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Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..c601653 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #63376 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/63376) diff --git a/old/63376-0.txt b/old/63376-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 359d7b0..0000000 --- a/old/63376-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1326 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's The Sweating Sickness in England, by Francis C. Webb - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Sweating Sickness in England - -Author: Francis C. Webb - -Release Date: October 5, 2020 [EBook #63376] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SWEATING SICKNESS IN ENGLAND *** - - - - -Produced by deaurider, David E. Brown, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - - - - - THE - SWEATING SICKNESS - IN ENGLAND. - - BY - FRANCIS C. WEBB, M.D., F.S.A., - - PHYSICIAN TO THE MARGARET STREET DISPENSARY FOR - CONSUMPTION, ETC. - - _Reprinted from_ THE SANITARY REVIEW AND JOURNAL OF PUBLIC HEALTH, - _for July 1857_. - - LONDON: - PRINTED BY T. RICHARDS, 37 GREAT QUEEN STREET. - - M.DCCC.LVII. - - - - -THE SWEATING SICKNESS IN ENGLAND.[A] - - -There are few subjects which exhibit more points of interest to the -epidemiologist and medical historian, than that series of epidemics, -of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, which went by the name of -English Sweating Sicknesses. We are chiefly indebted to a learned -German professor, Dr. Hecker, and to his translator Dr. Babington, for -the acquaintance we in the present day have with these events; and -we would here observe that, in whatever light we may view Professor -Hecker’s deductions and theories, there can be but one opinion as to -his faithfulness and diligence as a medical historian. As his work, -however, is published by a society, and is therefore of somewhat -limited circulation, we have thought a short historical sketch, -embodying, and in some instances slightly amplifying, Professor -Hecker’s researches on the subject of the ravages of the disease in -England, might not be uninteresting to our readers; who will then be in -a position to follow us on some future occasion in a discussion of the -nature of a malady, which five times within a hundred years devastated -our island, and once, and once only, spread its ravages amongst the -Teutonic races on the continent of Europe. - -We may preface our historical _resumé_ by noticing that the disease, -in the form in which it then presented itself, was unknown before the -year 1485, and that it has never reappeared since its last outbreak, in -1551. Its novelty gave it one of its appellations; it was called by the -common people the “new acquaintance”; whilst its limitation to British -soil gained for it on the continent the names of the King of England’s -Sickness, the English Sweating Sickness, _Sudor Britannicus_. - -Characterised by the suddenness of its seizure, by its short and -defined course of twenty-four hours, by its great fatality, by the -profuse and fetid perspiration in which the patient was bathed, and -from which the disease derived its most common name, by the frequency -with which it attacked the same individual several times within a short -period, or perhaps, we should more correctly say, by its relapsing -tendency, by its selection of strong and robust men in the prime of -life as its victims, by the equality with which it invaded the palaces -of the rich and the cottages of the poor, we cannot wonder at its -producing a marked effect on the national mind, and being long held -in remembrance. Even as late as the days of the great rebellion, -occasional references may be found to it in popular sermons and -treatises; whereas we might have supposed its memory would have been -effaced by the frequent outbreaks of plague which had intervened. The -sweating sickness has come down to us as the remarkable epidemic of a -remarkable age. In an era distinguished by the emancipation of thought, -by the spread of letters, by the splendours of a social and religious -reformation, death appeared in a new garb, and in unwonted tones -asserted his dominion. - -It has been a frequent observation, that epidemic diseases have had -their origin in camps; and it is perfectly needless here to remind the -reader of instances. Such will present themselves to every student of -history. The English sweat is stated by Caius to have first appeared -in the army of the Earl of Richmond, shortly after their landing; and -doubtless they were predisposed by the circumstances of the expedition, -by their confinement during their voyage in close, dirty ships, and -especially by their previous habits (for they are described by Philip -de Comines as recruited from the loosest and most profligate class in -Normandy), to suffer from any disease. But it is perfectly clear that, -granting the distemper to have first appeared in the invading force, -it was not long limited to it. It must quickly have spread amongst -the population; as we learn from the _Historia Croylandensis_ that, a -few days after the landing of the earl, Lord Stanley excused himself -from joining Richard III, by alleging that he was attacked by the new -disease, he being then at his seat in Lancashire. A mere excuse, no -doubt; but such as would not have been urged had not the progress of -the epidemic rendered it possibly true. We likewise have proof that a -fatal disease reigned at the time in York, although we lack information -as to its precise nature. On the 16th of August, 1485, it was -determined in the town council to send a messenger to King Richard with -the offer of a force “for subduing of his enemies lately arrived in the -partes of Wales”. “Also it was determyned that all such aldermen and -other of the counsail as was sojournyng, for the plage that reigneth, -without the citie, should be sent for to give their best advises in -such things as concerned the wele and savegard of the said citie, and -all other inhabitants of the same” (Drake’s _Eboracum_, b. i, p. 120). -It is moreover remarkable, that, although the circumstances of the -march of Richmond’s army, and of its final struggle and victory, have -come down to us with tolerable minuteness, no mention, as far as we -are aware, is made by the chroniclers of any pestilence tracking their -course. The battle was fought on the 22nd of August; and before the end -of that month the epidemic appeared at Oxford, a town through which the -army is not reported to have passed, and which, devoted to learning, -may be supposed to have suffered less from military occupation than -other places. - -Whilst, however, the assertion that the malady commenced amongst the -soldiery of the Earl of Richmond rests principally on the authority of -Dr. Caius, who wrote his account three-quarters of a century after the -event, yet, in the lack of other evidence, we believe we must receive -it. Caius was evidently aware of the interest and importance of his -subject, and would scarcely have hazarded such a statement had he -not been assured of its truth. On the other hand, it is a groundless -assumption to claim for the sweating sickness a foreign origin. No -such disease had appeared in Normandy, Brittany, or elsewhere on the -continent; and there is no reason for supposing other causes present to -produce the first epidemic of 1485, than those which resulted in the -outbreak of 1551, when it commenced at Shrewsbury, and importation -from abroad was simply out of the question. - -It was on the evening of the 1st of August, 1485, that the sails of -Henry’s little fleet were furled in the harbour of Milford Haven. -They had accomplished the passage from Harfleur in seven days. The -soldiers landed with promptitude, in the neighbourhood of the village -of Dale, on the western side of the bay, and there encamped for the -night. At sunrise the next morning they removed to Haverfordwest, a -march of something less than ten miles. Here, reinforced by the men of -Pembrokeshire, they proceeded to Cardigan, where they were joined by -forces under Richard Griffith and John Morgan. Crossing the Severn, -they entered Shrewsbury, where they were again augmented by a goodly -band of Welshmen under Rice ap Thomas. The night before they entered -the town, the army was encamped on Forton or Fortune Heath (to the west -of Shrewsbury, near the river). They then marched to Newport, and the -earl pitched his camp on a little hill adjoining, where he stopped a -night. Here he was joined by the power of the young Earl of Shrewsbury, -under George Talbot. He next halted at the town of Stafford, and thence -marched on Lichfield, where his army bivouacked outside the walls. From -this place they removed to Tamworth, their last halting-place before -the great battle which decided the fate of England, and placed her -crown on Henry’s brow. - -Three weeks were occupied in the march, and their road lay chiefly -through a mountainous country, not, as far as we are aware, more likely -to give origin to malarious influence than other parts of the island. -Yet the halt of the army at Shrewsbury, the place at which the last -outbreak of the “gret dethe and hasty” undoubtedly commenced; the -passage of the river Severn, which in the year 1483, overflowing its -banks, had inundated the whole of the surrounding country; and the -encampment on the low marshy ground outside the walls of the city of -Lichfield, are especially worthy of remark. - -Fortune and victory sat on Henry’s helm. Disbanding his army, -he advanced by easy stages to London, greeted as he went by the -acclamations of the populace. All things seemed to promise a - - “harvest of perpetual peace, - By this one bloody trial of sharp war”, - -when “sodenly”, to use the graphic words of an old chronicler, “a newe -kynde of sicknes came through the whole region, which was so sore, so -peynfull, and sharp, that the lyke was neuer harde of to any mannes -remembraunce before that tyme: For sodenly a dedly and burnyng sweate -inuaded their bodyes and vexed their bloud with a most ardent heat, -infested the stomack and the head greuously: by the tormentyng and -vexacion of which sicknes, men were so sore handled and so painfully -pangued that if they were layed in their bed, beyng not hable to suffre -the importunate heat, they cast away the shetes and all the clothes -liyng on the bed. If they were in their apparell and vestures, they -would put of all their garmentes, euen to their shirtes. Other were so -drye that they dranke the colde water to quenche their importune heate -and insaciable thirst. Other that could or at the least woulde abyde -the heate and styntche (for in dede the sweate had a great and a strong -sauoure) caused clothes to be layed upon theim asmuch as they coulde -beare, to dryue oute the sweate if it might be. All in maner assone as -the sweate toke them, or within a short space after, yelded vp their -ghost. So that of all them that sickened ther was not one emongest an -hundreth that escaped.” - -Consternation and affright reigned everywhere. “Some”, says Caius, -were “immediatly killed in opening theire windowes, some in plaieng -with children in their strete dores, some in one hour, many in two it -destroyed, and at the longest, to them that merilye dined, it gaue a -sorowful Supper. As it founde them so it toke them, some in sleape some -in wake, some in mirthe some in care, some fasting and some ful, some -busy and some idle, and in one house sometyme three sometyme fiue, -sometyme seuen sometyme eyght, sometyme more sometyme all, of the -whyche, if the haulfe in euerye Towne escaped, it was thoughte great -fauour.” Numbers were seen rushing from their houses in a state of -nudity, hoping to cool their burning torments. The general joy which -the victory of Bosworth had inspired was changed into despondence and -evil augury. With grim humour, the people exclaimed that the new reign -must needs be one of labour, since it began with a sickness of sweat. - -It was about the end of the month of August that the disease appeared -at Oxford. Here, according to Anthony-à-Wood, it raged with violence -for the space of six weeks, killing most of the students, or banishing -them from the university. It would seem that it did not reach London -until some days later. Several chroniclers state that the 21st of -September was the date of its outbreak; yet, as Hecker suggests, it -is probable that cases may have occurred before that time, although -its virulence was not until then manifested. However this may be, -it continued in the city until towards the end of October, but had -sufficiently subsided to permit the coronation of Henry on the 30th of -that month. During the time that the epidemic was at its height, the -mortality was prodigious. On the 11th of October, the mayor, Thomas -Hill, died; he was succeeded by Sir William Stokker, knight, who before -eight days was also carried off. It was also fatal to several of the -aldermen. Grafton says six; Stow enumerates four. The higher classes -could claim no immunity from the common enemy. Many of the aristocracy, -both secular and clerical, fell its victims. It is noticeable that this -was the case in each succeeding epidemic. - -From London and the eastern part of the kingdom, it spread to the -western and southern districts, and did not wholly disappear until -December. In this time it had invaded almost the whole kingdom--every -town and village, says Grafton--but without crossing the Scottish -border, or being conveyed to the sister kingdom of Ireland. - -From the Croyland Annals, we learn that it carried off the excellent -Abbot Lambert Fossdyke, after eighteen hours sickness. This is stated -to have taken place on the 14th of November, although the writer in -another place alters the date to the 14th of October; and we think -the latter more probable, as, whilst we do not deny that the disease -lingered, as Wood says, in some places until December, we should be -inclined to suppose that the fury of the epidemic had in November and -December partially subsided, and deaths consequently become rare. To -this circumstance we are inclined in some degree to attribute the -efficacy ascribed to the Anglican mode of treatment. But on this point -we hope to touch hereafter. - -Facts are wanting to give a minute topographical or numerical account -of its ravages. Baines says that it prevailed in Lancashire; but he -furnishes no particulars. We can only infer from general testimony the -universality and magnitude of the evil. Its disappearance may have -been consummated by a violent storm of wind, which prevailed on the -1st of the following January. For twenty-one years from this date, we -read no more in English annals of a return of the “fereful tyme of the -sweate.”[B] - -The kingdom was only recovering from the tremendous invasion of plague, -which in 1499 carried off, it is said, in London alone 30,000 persons, -and cessation from civil contention and foreign warfare promised -increase and prosperity to her population, when, in the summer of 1506, -the old enemy again started into existence. This epidemic appears -generally to have been of a milder type, and deaths were in most -places unfrequent. We know little as to its origin or spread. As in -the close of the first epidemic, the lessened mortality was ascribed -rather to the effects of treatment than to any temporary diminution in -the virulence of the disorder. One record has come down to us, which is -sufficient of itself to show that, under favouring circumstances, the -“new acquaintance” of 1506 was capable of being developed in all its -ancient severity. In the Annals of Chester (Harl. MSS. No. 2125), we -are told that in 1506 there died in one day, of the sweating sickness, -three score and eleven householders, of whom only four or five were -women. Another account says, that in three days there died ninety-one -householders, four only being widows. It matters not which is correct; -either is sufficient to prove that no real change had occurred in the -nature of the sweating sickness. It lingered until the autumn, and then -disappeared. Lysons and Hemmingways make the outbreak at Chester to -have occurred in 1507; but Pennant, more correctly, as it appears to -us, follows the date of 1506, given in the Chester Annals. - -Eleven years elapsed, the crafty Richmond slept the sleep of death in -the “sumpteous and solempne chapell which he had caused to be buylded”, -and his son reigned in his stead. Unexpectedly, in July 1517, the -pestilence again raised its head. We believe that this sweat was the -most fatal in its results of any of the series. The dismal scenes of -the first epidemic were repeated. It “killed some within three hours”, -say the chroniclers, “some within two hours, some merry at dinner and -dead at supper.” “In some one town half the people died, in some other -town the third part, the sweat was so fervent and the infection so -great.” - -We learn incidentally, from a letter written by the Cardinal du -Bellay, who was ambassador from France to Henry VIII, and himself a -sufferer in the next epidemic of 1528, that it was estimated that -10,000 persons died in ten or twelve days. The context warrants us -in the supposition that reference is made here to the metropolis -alone. Taking this as a mere approximation, we shall at once see, by -comparing it with the ravages of other epidemics, how frightful the -mortality whilst it lasted was. In 1854, the total number of deaths -from cholera and diarrhœa in London, extending over a period of six -months, with a population of 2,517,048, was 14,806. The epidemic was -at its height during the first fourteen days of September, when 4,371 -persons were carried off. The mortality in the epidemic of 1849 was -somewhat greater, viz. 18,036, the period again extending over several -months. Even in the great plague year, 1665, when 68,590 persons died -in London, and the city was nearly abandoned, the mortality never -rose higher than 7,165 in a week; this number being reached in the -third week of September. The population of the metropolis in 1676, is -estimated in Graunt’s Bills of Mortality at 384,000; consequently, in -the year 1517, it must have fallen far short of 300,000. Making every -allowance for exaggeration, supposing only one-half the number stated -to have died in the time specified, the mortality for that time, taking -into account the amount of population, must have been as great as in -the worst irruption of bubo plague, and so appalling that, in the -present day, we can form but a faint idea of it. - -Rich and poor were equally victims. Rank claimed for its possessor -no exemption; poverty was no shield. The deserted palace no longer -echoed the sounds of mirth; the low wail of the mourner interrupted -the silence of the streets. Henry VIII, a prince who, like Leviathan -in the deep, seemed to consider the earth as merely formed to take his -pastime therein, leaving the city, retreated with a few followers from -place to place before the advancing waves of pestilence. His Court -had been the seat of its triumphs. His private secretary, the learned -Italian, Ammonius of Lucca, died a few hours after he had boasted to -Sir Thomas More that by abstinence and regimen he had shielded himself -and family. The Lord Grey of Wilton, the Lord Clinton, and many other -of his knights, gentlemen, and officers, were no more. Michaelmas and -Christmas passed without their usual festivities. No gathering of -people was permitted, for fear of infection. Oxford and Cambridge, -crowded with eager students, amongst whom were already germinating -seeds which produced the Reformation, were again attacked, and the -former was again deserted. The sweat continued until the middle of -December; and its horrors were heightened by the supervention towards -the winter of plague. In Chester the mortality from the combined -diseases was so great, that grass grew a foot high at the town cross. -England, again, with one remarkable exception, was _alone_ the land of -the shadow of death. The pestilence passed over to the town of Calais, -at that period belonging to the British Crown. But here it is said to -have attacked principally the English inhabitants; and we know that it -not only did not spread through France, but (from a reliable source) -that it did not even reach to Graveling. - -It must have been during one of these earlier irruptions of the -sweating disease, that a Latin prayer was composed, of which a copy -has been preserved. It is addressed “ad beatum Henricum,” either Henry -the Emperor, who with his wife Cunegunde, were saints of the Romish -calendar, or Henry VI. of that name is intended, who was claimed -as uncle by Henry VII., and who, his piety having nearly procured -him canonization, was highly revered by the people. In it occurs the -petition so characteristic of the period:-- - - “Non sudore, - Vel dolore, - Moriamur subito.” - -The whole is to be found in the _Gent. Mag._ for 1786, p. 747. - -1528. We have now arrived at the fourth irruption of the disease, and -fortunately can present a more detailed account of the historical -facts connected with it, than we have been enabled to do whilst -glancing at the three former epidemics. In this we shall necessarily -correct a slight error into which Professor Hecker, from the paucity -of his materials, has fallen. Although the mortality was not equal -in magnitude to that of 1517, yet the influence was widely felt, the -disease was distinguished by the same characteristics, and the deaths -were quite numerous enough to be placed in comparison with those -occurring in ordinary epidemic visitations. From the circumstance that -the disease was again particularly rife in the Court, we have found -many references to it in letters published under the Royal Commission -in the “State Papers,” and in similar collections. We propose -illustrating our account with such extracts from these as may serve to -bring before the reader a more definite picture of the prevailing state -of things. - -Hecker, following Grafton, states that the disease first appeared -towards the end of May, in the most populous part of the city of -London. This was not the case. Before its influence was felt in the -capital, which was not until the 14th of June, it had been rife in the -north. For Sir William Parre, writing to Wolsey, on the 31st of May, -informs him that the Duke of Richmond had on account of its prevalence -removed to Ledeston, in Yorkshire, three miles from Pontefract. It -was brought out of Sussex into London, as we learn incidentally from -an unpublished letter in the Cottonian Collection. We may therefore -conclude that it had widely spread in the country districts during -the latter part of May and the first weeks of June. Oxford, as usual, -suffered severely. The rapidity with which it flew from district to -district, and from town to town, obtained for it in 1551 the quaint -name of the “posting sweat.” A most graphic picture of the commencement -of the epidemic in the metropolis, is given by the Cardinal du Bellay. -We are indebted to Mr. Halliwell for the publication of this most -interesting document, which forms part of the treasures contained in -the Imperial Library of Paris. From it we shall now give our readers -some extracts. The Cardinal’s letter is dated London, June 18, 1528; he -writes:-- - -“One of the filles de chambre of Mademoiselle de Boulen was attacked -on Tuesday by the sweating sickness. The king left in great haste, and -went a dozen miles off: but it is denied that the lady Anne Boleyn was -sent away as suspected, to her brother the Viscount, who is in Kent. -This disease, which broke out here four days ago, is the easiest in the -world to die of. You have a slight pain in the head, and at the heart; -all at once you begin to sweat. There is no need for a physician; for -if you uncover yourself the least in the world, or cover yourself -a little too much, you are taken off without languishing, as those -dreadful fevers make you do. But it is no great thing, for during -the time specified, about two thousand only have been attacked by it -in London. Yesterday, having gone to swear the truce, they might be -seen, as thick as flies, hurrying out of the streets and the shops -into the houses, to take the sweat the instant they were seized by the -distemper. I found the ambassador of Milan leaving his quarters in -great haste, because two or three had been attacked by it.” - - * * * * * - -“But to return to London. I assure you that the priests there have a -better time of it than the physicians, except that there is not enough -of them to bury the dead. If the thing lasts, corn will be cheap. -Twelve years ago, when the same thing happened, 10,000 persons died -in ten or twelve days, it is said, but it was not so sharp as it is -now beginning to be. M. the legate (Cardinal Wolsey), had come for -the term; but he soon had his horses saddled again, and there will be -neither assignation nor term. Everybody is terribly alarmed.” This is -confirmed by Stow. The term was adjourned to Michaelmas. - -From this account we see that at its first onset in London it seemed -probable that the epidemic would be as fatal as its predecessor. This -expectation was not realized. The mortality seems to have been unequal -at different times during the same visitation. It did not gradually -increase, as in the plague, to its maximum, and then as gradually -diminish, but probably was never more fatal than at its first onset. - -Henry’s first retreat was Waltham in Essex, from which however he was -speedily driven, by the seizure of the treasurer, two of the court -ushers, and two of his valets de chambre. He immediately retired to -Hunsdon in Hertfordshire, where he arrived on the 21st of June. News -here reached him that Anne Boleyn, who had already become the object of -his passion, was attacked by the disease. The occasion of this illness -produced one of that remarkable series of love-letters, which have -since become so celebrated, and the originals of which are preserved at -Rome. In it he deplores her illness, states he would gladly bear half -of it to have her cured, and regrets that he cannot send her his first -physician, who was absent, but that in default of him he sends the -second, “and the only one left, praying God that he may soon make you -well, and then I shall love him more than ever.” Happy indeed would it -have been for the ill-fated Anne had the dart penetrated more deeply. -The scene enacted in the “doleful prison in the Tower”, on the 19th of -May, 1536, would not then have disgraced the history of the English -monarchy, and the escutcheon of the Tudor would have been spared one of -its deepest stains! - -The next document of any importance, in which we find reference to -our subject, is a letter written by Brian (afterwards Sir Brian Tuke) -to Cardinal Wolsey; and, risking the charge of prolixity, we cannot -refrain from extracting from it a passage or two, as it exhibited bluff -King Hal in the novel character of a medical adviser. Tuke dates from -Hunsdon, June 23rd, 1528; and, in relating to Wolsey the particulars of -a private interview he had with the King, respecting a letter he had -received from the Cardinal, he thus writes:--“I red forthe til it camme -to the latter ende, mencionyng Your Graces good comfort and counsail -geven to His Highnes, for avoiding this infeccion, for the whiche the -same, with a most cordial maner, thanked Your Grace: and shewing me, -firste, a great proces of the maner of that infeccion; howe folkes wer -taken; howe litel dangeir was in it, if good ordre be observed; howe -fewe wer ded of it; howe Mastres Anne, and my Lorde of Rocheforde, -bothe have had it; what jeopardie they have ben in, by retournyng in -of the swet bifore the tyme; of the endevour of Mr. Buttes who hathe -ben with them, and is retourned; with many other thinges touching those -matiers, and finally of their perfite recovery; His Highnes willed me -to write unto Your Grace, most hertily desiring the same, above al -other thinges, to kepe Your Grace oute of al ayre, where any of that -infeccion is, and that if, in on place any on fal sike thereof, that -Your Grace incontinently do remove to a clene place; and so, in like -cace, from that place to an other, and with a small and clene company: -saying, that this is the thing, whereby His Highnes hathe pourged his -house, having the same nowe, thanked be God, clene. And over that, His -Highnes desireth Your Grace to use smal sowpers, and to drink litel -wyne, namely that is big, and ons in the weke to use the pilles of -Rasis; and if it comme in any wise, to swete moderately the ful tyme, -without suffering it to renne in; whiche by Your Graces phisicians, -with a possetale, having certein herbes clarified in it, shal facilly, -if nede be, be provoked and contynued; with more good holsom counsail -by His Highnes in most tender and loving maner geven to Your Grace, -then my symple wit can suffise to reherse; whiche his gracious -commaundement, I said, I wolde accomplish accordingly.” - -In the after part of his letter he informs the Cardinal that news had -just arrived that Mr. Cary, whom he had shortly before met on his way -to hunt, was “ded of the swet.” “Our Lorde have mercy on his soule, and -holde his hande over us.” Proposing to join Wolsey, he tells him he -dare not come through London, “wherfore I wol cost to the water side, -and comme the rest by water, thorough London Bridge; though I promyse -Your Grace there is non erthely riches shoulde cause me to travaile -muche nowe, considering that the phisicians tel me ther is nothing, -that more stirreth the mater and cause of the swet then moche traveil, -and likewise commyng in the son.” - -In the city the ancient solemnity of the procession of the watch, -on Midsummer eve, was discontinued, for fear of adding fuel to the -spreading flame by collecting the populace: whilst the King removed to -Hertford, at which place he was “moche troubled,” for on the night of -the 26th, there fell sick the Marquess and Marchioness of Dorset, Sir -Thomas Cheney, Mistress Croke, Master Norris, and Master Wallop; who -all, however, recovered; and Sir Francis Poyntz, who, says the writer -of the letter we are quoting, “is departed, whiche Jhesu pardon.” On -these occurrences taking place, the King fled to Bishop’s Hatfield in -Hertfordshire. - -On the 29th, we find Wolsey removing to Hampton Court, on account -of the “vehement infection and sykenes, that ys fallen amonges his -Graces folkes.” Du Bellay’s next letter, we shall see, gives a rather -ludicrous account of the precipitate retreat of the “great child of -honour,” who, as all know from Cavendish, was dreadfully afraid of -contagion, and used to carry with him an orange, stuffed with sponge -steeped in vinegar and confections, against pestilent airs, the which -he commonly held to his nose when he came to the presses, or when he -was pestered with many suitors. - -On the 30th the King had reached Tittenhanger in Hertfordshire, -and here received news of the death of Sir William Compton, who -was reported to be “lost by neclygens, in lettyng hym slepe in the -begynnyng of his swete.” No more on that day had been attacked in the -Court, and those who had sickened on the 28th were recovered. - -Grafton tells us that during the stay at Tittenhanger the place was -daily purged with fires and other preservatives. An odd remedy against -a sweating sickness at Midsummer! - -The second letter of the Cardinal du Bellay is of this date; after -recounting the names of nine courtiers who had been attacked, and of -three who were dead, he says--“but when all is said, those who do not -expose themselves to the air rarely die; so that out of more than -45,000 who have been attacked in London, not 2000 have died, whatever -people may say. It is true that if you merely put your hand out of bed -during the twenty-four hours, you instantly become stiff as a peacock. -P.S. Since writing my letters, I have been informed that a brother of -the Earl of Derby’s, and a son-in-law of the Duke of Norfolk’s, have -died suddenly at the legate’s (Wolsey), who slipped out at the back -door with a few servants, and would not let any body know whither he -was going, that he might not be followed. The king at last stopped -about twenty miles hence, at a house which M. the legate has had built, -and I have it from good authority, that he has made his will and taken -the sacrament, for fear of sudden seizure. Nothing ails him, thank God!” - -We shall hereafter see that the ambassador was inclined to think more -seriously of it, when he had himself been a sufferer, and was the -only survivor of nineteen who were attacked. However, in the absence -of other evidence, we are bound to receive his statement as correct, -in reference to the amount of mortality. And even this must have -been proportionally as great as in our last epidemic of cholera and -diarrhœa. It is calculated, in the Report of the Scientific Committee, -published by the Board of Health, that seventy-one deaths in each -10,000 of the population of London took place, and that in this number -there were 3473 cases of all forms of cholera and diarrhœa; in other -words, that there was one death to every forty-eight attacks. But -Du Bellay’s statement gives an average of two deaths in forty-five -seizures; or more than double the proportion. Again, it must be -remembered that these occurred in the space of sixteen days, whereas -the cholera epidemic lasted six months. We do not wish to be supposed -to insist on this calculation; in either case it can merely be an -approximation, and we advance it here only to show that even a mild -epidemic of the sweating sickness was no slight pestilence. - -On the first of July, we are informed that two cases had occurred at -Tittenhanger; one being that of a gentleman’s servant, the other, one -of the King’s wardrobe. On this day the King sends to Wolsey for “the -byll that Mr. Fynche made, for the remedy of all suche as have fallyn -syke in youre howse; for as His Hynes ys enformyd, he haythe doyne very -well, boythe to bryng them to there swheyte ageine, when they fall -owte, and allso to swayge the grete hete and burnyng.” - -On the 5th, we find the King again despatching to Wolsey to delay -visiting him “untill the tyme be more propiciouse.” In a former letter -we learn that flying tales had reached Tittenhanger, that many of -his Grace’s folks were sick, and divers departed. Henry was as much -frightened as the Cardinal, although on St. Thomas’s day he sends -him a message, in a letter written by Dr. Bell, to put away fear and -fantasies, to commit all to God, and expresses a wish that “Your -Grace’s harte weer as gode as hys is.” Both king and minister made -their wills, and each took care that the assurance was conveyed to the -other that he was not forgotten in the testament. In the letter of -the 5th, the Cardinal is desired to “cawse generall processions to be -made, unyversally thorough the realme, aswell for the good wetheringes, -to thencrease of corne and fruyte, as also for the plage that now -reignethe.” - -On the 9th, we find Henry preparing to remove from Tittenhanger to -Ampthill in Bedfordshire, in consequence of the seizure of the “Lady -Marques of Exeter,” and commanding that all such as were with the -Marquis and Marchioness should “departe in severall parcells, and so -not contynue together.” - -On the 10th, the king had postponed his departure until the 11th; but, -in the meantime, eight or nine had fallen sick, although none had -been in jeopardy. The unpublished letter in the Cottonian Collection, -before alluded to, bears date July the 14th. It is from Brian Tuke to -Sir Peter Vannes. The disease had broken out in Tuke’s house; and he -says, “I write this at my waking after mydnyt, fearing to lye stil for -the swet, with an aking and troubled hed.” His wife had passed the -paroxysm, but “veray weke,” “and also sore broken oute about her mowthe -and other places.” His letter is principally filled with his opinion as -to the causes and mode of spread of the epidemic. He allows that there -is an infection, but believes that the disease is chiefly “provoked of -disposicion of the tyme.” He thinks that many frighten themselves into -it. (How commonly we heard this in the late epidemics!) He flatters -himself that he has obtained protection by the nightly use of a certain -means; which, however he does not specify. The context would lead us -to suppose that it was the application of cold in some form; for he -says--“It wer to long a worke to declare unto you by what and howe I -nyghtly put away the swet from me, and by what reason I dare do the -same, when al other men take that so doing they kil them self.” The -chief facts of interest we learn from this letter are, that the sweat -did not spread from Calais to Graveling, although there was constant -intercourse between the two places, and that it was brought from Sussex -into London. We may form some idea of his pathology by the following: -“It is not so moch to be doubted to put away the swet in the begynnyng, -and bifore a man’s grese be well hote, keping molten, as it is taken. -For though surely after the grese so heted it is no lesse but rather -more danger for a man to take colde then it wer for an horse that in -like case is destroyed.” - -On the 18th, the Abbess of Wilton in Wiltshire writes to Wolsey, that -“it pleasithe Almyghty God to visite nowe the monastery with this -greate plage of swetyng.” - -The French ambassador’s third letter bears date the 21st, and from it -we shall make our last extracts in reference to this visitation. He -says: “As to the danger which is in this country, it begins to diminish -hereabouts, but increases in parts where it had not been. In Kent it is -rife at this moment.” * * “The day that I had it at M. de Canterbury’s -(the archbishop), eighteen died of it in four hours; scarcely any -escaped that day but myself, and I am not yet stout. The king has -removed further than he was, and hopes that he shall not have the -complaint. Still he keeps upon his guard, confesses every day, receives -the sacrament on all holidays; and likewise the queen, who is with -him. M. the legate does the same. The notaries have a fine time of it -here: I believe there have been made a hundred thousand wills off hand, -because those who died all went mad the instant the disorder became -severe. The astrologers say this will turn to the Plague, but I think -they rave.” - -The epidemic spread throughout the country, and in consequence of it -the circuits of assize were adjourned. Ireland also now unquestionably -felt its influence. In Cork it was very fatal; and in Dublin, in the -month of August, the archbishop and many of the citizens fell victims. -It continued in some parts of England until the autumn; for Magnus, -writing to Wolsey from Sheriff Hutton in Yorkshire, on the 7th of -October, says that in consequence of the “pestiferous and ragious -swete,” the Duke of Richmond has remained until now in a private place, -with few attendants. - -We must apologize to our readers for these lengthy details; but it -is in descending to particulars we frequently can obtain that vivid -impression of bygone events, which a mere general statement so often -fails to convey. - -In the following year, 1529, the sweating fever appeared at Hamburg, -and spread throughout Germany, the Netherlands, Denmark, Sweden, and -Norway. It is not within the limits of a historical paper, which is -confined to an account of the sweating sickness in England, to trace -the march of the pestilence. This has been most ably performed by -Hecker. Wherever it appeared it was accompanied, as usual, by dread, -death, and desolation. We cannot, however, agree with the German -professor in his view of the production of the epidemic. We are -inclined to avow ourselves contagionists, in a modified sense of the -word. It is beyond doubt that the disease did not appear at Hamburg -until, on the 25th of July, a ship arrived _from England_, commanded -by a Captain Hermann Evers, on board which, several cases of sweating -sickness had occurred. On the night of their landing four persons were -attacked and died. It is true that the conflagration no longer spread -widely in England, but it had not died out in the earlier part of -the preceding winter, and we cannot but believe that its flickering -embers still existed. Sporadic cases doubtless occurred, and even -isolated outbreaks of the disease. At least, we have strong proof of -one such taking place at Chester, in 1550, a year before the last great -epidemic.[C] Hecker seems to think that the passengers on board Captain -Evers’s ship, acquired the sweat in the fogs of the German Ocean. But -other ships must have been exposed to the same influence, and this -was an isolated case. When, we would inquire, did a similar epidemic -commence among the colliers of the Tyne, or the fishers of the Forth? -The argument that he adduces from the fact that no sooner did report -of the disease reach a place, than cases immediately occurred; and -that, therefore, it spread more rapidly than by contagion, is the same -advanced by our old friend, Brian Tuke, who says--“For when an hole -man hath comen from London, and shewed of the swet, the same nygt al -the toun, where the knowlege was, fal of it, and thus it spredeth yet -as the fame roneth.” What better proof of the intervention of human -intercourse can we have than is given in this sentence? The solution of -the problem lies in the “whole man who came from London.” Evidently the -rumour and the reality flew along the same conducting wire. - -Yet we would not insist too much on what after all must be matter of -opinion. When we find the medical world of our own day so divided on -the subjects of the spread of cholera and yellow fever, the facts of -which appeal to their immediate observation, how can we hope to draw -conclusions with certainty from the scant records of 300 years ago--at -the best, but a faint glimmer to direct us through the darkness which -surrounds the past? That an outbreak of the sweat occurred at Chester -in the year 1550, is affirmed by all the local historians. The year -seems fixed by the fact that the mayor, Edmund Gee, died of it. We have -examined several lists of the mayors and sheriffs, both manuscript and -printed; and they each place his mayoralty and death in the year 1550. -The Chester Chronicles in the Harleian Collection, state that in the -morning he left the pentice (a local court) in good health, and that he -died before night. Forty persons are said to have been carried off in -twenty-four hours. Of course we cannot positively declare that there -has been no confusion of dates here; we only lay before our readers the -unanimous testimony of the Chester authorities.[D] - -We have now arrived at the fifth and last act of the tragedy. The final -irruption of the sweating sickness commenced at Shrewsbury, in the year -1551, the fifth of the short but eventful reign of Edward VI. Caius -and Stow name the 15th of April as the day of its first appearance, -but a manuscript chronicle of the town dates its commencement from the -22nd of March. Local tradition yet points to the White Horse Shut, -Frankwell, as the focus from which the malady spread. Hecker, without -sufficient ground, places the amount of mortality at 960. But Caius, -whom he follows, merely states that in one city (_unâ civitate_) -that number died. We are inclined to doubt, with the authors of the -History of Shrewsbury, whether, as has been generally affirmed, -Caius was present in that town at all. When he says, “Ipse dum hæc -tragedia agebatur, præsens spectator interfui,” he only states that -he was an eye-witness of the dreary spectacle; and there are reasons -which render it more probable that he observed it in London than at -Shrewsbury. However this may be, we have his testimony that it spread -from its place of origin to Ludlow, Presteign, and other places in -Wales, thence to Westchester, Coventry, Drenfoorde (?), and the south, -before it came to London, which it reached on the 7th of July, three -months after its first appearance. He gives a most vivid description -of the consternation, horror, and desolation that reigned. Business -was at an end; citizens fled to the country; peasants thronged the -towns; many sought an asylum in foreign lands. The shrieks of women, -rushing half naked from their habitations, mingled with the groans of -the dying, and the deep clang of the funeral bell, booming through the -misty air from every tower and steeple, deafened the ear, and struck -terror to the heart of the passer. The epidemic was at its height in -the capital from the 9th to the 19th of July, and it lingered until -the 30th. In this time, at the lowest computation, nearly a thousand -people perished. The exact number is somewhat differently stated, Stow -says 960 died, of whom 800 in the first week. Caius (English treatise) -reports that 761 died from the 9th to the 16th, besides those on the -7th and 8th, of whom no register was kept, and 142 from the 16th to -the 30th. Machyn, a citizen resident in London, says that 872 were -certified by the chancellor to have perished from the 8th to the 19th; -whilst, in a manuscript in the Harleian Collection, we are told that -938 persons were carried off between the 7th and 20th. These numbers -render it probable that when Caius, in his Latin treatise, written -some time after, speaks of 960 dying in one city, his statement refers -to the metropolis. One testimony, however, places the mortality much -higher. Christopher Froschover, in a letter, dated London, August the -12th, affirms that 2,000 had died in the city, and 200 at Cambridge. -The short space of time occupied by the pestilence, with the awfully -abrupt seizure, and speedy termination of the fatal cases, rendered the -destruction so appalling. It was the “sudden death,” with battle and -murder equally dreaded. - -Again the palace was attacked. A celebrated lawyer, Sir Thomas Speke, -was seized there, and had only time to reach his house in Chancery -Lane, before he breathed his last. There were some dancing in the -Court at nine o’clock, who were dead at eleven, says a sermon of the -period. There died in London, writes Machyn, “mony marchants and grett -ryche men and women, and yonge men.” Howes, in his continuation of -Stow, relates that “seven honest householders did sup together, and -before eight of the clock the next morning six of them were dead.” The -young king fled to Hampton Court, whence he addressed a letter to the -bishops, inciting them to persuade the people to prayer, and to see -God better served. There are several references to the malady in the -preaching of Bradford and Hooper: the latter made it the subject of a -pastoral charge and homily. - -We are unable to trace the pestilence from town to town, but -sufficient data have been collected to shew how widely the destructive -principle was disseminated. In June we find it at Loughborough, in -Leicestershire. In the parish register is the curious entry: “1551, -June. The swat, called New acquaintance, alias Stoupe knave and know -thy master, began on the 24th of this month.” It was in July that -the disease appeared at Cambridge. Pursuing their studies in the -University, were the young Duke of Suffolk, and his brother, Charles -Brandon, equally distinguished for ability, worth, and learning. -Alarmed by the outbreak, they hastened, with a few attendants, to -Kingston, five miles distant. Here their chosen friend and companion, -Charles Stanley, was seized, and expired in ten hours. In sorrow and -consternation the brothers fled to the Bishop of Lincoln’s palace at -Bugden, in Huntingdon, where they were joined, late at night, by their -mother. Scarcely had she embraced them, when the Duke was attacked -by the fatal symptoms, and in five hours, despite the endeavours of -physicians, ceased to breathe. Within half an hour the younger brother, -who slept in a distant part of the palace, was also a corpse. Their -deaths created universal sorrow, the more, perhaps, that, through -the influence of their mother, they were known to be attached to the -principles of the Reformation. Our account is extracted from the very -rare and interesting black-letter tract by Sir Thomas Wilson. - -Late in July the pestilence was at Gloucester, whence Bishop Hooper, in -a letter, dated August 1st, writes: “After I had begun this letter, my -wife, and five others of my chaplains and domestics, were attacked by a -new kind of sweating sickness, and were in great danger for twenty-four -hours. I myself have but recently recovered from the same. The -infection of this disease is in England most severe.” At Bristol the -mortality was great. It lasted from Easter to Michaelmas, and several -hundreds are said to have been carried off every week. Small towns and -villages equally felt the influence. The parish register of Uffculme, -in Devonshire, records that of thirty-eight deaths occurring, in 1551, -twenty-seven were in the first eleven days of August, and sixteen of -them in three days. These persons are said to have died of the “hote -sickness or stup gallant.” (This latter name is evidently derived from -the _Trousse Galant_ of the French, a disease which had been epidemic -in France in 1528, and afterwards, and which, we would suggest, was -allied to the worst form of scarlatina.)[E] - -Whilst the south thus suffered, the north could offer no asylum. In -York and Hull the pestilence was severely felt. It ravaged Lancashire; -one parish register gives us the dates and number of deaths. In -Ulverstone parish there were five buried on the 17th, two on the 18th, -four on the 19th, eleven on the 20th, six on the 21st, six on the 22nd, -two on the 23rd, and three on the 24th of August. On the 7th of that -month we find it in the neighbourhood of Leeds. Whitaker quotes that -“on the 7th of August, 1551, the sweating sickness was so vehement in -Liversage, that Sir John Neville was departed from Liversage Hall to -his house at Hunslet, for fear thereof. It speedily despatched such as -were infected; for one William Rayner, the same day he died, had been -abroad with his hawk.” - -The disease did not disappear till the end of September. Several of the -most distinguished men of the age fell its victims, as we learn in a -letter from Roger Ascham to Sir William Cecil. In Catholic countries -the sad fate of England was held a judgment on her departure from the -Romish faith. At home it roused that spirit of piety and benevolence, -which is never wanting in the Anglo-Saxon race in the time of suffering -and distress. The religious fervour of the period burned higher in the -gale; and, no doubt, amid the terrors of the sweating sickness, many -acquired that trust in Providence and fearlessness of death, which were -in the ensuing religious troubles to be so severely tried. On the other -hand, amongst the masses, as Grafton drily observes, “As the disease -ceased, so the devotion quickly decayed.” - -From this time the Sudor Britannicus has never reappeared in its -epidemic form. In one or two instances, we have seen isolated notices -of death occurring from sweating sickness. But we have no means of -judging the nature of the disease referred to under that name, or of -determining the credibility of the statement. One thing is certain: no -large district of our island has ever been ravaged by its indigenous -pestilence, since the memorable year in which the destroying angel -alighted on the sedgy banks of the gentle Severn. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[A] HECKER’S Epidemics of the Middle Ages. Translated by B. G. -BABINGTON, M.D. Sydenham Society Edition. London: 1844. - -JOHN CAIUS, M.D. A Boke or Counseill against the Sweat. London: 1552. - -JOHN CAIUS. De Ephemerâ Britannicâ. Reprint. London: 1721. - -State Papers published by Royal Commission. 1830. - -HALL. Vnion of the two Noble and Illustre Famelies of Lancastre and -Yorke. 1548. - -GRAFTON’S Chronicle. 1569. - -STOW’S Chronicle, by Howes. London: 1611. - -FABIAN’S Chronicle. London: 1559. - -HOLLINSHED’S Chronicle. London: 1587. - -Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London. Edited by J. G. NICHOLS. Camden -Society. 1852. - -Diary of Henry Machyn, Citizen of London. Edited by J. G. NICHOLS. -Camden Society. 1848. - -OWEN and BLAKEWAY’S History of Shrewsbury. London: 1825. - -Collection of English Topographical Histories. Various. - -Sir H. ELLIS. Original Letters. London: 1824. - -Letters of the Kings of England. By J. O. HALLIWELL, F.S.A. London: -1848. - -Harleian Manuscripts. - -Cottonian Manuscripts. Titus, b. xi. - -Lord BACON’S History of Henry VII. Op. b. iii. London: 1740. - -ANTHONY à WOOD. History and Antiquities of University, Oxon. 1674. - -Publications of the Parker Society. 1846-53. - -[B] In 1491 and 92, a sweating plague is said to have prevailed in -Ireland; according to the Annals of the Four Masters, its attack was -of twenty-four hours duration. Ware says, but we know not on what -authority, that it was brought out of England. (See Census of Ireland -for the year 1851.) - -[C] A remarkable notice of the occurrence of the sweat in the -town of Galway, in the year 1543, is given by Mr. Hardiman in his -local history. The fact was obtained from “Town Annals”, no longer -accessible. We can only class it, as an isolated outbreak, with that of -Chester in 1550. (Census of Ireland, 1851.) - -[D] The manuscript above quoted, making the last Chester outbreak to -have occurred in 1550, places the first in 1506. If we believe these -annals to be incorrectly dated by a year, in that case the true date of -the earlier visitation will be 1507, as given by several writers. The -affirmation of Caius, that the disease appeared at Westchester (the old -name for Chester) in 1551, favours this assumption. On the other hand, -the Vale Royal, Ormerod, Hemingways and Lysons all agree in stating -that 1550 was the year in which the town was severely visited by the -malady. Whichever view we take, it would appear that one of the Chester -visitations must have occurred in a year (1507 or 1550) not marked by a -general epidemic, unless we gratuitously fix a charge of incorrectness -on the early local annalists. - -[E] It was a fatal inflammatory fever, followed in the survivors by -loss of hair and nails, and dropsical effusions. - - - - -TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES: - - -Italicized text is surrounded by underscores: _italics_. - -Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Sweating Sickness in England, by -Francis C. Webb - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SWEATING SICKNESS IN ENGLAND *** - -***** This file should be named 63376-0.txt or 63376-0.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/6/3/3/7/63376/ - -Produced by deaurider, David E. 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Webb, M.D., F.S.A.—A Project Gutenberg eBook - </title> - <link rel="coverpage" href="images/cover.jpg" /> - <style type="text/css"> - -body { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - - h1,h2 { - text-align: center; - clear: both; -} - -p { - margin-top: .51em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .49em; -} - -div.titlepage {text-align: center; page-break-before: always; page-break-after: always;} -div.titlepage p {text-align: center; font-weight: bold; line-height: 1.5; margin-top: 2em;} - - -hr { - width: 33%; - margin-top: 2em; - margin-bottom: 2em; - margin-left: 33.5%; - margin-right: 33.5%; - clear: both; -} - -hr.tb {width: 45%; margin-left: 27.5%; margin-right: 27.5%;} -hr.chap {width: 65%; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;} - -div.chapter {page-break-before: always;} -h2.nobreak {page-break-before: avoid;} - -.pagenum { - position: absolute; - left: 92%; - font-size: smaller; - text-align: right; - font-style: normal; - font-weight: normal; - font-variant: normal; -} - -.xlarge {font-size: 150%;} -.large {font-size: 125%;} -.small {font-size: 75%;} -.smaller {font-size: 50%;} -.ph1 {text-align: center; font-size: large; font-weight: bold;} - -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} - -.figcenter { - margin: auto; - text-align: center; - page-break-inside: avoid; - max-width: 100%; -} - -.footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} - -.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} - -.fnanchor { - vertical-align: super; - font-size: .8em; - text-decoration: - none; -} - - -.poetry-container {text-align: center;} -.poetry {display: inline-block; text-align: left;} -.poetry .verse {text-indent: -2.5em; padding-left: 3em;} -.poetry .first {text-indent: -2.5em; padding-left: 2.5em;} -.poetry .indent {text-indent: 4em;} -@media handheld, print { .poetry {display: block;} } - -.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; - color: black; - width: 50%; - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto; - font-size:smaller; - padding:0.5em; - margin-bottom:5em; - font-family:sans-serif, serif; } - - </style> - </head> -<body> - - -<pre> - -Project Gutenberg's The Sweating Sickness in England, by Francis C. Webb - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most -other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of -the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Sweating Sickness in England - -Author: Francis C. Webb - -Release Date: October 5, 2020 [EBook #63376] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE SWEATING SICKNESS IN ENGLAND *** - - - - -Produced by deaurider, David E. Brown, and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This -file was produced from images generously made available -by The Internet Archive) - - - - - - -</pre> - - -<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/cover.jpg" width="50%" alt="" /></div> - -<hr class="chap" /> -<div class="transnote"> -<p class="ph1">TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES:</p> - - - -<p>The cover image for this eBook was created by the transcriber and is entered into the public domain.</p> - -<p>Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.</p> -</div> -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/i_title.jpg" alt="" /></div> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<div class="titlepage"> -<h1><span class="smaller">THE</span><br /> - -SWEATING SICKNESS<br /> - -<span class="small">IN ENGLAND.</span></h1> - -<p>BY<br /> - -<span class="xlarge">FRANCIS C. WEBB, M.D., F.S.A.,</span><br /> - -PHYSICIAN TO THE MARGARET STREET DISPENSARY FOR<br /> -CONSUMPTION, ETC.</p> - - -<p><i>Reprinted from</i> <span class="smcap">The Sanitary Review and Journal of Public Health</span>, <i>for July 1857</i>.</p> - - -<p>LONDON:<br /> - -<span class="large">PRINTED BY T. RICHARDS, 37 GREAT QUEEN STREET.</span></p> - - -<p>M.DCCC.LVII.</p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[1]</span> - -<h2 class="nobreak">THE SWEATING SICKNESS IN ENGLAND.<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[A]</a></h2> -</div> - - -<p>There are few subjects which exhibit more points of interest -to the epidemiologist and medical historian, than that series of -epidemics, of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, which went -by the name of English Sweating Sicknesses. We are chiefly -indebted to a learned German professor, Dr. Hecker, and to his -translator Dr. Babington, for the acquaintance we in the present -day have with these events; and we would here observe -that, in whatever light we may view Professor Hecker’s deductions -and theories, there can be but one opinion as to his faithfulness -and diligence as a medical historian. As his work, -however, is published by a society, and is therefore of somewhat -limited circulation, we have thought a short historical -sketch, embodying, and in some instances slightly amplifying,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span> -Professor Hecker’s researches on the subject of the ravages of -the disease in England, might not be uninteresting to our -readers; who will then be in a position to follow us on some -future occasion in a discussion of the nature of a malady, which -five times within a hundred years devastated our island, and -once, and once only, spread its ravages amongst the Teutonic -races on the continent of Europe.</p> - -<p>We may preface our historical <i>resumé</i> by noticing that the -disease, in the form in which it then presented itself, was unknown -before the year 1485, and that it has never reappeared -since its last outbreak, in 1551. Its novelty gave it one of its -appellations; it was called by the common people the “new -acquaintance”; whilst its limitation to British soil gained for -it on the continent the names of the King of England’s Sickness, -the English Sweating Sickness, <i>Sudor Britannicus</i>.</p> - -<p>Characterised by the suddenness of its seizure, by its short and -defined course of twenty-four hours, by its great fatality, by the -profuse and fetid perspiration in which the patient was bathed, -and from which the disease derived its most common name, by -the frequency with which it attacked the same individual several -times within a short period, or perhaps, we should more correctly -say, by its relapsing tendency, by its selection of strong -and robust men in the prime of life as its victims, by the -equality with which it invaded the palaces of the rich and the -cottages of the poor, we cannot wonder at its producing a -marked effect on the national mind, and being long held in remembrance. -Even as late as the days of the great rebellion, -occasional references may be found to it in popular sermons and -treatises; whereas we might have supposed its memory would -have been effaced by the frequent outbreaks of plague which -had intervened. The sweating sickness has come down to us -as the remarkable epidemic of a remarkable age. In an era -distinguished by the emancipation of thought, by the spread of -letters, by the splendours of a social and religious reformation, -death appeared in a new garb, and in unwonted tones asserted -his dominion.</p> - -<p>It has been a frequent observation, that epidemic diseases -have had their origin in camps; and it is perfectly needless -here to remind the reader of instances. Such will present -themselves to every student of history. The English sweat is -stated by Caius to have first appeared in the army of the Earl -of Richmond, shortly after their landing; and doubtless they -were predisposed by the circumstances of the expedition, by -their confinement during their voyage in close, dirty ships, and -especially by their previous habits (for they are described by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span> -Philip de Comines as recruited from the loosest and most profligate -class in Normandy), to suffer from any disease. But it -is perfectly clear that, granting the distemper to have first appeared -in the invading force, it was not long limited to it. It -must quickly have spread amongst the population; as we learn -from the <i>Historia Croylandensis</i> that, a few days after the -landing of the earl, Lord Stanley excused himself from joining -Richard III, by alleging that he was attacked by the new disease, -he being then at his seat in Lancashire. A mere excuse, -no doubt; but such as would not have been urged had not -the progress of the epidemic rendered it possibly true. We -likewise have proof that a fatal disease reigned at the time -in York, although we lack information as to its precise nature. -On the 16th of August, 1485, it was determined in the -town council to send a messenger to King Richard with the -offer of a force “for subduing of his enemies lately arrived -in the partes of Wales”. “Also it was determyned that all -such aldermen and other of the counsail as was sojournyng, -for the plage that reigneth, without the citie, should be -sent for to give their best advises in such things as concerned -the wele and savegard of the said citie, and all other -inhabitants of the same” (Drake’s <i>Eboracum</i>, b. i, p. 120). It -is moreover remarkable, that, although the circumstances of the -march of Richmond’s army, and of its final struggle and victory, -have come down to us with tolerable minuteness, no mention, -as far as we are aware, is made by the chroniclers of any pestilence -tracking their course. The battle was fought on the -22nd of August; and before the end of that month the epidemic -appeared at Oxford, a town through which the army is -not reported to have passed, and which, devoted to learning, -may be supposed to have suffered less from military occupation -than other places.</p> - -<p>Whilst, however, the assertion that the malady commenced -amongst the soldiery of the Earl of Richmond rests principally -on the authority of Dr. Caius, who wrote his account three-quarters -of a century after the event, yet, in the lack of other -evidence, we believe we must receive it. Caius was evidently -aware of the interest and importance of his subject, and would -scarcely have hazarded such a statement had he not been assured -of its truth. On the other hand, it is a groundless assumption -to claim for the sweating sickness a foreign origin. -No such disease had appeared in Normandy, Brittany, or elsewhere -on the continent; and there is no reason for supposing -other causes present to produce the first epidemic of 1485, than -those which resulted in the outbreak of 1551, when it commenced<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span> -at Shrewsbury, and importation from abroad was -simply out of the question.</p> - -<p>It was on the evening of the 1st of August, 1485, that the -sails of Henry’s little fleet were furled in the harbour of Milford -Haven. They had accomplished the passage from Harfleur in -seven days. The soldiers landed with promptitude, in the -neighbourhood of the village of Dale, on the western side of the -bay, and there encamped for the night. At sunrise the next -morning they removed to Haverfordwest, a march of something -less than ten miles. Here, reinforced by the men of Pembrokeshire, -they proceeded to Cardigan, where they were joined by -forces under Richard Griffith and John Morgan. Crossing the -Severn, they entered Shrewsbury, where they were again augmented -by a goodly band of Welshmen under Rice ap Thomas. -The night before they entered the town, the army was encamped -on Forton or Fortune Heath (to the west of Shrewsbury, near -the river). They then marched to Newport, and the earl -pitched his camp on a little hill adjoining, where he stopped a -night. Here he was joined by the power of the young Earl of -Shrewsbury, under George Talbot. He next halted at the town -of Stafford, and thence marched on Lichfield, where his army -bivouacked outside the walls. From this place they removed -to Tamworth, their last halting-place before the great battle -which decided the fate of England, and placed her crown on -Henry’s brow.</p> - -<p>Three weeks were occupied in the march, and their road lay -chiefly through a mountainous country, not, as far as we are -aware, more likely to give origin to malarious influence than -other parts of the island. Yet the halt of the army at Shrewsbury, -the place at which the last outbreak of the “gret dethe -and hasty” undoubtedly commenced; the passage of the river -Severn, which in the year 1483, overflowing its banks, had inundated -the whole of the surrounding country; and the encampment -on the low marshy ground outside the walls of the -city of Lichfield, are especially worthy of remark.</p> - -<p>Fortune and victory sat on Henry’s helm. Disbanding his -army, he advanced by easy stages to London, greeted as he -went by the acclamations of the populace. All things seemed -to promise a</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="indent">“harvest of perpetual peace,</div> -<div class="verse">By this one bloody trial of sharp war”,</div> -</div></div> - -<p>when “sodenly”, to use the graphic words of an old chronicler, -“a newe kynde of sicknes came through the whole region, -which was so sore, so peynfull, and sharp, that the lyke was -neuer harde of to any mannes remembraunce before that tyme:<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span> -For sodenly a dedly and burnyng sweate inuaded their bodyes -and vexed their bloud with a most ardent heat, infested the -stomack and the head greuously: by the tormentyng and vexacion -of which sicknes, men were so sore handled and so painfully -pangued that if they were layed in their bed, beyng not -hable to suffre the importunate heat, they cast away the shetes -and all the clothes liyng on the bed. If they were in their apparell -and vestures, they would put of all their garmentes, euen -to their shirtes. Other were so drye that they dranke the colde -water to quenche their importune heate and insaciable thirst. -Other that could or at the least woulde abyde the heate and -styntche (for in dede the sweate had a great and a strong -sauoure) caused clothes to be layed upon theim asmuch as they -coulde beare, to dryue oute the sweate if it might be. All in -maner assone as the sweate toke them, or within a short space -after, yelded vp their ghost. So that of all them that sickened -ther was not one emongest an hundreth that escaped.”</p> - -<p>Consternation and affright reigned everywhere. “Some”, -says Caius, were “immediatly killed in opening theire windowes, -some in plaieng with children in their strete dores, some -in one hour, many in two it destroyed, and at the longest, to -them that merilye dined, it gaue a sorowful Supper. As it -founde them so it toke them, some in sleape some in wake, -some in mirthe some in care, some fasting and some ful, some -busy and some idle, and in one house sometyme three sometyme -fiue, sometyme seuen sometyme eyght, sometyme more -sometyme all, of the whyche, if the haulfe in euerye Towne -escaped, it was thoughte great fauour.” Numbers were seen -rushing from their houses in a state of nudity, hoping to cool -their burning torments. The general joy which the victory of -Bosworth had inspired was changed into despondence and evil -augury. With grim humour, the people exclaimed that the -new reign must needs be one of labour, since it began with a -sickness of sweat.</p> - -<p>It was about the end of the month of August that the disease -appeared at Oxford. Here, according to Anthony-à-Wood, -it raged with violence for the space of six weeks, killing most -of the students, or banishing them from the university. It -would seem that it did not reach London until some days later. -Several chroniclers state that the 21st of September was the -date of its outbreak; yet, as Hecker suggests, it is probable -that cases may have occurred before that time, although its -virulence was not until then manifested. However this may be, -it continued in the city until towards the end of October, but -had sufficiently subsided to permit the coronation of Henry on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span> -the 30th of that month. During the time that the epidemic -was at its height, the mortality was prodigious. On the 11th -of October, the mayor, Thomas Hill, died; he was succeeded -by Sir William Stokker, knight, who before eight days was -also carried off. It was also fatal to several of the aldermen. -Grafton says six; Stow enumerates four. The higher classes -could claim no immunity from the common enemy. Many of -the aristocracy, both secular and clerical, fell its victims. It is -noticeable that this was the case in each succeeding epidemic.</p> - -<p>From London and the eastern part of the kingdom, it spread -to the western and southern districts, and did not wholly disappear -until December. In this time it had invaded almost -the whole kingdom—every town and village, says Grafton—but -without crossing the Scottish border, or being conveyed to -the sister kingdom of Ireland.</p> - -<p>From the Croyland Annals, we learn that it carried off the -excellent Abbot Lambert Fossdyke, after eighteen hours sickness. -This is stated to have taken place on the 14th of November, -although the writer in another place alters the date to the 14th -of October; and we think the latter more probable, as, whilst -we do not deny that the disease lingered, as Wood says, in -some places until December, we should be inclined to suppose -that the fury of the epidemic had in November and December -partially subsided, and deaths consequently become rare. To -this circumstance we are inclined in some degree to attribute -the efficacy ascribed to the Anglican mode of treatment. But -on this point we hope to touch hereafter.</p> - -<p>Facts are wanting to give a minute topographical or numerical -account of its ravages. Baines says that it prevailed in -Lancashire; but he furnishes no particulars. We can only infer -from general testimony the universality and magnitude of the -evil. Its disappearance may have been consummated by a violent -storm of wind, which prevailed on the 1st of the following -January. For twenty-one years from this date, we read no more -in English annals of a return of the “fereful tyme of the sweate.”<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[B]</a></p> - -<p>The kingdom was only recovering from the tremendous invasion -of plague, which in 1499 carried off, it is said, in London -alone 30,000 persons, and cessation from civil contention -and foreign warfare promised increase and prosperity to her -population, when, in the summer of 1506, the old enemy again -started into existence. This epidemic appears generally to -have been of a milder type, and deaths were in most places<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span> -unfrequent. We know little as to its origin or spread. As in the -close of the first epidemic, the lessened mortality was ascribed -rather to the effects of treatment than to any temporary diminution -in the virulence of the disorder. One record has come down -to us, which is sufficient of itself to show that, under favouring -circumstances, the “new acquaintance” of 1506 was capable of -being developed in all its ancient severity. In the Annals of -Chester (Harl. MSS. No. 2125), we are told that in 1506 there -died in one day, of the sweating sickness, three score and eleven -householders, of whom only four or five were women. Another -account says, that in three days there died ninety-one householders, -four only being widows. It matters not which is correct; -either is sufficient to prove that no real change had -occurred in the nature of the sweating sickness. It lingered -until the autumn, and then disappeared. Lysons and Hemmingways -make the outbreak at Chester to have occurred in -1507; but Pennant, more correctly, as it appears to us, follows -the date of 1506, given in the Chester Annals.</p> - -<p>Eleven years elapsed, the crafty Richmond slept the sleep of -death in the “sumpteous and solempne chapell which he had -caused to be buylded”, and his son reigned in his stead. Unexpectedly, -in July 1517, the pestilence again raised its head. -We believe that this sweat was the most fatal in its results of -any of the series. The dismal scenes of the first epidemic were -repeated. It “killed some within three hours”, say the chroniclers, -“some within two hours, some merry at dinner and dead -at supper.” “In some one town half the people died, in some -other town the third part, the sweat was so fervent and the -infection so great.”</p> - -<p>We learn incidentally, from a letter written by the Cardinal -du Bellay, who was ambassador from France to Henry VIII, -and himself a sufferer in the next epidemic of 1528, that it was -estimated that 10,000 persons died in ten or twelve days. The -context warrants us in the supposition that reference is made -here to the metropolis alone. Taking this as a mere approximation, -we shall at once see, by comparing it with the ravages of -other epidemics, how frightful the mortality whilst it lasted -was. In 1854, the total number of deaths from cholera and -diarrhœa in London, extending over a period of six months, -with a population of 2,517,048, was 14,806. The epidemic -was at its height during the first fourteen days of September, -when 4,371 persons were carried off. The mortality in the -epidemic of 1849 was somewhat greater, viz. 18,036, the period -again extending over several months. Even in the great plague -year, 1665, when 68,590 persons died in London, and the city<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span> -was nearly abandoned, the mortality never rose higher than -7,165 in a week; this number being reached in the third week -of September. The population of the metropolis in 1676, is -estimated in Graunt’s Bills of Mortality at 384,000; consequently, -in the year 1517, it must have fallen far short of -300,000. Making every allowance for exaggeration, supposing -only one-half the number stated to have died in the time specified, -the mortality for that time, taking into account the -amount of population, must have been as great as in the worst -irruption of bubo plague, and so appalling that, in the present -day, we can form but a faint idea of it.</p> - -<p>Rich and poor were equally victims. Rank claimed for its -possessor no exemption; poverty was no shield. The deserted -palace no longer echoed the sounds of mirth; the low wail of -the mourner interrupted the silence of the streets. Henry VIII, -a prince who, like Leviathan in the deep, seemed to consider -the earth as merely formed to take his pastime therein, leaving -the city, retreated with a few followers from place to place -before the advancing waves of pestilence. His Court had been -the seat of its triumphs. His private secretary, the learned -Italian, Ammonius of Lucca, died a few hours after he had -boasted to Sir Thomas More that by abstinence and regimen -he had shielded himself and family. The Lord Grey of Wilton, -the Lord Clinton, and many other of his knights, gentlemen, -and officers, were no more. Michaelmas and Christmas passed -without their usual festivities. No gathering of people was -permitted, for fear of infection. Oxford and Cambridge, crowded -with eager students, amongst whom were already germinating -seeds which produced the Reformation, were again attacked, -and the former was again deserted. The sweat continued until -the middle of December; and its horrors were heightened by -the supervention towards the winter of plague. In Chester -the mortality from the combined diseases was so great, that -grass grew a foot high at the town cross. England, again, with -one remarkable exception, was <i>alone</i> the land of the shadow of -death. The pestilence passed over to the town of Calais, at -that period belonging to the British Crown. But here it is -said to have attacked principally the English inhabitants; and -we know that it not only did not spread through France, but -(from a reliable source) that it did not even reach to Graveling.</p> - -<p>It must have been during one of these earlier irruptions of -the sweating disease, that a Latin prayer was composed, of -which a copy has been preserved. It is addressed “ad beatum -Henricum,” either Henry the Emperor, who with his wife -Cunegunde, were saints of the Romish calendar, or Henry VI.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span> -of that name is intended, who was claimed as uncle by Henry VII., -and who, his piety having nearly procured him canonization, -was highly revered by the people. In it occurs the petition so -characteristic of the period:—</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> -<div class="first">“Non sudore,</div> -<div class="verse">Vel dolore,</div> -<div class="verse">Moriamur subito.”</div> -</div></div> - -<p>The whole is to be found in the <i>Gent. Mag.</i> for 1786, p. 747.</p> - -<p>1528. We have now arrived at the fourth irruption of the -disease, and fortunately can present a more detailed account of -the historical facts connected with it, than we have been enabled -to do whilst glancing at the three former epidemics. -In this we shall necessarily correct a slight error into which -Professor Hecker, from the paucity of his materials, has fallen. -Although the mortality was not equal in magnitude to that of -1517, yet the influence was widely felt, the disease was distinguished -by the same characteristics, and the deaths were quite -numerous enough to be placed in comparison with those -occurring in ordinary epidemic visitations. From the circumstance -that the disease was again particularly rife in the -Court, we have found many references to it in letters published -under the Royal Commission in the “State Papers,” and in -similar collections. We propose illustrating our account with -such extracts from these as may serve to bring before the reader -a more definite picture of the prevailing state of things.</p> - -<p>Hecker, following Grafton, states that the disease first appeared -towards the end of May, in the most populous part of -the city of London. This was not the case. Before its influence -was felt in the capital, which was not until the 14th of June, -it had been rife in the north. For Sir William Parre, writing -to Wolsey, on the 31st of May, informs him that the Duke of -Richmond had on account of its prevalence removed to Ledeston, -in Yorkshire, three miles from Pontefract. It was brought -out of Sussex into London, as we learn incidentally from an -unpublished letter in the Cottonian Collection. We may therefore -conclude that it had widely spread in the country districts -during the latter part of May and the first weeks of June. -Oxford, as usual, suffered severely. The rapidity with which it -flew from district to district, and from town to town, obtained -for it in 1551 the quaint name of the “posting sweat.” A -most graphic picture of the commencement of the epidemic in -the metropolis, is given by the Cardinal du Bellay. We are -indebted to Mr. Halliwell for the publication of this most interesting -document, which forms part of the treasures contained -in the Imperial Library of Paris. From it we shall now give<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span> -our readers some extracts. The Cardinal’s letter is dated London, -June 18, 1528; he writes:—</p> - -<p>“One of the filles de chambre of Mademoiselle de Boulen -was attacked on Tuesday by the sweating sickness. The king -left in great haste, and went a dozen miles off: but it is denied -that the lady Anne Boleyn was sent away as suspected, to her -brother the Viscount, who is in Kent. This disease, which -broke out here four days ago, is the easiest in the world to die -of. You have a slight pain in the head, and at the heart; all -at once you begin to sweat. There is no need for a physician; -for if you uncover yourself the least in the world, or cover -yourself a little too much, you are taken off without languishing, -as those dreadful fevers make you do. But it is no great -thing, for during the time specified, about two thousand only -have been attacked by it in London. Yesterday, having gone -to swear the truce, they might be seen, as thick as flies, hurrying -out of the streets and the shops into the houses, to take -the sweat the instant they were seized by the distemper. I -found the ambassador of Milan leaving his quarters in great -haste, because two or three had been attacked by it.”</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<p>“But to return to London. I assure you that the priests -there have a better time of it than the physicians, except that -there is not enough of them to bury the dead. If the thing -lasts, corn will be cheap. Twelve years ago, when the same -thing happened, 10,000 persons died in ten or twelve days, it -is said, but it was not so sharp as it is now beginning to be. -M. the legate (Cardinal Wolsey), had come for the term; but -he soon had his horses saddled again, and there will be neither -assignation nor term. Everybody is terribly alarmed.” This -is confirmed by Stow. The term was adjourned to Michaelmas.</p> - -<p>From this account we see that at its first onset in London -it seemed probable that the epidemic would be as fatal as its -predecessor. This expectation was not realized. The mortality -seems to have been unequal at different times during the same -visitation. It did not gradually increase, as in the plague, to -its maximum, and then as gradually diminish, but probably -was never more fatal than at its first onset.</p> - -<p>Henry’s first retreat was Waltham in Essex, from which however -he was speedily driven, by the seizure of the treasurer, two -of the court ushers, and two of his valets de chambre. He immediately -retired to Hunsdon in Hertfordshire, where he arrived on -the 21st of June. News here reached him that Anne Boleyn, who -had already become the object of his passion, was attacked by the -disease. The occasion of this illness produced one of that remarkable<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span> -series of love-letters, which have since become so -celebrated, and the originals of which are preserved at Rome. -In it he deplores her illness, states he would gladly bear half -of it to have her cured, and regrets that he cannot send her -his first physician, who was absent, but that in default of him -he sends the second, “and the only one left, praying God that -he may soon make you well, and then I shall love him more -than ever.” Happy indeed would it have been for the ill-fated -Anne had the dart penetrated more deeply. The scene enacted -in the “doleful prison in the Tower”, on the 19th of May, -1536, would not then have disgraced the history of the English -monarchy, and the escutcheon of the Tudor would have -been spared one of its deepest stains!</p> - -<p>The next document of any importance, in which we find reference -to our subject, is a letter written by Brian (afterwards -Sir Brian Tuke) to Cardinal Wolsey; and, risking the charge -of prolixity, we cannot refrain from extracting from it a passage -or two, as it exhibited bluff King Hal in the novel -character of a medical adviser. Tuke dates from Hunsdon, -June 23rd, 1528; and, in relating to Wolsey the particulars of -a private interview he had with the King, respecting a letter -he had received from the Cardinal, he thus writes:—“I red -forthe til it camme to the latter ende, mencionyng Your Graces -good comfort and counsail geven to His Highnes, for avoiding -this infeccion, for the whiche the same, with a most cordial -maner, thanked Your Grace: and shewing me, firste, a great -proces of the maner of that infeccion; howe folkes wer taken; -howe litel dangeir was in it, if good ordre be observed; howe -fewe wer ded of it; howe Mastres Anne, and my Lorde of -Rocheforde, bothe have had it; what jeopardie they have ben -in, by retournyng in of the swet bifore the tyme; of the endevour -of Mr. Buttes who hathe ben with them, and is retourned; -with many other thinges touching those matiers, and finally of -their perfite recovery; His Highnes willed me to write unto -Your Grace, most hertily desiring the same, above al other -thinges, to kepe Your Grace oute of al ayre, where any of that -infeccion is, and that if, in on place any on fal sike thereof, -that Your Grace incontinently do remove to a clene place; and -so, in like cace, from that place to an other, and with a small -and clene company: saying, that this is the thing, whereby -His Highnes hathe pourged his house, having the same nowe, -thanked be God, clene. And over that, His Highnes desireth -Your Grace to use smal sowpers, and to drink litel wyne, -namely that is big, and ons in the weke to use the pilles of -Rasis; and if it comme in any wise, to swete moderately the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span> -ful tyme, without suffering it to renne in; whiche by Your -Graces phisicians, with a possetale, having certein herbes clarified -in it, shal facilly, if nede be, be provoked and contynued; -with more good holsom counsail by His Highnes in most -tender and loving maner geven to Your Grace, then my -symple wit can suffise to reherse; whiche his gracious commaundement, -I said, I wolde accomplish accordingly.”</p> - -<p>In the after part of his letter he informs the Cardinal that -news had just arrived that Mr. Cary, whom he had shortly -before met on his way to hunt, was “ded of the swet.” “Our -Lorde have mercy on his soule, and holde his hande over us.” -Proposing to join Wolsey, he tells him he dare not come -through London, “wherfore I wol cost to the water side, and -comme the rest by water, thorough London Bridge; though I -promyse Your Grace there is non erthely riches shoulde cause -me to travaile muche nowe, considering that the phisicians tel -me ther is nothing, that more stirreth the mater and cause of the -swet then moche traveil, and likewise commyng in the son.”</p> - -<p>In the city the ancient solemnity of the procession of the -watch, on Midsummer eve, was discontinued, for fear of -adding fuel to the spreading flame by collecting the populace: -whilst the King removed to Hertford, at which place he was -“moche troubled,” for on the night of the 26th, there fell sick -the Marquess and Marchioness of Dorset, Sir Thomas Cheney, -Mistress Croke, Master Norris, and Master Wallop; who all, -however, recovered; and Sir Francis Poyntz, who, says the -writer of the letter we are quoting, “is departed, whiche Jhesu -pardon.” On these occurrences taking place, the King fled to -Bishop’s Hatfield in Hertfordshire.</p> - -<p>On the 29th, we find Wolsey removing to Hampton Court, -on account of the “vehement infection and sykenes, that ys -fallen amonges his Graces folkes.” Du Bellay’s next letter, we -shall see, gives a rather ludicrous account of the precipitate retreat -of the “great child of honour,” who, as all know from -Cavendish, was dreadfully afraid of contagion, and used to -carry with him an orange, stuffed with sponge steeped in vinegar -and confections, against pestilent airs, the which he commonly -held to his nose when he came to the presses, or when -he was pestered with many suitors.</p> - -<p>On the 30th the King had reached Tittenhanger in Hertfordshire, -and here received news of the death of Sir William -Compton, who was reported to be “lost by neclygens, in lettyng -hym slepe in the begynnyng of his swete.” No more on -that day had been attacked in the Court, and those who had -sickened on the 28th were recovered.</p> - - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span>Grafton tells us that during the stay at Tittenhanger the -place was daily purged with fires and other preservatives. An -odd remedy against a sweating sickness at Midsummer!</p> - -<p>The second letter of the Cardinal du Bellay is of this date; -after recounting the names of nine courtiers who had been -attacked, and of three who were dead, he says—“but when all -is said, those who do not expose themselves to the air rarely -die; so that out of more than 45,000 who have been attacked -in London, not 2000 have died, whatever people may say. It -is true that if you merely put your hand out of bed during the -twenty-four hours, you instantly become stiff as a peacock. -P.S. Since writing my letters, I have been informed that a -brother of the Earl of Derby’s, and a son-in-law of the Duke -of Norfolk’s, have died suddenly at the legate’s (Wolsey), who -slipped out at the back door with a few servants, and would -not let any body know whither he was going, that he might -not be followed. The king at last stopped about twenty miles -hence, at a house which M. the legate has had built, and I -have it from good authority, that he has made his will and -taken the sacrament, for fear of sudden seizure. Nothing ails -him, thank God!”</p> - -<p>We shall hereafter see that the ambassador was inclined to -think more seriously of it, when he had himself been a sufferer, -and was the only survivor of nineteen who were attacked. -However, in the absence of other evidence, we are bound to -receive his statement as correct, in reference to the amount of -mortality. And even this must have been proportionally as -great as in our last epidemic of cholera and diarrhœa. It is -calculated, in the Report of the Scientific Committee, published -by the Board of Health, that seventy-one deaths in each 10,000 -of the population of London took place, and that in this number -there were 3473 cases of all forms of cholera and diarrhœa; -in other words, that there was one death to every forty-eight -attacks. But Du Bellay’s statement gives an average of two -deaths in forty-five seizures; or more than double the proportion. -Again, it must be remembered that these occurred -in the space of sixteen days, whereas the cholera epidemic -lasted six months. We do not wish to be supposed to insist -on this calculation; in either case it can merely be an approximation, -and we advance it here only to show that -even a mild epidemic of the sweating sickness was no slight -pestilence.</p> - -<p>On the first of July, we are informed that two cases had -occurred at Tittenhanger; one being that of a gentleman’s -servant, the other, one of the King’s wardrobe. On this day<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span> -the King sends to Wolsey for “the byll that Mr. Fynche -made, for the remedy of all suche as have fallyn syke in youre -howse; for as His Hynes ys enformyd, he haythe doyne very -well, boythe to bryng them to there swheyte ageine, when they -fall owte, and allso to swayge the grete hete and burnyng.”</p> - -<p>On the 5th, we find the King again despatching to Wolsey -to delay visiting him “untill the tyme be more propiciouse.” -In a former letter we learn that flying tales had reached Tittenhanger, -that many of his Grace’s folks were sick, and divers -departed. Henry was as much frightened as the Cardinal, -although on St. Thomas’s day he sends him a message, in a -letter written by Dr. Bell, to put away fear and fantasies, to -commit all to God, and expresses a wish that “Your Grace’s -harte weer as gode as hys is.” Both king and minister made -their wills, and each took care that the assurance was conveyed -to the other that he was not forgotten in the testament. In -the letter of the 5th, the Cardinal is desired to “cawse generall -processions to be made, unyversally thorough the realme, aswell -for the good wetheringes, to thencrease of corne and -fruyte, as also for the plage that now reignethe.”</p> - -<p>On the 9th, we find Henry preparing to remove from Tittenhanger -to Ampthill in Bedfordshire, in consequence of the -seizure of the “Lady Marques of Exeter,” and commanding that -all such as were with the Marquis and Marchioness should -“departe in severall parcells, and so not contynue together.”</p> - -<p>On the 10th, the king had postponed his departure until -the 11th; but, in the meantime, eight or nine had fallen sick, -although none had been in jeopardy. The unpublished letter -in the Cottonian Collection, before alluded to, bears date July -the 14th. It is from Brian Tuke to Sir Peter Vannes. The -disease had broken out in Tuke’s house; and he says, “I write -this at my waking after mydnyt, fearing to lye stil for the -swet, with an aking and troubled hed.” His wife had passed -the paroxysm, but “veray weke,” “and also sore broken oute -about her mowthe and other places.” His letter is principally -filled with his opinion as to the causes and mode of spread of -the epidemic. He allows that there is an infection, but believes -that the disease is chiefly “provoked of disposicion of -the tyme.” He thinks that many frighten themselves into it. -(How commonly we heard this in the late epidemics!) He -flatters himself that he has obtained protection by the nightly -use of a certain means; which, however he does not specify. -The context would lead us to suppose that it was the application -of cold in some form; for he says—“It wer to long a -worke to declare unto you by what and howe I nyghtly put<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span> -away the swet from me, and by what reason I dare do the -same, when al other men take that so doing they kil them -self.” The chief facts of interest we learn from this letter -are, that the sweat did not spread from Calais to Graveling, -although there was constant intercourse between the two -places, and that it was brought from Sussex into London. We -may form some idea of his pathology by the following: “It is -not so moch to be doubted to put away the swet in the begynnyng, -and bifore a man’s grese be well hote, keping molten, -as it is taken. For though surely after the grese so heted it -is no lesse but rather more danger for a man to take colde -then it wer for an horse that in like case is destroyed.”</p> - -<p>On the 18th, the Abbess of Wilton in Wiltshire writes to -Wolsey, that “it pleasithe Almyghty God to visite nowe the -monastery with this greate plage of swetyng.”</p> - -<p>The French ambassador’s third letter bears date the 21st, -and from it we shall make our last extracts in reference to this -visitation. He says: “As to the danger which is in this -country, it begins to diminish hereabouts, but increases in -parts where it had not been. In Kent it is rife at this -moment.” * * “The day that I had it at M. de Canterbury’s -(the archbishop), eighteen died of it in four hours; -scarcely any escaped that day but myself, and I am not yet -stout. The king has removed further than he was, and hopes -that he shall not have the complaint. Still he keeps upon his -guard, confesses every day, receives the sacrament on all holidays; -and likewise the queen, who is with him. M. the -legate does the same. The notaries have a fine time of it -here: I believe there have been made a hundred thousand -wills off hand, because those who died all went mad the instant -the disorder became severe. The astrologers say this will turn -to the Plague, but I think they rave.”</p> - -<p>The epidemic spread throughout the country, and in consequence -of it the circuits of assize were adjourned. Ireland -also now unquestionably felt its influence. In Cork it was very -fatal; and in Dublin, in the month of August, the archbishop -and many of the citizens fell victims. It continued in some -parts of England until the autumn; for Magnus, writing to -Wolsey from Sheriff Hutton in Yorkshire, on the 7th of October, -says that in consequence of the “pestiferous and ragious -swete,” the Duke of Richmond has remained until now in a -private place, with few attendants.</p> - -<p>We must apologize to our readers for these lengthy details; -but it is in descending to particulars we frequently can obtain -that vivid impression of bygone events, which a mere general -statement so often fails to convey.</p> - - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span>In the following year, 1529, the sweating fever appeared -at Hamburg, and spread throughout Germany, the Netherlands, -Denmark, Sweden, and Norway. It is not within the -limits of a historical paper, which is confined to an account -of the sweating sickness in England, to trace the march -of the pestilence. This has been most ably performed by -Hecker. Wherever it appeared it was accompanied, as usual, -by dread, death, and desolation. We cannot, however, agree -with the German professor in his view of the production of -the epidemic. We are inclined to avow ourselves contagionists, -in a modified sense of the word. It is beyond doubt that the -disease did not appear at Hamburg until, on the 25th of July, -a ship arrived <i>from England</i>, commanded by a Captain Hermann -Evers, on board which, several cases of sweating sickness -had occurred. On the night of their landing four persons were -attacked and died. It is true that the conflagration no longer -spread widely in England, but it had not died out in the earlier -part of the preceding winter, and we cannot but believe that -its flickering embers still existed. Sporadic cases doubtless -occurred, and even isolated outbreaks of the disease. At least, -we have strong proof of one such taking place at Chester, in -1550, a year before the last great epidemic.<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[C]</a> Hecker seems to -think that the passengers on board Captain Evers’s ship, acquired -the sweat in the fogs of the German Ocean. But -other ships must have been exposed to the same influence, -and this was an isolated case. When, we would inquire, -did a similar epidemic commence among the colliers of the -Tyne, or the fishers of the Forth? The argument that he -adduces from the fact that no sooner did report of the disease -reach a place, than cases immediately occurred; and that, -therefore, it spread more rapidly than by contagion, is the -same advanced by our old friend, Brian Tuke, who says—“For -when an hole man hath comen from London, and shewed of -the swet, the same nygt al the toun, where the knowlege -was, fal of it, and thus it spredeth yet as the fame roneth.” -What better proof of the intervention of human intercourse -can we have than is given in this sentence? The solution of -the problem lies in the “whole man who came from London.” -Evidently the rumour and the reality flew along the same conducting -wire.</p> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span></p> -<p>Yet we would not insist too much on what after all must be -matter of opinion. When we find the medical world of our -own day so divided on the subjects of the spread of cholera -and yellow fever, the facts of which appeal to their immediate -observation, how can we hope to draw conclusions -with certainty from the scant records of 300 years ago—at -the best, but a faint glimmer to direct us through the darkness -which surrounds the past? That an outbreak of the -sweat occurred at Chester in the year 1550, is affirmed by all -the local historians. The year seems fixed by the fact that the -mayor, Edmund Gee, died of it. We have examined several -lists of the mayors and sheriffs, both manuscript and printed; -and they each place his mayoralty and death in the year 1550. -The Chester Chronicles in the Harleian Collection, state that -in the morning he left the pentice (a local court) in good -health, and that he died before night. Forty persons are said -to have been carried off in twenty-four hours. Of course we -cannot positively declare that there has been no confusion of -dates here; we only lay before our readers the unanimous testimony -of the Chester authorities.<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[D]</a></p> - -<p>We have now arrived at the fifth and last act of the tragedy. -The final irruption of the sweating sickness commenced at -Shrewsbury, in the year 1551, the fifth of the short but -eventful reign of Edward VI. Caius and Stow name the -15th of April as the day of its first appearance, but a manuscript -chronicle of the town dates its commencement from -the 22nd of March. Local tradition yet points to the White -Horse Shut, Frankwell, as the focus from which the malady -spread. Hecker, without sufficient ground, places the amount -of mortality at 960. But Caius, whom he follows, merely -states that in one city (<i>unâ civitate</i>) that number died. We -are inclined to doubt, with the authors of the History of -Shrewsbury, whether, as has been generally affirmed, Caius -was present in that town at all. When he says, “Ipse dum -hæc tragedia agebatur, præsens spectator interfui,” he only -states that he was an eye-witness of the dreary spectacle; and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span> -there are reasons which render it more probable that he observed -it in London than at Shrewsbury. However this may be, -we have his testimony that it spread from its place of origin -to Ludlow, Presteign, and other places in Wales, thence to -Westchester, Coventry, Drenfoorde (?), and the south, before it -came to London, which it reached on the 7th of July, three -months after its first appearance. He gives a most vivid -description of the consternation, horror, and desolation that -reigned. Business was at an end; citizens fled to the country; -peasants thronged the towns; many sought an asylum in -foreign lands. The shrieks of women, rushing half naked -from their habitations, mingled with the groans of the dying, -and the deep clang of the funeral bell, booming through the -misty air from every tower and steeple, deafened the ear, and -struck terror to the heart of the passer. The epidemic was at -its height in the capital from the 9th to the 19th of July, and -it lingered until the 30th. In this time, at the lowest computation, -nearly a thousand people perished. The exact -number is somewhat differently stated, Stow says 960 died, -of whom 800 in the first week. Caius (English treatise) reports -that 761 died from the 9th to the 16th, besides those on -the 7th and 8th, of whom no register was kept, and 142 from -the 16th to the 30th. Machyn, a citizen resident in London, -says that 872 were certified by the chancellor to have perished -from the 8th to the 19th; whilst, in a manuscript in the Harleian -Collection, we are told that 938 persons were carried off -between the 7th and 20th. These numbers render it probable -that when Caius, in his Latin treatise, written some time after, -speaks of 960 dying in one city, his statement refers to the -metropolis. One testimony, however, places the mortality -much higher. Christopher Froschover, in a letter, dated London, -August the 12th, affirms that 2,000 had died in the city, -and 200 at Cambridge. The short space of time occupied by -the pestilence, with the awfully abrupt seizure, and speedy -termination of the fatal cases, rendered the destruction so -appalling. It was the “sudden death,” with battle and murder -equally dreaded.</p> - -<p>Again the palace was attacked. A celebrated lawyer, Sir -Thomas Speke, was seized there, and had only time to reach -his house in Chancery Lane, before he breathed his last. There -were some dancing in the Court at nine o’clock, who were -dead at eleven, says a sermon of the period. There died in -London, writes Machyn, “mony marchants and grett ryche -men and women, and yonge men.” Howes, in his continuation -of Stow, relates that “seven honest householders did sup together,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span> -and before eight of the clock the next morning six of -them were dead.” The young king fled to Hampton Court, -whence he addressed a letter to the bishops, inciting them to -persuade the people to prayer, and to see God better served. -There are several references to the malady in the preaching of -Bradford and Hooper: the latter made it the subject of a pastoral -charge and homily.</p> - -<p>We are unable to trace the pestilence from town to town, -but sufficient data have been collected to shew how widely the -destructive principle was disseminated. In June we find it at -Loughborough, in Leicestershire. In the parish register is the -curious entry: “1551, June. The swat, called New acquaintance, -alias Stoupe knave and know thy master, began on the -24th of this month.” It was in July that the disease appeared -at Cambridge. Pursuing their studies in the University, were -the young Duke of Suffolk, and his brother, Charles Brandon, -equally distinguished for ability, worth, and learning. Alarmed -by the outbreak, they hastened, with a few attendants, to -Kingston, five miles distant. Here their chosen friend and -companion, Charles Stanley, was seized, and expired in ten -hours. In sorrow and consternation the brothers fled to the -Bishop of Lincoln’s palace at Bugden, in Huntingdon, where -they were joined, late at night, by their mother. Scarcely had -she embraced them, when the Duke was attacked by the fatal -symptoms, and in five hours, despite the endeavours of physicians, -ceased to breathe. Within half an hour the younger -brother, who slept in a distant part of the palace, was also a -corpse. Their deaths created universal sorrow, the more, perhaps, -that, through the influence of their mother, they were -known to be attached to the principles of the Reformation. -Our account is extracted from the very rare and interesting -black-letter tract by Sir Thomas Wilson.</p> - -<p>Late in July the pestilence was at Gloucester, whence Bishop -Hooper, in a letter, dated August 1st, writes: “After I had -begun this letter, my wife, and five others of my chaplains and -domestics, were attacked by a new kind of sweating sickness, -and were in great danger for twenty-four hours. I myself have -but recently recovered from the same. The infection of this -disease is in England most severe.” At Bristol the mortality -was great. It lasted from Easter to Michaelmas, and several hundreds -are said to have been carried off every week. Small towns -and villages equally felt the influence. The parish register of -Uffculme, in Devonshire, records that of thirty-eight deaths -occurring, in 1551, twenty-seven were in the first eleven days -of August, and sixteen of them in three days. These persons<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span> -are said to have died of the “hote sickness or stup gallant.” -(This latter name is evidently derived from the <i>Trousse Galant</i> -of the French, a disease which had been epidemic in France in -1528, and afterwards, and which, we would suggest, was allied -to the worst form of scarlatina.)<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[E]</a></p> - -<p>Whilst the south thus suffered, the north could offer no -asylum. In York and Hull the pestilence was severely felt. It -ravaged Lancashire; one parish register gives us the dates and -number of deaths. In Ulverstone parish there were five buried -on the 17th, two on the 18th, four on the 19th, eleven on the -20th, six on the 21st, six on the 22nd, two on the 23rd, and -three on the 24th of August. On the 7th of that month we find -it in the neighbourhood of Leeds. Whitaker quotes that “on -the 7th of August, 1551, the sweating sickness was so vehement -in Liversage, that Sir John Neville was departed from Liversage -Hall to his house at Hunslet, for fear thereof. It speedily despatched -such as were infected; for one William Rayner, the -same day he died, had been abroad with his hawk.”</p> - -<p>The disease did not disappear till the end of September. -Several of the most distinguished men of the age fell its victims, -as we learn in a letter from Roger Ascham to Sir William -Cecil. In Catholic countries the sad fate of England was held -a judgment on her departure from the Romish faith. At home -it roused that spirit of piety and benevolence, which is never -wanting in the Anglo-Saxon race in the time of suffering and -distress. The religious fervour of the period burned higher in -the gale; and, no doubt, amid the terrors of the sweating sickness, -many acquired that trust in Providence and fearlessness of -death, which were in the ensuing religious troubles to be so -severely tried. On the other hand, amongst the masses, as -Grafton drily observes, “As the disease ceased, so the devotion -quickly decayed.”</p> - -<p>From this time the Sudor Britannicus has never reappeared -in its epidemic form. In one or two instances, we have seen -isolated notices of death occurring from sweating sickness. -But we have no means of judging the nature of the disease referred -to under that name, or of determining the credibility of -the statement. One thing is certain: no large district of -our island has ever been ravaged by its indigenous pestilence, -since the memorable year in which the destroying angel -alighted on the sedgy banks of the gentle Severn.</p> - - -<hr class="chap" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="FOOTNOTES">FOOTNOTES:</h2> -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[A]</a> <span class="smcap">Hecker’s</span> Epidemics of the Middle Ages. Translated by <span class="smcap">B. G. Babington</span>, -M.D. Sydenham Society Edition. London: 1844.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">John Caius</span>, M.D. A Boke or Counseill against the Sweat. London: 1552.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">John Caius.</span> De Ephemerâ Britannicâ. Reprint. London: 1721.</p> - -<p>State Papers published by Royal Commission. 1830.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Hall.</span> Vnion of the two Noble and Illustre Famelies of Lancastre and -Yorke. 1548.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Grafton’s</span> Chronicle. 1569.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Stow’s</span> Chronicle, by Howes. London: 1611.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Fabian’s</span> Chronicle. London: 1559.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Hollinshed’s</span> Chronicle. London: 1587.</p> - -<p>Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London. Edited by <span class="smcap">J. G. Nichols</span>. Camden -Society. 1852.</p> - -<p>Diary of Henry Machyn, Citizen of London. Edited by <span class="smcap">J. G. Nichols</span>. -Camden Society. 1848.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Owen</span> and <span class="smcap">Blakeway’s</span> History of Shrewsbury. London: 1825.</p> - -<p>Collection of English Topographical Histories. Various.</p> - -<p>Sir <span class="smcap">H. Ellis</span>. Original Letters. London: 1824.</p> - -<p>Letters of the Kings of England. By <span class="smcap">J. O. Halliwell</span>, F.S.A. London: 1848.</p> - -<p>Harleian Manuscripts.</p> - -<p>Cottonian Manuscripts. Titus, b. xi.</p> - -<p>Lord <span class="smcap">Bacon’s</span> History of Henry VII. Op. b. iii. London: 1740.</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Anthony</span> à <span class="smcap">Wood</span>. History and Antiquities of University, Oxon. 1674.</p> - -<p>Publications of the Parker Society. 1846-53.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[B]</a> In 1491 and 92, a sweating plague is said to have prevailed in Ireland; -according to the Annals of the Four Masters, its attack was of twenty-four -hours duration. Ware says, but we know not on what authority, that it was -brought out of England. (See Census of Ireland for the year 1851.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[C]</a> A remarkable notice of the occurrence of the sweat in the town of Galway, -in the year 1543, is given by Mr. Hardiman in his local history. The -fact was obtained from “Town Annals”, no longer accessible. We can only -class it, as an isolated outbreak, with that of Chester in 1550. (Census -of Ireland, 1851.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[D]</a> The manuscript above quoted, making the last Chester outbreak to have -occurred in 1550, places the first in 1506. If we believe these annals to be -incorrectly dated by a year, in that case the true date of the earlier visitation -will be 1507, as given by several writers. The affirmation of Caius, that the -disease appeared at Westchester (the old name for Chester) in 1551, favours -this assumption. On the other hand, the Vale Royal, Ormerod, Hemingways -and Lysons all agree in stating that 1550 was the year in which the town -was severely visited by the malady. Whichever view we take, it would appear -that one of the Chester visitations must have occurred in a year (1507 or -1550) not marked by a general epidemic, unless we gratuitously fix a charge of -incorrectness on the early local annalists.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[E]</a> It was a fatal inflammatory fever, followed in the survivors by loss of -hair and nails, and dropsical effusions.</p> - -</div> - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -<pre> - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Sweating Sickness in England, by -Francis C. 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