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-Project Gutenberg's The Sweating Sickness in England, by Francis C. Webb
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-Title: The Sweating Sickness in England
-
-Author: Francis C. Webb
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-Release Date: October 5, 2020 [EBook #63376]
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-Language: English
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-  THE
-  SWEATING SICKNESS
-  IN ENGLAND.
-
-  BY
-  FRANCIS C. WEBB, M.D., F.S.A.,
-
-  PHYSICIAN TO THE MARGARET STREET DISPENSARY FOR
-  CONSUMPTION, ETC.
-
-  _Reprinted from_ THE SANITARY REVIEW AND JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH,
-  _for July 1857_.
-
-  LONDON:
-  PRINTED BY T. RICHARDS, 37 GREAT QUEEN STREET.
-
-  M.DCCC.LVII.
-
-
-
-
-THE SWEATING SICKNESS IN ENGLAND.[A]
-
-
-There are few subjects which exhibit more points of interest to the
-epidemiologist and medical historian, than that series of epidemics,
-of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, which went by the name of
-English Sweating Sicknesses. We are chiefly indebted to a learned
-German professor, Dr. Hecker, and to his translator Dr. Babington, for
-the acquaintance we in the present day have with these events; and
-we would here observe that, in whatever light we may view Professor
-Hecker’s deductions and theories, there can be but one opinion as to
-his faithfulness and diligence as a medical historian. As his work,
-however, is published by a society, and is therefore of somewhat
-limited circulation, we have thought a short historical sketch,
-embodying, and in some instances slightly amplifying, Professor
-Hecker’s researches on the subject of the ravages of the disease in
-England, might not be uninteresting to our readers; who will then be in
-a position to follow us on some future occasion in a discussion of the
-nature of a malady, which five times within a hundred years devastated
-our island, and once, and once only, spread its ravages amongst the
-Teutonic races on the continent of Europe.
-
-We may preface our historical _resumé_ by noticing that the disease,
-in the form in which it then presented itself, was unknown before the
-year 1485, and that it has never reappeared since its last outbreak, in
-1551. Its novelty gave it one of its appellations; it was called by the
-common people the “new acquaintance”; whilst its limitation to British
-soil gained for it on the continent the names of the King of England’s
-Sickness, the English Sweating Sickness, _Sudor Britannicus_.
-
-Characterised by the suddenness of its seizure, by its short and
-defined course of twenty-four hours, by its great fatality, by the
-profuse and fetid perspiration in which the patient was bathed, and
-from which the disease derived its most common name, by the frequency
-with which it attacked the same individual several times within a short
-period, or perhaps, we should more correctly say, by its relapsing
-tendency, by its selection of strong and robust men in the prime of
-life as its victims, by the equality with which it invaded the palaces
-of the rich and the cottages of the poor, we cannot wonder at its
-producing a marked effect on the national mind, and being long held
-in remembrance. Even as late as the days of the great rebellion,
-occasional references may be found to it in popular sermons and
-treatises; whereas we might have supposed its memory would have been
-effaced by the frequent outbreaks of plague which had intervened. The
-sweating sickness has come down to us as the remarkable epidemic of a
-remarkable age. In an era distinguished by the emancipation of thought,
-by the spread of letters, by the splendours of a social and religious
-reformation, death appeared in a new garb, and in unwonted tones
-asserted his dominion.
-
-It has been a frequent observation, that epidemic diseases have had
-their origin in camps; and it is perfectly needless here to remind the
-reader of instances. Such will present themselves to every student of
-history. The English sweat is stated by Caius to have first appeared
-in the army of the Earl of Richmond, shortly after their landing; and
-doubtless they were predisposed by the circumstances of the expedition,
-by their confinement during their voyage in close, dirty ships, and
-especially by their previous habits (for they are described by Philip
-de Comines as recruited from the loosest and most profligate class in
-Normandy), to suffer from any disease. But it is perfectly clear that,
-granting the distemper to have first appeared in the invading force,
-it was not long limited to it. It must quickly have spread amongst
-the population; as we learn from the _Historia Croylandensis_ that, a
-few days after the landing of the earl, Lord Stanley excused himself
-from joining Richard III, by alleging that he was attacked by the new
-disease, he being then at his seat in Lancashire. A mere excuse, no
-doubt; but such as would not have been urged had not the progress of
-the epidemic rendered it possibly true. We likewise have proof that a
-fatal disease reigned at the time in York, although we lack information
-as to its precise nature. On the 16th of August, 1485, it was
-determined in the town council to send a messenger to King Richard with
-the offer of a force “for subduing of his enemies lately arrived in the
-partes of Wales”. “Also it was determyned that all such aldermen and
-other of the counsail as was sojournyng, for the plage that reigneth,
-without the citie, should be sent for to give their best advises in
-such things as concerned the wele and savegard of the said citie, and
-all other inhabitants of the same” (Drake’s _Eboracum_, b. i, p. 120).
-It is moreover remarkable, that, although the circumstances of the
-march of Richmond’s army, and of its final struggle and victory, have
-come down to us with tolerable minuteness, no mention, as far as we
-are aware, is made by the chroniclers of any pestilence tracking their
-course. The battle was fought on the 22nd of August; and before the end
-of that month the epidemic appeared at Oxford, a town through which the
-army is not reported to have passed, and which, devoted to learning,
-may be supposed to have suffered less from military occupation than
-other places.
-
-Whilst, however, the assertion that the malady commenced amongst the
-soldiery of the Earl of Richmond rests principally on the authority of
-Dr. Caius, who wrote his account three-quarters of a century after the
-event, yet, in the lack of other evidence, we believe we must receive
-it. Caius was evidently aware of the interest and importance of his
-subject, and would scarcely have hazarded such a statement had he
-not been assured of its truth. On the other hand, it is a groundless
-assumption to claim for the sweating sickness a foreign origin. No
-such disease had appeared in Normandy, Brittany, or elsewhere on the
-continent; and there is no reason for supposing other causes present to
-produce the first epidemic of 1485, than those which resulted in the
-outbreak of 1551, when it commenced at Shrewsbury, and importation
-from abroad was simply out of the question.
-
-It was on the evening of the 1st of August, 1485, that the sails of
-Henry’s little fleet were furled in the harbour of Milford Haven.
-They had accomplished the passage from Harfleur in seven days. The
-soldiers landed with promptitude, in the neighbourhood of the village
-of Dale, on the western side of the bay, and there encamped for the
-night. At sunrise the next morning they removed to Haverfordwest, a
-march of something less than ten miles. Here, reinforced by the men of
-Pembrokeshire, they proceeded to Cardigan, where they were joined by
-forces under Richard Griffith and John Morgan. Crossing the Severn,
-they entered Shrewsbury, where they were again augmented by a goodly
-band of Welshmen under Rice ap Thomas. The night before they entered
-the town, the army was encamped on Forton or Fortune Heath (to the west
-of Shrewsbury, near the river). They then marched to Newport, and the
-earl pitched his camp on a little hill adjoining, where he stopped a
-night. Here he was joined by the power of the young Earl of Shrewsbury,
-under George Talbot. He next halted at the town of Stafford, and thence
-marched on Lichfield, where his army bivouacked outside the walls. From
-this place they removed to Tamworth, their last halting-place before
-the great battle which decided the fate of England, and placed her
-crown on Henry’s brow.
-
-Three weeks were occupied in the march, and their road lay chiefly
-through a mountainous country, not, as far as we are aware, more likely
-to give origin to malarious influence than other parts of the island.
-Yet the halt of the army at Shrewsbury, the place at which the last
-outbreak of the “gret dethe and hasty” undoubtedly commenced; the
-passage of the river Severn, which in the year 1483, overflowing its
-banks, had inundated the whole of the surrounding country; and the
-encampment on the low marshy ground outside the walls of the city of
-Lichfield, are especially worthy of remark.
-
-Fortune and victory sat on Henry’s helm. Disbanding his army,
-he advanced by easy stages to London, greeted as he went by the
-acclamations of the populace. All things seemed to promise a
-
-          “harvest of perpetual peace,
-  By this one bloody trial of sharp war”,
-
-when “sodenly”, to use the graphic words of an old chronicler, “a newe
-kynde of sicknes came through the whole region, which was so sore, so
-peynfull, and sharp, that the lyke was neuer harde of to any mannes
-remembraunce before that tyme: For sodenly a dedly and burnyng sweate
-inuaded their bodyes and vexed their bloud with a most ardent heat,
-infested the stomack and the head greuously: by the tormentyng and
-vexacion of which sicknes, men were so sore handled and so painfully
-pangued that if they were layed in their bed, beyng not hable to suffre
-the importunate heat, they cast away the shetes and all the clothes
-liyng on the bed. If they were in their apparell and vestures, they
-would put of all their garmentes, euen to their shirtes. Other were so
-drye that they dranke the colde water to quenche their importune heate
-and insaciable thirst. Other that could or at the least woulde abyde
-the heate and styntche (for in dede the sweate had a great and a strong
-sauoure) caused clothes to be layed upon theim asmuch as they coulde
-beare, to dryue oute the sweate if it might be. All in maner assone as
-the sweate toke them, or within a short space after, yelded vp their
-ghost. So that of all them that sickened ther was not one emongest an
-hundreth that escaped.”
-
-Consternation and affright reigned everywhere. “Some”, says Caius,
-were “immediatly killed in opening theire windowes, some in plaieng
-with children in their strete dores, some in one hour, many in two it
-destroyed, and at the longest, to them that merilye dined, it gaue a
-sorowful Supper. As it founde them so it toke them, some in sleape some
-in wake, some in mirthe some in care, some fasting and some ful, some
-busy and some idle, and in one house sometyme three sometyme fiue,
-sometyme seuen sometyme eyght, sometyme more sometyme all, of the
-whyche, if the haulfe in euerye Towne escaped, it was thoughte great
-fauour.” Numbers were seen rushing from their houses in a state of
-nudity, hoping to cool their burning torments. The general joy which
-the victory of Bosworth had inspired was changed into despondence and
-evil augury. With grim humour, the people exclaimed that the new reign
-must needs be one of labour, since it began with a sickness of sweat.
-
-It was about the end of the month of August that the disease appeared
-at Oxford. Here, according to Anthony-à-Wood, it raged with violence
-for the space of six weeks, killing most of the students, or banishing
-them from the university. It would seem that it did not reach London
-until some days later. Several chroniclers state that the 21st of
-September was the date of its outbreak; yet, as Hecker suggests, it
-is probable that cases may have occurred before that time, although
-its virulence was not until then manifested. However this may be,
-it continued in the city until towards the end of October, but had
-sufficiently subsided to permit the coronation of Henry on the 30th of
-that month. During the time that the epidemic was at its height, the
-mortality was prodigious. On the 11th of October, the mayor, Thomas
-Hill, died; he was succeeded by Sir William Stokker, knight, who before
-eight days was also carried off. It was also fatal to several of the
-aldermen. Grafton says six; Stow enumerates four. The higher classes
-could claim no immunity from the common enemy. Many of the aristocracy,
-both secular and clerical, fell its victims. It is noticeable that this
-was the case in each succeeding epidemic.
-
-From London and the eastern part of the kingdom, it spread to the
-western and southern districts, and did not wholly disappear until
-December. In this time it had invaded almost the whole kingdom--every
-town and village, says Grafton--but without crossing the Scottish
-border, or being conveyed to the sister kingdom of Ireland.
-
-From the Croyland Annals, we learn that it carried off the excellent
-Abbot Lambert Fossdyke, after eighteen hours sickness. This is stated
-to have taken place on the 14th of November, although the writer in
-another place alters the date to the 14th of October; and we think
-the latter more probable, as, whilst we do not deny that the disease
-lingered, as Wood says, in some places until December, we should be
-inclined to suppose that the fury of the epidemic had in November and
-December partially subsided, and deaths consequently become rare. To
-this circumstance we are inclined in some degree to attribute the
-efficacy ascribed to the Anglican mode of treatment. But on this point
-we hope to touch hereafter.
-
-Facts are wanting to give a minute topographical or numerical account
-of its ravages. Baines says that it prevailed in Lancashire; but he
-furnishes no particulars. We can only infer from general testimony the
-universality and magnitude of the evil. Its disappearance may have
-been consummated by a violent storm of wind, which prevailed on the
-1st of the following January. For twenty-one years from this date, we
-read no more in English annals of a return of the “fereful tyme of the
-sweate.”[B]
-
-The kingdom was only recovering from the tremendous invasion of plague,
-which in 1499 carried off, it is said, in London alone 30,000 persons,
-and cessation from civil contention and foreign warfare promised
-increase and prosperity to her population, when, in the summer of 1506,
-the old enemy again started into existence. This epidemic appears
-generally to have been of a milder type, and deaths were in most
-places unfrequent. We know little as to its origin or spread. As in
-the close of the first epidemic, the lessened mortality was ascribed
-rather to the effects of treatment than to any temporary diminution in
-the virulence of the disorder. One record has come down to us, which is
-sufficient of itself to show that, under favouring circumstances, the
-“new acquaintance” of 1506 was capable of being developed in all its
-ancient severity. In the Annals of Chester (Harl. MSS. No. 2125), we
-are told that in 1506 there died in one day, of the sweating sickness,
-three score and eleven householders, of whom only four or five were
-women. Another account says, that in three days there died ninety-one
-householders, four only being widows. It matters not which is correct;
-either is sufficient to prove that no real change had occurred in the
-nature of the sweating sickness. It lingered until the autumn, and then
-disappeared. Lysons and Hemmingways make the outbreak at Chester to
-have occurred in 1507; but Pennant, more correctly, as it appears to
-us, follows the date of 1506, given in the Chester Annals.
-
-Eleven years elapsed, the crafty Richmond slept the sleep of death in
-the “sumpteous and solempne chapell which he had caused to be buylded”,
-and his son reigned in his stead. Unexpectedly, in July 1517, the
-pestilence again raised its head. We believe that this sweat was the
-most fatal in its results of any of the series. The dismal scenes of
-the first epidemic were repeated. It “killed some within three hours”,
-say the chroniclers, “some within two hours, some merry at dinner and
-dead at supper.” “In some one town half the people died, in some other
-town the third part, the sweat was so fervent and the infection so
-great.”
-
-We learn incidentally, from a letter written by the Cardinal du
-Bellay, who was ambassador from France to Henry VIII, and himself a
-sufferer in the next epidemic of 1528, that it was estimated that
-10,000 persons died in ten or twelve days. The context warrants us
-in the supposition that reference is made here to the metropolis
-alone. Taking this as a mere approximation, we shall at once see, by
-comparing it with the ravages of other epidemics, how frightful the
-mortality whilst it lasted was. In 1854, the total number of deaths
-from cholera and diarrhœa in London, extending over a period of six
-months, with a population of 2,517,048, was 14,806. The epidemic was
-at its height during the first fourteen days of September, when 4,371
-persons were carried off. The mortality in the epidemic of 1849 was
-somewhat greater, viz. 18,036, the period again extending over several
-months. Even in the great plague year, 1665, when 68,590 persons died
-in London, and the city was nearly abandoned, the mortality never
-rose higher than 7,165 in a week; this number being reached in the
-third week of September. The population of the metropolis in 1676, is
-estimated in Graunt’s Bills of Mortality at 384,000; consequently, in
-the year 1517, it must have fallen far short of 300,000. Making every
-allowance for exaggeration, supposing only one-half the number stated
-to have died in the time specified, the mortality for that time, taking
-into account the amount of population, must have been as great as in
-the worst irruption of bubo plague, and so appalling that, in the
-present day, we can form but a faint idea of it.
-
-Rich and poor were equally victims. Rank claimed for its possessor
-no exemption; poverty was no shield. The deserted palace no longer
-echoed the sounds of mirth; the low wail of the mourner interrupted
-the silence of the streets. Henry VIII, a prince who, like Leviathan
-in the deep, seemed to consider the earth as merely formed to take his
-pastime therein, leaving the city, retreated with a few followers from
-place to place before the advancing waves of pestilence. His Court
-had been the seat of its triumphs. His private secretary, the learned
-Italian, Ammonius of Lucca, died a few hours after he had boasted to
-Sir Thomas More that by abstinence and regimen he had shielded himself
-and family. The Lord Grey of Wilton, the Lord Clinton, and many other
-of his knights, gentlemen, and officers, were no more. Michaelmas and
-Christmas passed without their usual festivities. No gathering of
-people was permitted, for fear of infection. Oxford and Cambridge,
-crowded with eager students, amongst whom were already germinating
-seeds which produced the Reformation, were again attacked, and the
-former was again deserted. The sweat continued until the middle of
-December; and its horrors were heightened by the supervention towards
-the winter of plague. In Chester the mortality from the combined
-diseases was so great, that grass grew a foot high at the town cross.
-England, again, with one remarkable exception, was _alone_ the land of
-the shadow of death. The pestilence passed over to the town of Calais,
-at that period belonging to the British Crown. But here it is said to
-have attacked principally the English inhabitants; and we know that it
-not only did not spread through France, but (from a reliable source)
-that it did not even reach to Graveling.
-
-It must have been during one of these earlier irruptions of the
-sweating disease, that a Latin prayer was composed, of which a copy
-has been preserved. It is addressed “ad beatum Henricum,” either Henry
-the Emperor, who with his wife Cunegunde, were saints of the Romish
-calendar, or Henry VI. of that name is intended, who was claimed
-as uncle by Henry VII., and who, his piety having nearly procured
-him canonization, was highly revered by the people. In it occurs the
-petition so characteristic of the period:--
-
-  “Non sudore,
-  Vel dolore,
-  Moriamur subito.”
-
-The whole is to be found in the _Gent. Mag._ for 1786, p. 747.
-
-1528. We have now arrived at the fourth irruption of the disease, and
-fortunately can present a more detailed account of the historical
-facts connected with it, than we have been enabled to do whilst
-glancing at the three former epidemics. In this we shall necessarily
-correct a slight error into which Professor Hecker, from the paucity
-of his materials, has fallen. Although the mortality was not equal
-in magnitude to that of 1517, yet the influence was widely felt, the
-disease was distinguished by the same characteristics, and the deaths
-were quite numerous enough to be placed in comparison with those
-occurring in ordinary epidemic visitations. From the circumstance that
-the disease was again particularly rife in the Court, we have found
-many references to it in letters published under the Royal Commission
-in the “State Papers,” and in similar collections. We propose
-illustrating our account with such extracts from these as may serve to
-bring before the reader a more definite picture of the prevailing state
-of things.
-
-Hecker, following Grafton, states that the disease first appeared
-towards the end of May, in the most populous part of the city of
-London. This was not the case. Before its influence was felt in the
-capital, which was not until the 14th of June, it had been rife in the
-north. For Sir William Parre, writing to Wolsey, on the 31st of May,
-informs him that the Duke of Richmond had on account of its prevalence
-removed to Ledeston, in Yorkshire, three miles from Pontefract. It
-was brought out of Sussex into London, as we learn incidentally from
-an unpublished letter in the Cottonian Collection. We may therefore
-conclude that it had widely spread in the country districts during
-the latter part of May and the first weeks of June. Oxford, as usual,
-suffered severely. The rapidity with which it flew from district to
-district, and from town to town, obtained for it in 1551 the quaint
-name of the “posting sweat.” A most graphic picture of the commencement
-of the epidemic in the metropolis, is given by the Cardinal du Bellay.
-We are indebted to Mr. Halliwell for the publication of this most
-interesting document, which forms part of the treasures contained in
-the Imperial Library of Paris. From it we shall now give our readers
-some extracts. The Cardinal’s letter is dated London, June 18, 1528; he
-writes:--
-
-“One of the filles de chambre of Mademoiselle de Boulen was attacked
-on Tuesday by the sweating sickness. The king left in great haste, and
-went a dozen miles off: but it is denied that the lady Anne Boleyn was
-sent away as suspected, to her brother the Viscount, who is in Kent.
-This disease, which broke out here four days ago, is the easiest in the
-world to die of. You have a slight pain in the head, and at the heart;
-all at once you begin to sweat. There is no need for a physician; for
-if you uncover yourself the least in the world, or cover yourself
-a little too much, you are taken off without languishing, as those
-dreadful fevers make you do. But it is no great thing, for during
-the time specified, about two thousand only have been attacked by it
-in London. Yesterday, having gone to swear the truce, they might be
-seen, as thick as flies, hurrying out of the streets and the shops
-into the houses, to take the sweat the instant they were seized by the
-distemper. I found the ambassador of Milan leaving his quarters in
-great haste, because two or three had been attacked by it.”
-
-       *       *       *       *       *
-
-“But to return to London. I assure you that the priests there have a
-better time of it than the physicians, except that there is not enough
-of them to bury the dead. If the thing lasts, corn will be cheap.
-Twelve years ago, when the same thing happened, 10,000 persons died
-in ten or twelve days, it is said, but it was not so sharp as it is
-now beginning to be. M. the legate (Cardinal Wolsey), had come for
-the term; but he soon had his horses saddled again, and there will be
-neither assignation nor term. Everybody is terribly alarmed.” This is
-confirmed by Stow. The term was adjourned to Michaelmas.
-
-From this account we see that at its first onset in London it seemed
-probable that the epidemic would be as fatal as its predecessor. This
-expectation was not realized. The mortality seems to have been unequal
-at different times during the same visitation. It did not gradually
-increase, as in the plague, to its maximum, and then as gradually
-diminish, but probably was never more fatal than at its first onset.
-
-Henry’s first retreat was Waltham in Essex, from which however he was
-speedily driven, by the seizure of the treasurer, two of the court
-ushers, and two of his valets de chambre. He immediately retired to
-Hunsdon in Hertfordshire, where he arrived on the 21st of June. News
-here reached him that Anne Boleyn, who had already become the object of
-his passion, was attacked by the disease. The occasion of this illness
-produced one of that remarkable series of love-letters, which have
-since become so celebrated, and the originals of which are preserved at
-Rome. In it he deplores her illness, states he would gladly bear half
-of it to have her cured, and regrets that he cannot send her his first
-physician, who was absent, but that in default of him he sends the
-second, “and the only one left, praying God that he may soon make you
-well, and then I shall love him more than ever.” Happy indeed would it
-have been for the ill-fated Anne had the dart penetrated more deeply.
-The scene enacted in the “doleful prison in the Tower”, on the 19th of
-May, 1536, would not then have disgraced the history of the English
-monarchy, and the escutcheon of the Tudor would have been spared one of
-its deepest stains!
-
-The next document of any importance, in which we find reference to
-our subject, is a letter written by Brian (afterwards Sir Brian Tuke)
-to Cardinal Wolsey; and, risking the charge of prolixity, we cannot
-refrain from extracting from it a passage or two, as it exhibited bluff
-King Hal in the novel character of a medical adviser. Tuke dates from
-Hunsdon, June 23rd, 1528; and, in relating to Wolsey the particulars of
-a private interview he had with the King, respecting a letter he had
-received from the Cardinal, he thus writes:--“I red forthe til it camme
-to the latter ende, mencionyng Your Graces good comfort and counsail
-geven to His Highnes, for avoiding this infeccion, for the whiche the
-same, with a most cordial maner, thanked Your Grace: and shewing me,
-firste, a great proces of the maner of that infeccion; howe folkes wer
-taken; howe litel dangeir was in it, if good ordre be observed; howe
-fewe wer ded of it; howe Mastres Anne, and my Lorde of Rocheforde,
-bothe have had it; what jeopardie they have ben in, by retournyng in
-of the swet bifore the tyme; of the endevour of Mr. Buttes who hathe
-ben with them, and is retourned; with many other thinges touching those
-matiers, and finally of their perfite recovery; His Highnes willed me
-to write unto Your Grace, most hertily desiring the same, above al
-other thinges, to kepe Your Grace oute of al ayre, where any of that
-infeccion is, and that if, in on place any on fal sike thereof, that
-Your Grace incontinently do remove to a clene place; and so, in like
-cace, from that place to an other, and with a small and clene company:
-saying, that this is the thing, whereby His Highnes hathe pourged his
-house, having the same nowe, thanked be God, clene. And over that, His
-Highnes desireth Your Grace to use smal sowpers, and to drink litel
-wyne, namely that is big, and ons in the weke to use the pilles of
-Rasis; and if it comme in any wise, to swete moderately the ful tyme,
-without suffering it to renne in; whiche by Your Graces phisicians,
-with a possetale, having certein herbes clarified in it, shal facilly,
-if nede be, be provoked and contynued; with more good holsom counsail
-by His Highnes in most tender and loving maner geven to Your Grace,
-then my symple wit can suffise to reherse; whiche his gracious
-commaundement, I said, I wolde accomplish accordingly.”
-
-In the after part of his letter he informs the Cardinal that news had
-just arrived that Mr. Cary, whom he had shortly before met on his way
-to hunt, was “ded of the swet.” “Our Lorde have mercy on his soule, and
-holde his hande over us.” Proposing to join Wolsey, he tells him he
-dare not come through London, “wherfore I wol cost to the water side,
-and comme the rest by water, thorough London Bridge; though I promyse
-Your Grace there is non erthely riches shoulde cause me to travaile
-muche nowe, considering that the phisicians tel me ther is nothing,
-that more stirreth the mater and cause of the swet then moche traveil,
-and likewise commyng in the son.”
-
-In the city the ancient solemnity of the procession of the watch,
-on Midsummer eve, was discontinued, for fear of adding fuel to the
-spreading flame by collecting the populace: whilst the King removed to
-Hertford, at which place he was “moche troubled,” for on the night of
-the 26th, there fell sick the Marquess and Marchioness of Dorset, Sir
-Thomas Cheney, Mistress Croke, Master Norris, and Master Wallop; who
-all, however, recovered; and Sir Francis Poyntz, who, says the writer
-of the letter we are quoting, “is departed, whiche Jhesu pardon.” On
-these occurrences taking place, the King fled to Bishop’s Hatfield in
-Hertfordshire.
-
-On the 29th, we find Wolsey removing to Hampton Court, on account
-of the “vehement infection and sykenes, that ys fallen amonges his
-Graces folkes.” Du Bellay’s next letter, we shall see, gives a rather
-ludicrous account of the precipitate retreat of the “great child of
-honour,” who, as all know from Cavendish, was dreadfully afraid of
-contagion, and used to carry with him an orange, stuffed with sponge
-steeped in vinegar and confections, against pestilent airs, the which
-he commonly held to his nose when he came to the presses, or when he
-was pestered with many suitors.
-
-On the 30th the King had reached Tittenhanger in Hertfordshire,
-and here received news of the death of Sir William Compton, who
-was reported to be “lost by neclygens, in lettyng hym slepe in the
-begynnyng of his swete.” No more on that day had been attacked in the
-Court, and those who had sickened on the 28th were recovered.
-
-Grafton tells us that during the stay at Tittenhanger the place was
-daily purged with fires and other preservatives. An odd remedy against
-a sweating sickness at Midsummer!
-
-The second letter of the Cardinal du Bellay is of this date; after
-recounting the names of nine courtiers who had been attacked, and of
-three who were dead, he says--“but when all is said, those who do not
-expose themselves to the air rarely die; so that out of more than
-45,000 who have been attacked in London, not 2000 have died, whatever
-people may say. It is true that if you merely put your hand out of bed
-during the twenty-four hours, you instantly become stiff as a peacock.
-P.S. Since writing my letters, I have been informed that a brother of
-the Earl of Derby’s, and a son-in-law of the Duke of Norfolk’s, have
-died suddenly at the legate’s (Wolsey), who slipped out at the back
-door with a few servants, and would not let any body know whither he
-was going, that he might not be followed. The king at last stopped
-about twenty miles hence, at a house which M. the legate has had built,
-and I have it from good authority, that he has made his will and taken
-the sacrament, for fear of sudden seizure. Nothing ails him, thank God!”
-
-We shall hereafter see that the ambassador was inclined to think more
-seriously of it, when he had himself been a sufferer, and was the
-only survivor of nineteen who were attacked. However, in the absence
-of other evidence, we are bound to receive his statement as correct,
-in reference to the amount of mortality. And even this must have
-been proportionally as great as in our last epidemic of cholera and
-diarrhœa. It is calculated, in the Report of the Scientific Committee,
-published by the Board of Health, that seventy-one deaths in each
-10,000 of the population of London took place, and that in this number
-there were 3473 cases of all forms of cholera and diarrhœa; in other
-words, that there was one death to every forty-eight attacks. But
-Du Bellay’s statement gives an average of two deaths in forty-five
-seizures; or more than double the proportion. Again, it must be
-remembered that these occurred in the space of sixteen days, whereas
-the cholera epidemic lasted six months. We do not wish to be supposed
-to insist on this calculation; in either case it can merely be an
-approximation, and we advance it here only to show that even a mild
-epidemic of the sweating sickness was no slight pestilence.
-
-On the first of July, we are informed that two cases had occurred at
-Tittenhanger; one being that of a gentleman’s servant, the other, one
-of the King’s wardrobe. On this day the King sends to Wolsey for “the
-byll that Mr. Fynche made, for the remedy of all suche as have fallyn
-syke in youre howse; for as His Hynes ys enformyd, he haythe doyne very
-well, boythe to bryng them to there swheyte ageine, when they fall
-owte, and allso to swayge the grete hete and burnyng.”
-
-On the 5th, we find the King again despatching to Wolsey to delay
-visiting him “untill the tyme be more propiciouse.” In a former letter
-we learn that flying tales had reached Tittenhanger, that many of
-his Grace’s folks were sick, and divers departed. Henry was as much
-frightened as the Cardinal, although on St. Thomas’s day he sends
-him a message, in a letter written by Dr. Bell, to put away fear and
-fantasies, to commit all to God, and expresses a wish that “Your
-Grace’s harte weer as gode as hys is.” Both king and minister made
-their wills, and each took care that the assurance was conveyed to the
-other that he was not forgotten in the testament. In the letter of
-the 5th, the Cardinal is desired to “cawse generall processions to be
-made, unyversally thorough the realme, aswell for the good wetheringes,
-to thencrease of corne and fruyte, as also for the plage that now
-reignethe.”
-
-On the 9th, we find Henry preparing to remove from Tittenhanger to
-Ampthill in Bedfordshire, in consequence of the seizure of the “Lady
-Marques of Exeter,” and commanding that all such as were with the
-Marquis and Marchioness should “departe in severall parcells, and so
-not contynue together.”
-
-On the 10th, the king had postponed his departure until the 11th; but,
-in the meantime, eight or nine had fallen sick, although none had
-been in jeopardy. The unpublished letter in the Cottonian Collection,
-before alluded to, bears date July the 14th. It is from Brian Tuke to
-Sir Peter Vannes. The disease had broken out in Tuke’s house; and he
-says, “I write this at my waking after mydnyt, fearing to lye stil for
-the swet, with an aking and troubled hed.” His wife had passed the
-paroxysm, but “veray weke,” “and also sore broken oute about her mowthe
-and other places.” His letter is principally filled with his opinion as
-to the causes and mode of spread of the epidemic. He allows that there
-is an infection, but believes that the disease is chiefly “provoked of
-disposicion of the tyme.” He thinks that many frighten themselves into
-it. (How commonly we heard this in the late epidemics!) He flatters
-himself that he has obtained protection by the nightly use of a certain
-means; which, however he does not specify. The context would lead us
-to suppose that it was the application of cold in some form; for he
-says--“It wer to long a worke to declare unto you by what and howe I
-nyghtly put away the swet from me, and by what reason I dare do the
-same, when al other men take that so doing they kil them self.” The
-chief facts of interest we learn from this letter are, that the sweat
-did not spread from Calais to Graveling, although there was constant
-intercourse between the two places, and that it was brought from Sussex
-into London. We may form some idea of his pathology by the following:
-“It is not so moch to be doubted to put away the swet in the begynnyng,
-and bifore a man’s grese be well hote, keping molten, as it is taken.
-For though surely after the grese so heted it is no lesse but rather
-more danger for a man to take colde then it wer for an horse that in
-like case is destroyed.”
-
-On the 18th, the Abbess of Wilton in Wiltshire writes to Wolsey, that
-“it pleasithe Almyghty God to visite nowe the monastery with this
-greate plage of swetyng.”
-
-The French ambassador’s third letter bears date the 21st, and from it
-we shall make our last extracts in reference to this visitation. He
-says: “As to the danger which is in this country, it begins to diminish
-hereabouts, but increases in parts where it had not been. In Kent it is
-rife at this moment.” * * “The day that I had it at M. de Canterbury’s
-(the archbishop), eighteen died of it in four hours; scarcely any
-escaped that day but myself, and I am not yet stout. The king has
-removed further than he was, and hopes that he shall not have the
-complaint. Still he keeps upon his guard, confesses every day, receives
-the sacrament on all holidays; and likewise the queen, who is with
-him. M. the legate does the same. The notaries have a fine time of it
-here: I believe there have been made a hundred thousand wills off hand,
-because those who died all went mad the instant the disorder became
-severe. The astrologers say this will turn to the Plague, but I think
-they rave.”
-
-The epidemic spread throughout the country, and in consequence of it
-the circuits of assize were adjourned. Ireland also now unquestionably
-felt its influence. In Cork it was very fatal; and in Dublin, in the
-month of August, the archbishop and many of the citizens fell victims.
-It continued in some parts of England until the autumn; for Magnus,
-writing to Wolsey from Sheriff Hutton in Yorkshire, on the 7th of
-October, says that in consequence of the “pestiferous and ragious
-swete,” the Duke of Richmond has remained until now in a private place,
-with few attendants.
-
-We must apologize to our readers for these lengthy details; but it
-is in descending to particulars we frequently can obtain that vivid
-impression of bygone events, which a mere general statement so often
-fails to convey.
-
-In the following year, 1529, the sweating fever appeared at Hamburg,
-and spread throughout Germany, the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, and
-Norway. It is not within the limits of a historical paper, which is
-confined to an account of the sweating sickness in England, to trace
-the march of the pestilence. This has been most ably performed by
-Hecker. Wherever it appeared it was accompanied, as usual, by dread,
-death, and desolation. We cannot, however, agree with the German
-professor in his view of the production of the epidemic. We are
-inclined to avow ourselves contagionists, in a modified sense of the
-word. It is beyond doubt that the disease did not appear at Hamburg
-until, on the 25th of July, a ship arrived _from England_, commanded
-by a Captain Hermann Evers, on board which, several cases of sweating
-sickness had occurred. On the night of their landing four persons were
-attacked and died. It is true that the conflagration no longer spread
-widely in England, but it had not died out in the earlier part of
-the preceding winter, and we cannot but believe that its flickering
-embers still existed. Sporadic cases doubtless occurred, and even
-isolated outbreaks of the disease. At least, we have strong proof of
-one such taking place at Chester, in 1550, a year before the last great
-epidemic.[C] Hecker seems to think that the passengers on board Captain
-Evers’s ship, acquired the sweat in the fogs of the German Ocean. But
-other ships must have been exposed to the same influence, and this
-was an isolated case. When, we would inquire, did a similar epidemic
-commence among the colliers of the Tyne, or the fishers of the Forth?
-The argument that he adduces from the fact that no sooner did report
-of the disease reach a place, than cases immediately occurred; and
-that, therefore, it spread more rapidly than by contagion, is the same
-advanced by our old friend, Brian Tuke, who says--“For when an hole
-man hath comen from London, and shewed of the swet, the same nygt al
-the toun, where the knowlege was, fal of it, and thus it spredeth yet
-as the fame roneth.” What better proof of the intervention of human
-intercourse can we have than is given in this sentence? The solution of
-the problem lies in the “whole man who came from London.” Evidently the
-rumour and the reality flew along the same conducting wire.
-
-Yet we would not insist too much on what after all must be matter of
-opinion. When we find the medical world of our own day so divided on
-the subjects of the spread of cholera and yellow fever, the facts of
-which appeal to their immediate observation, how can we hope to draw
-conclusions with certainty from the scant records of 300 years ago--at
-the best, but a faint glimmer to direct us through the darkness which
-surrounds the past? That an outbreak of the sweat occurred at Chester
-in the year 1550, is affirmed by all the local historians. The year
-seems fixed by the fact that the mayor, Edmund Gee, died of it. We have
-examined several lists of the mayors and sheriffs, both manuscript and
-printed; and they each place his mayoralty and death in the year 1550.
-The Chester Chronicles in the Harleian Collection, state that in the
-morning he left the pentice (a local court) in good health, and that he
-died before night. Forty persons are said to have been carried off in
-twenty-four hours. Of course we cannot positively declare that there
-has been no confusion of dates here; we only lay before our readers the
-unanimous testimony of the Chester authorities.[D]
-
-We have now arrived at the fifth and last act of the tragedy. The final
-irruption of the sweating sickness commenced at Shrewsbury, in the year
-1551, the fifth of the short but eventful reign of Edward VI. Caius
-and Stow name the 15th of April as the day of its first appearance,
-but a manuscript chronicle of the town dates its commencement from the
-22nd of March. Local tradition yet points to the White Horse Shut,
-Frankwell, as the focus from which the malady spread. Hecker, without
-sufficient ground, places the amount of mortality at 960. But Caius,
-whom he follows, merely states that in one city (_unâ civitate_)
-that number died. We are inclined to doubt, with the authors of the
-History of Shrewsbury, whether, as has been generally affirmed,
-Caius was present in that town at all. When he says, “Ipse dum hæc
-tragedia agebatur, præsens spectator interfui,” he only states that
-he was an eye-witness of the dreary spectacle; and there are reasons
-which render it more probable that he observed it in London than at
-Shrewsbury. However this may be, we have his testimony that it spread
-from its place of origin to Ludlow, Presteign, and other places in
-Wales, thence to Westchester, Coventry, Drenfoorde (?), and the south,
-before it came to London, which it reached on the 7th of July, three
-months after its first appearance. He gives a most vivid description
-of the consternation, horror, and desolation that reigned. Business
-was at an end; citizens fled to the country; peasants thronged the
-towns; many sought an asylum in foreign lands. The shrieks of women,
-rushing half naked from their habitations, mingled with the groans of
-the dying, and the deep clang of the funeral bell, booming through the
-misty air from every tower and steeple, deafened the ear, and struck
-terror to the heart of the passer. The epidemic was at its height in
-the capital from the 9th to the 19th of July, and it lingered until
-the 30th. In this time, at the lowest computation, nearly a thousand
-people perished. The exact number is somewhat differently stated, Stow
-says 960 died, of whom 800 in the first week. Caius (English treatise)
-reports that 761 died from the 9th to the 16th, besides those on the
-7th and 8th, of whom no register was kept, and 142 from the 16th to
-the 30th. Machyn, a citizen resident in London, says that 872 were
-certified by the chancellor to have perished from the 8th to the 19th;
-whilst, in a manuscript in the Harleian Collection, we are told that
-938 persons were carried off between the 7th and 20th. These numbers
-render it probable that when Caius, in his Latin treatise, written
-some time after, speaks of 960 dying in one city, his statement refers
-to the metropolis. One testimony, however, places the mortality much
-higher. Christopher Froschover, in a letter, dated London, August the
-12th, affirms that 2,000 had died in the city, and 200 at Cambridge.
-The short space of time occupied by the pestilence, with the awfully
-abrupt seizure, and speedy termination of the fatal cases, rendered the
-destruction so appalling. It was the “sudden death,” with battle and
-murder equally dreaded.
-
-Again the palace was attacked. A celebrated lawyer, Sir Thomas Speke,
-was seized there, and had only time to reach his house in Chancery
-Lane, before he breathed his last. There were some dancing in the
-Court at nine o’clock, who were dead at eleven, says a sermon of the
-period. There died in London, writes Machyn, “mony marchants and grett
-ryche men and women, and yonge men.” Howes, in his continuation of
-Stow, relates that “seven honest householders did sup together, and
-before eight of the clock the next morning six of them were dead.” The
-young king fled to Hampton Court, whence he addressed a letter to the
-bishops, inciting them to persuade the people to prayer, and to see
-God better served. There are several references to the malady in the
-preaching of Bradford and Hooper: the latter made it the subject of a
-pastoral charge and homily.
-
-We are unable to trace the pestilence from town to town, but
-sufficient data have been collected to shew how widely the destructive
-principle was disseminated. In June we find it at Loughborough, in
-Leicestershire. In the parish register is the curious entry: “1551,
-June. The swat, called New acquaintance, alias Stoupe knave and know
-thy master, began on the 24th of this month.” It was in July that
-the disease appeared at Cambridge. Pursuing their studies in the
-University, were the young Duke of Suffolk, and his brother, Charles
-Brandon, equally distinguished for ability, worth, and learning.
-Alarmed by the outbreak, they hastened, with a few attendants, to
-Kingston, five miles distant. Here their chosen friend and companion,
-Charles Stanley, was seized, and expired in ten hours. In sorrow and
-consternation the brothers fled to the Bishop of Lincoln’s palace at
-Bugden, in Huntingdon, where they were joined, late at night, by their
-mother. Scarcely had she embraced them, when the Duke was attacked
-by the fatal symptoms, and in five hours, despite the endeavours of
-physicians, ceased to breathe. Within half an hour the younger brother,
-who slept in a distant part of the palace, was also a corpse. Their
-deaths created universal sorrow, the more, perhaps, that, through
-the influence of their mother, they were known to be attached to the
-principles of the Reformation. Our account is extracted from the very
-rare and interesting black-letter tract by Sir Thomas Wilson.
-
-Late in July the pestilence was at Gloucester, whence Bishop Hooper, in
-a letter, dated August 1st, writes: “After I had begun this letter, my
-wife, and five others of my chaplains and domestics, were attacked by a
-new kind of sweating sickness, and were in great danger for twenty-four
-hours. I myself have but recently recovered from the same. The
-infection of this disease is in England most severe.” At Bristol the
-mortality was great. It lasted from Easter to Michaelmas, and several
-hundreds are said to have been carried off every week. Small towns and
-villages equally felt the influence. The parish register of Uffculme,
-in Devonshire, records that of thirty-eight deaths occurring, in 1551,
-twenty-seven were in the first eleven days of August, and sixteen of
-them in three days. These persons are said to have died of the “hote
-sickness or stup gallant.” (This latter name is evidently derived from
-the _Trousse Galant_ of the French, a disease which had been epidemic
-in France in 1528, and afterwards, and which, we would suggest, was
-allied to the worst form of scarlatina.)[E]
-
-Whilst the south thus suffered, the north could offer no asylum. In
-York and Hull the pestilence was severely felt. It ravaged Lancashire;
-one parish register gives us the dates and number of deaths. In
-Ulverstone parish there were five buried on the 17th, two on the 18th,
-four on the 19th, eleven on the 20th, six on the 21st, six on the 22nd,
-two on the 23rd, and three on the 24th of August. On the 7th of that
-month we find it in the neighbourhood of Leeds. Whitaker quotes that
-“on the 7th of August, 1551, the sweating sickness was so vehement in
-Liversage, that Sir John Neville was departed from Liversage Hall to
-his house at Hunslet, for fear thereof. It speedily despatched such as
-were infected; for one William Rayner, the same day he died, had been
-abroad with his hawk.”
-
-The disease did not disappear till the end of September. Several of the
-most distinguished men of the age fell its victims, as we learn in a
-letter from Roger Ascham to Sir William Cecil. In Catholic countries
-the sad fate of England was held a judgment on her departure from the
-Romish faith. At home it roused that spirit of piety and benevolence,
-which is never wanting in the Anglo-Saxon race in the time of suffering
-and distress. The religious fervour of the period burned higher in the
-gale; and, no doubt, amid the terrors of the sweating sickness, many
-acquired that trust in Providence and fearlessness of death, which were
-in the ensuing religious troubles to be so severely tried. On the other
-hand, amongst the masses, as Grafton drily observes, “As the disease
-ceased, so the devotion quickly decayed.”
-
-From this time the Sudor Britannicus has never reappeared in its
-epidemic form. In one or two instances, we have seen isolated notices
-of death occurring from sweating sickness. But we have no means of
-judging the nature of the disease referred to under that name, or of
-determining the credibility of the statement. One thing is certain: no
-large district of our island has ever been ravaged by its indigenous
-pestilence, since the memorable year in which the destroying angel
-alighted on the sedgy banks of the gentle Severn.
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[A] HECKER’S Epidemics of the Middle Ages. Translated by B. G.
-BABINGTON, M.D. Sydenham Society Edition. London: 1844.
-
-JOHN CAIUS, M.D. A Boke or Counseill against the Sweat. London: 1552.
-
-JOHN CAIUS. De Ephemerâ Britannicâ. Reprint. London: 1721.
-
-State Papers published by Royal Commission. 1830.
-
-HALL. Vnion of the two Noble and Illustre Famelies of Lancastre and
-Yorke. 1548.
-
-GRAFTON’S Chronicle. 1569.
-
-STOW’S Chronicle, by Howes. London: 1611.
-
-FABIAN’S Chronicle. London: 1559.
-
-HOLLINSHED’S Chronicle. London: 1587.
-
-Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London. Edited by J. G. NICHOLS. Camden
-Society. 1852.
-
-Diary of Henry Machyn, Citizen of London. Edited by J. G. NICHOLS.
-Camden Society. 1848.
-
-OWEN and BLAKEWAY’S History of Shrewsbury. London: 1825.
-
-Collection of English Topographical Histories. Various.
-
-Sir H. ELLIS. Original Letters. London: 1824.
-
-Letters of the Kings of England. By J. O. HALLIWELL, F.S.A. London:
-1848.
-
-Harleian Manuscripts.
-
-Cottonian Manuscripts. Titus, b. xi.
-
-Lord BACON’S History of Henry VII. Op. b. iii. London: 1740.
-
-ANTHONY à WOOD. History and Antiquities of University, Oxon. 1674.
-
-Publications of the Parker Society. 1846-53.
-
-[B] In 1491 and 92, a sweating plague is said to have prevailed in
-Ireland; according to the Annals of the Four Masters, its attack was
-of twenty-four hours duration. Ware says, but we know not on what
-authority, that it was brought out of England. (See Census of Ireland
-for the year 1851.)
-
-[C] A remarkable notice of the occurrence of the sweat in the
-town of Galway, in the year 1543, is given by Mr. Hardiman in his
-local history. The fact was obtained from “Town Annals”, no longer
-accessible. We can only class it, as an isolated outbreak, with that of
-Chester in 1550. (Census of Ireland, 1851.)
-
-[D] The manuscript above quoted, making the last Chester outbreak to
-have occurred in 1550, places the first in 1506. If we believe these
-annals to be incorrectly dated by a year, in that case the true date of
-the earlier visitation will be 1507, as given by several writers. The
-affirmation of Caius, that the disease appeared at Westchester (the old
-name for Chester) in 1551, favours this assumption. On the other hand,
-the Vale Royal, Ormerod, Hemingways and Lysons all agree in stating
-that 1550 was the year in which the town was severely visited by the
-malady. Whichever view we take, it would appear that one of the Chester
-visitations must have occurred in a year (1507 or 1550) not marked by a
-general epidemic, unless we gratuitously fix a charge of incorrectness
-on the early local annalists.
-
-[E] It was a fatal inflammatory fever, followed in the survivors by
-loss of hair and nails, and dropsical effusions.
-
-
-
-
-TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES:
-
-
-Italicized text is surrounded by underscores: _italics_.
-
-Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Sweating Sickness in England, by 
-Francis C. Webb
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