. Whither it afterwards went, is -uncertain.” A marginal note, added by Faesch, probably at a later date, -further states: “This panel belonged to my grandfather, the Burgomaster -Remigius Faesch, from whom Lucas Iselin gained possession of it, -ostensibly for the ambassador of the King of France, and paid 100 gold -crowns for it about the year 1606.”[501] - -Lucas Iselin died in 1626, and his heirs appear to have sold the picture -some years afterwards to Michel Le Blond, the German engraver, who lived -for the greater part of his life in Amsterdam, where he was occupied in -providing engraved plates of ornaments for the use of jewellers, and was -also a picture collector and dealer. He acted as agent to the Court of -Sweden at Amsterdam, and in 1625 he negotiated for the Duke of -Buckingham the purchase of a large collection of works of art from -Rubens. He was a friend of Sandrart, Holbein’s biographer, and travelled -with him in Italy. - -Sandrart, in his Life of Holbein, continues the history of the picture, -and in speaking of Le Blond’s collection, says: “This gentleman has long -ago” (_lang vorher_)—he refers to some time before he, Sandrart, was in -Amsterdam, about 1640-45—“sold to the bookkeeper (or banker) Johann -Lössert, at his urgent request for the sum of 3000 gulden, a standing -figure of the Virgin painted on a panel, holding her little Child in her -arms, and under her is a carpet on which some figures are kneeling -before her, taken from life.”[502] Sandrart’s description shows that the -picture in question was undoubtedly the Meyer Madonna, and this is -confirmed by Patin’s account. The latter had access to the Faesch -manuscript, and speaks of it as “A standing Mary on a panel with the -Child on her arm, under her a carpet on which some figures are kneeling -before her, painted from the life.” - -[Sidenote: HISTORY OF THE DARMSTADT PICTURE] - -Sandrart’s story indicates that Faesch must have been wrong in stating -that Le Blond sold the picture to Maria de’ Medici, then in exile in -Holland; she appears to have been contented with a copy of it. Sandrart -himself took sketches of some of the figures, and others were made, -according to Faesch, by Joh. Ludi. This was Johannes Lüdin, a pupil of -Sarburgh, who has been confused by earlier writers with Giovanni da -Lodi, an obscure painter whose work is to be found in several churches -in Lodi. Wornum thought that Giovanni might have been the author of the -Dresden copy of the picture,[503] but later researches have shown this -to be a mistake. Quite recently (1911), Dr. E. Major has identified it -as a copy made for Queen Maria de’ Medici by Bartholomäus Sarburgh, a -portrait-painter who, in 1634, was living at the Hague, which was about -the time the picture went to Holland. Sarburgh, who was born about 1590, -worked in Basel and in Berne, and may have known the painting in his -youth. It is extremely probable, in Dr. Major’s opinion, that the -Dresden example is identical with the copy known to have been in the -possession of the French Queen.[504] There are numerous copies of -Holbein’s works by Sarburgh still in Basel, and several portraits by him -in the Picture Gallery of that city. - -It has also been suggested that Faesch was mistaken in saying that Le -Blond bought the picture from Iselin’s widow in Basel, and that in -reality he obtained it from Iselin himself at some earlier date; for in -1621 there was an important example of Holbein’s work in Amsterdam which -the Earl of Arundel was anxious to obtain. Sir Dudley Carleton, writing -to the Earl from the Hague, 22nd June 1621, says: “Having wayted lately -on y^e K. and Q. of Bohemia to Amsterdam, I there saw y^e picture of -Holben’s yo^r L^p. desires; but cannot yet obtayne it, though my -indeavours wayte on it, as they still shall doe.”[505] Sir Dudley, -however, gives no description of the picture, which he was unable to get -for the Earl, so that it is impossible to say more than that there is -some probability that it may have been the Meyer Madonna. - -Sandrart, who was a personal friend of Le Blond, is no doubt correct -when he says that the latter sold it direct to the banker Johann -Lössert; and it remained in the possession of that family for some -seventy or eighty years. It next appears in a sale of the pictures of -Jacob Cromhout and Jasper Loskart, held at Amsterdam on the 7th and 8th -May 1709, the latter evidently a descendant of Johann Lössert. According -to the catalogue, both owners were deceased, and the greater number of -the pictures seem to have belonged to Cromhout, the catalogue-heading -concluding with the words, “and some other fine pictures coming from the -cabinet of the deceased Herr Jasper Loskart.”[506] It is possible that -the two owners were relations, or partners in business, as the coat of -arms of the Cromhouts is on the old frame of the Darmstadt panel, -indicating that at some time or other the picture had been transferred -from the one family to the other.[507] The picture was No. 24 in the -sale, and was described as, “A capital piece, with two doors, -representing Mary with Jesus on her arm, with various kneeling figures -from life, by Hans Holbeen—fl. 2000”; just double the price paid for a -large altar-piece by Rubens in the same sale, and equal to about £160 in -modern money, a large price for a picture in those days. It will be seen -that in 1709 it still had wings, which have since disappeared. - -For more than one hundred years after the Cromhout sale all traces of -the picture are missing, though it appears to have been in England for -at least a part of the time, for on the back is written in English: “No. -82, Holy Family, Portraits, A.D.,” the latter initials indicating that -when here it was attributed to Dürer. On the old seventeenth-century -frame there are, in addition to the Cromhout coat of arms, the armorial -bearings of a member of the Von Warberge family and his wife, apparently -indicating yet another ownership. It reappeared in 1822, when it was -purchased by Prince William of Prussia from the Parisian picture-dealer -Delahante, through the latter’s brother-in-law, Spontini, at that time -royal musical director in Berlin, at a cost of 2500 or 2800 -thalers—about £420. On the death of the Prince its purchase for the -Berlin Museum was urged by Dr. Waagen, but the authorities were not -willing to consider it. On the division of the Prince’s property, it was -assigned to his daughter, Princess Elizabeth, who married Prince Charles -of Hesse-Darmstadt in 1836; and from that day the picture has remained -in the private apartments of the old palace. - -[Sidenote: HISTORY OF THE DRESDEN VERSION] - -The first definite information about the Dresden version is that at the -beginning of the eighteenth century it was in Venice, in the possession -of the Delfino family, from whose representative, Giovanni Delfino, it -was purchased by Count Francesco Algarotti on the 4th September 1743, -for Augustus III, Elector of Saxony, for one thousand sequins. A -previous attempt to buy it had been made by the Duke of Orleans in 1723. -It is to be gathered from Algarotti’s correspondence that the picture -had been bequeathed to Delfino’s father by the Venetian banker Avogadro, -and, according to an old servant of the latter’s, named Griffoni, his -master had obtained it in or about the year 1690 in Amsterdam as payment -for a debt of 2000 sequins owing to him by the house of Lössert, which -had recently become bankrupt. Algarotti was of opinion that it was the -very picture mentioned by Sandrart. As, however, the original picture -was still in Amsterdam in 1709 (the date of the Cromhout sale), nearly -twenty years after Avogadro is said to have received it, the version -which went to Venice can only have been a copy, which it is now known to -be. It appears, therefore, that at one time Loskart or Lössert possessed -two versions of the picture; and it may be conjectured that at the time -of the bankruptcy, or perhaps earlier, the original was sold to or taken -over by Cromhout, and the early seventeenth-century copy retained, until -it was given to Avogadro in lieu of the debt. It is not, however, -necessary to suppose that the transaction was an underhand one, and that -a copy was knowingly palmed off on the banker as an original, for very -possibly by that time both pictures were regarded as genuine works by -Holbein. - -At the time the Venetian example was purchased for the Elector of -Saxony, it was generally regarded as a portrait-group of the More -family, owing to the similarity of the names Meyer and More. Horace -Walpole, who saw it in Venice, gave it its correct title. He says, when -referring to the various examples existing of the More family group: -“The fifth[508] was in the palace of the Delfino family at Venice, where -it was long on sale, the first price set, 1500_l._ When I saw it there -in 1741 they had sunk it to 400_l._, soon after which the present King -of Poland bought it.... The old man is not only unlike all -representations of Sir Thomas More, but it is certain that he never had -but one son. For the colouring, it is beautiful beyond description, and -the carnations have that enamelled bloom so peculiar to Holbein, who -touched his works till not a touch remained discernible! A drawing of -this picture by Bischop was brought over in 1723, from whence Vertue -doubted both of the subject and the painter; but he never saw the -original! By the description of the family picture of the Consul Mejer, -mentioned above, I have no doubt but this is the very picture—Mejer and -More are names not so unlike but that in process of time they may have -been confounded, and that of More retained, as much better known.”[509] - -The cost of the picture was 1000 sequins, or 22,000 livres de -Venise—about £458 in English money—and the expenses in connection with -its purchase, packing, and forwarding to Dresden, came to some £125 -more, including a liberal present to the painter Tiepolo, who helped in -the negotiations, and smaller gratuities to various retainers of the -Delfino family. The total cost, therefore, was considerably more than -three times the price paid for the original painting in the Amsterdam -sale. - -Although the Meyer Madonna possesses no hidden meaning, and is merely a -customary representation of a donor and his family kneeling in adoration -before the Virgin and Child, yet a number of fanciful interpretations -were given to it in the last century, of which some echoes still remain. -It has been suggested that it is a votive picture to commemorate the -recovery of a sick child, whom the Virgin has taken into her arms, -placing her own child on the ground among the donors. This idea was -carried still farther by others, who saw in the infant on the Madonna’s -breast the soul of a dead child; while a third theory propounded was to -the effect that the little one was merely the soul of the woman kneeling -next the Virgin, supposed to be Meyer’s first wife. These are all -sentimental refinements of nineteenth-century German criticism, first -voiced by such writers as Ludwig Tieck and Friedrich Schlegel, and in -all probability would never have been heard of had the original picture -been in Dresden instead of the copy. In the latter the unknown copyist -has not been so successful in the figure of the infant Christ as in -other portions of the picture. It is far less animated than in the -original, and a little sickly and unhappy in expression, and it was -this, no doubt, which first suggested these over-refinements of meaning. -Ruskin was on the side of the sentimentalists. He says: “The received -tradition respecting the Holbein Madonna is beautiful, and I believe the -interpretation to be true. A father and mother have prayed to her for -the life of their sick child. She appears to them, her own Child in her -arms. She puts down her Christ before them, takes their child into her -arms instead; it lies down upon her bosom, and stretches its hands to -its father and mother, saying farewell.”[510] As a matter of fact, there -is nothing of death or sickness about the work, which tells its story -with the utmost simplicity and mastery of means, without needing such -refined subtleties for its proper explanation. - -[Sidenote: HOLBEIN’S MODEL FOR THE VIRGIN] - -It is difficult to follow Holbein’s latest English biographer, Mr. G. S. -Davies, in his belief that the influence of Gherardt David can be seen -in this work, and, in particular, to find, as he does, indications of -Holbein’s acquaintance with David’s great picture of the “Madonna with -the Saints and Angels,” now in the Rouen Museum, but in Holbein’s day, -and for three centuries afterwards, in the Carmelite Church in Bruges, -for which it had been painted. “I do not think that any one who -thoroughly knew the Darmstadt Holbein can fail,” he says, “as he looks -at this masterpiece of the Flemish painter, to be at once reminded by -something in the feeling and in the type of Madonna, and even in such -details as the choice of crown and robe, in the outspread mantle, in the -fashion of the robe, in the wavy golden hair lying along the shoulder, -and in the pose of the head as she looks down at the Child, of the -greater German master. Holbein’s is a stronger, more intensely -sympathetic, more real and convincing vision; but the original type -seems to be common to both men.”[511] To render this possible, a visit -to Bruges on Holbein’s part becomes necessary, and Mr. Davies considers -it to be most probable that he did so either on his way to England in -1526 or on his return in 1528, and he states, but without bringing -forward any proofs, that Holbein “spent several months in or about -Antwerp” on the former journey, and that he would not be likely to omit -a visit to so great a centre of art as Bruges. This theory also -necessitates the alteration of the date of the painting of the Meyer -Madonna, whereas everything points to its completion before Holbein left -Basel for England; nor will he find many to agree with him that in this -great picture, so essentially German in feeling, strong traces of -Flemish influence are to be seen. Such alien influence as can be traced -in it is undoubtedly Italian. - -For the Meyer Madonna, Holbein’s wife no longer served as the model for -the Virgin, as she had done for the Madonna of Solothurn. Her place was -taken by that lady of somewhat notorious character in Basel, Magdalena -Offenburg. As pointed out in an earlier chapter, she had already twice -served Holbein as a model for his costume studies of Basel ladies,[512] -and she also sat to him for the two pictures of “Venus” and “Laïs -Corinthiaca” in the Basel Gallery, in which the similarity of features -to those of the Virgin in the Darmstadt altar-piece is very marked, -while all three bear an evident likeness to the model of that one of the -costume studies in which the sitter wears a necklace with the recurring -initials “M. O.” Her daughter Dorothea, wife of Joachim von Sultz, who -at one time was considered to be the lady represented in the “Laïs” and -“Venus” pictures,[513] led an equally scandalous life. She was divorced -in 1545, and both she and her husband were imprisoned, and afterwards -expelled the country. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 73. - - -[Illustration: - - MAGDALENA OFFENBURG AS VENUS - 1526 - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Illustration: - - MAGDALENA OFFENBURG AS LAIS - 1526 - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: THE “LAÏS” AND “VENUS” PICTURES] - -These two small, delicately painted portraits of Magdalena Offenberg as -“Laïs” and “Venus,” the former being dated “1526,” were among the last -works produced by Holbein before he left Basel for England. They bear a -very close resemblance to one another, except in the position of the -head, so that one appears to be almost a copy of the other. In the -Amerbach catalogue of 1586 they are described as: “Zwei täfelin doruf -eine Offenburgin conterfehet ist vf eim geschriben Lais Corinthiaca, die -ander hat ein kindlin bÿ sich. H. Holb. beide, mit ölfarben vnd in -ghüsern.” In each the figure is about one-third the size of life, and -the costume is the same, a rich dress of dark red velvet with slashings -showing white silk puffs, each fastened at top and bottom with gold -tags. The wide upper sleeves are of a deep gold hue. In each picture she -is shown at almost three-quarter length, behind a plain stone parapet, -with a dark green curtain as background. In the “Laïs” (No. 322) (Pl. 73 -(2))[514] she wears a closely-fitting gold-embroidered head-dress or cap -on her fair hair, and with her left hand grasps the folds of a blue -mantle draped across her knees. On the parapet in front of her—which is -inscribed “Lais Corinthiaca. 1526,” in Roman letters, as though incised -in the stone—is placed a little heap of scattered gold coins, and she is -holding out her right hand, with palm upwards, as though asking for more -of them in payment for her favours. The pose is slightly varied in the -“Venus” (No. 323) (Pl. 73 (1)),[515] which is undated, the head being -bent a little to the right, instead of to the left, and there are small -changes in the costume. The lower sleeves of red slashed velvet are -omitted, and the arms are bare to the elbow, while the head-dress is -black, with a little gold ornamentation. The position of the hands is -almost the same, though the left one is hidden by the head and shoulders -of a small naked, red-haired Cupid, whose right arm rests on the parapet -with two long arrows in his hand. The golden coins are missing, but the -open palm of the lady’s right hand carries the same suggestion as in the -“Laïs.” The old frame still retains the curious and singularly -inappropriate inscription, “Verbum Domini manet in æternum,” which was -upon it when the Amerbach Collection was purchased by the town of Basel -in 1662. - -[Sidenote: HOLBEIN AND MAGDALENA OFFENBURG] - -The face is a refined one, with a high forehead, long nose, finely cut -lips, and fair complexion, and in the “Laïs” in particular, does not -suggest the supposed character of the sitter as tradition has handed it -down. It is possible that the painter to some extent idealised her -features. The “Venus” is less tender and attractive in expression; so -much so, indeed, that Woltmann[516] suggests that it was painted at an -earlier date, and that the “Laïs” was a renewed and more successful -attempt to represent the same idea. What that idea may have been has -given rise to considerable speculation. Wornum[517] quotes an old legend -to the effect that the artist could not obtain payment for the “Venus” -picture, and so, in revenge, he painted her as the famous courtesan, -Laïs of Corinth, the mistress of the great painter Apelles; but this -explanation is an absurd one. Woltmann’s suggestion is that both -pictures were painted for some lover of the lady, who wished, in the -first instance, to express his love, and then, later on, his contempt. -It is more probable that the pictures were the result of relationships -between the painter himself and Magdalena, though beyond the fact that -she served him more than once as a model, there is no proof of this. -This supposed connection between Holbein and the lady has given rise to -much imaginative writing in recent monographs. In one of them we are -told that “when Holbein inscribed his second portrait of Dorothea with -the words Laïs Corinthiaca, the midsummer madness must have been already -a matter of scorn and wonder to himself. His whole life and the works of -his life are the negation of the groves of Corinth. The paint was not -long dry on the Goddess of Love—at any rate, her dress was not worn -out—before he had seen her in her true colours: the daughter of the -horseleech, crying ‘Give, give.’ And so he painted her in 1526; to -scourge himself, surely, since she was too notoriously infamous to be -affected by it. As if in stern scorn of every beauty, every allure, he -set himself to record them in detail.... Laïs is far more beautiful, and -far more beautifully painted, than Venus. No emotion has hurried the -painter’s hand or confused his eye this time. In vain she wears such -sadness in her eyes, such pensive dignity of attitude, such a wistful -smile on her lips. He knows them, now, for false lights on the wrecker’s -coast. No faltering; no turning back. He can even fit a new head-dress -on the lovely hair, and add the puffed sleeves below the short ones. He -is a painter now; not a lover.... The plague was raging in Basel all -through that spring and summer, but I doubt if Holbein shuddered at its -contact as at the loveliness he painted,”[518] and so on. This is all -very pretty, but the imagination of the writer has run away with her. -What suggestion could be more fantastic than that in painting the Venus, -Holbein’s love for the lady was so great that both hand and eye faltered -in depicting her charms, and that he could only do full justice to her -beauty when his affection was dead and her loveliness made him shudder? -A more recent writer[519] is of opinion that Holbein succumbed to the -charms of Magdalena Offenburg before his marriage, and that she deigned -to honour the young Swabian painter with her favours almost directly -after his return to Basel from Lucerne. Though forced to confess that he -can find no traces of her as Holbein’s model in any of his finished -paintings of the period before Elsbeth Schmidt came into his life, in -his opinion she served him in that capacity not only for the series of -studies of the costumes worn by the Basel ladies, but also for his early -glass designs of the Madonna gazing down at the Infant Christ in her -arms, the St. Barbara of the same set, and the fine design of a wooden -statue of St. Michael, all three of which have been already -described.[520] No doubt the type of face in all these studies is much -the same, but there is a tendency in this search for likenesses to go -too far, and to see Magdalena Offenburg or Elsbeth Schmidt as the only -models used by Holbein at this time. In some instances the likeness is -largely imaginary. His wife, the same writer continues, may not have -been beautiful, but she certainly had charm, as the portrait at the -Hague proves, and Holbein must have loved her when he painted her. For -two years afterwards he remained the devoted husband, using her as the -model for the Solothurn Madonna, the Virgin of the Basel organ doors, -and for the glass design of the Mary in the niche with the cavalier -kneeling before her. Then, after this short period of happiness, her -place in the pictures and designs is again taken by Magdalena. The -impudent creature appears as the St. Ursula of the Karlsruhe painting, -and the “arrows in her hands are those with which in succeeding years -she is to pierce the poor heart of the painter’s wife.” In the Meyer -Madonna, this writer sees in the Virgin nothing but the elegant, banal -visage of the courtesan, and a complete want of all humanity. The “Laïs” -and “Venus” of 1526, he adds, affirm finally and cynically the victory -of the mistress over the legitimate wife, while the last and worst -insult of all was in using his own eldest child as the model for the -Cupid, and placing him in the company of the hateful rival, who in the -end robbed his wife of all her beauty and all her happiness. There may -be some truth in this attempt to reconstruct a few pages of Holbein’s -life-story, but there is little proof to support it. Where proof is -lacking, however, the writer’s imagination fills the gaps; but it is not -fair to condemn the painter upon such evidence as this, or to hold him -guilty of infamous conduct upon the strength of a few supposed -likenesses in his pictures or designs. - -Whatever Holbein’s personal relations to Magdalena Offenburg may have -been, she appears to have been a good model, which is in itself quite -sufficient to explain the fact that he painted these two portraits of -her. That he held her in no particular esteem may be gathered from the -name he gives her, just as Niklaus Manuel Deutsch, as noted in a -previous chapter, wrote an offensive remark as to her character on the -drawing he made of her. Her face, as represented by Holbein, is fair, -but devoid of any strong feeling, though Knackfuss holds that “a deep -and quiet sorrow lies in the expression of the refined face;” and that -“the sense of the two paintings is explained by their juxtaposition: the -gold which she desired cannot make the young woman happy; love alone can -do so.”[521] This last-named writer considers that the pictures were not -painted to some one’s order, but for the artist’s own amusement. - -A question of much more interest in connection with these two works is -their authorship. They differ from all other portraits by Holbein of the -Basel period, because in them the Milanese influence upon his art is -seen at its strongest, so that more than one writer of repute has -refused to admit that they are his work. Rumohr regarded them as from -the hand of some Netherlandish painter, and Waagen was of opinion that -Holbein painted them under Netherlandish influence. Wornum considered -them to be the work of some Milanese. “The style of the painting,” he -says, “is more Milanese, in colouring and in treatment, than anything -else, exceedingly elaborate, cool in colour, dry in manner, and -altogether unlike any other known work by our painter. In this case I -have not the slightest faith in the Amerbach inventory.... The two -portraits have a decided Milanese character, in the manner of the -scholars of Leonardo da Vinci. A visit to Milan could not have had such -a wonderful influence on Holbein’s taste as is shown in these portraits, -or if such be allowed to be possible, it is just as remarkable that he -should have laid this taste down again without leaving a trace -behind.”[522] - -Mr. Davies follows Wornum, but goes still farther in suggesting the name -of the North Italian artist who painted them. He says: “I may say at -once that I am quite unable to see any Netherlandish influence or -probable authorship in the pictures. On the other hand, I see the -strongest evidence of Lombard influence, and that in so direct a fashion -and to such a degree that I believe them to be the work of some Lombard -artist who had come under the influence of the later work of Raphael. -The name of Cesare da Sesto at once occurs to one, and if it were not -for the date 1526 on the Laïs picture, there would be no great -difficulty in accepting it as a work by him which had found its way -across from Milan—possibly even in the pack of Holbein himself.”[523] He -acknowledges the difficulty of the date—Da Sesto was dead in 1526—and -also of the red-haired Cupid in the Venus picture, so evidently both -German and from Holbein’s own hand, and bearing so close a resemblance -to the children in other pictures of his, such as the Meyer Madonna and -the Family Group of 1528; but in spite of this, his final opinion is -that they are most probably the work of Cesare da Sesto. He further -suggests that Holbein, “possessing, or seeing in the possession of -Amerbach, these two small examples, very similar in attitude and -motive,” sought to give them variety, by inserting the figure of Cupid -in the one, and thus giving this Italian lady the character of Venus, -and in the other the gold coins and the title of Laïs, “so as to turn a -somewhat unmeaning picture of a woman into a quasi-classical -personality.” “The Offenburg tradition,” he adds, “I should wholly -reject, nor indeed can I persuade myself that these pictures are -portraits by Holbein either of that shadowy lady or of any other lady -whatever. They appear to me to be pictures, not of some well-marked -personality, but merely Lombard school types.” - -[Sidenote: MILANESE INFLUENCE IN THE LAÏS] - -It is impossible to follow Mr. Davies in this attribution. Woltmann’s -opinion, with which most modern critics are in agreement, that they are -genuine works by Holbein in which Lombard influence is more strongly -marked than in most of his other Basel paintings, is the correct one. -The two panels are unmistakably the product of a northern painter -working under some southern influence, and just as unmistakably the work -of Holbein himself, as a close comparison with his other work of this -period shows very plainly. This Milanese influence was the result of his -visit to Lombardy, and is to be traced in a greater or lesser degree in -all that he accomplished previously to his first visit to England. -“Their warm, transparent technique and the realistic ungracefulness of -the draperies,” says Mr. C. J. Holmes, speaking of the Laïs and its -companion, “make them characteristic northern works, just as the -Raphaelesque folds and cool opaque pigment of Cesare da Sesto in his -later paintings—the small Madonna in the Brera, for example—are -characteristically southern.”[524] Possibly for once in a way Holbein -was making a conscious attempt to imitate the manner of some artist of -the North Italian school whose work he had seen and admired, perhaps in -Basel itself, so that the Lombard influence is more pronounced than in -those pictures and designs in which he was less evidently making an -experiment based upon what he had seen in Italy, and in which his own -native genius was the predominating force. For the same reason it is -very possible that in the Laïs and the Venus, Holbein, instead of -following his model closely, gave play to his imagination, and -attempted, as the type of face, with downcast eyes, and pensive, almost -melancholy charm of expression suggests, to emulate the Leonardesque -manner, so that at the best they are merely idealised representations of -the notorious Magdalena Offenburg. - -There is no doubt that during the summer of 1526, in spite of his -reputation as a painter, he found it increasingly difficult to gain a -living, and that, in consequence, he made up his mind to seek his -fortunes in some other country, and finally decided to visit England. In -those early days of the Reformation in Switzerland, when the -ecclesiastical disputes were assuming so acute a form, and risings of -the peasants and other violent disturbances were growing common, there -was very little opportunity for artists to find remunerative employment, -and Holbein suffered with the rest. The town authorities had no time for -considering such important public works as the completion of the Town -Hall decorations, and all that they could find for him to do was an -ill-paid job or two at long intervals, such as the one already -mentioned,[525] which in happier times would have been hardly worth his -attention. Basel, indeed, no longer offered a means of livelihood to a -painter with a wife, a stepson, and two children of his own to keep. -Throughout this year, too, the plague was raging in the city, and this -may have proved the last straw which definitely turned his thoughts in -the direction of England. - -Numerous legends have grown up around this journey of his, which for the -most part have no foundation in fact. The commonest, first voiced by Van -Mander, is to the effect that the Earl of Arundel, when passing through -Basel on his way home from Italy some years previously, was so delighted -with Holbein’s work that he urged him to try his fortunes in England. -Later on, when Holbein had taken his advice, he was asked by Sir Thomas -More, who it was who had suggested this course to him. Holbein replied -that he had forgotten the nobleman’s name, but, taking up a piece of -charcoal, he rapidly sketched a face, which the Chancellor instantly -recognised. Another version gives the Earl of Surrey as Holbein’s -adviser; but the tale is a pure legend, and has been told of more than -one painter. - -Another story, which has been often repeated, gives as the reason of his -departure the desire to escape from the constant tempers of an -ill-humoured wife, and that he therefore left Basel surreptitiously, -without obtaining the necessary leave of absence from the Town Council. -His earlier biographers all describe his relationships with his wife as -not very cordial ones, but they merely copied from one another, and this -again may be mere legend. Patin, in particular, whose account of Holbein -is palpably exaggerated and often false, describes him as a drunkard, -who led a disorderly life, and was always so poverty-stricken that -Erasmus and Amerbach had frequently to come to his assistance—a -statement entirely devoid of fact, and sufficiently disproved by -Holbein’s brilliant performances in many branches of art. Patin also, -when speaking of Holbein’s journey to England, makes use of another -favourite story told of numerous artists. He says that on his way he -passed through Strasburg, and called on the principal painter of the -town, but found him out. An unfinished portrait stood on the easel, -whereupon Holbein painted a fly on the forehead, and then left. When the -painter returned he attempted to brush it away, imagining it to be a -real one, and was so impressed by his unknown visitor’s skill, that he -at once sought him out, but found that he had already left the town. - -[Sidenote: REASONS FOR LEAVING BASEL] - -It is, of course, possible that Holbein’s domestic relations by that -time were not as cordial as in earlier days, and that his supposed -connection with Magdalena Offenburg may have rendered them still less -pleasant, and that this may have had something to do with his departure; -but this again is mere conjecture, of which no actual proof is -forthcoming. Want of work was undoubtedly the chief, and possibly the -only cause of his journey, and no doubt it was largely the advice of -Erasmus which finally decided him to take the step. Erasmus, who had -already sent more than one example of Holbein’s skill as a -portrait-painter to England, had a large circle of friends and patrons -here, to whom he could recommend the artist. To Warham and More, at -least, Holbein’s portrait of Erasmus had already provided an informal -introduction, and they may have been aware, also, though this is less -likely, that it was he who designed the title-page used in the edition -of the _Utopia_ published by Froben in 1518, signed “Hans Holb.” In 1525 -a certain Thomas Grey and his youngest son were living with Erasmus in -Basel, according to a letter from the latter to Lupset;[526] and Grey, -too, may have advised Holbein to seek fortune at Henry’s court. “Grey,” -says Erasmus, “reports that there is no disturbance in England,” and -this news may have proved an added inducement to the painter to quit a -country agitated with religious and civil contention for a more peaceful -locality where the arts could flourish in peace. - -Before leaving Basel, Holbein made one last attempt, as already -recounted,[527] to obtain from the Antonine Abbey of Isenheim the -painting materials which his father had left there some years -previously. The strongly-worded letter, dated 4th July 1526, which the -Burgomaster of Basel, Heinrich Meltinger, wrote at his request, is -addressed to the “venerable Herr Vicar and preceptor of the Order of St. -Antonius at Isenenn, our dear and gracious Master,” and runs as follows: -“Venerable, gracious, and dear sir, receive our friendly and ready -service. Hans Holbein, painter, our citizen, has proposed to us to paint -an altar-panel, such as his deceased father painted in former years. He -left some implements of an expensive kind, weighing about three hundred -and two cubic measures, with you at Isenheim, which he, Hans Holbein, -repeatedly during the lifetime of his father, and at his desire, and -also after his decease, being his heir, demanded of you, but could never -obtain; for what reasons he knows not. Thus the matter has been delayed -to such an extent that the peasants, he is informed, have wasted these -implements in the last uproar, and when he again desired them of you, as -his father’s heir, you referred him, with his request, to the peasants, -with whom he has nothing to do, and to whom he has intrusted nothing, -and notified to him an appointment on the Saturday after the next Ulrici -(7th July) at Ensisheim. We, having heard his business, and given -credence to it, and being well inclined to further him, have not allowed -him to keep such an appointment, or to make any demand of the peasants -(with whom he, as we have heard, has nothing to do), but have firm -confidence in you, that you will weigh the matter thoroughly, and hand -over to him, as the heir of his deceased father, completely and without -difficulty, the aforementioned implements, or, in case nothing of them -now exists, compensate him for their loss, and so show yourself towards -him in the affair, that he may feel that our intercession has been -advantageous, and that no further steps are necessary. Such behaviour on -your side we wish for him, to whom it is justly due.”[528] - -This letter affords proof that Ambrosius Holbein was dead, for in it -Hans is mentioned more than once as his father’s heir, and it also shows -that the Basel Council were not so actively opposed to the painting of -altar-pieces as other incidents of the time suggest. Nothing further is -known of this altar-panel which Holbein proposed to paint for them. - -[Sidenote: ERASMUS’ LETTER OF INTRODUCTION] - -It is evident that the materials, which would now have been very useful -to him, had been destroyed or dispersed in the peasant rising, and that -he obtained neither colours nor redress. He left Basel for England on or -about August 29, 1526, as appears from a letter of introduction of that -date which he carried with him from Erasmus to his friend Peter Ægidius, -the learned traveller and town-clerk of Antwerp, in which Holbein was -recommended to his notice as the artist who had painted Erasmus. Ægidius -is also asked to introduce him to Quentin Metsys. The part of the letter -which refers to Holbein (though not by name) runs as follows:— - -“The bearer of this letter is the man who painted my portrait. I do not -trouble you with any commendation of him, though he is an excellent -artist (_artifex_). If he wants to call on Quentin, and you have not -leisure to introduce him, you can send a servant with him to show him -the house. The arts are freezing in this part of the world, and he is on -his way to England to pick up some angels there (_petit Angliam ut -corrodat aliquot Angelatos_—Erasmus plays upon the words Angles and -Angels). You can send on any letters you like by him.”[529] There is no -reason to suppose that Holbein delayed his departure after receiving -this letter from his patron, who must also have supplied him with -introductions to More, Warham, and other friends in England. It was, no -doubt, necessary for him to arrange with the Town Council for leave of -absence, and this having been done, he must have started not later than -the first days of September, reaching London towards the close of the -same month. - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - CHAPTER XII - - NATIVE AND FOREIGN ARTISTS IN ENGLAND DURING THE REIGN OF HENRY VIII - -Henry VIII’s patronage of the fine arts—English painters in his - service—John Browne—The Paynter-Stayners’ Company—Andrew Wright—John - Hethe—Foreign artists at Henry’s Court—Gerard, Lucas, and Susanna - Hornebolt—Katherine Maynors and Henry Maynert—Johannes Corvus—The - Italian painters and sculptors—Paganino—Pietro Torrigiano—Vincent - Volpe—Alessandro Carmillian—Antonio Toto and Bartolommeo - Penni—Benedetto da Rovezzano and Giovanni da Maiano—Nicolas Bellin of - Modena—Girolamo da Treviso. - - -BEFORE describing the work carried out by Holbein during his first visit -to this country, it may be of service to give a short account of the -state of art in England at that period, and of the various foreign -painters and craftsmen then settled in London, and of the few native -artists whose names have survived. - -England under Tudor rule offered a far better field for lucrative -employment than Basel for a painter of Holbein’s genius. Henry VIII was -still at the highest point of his reputation as a monarch, popular with -all classes of his subjects, and an ardent patron of literature and the -fine arts. He was himself one of the most accomplished men of his time -within his own realm. He was proficient in Latin, French, Spanish, and -Italian, and assiduous in all affairs of state. He was passionately fond -of music, and skilful both in its practice and theory, playing well upon -the lute, organ, and harpsichord. He also sang and danced well. “His -delight in gorgeous pageantry and splendid ceremonial,” says Dr. -Brewer,[530] “if without any studied design, was not without advantage. -Cloth of gold and tissue, New Year’s gifts, Christmas masquerades, and -May Day mummeries, fell with heavy expense on the nobility, but afforded -a cheap and gratuitous amusement to the people. The roughest of the -populace were not excluded from their share in the enjoyment. Sometimes, -in a boisterous fit of delight, he would allow and even invite the -lookers-on to scramble for the rich ornaments of his own dress and those -of his courtiers. Unlike his father, he showed himself everywhere. He -entered with ease into the sports of others, and allowed them with equal -ease to share in his.” - -[Sidenote: HENRY VIII AS A PATRON OF ARTS] - -Henry’s Court was considered to be the most magnificent of its time. -Large sums were spent on luxuries, on dress, and in other directions. -Foreign jewellers, and dealers in the fine arts, found in the King a -ready purchaser. He was interested in architecture, and gave a close -personal attention to the building and decoration of his various -palaces. He was a collector of beautiful armour and weapons, and -employed many foreign craftsmen in different decorative arts. In -painting he took an equal pleasure, and he was the first of the English -kings to form an important collection of pictures, which was hung in a -gallery in his palace of Whitehall, of which he himself kept the key. He -threw out inducements to foreign artists to settle in England and enter -his service, and in his patronage of the fine arts displayed a keen but -friendly rivalry with Francis I. These foreigners were chiefly Italian, -though a certain number of painters and craftsmen had come over from the -Netherlands. Among them all, however, there was no one who in any way -approached the greatness of Holbein as an artist. Several men of -considerable skill and some artistic pretensions remained in England for -more or less lengthy periods, but there was no master of the first rank -either from Italy or Flanders. Unlike his rival, Francis I, Henry was -unable to attract to his Court men of such outstanding powers as -Leonardo da Vinci, Benvenuto Cellini, or Primaticcio, all of whom -entered the service of the French Crown. Holbein, indeed, had nothing to -fear from the rivalry of any foreigner at that time settled in London, -and still less from the numerous English painters, who were of little -importance and of mediocre abilities. Native talent, indeed, was at a -very low ebb. The influence of the Italian revival of learning made -itself felt in this country at an earlier date than that of the -renaissance of the arts. No school of English painting was in existence -capable of taking advantage of such influence, and of basing a new -native art upon it. The English painters, indeed, were hardly painters -at all in the modern sense. Many of them were mere house-painters and -decorators; tradesmen occupied in various more or less artistic ways, -but rarely, if ever, in the painting of pictures or portraits. They were -painters of heraldic devices and shields, of banners and armour, of -walls, ceilings, and ships, which can be definitely assigned to any one -of them; even such third-rate productions as those preserved at Hampton -Court, like “The Battle of Spurs,” or “The Field of the Cloth of Gold,” -for generations attributed to Holbein, were probably not from the hand -of an Englishman, but the work of foreigners. - -At the time of Holbein’s arrival in London, in the winter of 1526-1527, -the leading English artist was John Browne, who was serjeant-painter to -the King, an office he held for more than twenty years. He was appointed -to the post on the 20th December 1511, in the third year of Henry’s -reign, with an allowance of twopence a day out of the issues of the -lordship of Whitley, in Surrey, and four ells of cloth at Christmas, -annually, of the value of 6_s._ 8_d._ an ell, from the keeper of the -great wardrobe, for his livery.[531] - -[Sidenote: JOHN BROWNE, SERJEANT-PAINTER] - -On the 24th September 1511 he received the balance of his bill for -painting the streamers, banners, flags, and staves belonging to the -King’s ship, _The Mary and John_, amounting to £16, 14_s._ 8_d._, and on -the 17th December in the same year, £142, 4_s._ 6_d._ for painting and -staining banners for _The Mary Rose_ and _The Peter Pounde Garnarde_ -(Pomegranate).[532] Browne occasionally employed the services of Vincent -Volpe, an Italian, for this banner-painting, and also from time to time -supplied the materials for the royal revels. Thus, for the jousts on the -1st June 1512, “2,100 of party gold” for surcoats was bought from him -for £2, 6_s._, and in the following year he received 10_d._ for the hire -of sails “to shadow the percloos for the pageant.”[533] In June 1513 he -received £4, 8_s._ 8_d._ from the royal purse for painting “divers of -the Pope’s arms in divers colours,” and on the 10th April in the -following year he rendered an account for work done on the King’s royal -ship, the _Great Harry_ or _Henry Grace à Dieu_, which included the -supply of flags, banners, and streamers, two of them with crosses of St. -George, and painting sixty staves in the King’s colours in oil at 6_d._ -apiece.[534] - -Browne was among those employed upon the temporary buildings at Guisnes, -which included a banqueting house and a chapel, and lodgings for Henry -and his Queen and the members of the English and French Courts, erected -for the purpose of Henry’s state visit to France, and his meeting with -Francis, known as the Field of the Cloth of Gold. Sir Nicholas Vaux -wrote to Wolsey that they would be able to finish the square court by -the last day of May, provided John Rastell, Clement Urmeston, and John -Browne, the King’s painter, “do make and garnish all the roses—a -marvellous great charge, for the roses be large and stately.”[535] Later -on complaint is made from the same correspondent, that Browne, who has -to gild the roofs, has not yet reached Calais.[536] For this work he -received two payments of £66, 13_s._ 4_d._, and £333, 6_s._ 8_d._ For -the masking at New Hall on the 19th February 1520, he was paid £19, -13_s._ 4_d._ for the beating and putting on the scales of gold and -silver on the garments and bonnets of seven children, one in red, -powdered with gold suns and clouds; the second in yellow, powdered with -moons and clouds; the third in blue, powdered with drops of silver; the -fourth powdered with gold primroses; the fifth with silver honeysuckles; -the sixth with gold stars, and the seventh with silver snowflakes.[537] - -By right of his office of serjeant-painter he had the provision of coats -for the heralds. Thus, in 1520 he received 40_s._ for a tabard of -sarcenet painted for Nottingham pursuivant.[538] In 1523 he rendered an -account of “parcellis of stuff” made for the “high and myghty prynce -Charlis duke of Suffolke, then beyng a poynttyd to be lyffetenant -generall of Kyngis royall armye in to the partyes of France.” The items -included a standard wrought with fine gold and silver on double sarcenet -fringed with silk (£3), banners with the Duke’s arms, a coat of arms -wrought with fine gold and silks and in oil on double sarcenet for his -herald, and escutcheons in metal on paper royal, and others in colour, -and on buckram, each with his arms, and so on, the total bill amounting -to £26, 3_s._[539] In 1524, for the revels at Greenwich, in which a -castle was assaulted in the tilt-yard, he provided the painted cloths of -which the sham buildings were made—“iiij pessys of clothe payntyng of -Antuyke, wherewith the Kastell was envenyd,” and for various banners and -coats of arms, £4, 10_s._[540] For revels held on the 10th November -1527, Browne supplied all the materials, including paints, glue, -scissors, gold-foil, &c., to the amount of £21, 6_s._ 0½_d._, which were -used for making trees, bushes, branches, roses, rosemary, hawthorn, -mulberries, panes of gold, “flosynge of stars,” &c., for a “place of -plesyer” erected under the superintendence of Richard Gibson at -Greenwich. The masque was a theological one, in which Luther and his -wife appeared, as well as the Apostles, Religion, Heresy, and similar -characters.[541] These various details, which could be multiplied, are -sufficient to indicate the kind of work upon which the King’s -serjeant-painter was usually engaged; and all the other English painters -were men of a similar stamp—decorators, scene-painters of a kind, but -rarely, if ever, painters of a panel picture. - -[Sidenote: ANDREW WRIGHT, SERJEANT-PAINTER] - -Browne prospered in his calling, and on May 7, 1522, was elected an -Alderman of London for the Ward of Farringdon Without. At first he was -unwilling to accept office, and was committed to ward for refusal, but -afterwards complied, and was appointed one of the Aldermen to the -Haberdashers’ Company. In the following year, on July 25th, he was -translated to the Ward of Farringdon Within. His service, however, -always appears to have been an unwilling one, and in 1525, before he had -served the office of Sheriff or Mayor, he was on his own request -discharged from the office of Alderman, for which he gave to the Chamber -of London two great standing salts of silver-gilt. “He made his will on -the 17th September 1532, and on the 21st of the same month he conveyed -to his brethren of the Paynter-Stayners a house in Trinity Lane, which -he had purchased nearly thirty years before, and which has from that -time continued to be the Painters’ Hall. Dying soon after, he was buried -in the church of St. Vedast, at the west end of Chepe; and his will was -proved on the 2nd December following.”[542] - -This will, and the documents in connection with the transference of the -house to the Paynter-Stayners, make us acquainted with the names of many -of the English painters at work in London at that period. He left all -his books of arms and badges and books of tricks of arms to his -apprentice, Rychard Bygnalle, as well as painting materials and other -materials at cost price to a second apprentice or “servaunte,” John -Childe. To Richard Calard and John Howell, both brother painters, he -left his best “prymmer” and a doublet respectively. Among other English -painters mentioned in the deed of September 21st, 1532, were Andrew -Wright, who succeeded him as serjeant-painter, Christopher Wright, -Richard Rypyngale, Richard Laine, Thomas Alexander, John Hethe, Richard -Gates, Thomas Crystyne, William Lucas, Richard Hauntlowe, and Robert -Cope. A later conveyance (of 1549) adds the names of several members of -the Wysdom family, and David Playne, Thomas Ballard, Thomas Uncle, -Thomas Cob, Thomas Spenser, John Feltes, William Wagynton, William -Cudnor, Richard Flint, Richard Wright (probably a son of Andrew), and -Melchior Engleberd, a foreigner who had become naturalised.[543] - -Walpole[544] mentions John Browne’s portrait as still preserved in -Painter-Stainers’ Hall, but it is not a contemporary work. It represents -him attired in the gown and gold chain of an alderman, and was probably -painted some time after the Great Fire of 1666, to take the place of an -earlier one that had been destroyed. - -Andrew Wright succeeded John Browne. On June 19, 1532, he received a -grant of the “reversion of the office of the King’s serjeant-painter, -with an annuity of £10 out of the small custom and subsidy of tonnage -and poundage in the port of London, as the said office was granted by -patent 12th March, 18 Hen. VIII, to John Browne.”[545] In the King’s -accounts for February 1532 he appears, in the phonetic spelling of the -day, as “Andrewe Oret,” receiving on the 20th of that month £30 for -“painting of the King’s barge, and the covering of the same.”[546] -During 1532 he was at work in Westminster Palace. Thirty-one painters -were occupied there upon a large wall-painting of the Coronation of -Henry VIII, “made and set out in the Low Gallery by the orchard, as also -upon the outsides of the walls of the New Gallery.” Both Englishmen and -foreigners were engaged. Isaac Lebrune, who appears to have been the -foreman painter, received a shilling a day; John Augustyne and Nic. -Lasora, tenpence; William Plasyngton, sevenpence; and Robert Short, -sixpence. Andrew Wright’s share was the gilding of the gallery roof, -including the painting and gilding of four “cases of iron for -clockis,”[547] the latter being very similar to at least one piece of -work undertaken by Holbein in Basel shortly after his return from his -first visit to England. - -In a list of debts, dated 1536, owing by Queen Anne Boleyn at her death, -occurs the name of “Androw, paynter,” for 29_s._ 4_d._, which probably -refers to Wright;[548] and on the 29th September 1539, his name, as the -King’s painter, appears in the Great Wardrobe accounts as one of the -royal creditors.[549] Again, on the 17th July in that year (1539) he is -mentioned in Thomas Cromwell’s accounts as Andrew Wryte or Wryght, “for -things done at my Lord’s stallation,” as Knight of the Garter, £21, -7_s._;[550] while in May 1541 he is paid by warrant, out of the King’s -household expenses, £39, 6_s._ 8_d._ “for the painting of certain coats -of arms for the heralds at arms.”[551] - -Wright died in the same year as Holbein, but a few months earlier, and -his will was proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury on the 29th -May 1543. “He left estates at Stratford-le-Bow, at ‘the Gleane’ in the -parish of St. Olave, Southwark, ‘the Bottle’ in Bermondsey, and at -Cowden, in Kent, where he had a manufactory of ‘pynck.’ (Pink was a -vegetable pigment, answering to the _giallo santo_ of the Italians, and -_stil-de-grain_ of the French.) He desired to be buried, like his -predecessor, Browne, in the church of St. Vedast, and requested his -friend Garter (Christopher Barker) to be overseer of the will, a -circumstance which testifies to his connection in business with the -College of Heralds.”[552] He left £40 and all his vessels and apparatus -for the making of pink to his eldest son, Christopher, and £40 to the -younger son, Richard, and £4 a year so long as he lived with his mother. - -[Sidenote: THE HORNEBOLT FAMILY] - -John Hethe, or Heath, another member of the Painter-Stainers’ Company, -one of the painters to whom John Browne’s house was consigned, was also -in the royal employment, and was very probably one of the men engaged at -Nonsuch Palace.[553] His will is dated 1st August 1552, and in it he -leaves to his elder son, Lancelot, “my frames, tentes, stoles, patrons, -stones, mullers, with the necessaries belonging or appertaining to -Payntour’s crafte,” and to his second son, Lawrence, “all my moldes and -molded work that I served the Kinge withal,” while to each of his -apprentices he bequeathed 6_s._ 8_d._ and a grindingstone, and to his -Company 20_s._, “to make them a recreation or banket ymmediatlye after -my decease.”[554] Among the list of the things which he wished to be -left in his house so long as his wife dwelt there, he mentions “pictures -in tables,” which at first sight would seem to indicate that he -occasionally painted pictures. It is more likely, however, that these -were works by other artists, for, like his brother painter-stainers, he -appears to have been chiefly a decorator and a maker of moulded and -coloured work for house-fronts and royal residences such as Nonsuch and -other more temporary purposes, such as masques and revels, and the -ornamentation of buildings erected for particular occasions, which were -pulled down when done with, while the moulded work was preserved for -future use. The more valuable of these moulds were often kept in leather -cases made on purpose for them. - -Of far greater importance as artists, and more dangerous rivals to -Holbein in his search for work in England, were the numerous Italians -and Netherlanders at that time settled here, and, in most instances, -attached to the Court. The most important group of painters of the -latter nationality were the three members of the Hoorenbault, Hornebolt, -or Hornebaud family, Gerard, Lucas, and Susanna. This family belonged to -Ghent, and from the first years of the fifteenth century had been -painters and masters of the Guild of St. Luke. The exact relationships -of the three are not entirely clear. Walpole rolled the two men into -one, and called him Gerard Luke Horneband.[555] Mr. Nichols[556] -suggests that Luke was Gerard’s elder brother, and that Susanna was -their sister. Mr. Wornum[557] regarded Gerard as the father of the other -two. - -There are several Hoorenbaults named Lucas in the lists of the masters -of the Ghent Guild—one in 1512, who was sub-dean in 1525; another who -was admitted in 1533, and was sub-dean in 1539; and a third Lucas, the -son of Lucas, admitted in 1534.[558] The name Gerard does not occur in -the lists, but in the communal accounts for 1510-11, there are payments -to Gheraerd Hurebaut, scildere, for painting a plan of part of the town -of Ghent and its neighbourhood. He painted altar-pieces for the church -of St. Bavon, designed vestments, and was employed as an illuminator of -books by Margaret of Austria at Antwerp and Mechlin.[558] Albrecht Dürer -met him at Antwerp in 1521, when on his journey through the Netherlands, -and noted in his diary—“Item, Master Gerhart, Illuminator, has a young -daughter, about eighteen years of age, her name is Susanna; she has made -a coloured drawing of Our Saviour, for which I gave her a florin; it is -wonderful that a woman should be able to do such a work.” - -[Sidenote: THE HORNEBOLT FAMILY] - -This Gerard was married to Margaret Svanders, of Ghent, daughter of -Derich Svanders and widow of Jan van Heerweghe.[558] She died at Fulham -on 26th November 1529 in the house of her daughter Susanna, who was then -the wife of John Parker, the King’s bowman and a yeoman of the robes, as -may be gathered from a brass plate with a Latin inscription in Fulham -Church, in which her husband is spoken of as Gerard Hornebolt, the most -noted painter of Ghent.[559] There is no evidence to show that it was -this Gerard who came to England, and Mr. Cust’s surmise is probably -correct,[560] that the Lucas, Gerard, and Susanna who were employed at -Henry’s Court, were the children of Gerard and Margaret Hoorenbault. -Luke was always in receipt of a higher salary than Gerard from the royal -purse, his monthly wages being 55_s._ 6_d._, whereas Gerard only -received 33_s._ 4_d._ This would hardly have been the case had the -latter been his father. Luke was probably the elder brother. The elder -Gerard was dead in Ghent in 1540-1, when his son Joris was served as his -heir. His wife Margaret seems to have been only in England on a visit to -her daughter and son-in-law when she died at Fulham in 1529. The three -Hornebolts, as their name was anglicised, appear to have arrived in -England only a year or two before Holbein. The exact date of their entry -into Henry’s service cannot be ascertained, as, unfortunately, none of -the royal household accounts prior to October 1528 have been preserved, -and in that month both Luke and Gerard are entered as receiving the -salaries mentioned above. - -Both Vasari and Lodovico Guicciardini (1567) speak of Lucas Hurembout as -a well-known illuminator of Ghent, and state that his sister Susanna was -so renowned for similar work that she was induced to come to England by -Henry VIII, where she was in great favour at the Court, and died here -rich and honoured. Immerzeel in his _De Levens en Werken der Hollandsche -en Vlaamsche Kunstschilders_ (1842) says that she married an English -sculptor named Whorstley, and died at Worcester, but upon what authority -he based this statement is not known. - -Luke Hornebolt received a grant of denization by patent dated 22nd June -1534, in which he is described as a native of Flanders, with licence to -keep in his service four journeymen or covenant servants, born out of -the King’s dominions, notwithstanding the statute of 14 & 15 Henry VIII -to the contrary. By a second patent of the same date he received a -“grant of the office of King’s painter, and of a tenement or messuage in -the parish of St. Margaret in Westminster, an empty place on the east -side of the same tenement, the south of which looks upon the hermitage -of St. Katherine, and the north part on a tenement lately built by the -Crown.”[561] He died in London in May 1544; his will, which is dated 8th -December 1543, was proved on 27th May 1544. He received his wages up to -April in that year, but in May is entered as “Item, for Lewke -Hornebaude, paynter, wages nil quia mortuus.” In his will he calls -himself Lucas Hornebolt, “servante and painter unto the Kinges -majestie,” and requests to be buried where it shall please his friends -in the parish of St. Martins-in-the-Fields beside Charing Cross. He -leaves his wife, Margaret, possibly an Englishwoman, and his daughter, -Jacomyne, his executrices, with two-thirds of his property to the former -and one-third to the latter. Richard Airell was appointed overseer of -the will, and William Delahay and Robert Spenser were the witnesses. - -Nothing is definitely known as to the paintings produced by these three -artists in England, though it is very possible that certain of the -numerous portraits of Henry VIII still in existence were painted by Luke -and Gerard, and that some of the miniatures of him were from the brush -of Susanna, all such paintings, in earlier days, being attributed to -Holbein. The portrait of Henry VIII in Warwick Castle, and similar -versions in Kimbolton Castle, St. Bartholomew’s Hospital, and elsewhere, -are now generally ascribed to one or other of the Hornebolts. The -last-named version is dated 1544, so that Holbein could not have painted -it. Another version, belonging to the Marquis of Bute, was said by Dr. -Waagen, who saw it at Luton House, to be “exactly like the picture by -Holbein at Warwick Castle, only less finished. If by Gerard Horebout, as -stated here, it is a copy from Holbein.” - -The very fact that tradition attached the name of an almost unknown -artist to this picture of the King, in the days when it was the fashion -to regard every portrait of Henry VIII as a work of Holbein’s, is -sufficient to suggest that the tradition is in all probability the -correct one. “When tradition,” says Mr. Wornum, “notwithstanding the -mischievous activity of presumptuous ignorance, has still handed down -works with comparatively obscure names attached to them, the fact alone -should go a great way towards its confirmation as truth.”[562] Dr. -Waagen, however, never hesitated to discard such attributions, and often -saw Holbein in pictures which more modern criticism has shown could not -have been from his brush. - -Lucas is said to have given Holbein his first instructions in -miniature-painting, and no doubt all three members of the family were -miniaturists and illuminators, and were employed in producing the small -portraits of the King and the members of his family so often required by -Henry for sending abroad as gifts to other reigning monarchs or as -presents to subjects whom he wished to honour. Thus, in the summer of -1527, the King sent, through his representative in Paris, portraits of -himself and the Princess Mary to Francis I. Whether these were -miniatures or not is uncertain, but upon the backs of them were painted -various royal devices, which were explained to the French King, who -“liked them singularly well, and at the first sight of Henry’s -‘phisonamye’ took off his bonnet, saying he knew well that face, and -further, ‘Je prie Dieu que il luy done bone vie et longue.’ He then -looked at the Princess’s, standing in contemplation and beholding -thereof a great while, and gave much commendation and laud unto the -same.”[563] These two portraits may have been painted by one or other of -the Hornebolts. - -[Sidenote: MINIATURES OF THE KING IN DEEDS] - -More than one deed of the period, preserved in the Record Office, is -ornamented with an initial letter containing a portrait of Henry VIII. -Thus, on one confirming to Wolsey’s College at Oxford all the -possessions granted to them by the King, dated 5th May 1526, there is a -fine miniature of Henry in the initial letter done by an artist of -considerable ability.[564] Other deeds having reference to the -Cardinal’s College at Ipswich have the royal miniature and arms, as well -as Wolsey’s arms and insignia, beautifully tricked by some foreigner; -and another, dealing with the same college, with a miniature of the -King, the royal supporters, &c. &c., with an architectural column by the -side of the initial letter, and an angel bearing the letters “H.R.”[565] -These are all of the year 1528, while another, dated 1st January 1529, -is illuminated in the same way, and is equally well done.[566] In an -account of Wolsey’s for preparing these deeds for the college there is -an item: “For vellum and making great letters for my Lord his patents, -13_s._” Also “To Hert, for vellum, parchment and drawing of great -letters, 39_s._ 2_d._” The writing appears to have been chiefly done by -Stephen Vaughan, for which he received £6, 17_s._ 9_d._, and among the -payments made to several people “for writing,” there is mention of one -“Gerarde,” who was very possibly Gerard Hornebolt.[567] It is, -therefore, not unlikely that Lucas and Gerard were responsible for the -miniatures at the head of such deeds. Who “Hert” or Hart, was, who drew -the “great letters,” there is so far no evidence to show, but he was -probably an Englishman. - -The work of Lucas Hornebolt as a painter of portrait-miniatures, and his -almost certain identity with the “Master Lukas” who first instructed -Holbein in this branch of art, is dealt with in a later chapter. In -April 1532 he received the grant of a royal licence to export 400 -quarters of barley, in which he is called “Luke Hornebolt, a native of -Flanders;”[568] and in 1536-7 (28 Hen. VIII), in connection with some -revels and masques at Hampton Court, occurs the item, “To Lucas -Horneholte, painter, for painting with black upon paper, of 3 bulls and -3 small rolls, 5_s._”[569] Among the presents received by the King on -New Year’s Day, 1539, was a fire-screen from Lucas Hornebolt, which is -entered in the royal accounts thus: “By Lewcas paynter a skrene to set -afore the fyre, standing uppon a fote of woode, and the skrene blewe -worsted.”[570] He was given in return a gilt cruse weighing 10½ oz., and -his servant who delivered it 6_s._ 8_d._, Holbein and Antonio Toto -receiving similar presents at the same time. - -Gerard Hornebolt’s service in the royal household was of shorter -duration than Luke’s. Up to May 1531 his name always occurs in the -treasurer’s accounts in conjunction with his brother, but there is a -break in the records from that date until Lady Day 1538, the household -books for that period having disappeared, and from October 1538 Luke’s -name alone appears. His death is not recorded, as it was the custom to -do when salaries were concerned, by some such entry as “wages nihil quia -mortuus,” as was done in the case of his brother Luke in 1544; so that -it is probable that he returned to Ghent at some date between 1531 and -1538, leaving his brother and sister permanently settled in England. In -this connection it is interesting to note that in a list of payments -made by Sir Richard Wingfield in Calais between the 8th January 1513 and -the 21st November 1514, there is an entry of £33, 6_s._ 8_d._ paid to -“the glazier of Antwerp (possibly Galyon Hone) for glazing the great -east window in St. Nicholas’ Church, Calais, by the King’s command,” and -that 25_s._ was paid “to a painter of Gaunt for taking the portraiture -of the King’s visage to be set in the said window.”[571] The name of the -elder Gerard may be suggested as the artist employed for this purpose, -as one of the leading painters of Ghent. It does not follow from the -entry that the drawing was supplied by some painter then settled in -England, while the small fee paid almost precludes the possibility that -an artist was sent over specially from Calais to London to sketch the -King; but Gerard Hoorenbault appears to have been resident in Antwerp at -about that time (1513), and the commission may have been given him by -the Antwerp glazier who was carrying out the work. - -In addition to Susanna Hornebolt, two other skilled Netherlandish -miniaturists of her sex came over to England during the later years of -Henry VIII’s reign. What little is known of Livina Teerlinc, or Terling, -as she was called in this country, is given in a later chapter.[572] -Nothing is known about the second miniaturist, Katherine Maynor or -Maynors, except that she received a patent of denization in November -1540, in which she is described as a “widow, painter, born at Antwerp in -Brabant.”[573] She may, perhaps, have been some relation of Henry -Maynert, painter, one of the witnesses to Holbein’s will; or even the -widow of the John Maynard who, with John Bell, was employed upon the -painting of Henry VII’s tomb. - -[Sidenote: JOHANNES CORVUS] - -Another notable painter from the Low Countries who was a contemporary of -Holbein’s in England, was Johannes Corvus, of Flanders, whose style of -painting can be judged by two well-authenticated portraits—that of -Richard Foxe, Bishop of Winchester, in Corpus Christi College, Oxford, -of which college he was the founder; and that of Princess Mary Tudor, -sister of Henry VIII and widow of Louis XII, painted in 1532, when she -was the wife of Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolk, which was lent to the -Exhibition of Early English Portraiture at the Burlington Fine Arts Club -in 1909 by Mr. H. Dent-Brocklehurst (No. 28). A similar manner of -painting is to be found in a series of portraits of Princess Mary Tudor, -afterwards Queen, including the one in the National Portrait Gallery, -dated 1544, which is attributed to Corvus in the catalogue. This picture -has much resemblance to a portrait of a Tudor princess, possibly Queen -Elizabeth, belonging to Mrs. Booth, of Glendon Hall,[574] which has -always borne the traditional name of Katherine Parr. To this group may -be added the portrait of Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk, in the National -Portrait Gallery.[575] If the portraits of Queen Mary are by Corvus, he -may be identified with some certainty as the “one John that drue her -Grace in a table,” for which he received £5 in 1544, as noted in the -Princess Mary’s Privy Purse Expenses. - -“Corvus,” says Mr. Cust, “may be safely identified with one Jan Raf, or -Rave, who was admitted to the Guild of Painters at Bruges in 1512, and -with the “Jehan Raf, painctre de Flandres,” who in 1532 painted for -Francis I “une carte ou est figuré les villes et pays d’Angleterre,” and -in 1534, “ung pourtraict de la ville de Londres dont il a ci-devant fait -présent au dict Seigneur.” These entries show that Jehan Raf was sent to -England from France, possibly more than once. The fact that no portraits -are attributed to him in England between 1532 and 1544 may be accounted -for by his return to France during the supremacy of Holbein, after whose -death he found an opportunity of establishing himself at the English -Court.”[576] - -With regard to Guillim Stretes, the Dutchman, Gerlach Fliccius, or -Garlicke, as he is termed in the inventory of the pictures in Lumley -Castle made in 1590, and the clever painter who used the monogram H.E., -whose true identity as one Hans Eworthe or Eewouts has been recently -discovered by Mr. Lionel Cust by means of the same inventory,[577] as no -works of theirs have been so far discovered in this country having a -date prior to that of Holbein’s death in 1543, consideration of them is -reserved until a later chapter dealing with Holbein’s successors. - -Among the foreign painters and sculptors who found employment in England -under Henry VIII, the Italians were by far the most numerous, though the -inducements offered were not sufficiently alluring to artists of the -highest rank, such as were to be found from time to time at the French -Court. Many of them, no doubt, were brought over by the various merchant -representatives of the leading Italian business houses, such as the -Bardi, the Cavalcanti, the Corsi, the Frescobaldi, and others. Italian -workmen were frequently employed upon buildings, more particularly in -the south-east of England, where Italian handiwork and influences can be -easily observed, as at Hampton Court, Sutton Place, Layer Marney, East -Bursham, and elsewhere, both in the use of terra-cotta, plaster-work in -ceilings and friezes, arabesque work in mullions and mouldings, and in -other directions. On more than one house the stone figures and carvings -were the work of master workmen brought over from Italy, while the few -good Tuscan sculptors employed by Henry VIII exercised considerable -influence upon the English craftsmen with whom they worked—an influence -which did not immediately die away upon their departure. - -The first Italians to come over were chiefly sculptors and makers of -ornaments, workers in marble and alabaster and plaster. The few painters -who accompanied them were of much the same type as their English -contemporaries, decorators of houses, and makers of heraldic designs, -colourers of sculpture and painters of banners and badges, though -probably more skilful than the English, and capable on occasion of -painting a picture. - -The first of the sculptors employed was Guido Mazzoni, or Paganino, of -Modena, known here as Master Pageny, who was entrusted with the task of -designing and erecting the tomb of Henry VII and his wife, for which -that monarch had left very elaborate instructions. Paganino was chosen, -no doubt, on account of the fame of his tomb of Charles VIII at St. -Denis.[578] His design, however, was not to Henry VIII’s liking, so that -the commission was taken from him and given to Pietro Torrigiano of -Florence. In an estimate for the making of this tomb drawn up in 1509, -the names of the several artificers it was proposed to employ are -given.[579] Among them were Humphrey Walker, the founder, Nicholas Ewen, -the coppersmith and gilder, John Bell and John Maynard, the painters, -and Robert Vertue, Robert Jenyns, and John Lobons, the King’s three -master masons. In it Paganino is termed “Master Pageny.” Several of -these men were employed on the tomb later on under Torrigiano’s -directions. - -[Sidenote: PAGANINO AND PIETRO TORRIGIANO] - -Pietro Torrigiano, born in Florence in 1472, studied as a young man in -the academy founded by the elder Lorenzo de’ Medici, under Bertholdo, -where he broke Michelangelo’s nose in a quarrel, and was forced to fly -to Rome. There he was employed by Pope Alexander VI on stucco-work in -the Vatican. After an interlude spent in soldiering he returned to art, -and occupied himself in making small figures in bronze and marble, -which, together with numerous drawings and designs, he sold to -Florentine merchants, who probably sent some of them over to their -representatives in London. In a cause tried before the Council at the -Palace of Greenwich in 1518 between Pietro di Bardi and Bernardo -Cavalcanti, Torrigiano appeared as a witness, which shows that he was -closely connected with them, and it was, no doubt, upon their -recommendations that he was persuaded to come to England, possibly for -the very purpose of designing Henry VII’s tomb.[580] Vasari says that in -England “did Torrigiano receive so many rewards, and was so largely -remunerated that, had he not been a most violent, reckless, and -ill-conducted person, he might there have lived a life of ease, and -brought his days to a quiet close.” - -The work on the tomb was begun in 1512, the date of the indenture -between Torrigiano and the King being 26th October of that year. He -appears to have been resident in the precinct of St. Peter’s, -Westminster, for some time before that date, making preparations and -engaging workmen, and also working on the beautiful monument to the Lady -Margaret Beaufort, Henry VII’s mother, who was buried in the Abbey on -the 30th June 1509. Other works of his in England include the fine -monument to Dr. John Younge, Master of the Rolls, in the Rolls Chapel, -erected about 1516-7, and perhaps the monument to Sir Thomas Lovell in -the priory of Holywell in Shoreditch. In such works as these Torrigiano -reached a very high pitch of excellence. - -The tomb of Henry VII was finished in 1518, and so delighted Henry VIII, -that he at once commissioned the Italian to design one for himself and -Queen Katherine, of white marble and black touchstone, which was to be -one-fourth larger than the one just finished, and not to cost more than -£2000. It was to be placed in a separate chapel, adorned with frescoes, -and Torrigiano returned to Italy to engage competent workmen and artists -to assist him. “Benvenuto Cellini narrates that when he was about -eighteen years old, there came to Florence a sculptor named Piero -Torrigiani, who arrived from England, where he had resided many years. -Happening to see Cellini’s drawings, Torrigiano told him that he had -come to Florence to enlist as many young men as he could, for he had -undertaken a great work for the King, and wanted some of his own -Florentines to help him. As the work included a great piece of bronze, -he thought that Cellini would be useful for that purpose. Cellini, who -did not accept the offer, remarks on Torrigiano’s splendid person and -most arrogant spirit, and how he talked every day about his gallant -feats among those beasts of Englishmen.”[581] - -Torrigiano returned to England in 1519 or 1520, bringing several Italian -artists with him, but for some reason—possibly a dispute—his contract -for Henry VIII’s tomb was never carried out. He thereupon left England -for Spain, where he is said to have gained a great reputation, but, -quarrelling with the Duke d’Arcos, to whom he had sold a statue of the -Virgin, he broke it to pieces with a hammer. This brought him within the -clutches of the Inquisition, and he is said, according to legend, to -have starved himself to death in prison in Seville in 1522, through rage -and grief. This story, however, appears to be largely imaginary. - -[Sidenote: ANTONIO TOTO AND VINCENT VOLPE] - -For the work on Henry VIII’s tomb in England he had enlisted the -services of a young painter called Antonio Toto del Nunziata, of -Florence, who, together with one Antonio di Piergiovanni di Lorenzo, -sculptor, of Settignano, made a contract with Torrigiano in September -1519, to work with him for four and a half years in France, Italy, -Flanders, England, Germany, or any other part of the world.[582] Toto -either stayed behind in London when his master went to Spain, or -returned to England from that country on Torrigiano’s death, and -remained in the King’s service for many years; but there is no record to -show what became of Antonio di Lorenzo. Before giving a short account of -Toto, a few words must be said of the Neapolitan, Vincent Volpe, who -appears to have been the first of the Italian painters regularly -employed by Henry VIII. Much of the work he undertook was of a -decorative character, of the same nature as that carried out by John -Browne, Andrew Wright, and other members of the Painter-Stainers’ -Company. - -Volpe was often engaged upon work for the royal navy. The first -reference to him in the State Papers occurs in the year 1512, in an -account for the painting of ships’ banners. Among the payments made was -one “to Mr. Domynyke Cyny, clerk, in reward for the use of Vincence of -Naples and Alexe of Myllen, painters, £6, 13_s._ 4_d._”[583] In April -1514 he was at work with John Browne and others on the royal ship _Henry -Grace à Dieu_, for which “Vincent Vulp, painter, by the King’s command,” -painted and made various streamers and banners, one with a dragon, one -with a lion, one with a greyhound, and so on.[584] In June of the -previous year he received £30 for similar work for seven ships, his name -being entered in the King’s Book of Payments as Vincent Woulpe.[585] - -In June 1516, as Vincent Volpe, he appears to be definitely in the -King’s service, with a salary of £20 a year, paid quarterly.[586] Early -in 1518, his name occurs in some accounts as Vincent, the King’s -painter. He was sent to Antwerp apparently in connection with glass -designs for windows for the church or some building in Calais.[587] In -1520 he was employed at Guisnes with John Browne and others in the -decoration of the temporary buildings erected for the Field of the Cloth -of Gold.[588] He received £40 for work done or purchases made in -Antwerp, and twenty crowns (£4, 6_s._ 2_d._) for his costs in going -there. There is some uncertainty, however, about the date of these two -last accounts, and both may refer to the same journey. In May 1524 he -was employed in connection with the funeral of Sir Thomas Lovell, K.G., -to make twenty-four small escutcheons in metal, “with my master’s arms -in the garter, to be set on the altars at the interment,” for which he -received 15_s._ For the same funeral, one John Wolffe, painter, was -employed for providing stuff, £33, 3_s._[589] The name Wolffe occurs -more than once in connection with painting ships. Very possibly Vincent -Volpe is intended, or this John may have been a relation. - -[Sidenote: ALESSANDRO CARMILLIAN] - -Volpe was also one of the many artists engaged in the decoration of the -Banqueting House at Greenwich for the reception of the French envoys in -1527, dealt with in Chapter xiv., upon which Holbein also was employed. -He appears, together with John Browne, to have provided various -materials and also to have done some of the painting, for which he -received a weekly wage, the entry running, “To Italian painters, Vincent -Vulp and Ellys Carmyan at 20_s._ the week.”[590] In the treasurer’s -accounts for quarter’s wages due at Christmas 1528 he is entered as -receiving 50_s._ a quarter, but this is apparently a mistake in -transcribing, for as early as 1516 he was getting a salary of £20 a -year, and in September 1529, the larger amount is again entered against -his name, to be paid quarterly. In May 1530 he received £15, 4_s._ 9_d._ -for trimming the King’s new barge, and in December of the same year £3, -10_s._ “for paynting of a plat of Rye and Hastings”[591]—evidently a -bird’s-eye view showing the fortifications and defences, such as were -frequently made for the King. On New Year’s Day, 1532, he presented the -King with two long and two round targets.[592] He appears to have died -or to have left the country shortly after this. Mr. Nichols suggests -that it is “by no means improbable that Vincent Volpe may have been the -painter of some of those curious military pictures, something between -plans and bird’s-eye views, that are still to be seen on the walls of -Hampton Court”—the large painting of the “Field of the Cloth of Gold,” -the “Embarkation of Henry VIII from Dover,”[593] and others. - -In the entry respecting Volpe quoted above, in connection with the -Banqueting House at Greenwich in 1527, he is coupled with another -Italian painter, “Ellys Carmyan.” The latter, who was in receipt of a -regular salary from the King, it has been customary to regard as a -woman, because the Christian name is entered in the accounts more than -once as Alice. Thus in December 1528,[594] the entry for quarter’s wages -is “Alice Carmillion, painter, 33_s._ 4_d._” The writer, however, is of -opinion that Carmillian was a man. At other times the name is given as -Alys, Ellys, Alye, and other variations, and the surname is spelt -Carmillion or Carmillian. This artist is more often described as a -“millyner” than as a painter. The payment quoted above immediately -precedes that of Volpe in the accounts, and the two painters were -usually employed together at this period. In the payments for ships’ -banners in 1511,[595] Volpe is joined with one Alexe of Myllen, painter. -This Alessandro of Milan is evidently the same person as Ellys or Alys -Carmillian; the change from Alexe to Alys is an easy one, and Bryan -Tuke’s spelling of foreign names in his accounts is characterised by -remarkable variety. It is not likely that a woman would be employed upon -such work as the painting of a building; and the term “millyner” occurs -much more frequently in recording payments to men than to women in the -royal accounts. Mr. Digby Wyatt suggests that the name was Elisa -Carmillione, Milanesa, and that she was a Milanese miniaturist.[596] It -has been suggested, too, that this painter was a relative of Peter -Carmeliano, of Brescia, the poet, Latin secretary to Henry VII and one -of the King’s chaplains, who became lute player to Henry VIII.[597] - -Carmillian was one of those who supplied materials for the work carried -out at Westminster Palace in 1532. One of the entries in connection with -this runs: “To Elys Carmenelle, of London, painter, for 200 Flemish -paving tiles, 30_s._”[598] On New Year’s Day 1529 he, or rather his -servant, received a reward of 10_s._ in return for his gift to the -King.[599] Carmillian’s salary was only £6, 13_s._ 4_d._ a year, paid -quarterly.[600] - -Antonio Toto, who, as already noted, was brought over to England by -Torrigiano, was an artist of greater capabilities than Volpe and -Carmillian. He spent nearly forty years in England, and throughout the -whole of the time appears to have been in the royal service. He usually -worked in conjunction with another Italian painter, Bartolommeo Penni, -their names almost always appearing together in the Household Accounts. -Toto was the son of one Toto dell’ Nunziata, a painter of Florence of -some standing, a maker of “puppets,” and a great practical joker, as -Vasari relates. The son was a fellow-pupil with Perino del Vaga in -Ridolfo Ghirlandajo’s studio. Toto took part with his master in painting -a Madonna and Child in the church of San Pietro Scheraggio, a building -no longer in existence. Vasari says that he was taken to England by some -Florentine merchants, and there executed all his works, “and by the King -of that province, for whom he wrought in architecture (as well as in -sculpture and painting), and for whom he built his principal palace, was -most handsomely rewarded.” - -The “principal palace” referred to by Vasari was evidently Nonsuch, near -Cheam, in Surrey, which was begun in 1538 by Henry VIII, who acquired -the site, previously called Cuddington, in that year. The original and -principal structure was of two storeys, the lower being of substantial -and well-wrought freestone, and the upper of wood, “richly adorned and -set forth, and garnished with a variety of statues, pictures (_i.e._ -coloured figures in relief), and other artistic forms of excellent art -and workmanship, and of no small cost”—it is thus described in the -survey of the Parliamentary Commissioners in 1650.[601] This singular -building remained in good condition for more than a century, and was -described by both Evelyn and Pepys in 1665. The former says that the -plaster statues and basso-relievos “must needs have been the work of -some celebrated Italian.” Pepys speaks of the same features as “figures -of stories and good painting of Rubens or Holbein’s doing.” In the -earliest account of it, published in Braun’s _Urbium Præcipuarum Mundi -Theatrum Quintium_, in 1583, it is stated that Henry VIII “procured many -excellent artificers, architects, sculptors, and statuaries, as well -Italians, French, and Dutch as natives, who all applied to the ornament -of this mansion the finest and most curious skill they possessed in -their several arts, embellishing it within and without with magnificent -statues, some of which vividly represent the antiquities of Rome and -some surpass them.” A view of the palace by Joris Hoefnagel accompanied -this account, which gives an excellent idea of the building before the -additions were made to it by Lord Lumley. - -If Vasari is to be believed, Toto was the chief architect of this -building; in any case, it may be taken for granted that he was one of -the leading Italians employed there. In the royal accounts he is always -spoken of as “paynter,” but the term included the makers of works in -coloured plaster, with which the exterior of Nonsuch was covered. -“Toto’s earliest education,” says Mr. Digby Wyatt, “had specially fitted -him for dealing with such an infinity of allegorical and quasi-pictorial -sculpture as that with which we shall find Nonsuch to have been adorned; -since his father, in whose ‘bottega’ he was first brought up, obtained -his nickname of ‘Nunziata’ from his annually furnishing all the quantity -of imagery with which the feast of the Annunciation was wont to be set -forth in a tangible shape at Florence.”[602] - -[Sidenote: TOTO AND PENNI] - -“Antony Toto and Barthilmewe Penne” first appear in the Household -Accounts in 1530, “upon several warrantes being dated the iiijth day of -June, anno xxij, for their wages, after the rate of xxv _li_ a year to -every of them, to be paid unto them quarterly, & during the Kinges -pleasure.”[603] Thus each received £25 a year, the payment for the two -being always entered in one account, £12, 10_s._ each quarter, and -22_s._ 6_d._ each annually for their livery coats. On one occasion the -scribe has confused them, and has entered them as “Anthony Pene and -Bartilmew Tate.”[604] There are some interesting items concerning Toto -in the Hampton Court Accounts,[605] from which we learn that in addition -to his work as an architect and decorator he was employed as a painter -of pictures. Thus, in 1530, there is an entry: “To Antonye Tote, -painter, for the painting of five tables standing in the King’s -library—First, one table of Joachim and St. Anne. Item, another table, -how Adam delved in the ground. Item, the third table, how Adam was -droven out of Paradise. Item, the fourth table, of the burying of our -Lord. Item, the fifth table, being the last table, of the burying of our -blessed Lady. The said Antonye taking for the said five tables, by a -bargain in great, £6, 13_s._ 4_d._” Toto was also a restorer of old -pictures, for on the same page is the following: “Item, to the said -Antonye for sundry colours by him employed and spent upon the old -painted tables in the King’s privy closet, 13_s._ 4_d._”; and again, -“also paid to Antoyne Tote, painter, for the painting of four great -tables—that is to say, one table of our [Lady] of Pity; another table of -the four Evangelists; the third of the Maundythe [the feet-washing on -Maundy Thursday?]. The fourth [title omitted]. The said Antonye taking -for the said tables, by a bargain with him made, by great, 20_l._ soll.” -These entries show that painters at Henry’s Court received separate -payment for pictures and other special works, and that their salaries -were in the nature of retaining fees. They also received a daily wage -when engaged on work of some duration, as can be gathered from several -quotations from the accounts already given. In 1530 Toto was engaged in -this way at one shilling a day, and with him were associated Philyp -Arkeman (10_d._), Lewes Williams (9_d._), and John Devynk (3_d._). The -work consisted of “new painting and gilding certain antique heads -brought from Greenwich to Hanworth at the King’s commandment, and new -garnishing of the same.” In June 1532 he was employed upon a similar -job: “Also paid to Anthony Tote and John De la Mayn, the King’s -painters, for their wages, coming from London to Hanworth for to see the -finishing and setting up of certain antique heads new painted and -gilded, either of them by the space of three days at xii_d._ the day, -for themselves and their horses.”[606] These were the terra-cotta -roundels modelled by Giovanni da Maiano, the John De la Mayn of the -accounts, which appear to have been painted and gilded by Toto. - -[Sidenote: ANTONIO TOTO, SERJEANT-PAINTER] - -On 15th January 1532 he received a special sum of £20 by the King’s -commandment, for some service not mentioned.[607] He became a -naturalised Englishman in 1538, his patent of denization being dated -26th June in that year. In it he is described as a native of Florence, -in the Emperor’s dominions.[608] In the same year he was employed by -Cromwell on some work at Havering, for which he was paid 51_s._ 1_d._ on -26th May.[609] On the 28th November 1538 he and his wife Helen received -a grant in survivorship of two cottages and land in Mycheham (Mitcham), -near Nonsuch, which was to be held by payment of a red rose at St. John -Baptist’s Day annually.[610] On the following New Year’s Day he -presented the King with a “depicted table of Calomia” (the Calumny of -Apelles)[611]; and on the 1st of January 1541 a “table of the story of -King Alexander.”[612] On the 14th of April 1541 he obtained a licence to -import 600 tuns of beer,[613] and on the 2nd December 1542 he received a -lease of the manor of Ravesbury, in Surrey, which belonged to Sir -Nicholas Carew, attainted, for forty years, at £42, 6_s._ 8_d._ -rental.[614] - -Toto succeeded Andrew Wright as the King’s serjeant-painter in 1543, and -he continued to hold the same position throughout the reign of Edward -VI, and in that capacity he provided the tabards for the heralds, and at -the coronation of Edward furnished all materials required by the -College, whether in satin, damask, or sarcenet, for Kings, Heralds, and -Pursuivants. He also devised patterns and painted the properties for the -court masques. Thus, at Shrovetide 1548, he received 20_s._ as a reward -for his pains in drawing patrons (patterns) for the masks, and a similar -amount a year or two later for attending the Revels and drawing and -devising for painters and others. In 1550 he supplied “antique moulded -heads” for a temporary banqueting house, and in 1552 he was employed in -preparing properties for a masque on the State of Ireland, and received -4_s._ for painting an Irish halberd, sword, and dagger, and a coat and -cap with eyes, tongues, and ears for Fame.[615] On New Year’s Day 1552 -he presented King Edward with “the phismanye of the Duke of —— (name -obliterated), steyned upon cloth of silver, in a frame of woode,” for -which he received in return a gilt salt with cover weighing a little -over nine ounces. He was still serjeant-painter at the death of Edward -VI, and for the King’s funeral had an allowance of seven yards of black -cloth, with three more for his servant.[616] It is to be supposed that -the numerous pictures Toto presented to Henry VIII and his son were of -his own painting, though there is no actual proof of this; his chief -works in England appear to have been architectural and decorative. - -His fellow-worker, Bartolommeo Penni, another Florentine, may possibly -have come with him to England in 1519. He was, in any case, settled in -London and in the service of the King in the summer of 1522, for in a -valuation of the lands and goods of the inhabitants of London of that -date, he is entered in the parish of St. Martin Orgar as “Bartholomew -Penny, stranger, in fees of the King yearly, £25.”[617] Penni may -possibly have been a brother of Gian Francesco Penni, called Il Fattore, -one of Raphael’s pupils, and of Luca Penni.[618] The latter was at work -for some years at Fontainebleau under Rosso, and, according to Vasari, -afterwards repaired to England; but there appears to be no foundation -for this statement, Vasari having probably confused him with -Bartolommeo.[619] In the royal accounts his name is always coupled with -that of Toto when his quarterly salary is paid, but otherwise there is -no record of him, except his patent of denization, dated 2nd October -1541, in which he is described as a subject of the Duke of -Florence.[620] For some reason Penni did not sue for the letters patent -for more than a year later, when the King’s style and great seal had -been altered, so that by the Lord Chancellor’s command they were not to -bear date until the 28th January 1543, and a fine of 13_s._ 4_d._ was -inflicted. Beyond this, nothing is known about him, but the work he -undertook for the Crown must have been of a similar nature to that done -by Toto. - -[Sidenote: ROVEZZANO, MAIANO, AND BELLIN] - -Two Florentine sculptors of note, Benedetto da Rovezzano and Giovanni da -Maiano, were at work here throughout the whole of Holbein’s sojourn in -England. It is probable that they were brought over by Wolsey on purpose -to work on the great tomb and monument he was erecting for himself in -the tomb-house at St. George’s Chapel, Windsor, and after Wolsey’s fall, -when Henry VIII seized upon the materials and such of the work as had -been finished and proceeded to adapt it for a tomb of his own, the two -sculptors were retained in the King’s service, though Benedetto, at -least, was anxious to return to Florence before Wolsey’s downfall. Their -names occur constantly in the royal accounts. Rovezzano is sometimes -entered as “Benedict, the King’s tomb-maker.” Giovanni da Maiano was a -noted worker in terra-cotta, and Wolsey employed him on such work at -Hampton Court. On the 18th June 1521 he rendered an account to Wolsey -for ten roundels of terra-cotta (_rotundæ imagines ex terra depictæ_) at -£2, 6_s._ 8_d._ each, and three histories of Hercules at £4 each, “for -the Palace at Anton Cort.”[621] These were the roundels already spoken -of in connection with Toto. Maiano was one of the artists associated -with Holbein in the decoration of the Greenwich Banqueting House, in the -accounts of which he is entered as John Demyans. He was in the royal -service, and received a salary of £20, being entered in October 1528 as -“John Demayns, gravour.”[622] In 1526 his name occurs in the accounts of -Thomas, Lord Rocheford. “To Mane, the painter, for making the pattern of -your seal of arms, 3_s._ 4_d._,” and it was as a seal-engraver that he -was largely engaged at the Court. In Cromwell’s accounts the two -sculptors are sometimes entered as Benedict Rovesham or Rovesame and -John de Manion or Manino. Their work on Henry’s tomb appears to have -gone on until 1536, when the project was abandoned for a time. Both men -seem to have left England shortly afterwards. - -Nicolas Bellin of Modena was one of the most prominent of the Italian -artists engaged at the English Court during the latter half of Holbein’s -residence in England. Mr. Lionel Cust[623] suggests that “the similarity -of name would lead to a possible identification of this Niccolo with -Niccolo dell’ Abbate da Modena, who arrived in France after the -accession of Henri II, and took an important share in the decorative -paintings at Fontainebleau, where he died in 1571”; but the latter, who, -as a painter, was by far the more important artist of the two, did not -reach France from Italy until 1552, whereas Bellin had been in the -employment of Francis I as early as 1517.[624] - -Bellin was a designer and worker in plaster. He is called in the English -accounts both “carver” and “moulder,” as well as “paynter.” His name -appears in the French royal accounts between 1517 and 1533, and M. -Dimier infers from lack of any later reference to his name, that he died -shortly after the latter date; but he had, in reality, moved over to -England. He took a considerable share in the decoration of -Fontainebleau, where he worked under Primaticcio, and perhaps under -Rosso, upon the ornamental borders and decorations in plaster and stucco -with which the various wall-paintings were surrounded. “All visitors to -Fontainebleau,” says M. Dimier,[625] “carry away a recollection of the -extraordinary mixture of painting and sculptured ornament displayed in -the gallery. The high relief and the abundance of the stucco, which hems -in the pictures on all sides and in places even overlaps their edges, -make a unique and inspiring effect, in which the balance of the two arts -would have been disturbed if Rosso had not scattered among the stuccos -little cartouches of painting and placed grounds of gold behind them -charged with paintings in varied colours.” This was the kind of work -upon which Bellin was employed in France, as can be gathered from the -following entry in the “Account of Nicolas Picart,” which was lot 466 in -the sale of the late Sir Thomas Phillips’ collections, 1903: “A Nicolas -Bellin dit Modène, painctre, la somme de cent livres tournois ... pour -cinq mois entiers qu’il avoit vacqué et besongné avec Francisque de -Primadicis dit de Boullongne, aussi painctre, es ouvraiges de stucq et -paincture encommancez à faire pour le roy nostre dit seigneur, en sa -chambre de la grosse tour de son chasteau au dit Fontainebleau, à 20 -livres par mois.”[626] - -[Sidenote: NICOLAS BELLIN OF MODENA] - -By 1538 he was already in the service of the King of England, for in -December in that year he received a quarter’s wages, on a warrant dated -on the previous 21st April, at the rate of £10 a year, and 20_s._ a year -for his livery.[627] He is styled Nic. (Nicolas) de Modecio, but in the -following March (1539) he appears as Nicholas de Modena.[628] Bellin did -not come to England entirely of his own free will. He was, in fact, -obliged to fly from France, and the King and his ministers made every -effort to get him back again. Francis I wrote to Marillac, his -ambassador in London, on 10th September 1540,[629] drawing his attention -to the fact that some time earlier he had demanded “a subject and -servant named Modena, who should be confronted with the president -Gentils (also spelt Gentilz and Jentill) upon certain malversions he had -made, but he has not been sent,” and Marillac is ordered to make lively -remonstrances thereupon. From the ambassador’s reply,[630] of a week -later, it is to be gathered that Modena, who is described as one of the -accomplices of the President Gentilz, had been delivered by Henry’s -Council, in the spring of 1538, to the Bishop of Tarbes, then -representing Francis in London, but had not been permitted to be sent to -France, “as he was a native of Italy, although of Milan, which, they -knew, belonged to Francis.” Marillac is afraid that the same reasons -will again be alleged against his extradition, and in writing to -Montmorency, the Grand Constable, on the same date,[631] says that he -will make representations to the King’s Council touching Modena, “about -whom they are sure to make difficulty, as he is an Italian.” Sir John -Wallop, the English ambassador to France, also wrote about the matter to -Henry VIII, informing him that Modena was wanted “about an account of -100,000 crowns of which President Jentill beguiled the King.”[632] Henry -in his answer said, “as for Modena, he (Francis) never demanded him as a -traitor according to the treaty, yet Henry gave him up to the French -ambassador (the Bishop of Tarbes) at his request, and the latter -afterwards put him at liberty.”[633] The Council wrote to the same -effect, saying, “the King is not bound to deliver him, as he is not a -French subject, but born in the duchy of Milan, being in the Emperor’s -hands. And the King said that when the French King should be Duke of -Milan he would be ready to observe the treaties.”[634] In a final letter -to Francis on 21st October 1540, Marillac calls Modena a “painter and -sculptor,” and says that “the King said he would not speak of Modena -until justice had been done in his own case” (_i.e._ the detention in -France of Blanche Rose).[635] A further interesting reference to Modena -is to be found in a long letter from Wallop to Henry VIII, written from -Melun on 17th November 1540, in which he describes a visit to -Fontainebleau and an interview with Francis.[636] The letter also shows -how keen an interest the two kings took in one another’s building -operations, and their willingness to assist one another with materials -and designs. Francis asked Wallop many questions about Hampton Court, -and said that he had heard that Henry used much gilding in his houses, -especially in the roofs, but for his part he preferred natural wood, “as -ebony, brasell, &c., which was more durable; he would show me -Fontainebleau, especially his gallery there. He has found mines of -marble nigh the sea-side, white at Marguyson, and black at Sherbroke -(Cherbourg), and you might have some for nothing if you liked to send -for it; also divers moulds of antique personnages that he hath now -coming out of Italy, with which he shall have done within three or four -months.” Wallop then describes a visit to “Fountayne de Bleawe” on the -following Sunday, when the King showed him the “antycall borders” in his -bedchamber, helping him to mount a bench that was too high for him, in -order that he might examine them more closely. Francis afterwards showed -him the Gallery, which Wallop describes, and refers Henry to “_Modon, -who wrought there at the beginning_,” for details. One side of the -gallery, he says, “is all antique of suche stuff as the said Modon -makith your Majesties chemenyes.”[637] Such things, he adds, would suit -the gallery at St. James’s, and the French King would gladly give the -pattern. - -By a warrant of 14th January 1540[638] the wages of “Nicholas de Modeno” -were increased to £20 a year, and on 3rd October 1541 he received a -patent of denization, with licence to have two apprentices and four -journeymen or “covenant servants,” in which he is described as “Nic. -Bellin, a native of the city of Modena, in Italy, in the dominions of -the Duke of Ferrara.”[639] According to Mr. Nichols,[640] on New Year’s -Day 1534, among the royal rewards was one “to Nicolas Modena, that -brought the King a story of Abraham,” 6_s._ 8_d._ (_i.e._ to his -servant). This is not given in the abstract in the State Papers, but, if -correct, would seem to prove that Modena was in England some years -before he was regularly employed in the royal service, and earlier than -the letters with reference to his extradition suggest. The last year in -which he is mentioned in the French accounts is 1533, which agrees with -a possible arrival in England towards the end of that year, when he -might seek to draw attention to his abilities by presenting a picture to -the King. There appears, however, to be no further reference to him -until 1538. - -[Sidenote: NICOLAS BELLIN OF MODENA] - -In the autumn of 1546 he was engaged upon work for some Revels at -Hampton Court, arranged for the entertainment of the Admiral of France, -for which he received £15. “Nich’as Modena, paynt’, for garments of here -(hair) upon lether, for wildme’, to s’ve for torcheberers, w^{th} thayr -hed peces, staves, and clubbes, taken in great for all, 15_li._”[641] -These wildmen were satyrs or savage green-men, so much in vogue in mimic -entertainments of this period. Modena was also engaged in freshening up -and altering a certain Mount, used in some Revels for the Coronation -festivities of Edward VI, this mount being probably the same apparatus -for a pageant which had been employed some forty years before, in the -reign of Henry VIII, and had been laid up in the store of the Master of -the Revels as a valuable piece of machinery. The entry runs:[642] “To -Nych’as Modena, stranger, for as well his owne wages and 22 other -carvers’ wages, workeing upon the mouldyd w’ke appertayning to the -mount, as also for clay, plaster parys, sewett, whyte paper, flower, -glewe, syes, wax, here, colis (coals) for drying, with other -necessaries.” It will be noticed that he is still termed stranger, -though possessed of a patent of denization. - -In the following year, at Shrovetide 1548, he is termed -“moulder”—“Nicholas Modena, moulder, for 6 heads of heres (hair) for -masks a’ 10_s._, 60_s._; trimming, color^g, and lyning 16 vysowres, at -12_d._, 16_s._”[643] In the roll of New Year’s gifts 1552, received by -the King, is an entry showing that he presented a picture. “By Modeno a -feire picture paynted of the Frenche King his hoole personage, sett in a -frame of wodde,” and there was given in return “To Modeno, an Italian, -oone guilte salte with a cover,” weighing x oz. iij qrt’ di.” Another -picture by him, the portrait of a boy, was in the Arundel Collection, -and is entered in the 1655 inventory as “Ritratto d’un fanciullo,” by -“Nicolo da Modena.” - -At the funeral of King Edward VI, “Modena, maker of the King’s picture,” -received four yards of black cloth, and he is mentioned again as -“Nicholas Modena, kerver, four yards.” The “King’s picture” referred to -in this extract was not a painting, but the coloured effigy carried and -displayed on the King’s coffin, as was the usual custom. Machyn, in his -Diary, in his account of the same funeral, uses the term “picture” for -the effigy—“then the chariot covered with cloth of gold, and on the -chariot lay a picture, lying richly with a crown of gold, and a great -collar, and a sceptre in his hand, lying in his robes, and the garter -about his leg, and a coat in embroidery in gold.”[644] Modena’s share in -this effigy would be the modelling of the head in the likeness of the -King. Sir George Scharf[645] suggested that the very beautiful little -whole-length figure of Henry VIII, carved in buff honestone, belonging -to Mr. H. Dent-Brocklehurst, last exhibited at the Burlington Fine Arts -Club in 1909 (Case A, No. 28), was the work of Nicolas Modena. It was -apparently founded on Holbein’s Whitehall painting of the King. “It has -evidently been painted, as traces of blue and crimson on the dress still -remain in some of the hollows.” Sir George drew attention to the -similarity of this exquisite piece of work, in its wooden frame, to -Modena’s gift to Edward VI of the fair painted picture of the French -king, whole length, set in a frame of wood, mentioned above. - -[Sidenote: GIROLAMO PENNACCHI DA TREVISO] - -Another Italian painter of considerable distinction who was in England -during the latter part of Henry’s reign, was Girolamo Pennacchi da -Treviso, son and pupil of Piermaria Pennacchi, born at Treviso in 1497, -an imitator of Raphael, who worked chiefly at Bologna, Venice, and -Genoa, and, so Vasari relates, came to England mainly on account of his -unsuccessful rivalry with Perino del Vaga.[646] According to the same -authority he was a good portrait-painter, and in England received -encouragement and patronage from the King. “In his service he exercised -his talents as architect and engineer. He erected buildings in the -Italian style which delighted and surprised the King beyond measure, who -constantly loaded him with gifts, and assigned him a stipend of 400 -scudi a year, giving him leave also to build himself a handsome house at -the King’s own expense. Girolamo lived most happily, and in the utmost -content, thanking God and his good fortune for having placed him in a -country where his merits were so well appreciated. But this unusual -happiness did not last long; he went in his capacity of engineer to -inspect the fortifications of Boulogne, during the siege, where a -cannon-ball struck him lifeless off his horse. He thus died in 1544, at -the early age of thirty-six.”[647] He painted chiefly in fresco, so that -little of his work remains. There is an important example of his art in -the National Gallery, No. 623, an altar-piece painted for the Boccaferi -Chapel in the Church of San Domenico at Bologna, representing the Virgin -and Child enthroned, with SS. Joseph, James, and Paul, which was -formerly in the Solly and Northwick collections. There is no other work -in this country which can be pointed out as being with any certainty -from his brush, but Sir George Scharf was of opinion that the striking -full-length portrait of Sir Thomas Gresham at the age of twenty-six, -dated 1544, in Mercer’s Hall, is, by its superior merit and its -accordance in many respects with the style of Girolamo, in all -probability by that painter, and also the portrait of the Earl of Surrey -at Knole, attributed to Guillim or Gillam Stretes. The portrait of Sir -Anthony Wingfield, lent by Mr. T. Humphry Ward to the Burlington Fine -Arts Club Exhibition in 1909 (No. 56, attributed to Holbein), is also -suggested, by the compilers of the catalogue, as a possible work of the -same artist. He is generally referred to in the royal accounts as -“Hierome Trevix Bollonia” or “Jeronimo Italion,” and received a salary -of £25 a quarter. It may be inferred from Vasari’s statement as to his -erecting buildings in the Italian style, that he was employed at -Nonsuch. - -In addition to these more important artists and craftsmen, a number of -minor painters, native and foreign, were at work in England during -Henry’s and the succeeding reigns, such as Nicholas Lyzarde, John Crust, -John Simson, and the three members of the Bernardi family—Theodore, -Lambert, and Anthony; but little or nothing is known about them beyond -their names, and they need no comment here. With some of the more -important men dealt with in this chapter Holbein must often have come in -contact, and with certain of the Netherlanders, such as the Hornebolts, -he seems to have been on terms of friendship. - - NOTE.—Much of the information given in this chapter about the - foreign artists who practised in England under Henry VIII is the - result of a long and careful examination, on the part of the - writer, of the _Calendars of Letters and Papers, Foreign and - Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII._ Since the final proofs of - the chapter were passed for printing, his attention has been - called to a very interesting paper on “The Italian Artists in - England during the Sixteenth Century,” read by Mr. R. W. Carden - before the members of the Society of Antiquaries on 28th March - 1912, and published in the Society’s _Proceedings_, second - series, vol. xxiv. (1911-12), pp. 171-204, issued early in 1913. - In this paper, more particularly that part of it dealing with - Bellin of Modena, Mr. Carden covers much the same ground as the - present writer, and his information is based on a similar study - of the _Letters_, &c. He gives, however, further new and - valuable details of the work and lives of Torrigiano, Toto, - Rovezzano, Maiano, and Bellin, and strives to prove that the - latter and Niccolo dell’ Abbate were one and the same man. He - also shows that Bellin, in 1551, was engaged upon the completion - of Henry VIII’s tomb, and that he was then living within the - precinct of Westminster Abbey, as Torrigiano did before him. - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - CHAPTER XIII - - THE FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND: PORTRAITS OF THE MORE FAMILY - -Holbein’s arrival in England and his reception by Sir Thomas More—The - More Family Group and the Basel study for it—The various copies of the - picture at Nostell Priory, East Hendred, Burford Priory, and - elsewhere—The Sotheby miniature—Studies for the heads in the Windsor - Collection—The portrait of Sir Thomas More—Miniature of More in the - late Mr. Pierpont Morgan’s Collection—Portrait of Lady More—Margaret - Roper—Drawing of unknown lady in the Salting Collection—Portrait at - Shere said to represent Margaret Roper. - - -THE date of Holbein’s arrival in England can be fixed with some -certainty. The letter of introduction he carried from Erasmus to Peter -Ægidius in Antwerp, as already pointed out, was dated 29th August 1526, -and it must have been written on the eve of the painter’s departure from -Basel. Travelling was slow in those days, and Holbein would not be in a -position to afford to make the whole journey on horseback. As he carried -letters from Erasmus, the latter may have helped him with his travelling -expenses, but no doubt the greater part of the journey would be made by -boat down the Rhine, and for the rest he would trudge on foot, the -materials of his craft on his back. - -[Sidenote: HOLBEIN’S JOURNEY TO ENGLAND] - -There is no evidence to show that he made a stay of any length in -Antwerp; nor any record of a meeting with Ægidius or Metsys, though such -meetings must almost certainly have taken place, for the former would be -likely to do everything in his power to oblige Erasmus. Woltmann -suggests that he stayed in Antwerp for at least some weeks, in order to -earn some money, while Mr. Davies thinks that he made a somewhat lengthy -sojourn in the Netherlands before coming to England.[648] “One may take -it almost for granted,” he says, “that a man of his sympathies, the -fountain of whose art had already flowed down to him by Flemish -channels, would not fail to use his opportunity for visiting the great -Flemish primitives, the Van Eycks, Memlinc, Van der Weyden, Gerard David -in their own homes. Ghent and Bruges lay at no great distance seaward, -and whether he took ship at Flushing, or chose the longer land route and -the shorter sea passage by Calais—an expensive method for one whose -pockets were as empty as Holbein’s—he would, one feels sure, have made -the pilgrimage to those two cities.”[649] - -Dr. Waagen also believed that Holbein made a considerable delay in -Antwerp, for the purpose of painting the portrait of Ægidius, now in -Longford Castle, at that time considered to be from his hand; and he -also held the theory that the “Laïs Corinthiaca” and the “Venus” were -painted on the same occasion, seeing in them a Netherlandish influence. -Mr. Davies, in a second passage, to which reference has been made,[650] -asserts that Holbein “spent several months in or about Antwerp on his -way to England in 1526.” He admits, however, that he is dealing with -mere probabilities, and it is much more likely that Holbein would waste -as little time as possible in reaching the country in which he hoped to -improve his fortunes, and would tarry only a day or two in Antwerp, in -order to make the acquaintance of Metsys; and that he then either took -ship at that port, or, which is less probable, tramped on to Calais, the -customary point of embarkation for England. He may thus have reached -London easily by the beginning or middle of October 1526. It is, in any -case, quite certain that he did not spend “several months in or about -Antwerp.” This is proved both by a letter from Sir Thomas More to -Erasmus, dated 18th December, and by the fact that the preliminary -studies, or, at least, the general study for the grouping in the More -family portrait, now in the Basel Gallery, must have been finished -before the 7th February 1527. - -Holbein, of course, would carry with him a letter of introduction from -Erasmus to More, and very possibly to Warham, Fisher, and other -correspondents of the philosopher then in England. There is no reason to -throw doubt on Carel van Mander’s statement that he was received as a -guest in Sir Thomas More’s hospitable house in Chelsea. Van Mander’s -biography contains numerous inaccuracies, although he wrote only some -sixty years after Holbein’s death; but in this instance he is probably -correct. More, who was noted for his hospitality, would welcome to his -home any friend sent to him by Erasmus, and would do all that he could -to help a foreigner, who can have had little or no knowledge of the -English language. Van Mander’s statement has been copied and amplified -by later writers until the legend runs that Holbein spent the greater -part of three years under More’s roof; but this is not at all likely to -have happened. During the painting of the great family picture, or, in -any case, while the preliminary studies were being made, and other -single portraits of members of More’s household taken, Holbein, no -doubt, remained as a guest at Chelsea, if only for the convenience of -the several sitters, but that he stayed throughout the whole of his -first English visit as More’s guest is doubtful. He would, naturally, -wish for a studio and lodging of his own, however humble, where he would -be free to do just as he liked. Whether he set up his easel in the -village hard by his patron’s house, or in London itself, where he would -find a number of compatriots, it is not now possible to say, though an -item in the royal accounts in connection with the festivities at -Greenwich in 1527[651] seems to indicate that he had settled in the -city; while, on the other hand, nearly all the portraits painted by him -at this time were of men who were among More’s most intimate personal -friends, whom Holbein would be more likely to meet in Chelsea than in -London. - -More certainly did everything in his power to help the painter. He not -only gave him commissions for single portraits of himself and his wife, -and, possibly, of his favourite daughter, Margaret Roper, but also for -the large family group already mentioned. It is to be supposed that -Holbein had carried with him some specimens of his handiwork by which -Sir Thomas could judge of his ability, and he would almost certainly -have with him proofs of the “Dance of Death” woodcuts, in themselves -more than sufficient testimony to the brilliance of his artistic powers. -Sir Thomas must also have had earlier knowledge of his skill both as a -portrait-painter and a book-illustrator, in the likenesses of Erasmus -already sent to this country, and in the various books by Erasmus and -others, including his own _Utopia_, issued by Froben and other printers -of Basel, which Holbein had helped to decorate. - -[Sidenote: MORE’S LETTER TO ERASMUS] - -In a long letter to Erasmus, mentioned above,[652] dated 18th December, -More gives a few words of praise and a promise of help to their common -friend and protegé: “Your painter, dearest Erasmus, is a wonderful -artist, but I fear he is not likely to find England so abundantly -fertile as he had hoped; although I will do what I can to prevent his -finding it quite barren.”[653] This letter, as already stated, is dated -1525 in the published letters of Erasmus, but the correct date is 1526, -as first pointed out by Mr. F. M. Nichols, F.S.A.[654] It has been -generally supposed that it was written after More had seen certain -portraits of Erasmus sent over from Basel about 1524, and that his -promise of help to the painter had reference to a projected visit to -England on the part of Holbein. Mr. Nichols, however, proves -conclusively that it was written after More had made his personal -acquaintance. “The true date,” he says, “is shown not only by the -allusion to Holbein, who was evidently in England at the time, but still -more certainly by the literary work of Erasmus mentioned in it. The -first part of the _Hyperaspistes_ (the answer of Erasmus to the _Servum -Arbitrium_ of Luther), printed in the spring of 1526, and the -_Institution of Christian Marriage_, printed in August of the same year, -are both mentioned as already published, and the second part of -_Hyperaspistes_ as expected. This last book was published at the close -of the same year, 1526, not much after the date of the letter as here -corrected.” More, therefore, wrote to Erasmus in praise of Holbein after -he had received practical proof, in the shape of his studies for the -Family Group, of what the latter was capable in the way of portraiture. - -The earliest work undertaken by the artist was the painting of this -group of his host’s family, and the several individual portraits of -certain members of the Chelsea household, of which the first would be -undoubtedly that of his new patron. - -The inscriptions on the study for the Family Group, now in the Basel -Gallery, prove conclusively that the beautiful sketch of the general -arrangement of the picture was finished, and possibly the picture itself -begun, before 7th February 1527, thus indicating that Holbein must have -started upon it with little delay. This fact is made clear through the -researches of Mr. Nichols, included in a second and earlier paper read -before the Society of Antiquaries in 1897,[655] dealing with the correct -birth-year of Sir Thomas More. It is impossible to give here even a -short summary of the evidence which he brings forward, evidence which -proves that More was born on 7th February 1477, a year earlier than the -date until then supposed to be the correct one. He then proceeds to show -the bearing of this new year-date upon the Basel sketch. The sketch has -the name and age of the persons represented in it written against each -figure, and it is important to observe that there is a strong -probability that these inscriptions were written or dictated by More -himself. They are correctly written in Latin, while the painter’s notes -on the same drawing are in German; and, as Mr. Nichols says, the -information, including on the one hand the age of More’s venerable -father, and on the other that of his domestic fool, could scarcely have -been furnished by any one but More himself. Woltmann recognises the -handwriting as undoubtedly that of More from its remarkable resemblance -to the address on the letter held in the hand of Peter Ægidius in the -Longford Castle portrait, which More declared was copied quite as -closely as he could have copied it himself. - -[Sidenote: BASEL STUDY FOR THE FAMILY GROUP] - -In the Basel sketch he has written above his own portrait, _Thomas Morus -anno 50_—that is, _anno quinquagesimo_, “in his fiftieth year”—and, -according to the corrected birth-date, Sir Thomas was in his fiftieth -year from 7th February 1526 to 7th February 1527, which proves that the -big picture had been completely planned out, and probably well advanced, -before the latter date. In support of this contention, it will be found -that not only the age of More himself, but that of other members of his -family where they can be verified, point to the same date. Thus, -Erasmus, who prided himself on his remarkable memory for the ages of his -friends, says that John More, Sir Thomas’s only son, was just about -thirteen in the summer of 1521, so that he would be in his nineteenth -year in the autumn and winter of 1526, which is the age attributed to -him on the sketch; while the dates of the birth and death of John More’s -wife, Anne Cresacre, are known, and tally with the “anno 15” on the same -drawing. More’s eldest child, Margaret Roper, is described as in her -twenty-second year, and though the precise date of her birth is not -known, the marriage of her parents took place in the twentieth year of -Henry VII (21st August 1504-21st August 1505), which is consistent with -her birth at any time between the summer of 1505 and the 7th February -1506, and therefore with her being in her twenty-second year at the date -attributed to the sketch. It appears, therefore, that the evidence of -all these inscriptions either confirms that date or is not inconsistent -with it. - -This proves that the Family Group was the first work undertaken by -Holbein in England, and that in the intervals of painting the larger -picture he was engaged upon a single portrait of Sir Thomas More and -upon others of certain of the latter’s friends. - -Unfortunately, the picture itself, if ever completed by Holbein, has -disappeared. “For nothing,” says Walpole, “has Holbein’s name been -oftener mentioned than for the picture of Sir Thomas More’s family. Yet -of six pieces extant on this subject, the two smaller are certainly -copies, the three larger probably not painted by Holbein, and the sixth, -though an original picture, most likely not of Sir Thomas and his -family.”[656] - -The Basel sketch (No. 345)[657] (Pl. 74), upon which the various -pictures still in existence are based, affords the most faithful record -we possess of the great work itself, now lost, or buried under the -handiwork of some inferior painter. It represents a large apartment with -a group of ten persons, with two smaller figures seen through an open -door in a room at the back. Sir Thomas More is seated in the centre of -the group, dressed in long robes, his hands concealed in a muff. In -attire, attitude, and expression the sketch agrees very closely with the -portrait of More in the possession of Mr. Edward Huth. On his right -hand, to the spectator’s left, is seated his old father, Sir John More, -a judge of the King’s Bench (anno 76), looking straight out of the -picture. By Sir John’s right side stands Margaret Gigs (anno 22), a -relative of the family, afterwards married to Dr. John Clement. She has -a book in her left hand, to which she points with her right, as though -emphasizing a passage she is reading to the old man, towards whom she -stoops. In front of her, and still further to the spectator’s left, the -outside member of the group, stands Elizabeth Dancey (anno 21), More’s -second daughter, with a book under her arm, drawing on her glove. - -On the opposite side, on the spectator’s right, in the foreground, is a -group of three, which includes More’s second wife, Alice Middleton (anno -54), on the extreme right, kneeling on a prie-dieu, with a chained -monkey by her side jumping up against her dress; Margaret Roper (anno -22), More’s eldest and favourite daughter, seated on the ground on a low -stool in front of her stepmother, an open book held in her lap, gazing -in front of her, as though lost in thought over the volume she has been -reading; and Cecilia Heron (anno 20), the youngest girl, seated behind, -and partly concealed by her sister, with a book and rosary in her hand, -and her head turned as though speaking to Lady More. In the centre, -behind Sir Thomas, stand, on the right, his only son, John More (anno -19), looking down, absorbed in a book, and on the left, Anne Cresacre, -his betrothed, a girl in her fifteenth year. The group is completed by -the bluff figure of Henry Patenson, More’s jester, who stands to the -right of More’s son, with arms akimbo in the favourite fashion of Henry -VIII. Over his shoulder, through a doorway, with a kind of porch of open -woodwork which projects into the apartment, are seen the heads of the -two small figures mentioned above. The room in which the group is placed -is probably the dining-hall. On the left there is a sideboard reaching -to the ceiling, with a flower-vase, tankards, and silver plate. On the -sill of a window on the opposite side of the room there are a jug, a -candlestick, and some books. The wall at the back in the centre is -covered with a curtain, in front of which a clock with weights is -hanging, and a violin near it. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 74. - - -[Illustration: - - STUDY FOR THE MORE FAMILY GROUP - _Drawing in Indian ink, with corrections and inscriptions in brown_ - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: THE NOSTELL PRIORY PICTURE] - -The whole arrangement is of a somewhat formal and stately character, and -both in the attitudes and occupations of the figures indicates a house -of learning; even in the foreground books are scattered all over the -floor. This masterly sketch, small as it is, is full of character. Each -figure has marked individuality, and Holbein, with a few slight touches -of his pencil, has in every case given a most truthful likeness, as may -be proved by comparison with the larger studies of seven of the heads -now in the Windsor Collection. From this brilliant study it is quite -possible to gain a very adequate idea of how splendid the finished -picture must have been, if, indeed, Holbein ever completed it. Whether -the Basel drawing was merely Holbein’s first arrangement of the -grouping, hastily done, or a drawing made at More’s request from the -outlined design on the canvas for the purpose of sending it to Erasmus, -is uncertain; but, in any case, the portraiture of all the heads, which -are only sketched in a few lines, is complete and striking, and every -touch stamps it as the work of one who was a master before he had -reached his thirtieth year. - -There are various copies of this great family picture in England, mostly -of late origin and showing numerous differences. The only one which has -any real claim to be considered the original work is the large canvas -belonging to Lord St. Oswald at Nostell Priory, near Wakefield, which -has been for many years in the possession of the Winn family (Pl. -75).[658] Most writers have identified it with the picture mentioned by -Carel van Mander, whose book was first published in 1604, as seen by him -in London in the possession of Andries de Loo, who had collected a -number of Holbein’s works. “This lover of art,” he says, “had a large -canvas, painted in water-colours, on which was depicted, as large as -life, from head to foot, the learned and famous Thomas Morus, with his -wife, sons, and daughters, all magnificently arrayed, a piece worthy to -be seen and highly extolled.” On De Loo’s death, he continues, it was -purchased by one of More’s grandsons, who was also named More. According -to the family history, however, the buyer was the son of Margaret Roper, -of Well Hall, Eltham, near Blackheath, where it still remained in 1731, -when it was carefully described by the Rev. J. Lewis. It eventually -passed by marriage to Sir Rowland Winn, of Nostell Priory, the ancestor -of the present owner. Van Mander, it will be noted, says that this -picture was in water-colours, or tempera, on canvas, which, if true, -seems to indicate that it was not the work now at Nostell Priory, though -repeated repairing and varnishing may have rendered the method of its -painting uncertain to decide. Van Mander’s account of Holbein’s career -is by no means free from inaccuracies, but the evidence seems to point -to the fact that his history of the picture is substantially -correct.[659] - -There are considerable but, with two exceptions, not very important -differences between the Nostell Priory picture and the Basel sketch. The -latter is seen at once to be a first study for the grouping of the -former, to which the artist adhered closely in almost all points. In the -first place, it is interesting to note that the only two alterations -suggested on the sketch itself, in Holbein’s own handwriting—“Dise soll -sitzen” (she is to be sitting), placed against Lady More, and -“Klafikordi vnd ander Sithespill vf dem bank” (harpsichords and other -instruments on a shelf), to the left on the wall at the back, close by -the cupboard or sideboard, where only a violin is hanging in the -sketch—have both been carried out in the completed picture, though in -the end the painter put the instruments on the sideboard in place of the -silver plate, instead of on a shelf. - -The two chief points in which the finished picture deviates from the -sketch are the change in the positions of Elizabeth Dancey and Margaret -Gigs, and the introduction of More’s “famulus,” John Heresius or Harris, -who stands in the doorway at the back, with a roll of parchment in his -hands, while beyond him, in the farther room, is a man standing at a -large bay-window, holding a book which he is reading. The positions of -Elizabeth Dancey and Margaret Gigs have been reversed. The former now -stands next to Sir John, while the latter has taken her place on the -extreme left, and, instead of stooping, stands upright, looking in front -of her, but with her right hand still pointing to the open book in her -left. Her head-dress is less elaborate than in the Basel sketch, and -follows closely the plain white hood she is shown as wearing in the -beautiful study at Windsor, erroneously inscribed “Mother Jak.” Two dogs -are also introduced—a “cur-dog” at the feet of Sir John, and a “Bologna -shock” at the feet of Sir Thomas, to quote from Mr. Lewis.[660] The -various accessories in the room have also been to some extent changed, -both on the sideboard and on the window-sill on the right. The titles of -the books are given in most cases. Thus Margaret Roper holds open -Seneca’s _Œdipus_ at the chorus in Act iv., Elizabeth Dancey has -Seneca’s _Epistles_ under her arm, while _Boetius de Consolatione -Philosophiæ_ is on the sideboard. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 75. - - -[Illustration: - - THE MORE FAMILY GROUP - Lord St. Oswald’s collection - NOSTELL PRIORY -] - -[Sidenote: THE NOSTELL PRIORY PICTURE] - -The critics are by no means agreed as to the merits of this picture. Dr. -Waagen came to the conclusion that it was nothing more than an old copy, -yet he dated it as about 1530 on technical grounds, due to the redness -of the flesh tints, which he regarded as a characteristic of Holbein’s -painting at that period—a strange conclusion to reach after giving it as -his opinion that it was only a copy. Passavant, Vertue, and Walpole -considered that it was made up by some inferior painter from Holbein’s -separate studies of the heads. “As the portraits of the family,” says -Walpole, “in separate pieces,[661] were already drawn by Holbein, the -injudicious journeyman stuck them in as he found them, and never varied -the lights, which were disposed, as it was indifferent in single heads, -some from the right, some from the left, but which make a ridiculous -contradiction when transported into one piece.”[662] Wornum’s opinion -was that “the picture is without question unequal in its parts, some -portions certainly being unworthy of Holbein; others, though much -better, still bear no trace of the great master’s hand; the want of -finish, too, is in parts apparent. The dogs are very bad, especially the -foremost one; notwithstanding all this, however, there may be a genuine -Holbein groundwork beneath.”[663] Woltmann, who saw it when it was in -the National Portrait Exhibition of 1866, agreed with Waagen that it was -only a good old copy. “Still this large picture is in a high degree -interesting. Though the hand that copied it betrays, indeed, an able but -in nowise clever painter, though the coldness of the execution is -apparent in the unattractive accessories, still it shows us, to a -certain extent, with what careful and delicate study the original -picture had been executed.”[664] - -The late Mr. F. G. Stephens examined the picture very carefully in 1880, -and embodied the result of his study in one of his series of articles on -“The Private Collections of England,” published in the _Athenæum._[665] -He came to the conclusion that certain portions were undoubtedly from -the brush of Holbein, but that upon the greater part of the canvas he -had merely sketched or pounced in the design, which had then been -finished by some other painter not skilled enough to follow up with any -success the lines laid down by the greater master, who for some unknown -reason had abandoned the completion of the work. At the same time he was -of opinion that even the parts which he attributed to Holbein by no -means remained in the state in which he left them. His final conclusion -was that Holbein left the canvas with only one head, that of Sir Thomas -More, nearly finished; certain other heads—of Judge More, and the group -of three on the right, Margaret Roper, Cecilia Heron, and Lady More—far -advanced in execution, and one or two others in the background carried -only a little further than the designing stage. Beyond this Holbein did -not go; the remainder was left in outline, subject to correction to be -made as the work proceeded. The man engaged to complete the picture -covered the canvas as well as he could, but failed to retain any of the -beauty of Holbein’s original design, or to introduce the generalising -and systematic light and shade with which Holbein would have brought -each part into harmony, or even to transfer to the canvas the animated -portraiture and other high qualities of the cartoons which were -available for that purpose. Most of the figures are of extreme -disproportion, heads being too large for the bodies, and bodies too -large for the legs, while the actions are awkward, and many of the faces -lack animation and intelligence. The dogs are so bad that Mr. Stephens -was of opinion that they were added even later by a third and still less -skilful painter. On the other hand, he regarded the head of More as “a -marvellous rendering of insight into human character, reproducing with -extreme subtlety the utmost energy of thoughtfulness as marked on a -visage where a far-seeing, vigorous soul has, so to say, written itself -in every line and feature, and manifested itself in those penetrative -yet meditating eyes, those fine thin lips, and affected the fine reserve -of every lineament.” - -[Sidenote: THE PICTURE LEFT INCOMPLETE] - -This solution is possibly the correct one. All the other versions of the -picture in existence are based on the Nostell Priory example. The Basel -sketch was not available for the purpose, having been sent to Erasmus, -and it is far from likely that all these works were copied or adapted -from some original painting by Holbein now lost. At the death of Sir -Thomas More much of his property was seized by the Crown, but even if -such a picture were taken from the family, it does not follow that it -would be destroyed. Thus there is every probability that the version -seen by Van Mander in the collection of De Loo was the original picture, -and that it was the one now in Nostell Priory. The most natural -supposition is that Holbein was unable to finish it through want of -time. He was back in Basel not later than the summer of 1528, as on the -29th August of that year, exactly two years from the date of Erasmus’ -letter to Ægidius, he purchased a house in that city. As a citizen of -Basel he must have obtained leave of absence before starting for -England, and such leave would probably be for two years only, with -penalties attached to it if he failed to return in time. His stay in -England cannot have lasted much more than eighteen months, and during -that period he was very busily occupied. As already shown, the Basel -sketch for the big picture must have been made before 7th February 1527, -on which day More was fifty years old. Curiously enough, on the day -following, 8th February, Holbein started upon an important work of -decoration, described below,[666] which occupied his entire time from -that date until early in April, and for which he received payment from -the royal purse. During the remainder of his first English visit he was -engaged upon a number of portraits, including those of Sir Thomas More, -Lady More, Archbishop Warham, Sir Henry Guldeford and his wife, the -Godsalves, Kratzer, and possibly one or two others, such as Fisher, -Reskimer, and Bryan Tuke, while in the intervals between these -commissions he was, no doubt, busily at work upon the heads of the -Family Group. His recall to Basel may have been peremptory, and so have -forced him to leave in a hurry. In any case, he must have parted on good -terms with More, for he was entrusted with the Basel sketch for delivery -to Erasmus as a present from the author of the _Utopia._ Very possibly -he promised to come back in order to finish the picture, but when a year -or two had passed by without sign of his return, Sir Thomas, having -given up all hope of seeing him again, may have decided to get it -finished by some other painter. When the Nostell Priory picture was -carefully cleaned some thirty-five years ago, it was found to be dated -1530, a date which well agrees with this theory. The same date, 1530, is -on the Basel sketch, but it is below the drawing and by a later hand, -and may have been added by some one who had knowledge of the date on one -or other of the versions of the picture in England, or from the -supposition that More was fifty in that year. The sketch was badly -engraved by Nicolas Cochin in the _Tabellæ Selectæ_ of Caroline Patin, -published in 1691, and on this engraving no date is given. Von Mechel -engraved it in 1794 in his _œuvres de Jean Holbein_, with the date 1530, -so that it was added to the drawing between these two dates. Von Mechel -gives both a facsimile of the original sketch and an engraving which he -inscribes “Ex tabula Joh. Holbenii in Anglia adservata”; but none of the -alterations which Holbein, according to his written notes on the sketch, -proposed to carry out in the finished picture, are shown in this -engraving, which proves that it was not copied from any original -painting. Dr. Woltmann discovered Mechel’s model in a sepia drawing in -the Gothic House at Wörlitz, which is evidently a copy of the original -Basel design, executed long after Holbein’s time, and bearing some -written notices in Lavater’s hand.[667] - -A careful description is given by Mr. Wornum[668] of the various -versions of the picture still in existence, all of which are based on -the Nostell Priory example. Two of them were originally of the same size -as the latter, which is 8 ft. 4 in. high by 11 ft. 8 in. wide. One of -these in Walpole’s time was at Barnborough in Yorkshire, the seat of the -Cresacres, and in 1867 in the possession of Mr. Charles John Eyston of -East Hendred, Berkshire; and the other, a similar work, was formerly at -Heron in Essex, the seat of Sir John Tyrrell, and afterwards in the -collection of Lord Petre at Thorndon, near Brentford. - -[Sidenote: THE BURFORD PRIORY VERSION] - -The East Hendred version measures 7 ft. 8 in. high by 9 ft. 9½ in. wide. -At some time or other it had suffered from damage or decay on the -right-hand side, and has been cut down to fit a panel, so that the -figure of Lady More and her monkey and the more advanced of the two -dogs, together with the window and the vase of flowers, have -disappeared. With the exception of these changes and a few other -unskilful repairs, this picture is in the main identical with the one at -Nostell Priory, though very inferior to it. The Thorndon picture is also -on canvas, and is 8 ft. 3 in. high by 11 ft. 2 in. wide. It is in a -better state than the East Hendred example, and is copied from the same -source, with slight changes. There is only one dog, Lady More is seated -in a large scarlet arm-chair, and there are slight differences in the -minor details, while Sir Thomas is shown with a moustache. Both these -pictures are coarsely painted, and have little but an historical -interest.[669] Wornum also describes a picture on canvas, 4 ft. 7 in. by -3 ft. 9 in., of Sir Thomas and his father, the latter in his scarlet -robes, at Hutton Hall,[670] which was lent to the Tudor Exhibition, 1890 -(No. 150), by Sir Henry Vane, Bt., and is apparently copied from the -central portion of the Nostell Priory canvas, with the addition of a -coat of arms, and two original inscriptions over the heads, and the date -1530. Sir Thomas’s age is given as 50 (Ætatis 50), but Sir John’s as 77, -instead of “Anno 76” as in the sketch. Otherwise, in all these pictures, -the ages of the sitters agree with the sketch, though the latter was -done in 1527 and the former in 1530. This may be perhaps explained by -the fact that Sir Thomas wished the ages to be kept as they were at the -time when the studies were made, rather than when the picture was -completed by another hand. - -One other version of importance was in Walpole’s day at Burford Priory, -Oxfordshire, the seat of William Lenthall, the Speaker (Pl. 76 ),[671] -who purchased the estate from Viscount Falkland, together with the -pictures in the house. This version of the Group, before the Speaker -owned it, had been in the possession of the Mores, at Gubbins, in -Hertfordshire. By what means it passed into the hands of Lenthall, says -Walpole, is uncertain. He is said to have purchased a number of pictures -from the royal collections at Whitehall and Hampton Court, but the More -Family Group did not come from that source, nor was it acquired from -Viscount Falkland, for, according to Dallaway (note to Walpole, vol. i. -p. 91), it was described by Aubrey in 1670 when in Lenthall’s earlier -home at Besselsleigh, Berks, who says that it had an inscription in -golden letters of about sixty lines. It was bought in at the Lenthall -sale at Christie’s in 1808 for one thousand guineas. It reappeared in -the saleroom in 1833, when it fetched only one hundred guineas, and came -into the possession of the Strickland family of Cokethorpe Park, -Ducklington, Oxfordshire, and, later on, passed from them by marriage to -the Cottrell-Dormer family. A few years ago it was under consideration -by the Trustees of the National Portrait Gallery, but was not purchased, -and, finally, it made a third appearance at Christie’s on 26th February -1910, when it was acquired by Sir Hugh P. Lane for nine hundred and -fifty guineas. It measures 7 ft. 6 in. high by 11 ft. wide, and is dated -1593.[672] It contains eleven figures, and is made up from the original -composition and portraits of later members of the family. Seven of the -figures of Holbein’s group have been pushed to the spectator’s left, the -ones omitted being Lady More, Margaret Gigs, Patenson, and the -secretary, Harris. Elizabeth Dancey has been moved to the centre, behind -and between her two seated sisters. The right side of the picture -contains a group of four people of a later generation, the Chancellor’s -grandson, Thomas More, and his wife, Maria Scrope, and their two sons, -the elder of whom was the Thomas More who wrote the life of his -great-grandfather. In the background there is a sideboard on the left, -as in the Basel sketch, with two vases of flowers, and musical -instruments, and the hanging clock is shown in its original position in -the centre; but on the left the framed portrait of a lady has been -introduced. In addition, coats of arms have been painted above seven of -the heads without regard to the background itself. In an account of the -Priory and its contents, communicated to the _Gentleman’s Magazine_ for -August 1799 (vol. lxix. pt. 2, p. 644), by an anonymous correspondent, -who describes the big picture in some detail, the portrait hanging on -the wall is said to represent the wife of Sir John More. There is a -large miniature painting of the picture, which was in the Tudor -Exhibition, 1890 (No. 1087),[673] lent by Major-General F. E. Sotheby, -and attributed to Peter Oliver, as it was by Walpole, who says: “The -painter of this exquisite little piece is unknown, but probably was -Peter Oliver.”[674] The picture and the miniature do not agree, however, -in all the details. The latter includes twelve figures, for Patenson is -introduced in the background peeping through a curtain in the centre. -Only two coats of arms are shown, over the heads of Sir Thomas More and -his father, and on the right-hand side, behind the later group of -portraits, in place of the wall with the lady’s portrait there is an -open archway through which is seen the Mores’ walled garden at Chelsea -and a distant view of London. According to the _Dictionary of National -Biography_, the large picture was the work of Rowland Lockey, who was -working about 1590-1610. He was a pupil of Nicholas Hilliard, and was -extolled by Richard Haydock (1598) and Francis Meres (1598) as among the -eminent artists then living in England. It is stated in Nichol’s -_History of Leicestershire_[675] that he painted “a neat piece in oil, -containing in one table the picture of Sir John More, a judge of the -King’s Bench, _temp._ Henry VIII, and of his wife, and of Sir Thomas -More, lord chancellor, his son and his wife, and of all the lineal heirs -male descended from them, together with each man’s wife unto that -present year.” The expression “neat,” however, would apply more aptly to -the large miniature group, and it is very possible that he was the -author of it. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 76. - - -[Illustration: - - THE MORE FAMILY GROUP - The Version formerly at Burford Priory. Now in the possession of - Messrs. Parkenthorpe. -] - -[Sidenote: THE PORTRAIT OF SIR THOMAS MORE] - -There are separate studies for the heads of seven of the sitters in the -family picture among the Holbein drawings in Windsor Castle. Sir John -More,[676] Sir Thomas, his son John,[677] his daughters Elizabeth[678] -and Cecilia (Pl. 77),[679] Anne Cresacre,[680] and Margaret -Clement.[681] These are all larger than the majority of the sketches in -the collection, and on white unprimed paper. There are two drawings of -Sir Thomas (Pl. 78),[682] which, although the face is taken from the -same point of view, are not replicas, but distinctly separate studies; -the pose is slightly different, and the hair quite unlike, and it may -perhaps be conjectured that one of them is the study made for the Group, -and the other a later study made shortly before the artist left England. - -In addition to the family picture, Holbein painted separate portraits of -Sir Thomas, Lady More, and, possibly, Margaret Roper. The portrait of -More is the well-known one belonging to Mr. Edward Huth,[683] which has -been frequently exhibited, most recently at the Burlington Fine Arts -Club in 1909 (No. 53). Before it came into the possession of the Huth -family it was in the collection of an Irish nobleman, from whom it was -acquired—in payment for a picture-cleaning bill, so it is said—by -Farrer, the picture-dealer, who sold it to Mr. Henry Huth for £1200. It -was probably the first work painted by Holbein after his arrival in -England, and finished early in 1527. It is based on the head in the -Windsor Collection, and the position corresponds with the figure in the -Basel sketch. It is a half-length, seated, three-quarters to the -spectator’s right, with dark hair, and clean-shaven, but the grey of the -moustache and beard indicated. He is dressed in black cap, black gown -lined with brown fur, with deep fur collar, and a golden collar of SS. -with portcullis clasps and Tudor rose pendant. His right elbow rests on -a table to the left, and he holds a folded paper in both hands. The -background consists of a green curtain with a gold fringe, looped back -by a gold cord. The date “MDXXVII” is inscribed on the edge of the -table. - -This noble representation of a noble man is one of the finest portraits -painted by Holbein in this country. It has suffered somewhat in the -course of time, but still remains a wonderful study of character, -penetrating in its insight. The nobility of More’s nature, the strength -of his will, the gentleness of his disposition when not roused to just -anger, the firmness of the finely-cut lips, and the penetrating glance -of his bright eyes, have been mirrored by Holbein as though in a glass. -Both the statesman and the scholar stand revealed with that searching -power of seizing the essentials of a man’s nature which is one of the -greatest qualities of Holbein’s art. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 77. - - -[Illustration: - - CECILIA HERON - _Drawing in black and coloured chalks_ - WINDSOR CASTLE -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 78. - - -[Illustration: - - SIR THOMAS MORE - _Drawing in black and coloured chalks_ - WINDSOR CASTLE -] - -A portrait of Sir Thomas was in the Orleans Gallery in 1727, and a -second was in the possession of Lord Lumley in 1590, and was sold from -Lumley Castle in 1785, to Mr. Hay, of Savile Row.[684] The latter was -probably the one now belonging to Mr. Huth, and is the original from -which so many copies have been made.[685] The panel on which it is -painted measures 29 in. by 23½ in. There are also a variety of portraits -scattered about the European museums to which the name of Sir Thomas -More has been attached erroneously. The small portrait by Holbein of Sir -Henry Wyat, father of Sir Thomas Wyat, in the Louvre, was long regarded -as a likeness of More, and is still so described in the official -catalogue.[686] There is another small panel, in the Brussels Museum -(No. 641), to which the names of Holbein and More were attached on the -frame-label until quite recently, although both ascriptions are absurd. -It represents a bearded man with one hand thrust within the folds of his -cloak, and a small book held open with the fingers of the other, and a -small dog on the table in front of him. It was recognised as the work of -some second-rate French artist more than fifty years ago, and bears not -the slightest resemblance to Holbein’s style.[687] M. A. J. Wauters -suggests that it is the work of Nicolas Denisot (1515-1559), a French -poet and painter of modest capacities, who was in England for three -years as French tutor to the three daughters of the Protector Somerset. -Under his guidance these young ladies wrote Latin elegies to Margaret of -Navarre, which were published under his editorship. A portrait of -Margaret, dated 1544, is attributed by M. Bouchot to Denisot. More -recently this work has been attributed to Corneille de Lyon, and is said -to be a portrait of Henry Patenson. There is certainly a slight likeness -between it and the head of Patenson in the Basel study for the More -Family Group. - -[Sidenote: LEGEND ABOUT A PORTRAIT OF MORE] - -A curious legend with regard to a portrait of More which Henry VIII is -said to have possessed, was contributed to the _Athenæum_ by Dr. -Augustus Jessop.[688] He found it among the papers of the Hon. Roger -North, in a somewhat elaborate “Register of Pictures” at one time in -North’s custody. In giving an account of a portrait of Pope Gregory XIV, -which his brother Montague had bought at Marseilles in 1693, he adds: -“This picture is judged to be by Pomerantius, painter to Gregory XIV, -who was in England _tempore_ Henry VIII, concerning whom the following -story is told. _The picture of Sir T. More done by Holbein_ was in -Whitehall when the news was brought to Henry VIII that Sir Thomas More -was beheaded. And the King fell into a passion upon the news, and -running to the picture, _tore it down and threw it out of the window. -And the picture in the fall broke in three pieces_; but Pomerantius, -then coming by, took it up, carried it home, and so put it together and -mended the colours that it is not to be discovered that it was ever -broke.” - -However much or however little truth there may be in this story, which -was apparently current in the seventeenth century, it is certain, in any -case, that “Pomerantius” can have had nothing to do with its rescue. -Niccolo Circignano (Il Pomarancio) was born in 1519, and would be a lad -of sixteen at the time when More was executed; nor is there any evidence -to show that he was ever in England. He appears to have spent the -greater part of his life in Rome. The account errs, also, in saying that -he was painter to Gregory XIV, for he died in 1590, aged seventy-two, in -which year Gregory XIV became Pope. North’s story is very similar to the -one told by Baldinucci.[689] The latter, who describes the picture as a -stupendous portrait, says that Henry kept it in an apartment together -with those of some other eminent men. “It happened that on the very day -of the ex-chancellor’s death (after the king had reproached her), the -wicked Queen Anne Boleyn cast her eyes upon it, and seeing the -expressive face of her enemy looking at her as if he were still -living—she never forgave his refusal to be present at her wedding—she -was seized with a feeling of either horror or remorse, and unable to -endure the steady gaze and the reproaches of her own conscience, she -threw open the window of the palace, and exclaiming, ‘Oh me! the man -seems to be still alive,’ flung the picture into the street: a passer-by -picked it up and carried it away, and eventually it found a -resting-place in Rome, where in Baldinucci’s time it was still preserved -in the Palazzo de’ Crescenzi.”[690] If this story has any foundation in -fact, it is possible that Circignano may have put the picture in order -after it reached Rome; but it can hardly have been the one belonging to -Mr. Huth, as Dr. Jessop suggested. Wornum was of opinion that this -legendary work might possibly be identified with an unnamed portrait by -Holbein mentioned by an earlier Italian writer than Baldinucci, -Francesco Scannelli, who, in an account of “an ultramontane painter -named Olbeno,”[691] after praising the portrait of Morette, then in the -gallery of the Duke of Modena, for its exact imitation of nature, says: -“A similar excellence is shown in the small portrait by the same master, -now at Rome in the possession of Monsignor Campori.” Mr. Wornum also -suggested that this small work praised by Scannelli might be identical -with the portrait of Sir Henry Wyat in the Louvre, which at the time he -was writing (1867) was generally regarded as a portrait of More. - -[Sidenote: MINIATURE OF SIR THOMAS MORE] - -Holbein’s work as a miniature painter is dealt with in a later chapter, -but while speaking of the portraits of More, it is impossible to omit -reference to the exceedingly fine miniature painting of him to which -attention was first called by Dr. Williamson.[692] It was then in the -possession of the Quicke family, of Newton St. Cyres, Devon; but in July -1905, it was sold at Messrs. Christie’s by the order of the trustees of -the late Mr. John Quicke, and passed into the collection of the late Mr. -J. Pierpont Morgan. In position, dress, and accessories it bears a close -resemblance to Mr. Huth’s picture, upon which it may have been -based.[693] It is circular, 2⅜ in. in diameter, painted on thin paper, -mounted on a playing card, and is contained in a metal and enamel frame. -On the back of the card, in a hand very little later than the date of -the portrait, is written the one word “Holben,” while on the reverse of -the frame is inscribed “THOMAS MORUS CANCELLARIVS HOLBEIN PINX.” The -background is bright blue. For close upon one hundred years it had been -in the house in Devonshire, and had attached to its frame a small scrap -of paper, on which was written, in a script of the early Stuart period, -the information as to whom it represented, and by whom it was painted. -The Ropers were connected with the Quickes by marriage, and as the -connection dates from a period soon after the death of Sir Thomas More, -the family tradition which states that the portrait has been handed down -from the time when the great statesman perished on the scaffold has -every likelihood of being true. - -It has usually been asserted that the portrait of Sir Thomas More is the -only independent portrait of a member of the More family painted by -Holbein, with the possible exception of the panel at Knole, which by -some is regarded as a likeness of Margaret Roper. There was, however, a -small panel portrait, 14 in. by 10 in., exhibited at the Royal Academy -Winter Exhibition, 1910 (No. 106), as by Holbein, lent by General Lord -Methuen, which is undoubtedly a portrait of Lady More. It was catalogued -under the erroneous title of “Mrs. Anne Roper,” with a note which stated -that it “has also been thought to be a portrait by Mabuse, of Margaret, -Countess of Richmond and Derby, mother of Henry VIII.” There was no Mrs. -Anne Roper in Holbein’s day; and the “Anne” is probably a mistake for -“Margaret” on the part of the person who first misnamed the picture. The -portrait really represents Margaret Roper’s stepmother, as a comparison -with the head of Lady More in the Basel sketch conclusively proves. -There is a strong likeness between the two, and the position of the -figure, with the head slightly bent down, and an open book held in both -hands on her lap, is the same in both. It is a half-length figure, -seated to the left, with a dark dress trimmed with fur and red -under-sleeves, black angular head-dress with black fall, and a white cap -underneath. She wears a triple gold chain round her neck, with crucifix -attached, and a medallion brooch with three pendant pearls. The -background is a dark blue-green. The brushwork is weak and hesitating, -but it is possibly a much-damaged and repainted original panel by -Holbein, though practically nothing of the master’s own handiwork is now -visible. If not a badly-damaged original, it must be a nearly -contemporary copy from a lost picture by him, rather than one taken from -the figure in the Nostell Priory version. Curiously enough, the use of -the name “Anne” in conjunction with Roper—Lady More’s name was -“Alice”—is also to be found on the back of a miniature after Holbein in -the Royal Collection, which at one time, before the inscription was -uncovered, was said to represent Queen Katherine of Aragon. It is -inscribed in two lines—“Anna Roper Thomæ Mori Filia. W. Hollar pinxit -post Holbeinium, 1652.” Here the “Anne” is evidently a mistake for -“Margaret” or “Mar.,” perhaps made by Hollar himself when copying the -original; or, possibly, the original may have been a portrait of Lady -More, a companion miniature to the one already described of Sir Thomas, -to which an erroneous title had become attached before Hollar was -employed to copy it.[694] - -The portrait of Margaret Roper at Knole, which for many years has been -generally known as Queen Katherine of Aragon, was exhibited by Lord -Sackville at the Burlington Fine Arts Club in 1909 (No. 44).[695] The -same portrait was lent, as “Queen Katherine,” to the National Portrait -Exhibition in 1866 (No. 78), by the Countess Delawarr. It is probably a -nearly contemporary copy of a lost original by Holbein, and corresponds -closely, excepting for slight differences in the hands, with the figure -in the Basel sketch. It is a three-quarters length, on panel, 25½ in. by -19½ in., the figure turned three-quarters to the left, with -diamond-shaped hood embroidered with gold, a square-cut black and white -dress, edged with jewels, over a transparent chemisette, and cloth of -gold sleeves. A string of black beads and a fine gold chain are round -her neck, and a cinquefoil jewel at her breast. She holds a book open -with both hands, on a table in front of her. The inscription, “Queen -Cathrine,” is in an eighteenth-century hand. - -[Sidenote: DRAWING OF AN ENGLISH LADY] - -There is a brilliant drawing of an English lady by Holbein in the -collection bequeathed by Mr. George Salting to the nation (Pl. 79), -which was included in the same exhibition at the Burlington Fine Arts -Club (No. 72), a study in black and red chalks, heightened with white, -and reinforced with Indian ink, upon pale pink-tinted paper.[696] The -sheet has been cut round the outline by some vandal, but the drawing -itself is entirely free from the retouching which disfigures certain of -the Windsor heads. The high lights on the cheek, nose, and eyes are put -in with white, and red chalk is used sparingly on the lips and -elsewhere. The band of hair which shows beneath the coif is washed with -yellowish brown. It has been suggested by more than one critic that it -is a portrait of Margaret Roper, but as Mr. Campbell Dodgson, who -contributed a note upon it for the Vasari Society, points out, so far as -the evidence of the Basel drawing goes, the identification appears -possible, but not convincing. It is not one of the preliminary studies -for the picture itself, which were done on white paper, and if it -represents Margaret Roper, she must have sat again to Holbein after his -return to England in 1532. According to the same authority, it is -probably the “Portrait of a Lady,” lot 48 in the Jonathan Richardson -sale, 1746, in which case it was bought by Knapton, whose drawings were -sold in 1804. Later on it was in the collections of the Marquis of -Stafford and Lord Ronald Sutherland Gower. It is certainly one of the -very finest Holbein drawings in existence. “No portrait-study of a -woman,” says Sir Claude Phillips, “even in the great Windsor series, -equals this in the spiritual beauty which illumines and transforms—or -rather interprets—a presentment of quiet and unforced realism. But -rarely the great portraitist allows himself thus to lay bare for the -beholder the inner workings of the soul; as a rule he contents himself -with a supreme truth which is not infrequently as difficult to unravel -as Nature herself.”[697] - -Finally, there is a picture belonging to the Bray family of Shere, -which, from an old inscription on the frame, is said to be a portrait of -Margaret, whose daughter was one of the four wives of Sir Edward -Bray.[698] The likeness to the Basel sketch, however, is not very -evident, and the picture has no pretence to be by Holbein. The sitter -wears a close-fitting white cap with long ends falling on her breast, -and holds a rosary attached to a large circular ornament which forms -part of her girdle. The background is a landscape, with a view of the -bend of a wide river running between high cliffs.[699] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 79. - - -[Illustration: - - PORTRAIT OF AN ENGLISH LADY - _Drawing in black and red chalk, and Indian ink_ - SALTING BEQUEST, BRITISH MUSEUM -] - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - CHAPTER XIV - - THE FIRST VISIT TO ENGLAND: OTHER PORTRAITS AND DECORATIVE WORK - -Holbein’s work for the temporary Banqueting House at Greenwich—The “Plat - of Tirwan”—Portraits of Sir Henry and Lady Guldeford—William Warham, - Archbishop of Canterbury—John Fisher, Bishop of Rochester—Thomas and - John Godsalve—Niklaus Kratzer, the astronomer—Undated portraits—Sir - Bryan Tuke—Reskimer—Sir Henry Wyat—Sir Thomas and Lady Eliot—Drawing - of an unknown man at Chatsworth. - - -POSSIBLY one of the causes which prevented the immediate completion of -the large picture of the More family in the spring of 1527 was the -commission Holbein received at this time for decorative work of an -important nature, for which he obtained payment from the royal purse. -Early in 1527 negotiations were in progress between Henry VIII and -Francis I for an alliance, which was to be strengthened in the future by -the marriage of the Princess Mary, then eleven years of age, and -heir-presumptive to the English throne, with either Francis himself or -one of his sons. The ratification of this alliance was celebrated at -Greenwich on Sunday, the 5th of May 1527, by a series of festivities -with which Henry entertained the French ambassadors. A mass, at which -the King and ambassadors swore to observe the league, was followed by a -tournament, and, in the evening, a grand banquet, in a magnificent -building, specially erected for the occasion, in the decoration of which -there is every reason to believe that Holbein took a leading part. - -Hall, in his _Triumphant Reigne of Kyng Henry the VIII_, published in -1548, gives a long description of this banqueting house, and its -contents, from which a short extract may be quoted here:— - -“The Kyng against that night had caused a banket house to bee made on -the one syde of the tylt yarde at Grenewyche of an hundreth foote of -length and XXX foote bredth, the roofe was purple cloth full of roses -and Pomgarnettes, the wyndowes were al clere stories with currious -monneles strangely wrought, the Jawe peces and crestes were karved with -Vinettes and trails of savage worke, and richely gilted with gold and -Byse, thys woorke corbolying bare the candelstyckes of antyke woorke -whiche bare little torchettes of white waxe, these candelstickes were -polished lyke Aumbre: at the one syde was a haute place for herawldes -and minstrelles.” Then, after bestowing his admiration on the cupboards -of gold and silver plate, he continues his description of the building: -“At the nether ende were twoo broade arches upon thre Antike pillers all -of gold burnished swaged and graven full of Gargills and Serpentes, -supportying the edifices the Arches were vawted with Armorie, al of Bice -and golde, and above the Arches were made many sondri Antikes and -divises.” - -“When supper was done,” he adds later, “the kyng, the quene and the -ambassadors ... rose and went out of the banket chambre bi the forsaied -Arches, and when they were betwene the uttermoste dore and the Arches -the kyng caused them to turne backe and loke on that syde of the Arches, -and there they sawe how Tyrwin was beseged, and the very maner of every -mans camp, very connyingly wrought, whiche woorke more pleased them then -the remembrying of the thyng in dede. From thens they passed by a long -galerie richely hanged into a chambre faire and large.” In this chamber, -after a Latin oration and other set recitations, some hours were spent -in masking and dancing, after which a return was made to the -banquet-house for a second supper. “And after that all was doen the kyng -and all other went to rest, for the night was spent, and the day even at -the breakyng.... These two houses ... the kyng commaunded should stand -still, for thre or foure daies, that al honest persones might see and -beholde the houses and riches, and thether came a great nombre of -people, to see and behold the riches and costely devices.” - -[Sidenote: THE BANQUETING HOUSE] - -This temporary building was apparently the most elaborate of its kind -erected in England during the reign of Henry VIII, and it may be taken -for certain that Holbein had much to do with it, both as regards work -from his own brush, and also in the supervision of a number of other -painters and decorators employed upon it. The accounts of the expenses -incurred in its building are still preserved in the Record Office, and -abstracts from them are published in the _Calendars of Letters and -Papers, Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII._ More detailed -abstracts are given by Mr. F. M. Nichols, F.S.A., who went through the -original documents most carefully, in a paper read before the Society of -Antiquaries, on March 31, 1898.[700] - -Throughout these detailed accounts of the wages paid by Richard Gibson, -there is constant mention of one “Master Hans,” and however common such -a Christian name may have been in Germany, there is no record of any -other foreign artist in England at this period named Hans but Holbein, -who elsewhere is more than once referred to as Master Hans. Sir Henry -Guldeford, comptroller of the King’s household, an intimate friend of -More, and a correspondent of Erasmus, had official charge of the -erection of this banquet-house, and his portrait was painted by Holbein -in the same year, and possibly at about the same time, for Guldeford is -represented as wearing his chain as a Knight of the Garter, which honour -was bestowed upon him on April 24, 1527. He must thus have had full -knowledge of Holbein’s capabilities, and would naturally turn to him for -assistance on this occasion, when everything had to be done in a hurry, -and as many painters as possible pressed into the service. Then again, -Sir Henry Wyat, treasurer of the Chamber, whom Holbein also painted -during his first visit to England, was associated with Guldeford in the -building of this “banketing-house,” so that the painter would have a -second friend at court. It seems practically certain, therefore, that -Holbein was the “Master Hans” of the accounts. - -Work was begun on the 15th January, 1527, and about a dozen painters -were employed for the next three weeks, at wages ranging from 6_d._ to -12_d._ a day. Only one of them, Robert Wrytheoke, received a shilling a -day. He was a maker of moulds and casts, and supplied the plaster -figures and ornamental pillars. On Friday, the 8th February, the -following entry appears for the first time:— - -“Master Nycolas at the kyngs plessyer. - -“Master Hans the day iiii._s._”[701] - -This entry is repeated, with only four days’ interval, until Saturday -the 3rd of March. According to Mr. Nichols, the same distinction between -the terms of the two painters’ employment is kept up throughout all the -entries, the meaning of which appears to be that while Holbein’s payment -was fixed by agreement at 4_s._ a day, the remuneration of Master -Nycolas was left to be subsequently settled at the discretion of his -employers. - -In the course of the work Holbein came in contact with many of the chief -English painters and a number of the foreign artists in Henry’s service, -and it is interesting to note, as some indication of the estimation in -which he was already held by certain of the court officials, that he was -more highly paid than any of his associates. Among those who assisted in -the work were John Browne, the King’s serjeant-painter, who supplied -much of the material; “Vincent Vulp and Ellys Carmyan, Italian -painters,” who received 20_s._ a week; John Demyans (Giovanni da Maiano) -and the “Italian painters and gilders, Nicholas Florentine, at 2_s._, -and Domyngo (Domenico), at 16_d._ day and night.” This Nicholas of -Florence was probably the same man as the Master Nycolas mentioned above -as associated with Holbein. Among the casters of lead employed were two -other Italians, Archangell and Raphael, while John Rastall supplied -“divers necessaries bought for the trimming of the Father of Heaven, -lions, dragons, and greyhounds holding candlesticks.” A number of other -names are included, chiefly English mercers, embroiderers, saddlers, -plumbers, hosiers, and other tradesmen. - -Detailed accounts of the materials used are given, and frequent entries -occur of colours “spent by Master Hans and his company on the roof”—“Mr. -Hans and the painters on the four cloths”—“Black collars for Mr. Hans, -3_s._ 4_d._”—and so on. These extracts seem to show that Holbein was -employed to direct all the painters and gilders engaged, and no doubt -the decorations were largely of his design. It has been impossible, so -far, to identify Master Nycolas, then in the King’s service, who worked -with him. He cannot have been Nicolas Bellin, who was occupied at -Fontainebleau at this period, and did not visit England until some ten -years later. The only other Italian named Nicolas mentioned in the State -Papers was Nicolas Lasora, who, in 1532, was employed on the decoration -of Westminster Palace.[702] - -[Sidenote: “THE PLAT OF TIRWAN”] - -Holbein and Nycolas were thus occupied at Greenwich for nineteen days, -with the interval of one Sunday’s rest, having been kept at work during -two other Sundays, when the ordinary workmen were taking holiday. -Holbein’s daily attendance at the Banqueting House appears to have -ceased on Sunday, the 3rd of March, though this was by no means the end -of his connection with the decoration of the building. For the next -month he was busily engaged either in London or at Chelsea in painting a -large composition for the decoration of the back of the triumphal -arch—the picture spoken of in such high terms by Hall, showing “how -Tyrwin was beseged.” This picture was so far advanced by the 11th March -that it and a number of other painted canvases were placed temporarily -in position for the inspection of the King. Holbein had completed his -particular share in the work by the 4th of April, when the picture was -fetched from London by Lewis Demoron, who received 16_d._, “for his -bote-hire to London for fetching of the plat of Tirwan.” The complete -decoration of the building was not finished till the 5th May, on the eve -of the festivities, and no doubt Holbein resumed his supervision, though -it is not mentioned in the accounts. For his large painting, which -occupied him for about three weeks, he received the payment of £4, -10_s._, which is equal to about £60 or £70 of modern money. The entry in -the accounts runs as follows: “Paid to Master Hans for the payneting of -the plat of Tirwan which standeth on the baksyde of the grete arche, in -grete iiij_l._ x_s._”—the words “in grete” meaning that he received a -sum down for the work, instead of a daily wage. - -Mr. F. M. Nichols first called attention to this work of Holbein’s in -_The Hall of Lawford Hall_, published in 1891, and in the same year Mr. -Alfred Beaver, in his _Memorials of Old Chelsea_, referred to some of -the details in Dr. Brewer’s abstracts. Mr. Beaver was of opinion that -the old picture of the “Battle of Spurs” at Hampton Court, in earlier -days attributed to Holbein, was the very “plat of Tirwan” in question. -This, however, is not correct. “The Battle of Spurs” was certainly not -painted by Holbein, but by some much inferior artist. It has been -attributed to Vincent Volpe and other of the minor foreign artists then -in England, and probably was painted in commemoration of the victory -shortly after the battle itself, which took place in 1513. It is on -wood, and measures 4 ft. 4 in. high by 8 ft. 6 in. wide, whereas -Holbein’s picture was on canvas, and was evidently much larger, for we -learn from Richard Gibson’s accounts that it took twenty-four ells of -fine canvas “for the lyning of the baksyde of the grete Arche wheruppon -Tirwin is staynyd,” at a cost of 15 shillings. “It thus appears,” says -Mr. Nichols, “that about 90 feet of fine canvas (which we may suppose to -have been a yard or not much less in width) was required to cover the -back of the arch, and the main decoration of this widespread surface of -some 20 or 30 square yards appears to have been the picture in -question.” - -The two pictures differed materially in subject. It is to be gathered -from Hall’s account that Holbein’s painting represented the actual siege -of Terouenne, whereas the Hampton Court panel shows the pursuit of the -French cavalry and their surrender to the English, though the town of -Terouenne, with its fortifications and houses, is shown plainly in the -middle distance. In any case the subject, the defeat of the French by -the English, seems to have been a singularly inappropriate one for the -particular occasion for which it was painted, the ratification of a -solemn treaty between England and France, and there was little delicacy -in Henry’s humour in pointing it out to his guests! Even Hall intimates -that they were more pleased with the painting of it than with the -remembrance of the incident. The subject may have been suggested by -Guldeford, who was Henry’s standard-bearer at Terouenne, and knighted -after Tournay. The picture itself has disappeared, like so many of -Holbein’s large decorative works; not even a study for it has been so -far discovered. - -It is somewhat extraordinary, considering Henry’s evident appreciation -of this “plat,” and the interest he took in the general decoration of -the Banqueting House, that Holbein was not at once taken into the royal -service. His work at Greenwich must have afforded ample proof of his -powers as an artist, and the King was only too anxious to offer -inducements to the best foreign painters to settle in England. It has -been suggested that this lack of recognition was due to jealousy on the -part of certain other painters then employed about the Court, but this -does not appear a very plausible explanation, for Henry was by no means -a man to be influenced in this way. This lack of royal patronage is all -the more extraordinary when it is remembered that at the time Holbein -was at work as a portrait-painter for several of Henry’s favourite -servants, and that in all probability the portrait of More, if not -others, had been seen by the King, who is said to have been fond of -paying unexpected visits to the future Lord Chancellor at Chelsea. -Whatever the reason, however, the fact remains that Holbein’s name does -not appear in the royal accounts until much later, nor is there any -portrait of the King by him of this date, or of Queen Katherine, or any -other evidence to show that he held any official position at Court -during his first residence in England. - -[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF SIR HENRY GULDEFORD] - -There are only three portraits by Holbein which bear the date 1527—those -of Sir Thomas More, Sir Henry Guldeford, and Archbishop Warham; and only -two of the date 1528—Niklaus Kratzer, the King’s German astronomer, and -the double portrait of Thomas Godsalve of Norwich, and his son John, -though several others, undated, may be ascribed to this period with some -certainty. The portrait of Guldeford (Pl. 80),[703] in the royal -collection at Windsor Castle, was probably begun shortly after Holbein’s -work at Greenwich was finished, and was painted to commemorate the -sitter’s advancement as a Knight of the Garter on April 24, a few days -before the festivities took place, as he is wearing the chain of the -order across his shoulders. - -He is shown at half-length, the body turned slightly to the spectator’s -right, the light coming in from the left. He is clean shaven, with bushy -hair covering his ears, and wears a doublet of patterned cloth of gold, -cut square, above a white shirt. Over it is a dark gown with a wide -collar of brown fur and short sleeves, leaving the gold sleeves of his -doublet uncovered. The thumb of his left hand is thrust into his girdle, -and in his right hand he holds the white staff of his office as -Comptroller of the Household. On the brim of his flat black cap is a -circular medallion the design on which cannot now be deciphered. In the -Print Room of the British Museum, however, there is an etching of this -hat-badge, or “singular ornament on an escutcheon,” as a note upon the -print terms it, which apparently was made when the picture was at -Kensington Palace early in the eighteenth century, from which it appears -that it represented a clock, a pair of compasses, and other instruments. -Guldeford wears a thin double gold chain round his neck, the lower part -of which is hidden by his doublet, and over his shoulders the Collar of -the Order of the Garter with the pendant George. The background is dark -green, with a dark green curtain on the spectator’s right, hanging by -rings on an iron rod, which extends right across the upper part of the -picture, and on the left a sprig of vine-tree foliage. In the upper -left-hand corner is painted a white label, on which is inscribed in -cursive letters: “ANNO D. MCCCCCXXVII. ETATIS SUÆ XL IX.” The age -painted on the cartel is somewhat perplexing, as it indicates that the -sitter was forty-nine in 1527, whereas during the proceedings relating -to the divorce of Queen Katherine,[704] Guldeford himself declared that -his age in 1529, two years later, was only forty. Mr. Law suggests as a -solution that at some time or other, in some process of restoration, the -figures have been tampered with, and the fact that the XL is separated -from the IX by a blank space of about a figure in width, adds some -probability to his suggestion, while the face seems scarcely to be that -of a man as old as forty-nine.[705] - -The masterly original drawing for this portrait, in the Windsor -Collection,[706] is inscribed “Harry Guldeford Knight,” and this, -according to the same writer, may be the sole authority for the name -bestowed on the picture, the untrustworthiness of some of these -inscriptions being well known. Hollar’s engraving of the portrait, -however, which was made in 1647, is inscribed with the name of -Guldeford; and the fact that there is a companion engraving of his wife, -entitled “the Lady Guldeforde,” and inscribed “Holbein pinxit, W. Hollar -fecit, ex collectione Arundeliana A^o 1647, Ætatis 28, A^o 1527,” -confirms the claims of this picture to be an authentic portrait of Sir -Henry Guldeford. Both portraits were in the Arundel Collection, and are -entered in the 1655 inventory as “Ritratto del Cavaglier Guildford” and -“Ritratto della moglie sua.” They came to the Earl with other works by -Holbein from the Lumley Collection. In addition to these portraits, Lord -Arundel also possessed a miniature or small oil painting of -Guldeford—“Ritratto del Cavaglier Guiltfort in piccolo.” It is possible -that this small portrait is the one which Hollar copied, as his -engravings of Guldeford and his wife are both roundels. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 80. - - -[Illustration: - - SIR HENRY GULDEFORD - 1527 - WINDSOR CASTLE -] - -[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF SIR HENRY GULDEFORD] - -There is a miniature at Windsor, a portrait obviously of the same man, -in which the face is younger, and the collar of the Garter is absent, -which apparently was painted some years before Holbein came to England, -and may be the one formerly in the Arundel Collection.[707] A small copy -of the Windsor picture, inscribed “Ser. Harry Gylldford,” was lent to -the Tudor Exhibition, 1890 (No. 146), by the Hon. H. Tyrwhitt -Wilson.[708] Guldeford was the only son of Sir Richard Guldeford, K.G., -by his second wife, Joan, sister of Sir Nicholas Vaux, afterwards Lord -Vaux of Harrowden. He was a great favourite of the King’s, and his -companion in all his sports and pastimes. He received many honours from -the royal hands, and became successively Squire of the Body, King’s -Standard-Bearer, Knight Banneret, Master of the Revels, Comptroller of -the Household, and Master of the Horse. He remained in high favour with -Henry, in spite of the enmity of Anne Boleyn, caused by his opposition -to the divorce except after a papal sentence. He died in 1533, shortly -after Holbein’s second arrival in England. - -This portrait, which is one of the finest of Holbein’s works now in the -Royal Collection, is a dignified and lifelike representation, full of -character, while the details of the rich and elaborate dress, and the -sumptuous collar of the Garter, are painted with exquisite truth and -care. The face has a peculiar yellow tint, concerning which Woltmann -remarks: “It has been taken for granted that the head has been painted -over; but such is not the case—on the contrary, it is in a remarkably -good state of preservation. The colour must have been a peculiarity of -the person portrayed. This may be inferred from its being indicated in a -like manner in the drawing at Windsor Castle.”[709] - -Little is known of the history of the panel. In 1590 it, or a replica of -it, was in the possession of Lord Lumley at Lumley Castle, together with -the companion panel of Lady Guldeford, and it is described in the -inventory as “Of Sir Henry Guilfourd, Coumptroller to K’. H’. 8, drawne -by Haunce Holbyn.” It reappears, as noted above, in the seventeenth -century in the Earl of Arundel’s Collection, while in the eighteenth -more than one reference to it in contemporary literature shows that it -was then in Kensington Palace.[710] It was engraved in a small circle in -Anstis’ _Order of the Garter_, 1724, in which his age is given as forty; -by Vertue in 1726 for Knight’s _Life of Erasmus_, and again in 1791 by -Schiavonetti, after a drawing by S. Harding, and described as “from an -original picture by Holbein in the possession of Sir William -Burrell”—that is, from the copy, possibly an almost contemporary -one,[711] which was destroyed in the Knepp Castle fire in January 1904, -together with one of Lady Guldeford, and other replicas of well-known -Holbein portraits. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 81. - - -[Illustration: - - JOHN FISHER - Bishop of Rochester - _Drawing in black and coloured chalks_ - WINDSOR CASTLE -] - -[Illustration: - - UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY - _Drawing in black and coloured chalks_ - BASEL GALLERY -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 82. - - -[Illustration: - - UNKNOWN ENGLISHMAN - Bishop of Rochester - _Drawing in black and coloured chalks_ - BASIL GALLERY -] - -[Illustration: - - UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY - _Drawing in black and coloured chalks_ - BASEL GALLERY -] - -The portrait of Lady Guldeford,[712] lent by Mr. Frewen to the National -Portrait Exhibition at South Kensington in 1868, and to the Royal -Academy Winter Exhibition, 1880 (No. 171), was at Lumley Castle in 1590, -and is entered in the inventory as “Of the La. Guilfourd, wife to Sir -Harry Guilfourd, Coumptroller, drawne by Haunce Holbyn”; and at a later -period was in the Duke of Buckingham’s Collection at Stowe. This once -fine portrait has been much rubbed, repaired, and over-varnished, but -according to Sir George Scharf and the late Mr. F. G. Stephens, its -genuineness as a work of Holbein is unquestionable. This is proved, says -the latter,[713] “by the vigorous expression of the penetrating eyes of -the lady, the still evident luminosity of the flesh, the imperiousness -of the delicately cut nostrils, the exquisite execution of the details, -and the energy imparted to the much injured hands. The fine painting of -the sleeve of gold illustrates the practice of Holbein and his school in -employing leaf gold to impart lustre to the fabric.... The best proof of -the genuineness of ‘Lady Guildford’ is the exquisite execution of the -branch of vine in the background, a feature which appears in several of -Holbein’s paintings.... The Guildford portraits are both distinguished -by the energy of the motives they exhibit, the precision, mastery, and -complete softness of the modelling; this is the unfailing test of the -genuineness of work ascribed to Holbein.... Another test is supplied by -the flossy silk-like character of the hair and beards of the sitters -whenever the works have, as in the ‘Reskimer,’ escaped restoration.” -This portrait is now in the collection of Mr. W. C. Vanderbilt, New -York; and there is a good early miniature copy of it in the possession -of Mrs. Joseph,[714] which in earlier days was said to represent -Katherine of Aragon. That it is a portrait of Lady Guldeford, however, -is proved by Hollar’s engraving,[715] with which it is in close -agreement. There is a fine drawing of an English lady, in black and -coloured chalks, in the Basel Collection (Pl. 81 (2)),[716] which -appears to be a study for this portrait, though, if so, Holbein made -several slight alterations when he came to paint the picture. It shows -the six gold bands or chains which are looped across the lady’s breast -and carried over the shoulders, and the head-dress is the same. There is -a second study of a lady of Henry VIII’s Court at Basel (Pl. 82 -(2)),[717] also in black and coloured chalks, which has considerable -facial likeness to Lady Guldeford, though there are slight differences -in the ornamentation of the angular head-dress and bodice. Two links of -a heavy chain are drawn in detail on the breast. In the same collection -there is a portrait drawing of this lady’s husband (Pl. 82 (1)),[718] -which in turn bears a considerable resemblance to the Windsor head of -Guldeford, while the dress, cap, and bushy hair over the ears are the -same. It is possible that these two drawings represent Sir Henry and his -wife. - -[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF WILLIAM WARHAM] - -One of the finest of the earlier drawings in the Windsor Collection is -the magnificent head of William Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury,[719] -which, though badly rubbed and damaged, remains a wonderful example of -the truth and vividness of Holbein’s portraiture. It is on unprimed -paper, 17 in. high by 12 in. wide. It was natural that the painter -should turn to Warham for employment, not only through his close -friendship with Sir Thomas More, but as the friend also and generous -patron of Erasmus; and, no doubt, the artist carried with him from Basel -a letter of recommendation from the latter, who also some little time -before had sent his own portrait by Holbein as a gift to the Archbishop. -Warham was seventy years old when Holbein painted him, and had long -since retired from all active political life, having relinquished his -post as Lord Chancellor to Wolsey in 1515. He still, however, retained -his high ecclesiastical office, in spite of more than one indignity put -upon him by the Cardinal. He was a leading representative of the older -age then passing away, and his last days were far from happy ones. - -There are two versions of Holbein’s portrait of him, almost identical, -and both based upon the Windsor drawing, one in Lambeth Palace[720] and -the other in the Louvre (Pl. 83).[721] He is represented at half-length, -seated, turned towards the left, his hands resting on a cushion covered -with gold brocade. He is dressed in his episcopal robes, with a deep fur -collar, and a black, closely-fitting cap. On the spectator’s right, on -the table, is an open service book, and farther back on a shelf, behind -the sitter’s left shoulder, are other books and his jewelled mitre; and -to the left a magnificent crucifix of gold and jewels. The background -consists of a curtain, which is yellowish brown in the Lambeth picture, -and green in the Louvre version. The latter is the more brilliant and -harmonious in colouring, and painted in a thicker impasto, the Lambeth -example being greyer in tone and more dryly executed, and, perhaps, more -carefully modelled. Both have suffered somewhat from the passage of -time, more particularly in the face, but both are evidently from -Holbein’s own hand, and are masterly studies of character, representing -the wrinkled old man, saddened by adversities, and by the modern -movements which he had not strength to stem, but always kindly and -generous to all scholars and others who needed his help, and a sincere -lover of learning. Both pictures have a cartel in the top right-hand -corner with the inscription “Anno Dm̅̅. MDxxvij. Etatis sue LXX.,” and -round the base of the crucifix the words “AVXILIVM MEVM A DEO” (My help -is from God). In the execution of the numerous details of the ornaments, -the jewels decorating the mitre, the patterns of the embroideries, the -lettering, and particularly in the figure of Christ on the crucifix, the -mastery of Holbein’s brush is everywhere in evidence. They are drawn -with the utmost delicacy and truth, and while adding to the -sumptuousness of the picture in no way detract the attention from the -nobility and dignity of the portrait itself. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 83. - - -[Illustration: - - WILLIAM WARHAM, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY - 1527 - LOUVRE, PARIS -] - -[Sidenote: PORTRAITS OF WARHAM AND FISHER] - -The Lambeth version is said to have been presented to Warham by Sir -Thomas More or by Holbein himself, though there is no reason to suppose -that it was not paid for in the usual way by the sitter. “It was lost -during the civil wars, but was recovered again, as was supposed, by Sir -William Dugdale, who restored it to Lambeth in the time of Archbishop -Sancroft.”[722] Walpole states that “Archbishop Parker entailed this, -and another of Erasmus, on his successors; they were stolen in the civil -war, but Juxon repurchased the former.”[723] The “Erasmus,” which did -not return to its original resting-place, was, no doubt, the one by -Holbein sent over by the sitter as a present to Warham. The same writer -says that the “Warham” was at one time in De Loo’s collection, and was -afterwards in the possession of Sir Walter Cope, who had several works -by Holbein, which passed by marriage to the Earl of Holland. The history -of the Louvre portrait is not known, but it belonged at one time to the -Newton family, and later on to Louis XIV. It is possible that it was -painted for Erasmus, and that it is the version which belonged to the -Earl of Arundel, which is entered in the 1655 inventory as “Warramus -Vescovo de Canterbury.” The Louvre picture, which is the larger of the -two, is considered by some critics to be the original painting, the -Lambeth version being a replica from Holbein’s brush; others hold that -the latter is the original and the better work of the two, but the point -is not easy of solution unless the two pictures could be exhibited side -by side. There are two other versions of the portrait at Lambeth Palace, -but both are inferior copies. A panel of far higher qualities was lent -by Viscount Dillon to the Tudor Exhibition, 1890 (No. 107),[724] and to -the Oxford Exhibition, 1904 (No. 21).[725] This picture, which is an -almost exact replica of the Louvre and Lambeth examples, has -considerable claims to be considered an original work which has -suffered, more particularly in the face and hands, from repainting. It -has a beautifully rich golden tone, and certain of the details, more -particularly the little gilded figure of Christ on the crucifix, are -drawn with too great a mastery to be from the hand of any copyist. The -writing on the cartellino in the background is also fine and full of -character, very unlike the work of an imitator. Some lack of strength in -the handling and characterisation of face and hands may, however, point -to a good, contemporary worker. Evelyn, in his _Diary_, 1664, mentions -this portrait at Ditchley as a head of a Pope. - -Another high ecclesiastic, and friend of Erasmus and More, John Fisher, -Bishop of Rochester, was painted by Holbein during his first visit to -England, probably at about the same time as Warham. Unfortunately the -picture itself is missing, but three preliminary drawings for it are in -existence, one at Windsor (Pl. 81 (1)), a second in the British Museum, -and the third until recently in the possession of Mr. J. P. Heseltine. -The first,[726] in black and coloured chalks, is, perhaps, the finest, -the somewhat hard, ascetic character of the face being rendered with -extraordinary expression with a few bold and forceful touches. The lines -of the body and dress are merely indicated in outline. He is wearing the -close-fitting black doctor’s cap, and the face, almost in full, is -turned slightly to the spectator’s left. At the bottom of the study is -the inscription, “Il Epyscop^o de resester fo tagliato il Cap^o l’an^o -1535” (The Bishop of Rochester beheaded in 1535), which seems to -indicate that the drawing was once in the possession of some Italian. -The drawing in the British Museum[727] is more carefully finished, and -was probably made from the Windsor sketch. It was once in the Richardson -Collection, and was bequeathed to the Museum by the Rev. C. M. -Cracherode. It has no inscription. The powerful drawing which formed -part of the Heseltine collection, dispersed in 1912, is on a reddish -ground. - -In this drawing Holbein has accomplished, with the simplest means, one -of his finest and most subtle studies of character. The pale face, and -thin, determined lips, with a faint, scornful smile upon them, and the -brightness of the eyes, still undimmed in spite of his age, fully -express the character of one who was ever ready to do battle for his -opinions, and to die rather than betray his convictions. Mingled with -this obstinacy the painter has expressed that kindliness towards all who -came in contact with him, which Erasmus extolled so highly, and that -personal purity of life which, together with his profound learning, -formed one of his most striking characteristics. Froude says of him: -“Fisher was the only one of the prelates for whom it is possible to feel -esteem. He was weak, superstitious, pedantic, and even cruel towards the -Protestants. But he was a sincere man, living in honest fear of evil, so -far as he understood what evil was, and he could rise above the menaces -of temporal suffering under which his brethren of the episcopal bench -sank so rapidly into humility and subjection.”[728] - -As stated above, the portrait which Holbein must evidently have painted -from this preliminary study has disappeared. The picture in St. John’s -College, Cambridge, which was lent to the Tudor Exhibition in 1890 (No. -138), was ascribed to Holbein in the catalogue, but is not by him, -though it may be a copy of the lost original. He is shown with a staff -in one hand and a glove in the other, and it is inscribed “A^o Ætatis -74,” which, as Fisher was born in 1456, would date the panel 1528. -Dallaway, in his annotations to Walpole, notes another version at -Didlington, Norfolk.[729] There was a second portrait of Fisher in the -Tudor Exhibition (No. 61), lent by the Hon. H. Tyrwhitt Wilson, a -half-length, holding a prayer book in both hands. - -[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF THE GODSALVES] - -Only two paintings by Holbein are known with the date 1528—the double -portrait in the Dresden Gallery and the “Kratzer” in the Louvre. The -former,[730] a small square panel (Pl. 84), represents Thomas Godsalve, -of Norwich, and his son John, afterwards knighted. The figures, -considerably less than life-size, are shown to the waist, seated at a -table, turned slightly to the spectator’s right. The father, a -ruddy-faced old man, dressed in the usual black cap and dark overcoat or -robe with a heavy fur collar, holds a quill pen, with both hands resting -on a sheet of paper in front of him, on which he has just written: -“Thomas Godsalve de Norwico Etatis sue anno quadragesimo septo.” The -son, dressed in a similar costume, is seated on the spectator’s left, a -little behind his father. He wears no cap upon his dark hair, which, -like the older man’s, is long, hiding the ears, and cut straight across -the forehead. In his left hand, partly concealed in the folds of his -cloak, he holds a paper. Both men are clean shaven, and wear white -shirts, that of the son being decorated round the neck with black -Spanish work. An inkpot is on the table, and in the left upper corner, -above Sir John’s head, a cartellino is affixed to the plain background -bearing the date—“Anno Dm. M. D. xxviij.” The picture is a fine example -of Holbein’s work at this period, and is in an excellent state of -preservation.[731] There is no drawing of Thomas Godsalve among the -Windsor studies, but of the son there is an exceptionally fine one (Pl. -85).[732] It is carried out in body-colours, and is much further -advanced than the other drawings in the collection, and, though somewhat -rubbed, is a most masterly example of Holbein’s veracity of portraiture. -It cannot be regarded, however, with certainty, as a preliminary study -for the Dresden picture for two reasons. In the first place, the sitter -appears to be several years older than in that picture, and although the -figure is seated and the position of the body is much the same, the -poise of the head is different, and the face is turned more directly -towards the spectator, while the hands, holding a sheet of paper, rest -on a table or rail in front of him; and in the second place, it is -practically a finished drawing, and is perhaps an example of Holbein’s -occasional practice of preparing his portraits on paper or parchment, -which he afterwards fastened to the panel before giving them the final -touches. He wears a coat of violet open in front and showing the white -shirt, and over it a black gown trimmed with yellow sable, and a black -cap with a circular badge, of which the design is not indicated. The -hair and eyebrows are finished with a hair pencil. The background is a -plain one of azure blue. He has a thin face, a large and sharp nose, and -blue eyes, with a scanty growth of beard on his shaven chin. He gazes at -the spectator with a serious, thoughtful expression; in which Woltmann -saw something puritanical, no doubt because Godsalve, as he notes, -presented the King with a New Testament as a New Year’s gift in -1539.[733] In the following year he gave a perfumed box. Blomefield[734] -mentions this drawing as being in his time in the Closet at Kensington -Palace. There is a miniature of Godsalve in the Bodleian Library. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 84. - - -[Illustration: - - THOMAS AND JOHN GODSALVE - 1528 - ROYAL PICTURE GALLERY, DRESDEN -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 85. - - -[Illustration: - - SIR JOHN GODSALVE - Drawing in black and coloured chalks and water-colour. - Reproduced by gracious permission of H.M. the King. - _Windsor Castle_ -] - -The father, Thomas Godsalve, who died in 1542, was registrar of the -consistory court at Norwich, and the owner of landed property in -Norfolk. He was an intimate friend of Thomas Cromwell. In a letter to -the latter, dated Norwich, November 6, 1531, after thanking Cromwell for -kindnesses shown to his son, he says: “I send you half a dozen swans of -my wife’s feeding”;[735] and a year or two later he sends “six swans and -a maund with pears of my own grafting.”[736] The son, John Godsalve, who -died in 1556, became Clerk of the Signet to Henry VIII, and was present -at the siege of Boulogne. He was knighted at the coronation of Edward -VI, and a year or two later was made Comptroller of the Mint. Various -letters from him are included in the Calendars of State Papers. In one -of them (1533), addressed to Eustace, clerk of the works at Hampton -Court, he appears in the character of a “snapper-up of unconsidered -trifles.” “Send me,” he writes, “as many golden balls as you can -conveniently procure, and such fanes (vanes?) and other things at your -pleasure. Help the bearer into the spicery to have an antique which I -left there; of which he has the key. Send me also the head under the -stair, and whatsoever other things your gentle heart can lovingly depart -from.”[737] John Godsalve had some connection with the Steelyard, a -number of whose merchants were painted by Holbein, for in November 1532, -he and one William Blakenhall received a grant in survivorship of the -office of common meter of all cloths of gold and silver tissue, -“tynsett,” satin, damask, and other cloths and canvas of aliens and -others called “foreyns,” _alias_ “le Stilliarde,” in the city of London, -with the usual fees, &c.[738] He also obtained a small share of the -plunder from the monasteries, and, in July 1534, an annuity of £8 “to -him and his heirs for ever out of the issues of the manor of Stokesly, -in Rydham, Norfolk, in the King’s hands by the attainder of Thomas, -cardinal of York.”[739] In 1535 he received the offices of Constable and -Keeper of the Castle and Gaol of Norwich, succeeding Sir Henry Wyat and -Sir Thomas Boleyn in the posts.[740] - -The portrait of Niklaus Kratzer,[741] of Munich, Henry’s German -astronomer, in the Louvre (Pl. 86), is a half-length figure placed -behind a table, which is covered with the instruments of his profession. -He wears the usual flat black cap, and a black coat or doublet open at -the neck, showing a glimpse of a red under-garment and white shirt, and -over all the prevailing dark overcoat or gown with fur collar. In his -right hand he holds a pair of compasses or dividers, and in his left a -decagonal sundial, like the one shown in the “Ambassadors” picture. -Behind him on the right various mathematical and astronomical -instruments are hanging on the wall, and others, including a cylindrical -sundial and an astrolabe, are placed on a shelf on the left. Among the -numerous objects on the table are scales and rulers, scissors, and his -seal, together with a sheet of paper with a Latin inscription giving his -name, his age, forty-one, and the date 1528. Part of this inscription is -confused and injured, and Holbein’s Latin was not of the best. The -Louvre catalogue gives the reading as: “Imago ad vivam effigiem expressa -Nicolai Kratzeri monacenssis q. (qui) bauarg. (bavarus) erat -quadragessimū ... annū tpr̃e (tempore) ilio gplebat (complebat) 1528.” -The illegible word after “quadragessimū” is given as “primo” in the -replica mentioned below. The light falls from the right on his face, -which, though rather heavy in features, is an interesting one, with an -indication of humour about the eyes and mouth, which is in accord with a -contemporary description of him in one of the letters of Nicolas -Bourbon, the poet, another of Holbein’s friends. The numerous -instruments and accessories are depicted with all the truth and loving -care in which Holbein delighted. Carel van Mander, who saw the picture -in London when in the possession of Andries de Loo, and speaks of it as -“een feer goedt Conterfeytsel en meesterlijck ghedan,” calls particular -attention to the beauty with which the instruments are delineated. -Kratzer was the hero of the story told by the same writer. When asked by -King Henry why he spoke English so badly, he replied, “Pardon, your -Majesty, but how can a man learn English in thirty years?” - -Little is known about the history of the picture, which has suffered -somewhat severely from the passage of time. As noted, it was once in the -possession of De Loo, together with the Warham, the Thomas Cromwell, one -of the versions of Erasmus, and the More family group.[742] According to -Wornum,[743] it was formerly at Holland House;[744] and Walpole states, -erroneously, that there is a drawing for it among the Windsor -heads.[745] A replica or good contemporary copy was lent by Viscount -Galway to the Tudor Exhibition, 1890 (No. 129), in which the inscription -and date tally with the Louvre example. A miniature of Kratzer, in the -late Mr. J. Pierpont Morgan’s collection, is described in Chapter XXV. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 86. - - -[Illustration: - - NIKLAUS KRATZER - 1528 - LOUVRE, PARIS -] - -Kratzer, born in Munich, was educated at Cologne and Wittemberg. He came -to England as a young man, and in 1517 was admitted a fellow of Fox’s -new College of Corpus Christi, Oxford. Later on Wolsey gave him the post -of lecturer on astronomy and mathematics at Oxford, and Henry VIII -appointed him his astronomer, with a salary of £20 per annum. While at -Oxford he designed two sun-dials, one in Corpus Christi garden, and the -other on a pillar in St. Mary’s Church, the latter remaining in position -until 1744. He died about 1550, and many of his works fell into the -hands of the notorious Dr. Lee. Albrecht Dürer, during his visit to the -Netherlands in 1520, made a drawing of Kratzer, as well as one of -Erasmus. He notes in his diary: “In Antwerp I took the portrait of -Master Nicolas, an astronomer, who resides with the King in England; he -was very useful to me; he is a German, a native of Munich.” - -[Sidenote: NIKLAUS KRATZER AND HOLBEIN] - -Kratzer and Holbein appear to have become close acquaintances, as was -only natural with two men of the same nationality in a foreign country. -One of the few contemporary letters in which the painter is mentioned by -name is one from Kratzer to Thomas Cromwell, referred to more -particularly in a later chapter,[746] in which the astronomer announces -that he has sent the Lord Privy Seal by Holbein’s hands a book just -received from Germany. Like the Steelyard merchants, Kratzer was in the -habit of serving the King as a forwarder and translator of letters and -papers from abroad, and was sent on occasional journeys to the Continent -on royal service. On one of these occasions, in October 1520, Tunstall, -who was in the Netherlands for political purposes, wrote to Henry VIII -saying that in Antwerp he had met “Nicholas Craczer, an Almayn, deviser -of the King’s horologes, who said the King had given him leave to be -absent for a time.” Tunstall asked him to stay till he had ascertained -if the King would allow him to remain until the coronation and the -assembly of the Electors were over. “Being born in High Almayn, and -having acquaintance of many of the princes, he might be able to find out -the mind of the Electors touching the affairs of the Empire.”[747] Like -Holbein and some of the other foreigners in England, Kratzer was not -averse from an occasional commercial speculation. Thus, in October 1527, -he received licence to import from Bordeaux and other parts of France -and Brittany 300 tons of Toulouse woad and Gascon wine.[748] His name, -spelt in a variety of fashions, frequently appears in the royal -accounts, but as a rule only in connection with the payment of his -quarter’s salary. On April 29, 1531, however, there is an entry: “To -Nicholas the Astronomer for mending of a clock, 6_s._”[749] Some of the -mathematical and astronomical instruments in the “Ambassadors” picture -may possibly have been of Kratzer’s making. - -Several undated portraits may be ascribed to this period with some -certainty; and some others with perhaps less confidence. As a general -rule, though it is not without exceptions, Holbein’s portraits of his -first English period may be distinguished from those of his second by -the fashion in which the sitters wear their hair. In 1526-8 the -prevailing custom in England was to wear it cropped straight across the -forehead, while it was allowed to hang down lower than the ears all -round the rest of the head, the face being clean shaven. A very distinct -change of fashion took place in the spring of 1535, when Henry VIII -began to grow a beard, and ordered his own household to cut their hair. -Stow, in his _Annales_,[750] says: “The 8th of May the King commanded -all about his court to poll their heads, and to give them example, he -caused his own head to bee polled, and from thenceforth his beard to bee -notted and no more shaven.” This marked change in the dressing of the -hair was, of course, not followed by everyone, but it became so general -that it is of great assistance in helping to give approximate dates to a -number of pictures and drawings. Of the two, the cut of the hair is a -better indication of date than the beard or moustache, which were worn -more at pleasure. Occasionally long hair is found in conjunction with -the beard, and in other cases some men remained faithful to the earlier -fashion. Thus Sir Richard Southwell (1536) and the Duke of Norfolk -(1540) are examples of long hair and a shaven face after 1535. Some of -the German merchants resident in London conformed to the English -fashion, but certain of them will be found with beards before 1535, -while others again, painted several years later, are clean shaven. It -must not be forgotten, however, that Holbein had returned to England -nearly three years before the King’s edict of 1535, so that certain -portraits which have been usually ascribed to his first English period -on account of the cut of the sitter’s hair, may very possibly have been -painted five or six years later. - -[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF SIR BRYAN TUKE] - -The portrait of Sir Bryan Tuke, of which several versions exist, the -best known being the one in the Munich Gallery (Pl. 87),[751] is -ascribed by some writers to Holbein’s later English period, though the -shaven face and the way in which the hair is worn indicate the earlier -date of the first London visit. This test is not, of course, infallible, -but it seems probable, nevertheless, that Tuke was painted in 1527 or -1528. The date of his birth is not known, but he received his first -public appointment, as king’s bailiff at Sandwich, in 1508, and became -Clerk to the Signet in the following year. On more than one of the -replicas of the portrait his age is given as fifty-seven. - -Tuke was a scholar, and one of the More circle, secretary to Cardinal -Wolsey, and French secretary to Henry VIII, and as Treasurer of the -Household was responsible for the payments to Holbein for his share in -the work of the Greenwich Banqueting House, and, later on, of his -salary. He was also Clerk of the Parliament and Master of the Posts. He -is represented in the Munich version at half-length, three-quarters to -the left, with clean-shaven face and long hair, wearing a black cap with -ear-pieces, a gown of black silk, lined with brown fur, and a fur -collar, over a black doublet also fur-lined and fastened with a gold -button, and sleeves of fine chequered black and gold stuff. A gold -jewelled cross, on which the pierced hands and feet of Christ are -represented in enamel, is suspended round his neck by a gold chain. With -the forefinger of his left hand, which holds his gloves, he indicates a -paper in front of him, inscribed “NVNQVID NON PAVCITAS DIERVM MEORVM -FINIETVR BREVI,” and, in smaller letters, “JOB cap. 10.” An hour-glass -rests on the table behind the paper, in front of his right hand. In the -background the figure of Death is seen against a green curtain, holding -his scythe in his left hand and with the first finger of the right -pointing to the hour-glass. It is signed “IO. HOLPAIN” in the old -Augsburg orthography. From overcleaning and other causes the hands and -face have lost much of the delicacy of their modelling, and the flesh -tints remain unpleasantly red, and the face has a hardness and sharpness -which, no doubt, it did not originally possess. Mr. Wornum, who, -however, only saw the picture when it was hung too high for proper -examination, considered it to be “painted in the taste and manner of Von -Melem.” “This picture,” he says, “is not a bad one, but the signature is -suspicious, as that of our painter; and the style does not proclaim it -to be the work of Holbein.”[752] Woltmann, on the other hand, says that -it “declares itself as strikingly as possible to be the work of Holbein, -and it is one of the two genuine paintings among the eight portraits -ascribed to him in the Pinakothek,” and adds that though so greatly -damaged, “yet still from its truth and lifelike feeling, as well as from -its masterly execution, it is an excellent portrait.” The picture, -however, is now regarded merely as a good workshop replica of the -original painting, and is so described in the latest edition of the -Munich catalogue. It appears to have been in the Wittelsbach Collection -in 1597, and in the description of it in the inventory of that date, the -figure of Death is not mentioned, and was probably added later.[753] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 87. - - -[Illustration: - - SIR BRYAN TUKE - ALTE PINAKOTHEK, MUNICH -] - -The best version of this picture is the one which at one time was in the -possession of the Methuen family at Corsham Court, Wilts, and afterwards -belonged to Mr. R. Sanderson, at whose sale at Christie’s in 1848 it was -purchased for the Marquis of Westminster.[754] It was bequeathed by the -Marchioness of Westminster to her daughter, Lady Theodora Guest, and now -belongs to the latter’s daughter, Miss Guest, of Inwood. It was in the -National Portrait Exhibition, 1868 (No. 625), in the Royal Academy -Winter Exhibition, 1880 (No. 188), and in the Burlington Fine Arts Club -Exhibition, 1909 (No. 43), lent by Miss Guest.[755] This version is -almost identical with the one in Munich, but the skeleton and hour-glass -are missing, and on the green-brown background is inscribed “BRIANVS -TVKE, MILES. AN^O ETATIS SVÆ LVII,” with his motto, “Droit et Avant,” -below. It is in all ways a finer work than the Munich example, and -undoubtedly by Holbein, and, in all probability, the original upon which -all the others were based. At least three other versions exist, all -without the skeleton. One of them, on canvas, was in the possession of -Mr. William M. Tuke, of Saffron Walden, in 1869, who purchased it in -Yorkshire in 1845, it having been formerly in the collection of a Mr. -Winstanley. Another is, or was, in the possession of Mr. John Leslie -Toke of Godington Park, Kent, which is said to have been in expression -and features more of the type of Sir Thomas More; while a third -belonged, in 1870, to Mr. J. R. Haig.[756] One or other of these -versions was owned in the seventeenth century by Lord Lisle, son of the -Earl of Leicester, as noted by Evelyn in his _Diary_ under the date 27th -August 1678. - -[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF RESKIMER] - -The portrait of the Cornishman, Reskimer,[757] at Hampton Court, has -been ascribed by most critics to Holbein’s first English period, and so -is included in this chapter, although the exceptionally long beard, -which reaches almost to his waist, and the hair, which, though not -polled, is short enough to show the ears, would indicate a date after -1535. It has suffered somewhat in the course of time, but in its -technique it resembles Holbein’s work at the beginning of his second -English period, and so was probably painted at about that time. There is -a fine drawing for it in the Windsor Collection,[758] which is -inscribed, “Reskemeer a Cornish Gent.,” in which the hair and beard are -carefully wrought. This study appears to be among the earlier drawings -in the collection. - -“The portrait,” says Mr. Law, “represents a youngish man, not more than -twenty-eight, we should say, seen in a nearly complete profile, turned -to the left, the light coming in from the right. He is dressed in a -plain, dark-coloured coat or mantle; with the small white collar of his -shirt showing, the two strings of which hang down untied. His two hands, -which are drawn and painted with all Holbein’s strength and precision, -are both seen, the knuckles of the left being turned frontwards to the -spectator, and the palm of the right upwards, with the fingers just -touching the end of his beard. He wears a flat black cap slantwise over -the right side of his head. His hair is red, as is also his long peaked -beard. The background is a bluish green, with a sprig of vine.” Some -such branch of vine or fig frequently appears in the backgrounds of -Holbein’s earlier portraits. It is on wood, or, possibly, according to -Mr. Wornum,[759] on paper or parchment attached to oak, 1 ft. 6½ in. -high by 1 ft. 1½ in. wide. The brand of Charles I—“C.R.” crowned—is on -the back of the panel. - -Nothing of its history is known, except that it was in Charles I’s -collection, and is described in his catalogue, page 8, as follows: “A -side-faced gentleman out of Cornwall, in his black cap, painted with a -long peaked beard, holding both his hands before him; some parts of a -landskip. Being less than life, upon a defaced cracked board, painted -upon the wrong light. Done by Holbein, given to the King by the deceased -Sir Rob. Killigrew, Vice-Chamberlain to the Queen’s Majesty.” Mr. Law -suggests, no doubt correctly, that it was said to be “a gentleman out of -Cornwall” in the catalogue on the authority of the inscription on the -Windsor drawing. - -The name is spelt in many ways in the records—Reskemeer, Reskimear, -Rekymar, Reshemer, Reskemyr, Reskimer, and so on. The portrait is -usually considered to represent John Reskimer, of Marthyn or Murthyn, -though there is no authority for this except the fact that a John -Reskimer was living at about this time. Among the various references to -men of this family in the State Papers, Reskimers of more than one -Christian name appear. A Mr. Reskemar is mentioned in 1527 as belonging -to Wolsey’s household, and in 1532 the name of John Reskymer, son and -heir of John Reskymer, occurs in connection with a grant of land in -Cornwall.[760] - -The John Reskemeer or Reskimer whose portrait this is said to be was the -son of William Reskemeer, fourteenth in descent from the first of that -name who settled in Cornwall, and Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John -Arundel of Telverne. By his wife Catherine, daughter of John Trethurff, -he had several children, his son William succeeding him;[761] though, -according to a pencil note in the copy in the British Museum of John -Chamberlaine’s “Imitations of Holbein’s Drawings,” he married Jane, one -of the daughters of Robert, natural son of Henry, Lord Holland, the last -Duke of Exeter. He was High Sheriff of Cornwall in 1557, and his seat, -Marthyn, was one of the eight parks in that county in 1602. - -There is a fine portrait in the Prado, Madrid, representing an elderly -Englishman of extremely plain features and with an exceptionally large -nose,[762] which Woltmann, who first drew attention to it, regarded as a -genuine work of Holbein’s first English period. His clean-shaven face -with its many heavy wrinkles is of a very ruddy brown colour. His small -black cap has long ear-pieces, and he wears the customary dark cloak or -overcoat, with a collar of black embroidered or watered silk, open at -the top, and looped together with a cord, showing the white shirt below, -cut straight without a collar of any kind. It is a half-length, almost -full face, the head and eyes turned slightly to the left. He holds a -rolled-up paper in his left hand. It bears the stamp of truth in every -line of the rugged countenance. Modern criticism, however, refuses to -accept it as a work from Holbein’s brush. Dr. Bode and other German -writers consider it to be by the Master of the “Death of Mary.” - -[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF SIR HENRY WYAT] - -A small portrait of undoubted genuineness, although badly over-painted, -and belonging to the first English period, is the likeness of Sir Henry -Wyat in the Louvre (Pl. 88),[763] which for many years was known as a -portrait of Sir Thomas More. According to Mr. Lionel Cust,[764] this -panel is in all probability the same as the portrait of “Cavaglier -Wyat,” painted in 1527, by Holbein, which was in the possession of -Thomas Howard, Earl of Arundel, and among those pictures which, after -his widow’s death at Amsterdam in 1654, were disposed of by her son, -Viscount Stafford, to M. Jabach of Cologne, from whom they were -purchased by Colbert for the collection of Louis XIV, and so came into -the Louvre. Several copies of it exist. There is an excellent replica in -the National Gallery of Ireland[765] (No. 370), which was acquired at -the sale of the Magniac Collection in 1892; while a copy of it belongs -to Constance, Countess of Romney, with which goes a picture of Wyat’s -famous cat, which picture, according to Sir Martin Conway,[766] may -likewise represent an original by Holbein. A somewhat later, probably -seventeenth-century, picture belonging to Lady Romney, is made up out of -a combination of the two—master and cat—with a background of prison wall -and window. - -In the Louvre picture Sir Henry is represented at half-length, slightly -turned to the right, wearing a black skull-cap over his long hair, and -the customary overcoat with deep fur collar, and green under-sleeves; -from his shoulders hangs a large heavy gold chain, to which a gold cross -is attached, which he grasps with his right hand, and holds a folded -paper in his left. He is clean-shaven, and has a large rounded nose. The -wrinkled face, the small tremulous mouth, and the tired eyes with the -sadness of their expression, produce a very lifelike effect of old age. -The chain is put on with real gold, in a way which Holbein practised -from time to time in England. Although it has suffered severely, it -seems to be an undoubted example of the first English period. It is -about 15½ in. high by 12 in. wide. Woltmann saw a copy of it in London -in the Robinson Collection, probably the one now in Dublin, and he -speaks both of it and of the one belonging to Lady Romney as of high -artistic merit.[767] Sir Henry Wyat, of Allington Castle, Kent, who had -served Henry VII, was appointed as a member of the Privy Council by -Henry VIII on his accession to the throne. He died in 1537. Holbein -probably became acquainted with him when at work on the Greenwich -Banqueting House. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 88. - - -[Illustration: - - SIR HENRY WYAT - LOUVRE, PARIS -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 89. - - -[Illustration: - - SIR THOMAS ELYOT - _Drawing in black and coloured chalks_ - WINDSOR CASTLE -] - -[Sidenote: HIS EARLIER ENGLISH PORTRAITS] - -In addition to these undated portraits, there are several studies for -paintings now lost which it is the custom, both from the style of -drawing and the fashion of hair and dress, to attribute to this earlier -period. The truly magnificent head of an unknown man at Chatsworth, and -the almost equally fine drawing of Sir Thomas Elyot (Pl. 89),[768] -author of the “Boke called the Governour,” and friend of More, and that -of his wife, Lady Elyot,[769] among the Windsor heads, have thus been -ascribed to 1527-8; but in these three cases the draughtsmanship is so -extraordinarily true and delicate, and at the same time so strong and so -full of character in every touch, that one is inclined to place them -some six or seven years later as work of the first years of Holbein’s -second English period. The Chatsworth drawing[770] is outlined in black -with the point of the brush on flesh-coloured paper, with a spot of red -here and there. “It would be useless to dilate upon the qualities of -this masterpiece,” says Mr. S. Arthur Strong, “in which Holbein seems to -touch the highest point attainable by human faculty within the chosen -limits. By the side of such work as this, Leonardo da Vinci himself -would appear conventional, almost effeminate.”[771] This praise is by no -means excessive, as the drawing is wonderful in its truth, its -combination of delicacy and strength, and its beauty. There is a second -head of an unknown man by Holbein at Chatsworth,[772] of a later date, -and in no ways as fine as the earlier one. It is in black chalk with a -wash of red, and it has been dashed in with rapid, vigorous strokes, -though with little of the subtlety of the first. - -With the exception of several doubtful examples, such as the Dr. John -Stokesley, Bishop of London,[773] in Windsor Castle, which, though a -work of high quality, has characteristic features in the painting which -preclude its attribution to Holbein, the above-mentioned pictures -constitute the tale of the painter’s achievement in England during his -first visit, which lasted only some twenty months or so. During that -time, however, he not only spent a couple of months or more over the -decoration of the Greenwich Banqueting House, and made numerous studies -for the big More Family Group, and carried that picture itself some way -towards completion, but also painted portraits of Sir Thomas and Lady -More, Archbishop Warham, Sir Henry and Lady Guldeford, Thomas and John -Godsalve, Niklaus Kratzer, Sir Henry Wyat, and Sir Bryan Tuke, so that -his output was a considerable one. - -In addition to these, there is the portrait of Reskimer, and possibly -others of Margaret Roper, Sir Thomas and Lady Elyot, and Sir Nicholas -Carew,[774] while it is almost certain that he also painted one of -Bishop Fisher, although the drawing for it is now the only record which -remains. This list, which includes fourteen or more portraits, shows -that Holbein, in spite of lack of official recognition from the King, -received sufficient patronage from the More circle and the Court to keep -him very busily and remuneratively occupied. - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - CHAPTER XV - - THE RETURN TO BASEL (1528-1532) - -Return to Basel and purchase of a house—Iconoclastic outbreaks in that - city—Destruction of sacred paintings and sculptures—Lack of work, and - death or absence of old patrons—Portrait of his wife and children—His - relationships with his wife—Completion of the wall-paintings in the - Council Chamber of the Town Hall—“Rehoboam rebuking the - Elders”—“Meeting of Samuel and Saul”—Portrait of Erasmus painted in - Freiburg—Book illustrations—Repainting the faces of the clock on the - Rhine Gate—Holbein’s return to England. - - -UNTIL the discovery in 1870, by Dr. Édouard His-Heusler,[775] that -Holbein purchased a house in Basel in August 1528, it was generally -supposed that the painter remained in England until the spring or summer -of 1529. In September of the latter year Erasmus wrote letters to Sir -Thomas More and Margaret Roper thanking them very heartily for the -drawing of the family picture which Holbein had brought to him. This was -the study now in the Basel Gallery. Erasmus was then living in Freiburg, -and it was supposed that the painter halted there on his way home on -purpose to deliver this sketch and letters which he was bearing from -Chelsea. This supposition has now to be abandoned. - -[Sidenote: HOLBEIN’S PURCHASE OF TWO HOUSES] - -There is no doubt that Holbein had received a two years’ leave of -absence from the Basel Town Council, and that his only reason for -leaving England, where he was busily and lucratively occupied, was the -fact that he was bound by the laws of his adopted city to return within -the stipulated period, or otherwise to run the risk of forfeiting his -rights of citizenship, and incurring other punishment, in addition to -possible trouble with his own particular guild. By an order of the -Council dated 1521, no one subject to the jurisdiction of Basel was -allowed to take service with, or receive pension money from, any foreign -prince or community; and this law may have been one of the reasons why -Holbein did not enter into Henry VIII’s service at this time, as it -would be necessary before doing so to obtain the Council’s special -permission, as he did later on in his career. - -Holbein’s purchase of a house in Basel was made on August 29, 1528, -exactly two years after the date of Erasmus’ letter to Ægidius, given to -the painter on the eve of his departure for England. The record of the -sale is to be found in the “Fertigungsbuch,” and from the entry it -appears that both Holbein and his wife were present in person at the -completion of the transaction. It was bought from the clothweaver -Eucharius Rieher, and the price was 300 gulden or florins, which shows -that Holbein had brought home money in his purse, though only one-third -of the purchase price was paid, and the remainder secured by a mortgage. -It was a two-storeyed house, overlooking the Rhine, in the St. Johann -Vorstadt, next door to Froben’s bookstore, and its site is now occupied -by No. 22. Within living memory it was still standing, outwardly very -little changed since the days in which Holbein and his family lived in -it; as also the smaller cottage next door, which the painter purchased -some years later, on the 28th March 1531, for 70 gulden, from the -fisherman Uly von Rynach, on part of the site of which a factory has -since been erected. - -[Sidenote: ERASMUS AND MORE FAMILY GROUP] - -Here Holbein settled down to work again, but, if one may judge from the -few examples of his brush which can be ascribed to this period, he must -have found Basel a far less profitable field for his labours than -England. During his absence Switzerland had fallen on evil days. At -about the date of his return the religious differences had reached their -climax, and in Basel violent outbreaks of hostilities were taking place. -At Easter, 1528, the Council had been obliged to give way to the extent -of allowing divine worship according to the Reformed ritual in some of -the churches, and permitting the removal of all sacred pictures from -their walls. The Council, indeed, did their best to prevent sedition. -Their recommendation that “no man should call another papist or -lutheran, heretic, adherent of the new faith or the old, but each should -be left unharassed and unscorned in his own belief,” fell on unheeding -ears.[776] Such prudent advice was ill-suited to the passions which had -been aroused. In the following year all the Catholic members of the -Council were forcibly removed by a mob of armed citizens, and this -action was followed by a number of excesses. On Shrove Tuesday, 1529, a -furious outburst of iconoclasm occurred. The Cathedral was attacked by a -crowd of some hundreds of reformers, who broke open the doors, and -pulled down and dashed to pieces all the pictures and altars. The -Council issued orders and edicts which were powerless to stay the -fanaticism of the rioters, who visited in turn the other churches and -monasteries in the city, destroying everything that was not hastily -hidden from them. On the following day, Ash Wednesday, the destruction -continued. Four hundred men, headed by the public executioner, paid a -second visit to the Cathedral, broke up everything that still remained, -and of the fragments made five large bonfires. Pictures and wooden -images were burnt, wall-paintings were whitewashed over; and however -beautiful such works of art might be, their merits were insufficient to -save them. The reformers’ hearts were hot against what they considered -the gross idolatry of their opponents, and nothing was spared from the -fire upon which they could lay their furious hands. Here and there a -picture or relic was saved, among them at least one work of Holbein’s, -the early “Last Supper,” already described, though it appears to have -been badly damaged at the time, and restored later on.[777] No doubt -more than one of his pictures perished, together with others by such -Basel painters as Urs Graf, Niklaus Manuel Deutsch, and Hans Herbster. -His beautiful shutters for the Cathedral organ happily escaped; it may -be that they were hung too high to be easily reached, and were thus -protected from the first outbreak, and afterwards, when the edict was -issued forbidding all sacred pictures in the churches, they would be -allowed to remain on the walls under the order which permitted the use -of all paintings of a character to which no adoration could be -shown.[778] Erasmus, in a letter to Pirkheimer, gives a graphic -description of what took place on these two days of fanatical -destruction. “There was no one,” he says, “who did not fear for himself, -when these dregs of the people covered the whole market-place with arms -and cannons. Such a mockery was made of the images of the saints, and -even of the Crucifixion, that one would have thought that some miracle -must have happened. Nothing was left of the sculptures, either in the -churches or in the cloisters, in the portals or in the monasteries. -Whatever painted pictures remained were daubed over with whitewash, -whatever was inflammable was thrown upon the pile, whatever was not was -broken to pieces. Neither pecuniary nor artistic value could save -anything.” - -This tumultuous state of affairs proved too much for Erasmus, who had a -detestation of all forms of violence, and only wished for peaceful -surroundings in which to pursue his work. More than one of his noble -patrons, from whom he received pensions, objected to his continued -residence in a city in which the Protestant party were dominant. He had, -too, some fear for his own life; for though he was an adherent of -neither side, his opinions were not popular with the reformers. So he -now turned his back upon the city which he had made his permanent home -since 1521, and in which, old and sickly as he was, he had hoped to end -his days, and removed to the neighbouring city of Freiburg, where the -Catholic party were in the ascendancy. Thither Bonifacius Amerbach -accompanied him, and remained with him for some time. - -As Holbein found Erasmus still in Basel when he returned there in August -1528, he must have presented Sir Thomas More’s gift to him on his -arrival. There could be no reason for delay unless he had in some way -mislaid the sketch. Nor is it likely that Erasmus would have waited for -thirteen months before writing to More to thank him; if he had done so, -he would at least have made some apology for his remissness. Yet in his -published works his letter of thanks is dated Freiburg, 5th September -1529, so that the matter is not easy of explanation, unless this again -is another mistake in dating on the part of the editor of the letters. -If the correct date of the letters to More and his daughter is 1528, not -1529, then Erasmus wasted little time before writing to More to thank -him for the drawing. It seems certain that the scholar, highly delighted -with the picture of his friends, and the letters from them which -accompanied it, would not let many days go past without acknowledging -them. - -In his letter to Sir Thomas he says: “Oh that it were once more granted -me in life to see such dear friends face to face whom I contemplate with -the utmost joy imaginable in the picture, which Holbein (Olpeius) has -brought me!”[779] On the next day, September 6th, he wrote to Margaret -Roper: “I can scarcely express in words, Margaret Roper, thou ornament -of thine England, what hearty delight I experienced when the painter -Holbein (Olpeinus) presented to my view your whole family in such a -successful delineation, that I could scarcely have seen you better had I -been myself near you. Constantly do I desire that once more, before my -goal is reached, it may be granted me to see this dear family circle, to -whom I owe the best part of my outward prosperity, and of my fame, -whatever they may be, and would owe them rather than to any other -mortal. A fair portion of this wish has now been fulfilled by the gifted -hand of the painter. I recognise all, yet none more than thee, and from -the beautiful vestment of thy form I feel as if I could see thy still -more beautiful mind beaming forth.... Greet thy mother, the honoured -Mistress Alice, many times from me; as I could not embrace her myself, I -have kissed her picture from my heart.”[780] In the first letter Erasmus -writes Holbein’s name as Olpeius, confusing him for the moment with an -old “famulus” of his own, Severinus Olpeius. In the second letter, in -which he calls him Olpeinus, he gets nearer to the correct name. In her -answer to this last letter, dated November 4th, Margaret says: “Quod -pictoris tibi adventus tantæ voluptati fuit, illo nomine, quod utriusque -mei parentis nostrumque omnium effigiem depictam detulerit, ingentibus -cum gratiis libenter agnoscimus.”[781] - -Holbein must soon have discovered that his prospects of remunerative -employment were far from promising, when compared with the field he had -so recently abandoned. Fortunately he had some little money in his -pockets when he returned, and perhaps for some months, before the -religious dissensions came to so acute a head, he may have found -profitable work. But the outburst in the spring of 1529 put an abrupt -end to all painting of sacred pictures or work of any kind for the -churches. The 18th clause (“upon pictures”) in an order passed by the -Reformation party in that year stated: “We have no pictures in our -churches, either in the city or country, because they formerly gave much -incitement to idolatry, therefore God has so decidedly forbidden them, -and has cursed all who make images. Hence, in future, by God’s help, we -will set up no pictures, but will seriously reflect how we can provide -comfort for the poor needy ones who are the true and living images of -God.”[782] For a painter who had to make a living for a wife and family -such conditions were serious enough, for they cut off one of his chief -sources of employment. Judging from the numerous studies in the Basel -Gallery, Holbein, before his first visit to England, must have been -frequently engaged on pictures, wall-paintings, and designs for windows -for churches, all of which, with few exceptions, such as the Meyer -Madonna and one or two others, perished before the fury of the mob. It -was natural that he should look forward to a continuance of work of this -nature, and however strongly, in his heart, he may have believed in the -Reformation itself, he must have been in little accord with it in its -treatment of art. Nor was it a time when the leading citizens of Basel -had leisure or desire for so peaceful an occupation as sitting for their -portraits. The times were far too strenuous. Several of his earlier -friends, and patrons, too, were no longer there to help him. Froben had -died two years before he got back, and Erasmus was about to wipe the -dust of Basel from his feet, while Amerbach was a temporary absentee. -His old friend, Jakob Meyer “zum Hasen,” was still a prominent figure -among the Catholic minority, and, therefore, had little influence to -place at his service. Under such adverse conditions it is, perhaps, not -wonderful that only one panel painting of the second Basel period can be -pointed to with any certainty—the portrait-group of his wife and two -elder children. This, and the remaining wall-paintings in the Council -Chamber of the Town Hall, are the only works of importance of which we -have any record. - -[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN] - -The portrait of his wife and his two elder children, Philip and -Katherine, in the Basel Gallery (No. 325) (Pl. 90),[783] was, no doubt, -one of the first things he undertook after his arrival. In any case, it -was painted in 1528 or 1529. It is in oils on four pieces of paper -fastened together, and at some subsequent time has been cut out round -the figures and mounted on a panel, thus spoiling the delicacy of the -outlines. The figures are life-size, and the wife, who is seated, facing -the spectator, is shown at almost three-quarters length. She wears a -dark green bodice without ornament, cut very low and straight across the -breast, and a dark-brown over-garment trimmed with a thin band of fur. -Her light brown hair is covered by a transparent veil which comes low -over her forehead, and a small brown cap on the back of her head. On her -left knee she supports a red-haired baby, about eighteen months old, -born during Holbein’s absence, dressed in a cap and an undyed woollen -garment, while her right hand rests on the shoulder of a boy of about -six or seven, with long fair hair, wearing a dark blue-green dress above -which the white collar of his shirt is visible. The lad, who is shown in -profile, is looking upwards to the right, and presses against his -mother’s knee. His head and shoulders only are shown. - -The picture is dated, but in the cutting out process it underwent prior -to its fastening upon the wood panel, which was done before 1586, as is -to be gathered from the Amerbach inventory, the last figure has been -shorn away, and only “152” remains. It is almost certain that this date -was 1528 or 1529, probably the former, for Holbein, once more united -with his wife and family, would be likely to give expression to his -pleasure by painting their portraits. In the greater energy of its -conception and the vigour of its treatment it more closely resembles the -portraits painted in England than his earlier Basel work. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 90. - - -[Illustration: - - HOLBEIN’S WIFE AND CHILDREN - 1528-9 - BASEL GALLERY -] - -[Sidenote: PORTRAIT OF HIS WIFE AND CHILDREN] - -There are other versions of this picture in existence, among them a good -late sixteenth-century copy in the Lille Museum,[784] which has a blue -background. Like the Basel example, it is on paper pasted upon wood, but -it has not been cut out round the outlines, while on a piece of paper -added to the top of the panel there is an inscription in gold, which -runs— - - “Die Liebe zu Gott heist Charitas, - Wer Liebe hatt der tragtt kein hass,” - -thus turning it into a representation of Charity. A second[785] example, -though a work of no particular skill, is of interest because it gives -what was probably the background of the original work before it was cut -down, one of those architectural compositions with pilasters and an -ornamental frieze which Holbein so frequently used as a setting for his -earlier portraits, part of which forms a high-backed seat in which the -wife is placed. This copy, which belongs to Herr E. Trümpy, of Glarus, -shows some small differences, in the boy’s hair, the folds of the -draperies, &c., but it has suffered so much that it is difficult to pass -judgment upon it. It must have been painted before the original work was -cut down towards the end of the sixteenth century. That the picture -represents the painter’s wife and children is certain, for it was in the -possession of Amerbach, whose son entered it in his inventory as -“Holbeins fraw vnd zwei kinder von im H. Holbein conterfehet vf papir -mit olfarben, vf holtz gezogen.” - -This picture is painted with greater breadth and freedom than was his -custom. The delicacy of handling which marked almost all that he did has -given place to a more rapid but none the less truthful execution. The -baby is by no means a beautiful child, and the mother’s plainness of -countenance is almost repulsive at the first glance. Her expression is -one of deep dejection, her face careworn and unhappy, and her eyes are -rimmed with red, suggesting ill-health or sorrow. The grouping is -unconventional, and it may be that the artist began to paint them just -as he happened to see them, without any elaborate posing or attempt to -make a picture of them. The wonderful truth with which he has realised -them, however, the fine rich colour, and the luminous painting of the -flesh tones, combine to make it one of his greatest works, in the study -and appreciation of which the want of physical beauty in the principal -sitter and the severe plainness of the costumes are overlooked and -forgotten. Though only six years later than the Solothurn Madonna and -the portrait at the Hague, Elsbeth Holbein has already lost all -appearance of youth, and the cares of life have left heavy traces behind -them. Her features are now not merely homely, but heavy and -uninteresting, while her figure is solid, ample, and ungraceful. Yet it -is still possible to recognise the likeness, no doubt somewhat idealised -in the earlier work, but here set down with remorseless truth. The cause -of this loss of youth and good looks, due, according to some modern -critics, to Holbein’s neglect and his infatuation for Magdalena -Offenburg, has been touched upon in an earlier chapter. M. de Wyzewa, -who is one of those who hold this theory, regards this Basel family -group as one of the few pictures in which Holbein completely reveals his -artistic soul. “I doubt,” he says,[786] “if there exists in the world -another painting comparable to this for subtle and dolorous beauty of -expression.” In its revelation of truth it is an act of accusation -against the painter himself, such as is not to be found in any written -account of him by his contemporaries, who, it is suggested, influenced -by his importance as an artist and by his connection with big and -influential people, did not think it wise to speak the truth about him. -It was Magdalena who was the chief cause of this domestic misery, we are -told. She was “l’odieuse rivale qui l’a dépouillée de sa beauté et de -son bonheur, et de toute sa fortune par-dessus le marché, qui a réduit -l’exquise jeune femme du portrait de la Haye à devenir le fantôme -navrant du portrait de Bâle; voilà peut-être le grief qui aura pesé le -plus cruellement sur le cœur ulcéré d’Elisabeth Holbein! Et qui sait si -ce remords-là ne s’est point dressé au premier plan dans l’âme du -peintre lui-même, lorsqu’en 1529 celui-ci a éprouvé le besoin de nous -crier sa confession de mari et de père, en même temps qu’il allait nous -révéler la puissante, l’émouvante grandeur de son génie d’artiste?” - -The boy in the picture, who appears to be six or seven years old, may -well have been the model for the Infant Christ in the Solothurn Madonna. -The group has been painted with a speed and spontaneity which is not -usual in Holbein’s portraits, with their minute finish and careful -elaboration of details. This unwonted vigour of handling, however, gives -to it a freedom and a largeness which make it unique among the varied -manifestations of his genius. It has many of the qualities of a -brilliant sketch, in which both likeness and character have been set -down with direct and masterly power. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 91. - - -[Illustration: - - PORTRAIT OF A YOUNG WOMAN - _Unfinished study in oils_ - BASEL GALLERY -] - -A very remarkable portrait study of a young woman in the Basel Gallery -(No. 326) (Pl. 91),[787] which comes from the Faesch Cabinet, bears a -close resemblance to the Family Group, and is ascribed by Dr. Ganz to -the same year, 1528, to which it undoubtedly belongs. The subject, -evidently a woman of Holbein’s own class, is extremely plain, with heavy -features, and dark eyes and hair. She is represented to the waist, -turned slightly to the spectator’s left, her long hands, with numerous -rings, crossed in front of her. It is drawn with the pencil, and -coloured with oil colours thinly laid on and mixed with white upon a -red-toned ground. The background is a plain, deep blue. It is -unfinished, the turban-like cap, and the outer bodice of the dress -having the colour only slightly indicated. It is of the utmost interest, -as it affords evidence of Holbein’s methods of working at this period, -methods which he employed in painting his wife and children, also done -in oils on paper; and it is, in addition, a wonderfully powerful study -in portraiture, lifelike, vigorous, and subtle. - -[Sidenote: RESUMES WORK IN COUNCIL CHAMBER] - -Little is known of Holbein’s work in Basel during this period. No other -portrait from his brush has been so far discovered; but, happily for -him, in the summer of 1530 the Town Council found some employment for -him worthy of his great talents, work which occupied him for the -remainder of the year. They resolved to finish the internal decoration -of their Council Chamber, which Holbein had left incomplete some years -earlier, and he was naturally selected as the painter most fitted to do -it. For this work he received in all 72 florins, in four separate -payments between July 6 and November 18, 1530, a sufficiently modest sum -for five months’ work, which included at least two large wall-paintings; -but, nevertheless, better pay than he had gained for his earlier -frescoes in the same room, for the original arrangement was that he -should decorate the whole chamber for the sum of 120 gulden, and for -that sum he had covered all but the “back wall” with large pictures. - -The new subjects, which may have been selected in 1521, when the work -was first begun, were “Rehoboam rebuking the Elders of Israel,” and “The -Meeting of Samuel and Saul.” A third subject, “Hezekiah ordering the -Idols to be broken in pieces,” was probably only one of the single -figures which were placed between the larger compositions. Unlike the -earlier wall-paintings, of which the subjects were taken from classical -antiquity, the ones upon which Holbein was now occupied were drawn from -the Old Testament, and were selected for the purpose of setting forth -the evil effects of bad government and the punishment which follows the -obstinacy of rulers who oppose their will to the will of God. The -“Hezekiah”[788] was chosen, no doubt, as an apt illustration of the -wisdom of obeying the commands of God in the sweeping away of all false -idols and images, as exemplified in the iconoclastic outbreaks in Basel -itself in the previous year, the painting of which Holbein must have -undertaken with mixed feelings. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 92. - - -[Illustration] - -[Illustration: - - “KING REHOBOAM REBUKING THE ELDERS” - Three fragments of the wall-painting formerly in the Basel Town Hall - 1530 - BASEL GALLERY -] - - - VOL. I., PLATE 93. - - -[Illustration: - - REHOBOAM REBUKING THE ELDERS OF ISRAEL - Study for the wall-painting in the Basel Town Hall, 1530 - BASEL GALLERY -] - -Two fine preliminary designs for the “Rehoboam” and the “Samuel and -Saul” form part of the Amerbach Collection, drawings which may have been -made as early as 1521. Among the few fragments of the original -wall-paintings preserved in the Basel Gallery, there are two showing the -head and the raised hand with pointing little finger of Rehoboam (No. -328) (Pl. 92 (3)),[789] the head being drawn in profile, whereas in the -study it is full face, indicating a change in the design when carried -out on the wall. In the centre of the composition, as shown in the -drawing (Pl. 93),[790] King Rehoboam, seated upon a lofty throne beneath -a rich canopy backed by a curtain decorated with a fleur-de-lys device, -bends forward, his left hand stretched before him in vehement action, -with little finger extended towards the group of Israelitish elders -standing below him, some of whom turn away in despair. With his right -hand he points to a scourge held by an attendant on the left. The moment -depicted is when he cries out in a rage: “My little finger shall be -thicker than my father’s loins; my father hath chastised you with whips, -but I will chastise you with scorpions.” Behind the throne, within the -rails enclosing a large vaulted chamber in the Renaissance style, are a -number of figures, on the one side the older councillors who had served -his father, Solomon, whose advice he neglected, and on the other the -younger courtiers whose bad counsel he followed. On the right of the -composition is a glimpse of a hilly landscape, with the Crowning of -Jeroboam by the revolted tribes in the middle distance. The drawing is -washed in Indian ink, with touches of colour in the sky, in the circular -openings at the back of the hall, in the landscape, the faces of the -figures, and the rails and the floor. The story is told very simply and -clearly, but with considerable dramatic force, such as would make an -instant appeal to those for whom the lesson it contained was intended. -The figures are rather short and stumpy, a fault to be noticed in many -of Holbein’s earlier designs for books, wall-paintings, and painted -glass; but the composition is a dignified one, and the large painting -based upon it must have been a noble work. As stated above, the -fragments of the original painting which have been preserved show that -Holbein deviated from the sketch in essential points. The head of -Rehoboam, which is a masterpiece of strong expression, is seen in sharp -profile. There are also in the same Gallery two fragments containing -groups of heads of the Israelite Messengers (No. 329) (Pl. 92 (1 and -2)).[791] Traces of gold are still visible on these remains of the -original work, showing that Holbein made use of gilding in -wall-paintings as well as in portraits. - -[Sidenote: “THE MEETING OF SAMUEL AND SAUL”] - -The wall-painting of “Samuel and Saul” was the largest of all the -decorations in the Council Chamber, and that it was painted side by side -with the “Rehoboam” on the only wall in the room unbroken by door or -window is evident from the fact that in the sketches the same dividing -column appears in both. It was probably about 7 or 8 feet high by 16 or -17 feet long, and if the same proportion was preserved in both designs, -the “Rehoboam” must have been about 13 feet long. The moment chosen for -representation is the return of Saul from his conquest of the -Amalekites, and his meeting with the Prophet Samuel. Instead of obeying -the command of God, and destroying men, women, children, and flocks, he -has spared them, and carried them and much spoil away with him. Samuel -has come forth in anger, and Saul, perceiving him, has dismounted, and -advances to meet him bent in reverence. The prophet heaps reproaches -upon him. “Hath the Lord as great delight in burnt offerings and -sacrifices as in obeying the voice of the Lord? Because thou hast -rejected the word of the Lord, He hath also rejected thee from being -king.” The right half of the composition is crowded with foot-soldiers -and horsemen, wearing Roman helmets, among whom the conquered King Agag -is borne captive. In the distance are seen the captured herds and -flocks, and the burning villages on the hillsides. The composition is a -finely-balanced one, and the noble, menacing figure of the Prophet is -well contrasted with the cringing figure of the King, conscious, now -that the flush of victory is passing, that he has failed to fulfil the -sacred commands. The army behind him is most effectively grouped, and -the soldiers’ lances, seen darkly against the sky, produce much the same -effect of grandeur and of numbers as in Velazquez’s great picture. In -the left upper corner is a long white tablet—no doubt in the finished -painting it was shown hanging from the painted framework surrounding the -picture—on which the Latin text, quoted by Tonjola, was inscribed. - -The sketch (No. 347) (Pl. 94)[792] has been slightly washed with colour, -blue in the sky, the stream in the middle distance, the trees, and the -hills, and brown over the landscape, which combines with the blue to -produce green in the trees and hillsides, while the flames from the -burning villages are bright red. The figures are drawn in brown and -shaded with a wash of cool grey. It is not possible from this, however, -to gain much idea of the actual colouring of the wall-painting, but, -from the darting flames and the volumes of heavy smoke rolling across -the sky and blotting out a part of the landscape, it is possible that -the general effect attempted was one of strong contrasts of chiaroscuro, -such as are to be seen in the Basel Passion picture. Still, the sketch, -small as it is, affords ample evidence of the greatness of Holbein’s -power of design in large compositions crowded with figures, and -emphasizes the seriousness of the loss suffered through the destruction -of the whole of his wall-paintings and larger decorative works. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 94. - - -[Illustration: - - SAMUEL AND SAUL - Study for the wall-painting in the Basel Town Hall - _Pen drawing in brown touched with water-colour_ - BASEL GALLERY -] - -Beyond the Town Hall frescoes, little remains to show in what manner he -was employed during the remainder of his stay in Basel. There is a fine -design for a dagger-sheath, richly decorated with Renaissance ornament, -in the Basel Gallery, dated 1529 (Pl. 45 (1), Vol. ii.);[793] but this -is the only work of the kind that can be given definitely to this -period, though possibly some of the other designs for dagger-sheaths and -bands of ornament in the Basel Gallery, described in a later -chapter,[794] were made during these years. He also produced a number of -designs for woodcuts, among them a series of illustrations for the -_Cosmography_ and several astronomical works by Sebastian Münster of -Munich, published by Heinrich Petri. Münster was in Basel in the autumn -of 1529, and it is possible, so Dr. Ganz suggests,[795] that his -fellow-townsman, Niklaus Kratzer, whose portrait Holbein had so recently -painted, drew his attention to the artist’s skill in the delineation of -scientific and mathematical instruments, such as Münster required for -the illustration of his books. In this way, no doubt, the author and the -artist came into personal contact. Holbein drew for him a number of fine -designs, such as figures representing the signs of the Zodiac, drawings -of sun-dials, and a variety of mathematical and astronomical -instruments, and a great astronomical table, first published in 1534, -but starting from the year 1530, with ornamental accessories and -representations of the four seasons, a work of great beauty.[796] - -He also painted a new portrait of Erasmus, most probably in Freiburg, -for the portrait at Parma, which is one of the best of various almost -contemporary copies, is dated 1530. The small circular picture in the -Basel Gallery is very possibly the original study painted directly from -the sitter. These portraits and the roundel of Melanchthon in the -Provinzial Museum at Hanover, which is probably of the same period, have -been described in a previous chapter.[797] - -[Sidenote: REPAINTING OF RHINE GATE CLOCK] - -There is only one other record to show that he received any further -employment from the civic authorities after the completion of the Town -Hall paintings. On October 7, 1531, he was paid “17 pfund 10 schilling,” -or fourteen gulden, for repainting the two clocks on the Rhine Gate -(“von beden Uren am Rinthor zemalen”).[798] This commission was for -renovating the two faces of the old clock, which was decorated with the -grotesque figure of the “Lallenkönig,” with distorted countenance -stretching out his tongue towards Little Basel. This undertaking seems -very paltry after the big decorative works upon which he had been -occupied twelve months earlier, but was apparently all that the -authorities had to give. It is an exaggeration, however, to speak of it, -as some writers do, as contemptible work for an artist of his standing. -Mrs. Fortescue says of it: “As soon as Holbein got his pay for this -disgraceful commission—a pay he was now much too hard pressed to -refuse—he quietly slipped away from Basel without taking the Council -into his confidence.”[799] To Holbein, who by no means regarded himself -as a portrait-painter only, but to whom all decorative work, however -large or however small, was equally an occasion for giving of the best -that was in him, the ornamentation of a clock face would in no ways -appear to be work in any way disgraceful or beneath him; nor is there -the slightest evidence to show that he ran away from Basel like a thief -in the night. Throughout his life, indeed, his methods were orderly, and -such as became a citizen and guildsman of his adopted town. He must, -nevertheless, have suffered many anxieties, for times were unpropitious -in Basel, and offered few opportunities for the remunerative practice of -the fine arts. - -Both in 1529 and 1530 great scarcity prevailed. The religious -excitement, too, grew in strength, and the Protestant persecutions -became as severe as the papal ones which had preceded them. Holbein -himself fell under suspicion. On June 18, 1530, just when he was -beginning to work on the Town Hall frescoes, he was called upon, -together with a number of other citizens, to justify himself for not -having taken part in the Communion instituted in the Basel churches -after the abolition of the Catholic ritual in 1529. He gave as an answer -that he demanded, before approaching the Lord’s Table, that the -signification of the holy mystery should be better explained to him. It -appears that the information given to him was sufficient to satisfy his -conscience, as he did not persist in his refusal. His friend, Bonifacius -Amerbach, was more obdurate, and so had the ban passed upon him. - -In 1531 open war broke out between the different cantons, through stress -of religious differences. This was possibly the last straw in Holbein’s -case. Work growing daily more difficult to obtain, his thoughts would -naturally turn to the happier fields for his genius which England -afforded, and he determined to return there. The exact date of his -departure is unknown, but it must have been towards the end of 1531 or -in the early spring of 1532; perhaps the latter date is the more -probable of the two, as the journey, in the way in which he would be -forced to make it, would be an unpleasant, if not a difficult, one in -winter.[800] - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - POSTSCRIPT TO CHAPTER XIV - - A NEWLY DISCOVERED PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY - -THE discovery of a new portrait by Holbein must always be a matter of -the highest interest to students of the master’s art, and when the panel -so discovered is one in practically faultless condition and of -exceptional attraction, its importance as an addition to the list of the -painter’s works cannot be easily exaggerated. It is pleasant, therefore, -to have to record the fact that such a portrait was brought to light for -the first time during the present year (1913). The portrait in question -formed part of a collection of pictures and engravings removed from -Rotherwas House, near Hereford, the seat of the Bodenham family, early -in the year, the greater number of which were sold by auction in London -last February. The Holbein picture, however, was first heard of at a -sale at Messrs. Puttick and Simpson’s rooms in Leicester Square on April -8th. It was in a very dirty state, and its beauty was almost entirely -obscured by a thick coat of dark varnish, with which it had been covered -some two centuries or more ago. It had also two slight abrasions above -and below the right eye. Across the left sleeve was painted in white, in -late eighteenth-century lettering, the inscription “Margaret Tudor, -Queen of Scotland.” This attribution, however, was changed by the -compilers of the sale catalogue to “Mary, Queen of Scots,” and it was -described as by an unknown artist of the early English School. The -bidding for this picture started at £10, and it was finally acquired for -340 guineas by Mr. Ayerst H. Buttery. - -Upon careful cleaning the false inscription at once came away, and after -the removal of the varnish the picture was found to be, as already -stated, in a practically faultless condition—except for the two small -abrasions—and in the original state in which it was left by the artist, -thanks, no doubt, to the varnishing process it had undergone. It is -unsigned, and has no inscription giving the name and age of the sitter, -but in spite of this it is difficult to doubt its authorship. Holbein -was the only painter then in England who possessed so fine a technique. -It has been carefully examined by several leading authorities on the -painter, among them Dr. Friedländer, of the Kaiser Friedrich Museum, -Berlin, and all are agreed that it is a splendid example of Holbein. A -detailed description of it, with several suggestions toward the solution -of the identity of the sitter, was first published by Mr. Maurice W. -Brockwell, in the _Morning Post_ of June 28, 1913. - - - VOL. I., PLATE 95. - - -[Illustration: - - PORTRAIT OF AN UNKNOWN ENGLISH LADY - (Formerly in the possession of the Bodenham family, Rotherwas Hall, - Hereford) - _Reproduced by kind permission of Mr. Ayerst H. Buttery_ -] - -It is on panel, 31 inches high by 23½ inches wide (Pl. 95). The lady is -shown full face, and almost three-quarters length, holding with both -hands a very small open prayer-book or breviary, which is attached to a -ribbon round her waist by a plain chain. The dress is of deep maroon -satin, with the upper part of the bodice of black velvet. The latter is -open at the throat, the points of the collar being turned back, showing -the white lining. This style of collar occurs very rarely in Holbein’s -pictures, and is to be seen in only two others of his finished portraits -of ladies—those of Catherine Howard and Lady Butts. In these two, -however, the “revers” are quite plain, whereas in Mr. Buttery’s picture -they are richly embroidered in black with a floral design, suggesting -carnations, conventionally treated, while round the edge runs a narrow -border with a row of conventionalised flowers of a somewhat similar -pattern, which occurs again on the white ruffs at her wrists. Her long -and thin arms are encased in tightly fitting sleeves, terminating in the -then fashionable “hanging” or “over” sleeves, partly of black velvet, -which are exceptionally full and heavy, with slashings filled in with -white silk embroidered in black with a design suggesting acorns arranged -in groups of four. The skirt, or petticoat, of which little can be seen, -shows an elaborate floral pattern. The lady wears no rings, but has a -plain gold chain wound twice round her neck. The collar of the bodice is -fastened together by a small brooch or pin set with a dark “table” -stone, from which is suspended a circular medallion or pendant of gold -and enamel, with the figure of a lady in a red dress, seated in a -high-backed chair, and playing a lute or viol. Above this figure is a -scroll with the legend, “Praise the Lord for evermore.” The whole is -enclosed within a border of scroll-work, with a grotesque head in white -enamel on either side, green leaves at the bottom and a red rose at the -top. The head-dress is of the curved shape introduced from Paris, and -not the more customary angular English hood. It has two bands of -elaborately wrought goldsmith’s work, and is filled in with cerise-red -satin, which makes a very beautiful colour contrast with the plain -blue-green background, against which the head is so effectively placed. -The arrangement of the fair hair, such of it as can be seen, is both -unusual and attractive, being parted in the centre, while on either side -bands, of slightly lighter colour than the rest, are brought forward -over the ears, which are completely hidden. Individual golden hairs are -indicated against the dark background, and both hair and head-dress have -been rendered with all Holbein’s minute and loving care and dexterity of -draughtsmanship. - -The face is a most expressive one. Both the mouth and the grey, -contemplative eyes are full of character, suggested in the most subtle -manner and with unerring brushwork. The modelling of the flesh is of -extraordinary delicacy. The lady, whoever she may be, though not perhaps -strictly beautiful has considerable pretensions to good looks, and her -whole personality, indeed, is one of great charm. The colour-scheme, -too, is one of exceptional attraction. The contrast between the -sombre-coloured garments with glinting lights upon them, and the pale -and pearl-like face, standing out against the blue-green of the -background, is most harmonious, and the band of red in the head-dress -adds to and sets off the delicate blondness of her features. Another -point to be noted is the skill with which the slight ripples in the -plainly-cut bodice and upper sleeves have been indicated, as well as the -little inequalities and furrows in the satin of the head-dress, where -the material has slightly puckered at the edge by which it is fastened -to the ornamental bands. The portrait, indeed, is one of the most -beautiful and attractive ever produced by the painter. - -Little or nothing is known of the history of this picture, and at -present the identity of the sitter has not been established. The ancient -family of Bodenham was settled at Rotherwas long before Henry VIII came -to the throne. It was the recent death of Mr. Charles Bodenham, the last -direct descendant of this family, which brought about the sale of the -estate together with the family mansion and the whole of its contents. -“The entire property,” says Mr. Brockwell, “seems to have been first -purchased by a firm at a south coast watering-place, who being in no -special way attracted by the æsthetic and financial value of the -contents of the house, without much ado proceeded to pass them on to a -well-known trading firm in Hereford. Fifty-three pictures and -thirty-five engravings were disposed of at the end of February last by -auction in London. Before that time, it is understood, a picture”—the -picture now in question—“had been, for sentimental reasons, offered for -£15 to distant connections of the Bodenham family, an offer that was not -accepted, and it was ultimately put up for sale at Messrs. Puttick and -Simpson’s.” The Tudor panelling of the house was sold for a great sum of -money to an American collector. - -Thomas Bodenham was one of the leading gentlemen of Herefordshire during -Henry VIII’s reign. His name occurs frequently on lists of sheriffs, -magistrates, gaol deliveries, and the like, in his own county, but -otherwise there is no mention of him in the _Calendars of Letters and -Papers_, and he does not appear to have been attached to the Court. It -is not, therefore, very probable that the portrait represents his wife -or daughter, though this would provide the most natural solution of the -sitter’s identity. Most critics who have seen the picture are decidedly -of the opinion that it was produced during Holbein’s first visit to -England, in 1526-8, an opinion based largely on the painting of the -hands, undoubtedly the least satisfactory part of the panel. They are -hard and stiff in the modelling, and have none of the expressiveness -which is so marked a characteristic of Holbein’s painting of hands -during the last ten or twelve years of his life. In some other respects -the picture shows qualities which would seem to place it some years -later in the painter’s career, towards the beginning of his second and -longer residence in this country. One feature which may possibly -indicate a later date than 1527 is the dress, and more particularly the -French hood. It is true that instances are known of the wearing of this -head-dress in England as early as 1527, but at that time its use seems -to have been confined to a few ladies of the highest aristocracy about -the Court. The angular hood with its long black fall was then the almost -universal headgear, and remained so for some years longer. The fashion -of the latter, and the method of wearing it, can be well seen in -Holbein’s costume study of a lady in the British Museum. (No. 11 in Mr. -Binyon’s Catalogue. Not in Woltmann. Reproduced by Ganz in _Die -Handzeichnungen von Hans Holbeins des Jüngeren_, x. 4.) This drawing -consists of two whole-length studies on one sheet. In one of them the -lady stands turned three-quarters to the left, her hands in front of -her, holding a rosary; in the other she is seen more from the back, the -left hand raised and pointing. It is in Indian ink and brush outline, -partly washed with Indian ink, and the flesh tints in red. It is signed -twice, “H. H.” and “H. H. B,” but these signatures are false. An -excellent idea of the costume of the period and of the method by which -the fall was attached to the hood can be gained from this effective -drawing, which was formerly in the Malcolm and Lawrence collections. - -The lady of the picture appears to be about twenty-two or twenty-three -years of age, and it is, of course, quite impossible that she can be -Margaret Tudor, whose features are well known, and who was nearly forty -in 1527, while Mary, Queen of Scots, born in 1542, is still more -impossible. The “French Queen,” Mary Tudor, the King’s second sister, -was born in 1498, and so was twenty-nine in 1527; but here again several -authentic portraits of her exist, and these bear little or no -resemblance to Mr. Buttery’s lady. It must be remembered, too, that all -evidence points to the fact that Holbein had no connection with the -Court during his first visit to England. It is very probable that the -luting figure on the medallion is intended to represent St. Cecilia, and -that the sitter, as Mr. Brockwell points out, was named after her. This -suggested to him that it might be a portrait of Sir Thomas More’s second -daughter, Cecilia Heron, who was twenty years of age in 1527 when the -More Family Group was painted; but this theory had to be abandoned, for -there is little or no likeness between the lady of the picture and the -head of Cecilia in the Windsor collection. It is probable that -medallions with a figure of St. Cecilia were by no means uncommon at -that time. Two of them are mentioned in lists of jewels belonging to the -Crown at the period in question. These lists will be found in the -_Calendars of Letters and Papers._ Among the entries in the first list, -dated 1528 (_C. L. P._, vol. iv. pt. ii. 5114) are the following:—“A -brooch with a gentlewoman luting, with a scripture above it,” and “a -gentlewoman, holding a leyer in her hand, silver-gilt (delivered to Mr. -Wyat).” In the second list, dated 1530 (_C. L. P._, vol. iv. pt. iii. -6789), which appears to be a copy of the first, the same entries occur -with slight differences:—“A brooch with a gentlewoman luting, and a -scripture about it,” and “_Images._ A gentlewoman, holding a layer in -her hands, silver-gilt (Mr. Wyat).” There are not, however, sufficient -grounds for suggesting that the lady in question is wearing one of these -particular royal jewels, and that, therefore, she was closely connected -with the King, or even a member of Sir Thomas Wyat’s family, though the -richness and elaborateness of the dress and the exceptionally fine -embroidery seem to indicate a personage of high quality. It is to be -hoped that further researches will solve the mystery of this fair -unknown. In the meanwhile, the portrait provides a very notable and -welcome addition to the tale of the master’s work, and one not easily -surpassed by any other among his portraits of ladies. Thanks to the -great kindness of Mr. Buttery the picture is reproduced here. - - - END OF VOL. I. - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - FOOTNOTES - - ------ - -Footnote 1: - - Anton Werner, _Der Sammler_, No. 143, 1907. - -Footnote 2: - - Anton Werner, _Der Sammler_, No. 143, 1907. - -Footnote 3: - - Entries in the Augsburg Bürgerbuch and Steuerbücher. - -Footnote 4: - - See Glaser, _Hans Holbein der Ältere_, p. 171. - -Footnote 5: - - _Katalog der Œffentlichen Kunstsammlung in Basel_, 1908, p. 66. - -Footnote 6: - - Woltmann, A. H., 20. - -Footnote 7: - - Woltmann, A. H., 25. - -Footnote 8: - - Woltmann, _Holbein und seine Zeit_, i. 67. - -Footnote 9: - - See Willy Hes, _Ambrosius Holbein_, p. 149. - -Footnote 10: - - Woltmann, 1-4. The first and third reproduced by Curt Glaser, _Hans - Holbein der Ältere_, Pl. ii. - -Footnote 11: - - The “Death of Mary” in the Basel Gallery, formerly part of the Afra - altar-piece in the chapel of the Kaisheimer-Hofes in Augsburg, bears - an almost illegible date, which the Basel catalogue gives as 1490, but - is more probably 1495. See Curt Glaser, _Hans Holbein der Ältere_, p. - 23, and Pl. iii. - -Footnote 12: - - Woltmann, 5. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. v.; Davies (central part), p. - 4. - -Footnote 13: - - Or Rehlingen. - -Footnote 14: - - Woltmann, 6. See Glaser, p. 36. - -Footnote 15: - - Woltmann, i. 49. First cited by Hassler in _Verhandlungen des Vereins - für Kunst und Altertum in Ulm und Oberschwaben_, ix. and x., 1855, p. - 79. - -Footnote 16: - - Woltmann, 207-210. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xii. - -Footnote 17: - - Three of them reproduced by Glaser, Pls. x. and xi. - -Footnote 18: - - Woltmann, 238-253. Ten of the panels reproduced by Glaser, Pls. - xiv.-xix. - -Footnote 19: - - Woltmann, 7. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xxii. - -Footnote 20: - - Woltmann, 8. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xxvi.; Davies (left-hand panel - only), p. 12. - -Footnote 21: - - Glaser, 230. Woltmann, 277. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. i. - -Footnote 22: - - Glaser, 218 and 153. Woltmann, 160 and 170. The first reproduced by W. - Hes (_Ambrosius Holbein_), Pl. i. (2), and by Woltmann and Frisch in - _Hans Holbein des Ä. Silberstiftzeich. im Berlin_, Pl. 64; the second - by Glaser, Pl. xxxvii.; Davies, p. 1; Woltmann, vol. i., frontispiece; - and elsewhere. - -Footnote 23: - - Glaser, 233. Reproduced by Davies, p. 14. - -Footnote 24: - - Davies, p. 16. - -Footnote 25: - - For details of these payments, taken from the account books St. - Moritz, see Woltmann, ii. p. 30. - -Footnote 26: - - Woltmann, i. pp. 96-97, ii. 31. (Extracts from the Augsburger - Gerichtsbücher.) - -Footnote 27: - - The altar-piece of 1512 for the Convent of St. Catherine is referred - to in the next chapter. See pp. 23-5. - -Footnote 28: - - Woltmann, 254-258. Central panel and inner sides of shutters - reproduced by Glaser, Pls. xxx., xxxi.; the latter reproduced by - Davies, p. 22; outer sides of shutters by Woltmann, vol. i. pp. 88, - 89. - -Footnote 29: - - Woltmann, i. 95. - -Footnote 30: - - Woltmann, vol. ii. p. 132, not numbered; reproduced by Glaser, Pls. - xxxii., xxxiii.; A. Seeman, in _Zeitschr. f. bild. Kunst_, xiv. p. - 197, 1903 (in colour); Arundel Club, 1907, Pl. 4. - -Footnote 31: - - See note at end of this chapter. - -Footnote 32: - - Raczynski, _Les Arts en Portugal_, 1846, p. 295. - -Footnote 33: - - Glaser, p. 100; Reber, in _Kunstchronik_, xiv. p. 493, 1903. - -Footnote 34: - - Glaser, p. 105. - -Footnote 35: - - W., 41, 127-31, 279. G., 104-10. - -Footnote 36: - - W., 131-2, 226, 279-80. G., 109-14. - -Footnote 37: - - W., 109. G., 133. - -Footnote 38: - - W., 110. G., 134. - -Footnote 39: - - W., 117-18, 224. G., 137-9. - -Footnote 40: - - W., 119. G., 140. - -Footnote 41: - - W., 120. G., 141. - -Footnote 42: - - W., 121. G., 142. - -Footnote 43: - - W., 122. G., 143. - -Footnote 44: - - W., 149. G., 172. - -Footnote 45: - - W., 148. G., 169. - -Footnote 46: - - W., 143. G., 164. - -Footnote 47: - - W., 141-2. G., 165-6. - -Footnote 48: - - W., 111-12. G., 135-6. - -Footnote 49: - - W., 153-4. G., 156-7. - -Footnote 50: - - W., 231. G., 154. - -Footnote 51: - - W., 34. G., 170. - -Footnote 52: - - W., 145-6. G., 167-8. - -Footnote 53: - - W., 155-7. G., 209-11. - -Footnote 54: - - W., 159. G., 213. - -Footnote 55: - - W., 133-4. G., 115-17. - -Footnote 56: - - W., 124-5, 225. G., 100-2. - -Footnote 57: - - W., 126. G., 103. - -Footnote 58: - - W., 108. G., 151-2. Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xxxvi. - -Footnote 59: - - Woltmann, 284. - -Footnote 60: - - Glaser, p. 133. - -Footnote 61: - - _Burlington Magazine_, October 1908, pp. 37-43. - -Footnote 62: - - Berlin, 2558. Glaser, 216. Woltmann, 158. - -Footnote 63: - - The portrait and both drawings reproduced by Mr. Dodgson in his - article; and the portrait in the _Illustrated Catalogue of the - Burlington Fine Arts Club Exhibition_, 1906, Pl. xxxi. - -Footnote 64: - - In May of the present year (1913) the “Fountain of Life” picture was - removed from the Palacio das Necessidades to the Museu Nacional de - Arte Antiga in Lisbon. - -Footnote 65: - - See page 254. - -Footnote 66: - - Published in 1868. - -Footnote 67: - - Woltmann, i. p. 101. - -Footnote 68: - - Woltmann, 14-17. - -Footnote 69: - - Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xxix. - -Footnote 70: - - Glaser, p. 85. - -Footnote 71: - - Reproduced by Davies, p. 16. - -Footnote 72: - - This band of ornament, which is different in each panel, recalls the - very similar scroll-work by the younger Hans used in the upper part of - the organ shutters at one time in the cathedral church of Basel. - -Footnote 73: - - “IVSSV. VENER. PIENTQVE MATRIS VERONI . . W . . . E. H. HOLBAIN IN - AVG. ÆT. SVÆ XVII.” Wornum, p. 88. Woltmann, ii. p. 4. - -Footnote 74: - - _Kunstwerke und Künstler in Deutschland_, 1845. - -Footnote 75: - - Already mentioned, see p. 11. Glaser, 153. Woltmann, 107. - -Footnote 76: - - See page 5. - -Footnote 77: - - See Hes, p. 12, and footnote giving Woltmann’s various surmises as to - the date and figures inscribed on the drawing. - -Footnote 78: - - Woltmann, 160. Glaser, 218. Reproduced by Woltmann, _H. H. des Ä. - Silberstiftzeichnungen_, &c., Pl. lxiv.; Hes, Pl. i. - -Footnote 79: - - Woltmann, 43. Glaser, 203. Reproduced by His in his publication of the - elder Holbein’s drawings, Pl. lxxiv.; Hes, Pl. iii. - -Footnote 80: - - Woltmann, 58. Glaser, 265. Reproduced by His, Pl. lvii.; Hes, Pl. iv. - -Footnote 81: - - Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xiii.; Hes, Pl. v. - -Footnote 82: - - Reproduced by Glaser, Pl. xvii. - -Footnote 83: - - See Hes, p. 15. - -Footnote 84: - - Parthey, No. 1418. - -Footnote 85: - - Or possibly from such miniatures as those in the Duke of Buccleuch’s - collection. See vol. ii. pp. 230-1. - -Footnote 86: - - Woltmann, i. 477. Dr. Paul Ganz suggests that one of these portraits - may have been the small roundel belonging to Lord Spencer, - traditionally known as a portrait of Holbein, but considered by him to - represent the jeweller, Hans of Antwerp. See Ganz, _Holbein_ - (Klassiker der Kunst), p. 253. This large miniature is described more - fully in vol. ii. pp. 14-15. - -Footnote 87: - - Walpole, _Anecdotes_, ed. Wornum, 1888, i. p. 93. - -Footnote 88: - - See vol. ii. pp. 230-1. - -Footnote 89: - - This small roundel is now considered to be a portrait of Hans of - Antwerp. See vol. ii. p. 14. - -Footnote 90: - - Davies, p. 14. - -Footnote 91: - - Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to i. 10. - -Footnote 92: - - His name does not appear in the Augsburg rate-books after 1509, and - after 1512, the date on one of his brother’s portrait-studies of him, - no further trace of him is to be found in his native city. - -Footnote 93: - - Reproduced by Davies, p. 33; Knackfuss, fig. 1; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 3. - -Footnote 94: - - Woltmann, 359. - -Footnote 95: - - S. Vögelin, “Ein wiedergefundenes Meisterwerk Holbeins,” in - _Frankfurter Zeitung_, 1871 (Nos. 236-7, 244, 248), and _Der - Holbein-tisch auf der Stadtbibliothek in Zürich_, Wien, 1878. - Reproduced as a whole and in detail, together with a reconstruction, - by Ganz in _Holbein_ (_K. der K._) pp. 6-9. - -Footnote 96: - - Woltmann, 7, 8. Reproduced by Knackfuss, figs. 2, 3; Ganz, _Holbein_, - pp. 19, 20. - -Footnote 97: - - Woltmann, 168. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 4; and in outline by - Reinach, _Répertoire de Peintures_, i. p. 401 (as by H. H. the Elder). - -Footnote 98: - - Reproduced by Reinach, _Répertoire_, i. p. 4. - -Footnote 99: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 5. Wrongly described in Reinach, - _Répertoire_, as “The Flagellation.” - -Footnote 100: - - Dr. Willy Hes considers this portrait to be by Herbster himself. See - p. 60. - -Footnote 101: - - Woltmann, 27. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 4; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 21. - -Footnote 102: - - Woltmann, 24. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 22. - -Footnote 103: - - Woltmann, 25. Reproduced by Davies, p. 38; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 23. - -Footnote 104: - - Woltmann, 26. Reproduced by Davies, p. 40; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 25. - -Footnote 105: - - Woltmann, 28. Reproduced by Davies, p. 42; Knackfuss, fig. 5; Ganz, - _Holbein_, p. 24. - -Footnote 106: - - Davies, p. 40. - -Footnote 107: - - Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 233. - -Footnote 108: - - Woltmann, 51. Reproduced by Ganz, _Handzeichnungen Schweizerischer - Meister_, iii. 8; Knackfuss, fig. 66. - -Footnote 109: - - See Appendix (A). - -Footnote 110: - - Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 8. - -Footnote 111: - - Woltmann, Woodcuts, 193. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 67. - -Footnote 112: - - Woltmann, 234. Reproduced by Davies, p. 186; A. F. Butsch, _Die - Bücher-Ornamentik der Renaissance_, 1878, Pl. 41; Wornum, dedication - page. - -Footnote 113: - - Woltmann, 111. - -Footnote 114: - - This inscription, however, is now regarded as a rather doubtful one, - and it is possible that the book was never permanently in the - possession of Erasmus. See Hes, _Ambrosius Holbein_, pp. 83-94, where - the history of the book and the various theories as to its ownership - and the authorship of the drawings are very fully discussed. - -Footnote 115: - - See Ganz, _Hdz. Schweiz. Mstr._, note to i. 52. - -Footnote 116: - - Dr. Hes subjects the drawings to careful analysis, and gives a - complete list, together with the suggested authorship of each of them, - in _Ambrosius Holbein_, pp. 90-94 and 161-166. - -Footnote 117: - - Twelve of them reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schweiz. Mstr._, i. 52; the - whole set by Mantz, but so badly engraved that they are of little - service for purposes of comparison; the whole of the drawings now - attributed to Ambrosius by Hes, Pls. xvi.-xx., and p. 139. - -Footnote 118: - - Dr. Hes points out the similarity of this figure to that of the - schoolmistress in the “Schoolmaster’s Signboard,” and considers that - Ambrosius had a share in the painting of the latter. See _Ambrosius - Holbein_, p. 93. - -Footnote 119: - - By Ambrosius Holbein. - -Footnote 120: - - The name, however, was not written by Erasmus, but is a later - addition. - -Footnote 121: - - Woltmann, under H. H. the Elder, 182. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 6; - Ganz, _Holbein_ (_K. der K._), p. 203; Hes, Pl. xxxiv. - -Footnote 122: - - Dr. Hes regards this portrait as the work of Herbster himself. See - _Ambrosius Holbein_, p. 145. - -Footnote 123: - - Woltmann, under H. H. the Elder, 106, but he afterwards attributed it - to the younger Hans. Reproduced by Ganz, _Handzeichnungen - Schweizerischer Meister_, &c., ii. 2; Hes, Pl. xxiv. - -Footnote 124: - - Woltmann, 5, 6. Reproduced by Knackfuss, figs. 10, 11; Ganz, _Holbein_ - (_K. der K._), pp. 10, 11. - -Footnote 125: - - Woltmann, 11. Reproduced by Davies, pp. 44, 46; Knackfuss, figs. 14, - 15; Ganz, _Holbein_, pp. 12, 13. - -Footnote 126: - - On the back of the portrait of Meyer, Holbein painted, four years - later, the sitter’s coat of arms, surmounted by a scroll inscribed - “I.M. 1520.” (Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 30.) There is a good - old copy of the wife’s portrait in the collection of Mr. Ralph - Brocklebank, Haughton Hall, Tarporley, which was previously in the - William Graham collection; and a copy of both portraits in the Basel - Gallery, No. 350, from the Faesch collection. - -Footnote 127: - - According to Stödtner, these portraits show the influence of - Burgkmair. - -Footnote 128: - - Woltmann, 33, 34. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 18 and - iii. 7, and the “Meyer” in _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 2; the - “Dorothea” by Davies, p. 46; both by Knackfuss, figs. 12, 13. - -Footnote 129: - - “—ogen schwarz—baret rot mosfarb—brauenn gelber dan das har—grusen wit - brauenn.” - -Footnote 130: - - Woltmann, 9. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 16; Ganz, _Holbein_ (_K. - der K._) p. 14. - -Footnote 131: - - Ganz, _Holbein_ (_K. der K._), p. 233. - -Footnote 132: - - Reproduced by Law, _Royal Gallery of Hampton Court_, p. 154. - -Footnote 133: - - This theory is held by Herr Th. von Liebenau. See his _H. H. des Jüng. - Fresken am Hertensteinhause zu Luzern_, &c., 1888. - -Footnote 134: - - Woltmann, 16. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 52; Hes, - Pl. xxx. - -Footnote 135: - - E. His, “Die Baseler Archive über H. H.,” in Zahn’s _Jahrbuch_, 1870, - p. 113. Woltmann, i. p. 135; Hes, p. 16. - -Footnote 136: - - Woltmann, 5. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxxvi. - -Footnote 137: - - Woltmann, Woodcuts, 18-21. See Hes, p. 23, who reproduces all four - woodcuts, Pls. xiv.-xv. - -Footnote 138: - - Woltmann, 2, 3. No. 294 reproduced in the Basel Catalogue, 1908, and - both by Hes, Pl. xxxi., xxxii. - -Footnote 139: - - Woltmann, 24. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxix. - -Footnote 140: - - Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxviii. - -Footnote 141: - - Woltmann, 23. See Hes, pp. 124-6. Reproduced by him, Pl. xxxiii. - -Footnote 142: - - Woltmann, 1. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxiii. - -Footnote 143: - - Woltmann, 4. - -Footnote 144: - - Woltmann, under Hans the Younger, 203. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxxvii.; - Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 204. - -Footnote 145: - - See Hes, pp. 144-6. - -Footnote 146: - - Woltmann, 6. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 6; Hes, Pl. - xxvi. - -Footnote 147: - - Woltmann, 7. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxvii. - -Footnote 148: - - Woltmann, 8. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xvi.; Hes, Pl. xxv. - -Footnote 149: - - Woltmann, 10. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 22; - Knackfuss, fig. 39; Hes, Pl. xxii. - -Footnote 150: - - Woltmann, 22. Reproduced by Hes, Pl. xxxv. - -Footnote 151: - - This picture was included in the Exposition de la Toison d’Or, Bruges, - 1907, No. 130. - -Footnote 152: - - Woltmann, Woodcuts, 7. Reproduced by Butsch, _Die Bücher-Ornamentik - der Renaissance_, Pl. 46; Hes, Pl. x. - -Footnote 153: - - Woltmann, Woodcuts, 17. - -Footnote 154: - - Woltmann, Woodcuts, 16. - -Footnote 155: - - See Woltmann, ii. pp. 205-214; Hes, pp. 27-80, and Pls. vi.-xv.; also - Butsch. - -Footnote 156: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 39; Hes, Pl. xxi. - -Footnote 157: - - See Hes, p. 148. Reproduced by Vasari Society, No. 17, Pt. i., 1905-6. - -Footnote 158: - - Woltmann, 103. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 40; and in - _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 4; and _Holbein_, p. 154. - -Footnote 159: - - Woltmann, 216. - -Footnote 160: - - Woltmann, i. p. 143. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 16. - -Footnote 161: - - Woltmann, 53. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 3; and in - _Holbein_, p. 154; the left-hand half by His, _Dessins d’Ornaments de - Hans Holbein_, Pl. ii. - -Footnote 162: - - Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to ii. 3. - -Footnote 163: - - For completer details, see Th. von Liebenau, _Hans Holbeins d. J. - Fresken am Hertenstein Hause in Luzern_, 1888; P. Ganz, “Hans Holbeins - Italienfahrt,” in _Süddeutsche Monatshefte_, 1909, vol. vi. p 596. - -Footnote 164: - - Parthey, 1548. Woltmann, ii. p. 166, who doubts that the original was - by Holbein. - -Footnote 165: - - Eight of them reproduced by Ganz, together with a reconstruction of - the façade by A. Landerer, in _Holbein_, pp. 153-158. - -Footnote 166: - - Reproduced in the _Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of New York_, - vol. i. No. 12 (Nov. 1906); _Burlington Magazine_, Oct. 1906, p. 53; - Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 15. - -Footnote 167: - - Woltmann, 58. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 41 (_a_). - -Footnote 168: - - See _Süddeutsche Monatshefte_, 1909, p. 599. - -Footnote 169: - - See pp. 140-3, 150, &c. - -Footnote 170: - - Woltmann, 16. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 19; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. - 55. - -Footnote 171: - - See p. 40. - -Footnote 172: - - According to Dr. Ganz, the architectural motives are derived from the - loggia of the Cathedral of Como. See _Holbein_, p. 236. - -Footnote 173: - - See chapter vii. - -Footnote 174: - - Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, notes to ii. 3, 51, iii. 9, 35; _Holbein_, - pp. xvi.-xviii. - -Footnote 175: - - Woltmann, 83, who calls the figure St. Pantalus. Reproduced by Ganz, - _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 35. - -Footnote 176: - - For further proofs, see Appendix (B). - -Footnote 177: - - Gauthiez, _Holbein_, p. 52, and the same writer’s “Holbein sur la - route d’Italie,” in _Gazette des Beaux-Arts_, Dec. 1897, Feb. 1898. - -Footnote 178: - - One is to be seen in the “Fountain of Youth” decoration for the - Hertenstein house. - -Footnote 179: - - Woltmann, 29. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 53. - -Footnote 180: - - Woltmann, 107. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 34. - -Footnote 181: - - For two others, see Appendix (B). - -Footnote 182: - - Woltmann, 99. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 10; and in - _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 5; Knackfuss, fig. 27. - -Footnote 183: - - See Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 10. - -Footnote 184: - - Reproduced by His, _Jahrbuch der Kgl. Preussischen Kunstsammlungen_, - 1894, p. 208. - -Footnote 185: - - Gauthiez, p. 56. - -Footnote 186: - - _Index Operum Holbenii_, appendix to _Moriæ Encomium_, 1676, Nos. - 47-51. Walpole, _Anecdotes_, ed. Wornum, p. 77. - -Footnote 187: - - Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 187, and note upon it, p. 249, from which this - information is taken. - -Footnote 188: - - Reproduced in _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 45, with note by Meyenburg. - -Footnote 189: - - See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xviii. - -Footnote 190: - - Woltmann, i. 145. - -Footnote 191: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xl. - -Footnote 192: - - Woltmann, i. 145. - -Footnote 193: - - Woltmann, i. 183. - -Footnote 194: - - From Pantaleon, _Heldenbuch_, vol. iii. - -Footnote 195: - - For an exhaustive account of the formation and history of the Amerbach - Collection, which contains transcripts from the earliest inventory, - prepared by Basilius Amerbach, down to the one drawn up when the - collection was taken over by the city, see _Die Entstehung des - Amerbach’schen Kunstkabinets und die Amerbach’schen Inventare_, by Dr. - Ganz and Dr. Emil Major, in the 59th annual report (1907) of the Basel - Gallery. - -Footnote 196: - - Woltmann, 10. Reproduced by Davies, p. 60; Knackfuss, fig. 20; Ganz, - _Holbein_, p. 29. - -Footnote 197: - - Wornum, _Holbein_, p. 117. - -Footnote 198: - - See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xvi. - -Footnote 199: - - See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xix. - -Footnote 200: - - See p. 138. - -Footnote 201: - - See Appendix (E). - -Footnote 202: - - Ganz, _Holbein_, pp. 188-191. - -Footnote 203: - - Woltmann, 155, 156. Reproduced by Knackfuss, figs. 58, 59; Ganz, - _Holbein_, pp. 56-59. - -Footnote 204: - - There is considerable likeness between this group of the Infant Christ - and the boy angels surrounding him, and the one in the beautiful “Holy - Family” by Gaudenzio Ferrari at Dorchester House, more particularly in - the figure of the angel with small wings and close-fitting dress, who, - in Holbein’s picture, kneels in front of the Child with his back to - the spectator, and in the other is shown in profile, supporting him. - According to Miss Halsey (_Gaudenzio Ferrari_, p. 86), the Dorchester - House picture was “probably painted about 1521.” - -Footnote 205: - - Knackfuss, p. 83. - -Footnote 206: - - Woltmann, i. 178. - -Footnote 207: - - Woltmann, i. 176. Wornum, p. 112 (quoting from Hegner, _Hans Holbein - d. J._ 1827, and Schreiber, _Geschichte des Münsters zu Freiburg_, - &c.). - -Footnote 208: - - Woltmann, 20. Reproduced by Knackfuss, figs. 54, 55, and 56; Ganz, - _Holbein_, pp. 46-54; Mrs. Fortescue, Pl. 9. - -Footnote 209: - - According to Peter Ochs, it was painted for the Council Chamber of the - Basel Town Hall. Boisserée (1829) was of opinion that the damaged - panel of “The Last Supper,” already described, originally formed the - central panel of this altar-piece. - -Footnote 210: - - Sandrart, _Teutsche Akademie_, ii. p. 82. - -Footnote 211: - - Wornum, pp. 68-71. - -Footnote 212: - - That the restorer made changes, more particularly in the colour, can - be seen from two old copies of the “Betrayal” and the “Crucifixion” - subjects, now in the depot of the Basel Gallery, which indicate the - picture’s original state. - -Footnote 213: - - Woltmann, Eng. trans., p. 128. - -Footnote 214: - - See Ethel Halsey, _Gaudenzio Ferrari_, pp. 58, 69, &c.; Ganz, - _Holbein_, p. xxii., &c. The technique, also, closely resembles that - of the Milanese school, differing considerably from Holbein’s earlier - practice. - -Footnote 215: - - Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 235. - -Footnote 216: - - Reproduced by Ernest Law, _Holbein’s Pictures at Windsor Castle_, Pl. - x.; Davies, p. 98; Knackfuss, fig. 57; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 80. - -Footnote 217: - - Knackfuss, p. 81. - -Footnote 218: - - Davies, p. 98. - -Footnote 219: - - _Holbein’s Pictures at Windsor Castle_, p. 32. - -Footnote 220: - - Woltmann, 19. Reproduced by Davies, p. 76; Knackfuss, figs. 60, 61; - Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 45. - -Footnote 221: - - See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 235. - -Footnote 222: - - _Jahrbuch der preuss. Kunsts._, 1907, vol. 28. - -Footnote 223: - - Woltmann, 62. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 51; - Knackfuss, fig. 65. - -Footnote 224: - - _Ganz, Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to ii. 51. A photograph of the - sculptures on this doorway is reproduced by Dr. Ganz in his _Holbein_, - p. xix. - -Footnote 225: - - Woltmann, 52. Reproduced by Davies, p. 224; Knackfuss, fig. 64. - -Footnote 226: - - Woltmann, 172. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 6. - -Footnote 227: - - See also Appendix (C). - -Footnote 228: - - Woltmann, 14. Reproduced by Davies, p. vii.; Knackfuss, figs. 45 and - 46; Ganz, _Holbein_, pp. 32, 33. - -Footnote 229: - - Woltmann, vol. i. p. 174. - -Footnote 230: - - Woltmann, 247. Reproduced by Davies, p. 80; Knackfuss, fig. 47; Ganz, - _Holbein_, p. 36. - -Footnote 231: - - Or, according to some writers, St. Martin of Tours. - -Footnote 232: - - _Holbein_, p. 234. - -Footnote 233: - - See Ethel Halsey, _Gaudenzio Ferrari_, p. 42, and Ganz, _Holbein_, p. - 234. - -Footnote 234: - - First deciphered by Herr F. A. Zetter-Collin. The carpet itself - recalls more than one very similar carpet in Ferrari’s pictures, - though the latter are much finer in design; in a “Madonna and Child” - belonging to Sig. Vittadini at Arcorre, for instance, or the “Christ - before Herod” in the Varallo frescoes. - -Footnote 235: - - See note to No. 91 in Basel Catalogue, 1908. - -Footnote 236: - - “Ein nackend kindlin sitzt vf einer schlangen kompt von Holbeins - gemeld durch H. Bocken vf holtz mit olfarben mehrteil nachgemolt.” - -Footnote 237: - - Woltmann, No. 173. Eng. by J. C. Loedel for Weigel’s _Hdz. berühmter - Meister._ - -Footnote 238: - - Woltmann, vol. i. p. 183. - -Footnote 239: - - Woltmann, 161. Reproduced by Sir Claude Phillips, _The Picture Gallery - of Charles I_, _Portfolio_ monograph, 1896, p. 63; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. - 60. - -Footnote 240: - - See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 237. - -Footnote 241: - - T. de Wyzewa, in a review of Dr. Ganz’ book, “À propos d’un Livre - nouveau sur Holbein le Jeune,” in _Revue des Deux Mondes_, January 15, - 1912. - -Footnote 242: - - Woltmann, 234. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 14; - Mantz, p. 45. - -Footnote 243: - - In a woodcut by Lucas Cranach, representing Sibylla of Cleves, the - same motto is shown embroidered in pearls on her cap and collar. See - Campbell Dodgson, _Catalogue of Early German and Flemish Woodcuts, &c. - in the British Museum_, ii., p. 320. - -Footnote 244: - - Davies, p. 83. - -Footnote 245: - - Mrs. Fortescue, _Holbein_, p. 96. - -Footnote 246: - - Amiet, _Hans Holbeins Madonna von Solothurn_, &c., 1879. - -Footnote 247: - - See F. A. Zetter-Collin, “Die Zetter’sche Madonna von Solothurn,” in - _Festschrift des Kunst-Vereins der Stadt Solothurn_, 1902; and - _Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins_, New Series, vol. xi. - p. 442. - -Footnote 248: - - Woltmann, _Holzschnittwerk H. H._, 217 and 218. Reproduced by - Knackfuss, fig. 40. - -Footnote 249: - - See Woltmann, vol. i. p. 199. - -Footnote 250: - - Woltmann, 169. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 48; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. - 35; Woltmann (woodcut by Knaus), vol. i. p. 179. - -Footnote 251: - - Woltmann, 170. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 49; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. - 34. - -Footnote 252: - - See page 79. - -Footnote 253: - - Woltmann, p. 179. - -Footnote 254: - - Davies, p. 99. - -Footnote 255: - - Woltmann, 4. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, pp. 61-64. - -Footnote 256: - - Quoted by Woltmann, vol. i., p. 175. - -Footnote 257: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xxvii. - -Footnote 258: - - See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 237. - -Footnote 259: - - Woltmann, 98. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii., 19, 20; - Davies, p. 74; Knackfuss, figs. 62, 63; His, _Desseins_, &c., viii., - ix. - -Footnote 260: - - See pp. 157-9. - -Footnote 261: - - See Ganz, _Holbein_, pp. 246-7. - -Footnote 262: - - _Theodori Zwingeri methodus apodemica_, 1577, p. 199—quoted by - Woltmann, i. 149. - -Footnote 263: - - Woltmann, 118. Reproduced by Davies, p. 54; His, Pl. xxiv.; Ganz, - _Holbein_, p. 160. - -Footnote 264: - - Woltmann, 94. Reproduced by him (woodcut), i. 151. - -Footnote 265: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 162. - -Footnote 266: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 161. - -Footnote 267: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 159. - -Footnote 268: - - Woltmann, 48. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 10; - Knackfuss, fig. 41. - -Footnote 269: - - Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, p. 26. - -Footnote 270: - - Woltmann, 39. Reproduced by His, Pl. xxii. (i.). - -Footnote 271: - - See pp. 68-9. - -Footnote 272: - - Woltmann, 235, who regarded it as a genuine example of Holbein’s - earlier Basel period. Reproduced by His, Pls. xviii.-xx. - -Footnote 273: - - Woltmann, i. 148-9. - -Footnote 274: - - Woltmann, i. 153-4. - -Footnote 275: - - See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 247. - -Footnote 276: - - Quoted by Woltmann, i. 152. - -Footnote 277: - - Woltmann, i. 159 (note), and Eng. trans., p. 173. - -Footnote 278: - - _Basilea Sepulta_, p. 382. - -Footnote 279: - - _Geschichte der Stadt und Landschaft Basel_, 1786-1822, vol. v. pp. - 394-400. - -Footnote 280: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 165. - -Footnote 281: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 164. - -Footnote 282: - - The head of Charondas was introduced into a glass painting by H. J. - Plepp in 1581. See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 247. A badly over-painted - fragment with the head from the wall itself is preserved in the Basel - Gallery. - -Footnote 283: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 167. - -Footnote 284: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 166. - -Footnote 285: - - Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 247. - -Footnote 286: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 168. - -Footnote 287: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 31. - -Footnote 288: - - Woltmann, i. p. 157. - -Footnote 289: - - Woltmann, 47. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 13, and also - in _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. xi., and _Holbein._ 163. - -Footnote 290: - - See Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to i. 13. - -Footnote 291: - - See Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 247. - -Footnote 292: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 171. - -Footnote 293: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 171. - -Footnote 294: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 169. - -Footnote 295: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 170. - -Footnote 296: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 170. - -Footnote 297: - - See pp. 347-50. - -Footnote 298: - - See Woltmann, i. p. 158 (note); Eng. trans., p. 172 (note). - -Footnote 299: - - “Vnnd dwyl die hindere wand noch nit gmacht vnnd gemolet ist, vnnd er - vermeint an dysem das gelt verdient habenn, sol man dieselbig hindere - want bis vff wytherenn bescheit lossenn an ston.”—Der Dreyer Herren - Gedenkbüchlein. (Woltmann, i. 159.) - -Footnote 300: - - See pp. 78-9, and Appendix (B). - -Footnote 301: - - Woltmann, 82-89. - -Footnote 302: - - Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 22; His, Pl. xvii. - -Footnote 303: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 35; His, Pl. xvi. - -Footnote 304: - - See Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 35. - -Footnote 305: - - Reproduced by Knackfuss, figs. 23, 24. - -Footnote 306: - - Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 25. - -Footnote 307: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 8. - -Footnote 308: - - Woltmann, 101. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 24. - -Footnote 309: - - Woltmann, 93. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 9; His, - Pl. iii. - -Footnote 310: - - Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 9. - -Footnote 311: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 49. - -Footnote 312: - - See Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to ii. 49. - -Footnote 313: - - See also Appendix (B). - -Footnote 314: - - Woltmann, 92. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 36; - Knackfuss, fig. 37; His, Pl. i. - -Footnote 315: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 7. - -Footnote 316: - - Woltmann, 119. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 36 (in colours); His, Pl. - xv. - -Footnote 317: - - Woltmann, 96. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 35. - -Footnote 318: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 7. - -Footnote 319: - - Appendix (B). - -Footnote 320: - - Woltmann, 121. - -Footnote 321: - - Woltmann, 49. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 24. - -Footnote 322: - - _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 24. - -Footnote 323: - - See Appendix (D). - -Footnote 324: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xxi. - -Footnote 325: - - Woltmann, 112. Reproduced by His, Pl. v.; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 30. - -Footnote 326: - - Woltmann, 102. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 38; His, - Pl. iv. - -Footnote 327: - - See Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 38. - -Footnote 328: - - British Museum, 13, Binyon Catg., ii. p. 329. Woltmann, 209. - -Footnote 329: - - Woltmann, 95. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 53 (see - note to the plate by Meyenburg). - -Footnote 330: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 54, and in _Hdz. von H. - H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 13. See his notes to both plates. - -Footnote 331: - - See Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 54. - -Footnote 332: - - See Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 54. - -Footnote 333: - - Woltmann, 90. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 35; His, - Pl. vii. - -Footnote 334: - - Woltmann, 91. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 42, and in - _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 15; Knackfuss, fig. 26; His, Pl. vi. - -Footnote 335: - - Woltmann, 66. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 28; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 1). - -Footnote 336: - - Woltmann, 67. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 22; - Davies, p. 72; Knackfuss fig. 29; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 2). - -Footnote 337: - - Woltmann, 68. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 39; - Knackfuss, fig. 30; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 3). - -Footnote 338: - - See Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 39. - -Footnote 339: - - Woltmann, 69. Reproduced by His, Pl. x.; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 4). - -Footnote 340: - - Woltmann, 70. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 31; His, Pl. xi.; - Woltmann, i. p. 173; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 5). - -Footnote 341: - - Woltmann, 71. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 17; - His, Pl. xii., Mantz, p. 44 (No. 6). - -Footnote 342: - - See Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, p. 36. - -Footnote 343: - - Woltmann, 72. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 50; - Knackfuss, fig. 32; His, Pl. xiii.; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 7). - -Footnote 344: - - Woltmann, 73. Reproduced by Mantz, p. 44 (No. 8). - -Footnote 345: - - Woltmann, 74. Reproduced by Davies, p. 68; His, Pl. xiv.; Mantz, p. 44 - (No. 9). - -Footnote 346: - - Woltmann, 75. Reproduced by Davies, p. 70; Knackfuss, fig. 33; - Woltmann, i. p. 174; Mantz, p. 44 (No. 10). - -Footnote 347: - - Woltmann, 177-183; British Museum, 1-7, Binyon Catg., ii. pp. 327-8. - See Appendix (D). - -Footnote 348: - - Woltmann 76-81. All six reproduced by Mantz, eng. by Edouard Lièvre, - p. 128. - -Footnote 349: - - Woltmann, 76. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 11, and in - _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 3; Knackfuss, fig. 42. - -Footnote 350: - - Woltmann, 80. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 37; - Davies, p. 136; Knackfuss, fig. 44. - -Footnote 351: - - Woltmann, 78. Also wearing a gauze cap. - -Footnote 352: - - Woltmann, 77. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 43. - -Footnote 353: - - Woltmann, 79. - -Footnote 354: - - See pp. 245-6. - -Footnote 355: - - Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, note to iii. 11. - -Footnote 356: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 26; and see his - note, p. 44. - -Footnote 357: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 55, and in _Hdz. von H. - H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 12. - -Footnote 358: - - Woltmann, 104. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 36, and in - _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 28; Knackfuss, fig. 68. - -Footnote 359: - - And the Lachner glass design. See Appendix (B). - -Footnote 360: - - Woltmann, 63. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 10; - Knackfuss, fig. 69. - -Footnote 361: - - This drawing is only the central part of the design, the left-hand - half being in the Albertina, Vienna (Woltmann, 259). For the drawing - at Frankfurt of the transport ship with landsknechte, see Vol. ii. p. - 264. - -Footnote 362: - - Woltmann, 105. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 17. - -Footnote 363: - - Woltmann, 106. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 18. - -Footnote 364: - - Ægidius was thirty-one when the portrait was painted, and had been - appointed town-clerk seven years previously. - -Footnote 365: - - _Archæologia_, xliv. pp. 435 _et seq._ - -Footnote 366: - - Reproduced by Sir Claude Phillips, _Art Journal_, 1897, p. 101; - Arundel Club, 1905; Catalogue of the Pictures in the Earl of Radnor’s - Collection, 1909, vol. i. No. 80; A. Machiels, _Gaz. des Beaux-Arts_, - Nov. 1911, heliotype. - -Footnote 367: - - Inscribed “Viro Literatissimo Petro Egidio Amico Charissimo - Antuerpiæ.” - -Footnote 368: - - Eng. by F. Leuwers, 1873. For a description and history of the two - pictures, see H. Barclay Squire, in Lord Radnor’s Catalogue, note to - No. 80, vol. i. pp. 44, 45. - -Footnote 369: - - Law, _Royal Gallery of Hampton Court_, 1898, p. 215. - -Footnote 370: - - A poor reproduction of this portrait—which Wornum (p. 143) regarded as - a fine, genuine work by Holbein, but in some of its details recalling - Metsys—accompanies M. Henri Hymans’ article “Quentin Metsys et son - Portrait d’Erasme,” in the _Bulletin des Commissions Royales d’Art et - d’Archéologie_, 1882; reproduced also by J. R. Haarhaus, “Bildnisse - des Erasmus,” _Zeits. für bild. Kunst_, Nov. 1898. - -Footnote 371: - - See André Machiels, “Les Portraits d’Erasme,” _Gazette des - Beaux-Arts_, November 1911, pp. 349-61, who reproduces the Rome - portrait; also W. Barclay Squire, _Lord Radnor’s Catalogue_, addit. - note to No. 80. - -Footnote 372: - - One of these drawings is in the collection of M. Léon Bonnat, Paris, - and is reproduced in the _Gaz. des Beaux-Arts_, 1879, i. p. 269. - -Footnote 373: - - Reproduced by A. Machiels, _Gaz. des Beaux-Arts_, Nov. 1911, p. 355. - -Footnote 374: - - See Appendix (E). - -Footnote 375: - - According to Walpole, _Anecdotes_, ed. Wornum, 1888, i. p. 344, the - pictures were “altered” by Von Steenwyck for King Charles. - -Footnote 376: - - Wornum, p. 140. - -Footnote 377: - - Law, _Holbein’s Pictures at Windsor Castle_, 1901, p. 28. - -Footnote 378: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 207. - -Footnote 379: - - See Appendix (E). - -Footnote 380: - - See A. Horawitz, _Zeitschrift für bildende Kunst_, viii. p. 128. - Quoted by Woltmann, i. p. 286. - -Footnote 381: - - F. M. Nichols, _Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries_, second - series, xvii. No. I., pp. 132-145. - -Footnote 382: - - Woltmann, 214. Reproduced by Davies, frontispiece; Sir Claude - Phillips, _Art Journal_, 1897, p. 102; Earl of Radnor’s Catalogue, No. - 81; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 37; Machiels, _Gaz. des Beaux-Arts_, Nov. - 1911, p. 357. Exhibited Royal Academy Winter Exhib., 1873, No. 178. - -Footnote 383: - - In _Jahrbücher des Vereins von Alterthumsfreunden im Rheinlande_, - 1868, p. 269, quoted by Woltmann, i. p. 288. For other readings by - Grimm, &c., see W. Barclay Squire in Lord Radnor’s Catalogue, note to - 81. - -Footnote 384: - - See Sir Claude Phillips, _Art Journal_, 1897, p. 103. Also Waagen, - _Galleries and Cabinets_, 1857, p. 356, who says that it is “alone - worth a pilgrimage to Longford Castle.” - -Footnote 385: - - Woltmann, 232. Reproduced by Davies, p. 110; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. - xxiii. - -Footnote 386: - - Woltmann, 231. Reproduced by Davies, p. 110; Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem - Jüng._, Pl. 16. - -Footnote 387: - - It is possibly the portrait noted by Evelyn in his _Diary_, August 10, - 1655—“I went to Alburie to visit Mr. Howard.... He shew’d me many rare - pictures, particularly ... _Erasmus_ as big as the life, by Holbein.” - This could hardly refer to the small Greystoke portrait. - -Footnote 388: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 206. Mr. Barclay Squire notes copies - of Mr. Gay’s version in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, presented by Sir - James Thornhill in 1728, and one in Archbishop Tenison’s School, - Leicester Square (note to No. 81, Lord Radnor’s Catalogue). - -Footnote 389: - - See Colvin, _Burlington Magazine_, vol. xvi. Nov. 1909, p. 71. - -Footnote 390: - - Woltmann, 224. Reproduced by Davies, p. 108; Knackfuss, fig. 52; Sir - C. Phillips, “Picture Gallery of Charles I,” _Portfolio Monograph_, - 1896, p. 23; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 39. - -Footnote 391: - - The study for this hand, in the Louvre, has aleady been mentioned (see - Pl. 55). - -Footnote 392: - - Reproduced by Cust, _Royal Collection of Paintings, Windsor Castle_, - Pl. 47. - -Footnote 393: - - Or perhaps the small roundel at Basel mentioned below. - -Footnote 394: - - Vol. xxix., 1884, p. 423. - -Footnote 395: - - Woltmann, 12. Reproduced by Woltmann, vol. i. p. 315, fig. 57; Ganz, - _Holbein_, p. 38. - -Footnote 396: - - Woltmann, ii. p. 99. - -Footnote 397: - - Woltmann, i. p. 290. - -Footnote 398: - - Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xxvi. - -Footnote 399: - - See Ganz, _Holbein_, pp. xxv.-vi. - -Footnote 400: - - See Appendix (F). - -Footnote 401: - - He may have gone, of course, as Lützelburger’s representative. - -Footnote 402: - - Woltmann, 44 and 45. - -Footnote 403: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._ iii. 25; Knackfuss, fig. 53. - -Footnote 404: - - See Chapter xxi., Vol. ii. p. 138 _et seq._ - -Footnote 405: - - See Vol. ii. p. 162. - -Footnote 406: - - Reproduced in the _Burlington Magazine_, vol. xvi., November 1909, - frontispiece; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 91. - -Footnote 407: - - _Burlington Magazine_, vol. xvi., November 1909, pp. 67-71. - -Footnote 408: - - Only one of these has Holbein’s name attached to it in the Arundel - inventory of 1655. The two are entered as “Erasmo di Holbein” and - “Ritratto d’Erasmo Roterodamo.” See above, p. 171, note 4. - -Footnote 409: - - Reproduced in _Burlington Magazine_, vol. xvi., November 1909. - -Footnote 410: - - Woltmann, 240. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 86. - -Footnote 411: - - The much inferior version in the Besançon Museum (reproduced by Ganz, - _Holbein_, p. 215) is an almost exact replica of the Parma picture. - -Footnote 412: - - See M. Curtze, _Beiblatt der Zeitschrift für bildende Kunst_, 1874, - ix. 537 ff.; Woltmann, vol. ii. p. 15; and Colvin, _Burlington - Magazine_, vol. xvi. p. 68. - -Footnote 413: - - Woltmann, 13. Reproduced by Davies, p. 112; Knackfuss, fig. 114; Ganz, - _Holbein_, p. 90. - -Footnote 414: - - Woltmann, 23. - -Footnote 415: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 214; the hands and body follow the - Longford picture, while the head is like the Parma version. - -Footnote 416: - - Woltmann, 250. Reproduced by André Machiels, _Gaz. des Beaux-Arts_, - November 1911, p. 359, who regards it as an original work by Holbein. - -Footnote 417: - - Woltmann, 171. - -Footnote 418: - - Woltmann, 207. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 51. - -Footnote 419: - - Woltmann, 206. Reproduced by Woltmann, i. 357, fig. 63; Knackfuss, - fig. 112; Machiels, _Gaz. des Beaux-Arts_, November 1911, p. 358; and - elsewhere. - -Footnote 420: - - Reproduced by Law, _Holbein’s Pictures in Windsor Castle_, viii. p. - 27, and in _Royal Gallery of Hampton Court_, p. 220; Sir C. Phillips, - “The Picture Gallery of Charles I,” _Portfolio Monograph_, 1896, p. - 111; Davies, p. 28; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 207. - -Footnote 421: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 208. - -Footnote 422: - - Law, _Holbein’s Pictures_, &c., p. 28. - -Footnote 423: - - Woltmann, i. p. 289. - -Footnote 424: - - Knackfuss, p. 78. - -Footnote 425: - - Woltmann, 164. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 113; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. - 92. - -Footnote 426: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 92. - -Footnote 427: - - On this point see Koegler, _Jahrbuch d. Pr. K.-S._, 1911, and Ganz, - _Holbein_, p. 239. - -Footnote 428: - - Woltmann, ii. p. 359. - -Footnote 429: - - Woltmann, 43. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 50 - (in colours), and _Holbein_, frontispiece; Davies, p. 100; Knackfuss, - fig. 21; Wornum, frontispiece, eng. by C. W. Sharpe. - -Footnote 430: - - According to Dr. Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 232, this cutting-out was in all - probability done in the eighteenth century, when at the same time the - hat and mantle were freshened with water-colours. - -Footnote 431: - - Dr. Ganz points out (_Holbein_, p. 232), that it was not until after - his journey into France, in 1523-4, that he made use of coloured - chalks in his drawings. - -Footnote 432: - - Another drawing of this period in the Basel Gallery, the Young Man - with the big hat, is described in Vol. ii. pp. 259-60. - -Footnote 433: - - Including Woltmann, in the first edition of his book, Eng. trans., p. - 205. - -Footnote 434: - - The same initials occur on the title-page to Hall’s _Chronicle_, 1548. - See Vol. ii. p. 79. - -Footnote 435: - - Woltmann, Eng. trans., p. 205. - -Footnote 436: - - See Campbell Dodgson, _Burlington Magazine_, vol. x., Feb. 1907, pp. - 319-22; also the same writer’s Catalogue of Early German and Flemish - Woodcuts in the British Museum, vol. ii., 1911, p. 295, &c. - -Footnote 437: - - See His, “Hans Lützelburger,” &c., in _Gazette des Beaux-Arts_, 2^e - Période, vol. iv. pp. 481-9 (December 1871). - -Footnote 438: - - Mr. Frederic Lees, however, mentions as clearly by Holbein, “a drawing - for the celebrated _Dance of Death_ series, and the only one of the - forty which now exists,” which is in the collection of M. Emile - Wauters in Paris.—_The Studio_, vol. li. No. 213, p. 213 (December - 1910). - -Footnote 439: - - See pp. 44-5 and Pl. 11. - -Footnote 440: - - Woltmann, 223. Reproduced by Butsch, _Die Bücher-Ornamentik der - Renaissance_, Pl. 45; and by Mantz, _Hans Holbein_, p. 26. - -Footnote 441: - - _Calendars of Letters and Papers, Hen. VIII_, vol. ii. pt. i. 2540. - -Footnote 442: - - Woltmann, A. H., 4. Reproduced by Butsch, Pl. 43. Already used by - Froben in more than one book in the previous year (1517). - -Footnote 443: - - Woltmann, 217, 218. See p. 111. - -Footnote 444: - - Woltmann, 227. Reproduced by Butsch, Pl. 54; Knackfuss, fig. 50; - Mantz, p. 43. - -Footnote 445: - - Woltmann, 215. Reproduced by Butsch, Pl. 57. - -Footnote 446: - - Woltmann, 216. - -Footnote 447: - - Woltmann, 184-7. - -Footnote 448: - - Woltmann, 188-91. - -Footnote 449: - - Woltmann, 192. Reproduced in _Holbein_, “Great Engravers” Series (A. - M. Hind), 1912. - -Footnote 450: - - Woltmann, 213. - -Footnote 451: - - Woltmann, 150-70. - -Footnote 452: - - See Woltmann, i. 218-20. - -Footnote 453: - - Woltmann, 171. - -Footnote 454: - - Woltmann, 226. - -Footnote 455: - - Woltmann, 212. - -Footnote 456: - - Woltmann, 195, 196. Reproduced by Woltmann, i. pp. 237-38. - -Footnote 457: - - Woltmann, 231. Reproduced by Butsch, Pl. 64; Woltmann, i. p. 200. - -Footnote 458: - - Woltmann, 232. Reproduced by Butsch, Pl. 64; Wornum, p. 13, &c. - -Footnote 459: - - Woltmann, 233. - -Footnote 460: - - Woltmann, 253. Four of the letters reproduced by Woltmann, Eng. - trans., p. 218. - -Footnote 461: - - Woltmann, 254. - -Footnote 462: - - Woltmann, 255-9. - -Footnote 463: - - Woltmann, 251. - -Footnote 464: - - Woltmann, 266-8. - -Footnote 465: - - Woltmann, 238_a_, 238_b._ - -Footnote 466: - - Woltmann, 239-41. - -Footnote 467: - - Woltmann, 242, 243. - -Footnote 468: - - Woltmann, 244, 245. - -Footnote 469: - - Woltmann, 246-8. - -Footnote 470: - - Woltmann, 249. A number of these marks reproduced by Butsch, Pls. 50, - 51. - -Footnote 471: - - See Appendix (G). - -Footnote 472: - - Woltmann, 209. - -Footnote 473: - - Woltmann, 205. - -Footnote 474: - - See Vol. ii. pp. 76-9. - -Footnote 475: - - See Woltmann, i. chap. xi.; Chatto, _Treatise on Wood Engraving_, ed. - Bohn, chap. vi.; Douce, _Dance of Death_, 1858, pp. 30-37. - -Footnote 476: - - Woltmann, 92-149. - -Footnote 477: - - See p. 190. - -Footnote 478: - - Chatto, _A Treatise on Wood Engraving_, ed. 1861, pp. 330-1. - -Footnote 479: - - See Woltmann, i. 269. - -Footnote 480: - - See Campbell Dodgson, _Catalogue of Early German and Flemish - Woodcuts_, &c., vol. ii. p. 207. The cut of “The Duchess” has the date - 1542, and that of “The Advocate” the engraver’s monogram, HVE, from - which it appears that Jost de Negker did not cut the blocks himself, - but was only the publisher. - -Footnote 481: - - See introductory note by Austin Dobson to the edition published by - George Bell & Sons, 1898. The whole set reproduced by Mantz, pp. - 83-87; and by Davies, pp. 196-200, from the proofs in the British - Museum; and in Heinemann’s “Great Engravers” Series, _Holbein_, ed. A. - M. Hind, 1912, which includes the cuts of the 1562 edition. - -Footnote 482: - - Chatto, _Treatise_, &c., pp. 324-5. - -Footnote 483: - - Chatto, _Treatise_, &c., p. 365; Woltmann, i. p. 240; Wornum, p. 25. - -Footnote 484: - - Woltmann, 252. The set reproduced by Davies, p. 194; Knackfuss, fig. - 71; and elsewhere. They are used as the initial letters in this book. - -Footnote 485: - - Woltmann, 1-91. The whole series reproduced by Mantz, pp. 92-108; and, - with the exception of seven, by A. M. Hind, in _Holbein_, “Great - Engravers” series, 1912; thirteen by Davies, p. 188. - -Footnote 486: - - Chatto, _Treatise_, &c., p. 366. - -Footnote 487: - - Woltmann, 1st ed., Eng. trans., p. 233. - -Footnote 488: - - A considerable number of the subjects appear to have been suggested to - Holbein by the small woodcuts in the Malermi Bible, published in - Venice in 1490, which, in turn, had been more or less adapted from the - Cologne Bible of 1480; but the material so used by Holbein was - completely transformed by the magic of his pencil. See A. M. Hind, - _Holbein_, in “Great Engravers” series, p. 10. - -Footnote 489: - - See pp. 160-1. - -Footnote 490: - - Woltmann, 251. - -Footnote 491: - - Woltmann, i. 316. - -Footnote 492: - - Woltmann, 143. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 89; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. - 65; and elsewhere. - -Footnote 493: - - Dr. Ganz points out the resemblance between this picture and - Mantegna’s “Madonna of Victory” in the Louvre. In the latter the - kneeling suppliants are also protected by the Virgin’s cloak, and the - movement of her hand, outstretched in benediction over Gonzaga’s head, - is just the same as that of the Infant Christ in the Meyer votive - picture (_Holbein_, p. xxviii.). - -Footnote 494: - - Woltmann, 40-42. - -Footnote 495: - - Reproduced by Davies, p. 90; Knackfuss, fig. 86. - -Footnote 496: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 18 (in colour); - Davies, p. 92; Knackfuss, fig. 87. - -Footnote 497: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 56; Davies, p. 94; - Knackfuss, fig. 88. - -Footnote 498: - - Reproduced by Davies, p. 88; Knackfuss, fig. 90; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. - 209. - -Footnote 499: - - See Wornum, p. 166; Woltmann, i. pp. 300-14. - -Footnote 500: - - December 1871, iv., 2nd period, pp. 516-19. - -Footnote 501: - - Woltmann, ii. pp. 49-50. See Appendix (E). - -Footnote 502: - - Woltmann, i. p. 296. - -Footnote 503: - - Wornum, p. 171. - -Footnote 504: - - _Anzeiger für Schweiz. Altertumskunde_, N. F. xii. 4. Sarburgh painted - a portrait of Remigius Faesch. See Appendix (E). - -Footnote 505: - - Sainsbury, _Original unpublished Papers, illustrative of the Life of - P. P. Rubens_, &c., 1859, Appendix, No. liii. p. 290. Quoted by - Wornum, p. 170. - -Footnote 506: - - Woltmann, i. p. 298; ii. p. 56. - -Footnote 507: - - The history of the Dresden copy, given below, bears out this - supposition. - -Footnote 508: - - Elsewhere he speaks of it as the sixth. - -Footnote 509: - - Walpole, _Anecdotes_, &c., ed. Wornum, 1888, i. 93. - -Footnote 510: - - Ruskin, “Sir Joshua and Holbein,” _Cornhill Magazine_, March 1860, p. - 328; reprinted in _On the Old Road_, vol. i. pt. i., pp. 221-236. - -Footnote 511: - - Davies, p. 94-5. - -Footnote 512: - - See p. 158. - -Footnote 513: - - She was, however, born in 1508, and so would be too young for the lady - of these pictures. - -Footnote 514: - - Woltmann, 17. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 91; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. - 40. - -Footnote 515: - - Woltmann, 18. Reproduced by Davies, p. 102; Knackfuss, fig. 92; Ganz, - _Holbein_, p. 41. - -Footnote 516: - - Woltmann, 1st ed., Eng. trans., p. 289. Omitted in 2nd ed. - -Footnote 517: - - Wornum, p. 163. - -Footnote 518: - - Mrs. G. Fortescue, _Holbein_, p. 105-6. - -Footnote 519: - - T. de Wyzewa, “À propos d’un Livre nouveau sur Holbein le Jeune,” - _Revue des Deux Mondes_, 15th Jan. 1912. - -Footnote 520: - - See pp. 79 and 137-8. - -Footnote 521: - - Knackfuss, p. 115. - -Footnote 522: - - Wornum, pp. 162-4. - -Footnote 523: - - Davies, pp. 102-3. - -Footnote 524: - - _Burlington Magazine_, vol. iv. No. xi. (Feb. 1904) p. 187. - -Footnote 525: - - See p. 233. - -Footnote 526: - - _Calendars of Letters and Papers, &c., Hen. VIII_, iv. Pt. i. 1547. - -Footnote 527: - - See p. 22. - -Footnote 528: - - Woltmann, 1st ed., Eng. trans., p. 292. - -Footnote 529: - - _Erasmi Opera_, iii. 951. - -Footnote 530: - - _Calendars of Letters and papers, &c., Hen. VIII_, i. preface, p. xxv. - -Footnote 531: - - _C. L. P._, i. 2053. - -Footnote 532: - - _C. L. P._, i. 5720. - -Footnote 533: - - _C. L. P._, ii. Pt. ii., Revels Accounts, p. 1499. - -Footnote 534: - - _C. L. P._, i. 4954. - -Footnote 535: - - 18th April 1520. _C. L. P._, iii. Pt. i. 750. - -Footnote 536: - - 21st May 1520. _C. L. P._, iii. Pt. i. 825. - -Footnote 537: - - _C. L. P._, iii. Pt. ii., Revels Accounts, p. 1551. - -Footnote 538: - - _Memoir of Henry FitzRoy, Duke of Richmond and Somerset_, Camden - Society, 1855, p. 87. - -Footnote 539: - - _C. L. P._, iii. Pt. ii. 3517. - -Footnote 540: - - _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. i. 965. - -Footnote 541: - - _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. ii. 3564. - -Footnote 542: - - J. Gough Nichols, _Archæologia_, xxxix. pp. 23-25 (1862). - -Footnote 543: - - See _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 25. - -Footnote 544: - - Walpole, _Anecdotes of Painting_, ed. Wornum, 1888, i. 64. - -Footnote 545: - - _C. L. P._, v. 1139 (30). - -Footnote 546: - - _C. L. P._, v., Privy Purse Expenses of Hen. VIII, Feb. 1532. - -Footnote 547: - - _C. L. P._, v. 952. - -Footnote 548: - - _C. L. P._, x. 914. - -Footnote 549: - - _C. L. P._, xiv. Pt. ii. 238. - -Footnote 550: - - _C. L. P._, xiv. Pt. ii. 782 (p. 336). - -Footnote 551: - - _C. L. P._, xvi. 1489 (f. 188). - -Footnote 552: - - J. Gough Nichols, _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 27. - -Footnote 553: - - See p. 276. - -Footnote 554: - - J. Gough Nichols, _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 34. - -Footnote 555: - - Walpole, _Anecdotes of Painting_, ed. Wornum, 1888, p. 62. - -Footnote 556: - - _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 30. - -Footnote 557: - - Wornum, p. 22. - -Footnote 558: - - Lionel Cust, _Introductory Notes to the Catalogue of the Burlington - Fine Arts Club Exhibition of Early English Portraiture_, 1909, pp. 47, - 48. - -Footnote 559: - - See Nichols, _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 29. - -Footnote 560: - - Lionel Cust, _Introductory Notes, Catg. Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib. - Early English Portraiture_, 1909, p. 48. - -Footnote 561: - - _C. L. P._, vii. 922 (14 and 15). - -Footnote 562: - - Wornum, p. 32. - -Footnote 563: - - _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. ii. 3169. - -Footnote 564: - - _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. i. 2152. - -Footnote 565: - - _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. ii. 4435, 4572, 4574-77, 4652. - -Footnote 566: - - _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. iii. 5163. - -Footnote 567: - - _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. ii. 5117. - -Footnote 568: - - _C. L. P._, v. 978 (15). - -Footnote 569: - - _Loseley Manuscripts._ - -Footnote 570: - - _C. L. P._, xiii. Pt. ii. 1280, f. 55 b. - -Footnote 571: - - _C. L. P._, i. 5604. - -Footnote 572: - - See Vol. ii. pp. 238-9. - -Footnote 573: - - _C. L. P._, xvi. 305 (25). - -Footnote 574: - - Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib., 1909, No. 29. - -Footnote 575: - - Lionel Cust, _Introductory Notes_, _Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib. - Catg._, 1, 1909, pp. 45, 46. - -Footnote 576: - - See also Scharf, _Archæologia_, xxxix. pp. 47-9. - -Footnote 577: - - See _Burlington Magazine_, vol. xiv., March 1909, pp. 366-8. - -Footnote 578: - - See Cust, _Catg. Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib._, 1909, p. 60. - -Footnote 579: - - _C. L. P._, i. 775. - -Footnote 580: - - See M. Digby Wyatt, “On the Foreign Artists employed in England during - the Sixteenth Century,” _Transactions of the Royal Institute of - British Architects_, 1868, p. 220. - -Footnote 581: - - Cust, _Catg. Burlington Fine Arts Club Exhibition_, 1909, p. 61. - -Footnote 582: - - Cust, p. 61. - -Footnote 583: - - _C. L. P._, i. 5720. - -Footnote 584: - - _C. L. P._, i. 4954. - -Footnote 585: - - _C. L. P._, ii. Pt. ii. p. 1461. - -Footnote 586: - - _C. L. P._, ii. Pt. ii. p. 1472. - -Footnote 587: - - _C. L. P._, ii. Pt. ii. 3862. - -Footnote 588: - - _C. L. P._, iii. Pt. i. 826. See p. 259. - -Footnote 589: - - _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. i. 366. - -Footnote 590: - - _C. L. P._, iv. Pt. ii. 3104. - -Footnote 591: - - _C. L. P._, v., Privy Purse Expenses. - -Footnote 592: - - _C. L. P._, v. 686. - -Footnote 593: - - _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 28. - -Footnote 594: - - _C. L. P._, v., Treasurer of the Chamber’s Accounts, p. 305. - -Footnote 595: - - See above, p. 273. - -Footnote 596: - - _Transactions of the Royal Institute of British Architects_, p. 227. - -Footnote 597: - - Lewis Einstein, _The Italian Renaissance in England_, 1902, p. 196, - and Cust, _Catg. Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib._, 1909, p. 64. - -Footnote 598: - - _C. L. P._, v., 952 (p. 446). - -Footnote 599: - - _C. L. P._, v., Treasurer of the Chamber’s Accounts, p. 307. - -Footnote 600: - - Mr. Cust gives his salary as £20 per annum, but the entry in the - accounts is always 33_s._ 4_d._ a quarter, not a month, though this, - of course, may be an error of book-keeping. - -Footnote 601: - - See M. Digby Wyatt, _Transactions_, &c., p. 225. - -Footnote 602: - - _Transactions_, &c., p. 225. - -Footnote 603: - - _C. L. P._, v., Treasurer of the Chamber’s Accounts, p. 319. - -Footnote 604: - - _C. L. P._, v., Privy Purse Expenses, March 1531. “To Anthony Pene and - Bartilmew Tate, paynters, for ther lyveray at 22_s._ 6_d._ a pece, - 45_s._” - -Footnote 605: - - Vol. c. 6, 12. Quoted by Wornum, p. 204, note. - -Footnote 606: - - _Hampton Court Accounts_, Wornum, p. 205, note. - -Footnote 607: - - _C. L. P._, v., Privy Purse Expenses. - -Footnote 608: - - _C. L. P._, xiii. Pt. i. 1309 (35). - -Footnote 609: - - _C. L. P._, xiv. Pt. ii. 782 (p. 335). - -Footnote 610: - - _C. L. P._, xiii. Pt. ii. 967 (46). - -Footnote 611: - - _C. L. P._, xiii. Pt. ii. 1280 (f. 53_b_). - -Footnote 612: - - _C. L. P._, xvi. 1489 (f. 165). - -Footnote 613: - - _C. L. P._, xvi. 779 (18). - -Footnote 614: - - _C. L. P._, xvii. 1251 (13). - -Footnote 615: - - _Loseley Manuscripts_, edit. Kempe, pp. 81, 84, 89. - -Footnote 616: - - _Archæologia_, xii. pp. 381, 391. - -Footnote 617: - - _C. L. P._, iii. Pt. ii. 2486. - -Footnote 618: - - See J. Gough Nichols, _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 38: and Cust, _Catg. - Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib._, 1909, p. 63. - -Footnote 619: - - See Dimier, _French Painting in the Sixteenth Century_, pp. 115, 116. - -Footnote 620: - - _C. L. P._, xvi. 1308 (4). - -Footnote 621: - - _C. L. P._, iii. Pt. i. 1355. - -Footnote 622: - - _C. L. P._, v., Treasurer of the Chamber’s Accounts, p. 305. - -Footnote 623: - - _Catg. Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib._, 1909, p. 65. - -Footnote 624: - - See Dimier, _French Painting in the Sixteenth Century_, pp. 60, 86. - Also the same writer’s _Le Primatice_, 1900. The name was sometimes - spelt Belin. - -Footnote 625: - - p. 75. - -Footnote 626: - - Quoted in _Burlington Gazette_, II. i. May 1903, p. 55. - -Footnote 627: - - _C. L. P._, xiii., Pt. ii. 1280 (f. 47b). - -Footnote 628: - - _C. L. P._, xiv. Pt. ii. 781 (f. 68). - -Footnote 629: - - _C. L. P._, xvi. 37. - -Footnote 630: - - _C. L. P._, xvi. 59. - -Footnote 631: - - _C. L. P._, xvi. 60. - -Footnote 632: - - _C. L. P._, xvi. 82. - -Footnote 633: - - _C. L. P._, xvi. 115. - -Footnote 634: - - _C. L. P._, xvi. 163, 168. - -Footnote 635: - - _C. L. P._, xvi. 182. - -Footnote 636: - - _C. L. P._, xvi. 276. See also Appendix (H). - -Footnote 637: - - See Appendix (H). - -Footnote 638: - - _C. L. P._, xvi. 308 (f. 119b). - -Footnote 639: - - _C. L. P._, xvi. 1308 (5). - -Footnote 640: - - _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 37. - -Footnote 641: - - Loseley Manuscripts, “Revels at Hampton, 16 July to 6 Sep., 38 Hen. - VIII.” - -Footnote 642: - - Loseley Manuscripts, “Coronation of Ed. VI.” - -Footnote 643: - - Loseley Manuscripts, “Shrovetide Revels, 2 Ed. VI.” - -Footnote 644: - - Quoted by Nichols, _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 37. - -Footnote 645: - - _Archæologia_, xxxix. p. 55. - -Footnote 646: - - Cust, _Cat. Burl. F.A. Club Exhib._, 1909, p. 64; National Gallery - Catalogue. - -Footnote 647: - - Vasari, as quoted by Scharf, _Archæologia_, xxxix. pp. 53, 54. - -Footnote 648: - - See above, p. 245. - -Footnote 649: - - Davies, p. 115. - -Footnote 650: - - See page 245. Davies, p. 94. - -Footnote 651: - - See below, p. 315. - -Footnote 652: - - See p. 169. - -Footnote 653: - - _C. L. P._, iv. pt. i. 1826; _Erasmi Opera_, iii. 951. - -Footnote 654: - - _Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries_, Second Series, xvii. No. - i. pp. 132-145. - -Footnote 655: - - _Proceedings_, Second Series, xvi. No. iii. pp. 321-327. - -Footnote 656: - - Walpole, _Anecdotes_, &c., ed. Wornum, 1888, i. 90. The sixth picture - to which he refers is the Meyer Madonna. - -Footnote 657: - - Woltmann, 35. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 192, _Hdz. Schwz. - Mstr._, i. 55, and _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 23; Davies, p. 116; - Knackfuss, fig. 93. - -Footnote 658: - - Engraved by Dean for _The Bijou_, 1829. - -Footnote 659: - - One of the versions of the picture was in the Earl of Arundel’s - collection, and is entered in the 1655 inventory as “Tomaso Moro con - la sua famiglia.” In the same collection there was a portrait of - More’s son, entered as “Il figliolo de Tomaso Moro,” but without the - name of the artist. See Appendix (I) for the history of the Nostell - picture. - -Footnote 660: - - Roper’s _Life and Death of Sir Thomas More_, &c., ed. Rev. J. Lewis, - 1731, p. 169. - -Footnote 661: - - The heads in the Windsor Collection. - -Footnote 662: - - Walpole, _Anecdotes_, &c., ed. Wornum, 1888, p. 92. - -Footnote 663: - - Wornum, p. 244. - -Footnote 664: - - Woltmann, 1st ed., Eng. trans, p. 322. For Vertue’s account, see - Appendix (I). - -Footnote 665: - - Nos. lviii. and lix., “Nostell Priory, Wakefield,” _Athenæum_, Sept. - 18, 25, 1880. - -Footnote 666: - - See pp. 311-16. - -Footnote 667: - - Woltmann, i. 350, note. - -Footnote 668: - - Wornum, pp. 231-246. - -Footnote 669: - - See Appendix (I). - -Footnote 670: - - Wornum, pp. 245-6. - -Footnote 671: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 193. - -Footnote 672: - - According to Mr. W. Roberts, _Memorials of Christie’s_, 1897, vol. i. - p. 81, the measurements of the picture, as given in the sale catalogue - of 1808, are 10 ft. by 15 ft. - -Footnote 673: - - Reproduced in the catalogue, p. 214. - -Footnote 674: - - Walpole, _Anecdotes_, &c., ed. Wornum, 1888, p. 92. - -Footnote 675: - - Vol. iii. pt. i. p. 490. - -Footnote 676: - - Woltmann, 275; Wornum, i. 6; Sir R. Holmes, i. 4. - -Footnote 677: - - Woltmann, 276; Wornum, i. 42; Sir R. Holmes, i. 7. - -Footnote 678: - - Wrongly inscribed “The Lady Barkley.” Woltmann, 278; Wornum, ii. 34; - Sir R. Holmes, i. 5. - -Footnote 679: - - Woltmann, 279; Wornum, ii. 12; Sir R. Holmes, i. 6. - -Footnote 680: - - Woltmann, 277; Wornum, ii. 35; Sir R. Holmes, i. 8. - -Footnote 681: - - Wrongly inscribed “Mother Jak.” Woltmann, 280; Wornum, ii. 40; Sir R. - Holmes, i. 9. - -Footnote 682: - - Woltmann, 273, 274; Wornum, i. 3, 4; Sir R. Holmes, i. 3 and ii. 18. - -Footnote 683: - - Woltmann, 207. Reproduced by Davies, p. 118; _Catalogue of the Tudor - Exhibition_, 1890, p. 44; A. F. Pollard, _Henry VIII_, p. 114; - _Burlington Fine Arts Club Exhib. Catg._, Pl. xviii.; Ganz, _Holbein_, - p. 69. The portrait is now in America. See Appendix (I). - -Footnote 684: - - _Catg. Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib._, 1909, p. 95. The entry in the - Lumley inventory is—“Of Sir Thomas Moore, Lo. Chancello^r, drawne by - Haunce Holbyn.” - -Footnote 685: - - One of these copies was in 1867 in the possession of Mr. Charles J. - Eyston, of East Hendred (Wornum, p. 246), and a second in the - collection of the Marquis of Lothian. There was a small circular - portrait of More, on wood, 4 in. in diameter, in Charles I’s - collection (No. 48), in a black cap, furred gown, and red sleeves. - Evelyn notes in his Diary, under the date Feb. 15th, 1649:—“Sir - William Ducy shew’d me some excellent things in miniature, and in oyle - of Holbein’s _Sir Tho. More’s_ head.” Among the numerous copies in - existence is one by Rubens in the Prado, Madrid. A portrait of More, - “invested with the collar of the Garter, by Holbein; upon a pedestal - is inscribed the date, MDXXVII,” was included in the sale of the Duke - of Bedford’s pictures from Woburn Abbey, on 30th June 1827, and - fetched 70 guineas. - -Footnote 686: - - See p. 335. - -Footnote 687: - - Mr. W. F. Dickes, however, reproduces it in his book, _Holbein’s - “Ambassadors” Unriddled_, p. 80, as a portrait by Holbein of the Count - Palatine Philipp! Engraved by Vorsterman as a portrait of More by - Holbein. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 225. - -Footnote 688: - - _Athenæum_, June 19, 1886, No. 3060, p. 820. - -Footnote 689: - - Quoted by Wornum, p. 248. - -Footnote 690: - - Wornum, pp. 248, 249. - -Footnote 691: - - _Il Microcosmo della Pittura_, 1657, ii. 265. - -Footnote 692: - - _History of Portrait Miniatures_, 1904, vol. i. p. 8. - -Footnote 693: - - Reproduced in Dr. Williamson’s book, Pl. iii. No. 2, and in colours in - the _édition de luxe_ of Mr. Pierpont Morgan’s Catalogue, No. 5; and - by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 227 (1), who includes it among the copies after - Holbein. - -Footnote 694: - - In the exhibition of miniatures held at South Kensington in 1865 there - was one of “Alicia, wife of Sir Thomas More,” attributed to Holbein, - lent by Mr. J. Heywood Hawkins (No. 1146). - -Footnote 695: - - Reproduced in the _Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib. Catg._, Pl. xiv; Ganz, - _Holbein_, p. 194. - -Footnote 696: - - Reproduced by Vasari Society, Pt. i. No. 31; _Burl. Fine Arts Club - Exhib. Catg._, Pl. xxix. - -Footnote 697: - - _Daily Telegraph_, 23rd March 1910. - -Footnote 698: - - Reproduced in _The Ancestor_, vi., June 1903. - -Footnote 699: - - The drawing in the Windsor Collection inscribed “Lady Henegham” bears - considerable likeness to the Margaret Roper of the Basel sketch, and - some writers hold that it represents her, and that it is a study for - the Family Group. The position, however, in the Windsor study is - exactly reversed, the sitter being shown in profile to the right, so - that it is not probable that it was a preliminary drawing for the big - group. Though the resemblance is marked, it is not so close as that - between the “Queen Katherine” portrait at Knole and the Basel sketch, - and the same criticism applies to the ornaments and dress, which in - the two last-named are identical, whereas the “Lady Henegham” drawing - shows differences, particularly in the jewellery. See also vol. ii. p. - 258. The question of the authorship of the various versions of the - More Family Group is dealt with more fully in Appendix (I). - -Footnote 700: - - _Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries_, Second Series, vol. xvii. - No. i. pp. 132-145, from which the quotations from Hall, and other - facts in this chapter, have been taken. - -Footnote 701: - - For these and the following extracts, see _C. L. P._, iv. pt. ii. - 3097-98, 3104, 3107. - -Footnote 702: - - _C. L. P._, v. 952. See p. 262. The name suggests Nicholas Lysard or - Lyzarde, serjeant-painter to Queen Elizabeth, who was also in the - service of Henry and Edward VI. He died in 1570, and has been usually - regarded as an Englishman. See vol. ii., pp. 309-10. Possibly, - however, Lasora was not an Italian. He may have been the “Nic. - Leysure, a German,” mentioned in the royal accounts, in September - 1539, as receiving payment under a warrant for 200 _cr. soleil_ for - life. - -Footnote 703: - - Woltmann, 264. Reproduced by Law, _Holbein’s Pictures at Windsor - Castle_, Pl. i.; Davies, p. 130; Knackfuss, fig. 100; Ganz, _Holbein_, - p. 72. - -Footnote 704: - - _C. L. P._, iv. pt. iii. 5774. - -Footnote 705: - - Law, _Holbein’s Pictures_, &c., p. 3. - -Footnote 706: - - Woltmann, 282; Wornum, i. 1; Sir R. Holmes, i. 11. Reproduced by - Davies, p. 210. A second fine drawing of Guldeford, on a reddish a - different version from the one at Windsor, was in Mr. J. P. - Heseltine’s collection of drawings, dispersed in 1912. - -Footnote 707: - - Mr. Lionel Cust notes a roundel painting of Guldeford in the - collection of Lord Kinnaird at Rossie Priory (_Burl. Mag._, August - 1912, p. 258). - -Footnote 708: - - On panel, 25½ in. × 20½ in. - -Footnote 709: - - Woltmann, “Holbein at the National Portrait Gallery,” _Fortnightly - Review_, vol. vi. 1866, p. 160; also _Life_, i. 344. - -Footnote 710: - - _The English Connoisseur_, 1776, vol. i. p. 145; Dodsley’s _London and - its Environs Described_, vol. iii. p. 268 (quoted by Mr. Law, p. 4). - -Footnote 711: - - See Law, p. 4. - -Footnote 712: - - Woltmann, 206. - -Footnote 713: - - _Athenæum_, 17th January 1880. - -Footnote 714: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 227 (2). - -Footnote 715: - - Parthey, 1410. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 260. - -Footnote 716: - - Woltmann, 32. Reproduced by Davies, p. 224; Knackfuss, fig. 105; - Mantz, p. 175. - -Footnote 717: - - Woltmann, 37. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 11. - -Footnote 718: - - Woltmann, 36. - -Footnote 719: - - Woltmann, 281; Wornum, i. 2; Sir R. Holmes, i. 12. Reproduced by - Davies, p. 126; Knackfuss, fig. 96. - -Footnote 720: - - Woltmann, 208. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 70. - -Footnote 721: - - Woltmann, 225. Reproduced by Davies, p. 126; Knackfuss, fig. 97; Ganz, - _Holbein_, p. 71. - -Footnote 722: - - Wornum, p. 218, quoting from Lysons and Brayley. - -Footnote 723: - - Walpole, _Anecdotes_, &c., ed. Wornum, 1888, i. 79. - -Footnote 724: - - Reproduced in the illustrated edition of Catalogue, p. 64. - -Footnote 725: - - Reproduced in the illustrated edition of the Oxford Catalogue. - -Footnote 726: - - Woltmann, 283; Wornum, i. 24; Sir R. Holmes, i. 13. Reproduced by - Davies, p. 128; Knackfuss, fig. 98. - -Footnote 727: - - British Museum, 9; Woltmann, 198. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. - dem Jüng._, Pl. 24. - -Footnote 728: - - Froude, _Henry VIII_, i. 301. - -Footnote 729: - - Walpole, _Anecdotes_, &c., ed. Wornum, i. p. 81. - -Footnote 730: - - Woltmann, 144. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 103; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. - 74. - -Footnote 731: - - It was at one time in the Arundel Collection, and is entered in the - 1655 inventory as “2 Ritratti in un quadro col nome de Thomas - Godsalve.” It was purchased for Dresden in Paris in 1749. - -Footnote 732: - - Woltmann, 286; Wornum, i. 31; Sir R. Holmes, i. 36. Reproduced by - Ganz, _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 25; Davies, p. 218. - -Footnote 733: - - Woltmann, i. 345. - -Footnote 734: - - _Norfolk_, vii. 214. - -Footnote 735: - - _C. L. P._, v. 514. - -Footnote 736: - - _C. L. P._, vii. 1189 (25th Sept. 1534). - -Footnote 737: - - _C. L. P._, vi. 576. - -Footnote 738: - - _C. L. P._, v. 1598 (12). - -Footnote 739: - - _C. L. P._, vii. 1026 (2). - -Footnote 740: - - _C. L. P._, viii. 802 (26). - -Footnote 741: - - Woltmann, 226. Reproduced by Davies, p. 132; Knackfuss, fig. 102; - Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 73. - -Footnote 742: - - It appears to have been at one time in the Arundel Collection, and is - entered in the inventory of 1655 as “Ritratto d’un Mathematico.” As - all the other portraits just mentioned were also in the Earl’s - possession, it is natural to suppose that they were obtained by him - directly from De Loo. - -Footnote 743: - - Wornum, p. 222. - -Footnote 744: - - According to Walpole, the Kratzer which was at Holland House “till the - death of the Countess of Warwick, wife of Mr. Addison,” was a second - version; perhaps the one now belonging to Viscount Galway. This - version, according to the same authority, appears to have been in the - possession of Sir Walter Cope before passing into the Holland House - collection. - -Footnote 745: - - Walpole, _Anecdotes_, &c., ed. Wornum, i. 79. - -Footnote 746: - - See chap, xxi., vol. ii. p. 152. - -Footnote 747: - - _C. L. P._, iii. pt. i. 1018, 1019. It was during this same visit to - Antwerp that Dürer drew Kratzer’s portrait. - -Footnote 748: - - _C. L. P._, iv. pt. ii. 3540 (28). - -Footnote 749: - - _C. L. P._, v., Privy Purse Expenses. - -Footnote 750: - - Ed. Howes, p. 570. - -Footnote 751: - - Woltmann, 219. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 104; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. - 211. - -Footnote 752: - - Wornum, p. 295. - -Footnote 753: - - See Ganz, _Holbein_, note to 211, p. 251; and K. Voll, _Suddeutsche - Monatshefte_, 1905, ii. 8, p. 177. - -Footnote 754: - - Woltmann, 213. Wornum, p. 294. - -Footnote 755: - - Reproduced in the _Burl. Fine Arts Club Exhib. Cat._, Pl. xiii.; Ganz, - _Holbein_, p. 79. - -Footnote 756: - - See _Notes and Queries_, 4th series, v. p. 313; _Athenæum_, Nos. 2186, - 2187 (Sept. 18, 25, 1869); and _Dict. of Nat. Biog._, under “Tuke.” - -Footnote 757: - - Hampton Court, 610 (325). Woltmann, 162. Reproduced by Ernest Law, - _Holbein’s Pictures_, &c., Pl. ix.; Davies, p. 184; Cat. Tudor Exhib., - 1890, No. 72, p. 32; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 113. - -Footnote 758: - - Woltmann, 308; Wornum, i. 17; Sir R. Holmes, i. 48. Reproduced by - Knackfuss, fig. 143. - -Footnote 759: - - Wornum, p. 216. - -Footnote 760: - - _C. L. P._, v. 1363. - -Footnote 761: - - See Law, _Holbein’s Pictures_, &c., p. 29. - -Footnote 762: - - Woltmann, 217. Reproduced by Knackfuss, fig. 101; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. - 224. - -Footnote 763: - - Woltmann, 227. Reproduced in _Masterpieces of Holbein_ (Gowan’s Art - Books, No. 13), p. 19; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 78. - -Footnote 764: - - _Burlington Magazine_, December 1909, p. 159. - -Footnote 765: - - On panel, 14 in. high by 12½ in. wide. - -Footnote 766: - - _Burlington Magazine_, December 1909, p. 154. - -Footnote 767: - - Woltmann, i. 341. - -Footnote 768: - - Woltmann, 284; Wornum, i. 34; Sir R. Holmes, i. 38. Reproduced by - Davies, p. 216. - -Footnote 769: - - Woltmann, 285; Wornum, ii. 19; Sir R. Holmes, i. 39. Reproduced by - Davies, p. 216. - -Footnote 770: - - Woltmann, 140. Reproduced by S. Arthur Strong in _Drawings by the Old - Masters at Chatsworth_, 1902, Pl. liv.; _Burlington Magazine_, vol. - i., April 1903, p. 224. - -Footnote 771: - - S. Arthur Strong, _Drawings, &c._, and in _Critical Studies and - Fragments_, p. 133. - -Footnote 772: - - Woltmann, 141. Reproduced by Strong in _Drawings_, &c., 1902, Pl. lv.; - _Burlington Magazine_, vol. i., May 1903, p. 354. - -Footnote 773: - - Reproduced by Law, _Holbein’s Pictures_, &c., Pl. iv.; Knackfuss, fig. - 99. - -Footnote 774: - - See Vol. ii. pp. 87-9. - -Footnote 775: - - _Die Basler Archive über H. H. dem Jüngern_, in Zahn’s _Jahrbücher für - Kunstwissenschaft_, iii. 123, 1870. - -Footnote 776: - - Woltmann, i. 354. - -Footnote 777: - - See pp. 75-6. - -Footnote 778: - - Woltmann, i. 355. - -Footnote 779: - - _C. L. P._, iv. pt. iii. 5922. _Eras. Ep._, p. 1230. - -Footnote 780: - - _C. L. P._, iv. pt. iii. 5924. _Eras. Ep._, p. 1232. - -Footnote 781: - - _C. L. P._, iv. pt. iii. 6048. _Eras. Ep._, p. 1743. - -Footnote 782: - - Woltmann, i. 356. - -Footnote 783: - - Woltmann, 15. Reproduced by Davies, p. 134; Knackfuss, fig. 107; - _Œffentliche Kunstsammlung in Basel_, 57th annual report, new series, - iii. p. 1, 1907; Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 83. - -Footnote 784: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 213, who mentions other copies at - Aix-les-Bains, Constance, in the Albertina, &c. At the time Dr. - Woltmann was writing his book it was in Cologne, in the possession of - Herr Brasseur, the picture-dealer. - -Footnote 785: - - Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 212. - -Footnote 786: - - “A propos d’un Livre nouveau sur Holbein le Jeune,” in _Revue des Deux - Mondes_, 15th January 1912. - -Footnote 787: - - Woltmann, 46. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, i. 23 (in - colour); and in _Holbein_, p. 89. Possibly it represents a sister or - near relation of Elsbeth Holbein. - -Footnote 788: - - See Woltmann, i. p. 159. - -Footnote 789: - - Woltmann, 21. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 84. - -Footnote 790: - - Woltmann, 65. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, ii. 4 (in - colour), and in _Holbein_, p. 172; Knackfuss, fig. 115. - -Footnote 791: - - Woltmann, 21. Reproduced by Ganz, _Holbein_, p. 85. - -Footnote 792: - - Woltmann, 64. Reproduced by Ganz, _Hdz. Schwz. Mstr._, iii. 23, and - in _Hdz. von H. H. dem Jüng._, Pl. 27 (both in colours), and in - _Holbein_, p. 173; Knackfuss, fig. 116. - -Footnote 793: - - Woltmann, 56. See Vol. ii. p. 278. - -Footnote 794: - - See Vol. ii. pp. 277-8, 281. - -Footnote 795: - - Ganz, _Holbein_, p. xxxiv. - -Footnote 796: - - Koegler, _Jahrbuch der preuss. Kunstsammlungen_, 1911. - -Footnote 797: - - See pp. 179-80 and 184-5. - -Footnote 798: - - Woltmann, i. 362. - -Footnote 799: - - _Holbein_, p. 136. - -Footnote 800: - - See Appendix (J). - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - ● Transcriber’s Notes: - ○ Appendices A through K referenced in this volume are in volume 2. - ○ Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected. - ○ Typographical errors were silently corrected. - ○ Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only - when a predominant form was found in this book. - ○ Text that was in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_). - - - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HANS HOLBEIN THE YOUNGER, VOLUME 1 -(OF 2) *** - -***** This file should be named 64208-0.txt or 64208-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - https://www.gutenberg.org/6/4/2/0/64208/ - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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