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If you are not located in the United States, you'll have -to check the laws of the country where you are located before using this ebook. - -Title: The Plague of Lust, Vol. I (of 2) - Being a History of Venereal Disease in Classical Antiquity - -Author: Julius Rosenbaum - -Translator: Anonymous - -Release Date: June 1, 2020 [EBook #62300] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PLAGUE OF LUST, VOL. I (OF 2) *** - - - - -Produced by Turgut Dincer, Les Galloway and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This -book was produced from images made available by the -HathiTrust Digital Library.) - - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes - -Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. Variations -in hyphenation and accents have been standardised but all other -spelling and punctuation remains unchanged. - -The book contains a number of decorative borders and separators. These -have been ignored. - -Anchors for footnotes 27 and 59 were missing and have been added in -appropriate places. - -The Orphean hymn in footnote 12 is in error. The correction is shown -with the footnote. - -(the act the Lesbian) in footnote 327 is erroneous but could be ‘to -act ...’ or ‘the act of ...’ so remains uncorrected. - -In footnote 382 “The word θηλείας even in the edition mentioned stands -both in text and margin as γρ. δειλίας.” makes little sense and has -been altered to “The word θηλείας in the edition mentioned stands in -text; and in the margin as γρ. δειλίας.” - -The footnotes are located at the end of the book. - -In the main text, italics are represented thus _italic_, however this -marking indicates letter-spacing in Latin and Greek passages. Bold is -indicated thus =bold=. - -An index to both volumes is included in volume II. This has been copied -into the end of this volume by the transcriber. - - - - - THE - - PLAGUE OF LUST - - VOLUME I - - - - - _This work, printed for a small number of subscribers, - Medical Men—Experts and Specialists in - Nervous Diseases—Lawyers—Psychiatrists - Travellers and Anthropologists—is not - sold to the Trade, and is strictly - limited to FIVE HUNDRED - NUMBERED COPIES._ - - _The present copy is_ - - =No. 105= - - - - - THE - - PLAGUE OF LUST, - - BEING A HISTORY OF VENEREAL DISEASE - - IN - - CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY, - - AND INCLUDING:—DETAILED INVESTIGATIONS INTO THE - CULT OF VENUS, AND PHALLIC WORSHIP, BROTHELS, - THE Νοῦσος Θήλεια (FEMININE DISEASE) OF THE - SCYTHIANS, PAEDERASTIA, AND OTHER SEXUAL - PERVERSIONS AMONGST THE ANCIENTS, - - AS CONTRIBUTIONS TOWARDS - - THE EXACT INTERPRETATION OF THEIR WRITINGS - - BY - - Dr. JULIUS ROSENBAUM - - TRANSLATED FROM THE SIXTH (UNABRIDGED) GERMAN EDITION - BY - - AN OXFORD M.A. - - THE FIRST OF TWO VOLUMES - - =Paris= - - CHARLES CARRINGTON - - PUBLISHER OF MEDICAL, FOLK-LORE AND HISTORICAL WORKS. - - 13, FAUBOURG MONTMARTRE, 13 - - MDCCCCI - - The price of this work complete is FIVE GUINEAS. - - - - - TRANSLATOR’S FOREWORD. - - -The Translator of Dr. Rosenbaum’s great book, the _Geschichte der -Lustseuche im Alterthume_, feels that no apology is required for -presenting a Work of this calibre and importance in an English -dress,—for the first time. Needless to say the Book in no way -appeals,—or is meant to appeal,—to the general reading public. It is -a book for Students and Specialists, as is recognized indeed by the -conditions of the present publication, in a limited edition and at a -high price. - -To Historical Students and Medical Specialists alike it is of the -highest value and interest, and in many respects an indispensable -addition to their Library. The object the Writer proposed to himself -was a History of Venereal Disease, to trace its existence, symptoms -and incidence, from the earliest notices of its occurrence recorded -in Literature onwards. This ambitious programme he has only partially -carried out in the present Work, which forms Part I. of the projected -Treatise as a whole, and deals with the Disease under its various forms -and successive manifestations throughout Antiquity. In it he devotes -his efforts to proving,—and we think with conclusive success,—the -existence, denied by so many, of the dread Disease in different -shapes in Europe, Asia and Africa long before the Christian era, and -all through the period of Classical Antiquity, scouting utterly, the -popular theory of its first introduction at the end of the Fifteenth -and beginning of the Sixteenth Centuries from America. - -With this end in view the learned and laborious Author collects an -enormous _apparatus criticus_ of quotations from Greek and Latin -writers, both in prose and verse, and this not merely from the -better known authors of Antiquity, but equally from later and much -less familiar sources. Obscure Erotic Writers, historical fragments, -Christian Fathers,—all is fish that comes to his comprehensive, though -not undiscriminating, net; and probably there is not to be found in -the whole range of Scholarship so wide and complete a collection of -historical and literary illustrations and allusions brought together -with the express purpose of throwing light on one special subject of -enquiry. - -Such in briefest outline is the scope and achievement of Dr. -Rosenbaum’s masterpiece. But brief as it is, it suffices to show to -how many classes of Students and Scientists the work appeals. First -and foremost it is of direct service to Physicians in general and -Specialists in Venereal Disease in particular, to Enquirers into the -problems of Insanity and the morbid manifestations of a diseased brain, -as well as to Anthropologists and all scientific observers of Humanity. -On another side, in virtue of its wealth of curious and recondite -quotation, it is of the highest interest and attraction to Classical -Scholars and every Student of Antiquity and Ancient Literature; while -midway between these two categories, Students of Morals and Human -Institutions cannot possibly afford to neglect a storehouse of “human -documents” so invaluable in the domain of their studies. - -Even to the general Historical Student, who without laying any claim to -the proud title of Specialist, is deeply interested in the conditions -of human life on our planet in former days, and eager to enquire into -all matters relating to the health and happiness of mankind, the Book -has a great deal to offer. Few things have more profoundly modified -these factors of human well-being than Venereal disease and its ravages -in all ages; while any systematic enquiry into this most important -subject cannot fail to throw many side-lights,—lurid enough, but none -the less instructive,—on life and morals, social relations and sexual -aberrations, among different Peoples and at different Epochs. What can -be more interesting,—painful as the interest often is,—than much of the -information here afforded, at first hand and from authentic citations -of Ancient writers, of social and sexual habits and ideals, of strange -rites and rituals and abominable practices, prevalent as well in -the free Republics of Greece as under the corrupt sway of the Roman -Emperors. - -Great and wonderful no doubt were the Communities of the Ancient world, -beautiful the fine flower of graceful living, and high the level of -philosophic and literary culture attained, consummate the artistic -relics they have left us; but what a seamy side this same Classical -Civilization had to show,—what unspeakable abominations underlay its -social life, what atrocities of foulness, cruelty and lust,—some of -them flourishing under the sanction of Religion itself,—counterbalanced -the virtues of wise citizenship and warlike valour and Stoic -self-denial. Lurid and terrible indeed are some of the pictures of -horror that shape themselves from certain of Dr. Rosenbaum’s pages,—the -whole Section, for instance, in Vol. I. dealing with “Brothels and -Courtesans”, and in an even higher degree that on “Paederastia” and the -diseases consequent on this unnatural practice. Specially graphic and -vivid sections again, in Vol. II., are those treating of the practice -of “Depilation” among Greeks and Romans, and the Baths and Bathing -habits of Antiquity. - -To return for a moment to the Medical and Anthropological aspects -of the Work. Perhaps no single branch of Scientific Enquiry has -made such noteworthy strides of late years as Anthropology, and in -particular the special Department of that Science devoted to morbid -and anomalous manifestations of the sexual appetite,—unnatural lusts, -sensual aberrations, sexual inversions, and all the rest. The subject, -no doubt, is repulsive, but it is none the less profoundly important -from the scientific side, in connexion both with the general advance -of our knowledge of Mankind, and with the special Study of Insanity -and Madness, as well as from the humanitarian point of view as giving -material for the eventual alleviation of many of these manifestations -of Mental Disease. Out of a host of names, it is only necessary to -mention two, those of Lombroso and Krafft-Ebing, to demonstrate the -high place these investigations have vindicated for themselves among -the scientific triumphs of the Century that has just closed. On this -side the _Geschichte der Lustseuche_ is of the highest importance, -supplying as it does innumerable instances of those very phaenomena of -morbid sexual perversions that constitute the subject matter of this -rapidly progressive branch of Science, one likely in the near future to -prove of infinite benefit to afflicted humanity. - -Of the Author personally there is no need to say much, nor indeed -is there much to be said. His life was quiet and uneventful, as a -Scholar’s and Savant’s should be. After holding a Professorship at -Berlin, he was summoned to fill a similar post at the University of -Halle, where he succeeded to the Chair left vacant by the death of the -celebrated Dr. Baumgarten-Crusius; and it was here that he completed -his great Work,—in spite of difficulties and lack of books, which he -naïvely and rather pathetically laments in his Preface. Halle had -already been made illustrious by an earlier and even more distinguished -worker in the same field, the famous Sprengel (died March 15, 1833), -author of a masterly _History of Medicine_ and many other professional -works; and with a characteristic touch of Teutonic sentimentality -our Author dates the Preface to his own _Geschichte_ on Sprengel’s -birth-day. - -A by no means unimportant feature of Dr. Rosenbaum’s book, and one -according well with his patient and laborious methods, is the very -extensive and valuable Bibliography, which will be found at the end of -the Work. This embraces almost everything that has been written on the -subject in all languages, and should prove of inestimable service to -the serious student. - -For any errors that may have crept into his version, the Translator -must crave indulgence. Some such are inevitable, more particularly in -the renderings of the innumerable Latin and Greek quotations, many of -which are involved in diction and obscure in allusion, and some of -disputed interpretation. The labour involved has been no small one,—the -mere proof-reading itself being a heavy task in a book like the present -crammed with citations from several languages. - -For the general appearance and get up of the Book, the Publisher, Mr. -Charles Carrington, of Paris, is responsible, and his name, so well -known in connection with the production of Medical and Scientific works -of this kind, is a sufficient guarantee of excellence. - -In conclusion, the Translator offers with confidence the result of his -labours to all Englishmen interested as Specialists in the History of -Medicine, in Anthropology and the Scientific Study of Insanity, as -also in Classical Scholarship and the Study of Antiquity and Ancient -Literature, as well as to Enquirers generally into the History of -Morals and the life and life conditions of earlier days. In doing -so, he feels sure of a favourable reception for so important and -scholarly a Work, throwing such a flood of light on all these different -departments of study. - -OXFORD, June 14, 1901. - - - - - DR. ROSENBAUM’S - - PREFACE TO THE FIRST (GERMAN) EDITION - - - - - AUTHOR’S PREFACE - - TO THE - - FIRST (GERMAN) EDITION. - - -It is now six years ago, during my residence in Berlin, and with a -view to a historical Survey of miliary fevers, that I began a closer -and more systematic study of the Epidemics of the XVth. and XVIth. -Centuries. In the course of these enquiries my attention was inevitably -directed to the subject of Venereal disease, which exerted so powerful -an influence at that epoch both on the physical and the moral life of -nations. Accustomed as I was to regard History as being something more -than a mere quasi-mechanical aggregation of facts, the observation -was soon borne in upon me that only through a painstaking examination -of the contemporary conditions of epidemic disease could the Venereal -Disease of the period be really understood. Consequently I felt I must -isolate this terrible scourge of humanity from the general survey,—so -general as to be well-nigh all-embracing,—and consider it as a -phænomenon apart. - -Once started on these lines, I occupied myself specially with the -subject, and arrived at the surprising result, that the Venereal -Disease of the XVth. Century owed its terrible characteristics solely -and entirely to the contemporary exanthematic-typhoïdal _Genius -Epidemicus_, which made itself known in the South of Europe by -petechial fevers and by the _Sudor Anglicus_ (English Sweating-fever) -in the North. I concluded further that the disease was not epidemic -at all, merely liable to arise under epidemic influence; and must -consequently have been already extant before the arrival of the said -_Genius Epidemicus_. - -Time and circumstances compelled me to remain satisfied provisionally -with this general conclusion, and only after I had fixed my abode -permanently at Halle, could I resume my earlier investigations. Yet -again these were interrupted, partly by my work on the Diseases of the -Skin for the Dictionary of Surgery edited by Prof. Blasius, partly by -my Habilitation (formal entry on the Staff) at the University of that -place, to which I had been repeatedly invited after the unexpected -death of the late Dr. Baumgarten-Crusius. Eventually I was enabled -to devote the greater part of my leisure hours to this subject, one -which in the meantime was never quite lost sight of. I began to sift -and arrange the material I found accumulated, but in a short time I -convinced myself that in its treatment I had to strike out a different -road from that followed hitherto, if I ever intended on my own -account to reach important results; and I felt it would be impossible -to complete the whole Survey in a single moderate-sized volume. -Consequently I proceeded to limit myself to the enquiry whether or -no Venereal disease had been extant in Ancient times, and it is this -investigation that I now publish as a first Part of the History of -Venereal disease. - -The general plan I have followed in my treatment of the subject is -sufficiently explained in the Introduction; while a perusal of the text -will show in what relation my investigations stand towards those of -my predecessors, and at the same time to what extent these have been -made use of, or indeed could be made use of, in my work. Owing to the -very nature of the subject the Survey as a whole was bound to assume -a critical character, dealing as it does not solely with the history -of the Disease, but also with the examination of an extensive array of -views and opinions already formulated. The conduct of this examination -I leave the reader to judge of; but I believe I can confidently assert -it was always the matter, never the man, that I subjected to critical -treatment. Accordingly I laid little stress on brilliant results, and -made no effort to conceal lack of facts by dazzling hypotheses; instead -I made it my supreme object to come at the truth as near as possible, -and preferred to confess my ignorance, if the helps and authorities -I had at my disposal failed me, rather than advance propositions the -baselessness of which a sober criticism is only too soon in a position -to demonstrate. - -“I imposed this law on myself—to believe no man’s mere assertion; to -depend on original authorities; to look at every passage with my own -eyes, and read it in connexion with its context; to pick out the plain -fact observed from the Chaos of hypotheses, and to accept as exact -only what I could deduce from the authorities myself and see to be -the evident purport of the observation,—absolutely unconcerned how -each arbitrary theory might be affected or the sacrosanct authority -of such or such a Scholar stand or fall. Why should we deem great men -infallible? why find it impossible to honour them and yet dissent -from them in opinion?—I felt I owed to my reader a corresponding -impartiality in statement of the facts and arguments based upon them. -If I was determined to take nothing on trust, but to examine and see -for myself, I could not reasonably demand faith from the reader and -refuse to communicate to him the proofs and original documents I had -drawn upon. It was no case of mere quotation from books,—I was bound -to lay open the original evidence for his inspection.” These words of -Hensler’s I took as my guiding-principle, and if I have deviated from -their standard in the Third Section, this only happened because the -greater part of the passages there quoted have been repeatedly handled -by my predecessors, and I feared to increase the bulk and consequently -the cost of the Book to the prejudice of the reader. - -I am well aware that the method I have adopted hardly corresponds -with the taste of the present day; and if the public choose to find -in my work nothing but an idle display of quotations, I cannot fail -to be mortified. Nevertheless I prefer to encounter, if needs be, the -reproach of pedantry rather than that of superficiality. With the -difficulties I met with in connection with particular investigations I -need not trouble the reader at greater length, as they are sufficiently -familiar to everyone engaged in similar researches. I may be allowed -to point out what a task was presented by the co-ordination of so -considerable a number of scattered data. These I had, in the almost -total absence of earlier works on the same subject, to collect mostly -by my own reading from very widely separated Authors; and anything like -symmetry of arrangement was made still more difficult when, as occurred -more than once, the discovery of a single passage forced me to entirely -re-write a substantial part of my manuscript, often within a short -time of its going to Press. For the same reason the indulgent reader -must excuse it, if here and there a later observation involves the -supplementing and in some degree correcting of a previous statement,—a -thing that would have been done much more frequently, had I not dreaded -treating my material in too rambling a fashion. It would be quite easy -now to subjoin in the form of appendices a multitude of additional -proofs, of course only corroborating views already laid down,—proofs -I owed to further reading of the Ancient authors. However absolute -completeness is impossible of attainment for the individual; and I can -only hope the humble request I hereby express,—a request addressed -specially to professional students of Antiquity,—that others may favour -me with contributions and remarks relevant to my subject, may be not -entirely without result. So later on perhaps the material accumulated -may be utilised more efficiently, if the interest manifested by -the learned in my undertaking is of such a nature as to demand a -re-modelling of the whole Investigation. - -The necessity I found myself under of expressing this request for -countenance on the part of students of Antiquity is the very thing -that specially induced me to strongly recommend the First Part of my -work, even on its Title-page, to their particular consideration; and it -will be a source of self-congratulation if the attempts incidentally -introduced to gain a better insight into the relics of Antiquity, -meeting with their approval, become an inducement to the Physician in -his professional studies to offer a helping hand to human weaknesses. -The question at issue is nothing less than that of gaining a clear -insight into the nature and origin of the operation of a Disease that -destroys the very marrow of Nations. Without such insight the Physician -cannot hope, whether in the particular case or speaking generally, -to obtain a radical cure; and of all forms of Disease the Venereal -is pre-eminently that where obscurity in the history of the malady -conditions obscurity in its curative treatment. For the first time it -is successfully proved with irrefragable certainty that the Ancients -were infested with this _morbus mundanus_ (World-disease) just as -much as the Moderns. Honourable nations are freed from the shameful -reproach of fathering this Complaint; and at the same time Physicians -see themselves forced to seek a reason for the untrustworthiness they -recognise at the present day as belonging to the so-called “Specifics”, -not in the nature of these remedies, but in the changes which the -Disease has undergone under external influences. Moreover they will -find that the non-mercurial treatment nowadays so highly extolled is -far from being the mere creature of fashion; rather it is the direct -consequence of the alteration in the common and universal _genius_ of -the Complaint, which appears at this moment to be again tending to a -gradual disappearance. The grounds for this assertion I have already -more than once explained to my hearers in my repeated Lectures on -Venereal Disease; and I propose to communicate them fully in the Second -Part of my History of the Disease, framed on the same principles as the -First. - -When I shall publish this Second Part, if ever, will depend first -on the reception of the preceding volume; secondly on whether -more favourable external conditions provide the leisure that is -indispensably necessary for Historical investigations of the sort, and -at the same time put at my disposal a more complete literary apparatus -than has hitherto been the case. For historico-medical studies in -general there exists hardly a more unfavourable[1] place than Halle; -and this is specially and peculiarly so with regard to epidemic -diseases. As far as Venereal Disease is concerned the whole literary -wealth of our University Library amounts to something like ten or -twelve Works, half of which are all but worthless. I myself shrank from -no expense to obtain possession of the literary helps required, and -my collections, particularly on the subject of Epidemics, might boast -of being not inferior to those of any private individual; yet they -are quite insufficient for my purpose, so much, especially from the -earlier Centuries, being no longer procurable by way of purchase. - -But when all that is extant in writing is procured, the business is -still far from being done. I am still in want of quite a formidable -array of facts that can only be the fruit of observations in more -recent times. For this reason may I appeal to my elder professional -brethren, and above all to the different medical Unions and -Associations at home and abroad with the request that they will, -whether directly or indirectly, help me to the possession of the facts -in question. Such are in particular facts concerning the influence of -the _Genius Epidemicus_ on the different forms or Venereal Disease, -and first and foremost it behoves me to learn—_what influence Typhus -manifested during the first fifteen years of this Century, particularly -since 1811, in different Countries_. That such an influence, and a -disastrous one, _did_ take place is evidenced not only by the 364 -pp. of collected Authorities, but also by the data of the brilliant -SACHS in his “Concise Dictionary of Practical Therapeutics”, II. Pt. -1. (Article: Guajac) p. 637. To my sorrow I have only just, since -the appearance of the Index to that valuable Work, become acquainted -with these data, which appealed to me all the more from the fact that -throughout they corroborate the results reached by myself in the -historical sphere. - -SACHS, and so far as I know he was the first to express this opinion -openly, holds as a fully established conclusion that the Venereal -Disease of the XVth. Century owed the characteristics it then possessed -merely to the prevailing _Genius epidemicus typhodes_; though at the -same time I cannot favour his assumption of a leprous-syphilitic -Diathesis (general condition of body) as already existent. Nothing is -better fitted to give a clear insight into these earlier conditions -than a knowledge of the period of the Thirty Years’ War and of the -Typhus epidemics at the beginning of the present Century. Would it had -happened to any of those heroes of the healing art who played an active -part in the great Drama of that time to have crowned his day’s-work -by leaving us a more detailed medical recital of the incidents. The -number of men qualified for the task grows daily fewer, the possibility -of gathering the material required daily harder of realization; and, -though it is not so yet, the work may later on be impracticable[2]. - -In conclusion—may I be allowed hereby to offer my sincere thanks to -all who in any way have granted me active support in the course my -enquiries. I should be glad to give their names, did I not fear they -might dislike seeing themselves recorded in connection with a History -of Venereal Disease. In spite of this scruple I feel compelled to make -an exception in the case of one of them, viz. my friend, Dr. ECKSTEIN, -Headmaster of the Royal High-School (Pädagogium) of Halle. He shared -with me the exceedingly laborious duty of correcting the proofs; and -both myself and my readers into the bargain owe him a debt of warmest -gratitude for so doing. - -Written on the birth-day of C. SPRENGEL. - - - - - CONTENTS - - AND - - GENERAL INTRODUCTION. - - - - - CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. - - - INTRODUCTION: - - PAGE - CONCEPTION AND CONTENTS OF THE HISTORY - OF A DISEASE IN GENERAL XXV - - POSSIBILITY OF THE HISTORY OF A DISEASE IN GENERAL - AND OF VENEREAL DISEASE IN PARTICULAR XXVIII - - ABSTRACT OF OPINIONS XXXI - - GENERAL SCHEME OF TREATMENT XXXIV - - - FIRST PART. - - Venereal Disease in Antiquity. - - AUTHORITIES DISCUSSED 3 - - FIRST SECTION - - INFLUENCES WHICH PROMOTED THE GENERATION OF DISEASE CONSEQUENT - UPON USE OR MISUSE OF THE GENITAL ORGANS 10 - - THE CULT OF VENUS 12 - - THE LINGAM AND PHALLIC WORSHIP 33 - - MALADIES OF THE GENITAL ORGANS AT ATHENS 39 - - MALADIES OF THE GENITAL ORGANS AT LAMPSACUS 41 - - PLAGUE OF BAAL-PEOR 49 - - BROTHELS AND COURTESANS 64 - - PAEDERASTIA 108 - - DISEASES CONSEQUENT ON PAEDERASTIA 126 - - THE ῥέγχειν (SNORING, SNORTING) OF THE INHABITANTS OF TARSUS 133 - - Νοῦσος Θήλεια (FEMININE DISEASE) OF THE SCYTHIANS 143 - - BIBLIOGRAPHY: AUTHORITIES AND HISTORIANS 257 - - - - - INTRODUCTION. - - Conception and Contents of the History of a Disease in general. - - -If we would undertake to write the history of a Disease, the very first -thing needful is to frame in one’s own mind a clear conception of what -the History of a Disease in a general way is, for it is from a right -preliminary conception, that the right conditions will follow which -a Historian as such is bound to fulfil. Consult experience,—in other -words enquire what has been usually understood under the name History -of a Disease, and you find to be included in the idea,—first, a more or -less complete chronological comparison of the different observations -and views of different Physicians at different times on such or such -a Disease, secondly, a survey of the course of the Disease in the -individual case. The first is properly only a history of the opinions -of Physicians, the History of the Literature so to speak of the -Disease, which must come before the _actual_ History, while the latter -is nothing else than a history of a Disease in a single instance, that -is to say the history of a particular case of disease, the history -of individual patients; and this we have long been in the habit of -reckoning a part of Clinics. - -Nay, the _sum_ of such clinical histories if taken all together will -not help us to the actual history of a Disease, so long as they merely -give an account of the visible symptoms by which the disease makes its -presence known. By this means we shall be learning merely the ideal -course of the Malady, getting a pictorial representation of it such -as is demanded by Pathological specialists,—as it were the _internal_ -history of the Disease. We cannot write the history of a single Man or -of a single Nation so as to be a sufficient basis for the understanding -and right appreciation of them, if we grasp only their inner history, -that of their _internal_ development, and consequently view them by -themselves as a something separated off from all surroundings, instead -of bearing in mind as we should the forms their relations take to -environment, to the outer world generally,—in fact their _external_ -history. Similarly we are just as little in a position to furnish the -history of a _Disease_, if we include in the matter of our enquiry only -the course of the disease and not its external relations as well. - -It is only the inner genetic co-ordination of the two, viz. the -internal and the external history (for Disease has also an external -history) that can conduct to the _actual History_ of the Disease. -This may be defined as _a genetic co-ordination and statement of the -symptoms of a Disease under different conditions and in different -individuals, from the first moment at which they arose and came under -observation down to the time when the report is made_; or, expressed -more briefly, the History of a Disease is _a genetic co-ordination and -account of its development and progress in time_ (as conditioned by -time). Supposing Time, Relations, and Number of individuals definitely -limited, a Special History is the result; while the General History -of a Disease properly speaking can _never_ be viewed as isolated from -its surroundings. In that case the conditions on which the generation -and origin of the particular Disease depend would necessarily cease -entirely and for ever to exist. - -Now if we analyse the conception of the History of a Disease into its -component parts, we shall get to know its special _contents_, the -efficient factors of which it is compounded, and which the Historian -has to comprehend and express. The function of History is to exhibit -something that has happened; naturally therefore the first thing the -Historian must do is to look out for the point of time at which the -process of change began. But certain generating factors and influences -are indispensable to every process of change, and their activity again -is dependent on certain favourable external conditions; and so it -becomes the next duty of the Historian to authenticate the existence -of the said favourable influences as well as of the generating -factors, and concurrently to determine in what manner they came into -active operation. Inasmuch as it happens however sometimes that the -interposing or favouring as well as the generative factors are known to -be present, and yet no outbreak of disease occurs, so far as we see, or -only an incompletely developed one, those influences also will require -authentication which hindered or modified the potential activity of the -factors. - -Only after all this has been systematically and sufficiently analyzed, -will it become possible to trace the development and course of -the Disease itself and to mark the successive changes offered to -observation from its first appearance to the time when its history -was recorded. Now these changes are imposed upon it either by its own -proper nature or from outside, and so the Historian must explain also -the internal and external relations involved. Again in any individual -case the various manifestations or signs of a Disease by no means -appear all together at one time, but rather develope in a series; so in -the _general_ course of a Disease, as recorded historically, a similar -continuous series of symptoms will be more or less clearly noticeable, -yet without implying that it is dependent solely on external -conditions. Further, as every Disease is liable at any given time to -come into conflict with another, the Historian will in this case also -have to point out, what forms the relations of either took at the -moment, whether the disease in question showed itself as determining -the other or was itself determined by it, whether it consented to enter -into combinations, whether it led to the annihilation of its adversary -or was itself annihilated, or whether lastly both remained in a manner -neutral. Finally account must be taken of the influence of medical aid, -and generally of the relation of the Physician to the Disease. - -These different points once successfully and in a competent manner -co-ordinated into a kind of organic connexion, the resulting History -of Disease, a clinical History, yet as wide as humanity itself, will -supply the most momentous factor towards an insight into the nature and -essence of Disease. It will not merely afford the theoretical enquirer -the necessary materials for his speculations as to Disease in general -and systems of treatment, but also teach the practical Physician the -conditions of a rational method of Therapeutics; and will consequently -be equally interesting, and what is more, equally needful to both. Such -an organic connexion can only be established on the condition that -the Historian calls to remembrance step by step, as he proceeds, the -sciences of Physiology and Pathology. Only by their help is it possible -always and everywhere to mark the inner necessity of the relation of -cause and effect and to distinguish the essential from the accidental. - - - Possibility of the History of a Disease in General and of Venereal - Disease in Particular. - -Having learned the Conception and proper Contents of the History of a -Disease, we naturally proceed to another closely connected question,—do -all Diseases admit of such a historical exposition? It may be taken -for granted at the outset with tolerable certainty that the answer to -this question will be affirmative for the majority of actual Diseases; -at any rate hardly an objection can be alleged from the theoretical -stand-point. At the same time practical Experience must be allowed a -voice on this point. - -Unhappily we gain but little that is comforting from experience. It can -scarcely be said that even a beginning has been made so far towards -writing the History of a Disease in the indicated sense; and besides -this, diseases have been primarily selected for consideration in which -the historical factor obtrudes itself, as it were, on the attention, to -wit the epidemic diseases. For the rest hardly anything at all has been -done, excepting only in the case of Leprosy and the Venereal Disease, -for which with singular unanimity an epidemic character has always been -claimed. The Proteus-like character of these Maladies hindered every -attempt of speculation to penetrate their nature, and so enquirers -saw themselves forced to consult History. But the merest superficial -glance at the treatment of Venereal disease by its Historians (and -this applies equally to Leprosy) will show that little more than an -insufficient collection of materials towards an actual History of the -disease has thus far seen the light; and this in spite of the fact that -no contemptible number of the most distinguished Scholars have devoted -time and trouble to the subject, in many cases making it their life’s -work. - -However, if the matter is looked into more closely, it will be evident -that a large proportion of these scholars directed their attention to -one single point only, viz. the antiquity and time of origin of the -Disease; and regarded all the other factors only in so far as they -supported one or other of the views they had formulated. Besides the -co-ordination of these factors is seen to be so loose that no general -result of any stringency could ever be obtained. The few men whose -definite purpose it was to arrive at such a result, failed, in view of -the difficulty of collecting the material, to reach the completeness -they had proposed, and so deferred working up what they had accumulated -till death put an end to their enterprise. In especial this was the -case with _Hensler_, and the non-appearance of the Second Part of his -History of the Venereal Disease must doubtless long continue to be -mourned as an irreparable loss. - -The Past, on which all experience must draw, affords us so little -assistance here that it is to the Future we must look for everything. -The Present cannot show us in existence any history of Venereal disease -as we understand it, but this in no way entitles it to deny the -possibility of such a History. Thus it is of the highest importance -to make the attempt to arrange and sift the material now ready and -accessible, so far as it concerns the Venereal Disease, on principles -conformable to the Conception and proper Contents as indicated above -of the History of a Disease, and for this a relative completeness of -the collected materials suffices. If in this way we are successful in -sketching the history of Venereal Disease at any rate in its general -outlines, it can quite well be left to the continued efforts of -other Investigators to fill in the individual lines of the picture, -especially as then and then only is the particular point ascertained by -anticipation, at which later accessions must be worked in. - -In every History, what comes first and foremost is to get to know the -original Authorities from which the material for its treatment can be -drawn, and this forms the proper Contents of the _Literary_ history -of the Disease. Accordingly our first duty will be to give a general -survey of the literary helps lying ready to hand for the use of the -Historian of Venereal Disease, and at the same time to specify how far -these were accessible to ourselves. Thus the reader will be enabled -at the very outset to form a judgement as to the completeness of the -information supplied; and succeeding Enquirers will learn the gaps that -are left remaining for them to fill up. - -This will conclude a Survey of the historical results so far obtained -in connection with the antiquity and time of origin of the Disease; and -it will then be possible to indicate the special Scheme we propose to -follow in our treatment of the task before us. - - -Abstract of Opinions advanced at various Periods on the question of the - Antiquity and First Rise of the Venereal Disease. - -The different Opinions advanced at various periods on the question of -the Antiquity and Origin of the Venereal Disease may at the outset be -brought under two main divisions, according as the disease is supposed -to have been already known to the Ancients and from their time onwards -to have been continuously observed, _or_ on the other hand regarded as -having first arisen in the ninetieth year of the XVth. Century. Both -views were framed much about the same time, and depended largely on the -position and education of the person delivering judgement. The former -may be styled the view of the learned, the latter the popular view, -though indeed at their first inception it was not so much scientific -reasons in either case as men’s prejudices that formed their basis. - -The few really learned Physicians of the end of XVth. Century and -beginning of the XVIth. took as the theme of their study not Nature but -rather the medical Writings of the Greeks and Arabians, a field that -had long been left unappropriated by them, and all were far too firmly -convinced, that _Hippocrates_, and still more _Galen_ and _Avicenna_ -had already included in their Works everything that could ever be the -subject of scientific treatment at any given time. - -Attention was concentrated upon the Skin Affection that was the -predominant form at first, and this was naturally enough taken for a -kind of Leprosy, and called sometimes Elephantiasis (_Seb. Aquilanus_, -_Phil. Beroaldus_), sometimes “Formica” (_Schellig_, _Cumanus_, -_Gilinus_, _Leonicenus_, _Steber_), by others “Saphat” (_J. Widmann_, -_Nat. Montesaurus_, _Jul. Tanus_, _Jo. de Fogueda_, _Sim. Pistor_). -Hence the view advanced subsequently by _Sydenham_, _Haller_, _Plenk_, -_Thierry_, _Haward_, and held for a time by _Sprengel_, that the -original form of the Venereal Disease was the “Yaws” or “Piana”, and -consequently that Africa must be assigned as the original home of the -disease; and in this way the Moors also were brought in as part of the -concatenation. Later on, when the conviction grew up that the beginning -of the Disease consists in local affections of the genital organs, -it was easy to show that these had always been in existence from the -most ancient times. But as no direct information on the relation -between affections of the Genitals and Skin-disease was to be found in -the earlier Writers, enquirers were driven to the supposition, that -Syphilitic affections of the Skin had been confounded by the Ancients -with Leprosy. - -A view, which _Becket_ first sought to establish on precise grounds, -appeared on the contrary too bold to other investigators, who thought -to find some way of evading it. This was to the effect that Leprosy -under favourable conditions had changed into Venereal Disease, and -the increased rarity of the former seemed to speak for this opinion. -Supporters of this last view are in especial _Sprengel_ and _Choulant_ -in his Preface to Fracastori’s “Syphilis”. Whilst the particular home -of the Disease was fixed in this way by some authors, _Swediaur_ and -_Beckman_ thought to find it in the East Indies, and held that the -“Dschossam”, a familiar Indian disease, or else the “Persian Fire” -must be looked upon as the original form of the Complaint. _Schaufus_ -agreed with them in part; he believed Venereal disease to have been -brought by the Gypsies from India to Europe. _Dr. Wizmann_[3] made -the disease arise in the IInd. Century in Dacia, which at that date -was transformed into a Roman Colony and had to welcome the licentious -Roman soldiery. The excesses of these colonists, in a strange climate, -and seconded by a combination of conditions favourable to epidemic -sickness, produced the disease, which he says is generated to this -day in its genuine form in Turkey. Accordingly _Wizmann_, as also -_Sprengel_ and _Choulant_, and to some extent _Gruner_, who considered -the Moors to be the parents of the Venereal disease, may be regarded as -taking up an intermediate position between the two extreme views, and -as making a sort of transition to the opinions of those who look upon -the Disease as a new one. - -The special supporters of this view were, as mentioned above, the -non-medical, though a considerable number of men calling themselves -Physicians agreed with them, though on other grounds, differing only -as to the mode in which the Disease arose. The prevailing astrological -views found the original cause of the Disease in the Conjunction of -the Planets, a conjunction declared beforehand by prophecy to bode -disaster. With this were included as contributing to the effect -Inundations, the oppressed condition of Nations, Famine and the -like. The disease was called an epidemic, or what at that period was -practically synonymous, a pestilential disease, a Plague, and ascribed -of course to the wrath of God. There were other accounts given, that -still carry some show of probability; the Disease was referred to the -poisoning of wells and of wine (Caesalpinus), to the admixture of -gypsum with the flour (Fallopia), or actually to indulgence in human -flesh. - -When coition could no longer be denied as an interposing factor, rumour -resorted to all sorts of wild tales, the copulation of a courtesan with -a Leper, copulation with animals, and particularly with asses, and -finally with the voluptuous Indian women of America. From the latter -story grew up by degrees the theory of the American origin of Venereal -Disease, which found its chief supporters in _Astruc_ and _Girtanner_, -and in spite of Hensler’s exertions seems even yet not absolutely -forgotten. - - - General Scheme of Treatment. - -It now becomes important to consider more closely these various views, -as well as the reasons advanced for them, and to subject them to -examination. But as the result of this examination will cover to some -extent the same ground as the formal History, it will be expedient to -treat the two as far as possible in connection with one another. By -this method it will _ipso facto_ appear how far the individual views -are tenable, and how far the grounds alleged in their favour valid. And -this is all the more necessary for two reasons, first because by this -means a host of repetitions is avoided, secondly because only in this -way are such gaps as still remain clearly recognised and made tangible. - -All the different views fall, as already stated, into two groups, -according as they maintain the antiquity or the modernness of the -Venereal Disease. In conformity with this division we must separate -our investigation from the outset into two parts, of which Part I is -to comprise the Venereal Disease in Antiquity, Part II the Venereal -Disease to the end of the XVth. Century. To this will be added further -as a Third Part, the History of the Disease down to our own day. - -Each of the two earlier Parts will open, in accordance with the views -declared above, with a statement and examination of the Authorities. - -After that will follow an investigation of the influences that evoked -diseases as a consequence of the use or misuse of the Genital organs -and are favourable to their genesis, as well as those influences -capable of staying, or in the case of diseases already established, -modifying their progress. The difficulty of such an investigation is as -striking as is its necessity; for on this subject there is an almost -total lack of previous Works of any use to consult; and yet it is only -by their help we can possibly win a deeper insight into the history of -Venereal Disease. - -The attitude of medical Science in face of these influences and their -consequences will next claim our attention, so far as it is competent -to exert a determining and modifying effect on the form and character -of the Disease. In this connection it is especially important to -determine whether the Physicians correctly diagnosed these diseases for -what they are, or generally speaking had any opportunity of doing so. - -Having come to a clear understanding, as far as is possible, on -all these points, we shall then be in a position to give a genetic -exposition of the development of the Disease itself. This will form the -conclusion of each separate part, as well as of the whole Work; and -then and then only we shall be able to say our task is fulfilled. - - - - - THE PLAGUE OF LUST IN CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY. - - FIRST PART. - - - - - AUTHORITIES. - - -In Antiquity we find that for a considerable length of time the medical -sciences were far from being confined to a distinct profession, and -further, where this does seem to be the case, there is always a not -insignificant proportion of such knowledge that comes to us merely -as popular or traditional Medicine. It is therefore evident, that if -we would gain definite information as to the existence of a Disease -among the Ancients, we ought by no means to confine our attention to -the medical writers. This becomes still more necessary, if we are -bound at the same time to try and discover the ætiological relations -of such a disease, of which it can be stipulated at the outset that it -is intimately connected with the whole life and activity of peoples. -The Historian accordingly is absolutely compelled to test and examine -thoroughly everything that can possibly enlighten him as to these -relations,—to interrogate the Literature of whole Nations. - -But here comes in the drawback that only comparatively speaking a very -restricted proportion of the Authors of Antiquity have come down to us, -even after due account has been taken of the possibility that many an -unknown author may lurk concealed in some corner or other of the globe. -Then again the Authors that _have_ been preserved are almost without -exception Greeks or Romans, so that for the major part of the nations -of Antiquity the national authorities are all but entirely lacking, -or else, where something of the sort does exist, it is written in -a language the correct interpretation of which is still partially -to seek. From all this it clearly follows that a complete and final -explanation of any controverted matter of Ancient times can never -strictly speaking be expected, and in particular that it would be a -very rash conclusion to declare positively that a Disease did not exist -in Antiquity, _because_ in the extant and known books no mention occurs -of it. - -But in as much as this general incompleteness of information exists -with regard to all relations of Antiquity, and yet for many of them -sufficient explanations have already been obtained, it is obviously -incumbent on us to undertake for our subject also the enquiry how far -the extant authorities are capable of throwing light on it,—a task that -exceeds indeed the powers of any individual, even should he be able to -bring to it all the qualifications indispensable for the understanding -of the said authorities. Consequently there is no other course left -open for him but to institute at the outset a survey of what has so far -been accomplished and ascertained, and then to bring into line with -this whatever he has gleaned from his own study of the authorities, -in the hope that another enquirer, like-minded and better equipped, -may follow on in the track of his endeavours, and so by dint of united -efforts the intended goal may one day be reached. - -It would be unprofitable for us, having laid claim, as authorities for -our special enquiry into the ætiological relations, to the remains -of Antiquity in their entirety, to consider them in detail in this -place. At the same time it might well seem expedient to specify more -exactly such of them as are in a position to afford us information as -to the Disease itself. These fall into two classes, viz. physicians -and laymen. The estimation of the first class as authorities for the -Venereal disease demands a number of conditions which we shall only get -to know in the course of our subsequent exposition of the ætiological -relations themselves, and will therefore more conveniently find its -place after this,—in that part of the work where the question is -discussed of the influence of medical aid on the disease. Similarly -only a part of the lay authorities come in here,—authorities from -whom, as may be supposed, we have only to expect rather fragmentary -information, but who are all the more important, when they do exist, as -by their evidence is proved men’s wide, in fact universal, acquaintance -with the disease; and they cannot be charged with having made their -observations of it through such or such a pair of theoretical -spectacles. - -The more copious the materials the Historian provides as to the -ætiological relations, the more scanty will be his contributions on the -question of the existence of the disease, as historical characters of -highest importance, or conspicuous frequency of the disease, give him -occasion to mention it. - -The case is different, from the first with the _Poets_. The _Satirists_ -and _writers of Comedy_ it is true can only supply hints, and these -are often quite unintelligible for later times, if Scholiasts and -Commentators had not taken on them the task of explanation,—though -again their statements must often be used with caution, as they are -so apt to impute to earlier times the opinions of their own. But here -also the field of these hints is very circumscribed, as they are only -admissible so far as it is possible to extract from the subject-matter -a ridiculous, satirical _motif_ (_versus iocosi_, _carmina plena -ioci_,—jesting verses, songs full of jest, are demanded by the very -personality of Priapus); and even then acquaintance with the fact -alluded to in general terms is presupposed on the part of hearer and -reader. We see from this how ill-considered is the contention of those -who say that poets like _Horace_, _Juvenal_ or _Martial_, if they had -been acquainted with the injurious consequences of sexual intercourse -with Hetaerae, could hardly have failed to allude to them on occasion -in _unequivocal_ terms. Hensler[4] excellently observed long ago:—“In -our Century certainly no German poet says one word about it,—neither -the dallying light-o’-love versifiers nor the serious poets. But from -this to draw the conclusion,—_then_ Venereal disease did not exist -among the people, _then_ it has never been seen in Germany this year, -would make physicians and barber-surgeons smile!” - -Then again consider the widely different character of the Peoples and -their Languages. The flowery Asiatic and Hindoo was, to begin with, -far enough removed from the spirit of Satire, and on all occasions -preferred to have recourse to images that to us may well seem more -than obscure. The Greek writers of Iambi (Satiric verses in the Iambic -metre) are all but completely lost to us, while of the Comedians -we possess only _Aristophanes_, in the interpretation of whom we -are certainly not yet far enough advanced to make all his allusions -plain to us. Above all, those who pronounce so dogmatically as to the -existence of the Disease on the evidence of hints, appear to have -hardly a notion of the condition in which the Lexicography of both -Greek and Latin is,—a condition still in many respects deplorable. - -Besides this the Greeks, and for a time to an almost greater degree the -Romans,[5] were above all things reticent in speech. The Roman still -preserved intact through all the frivolity of his later days certain -shrines, that were never broken open until the period of the utter -corruption of morals; and then no doubt afforded all the richer booty. -But in Satire it was not the fact that became matter of derision, but -the habits of the voluptuary merely _as affecting morality_, as for -instance is clearly seen from a perusal of the passages of Juvenal[6] -read in their mutual connection. Moreover the following account will -sufficiently prove that even among the Romans affections of thee -genitals were never ascribed to _natural_, only to _unnatural_ coition, -Paederastia and the like; and that it was the vice that was derided, -and not properly speaking its consequences. - -After the Satirists come the _Epigrammatic poets_, near akin to them. -Whether in this province the Greeks will afford much material, later -investigations must decide; how abundantly the Roman _Martial_ has -rewarded our repeated perusals, the reader will soon be enabled to -convince himself. - -From the _Erotic poets_ who composed their lays under the inspiration -of Aphrodité surrounded by the Graces or of the roguish Eros, no one -will expect to gain anything towards our object. The fact that the -_lascivious_ Erotic writers of Antiquity have for the most part been -lost can only be deplored by the Historian of the Venereal disease; for -undoubtedly such works were in existence in considerable profusion, -only as in our own day they were carefully kept concealed from the -eyes of the uninitiated. That the Greeks were not poor in such-like -productions Cynulcus teaches us, who says to a Sophist[7]: “Thou -lyest in the tavern, not in company with friends, but with harlots, -hast a throng of panders round thee, and carriest always with thee -the works of _Aristophanes_, _Apollodorus_, _Ammonius_, _Antiphanes_ -and the Athenian _Gorgias_, _who all of them have written of the -Athenian Hetaerae_. One may fitly call thee a _Pornograph_, like the -painters _Aristides_, _Pausanias_ and _Nicophanes_.” Writings of the -same character were still extant in _Martial’s_[8] time, for the -lascivious epigrams on the walls of the grottos, temples and statues of -Priapus[9], on garden-walls, and so forth, afforded an inexhaustible -mine for collecting amateurs, to whom we owe the Priapeia that have -come down to the present day. Had they all been preserved to posterity, -we should doubtless have had no need to bewail the lack of clear -information as to the Venereal disease among the Ancients. - -Connected with the poems are the myths and legends of Antiquity. These -however being difficult to understand when studied for their own sake -owing to the confusion that still reigns in all the interpretations and -discussions of them, hardly admit of being used for our purpose with -advantage. - -Finally we have yet to mention the Fathers as authorities for the -history of the Venereal disease, for their “Orationes contra Gentes” -(Denunciations of the Gentiles) especially afford much valuable -material towards a knowledge of the moral condition of the nations -of Antiquity. True it is very likely these only too willingly allow -exaggerations at the cost of Paganism, and attribute to an earlier time -as already existing then, what really belongs to their own day. Still -these drawbacks lose much of their importance in so far as the question -for the present is only,—whether previously to the end of the XVth. -Century the Venereal Disease existed or no. - -The difficulties that arise in the systematic study and manipulation -of all these authorities require no further discussion here, being -sufficiently well known to every investigator of Antiquity—be he -physician or layman. - - - - - FIRST SECTION. - - -Influences which promoted the generation of Disease consequent upon the - Use or Misuse of the Genital Organs. - - § 1. - - -Directly it becomes a question of studying the diseases of a particular -part or organ, diseases occasioned by the nature of the use made -of that particular part or organ, it is primarily requisite to -investigate more precisely the different forms of this use. Then and -then only shall we be in a position to define the share which secondary -influences are competent to have in producing the said diseases. The -_natural_ use of the genital organs is simply the performance of the -acts necessary to beget children. On this depends the preservation -of the whole species. It is therefore improbable that Nature should -have made such use liable to produce disease. As a matter of fact the -experience of all ages shows that in a judicious marriage, the natural -aim and object of which is the procreation of children, diseases of the -genitals seldom, if ever, arise. - -There must then be a secondary use of the genital organs, which is -carried out without any view of begetting offspring, or in which -this plays only a subordinate part, and consequently some other -than the _natural_ object is that pursued. This object is _Sensual -gratification_, which is associated with the use of the genital organs, -and the use of the genital organs for the attainment of this object is -_Sensuality_. Every misuse of any given organ cannot but be associated -with detriment both to the organ itself and to the whole organism as -well. This must of course also be the case with the genitals,[10] -and it is in the misuse of them, in Sensual practices, that the most -prominent efficient cause of maladies of these organs must be sought. -Now it is our business to give a history of the maladies of the genital -organs; and this is only possible on the condition that we have first -of all gained a clear insight into the history of Sensuality. - -Doubtless it is a melancholy task for the Historian to follow up and -reveal the moral degradation of Peoples and Nations even to its most -revolting details, and the Ethical philosopher might find not a few -objections to raise against an undertaking of the kind. None the less -is the Physician compelled to search out under all forms the traces -of Vice in its most secret hiding-places, and so fathom the nature of -the Disease in each individual case; and still more with Nations as a -whole is he permitted,—nay! it is his bounden duty, to fix his eyes on -their doings and those of each of their component parts. Thus only can -he detect the nature of a Disease, which destroys the marrow of Peoples -more surely and more terribly for this very reason that its genesis -proceeds in secret. - -The reproach that the Moral repute of Nations is hereby ruined, and -the general mass saddled with the guilt of vices which of course only -individuals ever committed, has no place here, for it is solely through -the precise knowledge of the doings of these individuals that a due -appreciation is possible of the danger that threatens the whole body -politic from this source. Had not a false ideal of Morality hitherto -restrained the individual, as it did the mass, from speaking out the -truth, we should be much farther advanced than we are in the knowledge -of a Disease, whose characteristic symptom it is that those who suffer -from it endeavour, as far as they possibly can, to conceal its cause! - - - The Cult of Venus[11]. - - § 2. - - -The imaginative son of the South, already of his very nature prone to -attribute all that his unpractised intellect failed to comprehend to -the influence of a special Deity, was bound to do this pre-eminently -in the case of an act that is even yet to us moderns wrapped in -impenetrable obscurity,—the act of generation and conception. How -could he think of this Deity[12], that used his own body as its -instrument and in so doing bestowed on him the highest pleasure of the -senses, otherwise than under the shape of a Being equally alluring and -loving, convinced that this Being must be infinitely more alluring[13] -than even the beloved form that he held in his arms? “The young man’s -fancy” craves a lovely maiden; the maiden needed a loving sister, into -whose arms she could trustingly throw herself, who intuitively divined -all her soft, sweet emotions, to express which she sought in vain for -words, which she scarce dared to own to herself that she was conscious -of, and understood them! - -To the Goddess’ Temple she wandered, before her poured out the longings -that filled her heart to overflowing[14], and at the last offered up -herself a gift at the holy place, that so Aphrodité Ἀφροδίτη εὔκαρπος, -κουροτρόφος, γενετύλλις,—Aphrodité rich in fruit, giving offspring, of -the birth-hour) might be glorified in her, and herself be a participant -in the highest happiness of Woman,—the joys of Motherhood. First she -prepared herself by bodily purification[15] before she trod the -Temple threshold, then at the Temple altar she received spiritual -purity; and thus thrilled through and through with the influence of the -holiest, the Priest’s hand[16] led her to the arms of her Lover, who -as unspoiled yet and unsophisticated as she, had not sought to unveil -the most august secrets of Nature with audacious hand. Intoxicated with -rapture he drew his darling on to the Torus (sacred couch) bedecked -with fragrant blossoms, and almost unconsciously to himself, became the -creator of a being wherein both saw themselves made young again. - -If Man is really the noblest of created Beings, made by the Creator -in his own image, in very truth then the power that unconsciously -raises Man to the level of his Maker must be a divine power too, and -that act in the exercise of which it comes itself into play an act of -most sublime worship. Are we to suppose there never was a time when -Man, pure as he came from the hand of his Creator, followed in the -singleness of his heart no other law but that written in his heart? -Surely not merely in the dreams of the Poet was found the legend of an -Eden, from which Man was driven out by his own guilt; more true to say -that to this day we are all of us born therein. But alas! others’ guilt -or our own tears us away from out the garden of Paradise, ere we have -yet been able often to raise our eyes to take delight in its glory. -Thus it is that many a man now and again has the memory of a Dream, -that accompanies him on his pilgrimage through life, and he hopes to -find in the future what long ago, before he grew conscious of its -existence, became a thing of the past. Perchance it may be the fatal -tasting of the fruit of the Tree of Knowledge was nothing else than the -misuse of the genital organs, to content bestial longings, to arouse -the titillation of an enervating pruriency[17]. “And the eyes of them -both were opened, and they knew that they were naked!” The bestial had -won the victory over the divine, which fled away from the desecrated -altar; and the Genius of Mankind wept over their Fall! - -Here is the History at once of Man individually and of whole Peoples. -Over the Temple-worship of Aphrodité also impended such a crisis; -and sooner or later the holy courts of Venus Urania (Heavenly Venus) -changed into the Lupanar of Venus Vulgivaga (Brothel of Venus of the -Streets). - - - § 3. - -A precise knowledge of the extension of the Venus-cult in chronological -order would readily supply us the means of following up historically -the moral deterioration of the Peoples of Antiquity; but so long as we -do not possess this, History cannot be expected to give us anything of -great value. All that we are for the present in a position to give, -pertinent to the object we aim at, is as follows: - -“The worship of this Urania,” says Pausanias[18], “the Assyrians first -introduced amongst themselves, after the Assyrians the Paphians in -Cyprus[19], and among the Phoenicians[20] the inhabitants of Ascalon in -Palestine. From the Phoenicians the inhabitants of Cythera[21] learned -to know and worship her. At Athene Aegeus introduced her worship.” It -was at Babylon then that the cult of Venus originated as _Mylitta_ -worship, spread over the inland parts to Mesopotamia as the Sabaean[22] -religion, and was passed on by the Phoenicians to the seaboard peoples -as Astarté-worship. For at the spot where this cult first arose, it -lasted longest in its original purity, and _Herodotus_[23] could report -how at Babylon the daughters of the country were compelled _once_ in -their life-time to give themselves for money to a strange man to win -the favour of the goddess, then to return to their dwelling all the -more virtuous for the sin, and neither promises nor gifts, however -great these might be, availed ever again to draw them into the arms of -a stranger. Later indeed it was different even here, perhaps through -the influence of the Phoenicians, who had manifold dealings with them. -For _Herodotus_ himself relates elsewhere (Bk. I. 196), that after the -capture of Babylon by the Persians, the poorer classes, dreading the -forcible abduction of their daughters, if means of subsistence failed -them, made them harbour-wenches[24]. And accordingly _Q. Curtius_[25] -felt bound to write of Babylon: - -“Nihil urbis eius corruptius moribus, nihil ad irritandas -illiciendasque immodicas voluptates instructius. Liberos coniugesque -cum hospitibus stupro coire, modo pretium flagitii detur, parentes -maritique patiuntur.... Feminarum convivia ineuntium in principio -modestus est habitus, dein summa quaeque amicula exuunt, paulatimque -pudorem profanant: ad ultimum ... ima corporum velamenta proiiciunt; -nec meretricum hoc dedecus est sed matronarum virginumque apud quas -comitas habetur vulgati corporis vilitas.” - -(Nothing can well be more corrupt than the manners of this City, -nothing more artfully adapted to excite the passions and allure to -voluptuous excesses. Strangers are permitted by parents and husbands, -provided the price of shame is forthcoming, to have lustful intercourse -with their children and their wives.... At their first entrance to the -banquet-room the women’s dress is modest, presently they remove their -outer robes one by one, and little by little violate all modesty, ... -at the last stripping off the innermost coverings of their persons. And -this is no mere abomination of harlots, but the habit of matrons and -maids, who consider that in thus making themselves cheap and exposing -their bodies they are showing courtesy). This custom we find again -carried still further amongst the Armenians, who _Strabo_[26][27] says -consecrate their daughters for some considerable length of time to -Anaitis, and only after this suffer them to marry. _Herodotus_[28] -relates the same custom of the Lydians, degenerated in the same -way as had been the case in later times at Babylon, for here too -the lower classes used to abandon their daughters to prostitution -for a livelihood. Still in its original purity the usage reached -the Phoenicians[29], but with them also would seem to have early -degenerated, although in particular towns of Phoenicia the practice -appears to have been followed only under certain circumstances. -_Lucian_[30] relates that the women, of Byblus, where was a Temple of -Ἀφροδίτη βυβλίη (Venus of Byblos), _if_ they would not allow their hair -to be cut off at the Funeral-feast of Adonis, were bound in honour of -Venus for one whole day to abandon their bodies to strangers. Among the -Carthaginians[31] also, as in Cyprus[32], maidens had to earn their -dowry, and the Tyrant Dionysius introduced the same custom, no doubt -with a secondary design of a profit for himself, amongst the people of -Locri.[33] - - - § 4. - -As to the _reason_ for this custom, one might be found in the opinion -that prevailed almost universally in Antiquity amongst the Asiatic -peoples, that the first-fruits of everything were consecrate to the -Deity, and accordingly the virgin’s hymen must be offered up to Venus. -But this will not in any way explain why the self-surrender must nearly -always take place with a _Stranger_ (ἀνδρὶ ξείνῳ) of all people in the -world. _Heyne_[34] and _Fr. Jacobs_[35], who paid special attention to -this custom, are it is true agreed in thinking that a religious motive -lay at the bottom of it, though they differ in their conception of what -it was; but neither of them hit on the right explanation. A careful -distinction must be made between the _Ceremony_ and the _Act_ of the -self-surrender. The first was a matter of religion, the second not; for -the women were conveyed at Babylon outside the Temple-precincts, in -Cyprus to the sea-shore, for the purpose of yielding their bodies to -strangers[36]. Had the act been regarded at that period as a religious -one, it would of necessity have been practised, as was the case before -and again later, in the Temple or at least within its precincts, and of -course with fellow-countrymen, strangers not being allowed to take part -in any native religious practice. - -The discrepancies however soon disappear if it is remembered that in -Antiquity, as to this day amongst many savage peoples, not only was the -menstrual blood (of which more fully later) held to be impure, but also -the blood that flowed, when a virgin was deflowered, from the rupture -of the hymen, and consequently the act of defloration as well. The same -held good in the case of coition with widows, because it was believed -that with them the menstrual blood accumulated in greater quantity, -then was discharged on occasion of the first coition, and must -necessarily cause injury to the man. This also explains why _Herodotus_ -(loco citato) says γυναῖκες (women) and not simply κόραι or παρθένοι -(girls, virgins); and removes at once _Heyne’s_ doubts (p. 32) and the -difficulties raised by _Heeren_[37]. - -The dwellers on the sea-coast, who enjoyed more active intercourse -with the rest of the world, left to strangers the polluting act of -defloration, whilst among inland peoples this office was undertaken -for those of the higher classes[38] by the priests, or else an idol, -specially appropriated for the purpose, a Priapus or Lingam (see -later) was employed. Subsequently several mistaken reasons may well -have been alleged for the custom; the only idea that continued to be -consistently held was that defloration was not a proper function of -the bridegroom. It was rather made a matter of honour, and accordingly -brides offered themselves first to the wedding-guests, as among the -Nasomonians in Africa[39] and in the Balearic Islands[40], where the -right of preference went by age. - -We must then take into consideration _several_ causal factors to help -us to an explanation of the custom in question. The original motive -may very well have been in every case the consecration of the maiden’s -virginity to the goddess,[41]—Hieroduli (Temple hand-maids) in the -earlier meaning. Further again the maiden was bound to pay her tribute -to the goddess of sexual Pleasure[42], so as to co-operate with the -husband with a view to the procreation of children. Little by little -the custom lost its purer character. After a time it ceased to be any -longer one of universal obligation, and became binding only for the -poorer classes, who found in it an opportunity of earning a dowry[43] -for their daughters. Meantime the rich adopted the habit of presenting -female slaves to the temple of the goddess, thereby giving occasion -for the establishment of the regular Hieroduli,—who subsequently grew -into _filles de joie_ in the proper sense, and laying the foundation -of the brothel system (see later). Out of the idea of consecration -was subsequently developed on the one hand that of initiation for the -married state,—an idea found again in the “proof-nights” custom of the -Middle Ages, and on the other the idea of bondage that grew into the -“Jus primae noctis” (Right of first night). - -As second factor then must be reckoned the belief in the harmfulness -of the blood resulting from rupture of the hymen at defloration; and -connected with this the actual injury that the man’s genital organs -are occasionally exposed to in deflowering a maid with narrow vaginal -orifice, or at any rate the effort necessarily called for to perforate -the hymen, a motive not without actual weight amongst indolent -Asiatics[44]. To this day the bridegroom at Goa gives thanks to the -_Priapus_ (Lingam), that has loosed his bride’s virgin-zone, with -marks of the deepest adoration and gratitude for having performed this -honourable service and so relieved him of a heavy task[45]. - -For the maid defloration is yet more painful, and as she had to go -through it once and once only with a stranger, she might readily get -the idea that it was the stranger alone that was to blame; consequently -that every surrender to a stranger must involve the same sufferings. -This would deter her from a second experience of the kind, and all the -more so because the subsequent embraces of the husband stirred in her -only pleasurable sensations. So the wife had no inducement to break the -marriage vow. - - - § 5. - -When and under what circumstances the cult of Venus first came into -_Greece_ can hardly be discovered, though indeed _Pausanias_ states in -the passage quoted above that it was Aegeus (Erechtheus) who brought it -to Athens. For a long period it played only a subordinate part, being -kept under by the primeval god Eros (Love)[46]. No doubt the physical -element may have come in early times from abroad[47], but before long -the stamp of the spiritual was strongly impressed upon it (the Graces -were added as handmaidens to Aphrodité!),—so strongly that the idea -of the procreating power fell henceforth into the background, to give -place to that of Love, an idea that was entirely foreign to Asia. The -amalgamation of Eros and Aphrodité, who was now first hallowed by him, -or as the poet puts it, now first brought forward into the assemblage -(Order) of the Gods, came about so gradually and imperceptibly that -it would hardly be possible to obtain a clear conception of the views -of the Greeks on the point. In consequence of the growing intercourse -with the peoples of Asia, and particularly the Phoenicians[48], -foreign customs and usages came to be introduced and adopted with ever -increasing frequency; and during the flourishing period of Greece -we see the Asiatic character of the Venus ritual come into ever -greater prominence, and the goddess herself in a sense re-introduced. -Especially was this the case in the Islands and the seaport-towns, -where as a rule the worship of Aphrodité first arose. Hence she was -entitled the goddess “born of the (Sea) Foam”, and temples were built -to her as “Protectress of Havens.”[49] - -But the Greek genius found this physical Cult too strongly opposed -to its own spirit. The Greek could not bring it into unison with his -Eros-worship; and accordingly distinguished his goddess, under the name -of Aphrodité Urania (Heavenly Aphrodité)[50], from that worshipped by -other Peoples as Aphrodité Pandemos[51] (Aphrodité Common to all Men). -The latter was relegated to the Islands[52], and particularly Cyprus; -and never properly speaking became a national Deity. - -It is very interesting as a general fact that the Venus Urania always -belongs, so it appears, to the inland regions, the Venus Pandemos on -the contrary to the sea-ports and islands[53]; for it was as a rule -from East to West along the coast-lines that the Asiatic form of the -Cult spread, a thing that could not have happened except through the -instrumentality of a people early practising navigation, such as the -Phoenicians. - -It cannot fail to have an important bearing on our subject to make -a more precise acquaintance with the geographical distribution of -the Venus-cult. We propose to give here a brief enumeration of the -localities where she had her temples. The passages in evidence for this -will be found given with tolerable completeness in _Manso_,—p. 46, also -pp. 158 sqq. - -In _Cyprus_: at Paphos, whither came yearly a great concourse of people -at the festival time[54]; in _Pamphilia_; _in Asia Minor_; along the -_Coast-line of the Aegean_; in Caria (Cnidos); Halicarnassus; Miletus; -Ephesus; Sardis; Pergamus; Pyrrha; Abydos (Aphrodité πόρνη—harlot); in -_Thessaly_; at Tricca; in _Boeotia_, (Tanagra—on the Sea); in _Attica_, -(Athens, Colias, Pera[55], on the Cephissus); in the Islands of the -_Aegean Sea_, (Ceos, Cos, Samos, where the temple was built from the -earnings of the Hetaerae); in the _Peloponnese_: at Argolis, Epidaurus, -Troezen, Hermioné, (was visited by maids and widows before their -marriage); in _Laconia_, (Amyclae, Cythera); _Arcadia_, (Megalopolis, -Tegea, Orcomenus); _Elis_, (Olympia, Elis); _Achaia_, (Patrae, -Corinth); on the _Coast of the Corinthian Gulf_. From Greece we come to -_Sicily_, where the temple of Venus on Mount _Eryx_ was hardly inferior -to that of Paphos, also at Syracuse[56]. - -Not without importance for our purpose is the statement of -_Strabo_[57], that in the island of Cos in the temple of Aesculapius -was an effigy of Venus Anadyomené (coming from the bath), while -according to _Pausanias_[58] in a wood near the temple of the same god -at Epidaurus was built a chapel of Aphrodité, since very possibly this -may throw some light on the question of the knowledge of complaints of -the genital organs possessed by the physicians of Cos. _Böttiger_[59] -is of opinion that it was from the infirmaries and lazarettos of -the Phoenicians that the earliest medical science of the Greeks was -introduced—to the island of Cos; to Aegina, on the Peloponnesian -coasts, especially at Epidaurus. Probably these establishments were -originally under the protection of the national deity, until the latter -was superseded by the god Aesculapius. - -As regards the cult of Aphrodité itself and the manner in which it was -celebrated in Greece, there appears to be a great lack of particulars -capable of supplying a general knowledge of the subject, and especially -so where the Pandemian Aphrodité is concerned. Accordingly we will -limit ourselves here to mentioning the female _Hieroduli_[60] who as -bondswomen of Aphrodité dwelt within the precinct of her Temple, and -performed the necessary observances in her honour. These were, as -already pointed out, of Asiatic origin, and to be found in greater -numbers particularly at Ameria[61] and Comana[62] in Pontus, where -they united with the temple-service the traffic of their bodies, (τῶν -ἐργαζομένων ἀπὸ τοῦ σώματος—of women who traffic with their body), just -as in later times male Hieroduli gave up their persons for Paederastia. - -When the cult of Venus came into Greece, the Hieroduli were introduced -along with it. But they stripped off in Greece their Asiatic character, -which they assumed again only in particular sea-port towns at the -period of the decline of the moral greatness of the Nation, in places -where the temple of Aphrodité Πόρνη (Harlot) was found. Specially was -this so at Corinth[63], in which city were more than a thousand female -Hieroduli, who were presented as slaves to the Temple. These attracted -a great concourse of strangers to the place, and in particular used -to prey upon sea-faring visitors. Possibly however in this case as in -others a confusion took place between the Hieroduli properly so-called -and the Hetaerae (Lady-Companions), who were euphemistically entitled -Priestesses, Handmaids of Aphrodité, because they were under the -patronage of that goddess, just as in a general way sexual enjoyment -was called an offering to Venus. - -This would offer the best solution of the question, early debated, of -the morality of the Hieroduli. It was quite opposed to Greek feeling to -worship Aphrodité after the Asiatic manner in her temples; and so the -Greek distinguished his Venus Urania from the Venus Pandemos, and on -the same principle separated her temples into two categories, and made -the temples of Aphrodité Pandemos, Porné and Praxis (Common to All, -Harlot, Sexual Intercourse) into the οἰκήματα τῆς Ἀφροδίτης (houses of -Aphrodité) serving as ordinary brothels, the latter being only intended -for Foreigners originally. - -How and under what form the cult of Venus came into Italy is uncertain, -but the legend represents Aeneas as having brought it from Troy to -Lavinium and Laurentum[64], and already in the time of Romulus a Venus -Myrtea (Venus of the Myrtle) was venerated at Rome. In addition a -Venus Cloacina, Erycina, Victrix, and Verticordia (Venus—the Purifier, -of Mount Eryx, of Victory, the Turner of Hearts) are mentioned, as -also a Venus _Calva_ (bald), whose worship King Ancus is said to have -introduced, at a time when the Roman women had lost their hair through -a plague and it had grown again by the help of Venus[65]. Not only are -the notices as to Venus worship in Italy very scanty, but everything on -the subject points to the fact that what there was of it in later times -showed little of the Asiatic impress; and we can conveniently leave -the matter where it is. Some questions belonging to the subject will be -discussed later under the heading _Brothels_. In Spain too the worship -of Venus was so unimportant that there is no need to enter more closely -into the point. - - - The Lingam and Phallic Worship. - - - § 6. - -Whilst the cult of Venus sprang up in the interior of Asia and was -disseminated from thence over other parts of the world, it is in -India that the Lingam ritual took its rise, a ritual more closely -corresponding with the egotism of man. The idea that was early -formed as the result of observation, that the man’s genitals were -the determining element in the process of generation, was bound to -conceive these organs themselves as being, in the prevailing system of -Pantheism, under the Government of a Deity, and therefore as specially -holy[66]. Now how could this Deity be represented to the eyes of men -otherwise than by that organ whereby he pre-eminently showed himself -efficacious? The later legend it is true put the matter into another -shape; and we find in _Sonnerat_[67] the myth of the Lingam-ritual -amongst the worshippers of Vishnu related in the following form: - -“The Penitents had by means of their sacrifices and prayers attained -great power; but their hearts and their wives’ hearts must ever -remain pure, if they would continue in possession of it. Now Siva -had heard the beauty of these latter highly extolled, and formed the -determination of seducing them. With this aim in view he took on him -the form of a young mendicant[68] of perfect beauty, bade Vishnu -transform himself into a fair maiden and resort to the spot where the -Penitents dwelt, in order to make them fall in love with him. Vishnu -betook himself thither, and as he passed through their midst threw them -such tender glances that they were all enamoured. They left all their -sacrifices to follow after the youthful fair one.[69] - -Their passions grew all the fiercer, till at last they seemed all -lifeless and their languishing bodies resembled wax that melts near the -fire. - -Siva himself hied to the dwelling-place of the women. In mendicant -guise he carried in one hand a water-bottle, and sang as he went, as -beggars do. Now his song was so entrancing, that all women gathered -round him, and thereupon under the gaze of the fair singer fell into -complete distraction. This was so great with some that they lost their -ornaments and clothing, and followed him in the garb of nature without -noticing the fact. - -When he had marched through the village, he left it, but not -unaccompanied, for all followed him into a neighbouring thicket, where -he had his will of them. Soon afterwards the Penitents became aware -that their sacrifices no longer possessed their former efficacy, and -_that their power was no more the same as before_. After a period of -pious contemplation they now learned that it had been Siva who in the -form of a Youth had seduced their wives into profligacy, and that they -themselves had been _led astray_ by Vishnu in the likeness of a Maid. - -Accordingly they determined to slay Siva by means of a sacrifice. - -(After many vain attempts), ashamed to have lost their honour without -being able to avenge themselves, they made a last desperate effort; -they united into one all their prayers and expiations, and directed -them against Siva. It was the most terrible of their sacrifices, and -God himself could not withstand the effects of its operation. They went -forth like a flame of fire and fastened on Siva’s organs of generation -and severed them from his body. Enraged with the Penitents, Siva now -resolved to set the whole world in conflagration to punish them. -The fire was already beginning to seize all around, when Vishnu and -Brahma, on whom it was incumbent to save the living creatures in the -world, thought of means to put a stop to it. Brahma took the form of a -pedestal (?) and Vishnu that of the female organs of generation, and in -this way copied Siva’s organs of generation, and thereby the universal -conflagration was stayed. Siva suffered himself to be appeased by their -prayers, and promised not to burn up the world, if men would pay divine -honours to the dissevered organs.” - -Now if we consider this myth, as related here, more closely, we can -scarcely avoid the suspicion that it is one of those that in later -times were fabricated in many forms and foisted in as genuine. For -it is entirely adapted to explain the origin of the Venereal disease -in a way that leaves little to be desired; for which reason it was -used by _Schaufus_ as the basis of his argument that the Venereal -disease was introduced into Europe from India. But on the other hand -this particular story is so accordant with the ancient creed of the -Hindoos in general that, if it is of later origin, it must have been -put together with the assistance of older legends. The continued union -with the god, the power which the Penitents owed to him, was connected -with purity of heart, with avoidance of sensuality[70]; directly they -indulged in the latter, they were deprived of the divine influence, -just as in the Mosaic legend resulted from the Fall of Man. This is -one part of the legend,—manifestly a double one, while the other -includes the punishment of the being who wrought this profanation. His -genitals were destroyed by burning, which was attacking the World (i.e. -men through the women seduced by Siva?), and ceased only through the -prayers of the Penitents, which again became efficacious; thereupon the -organs thus happily made sound again were suspended as thank-offerings -in the temple of the god. - -It would seem then that it was the sickness of the male genitals which -gave occasion for their consecration and worship; and this is so far -not inconsistent with reason, as the external position of the sexual -parts in the male make every affection and injury perceptible at -once with but little trouble, while the female organs lie in a more -concealed situation. So that to the present day diseases of the male -genitals are far more precisely known and appreciated than those of the -female. - -Should the enquirer push his search for an explanation further still, -he might, arguing from what is said as to Vishnu’s having copied -Siva’s sexual organs that had been blighted by the fire under the -form of female genitals, allege a sort of natural cause for the -conflagration, to wit the suggestion of a mode of cure which was -frequently recommended and practised in the Middle Ages, when persons -thought to drive away the clap by coition with virgins. But this is -surely nothing else than an explanation of the Lingam[71] superimposed -on the symbol of the _Juni_, the feminine principle, in the form of the -triangle, which Böttiger holds to be identical with the navel-stone of -the Paphian goddess. - -_F. G. Klein_[72] professes to have proved from annals of Malabar that -long before the discovery of the West Indies Venereal disease was -known in the East Indies, for the Malabar physicians _Sangarasiar_ -and _Alessianambi_, who lived more than nine hundred years ago, and -other physicians even before them, make mention he says of the Disease -and its cure by means of Mercury. But in Antiquity affections of the -genitals must have certainly been rarities amongst the inhabitants of -India, for the Greeks[73] count them amongst the longlived peoples, -as owing to their moderation they were subject to few diseases. Again -the climate of India is by no means to be considered as a factor -favourable to the disease, _Munro_[74] assuring us that simple herbs -and moderate mode of life make the Hindoo recover, when no European -could fail to succomb. - - - § 7. - -Whether the Phallus ritual in Egypt, where it is supposed to have -arisen from the generative organs of Osiris cut off by Typho, have -an Indian origin or no, it is impossible to decide[75]. But that it -existed is certain, for not only are miniature Phalli often found -with Mummies, but it was also portrayed in the Temple of Karnak[76]; -and Herodotus[77] mentions it, and adds at the same time that in the -statutes the Phalli were _movable_. Perhaps from it was developed in -part the cult of _Mendes_, of which we shall speak later. Although -_Herodotus_[78] declares that the Egyptians were the first people -who had forbidden the accomplishment of coition in the temples, yet -_Strabo_[79] writes that they dedicated to Zeus the fairest and -best-born maidens, whom the Greeks called Pallades, and compelled them -to give themselves to men until their menstruation began for the first -time, whereupon they were married. - -As regards Greece on the contrary there is scarcely a doubt that -the worship of Bacchus, and with it the Phallic ritual[80], was -transplanted to that country from India. To explain the occasion of -this introduction there is a legend related in the highest degree -worthy of attention in connection with the history of affections of the -genitals. It is told by _Natalis Comes_[81] in the following terms: - -“Fuerunt et Phallica in Dionysi honorum instituta, quae apud -Athenienses agebantur, apud quos primus Pegasus ille Eleutheriensis -Bacchi cultum instituit, in quibus cantabant quem ad modum Deus hic -morbo Athenienses liberavit et quem ad modum multorum bonorum auctor -mortalibus extitit. Fama est enim quod Pegaso imagines Dionysi ex -Eleutheris civitate Boeotiae in Atticam regionem portante Athenienses -Deum neglexerunt neque, ut mos erat, cum pompa acceperunt: _quare -Deus indignatus pudenda hominum morbo infestavit, qui erat illis -gravissimus_: tunc eis ab oraculo, quo pacto liberari possent -petentibus, responsum datum est: solum esse remedium malorum omnium, -si cum honore et pompa Deum recepissent; quod factum fuit. Ex ea re -tum privatim tum publice lignea virilia thyrsis alligantes per eam -solennitatem gestabant. Fuit enim Phallus vocatum membrum virile. Alii -Phallum ideo consecratum Dionyso putarunt, quia sit autor creditus -generationis.” - -(There were Phallic rites too established in honour of Dionysus, -(these were observed among the Athenians; for it was at Athens that -the far-famed Pegasus first established the worship of Eleutherian -Bacchus)[82], at which men chanted hymns telling how the god freed the -Athenians from a plague, and how he was the giver of many good gifts -to mortals. For the story relates that Pegasus brought the images of -Dionysus from Eleutherae, a city of Boeotia, to the land of Attica; but -the Athenians slighted the god, and did not, as was the wont, receive -him with a procession. _Wherefore the god was wroth, and afflicted the -men’s private parts with a disease that was most grievous to them._ So -they consulted the oracle, asking in what way they might be freed from -the plague, and received the answer: there was one only remedy for all -their ills, viz. that they should welcome the god with due honour and -fitting procession. And this they did accordingly. And in commemoration -thereof they used to bind _virilia_ (male generative organs) of wood to -the thyrsi (Bacchic staves), and carry them thus at the solemnity in -question; and this was done both privately and publicly. For _Phallus_ -is the name given to a man’s privy member. Others again considered that -it was consecrate to Dionysus for this reason, because he was deemed -the author of procreation). - -Still more striking is the legend which the same author, _Natalis -Comes_[83], gives of the introduction of Priapus worship into -Lampsacus, though it bears so great a resemblance to the preceding that -the one might almost be thought to have been taken from the other. -Aphrodité, he says, on the occasion of Bacchus’[84] progress to India -was made pregnant by him, and on her return to Lampsacus was brought to -bed of _Priapus_, whose deformity was caused by the goddess Juno[85], -who afforded succour to the mother at the time of his birth: - -“Deinde, cum adolevisset (Priapus) pergratusque foret Lampsacenis -mulieribus, Lampsacenorum decreto ex agro Lampsaceno exulavit.—Fuerunt -qui memoriae prodiderint Priapum fuisse virum Lampsacenum, qui cum -haberet ingens instrumentum et facile paratum plantandis civibus, -gratissimus fuerit mulieribus Lampsacenis. Ea causa postmodo fuisse -dicitur, ut Lampsacenorum omnium ceterorum invidiam in se converterit, -ac demum eiectus fuerit ex ipsa insula. At illud facinus aegerrime -ferentibus mulieribus et pro se deos precantibus, post cum nonnullis -interiectis temporibus _Lampsacenos gravissimus pudendorum membrorum -morbus_ invasisset, Dodonaeum oraculum adeuntes percunctati sunt an -ullum esset eius morbi remedium. His responsum est: morbum non prius -cessaturum, quam Priapum in patriam revocassent. Quod cum fecissent, -templa et sacrificia illi statuerunt, Priapumque hortorum Deum esse -decreverunt.” - -(Subsequently when he—Priapus—had come to man’s estate, and was now -exceedingly pleasing to the women of Lampsacus, by a decree of the -Lampsacenes he was exiled from the territory of Lampsacus.—Some there -are to tell the tradition that Priapus was a man of Lampsacus who had -a huge “instrument” ready and willing for the making of new citizens, -and who on that account was most pleasing to the Lampsacene women. -Wherefore it is said afterwards to have come about that he incurred the -envy and hatred of all the rest of the men of Lampsacus, and eventually -was expelled from the island altogether. But this was a disaster that -the women most bitterly regretted; so they prayed to the gods to help -them, and after some interval of time had elapsed _a most grievous -disease of the private parts attacked the men of Lampsacus_. Then they -reported to the oracle of Dodona, and enquired of the god if there -were any remedy for this plague. The reply was to the effect that the -disease would not cease till they had recalled Priapus to his native -land. This they did; and furthermore built temples and established -sacrifices in his honour, and decreed that Priapus should be the god of -gardens).[86] - -Whatever interpretation we may give to these legends of Bacchus and -Priapus, this much at any rate may be gathered from them without fear -of contradiction, that affections of the male genitals at the time when -they first became prevalent were taken to be the original cause of the -introduction of Phallic worship,—in connection with the defloration of -virgins mentioned in § 4. This is not without importance as bearing on -the antiquity of the well-known Indian legend of the Lingam-ritual; and -at the same time shows clearly that those affections of the genital -organs must have borne a malignant character that men could not explain -to themselves otherwise than as proceeding from the wrath of a Deity, a -deity who on the other hand alone possessed the power to remove these -ills. Another factor of great importance in connection with affections -of the genitals in Antiquity, and of all the greater importance in as -much as it leads us to the conclusion that resort was had for their -cure not to human but to divine assistance, partly indeed depends on -reasons which we shall discuss more exactly later on. However these -reasons may in part be gathered at once from the following _supremely -important_ poem in the Priapeia[87], to which _de Jurgenew_ first -called attention in his Dissertation, p. 11, but without communicating -it in its entirety: - - - VOTI SOLUTIO. - - Cur pictum memori sit in tabella - Membrum quaeritis unde procreamur? - _Cum penis mihi forte laesus esset, - Chirurgique manum miser timerem, - Diis me legitimis, nimisque magnis_ - Ut Phoebo puta, filioque Phoebi - _Curatum dare mentulam verebar_. - Huic dixi, fer opem, Priape, parti, - Cuius tu, pater, ipse par videris:[88] - Qua salva _sine sectione_ facta, - Ponetur tibi picta, quam levaris, - Parque consimilisque concolorque. - Promisit fore: mentulam movit - Pro nutu deus et rogata fecit. - - - PAYING A VOW. - -(Why, you ask, is portrayed on the tablet the member whereby we are -begotten? _When, as it befell, my penis was damaged, and like a -wretched coward I dreaded the Surgeon’s hand, I was afraid to entrust -myself and the cure of my organ to the great official gods, that -were too high for me_, such I mean as Phoebus and Phoebus’ son. “To -the member, I said, do thou, Priapus, give aid,—the member that thou -art fashioned in the likeness of[88]. Then when it has been healed -_without the knife_, a painted image of the part thou has relieved -shall be dedicated to thee,—a match, a perfect match in form and in -hue.” Thus he made his vow; the god nodded his penis in token of -assent, and answered his prayers.) - -This poem, whoever its author may have been[89], testifies most -explicitly that the Poet’s genital organs were seriously affected (by -Phimosis and Ulcers?), that he from fear (_timerem_) of the Surgeon’s -knife, from shame (_verebar_) before the regular physician in view of -the part affected and of the way in which he had got the disease, had -recourse to prayer and vow before the image of Priapus, and thereupon -happily recovered without medical assistance! - -The veneration of Priapus was pretty well universal in Italy, as the -Roman poets teach us, and equally so the Phallic worship, of which -the frequent representations of the Phallus that we find at Pompeii -bear witness; in fact the latter, as _Knight_ shows, maintained itself -in connection with the veneration of Saints _Cosmus_ and _Damian_ -down to the last Century at Isernia. The just quoted Poem from the -Priapeia might perhaps serve to afford us an indication as to how the -Phallus ritual has come to be connected with these Christian Saints; -for probably patients attacked by the Venereal disease prayed to them, -just as the Romans did to Priapus. Possibly examples of such cures by -the saints in question are found in the “Acta Sanctorum Bollandi”. -(Bollandist Lives of the Saints),—under Sept. 27.; but we are not able -to consult the book. These Saints however were not the only ones that -were venerated in the Middle Ages in the same way as the Priapus of the -Ancients. In France unfruitful wives used to pray to St. Guerlichon, in -Normandy to St. Giles, in Anjou to St. René, in connection with whom -they practised rites which _Stephanus_ declares himself ashamed to -specify[90]. - - - Plague of Baal-Peor. - - - § 8. - -Although the period at which the worship of Priapus was introduced -among the different Peoples cannot be always definitely fixed, and -although Classical Mythology invariably counts him as belonging -to the newer[91] gods, yet he appears in quite early times to have -played a not unimportant part in Syria[92],—if that is to say the -conclusion[93], pretty generally believed on other grounds, is well -founded, that the god Baal Peor was a sort of Priapus, in whose -temple, situated on Mount Peor[94], young Maidens were offered up. -The Rabbis[95] derive the name from פְּעוֹר _aperire_ sc. _hymenem -virgineum_, (to open _sc._ the hymen of a virgin), as if it had sprung -from the Phallus ritual, as still found in Italy. At Goa indeed a man’s -member made of iron or ivory is fastened in the Pagoda, which in the -case of every bride is pushed by the parents and relations into her -vagina, until it brings away with it visibly the bloody traces of the -rupture of the hymen[96]; a proceeding that is connected, as shown in -§ 4., with the belief in the malignity of the menstrual blood, and in -that of blood coming from the ruptured hymen. On the Coromandel Coast -likewise a wooden Priapus is to the present day most ardently venerated -by the inhabitants[97]. - -Here again we encounter a legend, which is not without importance -for the history of the affections consequent upon the misuse of the -genital organs, to wit the story of the _Plague_ that broke out amongst -the Jews at Shittim in consequence of their having taken part in the -worship of Baal-Peor. _Sickler_[98] was the first who, as a champion of -the antiquity of the Venereal disease, made this the subject of a more -precise examination. However, in order to obtain as clear an insight -into the matter as possible, it will be needful to quote at length the -passages of the Old Testament connected with the subject, according to -the English Revised Version[99]: - - Numbers, Ch. 25. verses 1-18: “And Israel - “abode in Shittim, and the people began to - “commit whoredom with the daughters of Moab: - 2) “for they called the people unto the sacrifices - “of their gods, and the people did eat, and - 3) “bowed down to their gods. And Israel joined - “himself unto Baal-Peor: and the anger of the - 4) “Lord was kindled against Israel. And the - “Lord said unto Moses, Take all the chiefs of - “the people, and hang them up unto the Lord - “before the sun, that the fierce anger of the - 5) “Lord may turn away from Israel. And Moses - “said unto the judges of Israel, Slay ye every - “one his men that have jointed themselves unto - 6) “Baal-Peor. And, behold one of the children - “of Israel came and brought unto his brethren - “a Midianitish woman in the sight of Moses, - “and in the sight of all the congregation of - “the children of Israel, while they were weeping - 7) “at the door of the tent of meeting. And - “when Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, the son - “of Aaron the priest, saw it, he rose up from - “the midst of the congregation, and took a - 8) “spear in his hand; and he went after the man - “of Israel into the pavilion, and thrust both of - “them through, the man of Israel, and the - “woman through her belly. So the plague was - 9) “stayed from the children of Israel. And those - “that died by the plague were twenty and four - “thousand[100].... Now the name of the - 14) “man of Israel that was slain, who was slain - “with the Midianitish woman, was Zimri, the - “son of Salu, a prince of a fathers’ house among - 15) “the Simeonites. And the name of the Midianitish - “woman that was slain was Cozbi, the daughter - “of Zur; he was head of the people of a fathers’ - 16) “house in Midian.—And the Lord spake unto - 17) “Moses, saying, Vex the Midianites, and smite - 18) “them: for they vex you with their wiles, wherewith - “they have beguiled you in the matter of - “Peor, and in the matter of Cozbi, the daughter - “of the prince of Midian, their sister, which - “was slain on the day of the plague in the - “matter of Peor.” - Numbers, Ch. 31. verses 7-24: “And they - “warred against Midian, as the Lord commanded - 9) “Moses; and they slew every male.... And - “the children of Israel took captive the women - “of Midian and their little ones; and all their - 14) “cattle, etc.... And Moses was wroth with - 15) “the officers of the host, ... and Moses said - “unto them, Have ye saved all the women alive? - 16) “_Behold, these caused the children of Israel, through - “the counsel of Balaam, to commit trespass against - “the Lord in the matter of Peor, and so the plague - 17) “was among the congregation of the Lord._ Now - “therefore kill every male among the little ones, - “and kill _every woman that hath known man by - 18) “lying with him_. But all the women children, - “that have _not_ known man by lying with him, - 19) “keep alive for yourselves. And encamp ye - “without the camp seven days: whosoever hath - “killed any person, and whosoever hath touched - “any slain, purify yourselves on the third day - “and on the seventh day, ye and your captives. - 20) “And as to every garment, and all that is made - “of skin, and all work of goats’ hair, and all - “things made of wood, ye shall purify yourselves. - 21) “And Eleazar the priest said unto the - “men of war which went to the battle, This is the - “statute of the law which the Lord hath commanded - 22) “Moses: howbeit the gold, and the - 23) “silver, the brass, the iron, the tin, and the - “lead, every thing that may abide the fire, ye - “shall make to go through the fire, and it shall - “be clean; nevertheless it shall be purified with - “the water of separation (impurity): and all that - “abideth not the fire ye shall make to go through - 24) “the water. And ye shall wash your clothes - “on the seventh day, and ye shall be clean, - “and afterward ye shall come into the camp.” - -Besides these passages in the Books of Moses we find the plague -of Baal-Peor further mentioned in the following places in the Old -Testament: - - _Joshua_, Ch. 22. v. 17: “Is the iniquity of - “Peor too little for us, _from which we have not - “cleansed ourselves unto this day_, although there - “came a plague upon the congregation of the - “Lord?” - _Psalm_ 106. verses 28-30.: “They joined - “themselves also unto Baal-Peor, and ate the - 29) “sacrifices of the dead (idols). Thus they - “provoked him to anger with their doings; and - 30) “the plague brake in upon them. Then stood - “up Phinehas, and executed judgement: and - “so the plague was stayed.” - _Hosea_, Ch. 9. v. 10.: “I found Israel like - “grapes in the wilderness; I saw your fathers - “as the firstripe in the fig tree at her first - “season; but they came to Baal peor, and - “consecrated themselves unto the shameful thing, - “and became abominable like that which they - “loved.” - - - § 9. - -We find the Jews on their march towards Canaan already arrived at -the Jordan, from which river Shittim lay at a distance of 60 Stades -or 2½ leagues according to _Josephus_[101], and the neighbouring -Peoples in a state of terror at their near approach and at their -victories. The King of the Moabites, Balak, had sent to the soothsayer -Balaam, that the latter by his arts (his curse) might annihilate the -threatening foe. Balaam however, inspired by the spirit of the Lord, -blessed the sons of Israel instead of cursing them, but gave Balak -counsel how he could in another way bring about the ruin of the Jews. -This counsel is indicated in the passage quoted, Numbers Ch. 31, v. -16, without being explicitly stated; but what it was can indeed be -partially gathered from the context of the whole passage, and was -apparently so understood by the author of the Apocalypse, when he -says:[102] “But I have a few things against thee, because thou hast -there some that hold the teaching of Balaam, who taught Balak to cast a -stumblingblock before the children of Israel, _to eat things sacrificed -to idols, and to commit fornication_.” Both _Philo_ and _Josephus_, who -perhaps lived only a little later, picture the course of events in full -detail, though, it is true, from unknown authorities. - -_Philo_[103] writes as follows: - -“Quae prius, inquit (Bileam), dixi oracula sunt omnia et -vaticinationes: de reliquo quae loquar, animi mei coniecturae -erunt.—Age vero praeclara eius monita videamus, quibus artibus -instructa fuerint ad certissimam offensionem eorum, qui semper -vincere poterant. Cum enim intelligeret Hebraeos una tantum ratione -capi posse, violata facinore aliquo lege, per stupri libidinem et -intemperantiam, magna mala, ad maius impietatis scelus inducere -studebat voluptatis esca. Huius enim, aiebat, regionis, o rex, mulieres -specie reliquis longe praestant: viri autem nulla re facilius quam -mulieris forma expugnari possunt. Proinde si formosissimas quaestum -facere prostareque permiseris, iuventutem adversariorum velut hamis -capient. Ita autem doceri eas oportet, ne statim floris sui volentibus -copiam faciant. Nam molestus ille aculeus simulatae recusationis -libidinem acrius excitabit, et amorem accendet, actique libidine -tanquam obtorto collo trahuntur, quidvis et facere et pati in animum -inducent. Amatorem igitur ut quaeque sic affectum nacta erit, quae -ad venationem illam subornantur, ferociter dicat: tibi consuetudine -mea frui nefas est, nisi a patriis institutis desciveris, mutataque -sententia eadem iuxta mecum colere coeperis. Huius defectionis fides -ea demum mihi perspecta fuerit, si libamentorum eorundem et sacrorum -particeps esse volueris, quae simulacris et statuis reliquisque signis -ex ritu facere solemus.—Sic igitur ille tum consulebat: rex ista non -abs re dici ratus, sublata de adulteris lege et abrogatis omnibus -de stupro corruptelaque sanctionibus, proinde quasi nunquam rogatae -essent, liberam facit mulieribus quibuscum vellent consuescendi -potestatem. Illae vero licentia et impunitate data adolescentulorum -multitudinem illiciebant, multo ante eorum animis circumventis et -illecebrarum praestigiis ad impietatem impulsis: usque dum postremo -pontificis filius Phinees, facta ista supra modum indignatus -(teterrimum enim ei videbatur eodem tempore corpora et animos pro -deditiis, illa voluptatibus, hos sceleri et impiae fraudi tradi -iuvenilis audaciae memorabile facinus viroque dignum forti edidit. Nam -quendam sui generis sacris operatum ad scortum ingredi conspicatus, -neque submittentem in terram vultum, neque latere cupientem, neque, -ut assolet, clanculum aditum suffurantem, sed inverecundam fiduciae -intemperantiam prae se ferentem et in flagitio ridiculo velut in re -praeclara magnifice se efferentem, exacerbatus indignitate rei et -iusta repletus ira, cursu irrumpens adhuc in lecto iacentes amatorem -et meretriculam confodit, genitaliaque eis praeterea desecat, -quibus incestum satum patrarant. Istud exemplum aliqui continentiae -et religionis studiosi iussu Mosis imitati, omnibus qui initiati -fuerant simulacris manu factis, propinquis iuxta necessariisque -occidione occisis, scelus gentis expiarunt inexorabili sceleratorum -supplicio,—unoque die viginti quatuor millia hominum caesa sunt, et -una statim sublata est communis labes, qua totus exercitus maculosus -polluebatur.” - -(All my words, said he (Balaam), thus far are dark sayings and -prophecies; what I shall speak henceforth will be the counsels of my -own mind.—But come let us look into his excellent advice, in what -artful ways it has been framed for the sure and certain destruction -of our ever-victorious foes. For perceiving that the Hebrews could be -overcome in one fashion only, viz. through their violating the law by -some terrible wrongdoing, he set himself, employing the bait of lust, -to lead them on by way of fornication and incontinence, great offences -in themselves, to the still greater crime of impiety. For this land, -he said, oh! King, far excels all others in the beauty of its women; -and by no other thing may men’s minds be so readily mastered as by a -woman’s fairness. So if thou suffer the fairest amongst them to play -the harlot and offer their beauty for a price, they will catch the -young men of our enemies, so to speak, on their hooks. But they must be -instructed not to surrender the enjoyment of their persons straightway -at the first offer. For the sharp sting of a feigned refusal will, as -thou knowest, excite their longing more keenly than ever, and inflame -their passion, till driven on by lustfulness they are dragged along, as -it were, by a halter round their necks, and there is nothing they will -not consent to do or suffer. Accordingly the lover that each of the -fair women who are set on to this task has won for herself and brought -to this condition, must be bluntly told: It is impossible for thee to -enjoy my love unless thou break with the customs of thy fathers, and -change thy heart, and undertake the observance of the same rites as -we. And this desertion of thy people’s faith will I then only hold as -manifested, when I shall see thee willing to partake in those same -libations and sacrifices that we are wont duly to pay to our idols and -statues and other images.—Now such was the advice Balaam then offered; -and the King deeming that he spake much to the purpose, repealed -the law as to unlawful intercourse, and removed all punishments for -fornication and licentious conduct, and made them as though they had -never been, giving free licence to the women to lie with any man -they pleased. And the latter, permission being granted and impunity -guaranteed, soon ensnared a great number of the young Jewish warriors, -whose minds indeed had long beforehand been entangled and by every -trick and allurement impelled towards impiety. - -At the last the high-priest’s son, Phinehas, above measure indignant -at such deeds of shame, and convinced that both souls and bodies were -at one and the same time being enslaved, the one by sensual pleasures, -the other by wickedness and craft and impiety[104], did a deed at once -memorable for youthful daring, and worthy of a hero. For when he saw -a kinsman of his own and one of the priestly order go in to a harlot, -and this without any look of shame fixed on the ground, without any -attempt at concealment, without any stealing up privily and making, -as men are wont in such a case, a surreptitious entrance, but instead -carrying it off with an air of shameless self-confidence and bearing -himself proudly as though his act were one to merit renown and not -ridicule, he was fired by the indignity, and filled with righteous -anger rushes up and bursts in on the lover and his wanton actually -lying on the bed. He pierces them through, and furthermore cuts away -those organs wherewith they were satisfying their unholy passion. -This example was followed, by command of Moses, by other zealous -partisans of purity and religion; and those who had been initiated -into the service of idols died the death at the hands of their family -and kinsfolk, and so the wickedness of the nation was expiated by a -merciless punishment of the wrongdoers;—and in one day four and twenty -thousand men were slain, and thereby was straightway removed the common -stain wherewith the whole host was spotted and polluted). - -In much the same way, only still more fully, _Josephus_[105] relates -the circumstance. Licentiousness had laid hold of almost the entire -host, and ancestral institutions were in danger of being abandoned -altogether. Consequently, Josephus says, Moses appointed an assemblage -of the People and in a speech drew attention to the perils that -threatened. Sambrias (Simri) however made a defence, maintaining that -they had long enough obeyed tyrannous laws and would fain live free -henceforth. Hereupon he quitted the assembly, and was assassinated in -his tent by the enraged Phinehas. Josephus (§ 12.) proceeds: - -“Iuvenes autem omnes, qui virtutis aliquid sibi vindicarent et -honestatis studio tenerentur, Phineesis fortitudinis exemplo accensi, -eiusdem cum Zambria criminis reos interfecerunt. Multi itaque -illorum, qui leges patrias violarant, horum egregia virtute perempti -sunt. Peste autem reliqui omnes perierunt, deo hunc illis morbum -immittente. Et quotquot e cognatis, qui cum prohibere debuerint, eos -ad haec impulerant, a deo pro sceleris sociis habiti, pariter sublati -erant.”[106] - -(But all the younger men who laid any claim to manly virtue and tried -to live honorably, fired by the example of Phinehas’ bold deed, slew -all that were guilty of the same crime as Sambrias. And so by their -singular courage and patriotism numbers of the men who had broken -their ancestral laws were destroyed. But all that survived perished -by a plague, that God sent upon them. Moreover such of their kinsfolk -as ought to have hindered them, but instead had urged them to these -courses, these God deemed accomplices in the wickedness, and they also -were cut off.) Philo and Josephus are not indeed to be regarded as -authentic eye-witnesses of what they record; still the passages quoted -from them prove this much, that in their time the opinions they express -were generally held. - -The Jews were thus led astray by the daughters of the Moabites, and -both practised fornication with them and made sacrifice in their -temples to the god of the country, whose priestesses, as Balaam -declared, were conspicuous above other women for their beauty. The -_consequence_ of these excesses was an infectious disease, (according -to _Josephus_ it communicated itself, but, he says, only to kinsmen!), -which cost many[107] their lives. The number however fell far short -of 24000, for these perished mainly by the sword of their brethren, -as _Philo_ and _Josephus_ expressly remark, and the author of the -Pentateuch intimates, when he says (Numbers Ch. 26. v. 5.), “And -Moses said unto the judges of Israel, Slay ye every one his men that -have joined themselves unto Baal-Peor.” The narrator declares that -by this slaughter the plague was stayed for the sons of Israel; but -it certainly cannot have ceased altogether, as is manifest from the -passages quoted from Joshua, where Phinehas asserts: that to that day -the people was not yet cleansed from the misdoing of Peor. - -The disease therefore cannot have been merely some passing disorder. It -must evidently have been somewhat widely disseminated by the Moabitish -women, and have been of very common occurrence among them; and that -it was readily infectious follows from the whole course of Moses’ -proceedings. The latter was angry because the woman had been suffered -to live, and commanded to put to death all of them that had known men -in carnal intercourse, but to keep alive the young virgins,—and their -number was, according to Ch. 31. v. 35., thirty-two thousand!—who -were brought into the camp as prisoners and there divided amongst -their captors. So we see the executions took place not in order that -opportunity for intercourse with the heathen women,—a thing which -might very well on its own account have been an abomination to the -Lord,—might be altogether removed, (for how in that case account -for the maidens being saved alive, brought into camp, and divided -as booty?)[108] but that by this means the risk of the further -dissemination of the disease might be for ever prevented. - -The imminence of this risk in Moses’ opinion is shown finally by the -purification of the host which he had despatched for the massacre -of the Moabites and their women. He made it, prisoners and all the -spoil included, halt for a period of seven days outside the camp, and -twice over submit to a thorough purification. The Jews had slain many -thousands of men in their previous wars, nay! just before they marched -against the Moabites, they had actually slaughtered 24000 of their own -youth; yet they had never been ordered to leave the camp for seven -days, and twice over during this time to purify themselves and all -their possessions. Only after the annihilation of the Moabitish women -(not of the Moabite men), from the accomplishment of which they had -just returned, had this happened. All this points to some most cogent -reason. Here comes into operation the same law which was enforced on -occasion of purification after Leprosy and after foul discharge: and -indeed also after contact with a dead person,—even where they had -first caused the death of the said person! Thus no one can very well -dispute the view taken by _Philo_,[109] when he says with regard to the -purification after the annihilation of the Moabites:— - -“Nam ut legitima hostium caedes sit, attamen qui hominem interfecit -quamquam iure, quamquam vim propulsans, quamquam coactus, non insons -esse videtur nec extra noxiam, propter summam illam et communem hominum -inter ipsos cognationem. Quo nomine piacula suscipienda fuerunt -interfectoribus ad luendum scelus, quod conceptum censebatur.” - -(For whereas the slaying of enemies is lawful, nevertheless whosoever -has killed a man, whether lawfully, or whether initiating the violent -act, or whether on compulsion, seems not to be innocent or free -from responsibility; and this is owing to that supreme and general -relationship of all mankind with one other. Wherefore certain -expiations had to be undertaken by any man who had killed another, to -wipe out the guilt that was deemed to have been incurred). - -What was the precise nature of the disease that the Jews had brought -on themselves by their intercourse with the Moabitish women cannot -indeed be determined; but that it affected the genital organs can -hardly admit of a doubt. The fact, if it is a fact, that not a few lost -their lives owing to it, need be no objection, since the ulceration -of the genitals that prevailed at the end of the XVth. Century caused -similar fatalities, and as we shall presently see, the uncircumcised -_Apion_ met his death in some such way. Now the Jews were almost -without exception still uncircumcised at that time, for it was -_Joshua_[110] who first on his arrival in Canaan, at the bidding of -Jehovah, circumcised the children of Israel with stone knives on the -hill Araloth. When the people adopted the worship of Baal Peor, we may -be sure they ceased at the same time to observe the ancestral laws of -purification,—if indeed these latter even as regards foul discharge -and leprosy as well as intercourse with women during menstruation were -not perhaps, as might almost be believed, _first_ enacted in all their -severity only in consequence of the plague of Baal Peor. Again it may -well have been this experience that first taught the inhabitants of -Palestine the necessity of circumcision, which was then laid down as an -ordinance by command of Jehovah! - - - Brothels and Courtesans[111]. - - - § 10. - -There is no doubt that it was in the Asiatic cult of Venus that the -first elements were given for sexual excesses. It is hardly a matter -of surprise therefore if these same elements came constantly, as has -been shown above, into greater and greater prominence, and in this -way pushed the original form of the Worship into the background. By -degrees as enlightenment increased and the respect felt towards the -gods diminished, Venus also soon lost her old character as goddess of -procreation and sank into the patroness of sensual gratification. Her -temples as well as her holy groves lost their exclusive title to bestow -the blessing of fruitfulness on the embraces of the sexes, and came -merely to serve as appointed trysting-places of carnal pleasures. The -offerings made at her shrines were no longer to win an assurance of -posterity; they became bribes paid to buy a free opportunity for the -indulgence of sensuality. They degenerated into fornication-fees, as -her temples did into brothels. The priestesses of Astarté or Mylitta -stood at the beck and call alike of strangers and natives, and the -opportunity was ever open for sexual enjoyment. Hence too it is that a -special designation for the brothel will be looked for in vain in Asia. -The thing existed there without the name being required; and the State -found no need to establish an institution, which had long ago, without -any intervention on its part, taken form under the cloak of religion. - -Even amongst _the Jews_, who frequently enough, but always as a -temporary aberration merely, adhered to the foreign cult, brothels in -the strict sense seem never to have existed[112]. Although courtesans -are frequently mentioned in the Old Testament, and even the dwelling -of a Wanton as well as her behaviour pictured with considerable -fullness of detail[113], yet all this would seem to have had more of a -private than of a public character,—due heed being given to the fact -that not a few passages are to be taken only in a figurative sense. -Prostitution as a regular calling was strictly prohibited[114] to the -daughters of Israel; and such women as practised it openly seem to have -been mainly foreigners, perhaps natives of Phoenicia and Syria, who -at the same time entertained with dancing and the music of stringed -instruments[115]. But the attempt to draw a conclusion from this as to -the pre-eminent chastity of the Jewish women, as e.g. _Beer_ (on p. 25 -loco citato) wishes to do, would be justifiable neither for earlier nor -yet for later times. The passages of the Old Testament dealing with -Sodom and with the dissoluteness under Mannasseh even in the very -Temple at Jerusalem are sufficient by themselves to prove the contrary. - -As to _Macedonia_ there is a passage in _Athenaeus_, quoted from -_Hermesianax_ to this effect: ἀλλὰ Μακεδονίης πάσας κατενίσατο λαύρας -(But he went through all the alleys of Macedonia), where _Dalechamp_ -translates the word λαύρα by brothel, but _Casaubon_ even in his time -threw doubt on this rendering.[116] Possibly however this judgement -is connected with similar licentious practises among the Macedonians -to what we find among the Persians[117], who indulged in sexual -intercourse with their own mothers, daughters, etc., and begat children -upon them,—a practice which _Euripides_[118] makes the Barbarians -generally guilty of. - -But if there _were_ actually brothels existing in Macedonia, this would -be the less surprising, as its inhabitants may well be reckoned amongst -Greeks in many respects. - -The Greek knew perfectly the boundary between the physical and the -ethical, and sought ever to subordinate the former to the latter. His -whole life belonged in the first instance to the State, of it he -was bound to be a citizen, and for it to endeavour to produce good -citizens. Consequently polygamy early disappeared in Greece, and so -too community of wives, a custom which prevailed down to historical -times at Sparta only. Monogamy was the first law of marriage, and -marriage was the bounden duty of every true citizen[119], to save his -family from dying out. But while the Asiatic prided himself on the -number of his children, the Greek’s boast was of their excellence. -Only with the object of procreating offspring was the Greek husband -to rest in the arms of his spouse (ἐπ’ ἀρότῳ παίδων γνησίων—for the -sowing, procreation of lawful children), and not to desecrate the holy -Torus (marriage-couch) by mere lustfulness. Where this was stirred in -him, he ceased to be free; a slave of lust, he must consort only with -slave-women, and not with free citizenesses[120]. Nay! even this was -permitted solely to avoid greater evils; and illicit coition never -ceased to be held as something οὐ καλόν—unseemly[121], particularly -when it was indulged in by married men. - -It has been shown how under the clearer skies of Greece the Asiatic -worship of Venus took on a form more worthy of mankind, how the Greek -distinguished his Venus Urania (Heavenly Venus) from the Venus of the -rest of the world, the Pandemian (Venus common to all), and so set up -a barrier to the flood of dissoluteness,—a barrier however that was -little by little broken down in later times. Foreigners, especially the -voluptuous inhabitants of Asia, when they saw that the Greek cult did -not like their native worship abet their carnal appetites, imported -slave-women. These were purchased by the Greeks, and handed over as -offerings to the temple of Aphrodité under the title of Temple-servants -or “Hieroduli”[122]; and acquainted as they were with the needs of -their fellow-countrymen, sought in every way to supply them,—as was in -particular the case at Corinth. - -This example could not well remain without influence on private -life. The Greek indeed took no part in the Asiatic form of the -Venus-worship; all the same illicit connection grew more and more -universally prevalent, and as it could not be gratified in any other -way, wives[123] and daughters of fellow-citizens were imperilled. To -avert this danger _Solon_ (B. C. 594) according to the statements of -_Philemon_ and _Nicander_[124] introduced actual _brothels_, οἴκημα, -πορνεῖον, (house, brothel) and public women, πόρναι (prostitutes), -who were accessible at a trifling charge. The houses of ill-fame were -situated, as _Pollux_ informs us, at Athens in the neighbourhood of -the Harbour[125], and in the Ceramicus according to _Hesychius_[126], -in later times also in the city itself[127]. They were presided -over by a Whoremaster (πορνοβοσκός, πορνοτρόφος—harlot-maintainer, -harlot-keeper). As to the internal arrangements of brothels among the -Greeks we have been unable so far to discover anything more precise, -but in all probability the same conditions held good as among the -Romans. - -Besides the regular brothels, women were also kept at the taverns[128] -(καπηλεία, καπηλεῖον, καπήλιον, πανδοκεῖα,—tavern, inn), which likewise -were situated chiefly near the Port. The women were bought slaves, as -the passages quoted above (p. 70. note 2.) show; and even such free -Greek women[129] as at a later period undertook the calling, were -then looked upon as slaves[130]. All women of this class, as well as -the whore-masters, were professionally under the supervision of the -Ἀγορανόμοι (Market Commissioners[131], who fixed how much each was -allowed to receive for her services. This fee was called μίσθωμα, -διάγραμμα or ἐμπολή,—fee, scale, purchase). It varied in amount;—8 -Chalci— = 1 obol, a little less than twopence (τριαντοπόρνη,—an -obol, two-penny, girl)[132], 2 obols— = about three-pence halfpenny -(διωβολιμαῖα, χαλκιδῖτις,—a two obol, three-pence halfpenny, -girl)[133], a drachma—a franc, say ten-pence[134], a Stater—= 4 -drachmae, say three and three-pence (στατηριαία,—a stater, three and -three-penny, girl)[135]. - -The Hetaera (Lady-Companion) seems in this respect to have enjoyed a -greater liberty of choice, and a knowledge of their prices to have -been regarded as something out of the common[136]. The well-known -_Gnathaena_ at Athens asked 1000 Drachmae for a night from a foreign -Satrap[137]; _Phryné_ a mina (= 100 drachmae, something over four -pounds sterling). But the most notorious of all was _Lais_ at Corinth -for the high price at which she sold the marks of her favour, from -which arose the proverb: Non cuivis homini contingit adire Corinthum, -(It is not every man that can go to Corinth)[138]. - -Licences to follow the calling were granted to the whore-masters, and -also the women, on payment of a fixed duty, called “prostitute tax” -(τέλος πορνικόν)[139], which was leased out yearly by the Magistracy, -and collected by professional _farmers of the prostitution-tax_ or -Collectors, known as πορνοτελώναι, who kept a complete list, in which -were included even the “Pathici” (pathic sodomites), of all liable to -the impost. From the proceeds of this prostitution-tax _Solon_ would -seem to have built a temple at Athens to Aphrodité Pandemos[140]. -From this an idea may be formed, even if nothing more than a sort of -brothel is to be understood by the term, of the large number of women -of this character and of the considerable revenue of the city. - -The public women were either such as lived in the brothels (πόρναι, -αἱ προστᾶσαι τῶν οἰκημάτων,—harlots, prostitutes of the “houses”), -where they used to stand at the doors, and that in rows (ἐπὶ κέρως -τεταγμένας,—drawn up in column) more or less stripped, in almost -transparent dresses (γυμναὶ, ἐν λεπτοπήνοις ὑμέσιν,—stripped, in -fine-woven robes)[141], or else they were kept partly as ἑταῖραι -μουσικαί—“musical” hetaerae, like the harp-girls in German beer-halls, -or with procurers (μαστροπός, προαγωγός,—bawds, procurers) in their -taverns (προαγωγεῖα, μαστρόπιον, ματρύλλεια,—procurer’s house, -bawdy-house, brothel). Or again they followed their trade in the -Port-Market (the δεῖγμα) as δεικτηριάδες (Market-girls)[142], in -the στοὰ μακρὰ, (Long Portico), and generally in the Lanes of that -neighbourhood (χαμαιτύπαι[143], χαμαιευνάδες, χαμαιεύνης, χαμαιτηρίς, -χαμεύνης,—all nick-names for common strumpets, “ground-thumpers,” -“sleepers on the ground”), where they either surrendered themselves on -the spot or hied to recognised harlots’ dens (χαμαιτυπεῖον) or houses -of accommodation (τέγος)[144]. - -The place of their abode shows at once what class of men frequented -“filles de joye” of the sort. It was foreign sailors[145] in particular -who here indemnified themselves for their compulsory continence at -sea. Of Greeks only the dregs of the people and debauchees who had -lost all self-respect came here; and even these used by preference -the taverns[146], where procuration was carried on as well[147],—for -which reason they had fallen into general disrepute. For as late as -Aristophanes’[148] time the lower class of citizens felt no hesitation -about taking their pleasure along with their wives in inns. On the -other hand persons of repute, prominent by office and dignities, were -actually forbidden by law to visit such places. “Were an Areopagite -to have been seen but once in an Inn,” says _Hyperides_[149], “his -colleagues would no longer have tolerated him as a member of the -Areopagus.” Later, matters changed, for the moralizing _Isocrates_[150] -says, “Nay! no well-conducted slave dares even eat or drink anything in -an Inn”; and _Theophrastus_, portraying the character of a madman quite -devoid of shame gives this as a trait,—he would be quite capable of -keeping an Inn! - -The hetaera (female-companion) must be distinguished from the πόρνη -(harlot), though both were under similar conditions as to police -surveillance. The hetaera was also strictly speaking a slave-woman, -usually stolen as a child or otherwise obtained by procuresses, or -bought by older hetaerae. They were educated[151] in all that was -understood by the Ancients under the name “Music”, that over and above -their charms of person, they might especially captivate their lovers -by their intellectual cultivation, who bought them to give them their -freedom,—and then more often than not were presently abandoned by them. -The great nursery of hetaerae was above all places Corinth, from which -centre they travelled through all parts of Greece, as e.g. did Neaera, -and frequently acquired enormous riches. The better class of them were -everywhere held in high esteem; and many a hetaera, grown weary of -her condition, gave her hand to a husband, in order to close her life -as an honest wife[152], or else retired so as at any rate to lead a -blameless existence[153]. Frequently indeed they were also “Dames de -Maison”, and often kept a considerable number of girls under the title -of hand-maids. This was the case with Nicareta, just mentioned, at -Corinth, as well as with the famous Aspasia at Athens, the latter of -whom flooded all Hellas with her protegées[154]. Such as were held in -less respect often put themselves under the protection of their more -renowned sisters, or else carried on the calling on their own account, -and this especially when they were not so well educated, not “musical” -(πέζαι ἑταίραι—_prose lady-companions_)[155], at Athens going to -settle at the Peiraeus to entice the merchants who arrived in the port, -whilst the more choice merely showed themselves there[156]. They often -followed the troops on service in crowds, accompanying for instance -the general _Chares_[157] and _Pericles_ to Samos, where they made so -large an income that they even built a temple of Ἀφροδίτη ἐν Καλάμοις -(Aphrodité at Calami,—the Reeds)[158]. For the remaining details as -to the life of the hetaerae the classical Treatise of _Friedrich -Jacobs_[159] should be consulted. - -Even these regular “filles de joie” at first existed almost exclusively -for foreigners, who often squandered prodigious sums in their arms; -the Athenians at any rate up to the time of Themistocles did not go -with them[160]. But the example proved too strong to resist. Little by -little the younger men acquired a taste for the freer society of the -highly educated and luxuriously bedecked[161] courtesans, who on their -side were possessed of tact enough to subordinate the purely sensual -to the intellectual, in order to captivate the Greek sense of beauty. -Even older men might easily be seen at their feet, for the Greek -ladies had but too little aptitude for stepping beyond the household -sphere[162]. And so it was no longer matter for surprise when _Chares_ -took with him on his expedition, as stated above, a large number of -hetaerae. The Athenian youth was already in the habit of killing time -in their society[163]; and the important rôle they played in the time -of _Pericles_ needs to be no further insisted on. The Greek however -never descended to the lowest level of shameless, brutal, coarseness. -Before he threw himself into the arms of the foreign Wanton, he first -raised her to some equality with himself; and of the handmaid and slave -made a friendly companion or hetaera! - -The account here given applies particularly only to Athens, for our -efforts to discover anything more precise as to brothels and courtesans -in the remaining States and Cities of Greece have not so far been -crowned with success. - - - § 11. - -With the Roman, who could spare hardly a thought to any other feeling -than his pride, love played but an insignificant rôle in his existence. -Even the deference he showed towards marriage and the married woman was -not really so much the outcome of a pure morality as of the interest -that the State must of necessity feel in the nursing-mothers of each -succeeding generation; in fact it can scarcely be regarded as much -more than a mere measure of policy. When a Censor like _Metellus_ in -a public Speech intended to encourage matrimony could say[164]: Si -sine uxore possemus, Quirites, esse, omnes ea molestia careremus: -sed quoniam ita natura tradidit, ut nec cum illis satis commode, nec -sine illis ullo modo vivi possit, saluti perpetuae potius quam brevi -voluptati consulendum. (If we could live without a wife, Quirites, -we should all be free from such inconvenience; but since nature -has arranged it in this wise that neither with women in any real -comfort, nor without them at all, can existence be carried on, we -ought to think of our life-long well-being rather than of a momentary -gratification),—and when even the strict _Cato_ declared[165]: In -adulterio uxorem tuam si deprehendisses, sine iudicio impune necares: -illa te, si adulterares, digito non auderet contingere, _neque ius -est_. (If you should have detected your wife in adultery, you might -kill her without trial and be scatheless; but she, if _you_ were the -adulterer, would not dare to lay a finger upon you, _nor is it lawful_ -she should),—it can hardly surprise us to find a complete lack of the -ideal or intellectual element in the relations of the sexes. These -never really rose among the Romans much above the level of the bestial; -and harlots are found already in evidence at the very threshold of -Roman history[166], whilst association with them far from ever being a -subject of blame, is rather represented as being a custom sanctified by -immemorial usage that had never been forbidden[167]. - -In spite of this however, and of the fact that the _Etruscans_[168], -at a time when Rome was hardly more than _coming_ into existence, -already led a life that was worse than licentious, while _Messapians_, -_Samnites_ and _Locrians_, as has been shown, habitually gave up their -daughters to prostitution,—in spite of all this I say, the sexual -excesses of the Romans were for the first 500 years on the whole -insignificant. Their way of life as warriors and husbandmen hardly -suffered them to sink into indolent sloth, the beginning of all vicious -living, whilst the law of the XII Tables, “_coelibes prohibeto_” (be it -forbidden to remain bachelors)[169] forced men in the vigour of their -powers to satisfy the impulse of nature in the arms of the lawful -wife. But more and more did the Romans come into contact with foreign -Peoples, and began to adopt more and more their customs and vices. In -the year 513 A.U.C. (B.C. 240) the Floralia were introduced, which -even granting they cannot have had the origin that _Lactantius_[170] -assigns them, yet by the very nature of the celebrations were an -outrage on all good morals. Yet so universally popular were they that -_Cato_ could win no greater concession to his indignant zeal against -them than that their closing scenes should be delayed until he had -retired[171]. - -The enormous wealth the Romans had won as booty in their continual -Wars of spoliation, could not be hoarded unused, it must be enjoyed; -and how enjoyed, the warriors knew already. The younger members of the -Equestrian and Patrician orders went on travels, and learned in the -arms of Greek and Asiatic wantons how to lavish their money _secundum -artem_. Then on their return to Rome finding the native Scorta (common -harlots) no longer to their taste, they brought home with them their -freed-woman “Amica” (Mistress), who was a fair match for the Greek -hetaera in greed, if not in refinement. It was not long before the -old-fashioned Roman matron succumbed in the struggle with her for -supremacy, and by dint of her only too successful endeavours to outdo -the foreign courtesan in _recherché_ vice and effrontery, became but -the more despicable in the eyes of the proud Roman. She had indeed -learned to be a mother, but not to love. At the same time the Roman -himself, surrounded as he thus was by no softening influences, ceased -not only to be a citizen of the state, but even to be a man at all; -and the Ruler of the World sank at last to such a depth of exaggerated -viciousness that it became his glory and boast to be without a rival in -its enormity. - -The conclusion then is indisputable that only subsequently to the -Wars in Asia was Roman morality undermined[172]. At the same time it -is impossible from the information given above to assign any definite -point of time at which brothels and public women came into vogue at -Rome, or at any rate when their existence as such was officially -recognized by those in charge of the police supervision of the city. -With the regulations and arrangements however we are more precisely -acquainted. The brothels, _lupanaria_[173], _fornicas_[174], were -situated chiefly in the Second District (Secunda Regio) of the -city[175], the _Coelimontana_, particularly in the Subura (Suburbana) -that bordered the town-walls, lying in the Carinae,—the valley between -the Coelian and Esquiline Hills. In the same district was the _Macellum -magnum_, or Great Market, for all sorts of provisions[176] along -the banks of the Tiber, as well as the Cookshops, Stalls or Shops -(Tabernae)—of the Barbers, even of the Public Executioner[177], and -the Castra peregrina, (Foreign Camp), barracks for foreign troops -quartered in Rome under the Emperors as a garrison,—all circumstances -that occasioned a great concourse of men[178]. To the North the Subura -marched with the “Isis and Serapis”,—the Third District (Tertia -Regio), where was situated the temple of Isis with its gardens and -groves. The regular brothels are pictured to us as being in the -highest degree uncleanly and dirty[179], so that their frequenters -carried away the smell with them. They possessed a definite number of -“chambers”, _Cellae_[180], and above the door of each of these was -inscribed the name of the girl, that which she had adopted on her first -admission[181], and the price of her embraces[182]. In each “chamber” -was to be found a bed (_pavimentum_, cubiculum, pulvinar,—pavement, -sleeping-place, couch), which was spread with a particular kind of -coverlet, _lodix_, _lodicula_, (blanket, little blanket)[183], and a -lamp, _lucerna_[184]. - -As for the brothel-keeper, the Romans seem to have had no special word -to express this; they use in fact _leno_ in this signification, though -the word properly means the Procurer who merely offers his house for -the purpose, but does not keep women, giving them board and wage. -Perhaps this arose from the fact that in earlier times no regular -brothels existed in Rome; the women merely hired a lodging, and the -owner of the house had nothing at all to do with their business, whilst -the match-maker or pandar confined _his_ efforts to procuring girls for -his patrons and letting out his “chambers” for a fixed charge _merces -cellae_ (hire of the chamber)[185], paid by each visitor. Only when -the business became more profitable, did Lenones or Lenae (Procurers, -Procuresses), for women also carried on Lenocinium (procuration), -actually keep girls, whom they bought, as slaves[186]. The Leno had -his _Villicus puellarum_ (Superintendent of the Maids), who assigned -name and price, provided the girls with clothes[187], and kept a -list of them and what they earned[188]. In fact such of the women as -were bond-servants were obliged,—and this applied equally to those -that were not slaves,—to deliver up not merely the As for the hire of -the chamber, but the whole fee as well, according to the amount fixed -by the brothel-keeper (Leno)[189], though much underhand trickery of -various sorts occurred in connection with this regulation[190]. - -The brothels were not allowed to be opened before the ninth hour (four -o’clock in the afternoon), so as not to draw young men away from -their duties[191]. The girls either stood (Prostibula—women who stand -in front)[192] or sat (Proseda—women who sit in front)[193] before -the “chambers” or Lupanaria (brothels), to call the passers-by to -them. Did a lover make his appearance, then the door of the “chamber” -was carefully fastened[194], and “_occupata_” (engaged) written -over the door[195], an unoccupied “chamber” being called _nuda_ -(naked)[196]. Towards morning the “chambers” were opened, and the -Leno (brothel-keeper) let the girls go[197]. It would seem to follow -from this that these either did not live in the brothel-keeper’s -house at all, or that the “chambers” were situated somewhere else, -away from head-quarters. From a passage in _Juvenal_[198] it has, -perhaps wrongly, been concluded that these “chambers” were at the -Circus Maximus. Such places are at any rate mentioned by _Dionysius -of Halicarnassus_ as existing at the Portico above the shops[199]; -and without doubt several passages are to be found in Latin authors -to prove that the women plied their trade even after the close of -the Representations[200], and we know that besides the regular Ludi -Circenses (Games of the Circus) other performances of a similar kind -were held in the Circus. - -Besides the brothels, we find, particularly in the Taverns (cauponae, -tabernae—inns, taverns) and Cookshops (popinae, ganea—cookshops, -eating-houses)[201], women kept by the hosts for the gratification of -their patrons. As a rule these also were bought slave-women, who served -the guests, entertained them with dance and music, and surrendered -their persons on desire. The hostesses themselves devoted their -attention to both trades, as e.g. is shown by the “Copa” (Mine Hostess) -ascribed to _Virgil_; and hence they, and their husbands with them, -stood in the eye of the Magistrate on the same footing with Lenones -and Meretrices (Brothel-keepers and Prostitutes)[202]. - -Now who frequented these places? Down to the time of the Empire only -the lowest class of the people, particularly Sailors[203], Freedmen -and Slaves[204], though indeed later, when _Claudius_ and _Nero_[205] -set so eminent an example, high and low equally might be found both -in brothels and in Taverns and Cookshops. The bakers, envious of the -profits made by the inn-keepers, organized their tabernae (bread-stalls -or shops) in the mills in such a way that they too could provide -their customers with what they wanted[206]. This appears to have been -done first in Campania[207]. But not solely in regular Houses and -“Chambers” were “filles de joie” to be met with. They carried on their -trade also as _Scorta erratica_ (wandering whores, street-walkers) the -commonest sort, in all public places, at the corners of streets[208], -round the tombs and monuments[209], in out-of-the-way nooks of the -town and the surrounding plantations in its neighbourhood[210]. In -these places they carried on their trade, some no doubt on their -own account, other perhaps as slaves working for their masters and -mistresses and bound to deliver in a fixed sum daily. - -The different kinds of “filles de joye” so far particularized were -all of them slave-women, but over and above these there were in Rome -a large number of Gay Women who carried on their profession entirely -on their own account, either merely as a second string to their -bow, like the Mimes, Dancers, Harp-girls, Ambubaiae[211], or else -as sole aim and object of their lives, in the character of _Scorta -nobilia_ (noble whores) or _bonae meretrices_ (good harlots) to -use _Plautus’_ expressions. They were all of them foreigners, and -generally freed-women[212], and were distinguished not only for their -more elaborate dress[213], but also on account of their education, -which far and away surpassed that of the Roman ladies. In this respect -however they fell short of the level reached by the Greek hetaerae -in the best times of Greece, and for this reason never obtained the -influence at Rome on the life of the city and of the State which the -former possessed at Athens. They were not so much friends (Amicae) as -mistresses (Dominae) of their Roman lover, and their relations with him -bodily only and not intellectual. For the rest this class yet awaits -a _Friedrich Jacobs_ to be its historian. They were either kept by an -individual lover, or else gave themselves only to rich admirers at -their own private lodgings,[214] that lay _perdu_ far from the bustle -of street and market; but no doubt descended, when the time of youth -and beauty was over, to the condition of common courtesans or even of -mere street-walkers. - -Just as happened in Greece, immodesty spread not a little among the -daughters and wives of the Roman citizens also, and already in the -reign of _Germanicus_, _Tacitus_ could report[215]: “Eodem anno -gravibus senatus decretis libido feminarum coercita, cautumque ne -quaestum corpore faceret, cui avus aut pater aut maritus Eques Romanus -fuisset.” (This same year severe decrees of the Senate were passed to -restrain unchastity on the part of women, and it was forbidden for any -to give her person for hire, whose grandfather, father, or husband had -been a Roman knight). So it cannot cause any great surprise to find -_Martial_[216] declaring: - - “Quaero diu totam, Sophroni Rufe, per urbem: - Si qua puella neget; nulla puella negat.” - -(I have long been searching the city through, Sophronius Rufus, if -there is e’er a maid to say no; there is not one!) To this result -the introduction at Rome of the worship of Isis had contributed not -a little[217]. Under pretence of serving Isis, the matrons found an -opportunity of wantoning unhindered in the arms of paramours[218], for -the husbands dared not ent10217 -er the temple precincts while their wives -offered were performing their ten days’ devotion there. Probably in -cases of disease of the genitals Roman women offered their prayers to -Isis, as the men did to Priapus, for the temples of the goddess were -full of images of parts of the body that had been healed and of maimed -organs[219], and contained numerous establishments for the care of -sick persons of this particular character. - -But of more influence than all the rest was the example which -the Emperors _Tiberius_, _Nero_, _Caligula_ and the infamous -_Messalina_[220] gave. Not contented with the possession of a -_Harem_, they set up actual brothels in their palaces,—a practice the -aristocracy soon copied, organizing similar establishments on their -estates, to be able to wallow indisturbed in the mire of bestial -lusts[221]. - -Of vice as practised in the Baths and of male whores in the brothels we -shall speak later. - -Now how were Brothels and Courtesans affected in connection with the -police of the State in Rome? It has been shown already that no penalty -whatever attached either to illicit intercourse or to prostitution in -general, because the disgrace to individuals involved in the commission -of such offences in the eyes of their fellows was thought sufficient to -ensure at any rate the daughters of citizens against unchastity. But -the case was different with married women who were guilty of a breach -of marriage honour. Of the manifold punishments we will mention only -one here: the offender was imprisoned and obliged to surrender her -person to all comers, whilst each time this took place a notification -was given by the ringing of a bell;—a procedure that continued till -finally abolished by the Emperor Theodosius[222]. - -They sought indeed to avoid the punishment by declaring themselves -engaged in Lenocinium (Procuration) as a calling, or by joining the -ranks of the the actresses; but the Lex Papia included provisions to -put a stop to this irregularity[223]. - -_Lenocinium_ (Procuration) in fact as well as the _licentia stupri_ -(fornication permit) had to be notified before the Aediles[224], whose -especial duty it was to see that no Matron became a prostitute[225]. -With this object they were bound to frequently search all such -places as have been specified above (_loca aedilem metuentia_—places -that fear the aedile)[226]; but dared not themselves indulge in any -immorality there[227]. When that pure-minded prince _Caligula_ became -Emperor, he introduced the Whore-duty (_vectigal ex capturis_—tax on -prostitution-fees) as a State impost[228]. This, _Alexander Severus_ -retained, it is true, but assigned the revenue from it to the -maintenance of the public buildings, that it might not contaminate the -State Treasure.[229] - -The information here collected, imperfect as it may be in many -respects, is yet sufficient to throw some light on the external -relations of brothels and courtesans. It shows convincingly that in -the entire absence of police supervision on the sanitary side, such -diseases as arose generally in Antiquity consequent upon coition must -have had their especial home and chief focus in the brothels and their -denizens. But of what nature these diseases were, and what parts of the -body they attacked, we shall only then be able to determine, when we -come to consider more precisely the actual excesses that led to them, -whether within or without the walls of the brothels. - - - Paederastia. - - - § 12. - -In the preceding investigations we have shown how the natural aim and -object of coition, viz. procreation of children, fell more and more -into the background, in order to make way for sensual gratification; -and we have made acquaintance with the establishments that grew up in -course of time for its indulgence. The facility with which the bestial -instinct could be satisfied and the titillation of carnal pleasure -procured, was bound to rob the customary manner of sexual indulgence -of the charm of novelty, and to set the depraved imagination of the -voluptuary at work to solve the problem of how to import manifold -variations into the simple act of copulation. This stage reached, it -inevitably followed that the natural ways of union of the sexes began -to appear insufficient, and the methods of so-called _unnatural_ Love -(Venus illegitima) grew up, wherein at last almost every trace of the -specific purpose of the genital organs was lost sight of. - -The “figurae Veneris legitimae” (modes of natural Love) are not -altogether without interest for the physician[230], but their study -is less necessary for our particular purpose. The modes of “Venus -illegitima” (unnatural Love) are what concern us here. The major part -of these have unfortunately never been included by writers on the -history of Venereal disease within the range of their enquiries. Hence -it has come about that while on the one hand they have given quite -false interpretations of various morbid affections, they have on the -other mistaken for the names of diseases expressions signifying nothing -more than forms of the unnatural sensual indulgence alluded to. The -historical enquirer into these subjects must indeed tread very slippery -ground. Supposing him to rise superior to the possible reproaches of -morality, fortified by the words of St. Paul[231], still he can find -absolutely nowhere in his investigations any secure stopping-place, -he must make up his mind to dispense with all external help and to -be thrown utterly on his own resources. Not only do the best and -fullest Dictionaries of the Greek and Latin languages leave him almost -completely in the lurch, but above and beyond this he has very often to -struggle with positive errors both in the Dictionaries and on the part -of the professional Philologists in their annotations to the writings -of the Ancients. These mistakes he must first of all discover, and -afterwards correct. What such an undertaking involves, what powers it -demands, will be obvious to anyone who is in any degree conversant -with the systematic study of Antiquity. Nevertheless the task should -not remain unattempted, if that is, we wish ever to come to a clear -understanding of the relations of words and things in this connection; -and on this ground the following researches no less than others find a -legitimate place here. These we offer as the best that the limitation -of our powers allowed,—at the same time gladly acknowledging the no -small assistance we have received from the Treatises of Forberg[232] -and Meier[232]. - -Paederastia appears, as is the case with all sexual perversions, to -owe its origin to the stimulation of the Asiatic climate, the mother -of exuberance and voluptuousness. The primary condition of its genesis -may be easily traced, if side by side with the dictum of Forberg (loco -citato, p. 235): “Et voluptas quidem paediconis facile intelligitur, -cum omnis voluptas mentulae pendeat ex frictione” (And the pleasure -indeed of the sodomite is readily intelligible, since all voluptuous -pleasure depends on friction of the penis), we take into consideration -the fact that the genital organs of Asiatic women,—a fact true also of -Italian and Spanish women[233]—like their whole bodies, exhibit great -looseness, and further note that the “Sphincter ani”[234] muscle far -and away surpasses the “Constrictor cunni” in strength. So it is by no -means improbable that the Apostle Paul is accurate when he says[235]: -“Wherefore God gave them up in the lusts of their hearts unto -uncleanness, that their bodies should be dishonoured among themselves; -_for their women changed the natural use into that which is against -nature_: and likewise also the men, leaving the natural use of the -woman, burned in their lust one toward another, men with men working -unseemliness.” - -In Asia _natural_ copulation formed a part of the Temple service of -Venus, and in course of time Paederastia as well was joined with it, -as is seen from the following passage of St. Athanasius[236]: “Sane -olim Phoeniciae mulieres in idolorum templis prius prostabant, suique -meretricii quaestus primordia diis, qui illic colebantur, consecrabant, -suam deam stupris propitiam reddi, benevolamque hoc pacto effici ratae. -_Viri quoque propriam ementiti naturam, nec amplius mares se esse -patientes, in feminas se converterunt, pergratum et honorificum matri -deorum se ita facturas arbitrati._ Omnes denique una cum perditissimis -vivunt, et secum ipsi pugnant ut peiores quotidie evadant, atque ut -dixit sanctus Christi minister Paulus:—(Here follows the passage just -quoted from the Epistle to the Romans.)—Haec autem et similia agendo, -fatentur certe et arguunt deos, quos ipsi colunt, huiusmodi vitam -duxisse, scilicet ex Jove puerorum corruptiones atque adulteria, ex -Venere meretriciam vitam ... ex aliis alia didicere, quae quidem cum -leges puniunt, tum probi homines abhorrent.” - -(Indeed the Phoenician women used in former times to prostitute -themselves for hire in the temples of their idols and to offer up the -gains of their fornication as first-fruits to the deities that were -worshipped therein, deeming that in this way they won the favour and -goodwill of their goddess. Moreover men, perverting their own proper -nature, and no more enduring to be males, turned themselves into the -likeness of women, supposing that by so doing they rendered a service -most grateful and honourable to the Mother of the Gods. In one word -they all consort with the most abandoned of mankind, and strive one -with the other how they may grow worse and worse day by day; and as St. -Paul the Apostle of Christ says:—(Here follows the passage just quoted -from the Epistle to the Romans.)—By such and such-like acts they verily -confess and show forth that those gods that themselves worship led -lives of a like kind. Thus from Jupiter they learned to seduce boys and -to commit adultery, from Venus harlotry, and so on from the other gods -other vile practices,—practices which are at once punished by the laws -and abominated by every honourable man). The same passage explains also -how the Old Testament comes to designate Cinaedi (on pathic Sodomites) -by the expression קָדֵשׁ (kadêsh, sanctus,—holy, consecrated). This -originally implied nothing more than a person who devoted himself for -the glory of a God as a servant in his Temple; and we have good reason -for believing we can establish the conjecture that the whole cult of -the Priests of Cybelé, etc., who had to practice emasculation and -who were known by the name of _Galli_, rests originally on a simple -misunderstanding of the expressions εὐνοῦχοι and ἀνδρόγυνοι (eunuchs, -men-women),—expressions which will be discussed later on,—these words -having meant at first nothing more than _Cinaedi_ (sodomites). It was -only in later times that Paederastia became a motive for Castration, -as by this means the body of the male could be made to preserve for -a longer period the youthful boyishness that approximated it to the -female form. This is shown in the following passage of Lucian[237], a -passage of special interest for the history of Paederastia: - -“So at first when men still lived the old heroic life and reverenced -virtue that brought them nearer the gods, they obeyed the laws that -nature had laid down and marrying in due proportion of age became the -fathers of noble children. But little by little the age degenerated -from that high level to the pit of sensual indulgence, and struck out -new and abnormal modes of gratification. Soon a reckless licentiousness -broke the very laws of nature; and for the first time a lover looked -on a _man_ as on a woman to lust after him, and worked his wicked -will either by superior force or by dint of artful persuasions. So in -one bed came together one and the same sex. And each seeing himself -in the other, took no shame in anything they did or in anything they -suffered to be done. Wasting their seed on barren[238] rocks, as the -saying goes, they bought a brief pleasure at the cost of deepest -infamy. Indeed with some to such a height of overmastering force did -their reckless passion rise that they actually violated nature with the -knife; and only when they had emptied men of their manliness did they -attain the summit and acmé of their gratification. - -“But the wretched and unhappy creatures, that they may remain longer -boys, suffer themselves to be no more men,—an ambiguous riddle midway -between the sexes, neither preserving the sex they were born to, nor -yet having any other to belong to. The bloom that was kept a while in -youth withers in old age and makes them wither with it in premature -decay. At one moment they are counted as boys, then lo! they are old -men; there is no middle time of manhood between the two. Thus wanton -luxury, the foul mother of every evil thing, contriving shameful -pleasures one to cap the other, fell into the slough of that _disease_ -that cannot even be named with decency, (μέχρι τῆς οὐ ῥηθῆναι δυναμένης -εὐπρεπῶς νόσου) that no province of impurity might remain unexplored.” - -In later times indeed castration was resorted to after the attainment -of man’s estate, in order that the Eunuchs might be able to appease the -titillation of sensual desire in the women without fear of impregnating -them[239]. - -In Syria, where this vicious practice of paederastia was especially in -vogue, the Jews also appear to have been acquainted with it[240]. From -Asia, whether through the instrumentality of the Phoenicians, or as -_Welcker_[241] maintains, through that of the Lydians, Paederastia came -in the first instance to Crete, and spread from thence over the whole -of Greece[242]. - -Just as was the case with the cult of Venus in that country, so -the “love of boys” assumed quite a different form in Greece. As -_Paedophilia_ (Affection for boys) it took rank as one of the means of -education, being consecrate to the heavenly Eros, while Paederastia -(Carnal love of boys) fell to the province of the common Eros. Down to -quite modern times Paedophilia has been confounded with Paederastia, -and in this way a shameful stigma attached to the Greek _nation_,—a -stigma that _Meier_, following the initiative of _Jacobs_ and _K. O. -Müller_ (loco citato), was the first to free the Greeks from. Granted, -the two things approached very near each other; still _Paederastia -was never approved by the Greeks_[243]. At Sparta the violation of -boys was punished by loss of civil rights, exile or death[244], and -it was the same at Athens, as _Meier_ (loco citato) pp. 167 sqq. has -sufficiently proved. The fact that the laws relating to this offence -were promulgated at Athens only after the time of _Solon_ shows that -paederastia, as well as brothels, did not come into use there till -about that time. True Athens in later times was quite as notorious -for the prevalence there of paederastia as Corinth was for its Gay -Women[245]; and Aristophanes’ Comedies show only too abundantly how -much occasion he could find for scourging the “Pathics”, and how the -Gymnasia and Palaestrae (Wrestling-grounds) also were responsible for a -great deal of the harm done. - -For, as Aristophanes[246] says: - - ἐν παιδοτρίβου δὲ καθίζοντας, τὸν μηρὸν ἔδει προβαλέσθαι - τοὺς παῖδας, ὅπως τοῖς ἔξωθεν μηδὲν δείξειαν ἀπηνές. - εἶτ’ αὖ πάλιν αὖθις ἀνισταμένους ξυμψῆσαι, καὶ προνοῆσαι - εἴδωλον τοῖσιν ἐρασταῖσιν τῆς ἥβης μὴ καταλείπειν. - -(Of old when boys sat at the trainer’s, they were bound to throw -out the thigh, so as not to expose to the spectators’ gaze anything -unbecoming; then again when they got up again, they had to scrape out -the mark in the sand, and take care not to leave behind a model of -their youthful shape,—an incitement to lovers). - -Besides the Gymnasia and Palaestrae, the barber’s shops -(κουρεῖα)[247], perfumers’ shops (μυροπωλεῖα)[248], Surgeries -(ἰατρεῖα)[249], Money-changers’ counters (τράπεζαι)[250], -bath-houses[251], and to a greater or less extent all kinds of -workshops (ἐργαστήρια)[252], particularly when in situations handy -to the Market, served as trysting-places of the paederasts and -pathics. Here the former sought victims for their vicious desires, -and the latter opportunities to sell their persons; while many of -the proprietors of such places may well have acted as Procurers -(προαγωγοί, μαστροποί,—Procurers, Pandars) for this purpose. The vice -itself was chiefly practised in lonely, obscure parts of the town, and -particularly on the Pnyx hill[253]. - -The Eleans and Bœotians are not only reproached with paederastia, but -the violation of boys is alleged to have been _allowed_ among these -peoples[254]. Megara it is true is charged with ὕβρις (shameful -violence), a common designation for paederastia[255], but we may -certainly doubt whether the temple of Ἀφροδίτη πρᾶξις there, which -_Pausanias_[256], mentions, had anything to do with this vice. The -author in question says: “After the sanctuary of Dionysus is shown -a temple of Venus. The image of Venus is of ivory, and is called -Aphrodité _Praxis_. It is the most ancient image in the temple.” No -other author however mentions any such cult as existing in Megara, and -even though the word πρᾶξις (intercourse), as _Meier_ (loco citato p. -153, note 49) has shown by examples, is used specially of paederastia, -yet at the same time the passage of _Euripides_, Ion 894. - - θεὸς ὀμευνέτας ἆγες ἀναιδείᾳ - Κύπριδι χάριν πράσσων. - -(Thou, god, partner of my bed, didst lead me, in shamelessness _doing -favour to Cypris—Love_), clearly proves that πράσσειν (to do, to have -intercourse) was used of coition generally[257]. - -Moreover in the passage of _Plutarch_ quoted a little above -paederastia is called χάρις ἄχαρις (a grace that is without grace) -and further down Ἔρως, Ἀφροδίτης μὴ παρούσης,—Ἔρως χωρὶς Ἀφροδίτης, -(Love—Eros—where Aphrodité is not, Love without Aphrodité); so how can -it have been regarded by the Greeks as under the _patronage_ of Venus? -Undoubtedly πρᾶξις is here synonymous with πόρνη (harlot), and the -Ἀφροδίτη πρᾶξις at Megara is nothing else than the Ἀφροδίτη πόρνη of -other cities. - -_Chalcis_ had gained such notoriety for paederastia[258], that -χαλκιδίζειν (to act the Chalcidian) was said proverbially for -παιδεραστεῖν (to practise paederastia). It was the same with _Chios_ -and _Siphnos_, as the expressions χιάζειν and σιφνιάζειν (to play -the Chian, the Siphnian) in _Hesychius_ prove. Hesychius says indeed -_σιφνιάζειν_: i.e. to finger behind; for the Siphnians are ill-spoken -of as enjoying boy-lovers. To act the Siphnian then means, to poke with -the finger. But the first explanation by καταδακτυλίζειν (to finger -behind), as well as the gloss of _Suidas_[259], show clearly that the -inhabitants of the island of Siphnos,—one of the Cyclades, practised a -species, if we may use the expression, of _Onania postica_ (back-door, -posterior masturbation),—like the cobbler at Vienna, who to allay the -Prurigo ani (itching of the anus) pushed his hammer up his posterior, -and then alas! could not pull it out again. In the same way the -Siphnians used the fingers[260]. - -The inhabitants of Italy were according to _Suidas_ (under the name -Θάμυρις—Thamyris) inventors of paederastia; and Etruscans, Samnites and -Messapians, as well as the Greeks dwelling in Magna Graecia, lay under -the reproach of practising the most vicious forms of love with men and -violation of boys[261]. In all probability the vice spread from here to -Rome, where it is found as early as the year 433 A.U.C.[262]. To such -an extent did it increase that in 585 A.U.C. (B.C. 169), as _Meier_ has -demonstrated, the _Lex Scantinia_ had to be passed against it. Yet all -this amounted as yet to nothing in comparison with the scenes of horror -that were enacted under the Emperors _Tiberius_, _Caligula_, etc., of -whom _Martial_[263] says: - - Tanquam parva foret sexus iniuria nostri - Foedandos populo prostituisse mares[264], - Iam cunae leonis erant, ut ab ubere raptus - Sordida vagitu posceret aera puer, - Immatura dabant infandas corpora poenas. - Non tulit Ausonius talia monstra pater: - Idem qui teneris nuper succurrit ephebis, - Ne faceret steriles saeva libido viros. - Dilexere prius pueri, iuvenesque senesque: - At nunc infantes te quoque, Caesar, amant. - -(As though it were a small wrong done our sex to make males -prostitutes[264] to be debauched by the crowd, cradles now became a -part of the brothel-keeper’s stock in trade, that the baby-boy torn -from the breast might solicit a sordid wage by his wailing, and -immature bodies paid horrible penalties. Horrors such as these the -great Father of Italy (Domitian) would not suffer: that same good -Emperor who of late came to the rescue of tender youths, that raging -lust might not make men unfruitful. Heretofore boys loved him,—and -young men and old; now the very infants too love thee, Caesar). - -Yet this was of little avail; the vice descended from generation to -generation, and passed on to the Christian nations, just as the Roman -punishments did in their legal codes. - - - Diseases consequent on Paederastia. - - - § 13. - -If we consider, first that the contractile power of the _Sphincter ani_ -muscle offered great resistance to the paederast, a resistance only to -be overcome by the exertion of considerable force, secondly that the -glands of the _rectum_ exude a malodorous secretion, which under the -influence of climate,—a subject to be dealt with more precisely later -on,—assumes a more or less acrid quality, it will not surprise us to -find that manifold forms of disease showed themselves in Ancient times -both among paederasts and cinaedi (pathics). These were no doubt all -the more serious in cases where the one set of organs or the other -was already morbidly affected. As to the paederast indeed the direct -evidence is scanty, yet it is not entirely wanting, as may be seen from -the following Epigram of _Martial_[265]: - - - IN NAEVOLUM. - - _Mentula cum doleat puero, tibi_, Naevole, _culus_, - Non sum divinus, sed scio quid facias. - -(To Naevolus.—When I see _pained and sore the boy’s penis and your -posterior_, Naevolus,—I’m no wizard, but I know what it is you do). -Here we see both parts suffering from disease, the paederast in his -penis, the pathic in his posterior: and _Martial_ concludes Naevolus -was a _cinaedus_. - -But more especially must phimosis and paraphimosis have had a tendency -to be set up in the case of the paederast. These at first, because -the continuous state of erection of the _penis_ which is a feature of -these affections was obviously the most visibly conspicuous symptom, -were designated by the name Satyriasis, the usual appellation of the -latter condition. This will also give a probable explanation of the -mortality from this cause observed by _Themison_ in _Crete_[266],—a -locality notorious, as we have seen, for the dishonouring of boys,—and -generally for the frequency of Satyriasis, which often took an almost -epidemic character in that island. Paraphimosis it should be noted -in passing had already been only too frequently noted as affecting -masturbators. Physicians indeed say nothing as to the predisposing -causes, and explain the disease as arising from an _Acrimonia humorum_ -(Acridness of the humours) or from drinking a Philtre (Love-potion). -_Naumann_[267] appears to wish to make the Satyriasis that prevailed -in Crete some form of leprous affection, but for this view we can find -absolutely no ground. - -Much more frequent mention is found of affections of the _rectum_ among -the pathics as consequences of paederastia. First come fissures, and in -their train ulcers of the _rectum_; whence the expressions _sectus_, -_percisus_ (cut), and the like are applied so often in Roman writers to -the pathic, and to his vice generally. So _Martial_[268] says: - - - IN CARINUM. - - _Secti podicis usque ad umbilicum_ - Nullas reliquias habet Carinus, - Et prurit tamen usque ad umbilicum. - O quanta scabie miser laborat! - Culum non habet, est tamen cinaedus. - -(To Carinus.—Carinus has no relics left of _his fundament, cut up -to the very navel_; and yet he itches with desire up to the very -navel. Oh! what a vile itch torments the unhappy man! He possesses no -posterior, and nevertheless is a cinaedus (pathic).) - - - IN LESBIAM[269]. - - De cathedra quoties surgis, jam saepe notavi, - _Paedicant miseram_, Lesbia, _te tunicae. - Quas cum conata es dextra, conata sinistra - Vellere, cum lacrimis eximis et gemitu._ - Sic constringuntur gemina Symplegade culi, - Et Minyas intrant Cyaneasque nates. - Emendare cupis _vitium deforme_? docebo. - Lesbia, nec surgas censeo, nec sedeas! - -(To Lesbia.—As oft as you rise from your chair, Lesbia, I have many -a time noticed the fact, _your undergarments, poor lady, play the -paederast with you. You endeavour to pluck them away first with the -right, anon with the left hand; finally you release them with tears -and groaning_. So drawn together are the twin Symplegades of your -fundament, and enter in between Minyan and Cyanean buttocks. Would you -fain cure _this ungraceful defect_? I will tell you how: I think, -Lesbia, you’d better not get up, nor yet sit down!) - -Usually indeed the Pathic tried to conceal his complaint, and to make -it pass under some other name, as does Charisianus: - - - DE CHARISIANO[270]. - - Multis jam, Lupe, posse se diebus - Paedicare negat Charisianus. - Caussam cum modo quaererent sodales: - _Ventrem_, dixit, _habere se solutum_. - -(On Charisianus.—Charisianus says, Lupus, that for many days he has -been unable to indulge in paederastia. When his comrades asked the -reason; _his bowels_, he said, _were relaxed_!) - -But most frequently of all are the fig-like swellings on the fundament -(Ficus, Mariscae,—figs, large figs) mentioned by Ancient authors as a -consequence of paederastia. - - - DE SE PRIAPUS[271]. - - Non sum de fragili dolatus ulmo; - Nec quae stat rigida supina vena, - De ligno mihi quolibet columna est, - Sed viva generata de cupresso.— - Hanc, tu quisquis es, o malus, timeto: - Nam si vel minimos manu rapaci - Hoc de palmite laeseris racemos: - _Nascetur_, licet hoc velis negare, - _Inserta tibi ficus a cupresso_. - -(Priapus on Himself.—I am not hewn of fragile elm, nor is my pillar -that stands bent back with penis stiffly erect of any chance wood, but -born of the living cypress.—Beware this image, thief, whoe’er thou -art; for should you damage with plundering hand the tiniest clusters -of this stem, _there shall grow a fig_, deny it if you will, _of -cypress-wood inserted up your fundament_.) - - - DE LABIENO[272]. - - Ut pueros emeret Labienus, vendidit hortos, - Nil nisi _ficetum_ nunc Labienus habet. - -(On Labienus.—To buy boys Labienus sold his gardens; nought but a -_fig-garden_ does Labienus now possess.) - - - AD CAECILIANUM[273]. - - Cum dixi _ficus_, rides quasi barbara verba. - Et dici _ficos_, Caeciliane, iubes. - Dicemus _ficus_, quas scimus in arbore nasci, - Dicemus _ficos_, Caeciliane, _tuos_. - -(To Caecilianus.—When I have said _ficus_, you laugh, Caecilianus, as -though I had committed a solecism, and declare _ficos_ should be the -word. We will say _ficus_, meaning the figs that we know grow on the -tree, but your figs, Caecilianus, we will call _ficos_). - -Now too we shall understand the _medico ridente_ (the doctor grinning) -in the following passage of _Juvenal_ (II. 12): - - Sed podice laevi - Caeduntur _tumidae_, medico ridente, _mariscae_. - -(But from your smooth posterior are cut, the doctor grinning the while, -_the bloated swellings_). Just as it admits of no doubt that in the -passage of _Horace_[274]: - - Nam, displosa sonat quantum vesica, pepedi - Diffissa nate _ficos_. - -(For as loud as a burst bladder sounds, I farted my swellings -(ficos—figs) away, splitting the rump), _ficos_ and not as commonly -_ficus_ must be read. - -That these morbid growths were not entirely free from contagious matter -seems to be indicated by the following passages. In the _Priapeia_ -(Carm. 50) we read: - - Quaedam, si placet hoc tibi, Priape, - Ficosissima me puella ludit, - Et non dat mihi, nec negat daturam; - Causasque invenit usque differendi. - Quae si contigerit fruenda nobis, - Totam cum paribus, Priape, nostris - Cingemus tibi mentulam coronis. - -(A certain girl, if it please you to listen, Priapus, is playing with -me. Most sorely afflicted is she with swellings; and she will not give -herself to me, yet does not say she never will, and ever finds excuses -for putting off and putting off. Now if ever she shall be mine to -enjoy, I and my comrades with me, will wreath all thy _penis_, Priapus, -with garlands). The girl, who was badly affected with these swellings, -and that presumably in the secret parts, refuses her lover coition. The -latter does not insist, but prays to Priapus, as was habitually done -in all cases of affections of the genitals (see p. 74 above) and vows -to deck his penis with garlands. It follows that the lover was aware -these swellings would be injurious to him, if he should constrain the -girl, of whom the poet says, _nec negat daturam_ (yet does not say she -will _not_ give herself), to lie with him. Still clearer evidence of -this may be found in the following Epigram of _Martial_, where a whole -family is affected with these swellings or tumours: - - - De familia ficosa.[275] - - Ficosa est uxor, ficosus et ipse maritus, - Filia ficosa est, et gener atque nepos. - Nec dispensator, nec villicus, _ulcere turpi_, - Nec rigidus fossor, sed nec arator eget. - Cum sint ficosi pariter iuvenesque senesque, - Res mira est, ficus non habet unus ager. - -(On a tumourous household.—The goodwife is tumourous, tumourous the -goodman her husband, tumourous the daughter of the house, and the -son-in-law and the grandson. Neither house-steward nor factor is free -of the foul ulcer, nor the rugged ditcher, nor yet the ploughman. Now -when all alike, young and old have tumours (ficos, ficus), the strange -thing is, not a single field has fig-trees (ficus)). For the rest -the words _ulcere turpi_ (foul ulcer) show that _ficus_, like σύκος -and σύκωσις (fig, fig-like swelling) in Greek, signifies not only a -fig-shaped swelling, but also an ulcer with granulous surface, like -a fig cut in two. Or possibly it would be better to understand here -swellings that have passed into the ulcerated stage[276]. - -Seeing how plainly the passages just quoted from non-medical Writers -point to these swellings being a consequence of paederastia, it is -surprising that not one of the Ancient physicians, spite of _Juvenal’s_ -_medico ridente_ (the doctor grinning the while), ever so far as we -know, alleges this form of licentiousness as cause of affections of the -sort. On the other hand we cannot help remarking that the frequency of -these swellings in the time of _Martial_ and _Juvenal_ can hardly be -explained as arising solely from the general prevalence of paederastia. -More probably, then as now, the _Genius epidemicus_ (Epidemic -influences) bore no unimportant share in bringing about the result, -just as was the case (see later) with _Mentagra_ (Eruption of the chin). - -However not merely primary affections of the posteriors were the -punishment of the _Cinaedus_, but also secondary ones of the _mouth_ -and _throat_. First and foremost was hoarseness of the voice, to which -_Martial_[277] alludes, when he makes the champion of the baths the -_cinaedus_ Charinus speak _raucidulo ore_ (with a weak, hoarse voice). -This we find, following Reiske’s[278] indication, more explicitly -dealt with in _Dio Chrysostom_[279]:— - -“But this is surely worth mentioning, and it is a thing no one can -deny. I mean the noteworthy fact that a disease has attacked so many -in this city,—one which I used to hear of as prevailing much more -frequently with others than amongst you. What is it I mean? Even though -I could explain myself no more clearly, yet you might easily guess the -answer. Do not think I am speaking of secrets, of hidden doings, when -the astounding fact itself speaks plainly enough. For there are many in -this city that are asleep, even while they walk and stand and speak; -though they may appear to most observers to be awake, yet it is not -really so. - -“Now they give, in my opinion, the clearest proof that they are -asleep,—they snore (ῥέγχουσιν). I cannot, by heaven, express myself -more clearly with decency. True only a few of the sleepers are -suffering from the complaint I mean, and of the others it affects only -the drunken, the overfed and such as have lain ill. But I maintain -this vicious practice (ἔργον) shames the city and brands it publicly. -The grossest ignominy is brought down upon their native city by these -sleepers by day, and they ought, I say, to have been expelled your -borders, as has been their fate everywhere else. For it is not now -and then, nor here and there, they are met with; but at all times and -in all places in the city occasion may be found to threaten, scorn or -deride them. For the rest the practice has actually penetrated now to -boys still young, and adults that yet would fain be reputable, suffer -themselves to be led away into regarding the matter as a trifle, and if -they refrain from the decisive step, yet it was their wish to take it. - -“If there were a city in which wailing were to be heard all day -long, and no one could walk about in it, no! not one minute, -without listening to the sound of lamentation, tell me, what man -would willingly stay here? Now wailing, as all agree, is a sign of -unhappiness; but that other sound is the sign of shamelessness and -lewdness the most scandalous. Surely one would much rather choose to -associate with unhappy men than with paederasts[280]. I might avoid -listening, if a single man were to be blowing the flute everlastingly, -but if in a particular place there is an everlasting noise of flutes, -singing or guitar-playing,—such as might be where the rocks ever ring -with the Syrens’ song,—I could not, having arrived there, endure to -remain. And this unmusical and harsh tone of voice[281], what man of -any virtue can abide it? If a man passes in front of a home in which -he catches the sound, he says, “Of a surety there is a brothel there!” -Now what shall be said of a city where nothing _but_ this tone of voice -prevails universally, so that no exception can be made of time or day -or place whatever? For in streets and houses, in public places, in the -theatre and in the Gymnasium, _paederastia_ is rife[282]. - -“Again I have never yet heard a flute-player of a morning in the city, -but this horrible sort of din is raised[283] from earliest dawn. - -“I do not indeed shut my eyes to the fact that it will be said I am -talking silly nonsense most likely, in making such allegations, and -that there is nothing in it. Nay! but surely you are only carrying -pot-herbs in your cart, and behold with indifference profusion of white -bread on the road, as well as salt and fresh meat. But just consider -the thing (πρᾶγμα i. e. paederastia) in this way too: If any one of -these objectors should come into a city, where all men, when they -point to a thing, point at it with the middle finger[284], when any -one gives the right hand, gives it with this same gesture, and when -he stretches out the hand, as the people does in voting or the judges -in giving decisions, does so in the same way, what, pray will he think -of such a city? What, if further all men walk in this city with skirts -up-raised, as if wading in a quagmire? For do you not really and truly -know what has given occasion to the defamation you suffer; what it -is has offered matter to such as are unfriendly disposed to you for -censure on our city? Tell me, what is the reason they nickname you -“hawks” (κερκίδες)[285]? - -“Well, but you opine the question is not what others say of you, but -what you really do yourselves? Good; but if a single disease of such -a sort attacks a people that they all of them acquire women’s voices, -and no man, neither stripling nor grey-beard, can utter a word in a -man’s voice, is not this a horrible thing, and harder to bear, I should -suppose, than any Plague? For it is not _shameful_ to have a fever, nor -even to die. - -“Nay! but to speak with women’s voice is after all to speak with human -voice, and no one is filled with aversion when he hears a woman. But, -tell me, whose is this voice; does it not belong to the _Androgyni_ -(men-women), the Cinaedi? or to such as have had the genitals -amputated? True it is not invariably found with all such, but it is -characteristic of them and a sign of what they are. - -“Well then! suppose a stranger from a distance to judge from your -voices, what kind of men you are, and what are your pursuits -(πράττειν,—what it is you do). You are not fit, I tell you, to be -neatherds or shepherds. I wonder would any one take you for descendants -of the Argives, as you profess to be, or indeed for Greeks at all,—you -who outdo the Phoenicians in lubricity? At any rate I do think it would -behove a man of any morality in such a city to close his ears with wax -far more than if he were sailing past the Syrens’ shore. There he would -run the risk of death, but here of foulest licence, of violation, of -the vilest seduction. - -“Once Ionic harmony was in vogue, or Doric, or yet another sort, the -Phrygian and Lydian, now it is the music of Aradus and the Phoenician -modes that please you; you love this rhythm _par excellence_, -as others do the Spondaic. Was ever a race of men that were good -musicianers—through the nose?! - -(p. 409). “But such a rhythm must needs have something to follow. You -would seem not to know what; just as with other nations the wrath -of the gods overtook some single part, the hands, the feet or the -face[286], in the same way among you an endemic disease has attacked -the nose. Just as the angry Aphrodité they say made the Lemnian women’s -armpits abominable, know now that the gods in their anger have played -havoc with the noses of most of your fellow citizens, and that is why -they have this characteristic voice of their own. Indeed from where -else could it have come? - -“But _I_ say this thing is the mark of most infamous lewdness, of most -infamous madness, of contempt for all decency (all morality), and (a -proof) of the fact that there is no more any single thing held to be -disgraceful. Their speech, their gait, their look, proclaim it.” - -From this passage of Dio Chrysostom, who lived at the end of the First -and beginning of the Second Century A.D., we see that at that period -the vice of paederastia prevailed at Tarsus to an appalling extent; -and very possibly it is this circumstance that gave occasion to the -declaration of the Apostle St. Paul[287], whose native town of course -Tarsus was, when he says: - -“Wherefore God gave them up in the lusts of their hearts unto -uncleanness, that their bodies should be dishonoured among -themselves.... For their women[288] changed the natural use into -that which is against nature; and likewise also the men, leaving the -natural use of the woman, burned in their lust one toward another, -men with men working unseemliness, and receiving in themselves that -recompense of their error which was due.” This recompense was no doubt -the ῥέγχειν (snoring), which according to _Reiske_ was the consequence -of an affection of the throat and nose in which the breath was exhaled -with a characteristic noise. To corroborate this view he quotes in -his edition of Dio Chrysostom the following passage from _Ammianus -Marcellinus_[289], who picturing the habits of the Romans in the -middle of the Fourth Century, wrote thus: “Haec nobilium instituta. Ex -turba vero imae sortis et pauperrimae, in tabernis aliqui pernoctant -vinariis: nonnulli velabris umbraculorum theatralium latent, quae -Campanam imitatus lasciviam Catulus in aedilitate sua suspendit omnium -primus; aut pugnaciter aleis certant, _turpi sono fragosis naribus -introrsum reducto spiritu concrepantes_.” (Such are the usages of the -nobles. But of the masses, those of lowest and poorest lot, certain -spend the night in wine-taverns, some lurk under the curtains of the -theatre awnings,—which Catulus in his aedileship, imitating Campanian -luxury, was the very first to erect; or quarrel and fight at dice, -_making an ugly rattling sound the while by drawing in the breath -through their rough nostrils_). - -Now we know that paederasts had foul breaths, as _Martial_[290] indeed -noted, consequently the mucous membrane of the mouth was morbidly -affected in its action, and further that they spoke _raucidulo ore_ -(with hoarse voice)[291], which must have been with many the ordinary -consequence of a thickening of the tissues by previous ulceration; and -at this fact this Speech of Dio Chrysostom, as _Reiske_ understands it, -may very well hint. But to take the main gist of his speech, the author -of the “Tarsica” signifies by ῥέγχειν (to snort) something quite -different from this, as the whole context shows clearly. - -It was in fact a signal or mode of solicitation, by which the -pathics sought to allure the paederasts to them and invited them -to lewdness, as comes out more plainly in the following passage of -_Clemens Alexandrinus_[292]: Αἱ δὲ _ἀνδρογύνων συνουσίαις_ ἥδονται· -παρεισῥέουσιν δὲ ἔνδον κιναίδων ὄχλοι, ἀθυρόγλωσσοι· μιαροὶ μὲν τὰ -σώματα, μιαροὶ δὲ τὰ φθέγματα, εἰς ὑπουργίας ἀκολάστους ἠνδρωμένοι, -μοιχείας διάκονοι, κιχλίζοντες καὶ ψιθυρίζοντες, καὶ _τὸ πορνικὸν -ἀναίδην εἰς ἀσέλγειαν διὰ ῥινῶν ἐπιψοφοῦντες ἐπικιναίδισμα_, ἀκολάστοις -ῥήμασι καὶ σχήμασι τέρπειν πειρώμενοι, καὶ εἰς γέλωτας ἐκκαλούμενοι, -πορνείας παράδρομον· ἔστι δ’ ὅτε καὶ ὑπεκκαιόμενοι διὰ τὴν τυχοῦσαν -ὄργην, ἤτοι πόρνοι αὐτοὶ ἢ καὶ κιναίδων ὄχλον εἰς ὄλεθρον ἐζηλωκότες, -_ἐπικροτοῦσι τῇ ῥινὶ_, βατράχων δίκην, καθάπερ ἔνοικον τοῖς μυκτῆρσι -τὴν χολὴν κεκτημένοι. (But they delight in the _assemblies of the -Androgyni_ (men-women); and crowds of pathics hurry along to join them -within, everlasting chatterers, abominable in person and abominable in -voice; reared up to manhood for unchaste ministrations, servants of -adultery; tittering and whispering, and _sounding though their nose -the debauched cinaedus’ call to shameful licentiousness_, striving to -please with indecent words and gestures, and challenging to laughter, a -race and competition in harlotry. Then again at times kindled by some -chance gust of anger, whether debauchees themselves or roused to a -fatal emulation with the crowd of pathics, they make a rattling sound -with the nose, like frogs, as though they kept their stock of gall up -their nostrils). - -But possibly the Tarsians were also _Fellatores_ (ii qui penem alienum -in os admittunt, ibique eo sugunt ut voluptas quaedam libidinosa -paretur,—those who allow another’s penis to be put in their mouth, -and suck it) (see later), and snorted as _fellatores_ did at their -task,—for the word ῥέγχειν (to snort) is manifestly used in several -different senses. It only remains to mention that a _pale complexion_ -was also reckoned one of the signs of a _Cinaedus_, a fact to which -_Juvenal’s_ (II. 50.) words refer: _Hippo subit iuvenes et morbo pallet -utroque_. (Hippo submits to men, and is pale with two-fold disease). Of -these marks of the _Cinaedus_ we shall speak in greater detail directly. - - - Νοῦσος Θήλεια (Feminine Disease)[293]. - - - § 14. - -The passage of _Dio Chrysostom_ discussed in the preceding section -brings us, in virtue of a variety of hints it contains, to the much -canvassed Νοῦσος Θήλεια (feminine disease) of the Scythians. _Stark_ -has collected with the greatest care everything that has so far been -adduced by different authors in explanation of the subject; and on his -Work we must base our own efforts in the investigations that follow. - -_Herodotus_[294] relates how the Scythians had made themselves masters -of all Asia, and how some of them on their homeward march had plundered -the very ancient temple of _Venus Urania_ at Ascalon, a town of Syria; -and then proceeds as follows: - -“On such of the Scythians as plundered the temple at Ascalon, and on -their posterity for successive generations, the goddess inflicted the -θήλεια νούσος—feminine disease. And the Scythians say themselves it -is for this cause they suffer the sickness, and moreover that any who -visit the Scythian country may see among them what is the condition -of those whom the Scythians call Ἐναρέες”. (a Scythian word, probably -having the same meaning as Greek ἀνδρόγυνοι—men-women). - -The different views that have been formulated at different times as to -the nature of the νοῦσος θήλεια may be readily classified as follows. -It was regarded as:— - -1. _a Vice_, this vice being, - -a) _Paederastia_; manifestly the oldest explanation,—already alluded -to by _Longinus_, but specially championed by _Bouhier_[295], also -entertained by the interpreters of _Longinus_, _Toll_ and _Pearce_, as -well as by _Casaubon_ (Epistolae) and _Costar_[296]; - -b). Onanism (Self Masturbation),—a view _Sprengel_[297] is inclined to -decide in favour of. - -2. _a bodily Disease_,—to wit, - -a). _Haemorrhoids_ (Piles); an opinion maintained by _Paul Thomas de -Girac_[298], _Valckenaar_ in his Notes to Herodotus, _Bayer_[299], and -the authors of the “General History of the World”[300]; - -b). _actual Menstruation_, for which _le Fèvre_ and _Dacier_ would seem -to have declared; - -c). _Gonorrhoea_ (Clap), which _Patin_[301], _Hensler_[302] and -_Degen_[303] understood to be meant; - -d). _actual loss of the Testicles, true Eunuchs_, _Mercurialis_[304] -considered must have been implied; and with this view _Stark’s_ -conclusion in part coincides, who understood a disease involving -complete loss of virile power, both corporeal and mental, and producing -an actual metamorphosis of the male type into the female. - -(3). _a mental Disease_, in fact a form of Melancholia. This is the -view adopted by _Sauvages_[305], _Heyne_, _Bose_, _Koray_[306] and -_Friedreich_. - -It would naturally be our task to examine the reasons alleged for -and against these separate views. Supposing however we succeed in -satisfactorily proving one of them to be the right one, then _ipso -facto_ all the rest come to nothing; and so we propose here to essay -the advocacy of the oldest of them,—the view that makes the νοῦσος -θήλεια to be the vice of paederastia. _En passant_ we must call -attention to the fact that under the name of paederastia must be -understood not only the vicious habit of the paederast pure and simple, -of the man that is who _practices_ the act, but also of the _pathic_, -who offers opportunities for its commission. This is a point which -above all others has been quite left out of sight by the adversaries of -the view in question. - -The next question we have to answer would seem to be this: Could -paederastia be regarded as a consequence of the vengeance of Venus? -As it is the Scythians that are in question, the first thing would -naturally appear to be to determine what conception the Scythians had -of Venus. But inasmuch as the data are lacking for any demonstration -of the sort, while the Scythians themselves ascribe the νοῦσος θήλεια -to the vengeance of Venus, we may very well refer for a reply to this -first question to the general character of the cult of the goddess[307] -and what has been said on the whole subject above; and herein there -seems to exist no reason why we should not answer the query asked above -in the affirmative. Granted that Venus was regarded as goddess of -fruitfulness or as dispenser of the joys of Love, then in either aspect -it was but natural she should withdraw the marks of her favour from -the culprits (the paederasts). These neither wished for posterity nor -enjoyed the delights connected with _natural_ coition, but were equally -indifferent towards the one and towards the other[308]; and the first -sign of the vengeance of the goddess consists in the withdrawal of her -benefits. - -How _Stark_, following the lead of an anonymous French author quoted -by _Larcher_[309], can maintain there is no question of punishment -here, as in that case Venus would be acting against her own interest, -we fail to understand; and _Larcher_ himself calls this unknown writer -_un homme d’esprit, mais peu instruit_ (witty but superficial). This -is proof sufficient in our opinion that only a jest is intended, but -one that _Stark_, p. 7 (notes 19 and 20.), has taken with the utmost -seriousness. - -However our view is _directly_ supported by another myth, which _Dio -Chrysostom_ mentions, speaking of the sweating at the armpits with -which the Lemnian women were afflicted. According to this legend Venus -punishes the women of Lemnos[310]: - -“Haec Dea veluti etiam ceteri, sua sacrificia praetermitti non -aequo animo ferebat: quae cum Lemniae mulieres Veneris sacrificia -sprevissent, Deae maxime iram in se concitasse creditae sunt, quod -etiam non impune putantur fecisse. _Nam tantum foetorem illis excitasse -feminis Dea perhibetur, ut a suis maritis contemnerentur._” (This -goddess, no less than other deities, could not bear the neglect of her -proper sacrifices with equanimity. Thus the women of Lemnos, having -omitted to perform these sacrifices of Venus, are believed to have -brought down on themselves the most serious anger of the goddess, -and this they are accounted not to have done with impunity. _For -the goddess, as is related, caused such a foul odour to arise among -the women, that they were scorned by their husbands._) If the view -mentioned just above as taken by the Apostle Paul and by St. Athanasius -is the right one, it would seem that the Lemnian women had suffered -themselves to be used by their husbands for purposes of paederastia; -then as a consequence there had been set up the evil odour of the mouth -and breath, and this had driven the men to desert their wives to live -with the captive Thracian slave-women (_Apollonius_). - -But indeed the Ancients generally, or at any rate the Greeks and -Romans, seem to have always held the opinion that unnatural coition, -as well as all the similar forms of indulgence taking its place, were -a consequence of the wrath of Venus, against whom the individuals had -offended[311]. This appears also from the play of _Philoctetes_, of -whom the _Scholiast_ to _Thucydides_[312] says: “Moreover Philoctetes, -having on account of the death of Paris fallen sick of the _feminine -disease_, and being unable to bear the shame of it, left his country -and founded a city, which in memory of his misfortune he named -Malacia—Effeminacy.” _Martial_[313] had the same myth in his mind when -he wrote: - - In Sertorium - - Mollis erat, facilisque viris Paeantius heros, - Vulnera sic Paridis dicitur ulta Venus. - Cur lingat cunnum Siculus Sertorius, hoc est, - Ex hoc occisus, Rufe, videtur Eryx. - -(To Sertorius.—The Hero, son of Paeas (Philoctetes), was effeminate -and easy of access to men; in this way Venus is said to have avenged -the murder of Paris. Why should Sicilian Sertorius lick the pudendum -of women? this is why, because it would appear, he was the slayer, -Rufus, of a man of Eryx.) Of course there can be no question here of -the disease which detained Philoctetes at Lemnos and prevented his -taking part in the expedition to Troy; and if the older legend says -nothing as to the νοῦσος θήλεια of Philoctetes, it is clear from this -(as Meier, loco citato, has shown) that only in times when paederastia -was becoming prevalent, were all these legends invented, to get as it -were a sort of excuse by alleging a distinguished predecessor in the -practice. So _Martial_ says, addressing _Gaurus_:[314] - - Quod nimio gaudes noctem producere vino, - Ignosco: vitium, Gaure, Catonis habes. - Carmina quod scribis Musis et Apolline nullo, - Laudari debes: hoc Ciceronis habes. - Quod vomis: Antoni, quod luxuriaris: Apici; - Quod fellas—vitium dic mihi, cuius habes? - -(That you love to prolong the night with excess of wine, I can excuse; -you have the vice, Gaurus, of Cato. That you write verses with no -inspiration of Muses and Apollo, for this, you should be praised; it -is a fault of Cicero’s you have. That you vomit, well! ’twas a habit -of Antony’s; that you are a gourmand, ’twas Apicius’ weakness.—That -you suck (as a _fellator_), whose vice have you here, pray tell me!) -The above Epigram of _Martial’s_ (To Sertorius) shows very clearly -how the poets represented each form of unnatural indulgence of the -sexual impulse as vengeance of Venus. It is a _cunnilingus_ that is -in question here, and his vice is accounted for in this way:—just as -Philoctetes on account of the slaying of Paris had been punished by -Venus with paederastia, so the Sicilian Sertorius probably became a -_cunnilingus_ because he had killed an inhabitant of Eryx, where was -situated a famous temple of the goddess. Similarly it will not surprise -us if besides paederastia Philoctetes was saddled with the vice of -Onanism at a later period, as is implied in the following poem of -_Ausonius_:[315] - - SUBSCRIPTUM PICTURAE CRISPAE MULIERIS IMPUDICAE - - Praeter legitimi genitalia foedera coetus, - Repperit obscoenas Veneres vitiosa libido. - _Herculis haeredi quam Lemnia suasit egestas_, - Quam toga facundi scenis agitavit Afrani, - Et quam Nolanis capitalis luxus inussit; - Crispa tamen cunctas exercet corpore in uno: - Deglubit, fellat, molitur per utramque cavernam, - Ne quid inexpertum frustra moritura relinquat. - -(Inscribed beneath a Portrait of Crispa,—an immodest woman.—Over and -above the natural modes of intercourse in legitimate coition, vicious -lust has discovered impure ways of love: the way that his loneliness -at Lemnos taught the heir of Hercules (Philoctetes), that which the -comedies of eloquent Afranius displayed on the stage, and that which -deadly luxury branded on the men of Nola. But Crispa practises them all -in her sole person: she skins, she sucks, she works by either aperture, -that she may not leave anything untried, and so have lived in vain!) - -No doubt _Stark_, p. 19, is quite right in saying this passage has -nothing to do with the θήλεια νοῦσος; but the poet has by no means, -as he puts it in his note, _temporum ordine lapsus_,—committed an -anachronism. He makes no mention whatever of any vengeance of Venus, -saying nothing more than that loneliness led the inheritor (of -the arrows) of Hercules to Onanism. This is not merely advancing -a conjecture, as _Stark_ does, but (to say nothing of the _Lemnia -egestas_—Lemnian loneliness), admits of being legitimately developed -from the whole sequence of thought in the Epigram. Crispa’s vices are -mentioned in the order of their shamefulness. The least disgraceful is -Onanism, such as Philoctetes practised, next comes the vice of the -_cinaedus_ and of the _pathic_, for which Afranius serves as example, -and lastly _fellation_. Thus it shows a complete want of comprehension, -when the commentators quote the scholion to Thucydides given a little -above as an explanation. Had Philoctetes been referred to as a -_pathic_, the succeeding verse would be entirely superfluous; which -verse does not receive a word of notice from the expositors, presumably -because they failed to understand the allusion. The true explanation is -afforded by a passage in _Quintilian_:[316] “Togatis excellit Afranius, -_utinamque non inquinasset argumenta puerorum foedis amoribus_, mores -suos fassus.” (Afranius excels in _fabulae togatae_ (polite comedies), -and it were to be wished he had not defiled his plots by disgusting -intrigues with boys, thereby discovering his own morals). _Forberg_, -loco citato p. 283, quotes this passage indeed, but explains (both here -and on p. 343) the _libido_ (lust) of Philoctetes as being that of the -_pathic_. - -To prove that Venus manifested her wrath in the way specified, we may -further cite the race of the daughters of Helios, whom she punished by -the infliction of licentious love. Thus _Hyginus_ says:[317] Soli ob -indicium (concubitus cum Marte) Venus ad _progeniem_ eius semper fuit -inimica, (Because of the Sun’s revelation (of her intrigue with Mars) -Venus was ever a bitter enemy of his posterity); and Seneca:[318] - - Stirpem perosa Solis invisi Venus - Per nos catenas vindicat Martis sui - Suasque: _probris_ omne Phoebeum genus - Onerat _infandis_. - -(Venus, loathing the posterity of the hated Sun, punishes on us the -fetters that bound her lover Mars and her. _With abominable and -disgraceful practices_ she afflicts the whole race of Phoebus). - -An example of such vengeance is afforded by Pasiphaë, of whom -the Scholiast on the passage of Lucian cited below relates how, -Ἡλίου οὖσα ἐκ μήνιδος Ἀφροδίτης ταύρου ἠράσθη, (being a -daughter of the Sun, she became enamoured of a bull through the -influence of angry Aphrodité), a fable which might very well be -explained—for ταύρος (a bull), like κένταυρος (a Centaur), occurs -in the sense of paederast—as meaning that she had become a female -pathic. So Theomnestus says in _Lucian_:[319] “So lecherous a look -resides in the eyes, that compelling all beauty to its will, it can -find no satiety. And often was I uncertain whether this were not some -spite of Aphrodité. Yet am I none of the children of Helios, neither -a natural heir of the Lemnian women, nor puffed up with the scornful -insensibility of Hippolytus, that I could have provoked against me such -an implacable hatred on the part of the goddess)”. _Philo Judaeus_[320] -also represents paederastia as a punishment of such men as married a -woman legally repudiated, and the like: πρὸς δὲ συμβάσεις εἴ τις ἐθέλοι -χωρεῖν ἀνὴρ τῇ τοιαύτῃ γυναικὶ, _μαλακίας καὶ ἀνανδρίας ἐκφερέσθω -δόξαν_, ὡς ἐκ τετμημένος τῆς ψυχῆς τὸ βιωφελέστατον μισοπόνηρον -πάθος.... δίκην οὖν τινέτω σὺν τῇ γυναικί. (But if any man should wish -to enter into contracts with such a woman, let him bear the _ill-repute -of softness and effeminacy_, as having eradicated from his soul that -sentiment of hatred for ill-doers which is most useful for life,—So -let him pay his penalty along with the woman). In _Athenaeus_ one -of the speakers exclaims (Deipnos., XIII. p. 605 D.): Ὁρᾶτε οὖν καὶ -ὑμεῖς, οἱ φιλόσοφοι _παρὰ φύσιν τῇ_ Ἀφροδίτῃ χρώμενοι, καὶ _ἀσεβοῦντες -εἰς τὴν θεὸν_, μὴ τὸν αὐτὸν διαφθαρῆτε τρόπον. (Beware then ye too, -philosophers who indulge the pleasures of Aphrodité _against nature, -and act impiously towards the goddess_, that ye be not destroyed in the -same way). - -According to _Diodorus_ (V. 55) the sons of Neptune in consequence of -the wrath of Venus plunged into such madness that they violated their -mother. The Propontides, who had denied the godhead of Venus, were cast -by her into such an amorous phrenzy that they publicly gave themselves -to men, and they were subsequently turned into stones.[321] Myrrha, -whose mother proclaimed herself to be fairer than Venus, was driven by -the goddess into unchastity with her own father.[322] - -In later times this idea was even transferred to the Star of Venus. The -following appears in _Firmicus_ “In octavo ab horoscopo loco, Mercurius -cum Venere, si vespertini ambo, inefficaces et apocopos reddent, et qui -nihil agere possint.” (In the eighth place of the horoscope, Mercury -in conjunction with Venus, if both are evening stars, will make men -impotent eunuchs and such as can effect nothing.)—a notion that first -arose perhaps from the name Hermaphroditus[323]. - -Thus there would be nothing inconsistent with the views universally -held in Antiquity in considering the νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine disease) -of the Scythians, and equally that of Philoctetes, as consequences -of the wrath of Venus. That paederastia was invariably regarded -as a _Vice_ by the Ancients (and particularly by the Greeks) we -have already, following the lines laid down by _Meier_, we think -sufficiently proved. _Stark_, who repeatedly (pp. 12, 16, 20.) denies -this, has been led into error merely by the mistake that was generally -prevalent in his time of confusing paedophilia and paederastia; and it -is on this misapprehension he bases his argument. How the Scythians -came to hold this belief that the wrath of Venus was to blame for -what they suffered, must indeed be left an open question. But it -should be remembered it was not the _pathics_ themselves who advanced -this opinion, but only the rest of the Scythians; for Herodotus says -expressly, λέγουσί τε οἱ Σκύθαι διὰ τοῦτο _σφεας_ νοσέειν (and the -Scythians say that for this cause _they_ were afflicted). Again it was -only ὀλίγοι τινὲς αὐτῶν ὑπολειφθέντες (a few of the Scythians who were -left behind), a few of the stragglers, who would seem to have plundered -the temple of Aphrodité; and it certainly was only later that this act -of impiety was brought into connection with the vice,—in the same way -as the killing of Paris by Philoctetes was with the legend of his lewd -practices. - - - § 15. - -The second question we have to answer will be this: how could Herodotus -write _that the descendants of these few stragglers alive in his time -suffered from the νοῦσος θήλεια_ (_feminine disease_)? From the -fact that, while descendants are named, strictly speaking only _male_ -descendants can be in question, it is clear the statement is only a -general one, and must not be understood to imply more than that certain -members of these families were Cinaedi, not of course that the _whole_ -posterity was afflicted with the νοῦσος θήλεια. We see at the -present day how the impurity of the father passes on to the son; so -it need be matter for no surprise whatever to find the vice of the -cinaedi descending in the same way among certain members of a family. -As a matter of fact these Scythian temple-robbers are by no means the -only examples Antiquity holds up to us of such a thing, for the Orator -_Lysias_[324] says of the family of _Alcibiades_, that _most members of -it had become prostitutes_. - -What is more, the opinion was avowedly and directly held by the -Ancients, that pathics were born with the predisposition to the -vice. In particular _Parmenides_ (509 B.C.) expressed this view in a -Fragment, which _Caelius Aurelianus_[325] has preserved in a chapter of -his Work. This chapter treats solely of the vice of the pathic, and is -of the greatest importance for our subject. We could not forgo quoting -it in full, particularly as it is the sole authority for the views held -by physicians on this vice, and up to now appears to have been entirely -overlooked. - - - DE MOLLIBUS SIVE SUBACTIS; QUOS GRAECI _μαλθακοὺς_ VOCANT. - -“Molles sive subactos Graeci μαλθακοὺ vocaverunt, quos quidem esse -nullus facile virorum credit. Non enim hoc humanos ex natura venit in -mores, sed pulso pudore, libido etiam indebitas partes obscoenis usibus -subiugavit. Cum enim nullus cupiditati modus, nulla satietatis spes -est, singulis Sparta non sufficit sua. Nam sic nostri corporis loca -divina providentia certis destinavit officiis. Tum denique volentes -alliciunt veste atque gressu, et aliis femininis rebus, quae sunt a -passionibus corporis aliena, sed potius corruptae mentis vitia. Nam -saepe tumentes [timentes], vel quod est difficile, verentes quosdam, -quibus forte deferunt, repente mutati parvo tempore virilitatis -quaerunt indicia demonstrare, cuius quia modum nesciunt, rursum -nimietate sublati, plus quoque quam virtuti convenit, faciunt et -maioribus si peccatis involvunt. Constat itaque etiam nostro iudicio, -hos vera sentire. Est enim, ut Soranus ait, malignae ac foedissimae -mentis passio. Nam sicut feminae _Tribades_[326] appellatae, quod -utramque Venerem exerceant, mulieribus magis quam viris misceri -festinant et easdem, invidentia pene virili sectantur, et cum passione -fuerint desertae, seu temporaliter relevatae, ea quaerunt aliis -obiicere, quae pati noscuntur, iuvamini humilitate [iuvandi voluptate -ex] duplici sexu confecta, velut frequenti ebrietate corruptae in novas -libidinis formas erumpentes, consuetudine turpi nutritae, sui sexus -iniuriis gaudent, illi comparatione talium animi passione iactari -noscuntur. Nam neque ulla curatio corporis depellendae passionis causa -recte putatur adhibenda, sed potius animus coercendus, qui tanta -peccatorum labe vexatur. Nemo enim pruriens corpus feminando correxit, -vel virilis veretri tactu mitigavit, sed communiter querelam sive -dolorem alia ex materia toleravit. Denique etiam a Clodio historia -curationis data ascaridarum esse perspicitur, quos de lumbricis -scribentes vermiculos esse docuimis longaonis[327] in partibus natos. -_Parmenides_[328] libris quos de natura scripsit, _eventu_, inquit -_conceptionis molles aliquando seu subactos homines generare_. Cuius -quia graecum est epigramma et hoc versibus intimabo [imitabo]: Latinos -enim, ut potui, simili modo composui, ne linguarum ratio misceretur. - - Femina, virque simul Veneris cum germina miscent - Venis, informans diverso ex sanguine virtus - Temperiem servans bene condita corpora fingit. - At si virtutes permixto semine pugnent, - Nec faciant unam, permixto in corpore dirae - Nascentem gemino vexabunt semine sexum. - -Vult enim seminum praeter materias esse virtutes, quae si se ita -miscuerint et [ut] eiusdem corporis [vim unam] faciant, unam congruam -sexui generent voluntatem. Si autem permixto semine corporeo virtutes -separatae permanserint utriusque Veneris natos adpetentia sequatur. -Multi praeterea sectarum principes genuinam dicunt esse passionem -et propterea _in posteros venire cum semine_, non quidem naturam -criminantes, quae suae puritatis metas aliis ex animalibus docet: nam -sunt eius specula a sapientibus nuncupata: sed humanum genus, quod ita -semel recepta tenet vitia, ut nulla possit instauratione purgari, nec -ullum novitati liquerit locum, sitque gravior senescentibus mentis -culpa, cum plurimae genuinae, seu adventitiae passionis corporibus -infractae consenescant, ut podagra, epilepsia, furor et propterea -aetate vergente mitiores procul dubio fiant. Omnia et enim vexantia -validos effectus dabunt firmitate opposita subiacentium materiarum, -quae cum in senibus deficit, passio quoque minuitur, ut fortitudo; sola -tamen supra dicta, quae subactos seu molles efficit viros, senescenti -corpore gravius invalescit et infanda magis libidine movet, non quidem -sine ratione. In aliis enim aetatibus adhuc valido corpore et naturalia -ventris [veneris] officia celebrante, gemina luxuriae libido non -divititur, animorum nunc faciendo, nunc facie iactata [animo eorum nunc -patiendo nunc faciendo iactato]: in iis vero qui senectute defecti -virili veneris officio caruerint, omnis animi libido in contrariam -ducitur appetentiam, et propterea femina validius Venerem poscit. Hinc -denique coniiciunt plurimi etiam pueros hac passione iactari. Similiter -enim senibus virili indigent officio, quod in ipsis est nondum, illos -deseruit.” (On effeminate men or _subservients_, called μαλθακοὶ—soft, -effeminate, by the Greeks.—Effeminate men, or _subservients_, were -called by the Greeks μαλθακοὶ. A _man_ finds it difficult to believe -in the existence of such creatures. For it was not nature prompted the -introduction of this as part of human habits; rather was it lust that, -expelling shame, subjected to foul uses parts of the body that should -never have been so employed. For no limit being set to passion, and -no hope of satiety being entertained, the several members find each -its own realm insufficient; whereas divine providence destined the -different portions of the body to perform definite functions. In fine -they go out of their way to allure by dress and gait and other feminine -attributes, things unconnected with bodily emotions, being rather due -to a corrupted mind. For often, moved by fear, or (however difficult to -believe) by shame, towards persons whom they happen to respect, they -change of a sudden and for a brief space seek to show marks of manly -power; but not knowing where to put the limit, they are again carried -away by excess, and going beyond what is fit for an honest man are -involved in yet greater offences. Thus it is evident, in _our_ opinion, -that such men have a sense of the true state of things. For theirs -is, as Soranus declares, the passion of a corrupt and utterly foul -mind. For as women that are called _Tribades_, because they practise -the love of either sex, are eager to have intercourse with women more -than with men, and pursue these with a jealousy almost as violent as -a man’s, and when they have been deserted by their love or for the -time being superseded, seek to do to other women what they are known -to suffer, and winning from their double sex a pleasure in giving -pleasure, like persons deboshed by constant drunkenness, being nurtured -on evil habitude, delight in wrongs to their own sex,—even so these -men (pathics) are seen by a comparison with women of this sort to be -tormented with a passion that is of the mind. For no bodily treatment -it is rightly deemed should be adopted to expel the passion, rather -must the mind be disciplined which is afflicted with such a pollution -of vices. - -For no man ever remedied a prurient body by foul practices as a woman, -nor got mitigation by contact of the male member, but concurrently he -suffered some complaint or pain from a different (material) cause. So -in fact the history of a cure given by Clodius is found to be really -a case of recovery from “ascaridae”, which writers on intestinal -worms have shown are a kind of worm born in the region of the rectum -or straight gut. _Parmenides_ in his books on natural science says -“_Effeminate men or _subservients_ occasionally bring forth as a -result of conception_.” But as his Epigram is in Greek, I will imitate -it in verse; so I have composed Latin lines like the original so -far as I could make them, that there might not be a mixture of the -two languages:—“When a woman and a man together mingle in the veins -the seeds of love, the formative virtue that moulds of the diverse -blood, if it keep due proportion, makes well-framed bodies. But if the -virtues are discordant in the commingled seed, and have no unity, in -the commingled body furies will torment the nascent sex with two-fold -seed.” He means that over and above the material seed there are certain -virtues residing in it; and if these have commingled in such a way as -to have one and the same operative force in the same body, then they -produce one single will that tallies with the sex. But if when the -bodily seed was commingled, the virtues remained separate, the appetite -for love of both kinds must pursue the offspring. - -Many leading doctors of the schools moreover declare that the passion -is innate, and _therefore passes on with the seed to descendants_, not -indeed hereby incriminating nature, which teaches men the bounds of -its purity by the example of other animals (for animals are called by -wise men nature’s mirrors), but rather the human race that retains so -obstinately vices once adopted, that by no renewal can it be purified, -and has left no room for change. Similarly a _mental_ depravity grows -graver as men advance in life, whereas most affections of the _body_, -whether innate or adventitious, get weaker as men get older, for -instance gout, epilepsy and madness, and so as age advances undoubtedly -grow milder. For all troublesome factors will produce strong effects in -proportion to the firmness to resist possessed by the affected parts, -and as this firmness is deficient in old men, so the complaint or -passion diminishes in intensity, as does the general strength. _But_ -that passion which makes men subservient or effeminate, grows stronger -and more serious as the body grows old and stirs the sufferers with yet -more abominable lustfulness,—and not without a reason. For at other -ages, the body being still strong and capable of performing the natural -offices of love, there is no division of lust into double forms of -wantonness, through their mind being tossed to and fro now by passive -now by active lewdness. But in such as have failed from age, and become -incapable of the manly office of love, all the wantonness of the mind -is directed on the appetite for the opposite form of gratification; and -for this cause a woman demands love more strongly than a man. In fact -many conjecture it is for this reason that boys also are tormented by -this passion. For they resemble old men in lacking power for the virile -function. It is not yet born in boys; old men have lost it.) - -To leave on one side for the present the many inferences of various -sorts that this passage of _Caelius Aurelianus_ must necessarily lead -us to, as they will find a more suitable place later on, and to return -to our question,—the mere fact of Herodotus mentioning posterity at -all ought of itself to be sufficient to negative any idea of actual -eunuchs, of loss of the generative power. For had the Scythians -returning from Ascalon lost this power, they could have had no more -descendants, and therefore the νούσος θήλεια could not have passed on -to these, but must have become extinct with the original sufferers. On -the other hand children already begotten by them before that period -could have been in no way influenced by a disease communicable through -the act of generation. Accordingly the νοῦσος θήλεια cannot possibly -have affected _these_ Scythians so as to annihilate the power of -generation. Both must have co-existed side by side; and the contrary -can never be proved from anything _Herodotus_ says. As to another -passage of Herodotus that might seem to demand some notice here, where -the expression ἀνδρόγυνος (man-woman) is put side by side with ἐνάρεες, -we will speak subsequently. - - - § 16. - -_But_, it is maintained by those who take a different view,—the -individuals who suffered from the νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine disease) -could be recognized as doing so by their looks; thus it cannot have -been a mere vice, it must have been an actual bodily complaint. We -will not say a word more insisting on the declarations general amongst -ancient writers, for example the words of _Ovid_: _Heu! quam difficile -est crimen non prodere vultu_ (Alas! how difficult it is not to betray -a vice by the look), but will simply ask the question,—_had the -Ancients really no bodily marks of identification_ by which they could -recognise in an individual the vice of the pathic or cinaedus? On this -point we must look to the Physiognomists for information, and as a -matter of fact they supply it in considerable completeness. First of -all Aristotle[329]: - -“_Distinguishing Masks of the Cinaedus_: - -“An eye broken-down, as it were, knees bent inwards, inclination of the -head to the right side; movements of the hands always back downwards -and flaccid, the gait double, as it were, one leg being crossed over -the other in walking, the gaze wandering; such a man for example was -the Sophist Dionysius.” Polemo enters into greater detail[330]: - -“_Distinguishing Marks of the Androgynus_ (_Man-woman_): “The -_man-woman_ has a lecherous and wanton look, he rolls his eyes and -lets his gaze wander; forehead and cheeks twitch, eyebrows are drawn -together to a point, neck bent, hips in continual movement. All -the limbs twitch spasmodically, knees and hands seeming to crack; -like an ox he glares round him and fixes his eyes on the ground. He -speaks with a thin voice, at once croaking and shrill, exceedingly -uncertain and trembling.” In very similar terms the pathic is sketched -by Adamantus[331]. _Dio Chrysostom_ in his speech cited a little -above[332] relates how “a physiognomist had come into a certain city, -in order to give an exhibition of his art there, and declared he could -tell by looking at any individual whether he were brave or timid, a -boaster or a debauchee, a cinaedus or an adulterer. A man was brought -to him who had a meagre body, eyebrows grown together, a dirty look, -who was in evil condition, with callosities on his hands, and dressed -in coarse gray clothing, one that was overgrown with hair to the -knuckles, and ill-shaved, and the physiognomist was asked, what sort -of a man he was. When he had looked at him a considerable time, and -at the end was still uncertain, as it seems to me, what he should -finally say, he declared he did not know and ordered the man to go. But -when the latter sneezed, just as he was going, he cried out instantly -he was a cinaedus. Thus the sneeze betrayed the man’s habits, and -prevented them, in spite of all the rest, from continuing hid.” No -doubt the man’s walk had already given the Physiognomist an indication, -and the gesture he made when he sneezed, quickly confirmed his -Diagnosis. In fact the cinaedus probably made a grip at his posterior -as he sneezed, so as to close the orifice, the weakened or possibly -ruptured _Sphincter ani_ no longer being able to perform this office -(χαυνοπρώκτος,—wide-breeched, in Aristophanes!). Indeed with a healthy -_Sphincter_ it is often hardly possible during a sneeze to keep back -the out-rush of wind and even of the more liquid faeces.[333] - -Further the following passage of Lucian should be quoted in this -connection:[334] - -“But I tell you, pathic,—your habits are so obvious that even the -blind and the deaf cannot fail to recognise them. If you only open -your mouth to speak, only undress at the baths, nay, if you do not -yourself undress, but only your slaves put off their garments, what -think you,—are not all your secrets of the night at once revealed? Now -just tell me, if your Sophist Bassus, or the flute-player Batalus, or -the cinaedus Hemitheon of Sybaris, who wrote your beautiful laws, how -you must polish the skin, and pluck out the hair (with tweezers), how -you must submit to the performance of paederastia, and how yourselves -perform it,—now if one of these men should throw a lion’s skin round -him, and enter with a club in his hand, what would the spectators -really believe?—that it was Hercules? Surely not, unless they were -utterly blear-eyed. A thousand things betray such a masquerade,—gait, -look, voice,[335] the bowed neck, the ceruse, the mastich, the paint on -the cheeks that you make yourselves up with; in a word it were easier, -as the proverb says, to hide five elephants under your armpit than to -conceal one cinaedus!” - -Now if the _natural_ marks of identification that have been specified -were sufficient to betray the cinaedus, even when he was devoid of all -external adornment from art,[336] how much more readily recognizable -must the pathic become, if he arranged his get-up and costume to match -his shameful practices,[337] and that this was so _Martial_ affords -evidence in countless places. In fact these male whores used to have the -beard quite clean shaven (ἐξυρημένοι close-shaven) and not merely on the -posteriors but generally all over the body, with the exception of the -head, carefully removed the hair, so as make themselves more like women. - - αὐτίκα γυναικεῖ’ ἢν ποιῇ τις δράματα, - μετουσίαν δεῖ τῶν τρόπων τὸ σῶμ’ ἔχειν, - -(Directly, if a man play women’s parts, the body must have its share -in the characterization), Aristophanes makes Agatho say at the -Thesmophoria, where Mnesilochus has been transformed into a woman -by means of depilation, so as to be able to back up the women in -opposition to Euripides in their attacks on him at that festival. - -On the other hand cinaedi let the hair of the head grow long[338] -(comae,—long locks), and dressed altogether like women. Hence the reply -of the Cynic _Diogenes_[339] to a young man clothed after this fashion, -who had asked him a question on some subject or other; he would not -answer, he said, till his questioner had lifted up his clothes, and -shown him his sex! Equally important is the conversation of _Socrates_ -with _Strepsiades_ in the “Clouds” of _Aristophanes_:[340] - - _Στρεψιάδης_.... Λέξον δή μοι τὶ παθοῦσαι, - εἴπερ Νεφέλαι γ’ εἰσὶν ἀληθῶς, θνηταῶς εἴξασι γυναιξίν· - οὐ γὰρ ἐκεῖναί γ’ εἰσὶ τοιαῦται.... - - Σωκράτης. Γίγνονται πάνθ’ ὅ τι βούλονται· κᾆτ’ ἢν μὲν ἴδωσι κομήτην, - ἄγριόν τινα τῶν λασίων τούτων, οἷόν περ τὸν Ξενοφάντου, - σκώπτουσαι τὴν μανίαν αὐτοῦ, Κενταύροις ᾔκασαν αὐτάς. - - Καὶ νῦν ὅτι Κλεισθένη εἶδον, ὁρᾷς, διὰ τοῦτ’ ἐγένοντο γυναῖκες. - -(_Strepsiades._—Now tell me, how comes it that, if these are really and -truly clouds, they resemble women? Common clouds are not like that.... -_Socrates._—They can easily make themselves anything they please. And -so, if they but catch sight of one of those long-haired, ruffianly, -shaggy fellows, such a man as Xenophantus’ son for example, straightway -in derision of their folly they change into Centaurs. And now when they -beheld Cleisthenes, see you? they became women!) _Cleisthenes_ was a -notorious cinaedus at Athens, whom Aristophanes had made a special -butt for his wit; for example, he makes Mnesilochus, mentioned just -above, after his transformation into a woman, say,—he looks just like -Cleisthenes now. - -The evidence adduced will, we think, be sufficient to show that the -Scythians had good reason for saying, that with persons in this case -(cinaedi) it was easy to _recognise by looking at them_ what stamp of -men they were: and that _Juvenal_[341] was right when he wrote: - - Verius ergo - Et magis ingenue Peribomius: _hunc ego fatis - Imputo, qui vultu morbum incessuque fatetur_. - -(More truly then and more candidly Peribomius says: the man I consider -a victim of fate, who in face and gait betrays the disease he suffers -from.)—a passage that strongly confirms what has been advanced. -Peribomius is quite candid, he confesses to being a pathic, for in any -case his appearance would betray the fact. He finds the less reason to -deny it, as he regards the vice which has mastered him as an infliction -of providence (_fatis imputo_). Here is proof that the opinion of the -Greeks as to the pathic’s being one who had incurred the anger of -the gods, was still commonly held in Juvenal’s time, though perhaps -less as a matter of conviction than in order to provide an excuse for -indulgence. So we must further read _hoc_ for _hunc_ in the passage -(_hoc ego fatis imputo_,— _this_ I regard as an infliction of fate); -unless indeed we construe thus, _ego, qui morbum vultu incessuque -fatetur, hunc (sc. morbum) fatis imputo_. “I in truth,—as for the man -who confesses by look and gait his disease, _this disease_ I regard -as an infliction of fate.” The words are obviously Peribomius’ own -expression of opinion; and directly afterwards the poet goes on: - - Horum simplicitas miserabilis, his furor ipse - Dat veniam: sed peiores, qui talia verbis - Herculis invadunt et de virtute locuti - Clunem agitant. - -(These men’s simplicity moves our pity; their very infatuation craves -pardon. But worse are they who enter such courses with Hercules’ words -on their lips, and prating of manly virtue, heave the wanton buttocks.) - - - § 17. - -But the passage just quoted from _Juvenal_ is of still greater -importance for another reason. In it the vice of the cinaedus is -called _morbus_ (a disease); and in virtue of its explicitness it is -sufficient by itself to settle all doubts as to this being a usual -mode of expression with the Romans, who ordinarily designated any -vice by this name[342]. The only question remaining will be, Did the -_Greeks_ also use this form of expression? Any scholar possessed of a -special acquaintance with the Greek language will most certainly not -hesitate an instant to answer this question in the affirmative, the -Lexicographers having long ago collected an exhaustive list of examples -of such use[343]. - -_Plutarch_[344] says, comparing the action of the Sun with that of -Love:— Καὶ μὴν οὔτε σώματος ἀγύμναστος ἕξις ἥλιον, οὒτε Ἔρωτα δύναται -φέρειν ἀλύπως τρόπος ἀπαιδεύτου ψυχῆς· ἐξίσταται δ’ ὁμοίως ἐκάτερον καὶ -_νοσεῖ, τὴν του θεοῦ δύναμιν, οὐ τὴν αὑτοῦ μεμφόμενον ἀσθένειαν_.—(ch. -XXIII.) Τὴν μὲν πρὸς ἄῤῥενα ἄῤῥενος ὁμιλίαν, μᾶλλον δὲ ἀκρασίαν καὶ -ἐπιπήδησιν εἴποι τις ἂν ἐννοήσας, - - _Ὕβρις_ τάδ’ _οὐχ_ ἡ Κύπρις ἐξεργάζεται. - -Διὸ τοὺς μὲν ἡδομένους τῷ πάσχειν εἰς τὸ χείριστον τιθέμενοι γένος -κακίας, οὔτε πίστεως μοῖραν, οὔτε αἰδοῦς.... Ἀλλὰ πολλὰ φαῦλα καὶ -μανικὰ τῶν γυναικῶν ἐρώτων· Τὶ δὲ οὐχὶ πλείονα τῶν παιδικῶν; Ἀλλ’ -ὥσπερ τοῦτο παιδομανία _τὸ πάθος_, οὐδέτερον δὲ Ἔρως ἔστιν. (And in -fact neither can an untrained body bear the sun, nor can any fashion -of uneducated soul bear Love (Eros) without pain; but each equally is -disorganized and grows sick, having to blame the power of the god, -not its own weakness.—ch. XXIII.—Now intercourse of male with male -one would rather call, after due reflection, incontinence and violent -assault. - -“’Tis _overmastering insolence_ works this result, not love -(Cypris).”[345] - -Wherefore such as take pleasure in pathic lust, devoting themselves -to the vilest kind of wickedness, have no portion in honour or in -modesty.—Indeed much there is base and insane in amours with women; how -much more so in those with boys! Now the name of the latter passion is -paedomania—[346]madness for boys,—but _neither_ kind is Love—Eros). - -These passages are of the highest importance in connection with our -subject, as confirming in the most distinct manner what has been said -above as to the wrath of Venus; but for the sake of greater clearness -they had to be held over for discussion till now. It is clearly stated -in them: that paederastia is no work of Venus, i.e. not an expression -or consequence of the customary activity of the goddess, but a ὕβρις -(act of insolent violence) and the consequence of ὕβρις i.e. of some -act that has roused the anger of the gods. Here we have the oldest -view of all: that paederastia is a consequence of the vengeance of -Venus, arising in consequence of a ὕβρις, and again in turn itself -constituting a ὕβρις.[347] - -But besides this the later view of a more enlightened time is also -implied. According to this it was not any δύναμις τοῦ θεοῦ (operation -of a god’s might), but simply an ἀσθενεία or ἀκρασία[348] (weakness, -incontinence) of the individual that was in question, (and it is -for this reason _Plutarch_ quotes the line of _Manetho_, an old and -obscure poet, in this sense); Paederastia was called a πάθος, a form -of insanity (παιδομανία—madness for boys), and was not looked upon -in any sense as a consequence of the power of Eros—Love. That the -vice was also called νόσος (a disease) is shown,—not to mention the -expression νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine _disease_), which we have yet to -fully explain,—by the Speech of Dio Chrysostom cited above, as well as -by a number of passages quoted in the course of our investigation,—e.g. -on p. 125. In the “Wasps” of _Aristophanes_, _Xanthias_ relates how a -son had confined his father and put him under surveillance, and then -goes on (vv. 71 sqq.): - - _νόσον_ γὰρ ὁ πατὴρ ἀλλόκοτον αὐτοῦ _νοσεῖ _, - ἣν οὐδ’ ἂν εἷς γνοίη ποτ’ οὐδὲ ξυμβάλῃ, - εἰ μὴ πύθοιθ’ ἡμῶν· ἐπεὶ τοπάζετε· - -(For his father is _sick_ of a portentous _sickness_, one that no one -would ever know or conjecture the nature of, unless he should have -learned it from us; for if you doubt me, guess yourselves.) - -Love of play is suggested, and love of drink, love of sacrifice -and finally love of winning guests and seeing them at his house -(φιλόξενον—lover of guests), which last conjecture Sosias understands -in an obscene sense as implying a cinaedus, and (vv. 84 sqq.) says: - - μὰ τὸν κύν’, ὦ Νικόστρατ’, οὐ φιλόξενος, - ἐπεὶ καταπύγων ἐστὶν ὅγε Φιλόξενος, - -(No! no! by heavens! Nicostratus, not a lover of guests (φιλόξενος) -for our friend Philoxenus is a man given to unnatural lust,) where -φιλόξενος and καταπύγων are explained as being synonymous. Now if -paederastia had not been a disease, how should they have come to call a -man φιλόξενος, when guessing the form his sickness took? For the rest -there was a well-known cinaedus Philoxenus, to whom allusion is made. -The scholiast quotes a very noteworthy line from _Eupolis_ (in the -“Urbes”) or else from Phrynichus (“in the Satyrs”) as follows: - - ἔστι δέ τις _θήλεια_ Φιλόξενος ἐκ Διομείων. - -(And there is a certain _female_ Philoxenus of Diomeia); - -The healthy good sense of the Greeks could not possibly regard the vice -of the Pathic otherwise than as a deviation from Nature, an _unnatural_ -appetite; _and_ every _unnatural_ appetite (ἀκολασία—“intemperance”) -was a νόσος or πάθος (disease, or suffering, passion), or a consequence -of these, as the passages quoted from _Aristotle_ and elsewhere show -conclusively. From the point of view of the paederast reasons perhaps -were to be discovered, that appeared to justify his peculiar taste; and -the mode in which he obtained the titillation of sensual pleasure was -looked upon merely as one way of getting rid of the semen, as a _figura -Veneris_ (mode of Love) standing in close relationship with Onanism. -The paederast was relegated to the category of voluptuaries, but -without his incurring any special condemnation. On the other hand for -the pathic who lent himself as subject of the vice, no excuse of this -sort was forthcoming. His lust was not seen (this was impossible at the -time) to have a bodily origin in “prurigo ani” (itching of the anus), -and could only be regarded as springing from a _depraved imagination_ -(ἀνίατον νόσον ψυχῆς ἡγούμενος—deeming it an incurable disease of the -soul); it must be that a demon had dragged him along irresistibly in -his train, and drove his victim who was incapable of helping himself -(ἀσθενής—“weak”) to degradation. - -All men thus held in thrall by evil demons were supposed to have -offended against the gods, to have roused their anger, and were avoided -and shunned by their fellows. If in addition they showed any traces of -mental aberration, madness, epileptic convulsions, or the like, rude -peoples saw in _these_ the manifestation of a god’s influence, and took -the victim’s sayings and dreams for oracles. So _Herodotus_ relates -(IV. 67.) that the Scythians considered the ἐναρέες to have received -the gift of prophecy from Aphrodité,—οἱ δὲ ἐναρέες οἱ ἀνδρόγυνοι, -τὴν Ἀφροδίτην σφισι λέγουσι μαντικὴν δοῦναι (now the ἐναρέες, the -men-women, declare that Venus brought madness on the object of her -anger), and held the vice of the pathic to be due to the goddess’s -wrath, or at a later time to be an (incurable) disease of the soul -(ψυχή),—as is proved again by the passage of _Caelius Aurelianus_ -already quoted; but they did _not_ ascribe to such men the power of -prophecy, though in a certain sense every actual madman was supposed to -possess it[349]. For the vice of the pathic was not in the eyes of the -Greeks actual madness, but rather a vice (νόσος—disease) that robbed -the sufferer of the power of governing himself[350], in the same sense -as they called sexual love a madness. From this point of view therefore -the commentators who saw in the νοῦσος θήλεια a mental affliction, had -some grounds for their view; but should not have lost sight of the fact -of its being a _vice_ at the same time. - -But why did the νοῦσος (disease) receive the epithet θήλεια (feminine)? -Taking the word to be used _passively_,—as obviously is done by those -who make out the νοῦσος θήλεια to have been an affection similar in -character to menstruation,—we might find its explanation in the dictum -of Tiresias, who, as is well known, ascribed to the woman the greater -pleasure in the act of coition. From this fact,—if it is a fact,—a -greater longing on the part of the woman for coition may be deduced; -for which reason _Plato_ compared the _uterus_ (womb) to a wild beast. -Thus the νοῦσος θήλεια would be _feminine concupiscence_. Just as the -woman longs intensely for natural coition with the man, in the same way -and with a like intensity does the pathic long after unnatural[351]. -Thus the punishment inflicted by Venus would have consisted in the -goddess having implanted in the man the concupiscence of a woman. - -If on the other hand θήλεια (feminine) is taken in an _active_ -sense, as it is by _Stark_ and other interpreters,—and with greater -correctness, then the νοῦσος θήλεια is _a form of lust that transforms -men into women_,—and this can be said of paederastia in several senses, -as is manifest from what has been said already on preceding pages. The -Pathic becomes a woman, because he renounces his man’s prerogative, as -being the stronger, to play the _active_ part[352], and assumes instead -the _passive_ rôle of the woman[353], Entering into competition as -he does with the ladies of pleasure in courting the favour of men, he -has recourse to all the arts they invoke to gain their object; and -seeks by artificial means to bring his body into as close a resemblance -as possible to the female form. He dresses himself out like a woman -of pleasure, adopts female dress, and lets the hair of the head grow -long, whilst at the same time he carefully eradicates by the process -of _dropacismus_ (use of pitch-ointment as a depilatory) every trace -of hair on other parts of the person, even sacrificing what was the -chief ornament of a man in Ancient times,—his beard[354]. All this -was done by the hero of _Aristophanes’_ “Thesmophoriazusae”, and -without a doubt an underlying irony _à propos_ of the pathics was at -the bottom of the poet’s conception. Care of the skin, such as women -adopt, by means of baths, friction with pumice-stone, etc. complete -the feminine appearance[355],—hence the expressions μάλακος, μαλθακός -(soft or effeminate) for the pathic, μαλακία, μαλθακία (softness, -effeminacy) for the pathic’s vice; and outraged Nature avenges herself -by seconding his endeavours. In consequence of the stretching of the -fundament, the buttocks become broader towards the lower part, and the -space between them wider, causing the hips to take more the shape they -have in a woman, the pelvis itself seems to be enlarged, while the -legs lose their straightness and the knees bend more and more inwards -(γονύκροτος—knock-kneed,)—in short the whole of the lower half of the -body assumes the _feminine_ type. - -Deterioration of body is followed by deterioration of mind, and the -character also grows womanish.[356] The pathic despises intercourse -with women, and will not enter into marriage, so long as he continues -to find his lust satisfied. When this ceases to be the case as years -advance, Nature herself forbids his propagating his race; the genital -organs that have withered through disuse and refuse their office.[357] -Driven from the society of men, he takes refuge, neither woman nor man -himself, with the women, who in contempt use him as a slave, and like -Omphalé of old with Hercules, put the distaff into his hands! Thus from -the νοῦσος θήλεια, the vice, an actual disease has sprung; and we can -now see that _Longinus_[358] was surely right in calling the expression -of _Herodotus_ ἀμίμητος,—an _inimitable_ one, for certainly in no more -concise or better way can the facts and the consequences of the vice of -the Pathic be characterized. - -However if any one should consider all this still insufficient to -prove the case, and regard the indication given by _Longinus_ as not -explicit enough, he may learn from _Tiberius the Rhetorician_[359] -that as a matter of fact the Ancients understood the νοῦσος θήλεια in -Herodotus in this and in no other sense. He says: - -“Now a paraphrase is when authors alter a simple, straightforward -statement of fact that is complete, for the sake of style or effect -or sublimity of phrase, and express the matter in other words, and -these more forcible and suitable; as e.g. in _Herodotus_, when he -wrote ἐνέσκηψεν ἡ θεὸς θήλειαν νόσον (the goddess afflicted them with -_feminine disease_) instead of “made them men-women or cinaedi”. The -word ἀνδρόγυνος (man-woman) is used here in the same way as in another -passage where _Herodotus_ says[360], οἱ δὲ ἐνάρεες, οἱ ἀνδρόγυνοι -(and the ἐνάρεες, the men-women). The false interpretation of this -word has more than anything else led to misunderstanding as to the -νοῦσος θήλεια, for it was supposed that by ἀνδρόγυνοι (men-women) -actual eunuchs were intended, whereas pathics are meant and nothing -more. How the case really stood might have been seen from _Suidas_, -who tells us: _ἀνδρόγυνος_· ὁ Διόνυσος, _ὡς καὶ τὰ ἀνδρῶν ποιῶν καὶ -τὰ γυναικῶν πάσχων_· ἢ ἄνανδρος καὶ Ἑρμαφρόδιτος· καὶ ἀνδρογύνων, -ἀσθενῶν. γυναικῶν καρδίας ἐχόντων. (_man-woman_: Dionysus, _as both -performing a man’s part and suffering a woman’s_. Synonyms, “unmanly”, -and “Hermaphrodite”. Also of men-women, weakly men, having the hearts -of women.) Dionysus[361] then _performed the act of coition as a man, -and suffered himself to be used as a woman_, and for this reason was -called ἀνδρόγυνος (man-woman). We find the word used in the same way -in _Plato_[362], in the passage of _Dio Chrysostom_ quoted a little -above, in various places in the _Writers on Physiognomy_, in _Philo_, -loco citato, and in Artemidorus[363]. From the last we quote a passage -highly interesting for our purpose: - -“A man saw in a dream his penis covered with hair to the extreme tip, -shaggy with very thick hair that grew all of a sudden on it. He was a -notorious cinaedus, indulging in every abominable pleasure, effeminate -and a man-woman; only never using his member as a _man_ does. In this -way it happened that that part was so little employed, that through -not being rubbed against another body hair actually grew on it.” The -same author relates in another place[364]: “A man saw in a dream the -rôle[365] of a man-woman played on the stage; _his privy member fell -sick_. A man thought he saw a priest of Cybelé (a castrated man); _his -privy member fell sick_. This happened in the first instance because of -the name, in the second because of the coincidence of the fact with the -spectator’s condition. And indeed you know what κωμῳδεῖν (to represent -in comedy) signifies in dreams, and what it means to see a priest -of Cybelé. You remember too that if any one dreams he sees a Comedy -or Tragedy and remembers it afterwards, the event can be predicted -according to the plot of the piece dreamed of.” - -The passage affords us yet another proof as to the causes that were -supposed in Antiquity to condition the rise of diseases of the -genitals, and we need certainly feel no surprise if we find the -ætiological relations of these complaints even in professional writers -wrapped in all but impenetrable obscurity. - -Now what _is_ the word ἐναρέες? Some scholars take it to be Greek; -and accordingly would read ἐναγέες (persons who have sinned against -the godhead), as _Bouhier_ did, and perhaps _Caelius Rhodoginus_ -even in his time, or else ανάριες (_imbelles, ad luctum_ veneream -inepti,—unwarlike, i.e. unfit for the struggle of love), which was -_Coray’s_ emendation. _Stark_ does not believe in any corruption of -the word, but thinks it should be derived from ἐναίρω (_spolio_,—I -rob, spoil), ἔναρα (_spolia_,—spoils), making it signify _virilitate -spoliati_,—men robbed of their virility. But ἐναίρω according to -_Buttmann’s_ Lexilogus, p. 276., means “to send down to Hades”, to -slay, ἔναρα the spoils taken from the _slain_, and from this comes the -idea of spoliation, deprivation. The word undoubtedly occurs (Homer, -Iliad XXIV. 244.) in the sense of “to be slain”, but the meaning -_virilitate spoliari_ (to be deprived of virility) without the addition -of some supplemental word can certainly not be authenticated in old -Writers. Supposing this derivation to be correct, ἐναρέες might signify -simply (Temple) robbers, and as a matter of fact the glosses give -ὁπλίται (warriors) as an explanation. It is a surprising thing that -those who make out the νοῦσος θήλεια to have been gonorrhœa (clap), -should not have derived the word from ἐάρ, the sap, the seed, with -inserted ν. - -However a Greek origin of the word is rendered unlikely by one simple -circumstance. _Herodotus_ writes τοὺς καλέουσι Ἐναρέας οἱ Σκύθαι, -(whom the Scythians call Ἐναρέες,—which is obviously the same thing as -saying, “in the language of the Scythians they are called Ἐναρέες”. -And again why should _Herodotus_ have explained it by ἀνδρόγυνοι -(men-women), if it was a word that every Greek could understand. In -this view moreover _Wesseling_ and _Schweighäuser_, scholars possessing -a special, critical knowledge of their Herodotus, concur. We do not -indeed know to what family of speech the Scythian belongs; but it -may be assumed that the word signifying the disease took its origin -from the same country where the νοῦσος θήλεια itself arose. We -believe ἐναρέες[366] to have been originally a Syrian word, which the -Scythians, or more likely the Greeks[367], first adopted into their -own idiom. The Greeks were particularly good at the transformation or, -if you please, distortion, of foreign names! The word which we think -must be claimed as the original is the Semitic נַעֲרָה (_naãrâ_),—the -_girl_, the _woman_ in the abstract; and we conjecture _Herodotus_ -wrote ναρέες, a form which is actually found according to _Coray_ in -one Manuscript. The meaning then would be the _womanish_ man, and this -gives a complete correspondance with νοῦσος θήλεια and ἀνδρόγυνος. -Another conjecture is based on the name of the Babylonish Praefect or -Ἄνναρος, to which _Coray_ calls attention, adding: _mais qui pourroit -bien être un surnom altéré par les copistes, et relatif à sa vie -effeminée et au milieu des femmes_. (but which might very possibly be -a surname changed by the transcribers and referring to his effeminate -life and his living surrounded by women.) In _Athenaeus_[368] we read -in fact: Κτησίας δ’ ἱστορεῖ, _Ἀνναρον_ τὸν βασιλέως ὕπαρχον καὶ τῆς -Βαβυλωνίας δυναστεύσαντα στολῇ χρῆσθαι γυναικείᾳ καὶ κόσμῳ· καὶ ὅτι -βασιλέως δούλῳ ὄντι κ. τ. λ. (Ctesias relates in his History that -Annarus, the King’s Praefect and Governor of Babylon wore a woman’s -robes and ornaments; and that being a slave of the King, etc.) Still as -a matter of fact it is difficult to see _why_ the transcriber should -have introduced the name as Ἄνναρος, the whole form of the sentence -demanding a proper name. _Coray_ refuses to admit that ἐναρέες is a -foreign word at all, for he says, “cette manière de s’exprimer n’est -souvent qu’une version littérale du mot étranger dans la langue de -l’écrivain qui l’emploie”. (such a mode of expression is very often -nothing more than a literal translation of the foreign word into the -language of the writer using it). But if this were the case, and the -word one that a Greek would have understood, why did _Herodotus_ go out -of his way to explain it by ἀνδρόγυνοι? Supposing a transcriber to have -inserted Ἄνναρον into the text, yet even then the word must have been -familiar to him in the sense of _womanish, unmanly_. But if it _has_ -this meaning, Coray’s conjecture,—to read ἀναρέες for ἐναρέες, should -be unhesitatingly adopted,—if that is (a point to which Prof. _Pott_ -has drawn attention) the derivation is taken from Sanskrit or Zend. - -In Zend in fact man is _nara_, woman _narî_; in Sanskrit _nrî_ is -the stem, nom. _nâ_, pl. _nar-as_,—or else _nara_ the stem and nom. -_naras_, from which has come the Greek ἀνήρ (man) by addition of -the prosthetic, (not privative), α. Now from _nara_, by prefixing -α privative, which exists both in Zend and Sanskrit, may be formed -_a-nara_, with the meaning of _not-man, unmanly_,—a meaning which is -preserved in the name Ἄναρος (the doubling of the ν is undoubtedly -wrong); and so ἀναρέες would be literally the same by etymology with -Hippocrates’ ἀνανδριεῖς (unmanly men), occurring in a passage to be -presently discussed. This, and equally ἀνανδρία, ἀνάνδρος (unmanliness, -unmanly) are all expressions for the pathic and his vice, as is shown -again and again by passages quoted in the course of our investigation. - -But again, if with _Coray_ an actual verbal translation of a foreign -word is supposed, then ἀνανέρες (ἀ-ν-ἀνέρες) might be read,—a word -which though quite legitimately formed, was not in actual use by the -Greeks, and for this reason _Herodotus_ naturally enough explained it -by ἀνδρόγυνοι. In any case the remarkable fact remains that no one of -the ancient Lexicographers, _Suidas_ for instance or _Hesychius_[369], -should have thought the word, in whatever form it may have been read, -worthy of notice in his Dictionary. - - - § 18. - -We have now, we think, adequately discussed the νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine -disease) in the preceding Sections, and proved that the oldest view -of all, viz. that _the vice of the Pathic_ must be understood by that -term, may be justified from every point of view. It only remains -to subject to examination passages from such other authors as have -employed the expression. These _Stark_, §§ 11-18., has most carefully -collected. In this way we shall see how far they may be brought into -harmony with the view adopted. - -_Philo_[370] relates among a number of other evidences of the -outspokenness of Diogenes the Philosopher, when he was a captive and -exposed for sale as a slave, how his fellow-prisoners all stood sad -and cast down, but _he_ again and again gave free course to his witty -humour. “For instance when he cast his eye on one of the buyers, who -suffered from the _feminine disease_, he would seem to have gone up to -the man, whose outward appearance announced him to be an _unmanly_ man, -and said: ‘Do you buy me, for you seem to be in want of a man!’ The -buyer, conscious and ashamed, slunk away among the crowd, whilst the -bystanders marvelled at Diogenes’ wit and boldness.” - -In another place[371] _Philo_ says, after having spoken of the Laws -of Moses against harlotry: “Yet another evil much more serious than -the one mentioned, has crept into states, _paederastia_ to wit, the -bare naming of which was _formerly_ an outrage. But now it is a matter -of boast, not only with those who _practise_ it, but also with the -_pathics, the men of whom it is customary to say,—They suffer from -feminine disease_. In fact they are effeminated in body and soul, and -not one spark of manliness do they suffer to appear in them. They braid -and deck their hair to look like women, they smear and paint their -faces with ceruse and cosmetics and such like things, anoint their -persons with fragrant ointments,—for a fragrant smell is an attraction -much sought after by such. Expending every possible care on their -outward adornment, they are not ashamed even to employ every device _to -change artificially their nature as men into that of women_. Against -such it is right to be bloodthirsty, obeying the Law, which commands: -to slay,—and fear no penalty,—the _man-woman_ who transgresses the -law of nature, to let him live not a day, not an hour,—shaming as he -does himself, his family, his country, nay! the whole race of mankind. -The _paederast_ must endure the same penalty, for he pursues after a -pleasure that is contrary to Nature, and, so far as in him lies, makes -States desert and empty of inhabitants, annihilating the begetting of -children. More than this he endeavours to entice others and lead them -away into two most abominable vices, _unmanliness_ and _effeminacy_, -bedizening youths (like women), and womanizing men in the vigour of -their age, just at the time when they ought rather to be roused to aim -at strength and hardihood. In a word, like a bad farmer, he lets the -rich and fertile ploughland lie untilled, and makes it unfruitful, -but labours day and night where he can expect no harvest whatever. -Now this comes, I think, from the fact that in most States prizes -are really offered for _incontinence_ and _effeminacy_,—the vices -of the paederast and the pathic. At any rate these men-women may be -seen constantly strutting in the _agora_ at the hour of high market, -walking in procession at the sacred festivals, sharing, unholy as they -are, in holy offices, participating in mysteries and sacrifices, even -engaging in the rites of Demeter. Some of them have brought the charm -of their youth to such a pass that _craving a complete transformation -into women, they have amputated their generative members_; and now -clad in purple robes, as if they had wrought some great benefit to -their country, and surrounded by a body guard, they enter in state, -all eyes fixed on them. Now if only such indignation as our Lawgiver -has expressed, were generally entertained against those guilty of such -effrontery, and if they were banished, as expiating the common guilt of -their country, without appeal, this would do much to improve many of -their companions. The punishment of such as had been condemned, if in -no possible way to be shirked, would contribute no little to checking -any imitation of these lusts on the part of others.” - -In the third passage, _Philo_[372] is speaking of the difference -between the _symposia_ (banquets) of his time and those of the Greeks, -and says:—“The Platonic banquet has to do almost entirely with Love, -but not the love of men for women, or of women for men,—for these are -passions that are satisfied conformably with the law of Nature,—but -the love of men whose affections are directed to youths. For all the -noble things that are said besides about Eros (Love) and the heavenly -Aphrodité are to be taken as mere fine talk. By far the most part -in fact concerns Ἔρως κοινὸς and Ἔρως πάνδημος (Common Love, Public -Love), which destroys all manliness, the virtue that is most needful -in war and peace, _infecting the mind with the “feminine disease”, -and turning men into men-women_, whereas they should be equipped with -everything conducive to manly vigour. Instead of this it ruins young -men’s manliness, and gives them the nature and character of a wanton; -also inflicting injury on the Lover in the most important factors of -life,—body, soul and property. For the thoughts of the paederast must -needs be all centred on the boy he loves, and his gaze quick to see -that object only: while for all other concerns, private or public, his -eyes are blinded and useless, and this especially if he is unhappy in -his love. His worldly condition takes hurt in two ways, partly through -neglect, partly through expenditure on the loved one. Associated with -this is yet another, and a greater because general, mischief. Such men -bring about the depopulation of Cities, and cause a lack of a good, -sound strain of men, producing barrenness and unfruitfulness. They -resemble those that are unskilful in husbandry, etc.” - -In a fourth passage again, one overlooked however by _Stark_, -_Philo_[373] says, speaking of the inhabitants of Sodom and their -unbridled dissoluteness and vice:— - -“For not only being mad after women did they form disgraceful -unions with strange women, but actually, men as they were, they had -intercourse with males: they that practised the vice had no shame -for the sex they shared in common with those that suffered it, but -were guilty of wasting their seed and disdaining the generation of -offspring. But conviction of guilt was of no avail to restrain men -mastered by an overpowering lust. Later, learning by degrees the custom -for such as were born men yet to endure the treatment proper to women, -_they brought upon themselves feminine disease, a curse they could in -no wise contend against_. For not merely womanizing their bodies by -effeminacy and wanton luxury, but utterly unsexing their very souls, -they destroyed, so far as in them lay, all the manliness of their sex. -In fact, if Greeks and Barbarians had been unanimous and had all been -eager at once after such intercourse, the consequence would have been -to make every city desolate, as though wasted by some pestilential -sickness.” - -In the fifth and last passage of all _Philo_[374] is speaking of those -whose entry into the sanctuary was interdicted by the Lawgiver: “He -forbad all that were unworthy to frequent, the Temple, beginning _with -the men-women, those that are sick of the true (the feminine) disease_, -who transgressing the established law of Nature, _annex the lust and -looks of incontinent women_. He expelled all eunuchs, those with -strangled testicles and those with amputated, who carefully safeguard -the bloom of youthfulness against decay, and transform the manly type -into a womanish shape. He expelled not only harlots, but harlots’ -children as well, etc.” - -If we review systematically and in detail these passages of _Philo_, -given by _Stark_ only in fragments, any unprejudiced reader must see -that there is not one of them that does not refer to the vice of the -Pathic. As to the second and third passages _Stark_ himself (pp. 13 -and 22.) admits this, while as to the fourth we do not know what he -thought, it having been unknown to him: thus it is only in relation to -the _first_ and _fifth_ passages that we have to examine his reasons -for supposing this not to be the case. After quoting the text and -_Mangey’s_ Latin translation, _Stark_ remarks à propos of the _first_ -passage,—that dealing with Diogenes:—“Quin hic verum corporis, nec -animi vitium seu morbum indicetur, quo laborantes virilitate orbarentur -et hanc suam impotentiam corporis habitu atque oris specie proderent, -nullus dubito. Nam hoc et verborum series aperte declarat et ex eo -colligi potest, quod ille, qui hoc crimine tactum se sentiret, pudore -movetur.... Si vero Pathicorum labes, quam ab interpretibus quibusdam -hic suspicari video, ita intelligenda esset, haec _neque ex vultu -coniici_ poterat _neque a Graecis tam turpi macula notabatur_, ut huic -vitio deditis causa esset, quam ab rem eius opprobrium effugerent. -Tantum enim abfuit, ut Pathici dedecus suum occultarent, ut potius -multo fastu atque pompa prae se ferrent.... Verum autem Eunuchum -genitalium exsectione redditum his verbis significari, non crediderim, -quia hi neque inter licitatores, sed potius inter vendendos reperiri, -neque ob harum partium defectum pudore tangi solerent.” (I have no -doubt whatever that a real fault of body, and not of mind, in other -words a disease, is intended here,—a disease that robbed the sufferers -of virility, who then betrayed this impotence by the condition and -appearance of body and countenance. This indeed is fully shown by the -context, from which it may also be gathered that the sufferer who felt -himself touched by this vice, has a feeling of shame.... But if it is -the taint of the pathics that is to be understood here, as I see is -conjectured to be the case by some commentators, this taint could not -be guessed at from the face; nor yet was it marked by the Greeks with -so strong a stigma of disgrace, as to cause those who were given to -it to strive to escape the opprobrium. For so far were pathics from -wishing to conceal their shame, that they actually made a point of -displaying it ostentatiously.... On the other hand I should not be -inclined to suppose that a Eunuch, an actual Eunuch by amputation of -the genitals, is meant by these words. These were hardly likely to -be found among the bidders, but rather with the slaves for sale: nor -were eunuchs accustomed to feel shame on account of the loss of these -organs.) - -In § 16 above it has been abundantly proved that the recognition of -a pathic ἐκ τῆς ὄψεως, _ex voltu_, (by the look), was a simple and -familiar thing with the Ancients, and especially so if we understand, -as is only reasonable, by ἐκ τῆς ὄψεως not merely by the _face_, but -by the whole appearance of the person as well. We can only wonder at -_Stark’s_ repeated denials of the existence of such external marks -of recognition, and all the more so, as every Text-book of Medical -Jurisprudence making any pretensions to complete detail (e.g. _Masius_, -_Mende_) gives information on the point. Again, it is proved that -paederastia was always regarded by the Greeks, till the time when -they lost their independence, as a disgraceful vice,—the reason why -the buyer spoken of slunk away with a blush. As for the ostentatious -show of pathics, and particularly their importance and the power they -acquired, to which _Stark_ refers (p. 12. in his Note—28), this is only -true for times as late as _Philo’s_ own, (he lived 40 A.D.), whereas -_Diogenes_ appears in History in the middle of the 4th. Century B.C. -_Stark_, again, cites as evidence the words from the second passage: -_Puerorum amor, de quo vel loqui olim probrum fuit maximum, nunc laudi -ducitur_, (The love of boys, merely to speak of which was formerly -a deep disgrace, but which now is made a boast),—without observing -that his contention as to paederastia not being held disgraceful in -Antiquity is most obviously contradicted by it. Undoubtedly actual -castrated eunuchs were not meant, but the reasons _Stark_ brings -forward to show this are without force, for he will hardly be able -to prove that in Asia the Castrated never acquired importance and -wealth, so as to be in a position to buy themselves slaves. Further -it may be gathered that the man Diogenes addressed was rich or held -an important station from the fact that the bystanders marvelled at -Diogenes’ boldness and outspokenness, a point that _Stark_ indeed has -forgotten to mention. For _Philo’s_ own times the second passage is -evidence enough. Equally do we fail to see why a castrated eunuch would -be unlikely to blush, when the fact is thrown in his face. _Stark_ (p. -22) explains the νοῦσος θήλεια as _vitium corporis_ or _effeminatio -interno morboso corporis statu procreata_, (a fault of body, condition -of effeminacy produced by an internal morbid state of body). Now if -it were really this, how could he possibly speak of the sufferers as -_crimine tactos_, (touched by his _vice_)? They had nothing to be -ashamed of, unless indeed they had acquired the disease in a shameful -way, but this was not the case according to his original assumption. -This is confirmed by _Clement of Alexandria_.[375] - -So far as the _fifth_ passage is concerned, Stark declares castrated -eunuchs to be certainly intended, and blames the editor of _Philo_ -(_Mangey_) for wishing to read for ἀπὸ τῶν νοσούντων τὴν _ἀληθῆ_ νόσον -ἀνδρογύνων (with the men-women, those that are sick of the _true_ -disease) τὴν _θήλειαν_ νόσον (the _feminine_ disease). He says in his -note 30.: “_Mangetius_ (a mistake for _Mangey_) reponit θήλειαν. Quare -hoc fieri, non dicam debeat, sed ne oporteat quidem, non video. Nam -νόσος ἀνδρογύνων idem est, quod νόσος θήλεια. Si igitur haec vox verbis -superioribus adiiciatur, iners atque inutilis appareat et pleonasmum -vanum efficiat, necesse est: τὸ ἀληθῆ contra, quod ille demit, non -vacuum ceteris additur verbum, ut eo perspicue demonstraretur, hic -_verum morbum_ seu _illud corporis vitium_ esse intelligendum, quod -viros exsecando paritur, nec hanc animi labem, qua contaminati solum -muliebria patiuntur, quaequae iisdem verbis nuncupatur, ut loci mox -laudandi docebunt.” (Mangetius restores θήλειαν—feminine. I cannot see -why he should do this; in fact he had no business to do so whatever. -For νόσος ἀνδρογύνων (disease of men-women) is the same thing as νόσος -θήλεια (feminine disease). So if this expression is added on to the -preceding words, it can only appear redundant and useless and make a -silly pleonasm. Τὸ ἀληθῆ (the word _true_ disease) on the other hand -is not otiose when added to the other words. It shows distinctly that -the _true disease or notorious vitiation of body_ was meant to be -understood, that which arises from castrating men, and not merely the -taint of mind that makes the men whom it affects endure the treatment -proper to women, and which is called by the same name,—as will be shown -in passages to be cited presently.) - -These last words evidently refer to the third passage, where we read: -Θήλειαν δὲ νόσον ταῖς ψυχαῖς ἀπεργαζόμενος καὶ ἀνδρογύνους κατασκευάζων -(infecting the mind with feminine disease, and turning men into -men-women), for _Stark_ himself explains the νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine -disease) as being identical with the ἀνδρογύνων νόσος (disease -of men-women). So he is bound to explain this sentence too as a -_Pleonasmus vanus_ (silly, useless, pleonasm), for as a matter of fact -those suffering from νοῦσος θήλεια _are_ men-women (ἀνδρόγυνοι). But if -a pleonasm is found in these latter words, it is difficult to see why -there should not be one equally well in the fifth passage. - -Yet for all he says, it is far from being demonstrated that this -pleonasm _is_ useless and silly. The sequence of thought is evidently -this: Common Eros (Love) infects the soul (ψυχή) with the νοῦσος -θήλεια, rousing the insatiable craving to play the part of the woman, -to be pathic in fact; and then, this craving being indulged, the man -becomes a man-woman (ἀνδρόγυνος). As long as he goes on practising -the vice of the pathic, he is sick of the νοῦσος θήλεια, and so it is -perfectly correct to speak of the νοῦσος θήλεια ἀνδρογύνων (feminine -disease of men-women). A man-woman, that is a person who suffers -coition to be consummated with him as with a woman, and concurrently -also consummates coition with women as a man, or at any rate has the -ability to do so,—this anyone may quite well be, without suffering for -all that from the νοῦσος θήλεια. For instance he may be constrained -by force to be a pathic, or may regard it as a way of earning money, -like the male prostitutes of Greece and Rome; and in that case has no -interest further in the vice of the pathic as such. On the other hand -if he is urged to it by _prurigo ani impudica_ (lascivious itch of -the anus), this is sheer lubricity, not to be expected in a sensible, -healthy-minded man. It can only be the consequence of a morbid -condition of temperament and body. Such a man is the victim of νοῦσος -θήλεια, the craving to be a woman! This is just the position taken in -the fifth passage, as the subsequent words show quite plainly. - -But granted that _Philo_ actually wrote in this fifth passage τὴν -ἀληθῆ νόσον ἀνδρογύνων (the true disease of men-women), would a -bodily defect, castration, be signified by the expression? Certainly -not. We could then take it in no other way but this, “he began with -the men-women, who suffered from the true disease,” and should be -constrained to ask, “_what_ disease?”,—a definite disease being -manifestly intended, as the addition of the definite article (τὴν) -shows. But this would imply that men-women who were not suffering from -this particular disease were _not_ excluded from visiting the Temple. -Yet most certainly _Philo_ would never make any such statement. However -_Stark_ translates with _Mangey_: _Exorsus a vero semivirorum morbo -laborantibus_ that is, “he began with those suffering from the true -disease of men-women”, from which it would follow that there were other -persons who suffered from the _apparent_ disease of the men-women, or -no reason exists for the special emphasis the definite article gives. - -Really the question all along is not of castrated persons at all, and -cannot be, if the sense of the whole passage is taken into account; -for these (castrated persons) are specially and separately forbidden -access to the Temple in the next sentence,—a fact which nothing but the -introduction into the text of the conjunction γὰρ (for) by _Mangey_, -(following a MS. it is true), has obscured. The words as they stand are -Θλαδιὰς [γὰρ] καὶ ἀποκεκομμένους τὰ γεννητικὰ ἐλαύνει, (he expells all -eunuchs, those with strangled testicles, and those with amputated). -So if the men-women who suffered from the νοῦσος θήλεια were actual -eunuchs, this would indeed be a _Pleonasmus vanus et ineptus_ (silly -and idle pleonasm). _Stark_ has evidently been led to maintain the -opinion he does, and to blame Mangey’s emendation, which is in any -case justified, by a mistake as to the construction of the sentence. -_Stark_ construed νοῦσον ἀνδρογύνων (disease of men-women), whereas -the construction requires: τὴν ἄρχην ποιούμενος ἀπὸ ἀνδρογύνων, τῶν -νοσούντων τὴν θήλειαν (ἀληθῆ) νόσον (beginning with men-women,—those -that were sick of the feminine—true—disease), the latter words being -simply in apposition to ἀνδρογύνων. - - - § 19. - -We now proceed to consider the passages from the historian _Herodian_ -(170-240 A.D.). He relates[376]: - -“Now he (Antoninus) had two generals, of whom the one, an oldish man -but stupid and quite unacquainted with state affairs, was yet held to -be a good soldier; his name was _Adventus_. The other who was called -_Macrinus_, was not inexperienced in forensic practice and possessed -besides some knowledge of law. Now the latter _Antoninus_ frequently -assailed in public with gibes, saying he was neither a soldier nor a -man, going so for as positive _insult_. For having heard that he led a -somewhat free life, and abominated scanty, rough eating and drinking -(in which _Antoninus_ as a hardy soldier took a pride), and wore a -woman’s cloak or other elegant raiment, he accused him of ἀνανδρία -and θήλεια νοῦσος (_unmanliness_ and _feminine disease_), and was -constantly threatening to put him to death. _Macrinus_ could not endure -such treatment and was very much exasperated. And this was the result -... etc.” Here ἀνανδρία and θήλεια νοῦσος (unmanliness and _feminine -disease_) are laid to _Macrinus’_ charge by _Antoninus_ by way of -insult, but it is not in any way stated that he had become actually -impotent or Pathic. True ἀνανδρία (_unmanliness_) is frequently used -of the Pathic, but here it refers simply to a womanish way of life in -connexion with eating and drinking, whilst the θήλεια νοῦσος (_feminine -disease_) is inferred from the female costume, a thing in which, as we -have seen, the Pathics delighted[377]. - -_Stark_ indeed gives the following note on the passage: “Ego -quidem impotentiam virilem et illam morbosam in sexum sequiorem -degenerationem, quae per animi mollitiem aeque ac per corporis -mutationem se prodit, hic accipiendam esse credo, nec video, cur -interpres labem illam qua muliebris tolerantiae viri maculantur, -intellectam velit.” (In fact I consider we must take to be here meant -impotence and that morbid degeneration towards the inferior sex which -betrays itself at once by effeminacy of mind and bodily deterioration; -at the same time I see no reason for a commentator thinking that -specific pollution to be signified whereby men are affected who suffer -themselves to be treated as women.) However if only _Stark_ had chanced -to read through the succeeding 13th. chapter of _Herodian_ as well, he -would have found _Antoninus_ only meant to put upon the man an ordinary -coarse jest; for he there makes the very same reproach against the -Centurion _Martialis_, whose brother he had had executed a few days -previously; αὐτῷ τε τῷ Μαρτιαλίῳ ἐνύβρισεν, _ἄνανδρον αὐτὸν καὶ ἀγεννῆ -καλῶν_ καὶ _Μακαρίνου φίλον_, (And he insulted Martialis himself, -_calling him unmanly and ignoble and a friend of Macarinus_.) In any -case the passage shows that even at that period Paederastia was held to -be dishonourable and the name of Pathic involved an insult. - -The Church Historian _Eusebius Pamphili_ (264-340 A.D.) relates in his -Life of _Constantine_[378] that on a part of the peak of Mount Lebanon -stood a Temple of Venus: “Therein was a school of vice for licentious -persons of every description, for all such as dishonoured their bodies -in various ways; womanish men, that are no men at all, abrogated their -natural dignity and propitiated the goddess by θήλεια νοῦσος (feminine -disease); and again unlawful unions of women, lecherous embraces, -abominable and abominated acts, were indulged in in this Temple, as -in a spot where neither law nor religion held good. And there was no -one to overlook their doings, for no respectable man dared go near the -place.” Now to any one examining the whole drift of the passage, it -cannot for a single moment remain doubtful that by θήλεια νοῦσος is -here meant some particular form of vice; and the words of the text are -such that, even if the expression only occurred here and nowhere else -at all, absolutely no other meaning could be assigned to it but that of -the vice of the Pathic. We have already shown that the words ἀκόλαστος -(licentious person), πράξις, πράττειν (action, to act) are -used of the Pathic, whilst the phrase τὸ σεμνὸν τῆς φύσεως (natural -dignity) finds its explanation in the τὸ φύσεως νόμισμα (custom of -nature) of _Philo_, and γύννιδες (womanish men) is interpreted in -_Zonaras_[379] by ἀνδρόγυνος (man-woman), μαλακός (soft, effeminate), -and in Eustathius[380] by θηλυδρίας μὴ εὖ διακέιμενος πρὸς τὰ -ἀφροδίσια (womanish man, one not properly behaved with regard to -love),—meanings the real force of which we have elsewhere verified, but -which most certainly are not to be taken as implying actual castration, -as _Stark_ (§ 16) thinks. Indeed the last named says, commenting on -the passage of Eusebius: “Haec verba non solum de mera morum atque -cultus mutatione muliebri rationi magis congrua, intelligi posse, sed -etiam per veram evirationem genitalium truncatione confectam aptissime -explicanda esse, cum verborum series et Eustathii, Hesychii ac Zonarae -atque Valesii auctoritas me suadet, tum multo magis illud monet, quod -in cultu Veneris virorum exsectionem solemnem fuisse compertum habemus. -Sin autem contenderis, viros tales exsectos et effeminatos etiam -muliebria passos esse, ego quidem non repugno, exploratam vero rem esse -atque ratam, ex ipsis auctoris verbis non liquet.” (That these words -may be understood not merely of a simple change of mode of life and -habit to one more closely assimilated to the female type, but that they -are most suitably to be explained as implying an actual effemination of -the individual produced by amputation of the genitals, both the context -of the passage and the authority of Eustathius, Hesychius, Zonaras and -Valesius induces me to believe, and still more am I led to this view by -the fact we already know, viz. that the castration of men was customary -in connection with the cult of Venus. But if you further maintain that -such men so castrated and effeminated submitted to the treatment proper -to women, I do not deny it; I only say that this point is not duly -ascertained and certified on the showing of the Author’s own words.) - -Certainly we have already seen from the passage of _Lucian_ and from -_Philo_ that Paederastia supplied a motive for the making of Eunuchs; -but the passages quoted from _Athanasius_ and other Authors have -also taught us that the pollution of boys was carried out in honour -of Venus in her temples. As for the _auctoritas Valesii_ (authority -of Valesius), _Stark_ adds in his notes (49): “Eandem vim his verbis -tribuit, ut ex interpretatione ejus Latina Eusebii videre est. Histor. -scriptor. ecclesiast. Paris 1677. fol. p. 211. B.” (He assigns the same -force to these words, as may be seen from his Latin translation of -Eusebius). To our regret we are unable to refer to this edition,—which -it appears to us would have been a highly desirable precaution; for -the one which lies before us,[381] a word for word, only more correct, -re-impression of the Paris edition, gives the version of Valesius -entirely in our sense: “Quippe effeminati quidam et feminae potius -dicendi quam viri, abdicata sexus sui gravitate, _muliebria patientes_, -daemonem placabant.” (Whereas certain effeminate men, that should -rather be called women than men, abrogating the dignity of their sex, -and suffering treatment proper to women, used in this way to propitiate -their deity.) The same holds good of the translation given by _Stark_: -“Viri effeminati et non viriles, naturae dignitatem ultro exuentes, -_morbo muliebri_ deam placabant.” (Effeminate men and unmanly, of their -own will putting off their nature dignity, used to propitiate the -goddess _with feminine disease_.) Ought this to be taken as implying -a claim on his behalf to the translation generally as adduced by him -or merely to the rendering of the word γύννιδες by _viri effeminati_? -The previous authorities, _Eustathius_, _Hesychius_ and _Zonaras_, at -any rate refer only to γύννιδες, while _Stark_ himself assigns it the -meaning of the _Vice of the Pathic_ in the last words quoted. - -Bishop _Synesius_ (378-431 A.D.) in his Speech _De Regno_[382] -addressed to the Emperor Arcadius exhorts the latter to set bounds to -the insubordination in the army, and for the foreign subject peoples, -that are continually meditating treason, to attack them and really -conquer them, rather than wait till their hostile temper break out in -open revolt. That the renown of the Romans stood fast, that they were -victorious, wherever they came and marched through the countries of the -world, like the gods, supervising men’s insolence and government. “But -those Scythians, Herodotus tells us so, and we see it for ourselves, -are all fallen under the νόσος θήλεια (feminine disease). And it is -they of whom the subject peoples mainly consist, etc.” He goes on -to say how they had submitted only in appearance, while secretly -they laughed at the folly of the Romans, who took their submission -seriously, etc. Now in the first place we must remember the fact -that _Synesius_, like all Greek Orators and Fathers of later times, -considered it his special duty to cite the Classical Greek authors as -frequently as possible, and with this object made almost any peg do to -hang a quotation on. He says of the Romans that they, ὡς Ὅμηρός φησι -τοὺς θεούς - - Ἀνθρώπων ὕβριν τε καὶ εὐνομίαν ἐφέποντες - -(as Homer says of the gods, “visiting the insolence and good government -of men”), and to explain this ὕβρις (insolence), he recalls the -statement of Herodotus to the effect that the Scythians suffered -from the νοῦσος θήλεια, a statement which, he adds, still holds good -of them; that the vice had prevailed amongst them from the earliest -times, that it was quite inveterate, and that accordingly men of such -abandoned character could never be trusted, trained as they were to -dissemble; all this _Synesius_ is specially anxious to enforce strongly -upon Arcadius! In this sequence of thought we find a sufficient -explanation of the καὶ ἡμεῖς ὁρῶμεν (and we see it for ourselves); this -refers not so much to the ocular recognition of the νοῦσος θήλεια, the -possibility of which however we have demonstrated elsewhere, as to the -fact that the disease was _still_ to be met with among the Scythians, -in order to show which Synesius laid special stress on the phrase, -and added—undoubtedly to the sacrifice of truth—the word ἅπαντας (all -of them). Besides which, _Dionysius Petavius_ reminds us in his notes -on this passage that the name “Scythian” is used here, as it is in -_Strabo_, in its widest signification, and includes Goths, Alani, -Vandals, Germans, Huns, in fact all the Northern peoples. This is the -more interesting as _Sextus Empiricus_[383] relates of the Germans -that they practised Paederastia, Prof. _Meier_ (loco cit. p. 131. Note -20.), who cites the passage, doubted the truth of the statement, on the -ground that Sextus Empiricus is the only author, and even he does so -only as a matter of hearsay (ὡς φασιν—as men say), to lay this vice to -the charge of the Germans, whose purity of morals is not impugned by -any other Writers. But surely he did not take into consideration that -Sextus Empiricus lived about 200 years after Christ, and is speaking of -the Germans of his own times, not of the old Germans such as _Tacitus_ -and _Caesar_ knew them. It is hardly likely the Germans of Sextus’ and -Synesius’ day should have entirely escaped the universal degeneracy of -all Nations; and again, with what object did German Emperors at a later -date promulgate laws against the vice of Paederastia, Sodomy, etc., if -it did not exist among their people? - -_Clement of Alexandria_, after speaking of the objectionable character -of the worship of the different gods of the Heathen, goes on to relate -as follows[384]: - -“All blessings befall that King of the Scythians, whatever his name -may have been, who when one of his subjects copied the service of the -Mother of the gods usual among the people of Cyrené, beating the drum -and clashing the cymbals hung at his neck, and dedicating himself -as a Menagyrtes (Priest of Cybelé), shot him dead, as a man who had -been made _no man_ (ἄνανδρος) among the Greeks, and as a teacher of -the _feminine disease_ (νόσος θήλεια) to the rest of the Scythians.” -_Herodotus_[385] who tells the same story, calls the King Saulius and -the offending citizen Anarcharsis[386], but makes no mention, any more -than do _Diogenes Laertius_ and _Philo_[387], of the θήλεια νοῦσος -(feminine disease). Accordingly we must evidently regard this as an -_addition_ on the part of Clement of Alexandria, who judging from his -own times, when the Priests of Cybelé universally practised paederastia -with each other, and in order to further lay stress on the fact that -the Scythian king had done right in killing the man who was introducing -a heathen, and besides an exceedingly licentious, form of worship, felt -no hesitation in making the addition. And as a matter of fact, how -widely paederastia prevailed in the time of Clement of Alexandria, and -how intimately he was acquainted with it, is proved by the passages -quoted on previous pages from his writings. _Stark_ prefers here also -to understand a _vera eviratio_ (true effemination), i.e. that they -were actually castrated, maintaining that this was the case with the -priests of Cybelé, whilst _Larcher_ considers merely the womanish cult -of the _Dea Mater_ (Goddess Mother) to be indicated. - -The last passage in which the expression θήλεια νοῦσος (feminine -disease) occurs, is a _scholion_ on the word γαλλιαμβικὸν (viz. -μέτρον—galliambic metre) in _Hephaestion_[388]. The Scholiast says: -Γαλλιαμβικὸν δὲ ἐκλήθη, ἐπεὶ λελυμένον ἐστὶ τὸ μέτρον· οἱ δὲ Γάλλοι, -διαβάλλονται ὡς _θήλειαν νόσον_ ἔχοντες, διὸ καὶ σώματα φόρον ἐτέλουν -Ῥωμαίοις εἰς τοῦτο· οἱ τοιοῦτοι δέ ἱερεῖς εἰσὶ Δήμητρος. (Now it was -called galliambic, because the metre is loose; and the Galli are evil -spoken of as having _feminine disease_. Wherefore also they used to -pay their bodies as tribute to the Romans—_or_, their bodies used -to pay tribute to the Romans—to this day; and such men are priests -of Demeter.) _Stark_ gives (p. 21.) the following translation of -this. “Galliambicum vocabatur, quod solutum est metrum; Galli enim -utpote _morbo muliebri_ laborantes inculpantur, quod Romanis corpora -ad hoc (tanquam) tributum persolverent,” (It was called galliambic, -because the metre is loose; for the Galli are accused as suffering -from _feminine disease_, inasmuch as they used to pay their bodies to -the Romans to this day as it were a tribute),—but without committing -himself to any more precise explanation of the words. The meaning -of the first two sentences is plain enough: The metre is called the -galliambic, because it is loose, resolved, i. e. instead of long -syllables short are used, and so the metres changed from masculine -to feminine. Now the Galli are charged with practising θήλεια νόσος -(feminine disease) (as _Homer_, Odyssey I. 368., says: ὑπέρβιον ὕβριν -ἔχοντες—having, practising very audacious insolence). But what do -the words that follow mean: διὸ καὶ σώματα φόρον ἐτέλουν Ῥωμαίοις -εἰς τοῦτο? The _tanquam_ (as it were) added in the Latin translation -shows that the translator took the sentence in a figurative sense. But -what is the subject of the sentence? is it σώματα or Γάλλοι—ἔχοντες? -The translator must necessarily have taken the latter as the subject: -“wherefore they paid or offered up their bodies to the Romans as it -were for tribute”; and this could imply nothing less than that the -Galli gave themselves up to the Romans as Pathics. Now does the -arrangement of the words admit of this? We think not; for in that case -the Scholiast must needs have put ἑαυτῶν with σώματα or at any rate the -article τὰ. - -Therefore if we take the sentence literally and regard σώματα as being -the subject, it reads: “wherefore also the bodies (of the Galli) were -subject to tax to the Romans to this day.” We have seen already how the -word τέλος signified among the Greeks the “prostitution tax,” and how -the Septuagint translators rendered the Hebrew קְדֵשָׁה (Kêdeshah) and -קָדֵשׁ (Kâdesh), by which names the Priests of Cybelé were understood, -by τελεσφόρος and τελισκόμενος (subject to tax, paying tax), how the -Priests of Cybelé are characterised by other writers as men who were -Pathics in honour of their goddess, and how as a matter of fact the -_Cinaedi_ or _Exoleti_ at Rome in the time of the Emperor Severus had -to pay an impost similar to the prostitution-tax. The _scholion_ then -shows us that the Galli also were subjected to this impost payable to -the State. Were it a question merely of Castrated persons or indeed of -anything else but actual Paederastia, the whole _scholion_ would be -unintelligible; yet _Stark_ maintains that simply Eunuchs are intended, -and this because of the words that are appended, to the effect that the -Galli were Priests of Demeter. No doubt they may have been castrated, -but this is a side issue; the important point is, that they were -Pathics. - -Finally we have still a passage from _Dio Chrysostom_[389] to mention, -in which however the hitherto almost stereotyped expression θήλεια -νόσος (feminine disease) is exchanged for γυναικεία νόσος (womanly -disease). The author is here expounding how all acts are under the -governance of a definite Genius or Spirit, and says: “for a weakling -and faint-hearted Spirit of this sort leads readily to the γυναικεία -νόσος (womanly disease) and other shames, to which is attached -punishment and disgrace.” Then in the following sentences the life and -appearance of one governed by this Spirit are more exactly described, -in such a way that there can be no possibility of supposing anything -else to be intended than the vice of the Pathic, and even _Stark_ (p. -12.) admits this much. - -On reviewing once again what has been said, we find that the Scythians -in Asia became acquainted with paederastia, when Pathics returned from -foreign lands, and henceforth practised the vice at home as well. Their -fellow-countrymen could only suppose an evil demon animated them. So -when at length as a natural result of their vice they fell sick in -body and in mind, when nervous disorders and imbecility visited the -unfortunates, they never for a moment ascribed this to the vice these -men practised, but rather regarded their condition as a consequence of -the avenging wrath of Venus, whose temple they had robbed, and thus -brought into connection an earlier incident and a later. - -When the Greek became acquainted with the vice, he of course shared -at first the notion of the avenging action of a deity, but he directed -his attention less to the consequences of this vice, which in Greece -were generally slighter, than to the Vice itself, which robbed the -man of his manly characteristics and normal activity, and drove him -to take on him the rôle of the woman in exchange for that of the man. -But to be a woman was invariably among all nations a disgrace for the -man, whom _Plato_ (Timaeus 42.) considered the γένος κρεῖττον (superior -sex), while _Aristotle_ not merely represents the woman as owing her -existence to an ἀνάγκη (unavoidable necessity), but calls her an ἄῤῥεν -πεπηρωμένον (crippled male), an ἀναπηρία φυσική (natural crippling), -even a παρέκβασις τῆς φύσεως (aberration of nature)[390]. But no man of -sound intellect could possibly suffer himself to be used as a woman; -therefore he must needs be sick, be afflicted with a disease that -assimilated him to a woman (θήλεια—feminine). When _Herodotus_ wrote, -the Greeks to be sure knew the vice which was practised with _boys_ -(Paederastia) or youths, who had not yet reached man’s estate, but -these were always first corrupted by adults; they did not practise the -vice of their own impulse and could not as a rule be held accountable. -When however they saw adults, men who were already in possession of -manly prerogatives, appear as Pathics—not merely boys and youths not -yet capable of the procreative act,—they could in no way explain the -phenomenon to their satisfaction except by supposing them to have been -attacked by a disease that changed them into women[391]. This also -gives the reason why the expression νοῦσος Θήλεια (feminine disease) -occurs so seldom in the Greek writers, for it was the violation of -boys, not the violation of _men_, that was a familiar fact to them. -For in the fact that the beautiful form of a boy was capable of firing -a sensual longing to enjoy it, the Greek saw nothing at all unnatural; -and he found excuses for the momentary forgetfulness of self-respect -on the part of the paederast, as he did in the case of the boy or -youth. But if there had been seduction, then the offence was strongly -reprobrated, unless the Pathic had been a slave. - -Neither bodily nor psychical consequences of the vice of the Pathic -ever attained in Greece, as has been said, any very high degree of -development; and most of the characteristic marks of the _Cinaedus_ -were regarded as artificial, worn half intentionally by him for show. -Even in his peculiar gait, voice and look, the Greeks saw more an -invitation to the perpetration of the vice than anything else; and if -_Plato_ denies to this class of persons the wish for natural coition, -this is rather a sign how completely the vice mastered them than a -proof of the annihilation of their power to procreate at all. - -Even when positive diseases did actually occur in consequence of the -vice, public opinion was far from ascribing these to the vice itself; -nervous and mental affections were regarded as a punishment from the -gods, or else they were treated according to their several symptoms -without any examination into the original cause. Bodily ailments, -especially if they did not affect the posterior or penis, were set down -to any cause but the true one, often to quite ridiculous ones. The -νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine disease) was invariably thought of merely as a -form of vice dependent on a morbid imagination, while its consequences -as such were left entirely out of consideration. _Nam neque ulla -curatio corporis depellendae passionis causa recte putatur adhibenda, -sed potius animus coercendus, qui tanta peccatorum labe vexatur_, (For -the right opinion is this: no bodily treatment should be applied in -order to expel the complaint, rather should the mind be disciplined -that is vexed by so foul a stain of sinful indulgences), are the words -of _Coelius Aurelianus_ in the passage quoted on page 159. - -From this it is evident the later enquirers quoted above could take the -νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine disease) for a purely mental affection, and be -right in a sense,—but a sense that certainly never entered into their -heads to consider. For they looked upon the intellectual imbecility -that resulted from the vice of the Pathic as being the essence of the -νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine disease), and the bodily derangements as merely -secondary and dependent on the psychica disturbances. Thus to some -extent they confounded cause and effect, putting one for the other; yet -without hitting on the true explanation, against which the meritorious -_Stark_ has tried so hard not perhaps to shut his eyes, but rather to -forcibly remove it in any possible way out of the range of his ideas. -For this very reason it has pursued him from beginning to end of his -investigations, and in spite of all his struggles has found at last a -reluctant and partial recognition from him. - -As to the remaining views cited above, no attentive reader surely needs -any further confutation of these. - - - § 20. - -We have now, we think sufficiently, proved that _Herodotus_ as well -as the other writers who use the expression νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine -disease), denoted by it merely a _Vice_, which lent a feminine -character to the behaviour and indeed to the whole look and mode -of life of a man, assimilating him equally in body and in mind to -the woman. Throughout the enquiry we have kept our eyes fixed on -the _cause_ of this transformation; and we shall now find it easy -to estimate the value of a passage of _Hippocrates_, originally -brought forward by _Mercurialis_ (loco citato, p. 143. Note 10.) -later by _Zwinger_[392] and others, but which _Stark_ in particular -has characterised as _a more complete delineation of the disease, -merely pointed out and named νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine disease)by -Herodotus_. On the other hand _Bouhier_ specially and strenuously -denies the identity of the two, yet without accurately recognising the -true relationship. - -Hippocrates in his well-known Work on _Air, Water and Environment_, -describes the country of the Scythians as a bare but well-watered -tableland, with so cold and damp a climate that a heavy mist covered -the fields all day long and only a short summer was enjoyed. The -inhabitants he says are arrogant, puffed up and exceedingly idle -creatures, in outward look and mode of life having little distinctly -marked characteristics of sex, the men having only very moderate desire -for coition, and the women, whose menstruation is less frequent, -possessing little capacity for conception. Then he goes on[393]: -“Moreover there are very many men amongst the Scythians resembling -Eunuchs (εὐνουχίαι); these not only follow women’s occupations -(show feminine inclinations, behave as women?—γυναικεῖα ἐργάζονται) -just like the women, but also bear a name signifying this, for such -men are called No-men (ἀνανδριεῖς). The natives ascribe the cause -to a deity; they are afraid of these men, and show them a slavish -respect (προσκυνέουσι[394]), though each individual dreads such a -fate for himself. It seems to me that affections of this sort may -be said to have come from a deity to exactly the same degree as all -other diseases,—no single one is more than any other in a sense of -divine origin. Each one of them has its own peculiar nature, and -nothing happens outside its nature. Now how these affections arise in -my opinion, I will proceed to state. From constant riding they get -κέδματα[395] (varicose dilatations), because their feet always hang -away from the horse. Hence they become lame, and get, those that are -seriously ill, ulcers on the hips (in the region of the _ischium_, -festering of the _cotyla_ or joint-socket?[396]). Then they treat -themselves with a view to cure in the following fashion. So soon as -the complaint breaks out, they open their veins on either side of the -ear; then when the blood has flowed, they fall asleep from weakness, -and go on sleeping till they wake, some of them cured and some of -them not. But it appears to me that by such a treatment they ruin -themselves[397]. For there lie near the ears certain veins, and -when these are severed, the men so cut become seedless (unfruitful); -and it is these veins that, _as I think_, they sever. But when -subsequently they approach women, and find themselves in no condition -to use them (to consummate coition with them), at the first they are -not discouraged, but keep quiet. However later, after they have tried -twice, three times, or oftener, with no better success, they believe -themselves to have sinned against the deity, whom they hold to be -to blame, put on a woman’s frock, and acknowledge their unmanliness -(ἀνανδρίην), behave as women, and in company with the women perform the -same tasks as they do. The like of this however happens only to the -rich Scythians, not to the poor, in fact to the nobler classes and such -as have attained to some considerable wealth, to a smaller degree to -those of lesser position, because these latter do not ride. - -But surely the complaint, since it is above all others of divine -origin, must attack not solely the noblest and richest Scythians, but -all equally,—or even to a greater extent those who possess little, -and therefore fail to make offerings; if that is to say the gods take -pleasure in (active) veneration on the part of men and see that they -win a due return for it[398]. For naturally the rich offer much to -the gods, bring correspondingly great contributions from their goods -as marks of their veneration; but the poor less, because they possess -nothing. Then are these discontented, because they have given them no -wealth; so that those who possess little suffer more of the punishments -for such faults than the rich. But as a matter of fact, as I have said -before, these things come from the deity to just the same degree as the -others; for everything happens in accordance with nature, and so does -this affection arise among the Scythians from the original cause I have -pointed out. Now it is precisely the same among the rest of mankind; -where riding is practised most and most continuously, there very many -suffer from κέδματα (varicose dilatations), hip and foot affections, -and accomplish coition very badly (are only slightly disposed to -coition). And this is the case with the Scythians, and they are of all -men most like eunuchs, for the following reasons: Because they always -wear trousers, and besides that pass the greatest part of their time -on horseback, so that they cannot touch the genitals with the hand, -through cold and lassitude forget the desire for coition and coition -itself, and (in their senseless infatuation) think of nothing else but -how to resign their manly privilege[399]. This is an account of how it -is with the stock of the Scythians.” - -Now if we separate the facts which are brought forward in this passage -of Hippocrates from his attempted explanations, there can be no doubt -that the same thing is in question here as that which Herodotus -describes. There are men amongst the Scythians who behave as women, -speak as women, perform women’s work and keep with the women, and their -condition the Scythians consider as something sent by the deity, and -for this reason honour and fear these men. All the rest is part of -the attempted explanations of the author, who brings together every -possible consideration in order to discover a natural cause of the -phenomenon, leaving utterly and entirely unrecognized all the time the -most natural cause of all. This of course was due to no other reason -except that it was _unknown_ to him, and that he was acquainted with -the circumstances not from his own observation, but only from hearsay. -This is a conjecture which _Heyne_ (_loco citato_) had already made -in his time, but which has met with many opponents, yet without the -argument having ever been properly brought to the test of the evidence. -In favour of Heyne’s view a passage from the book περὶ ἄρθρων (On -Joints)[400] might be cited, in which the limping of the men of the -Amazons in consequence of the dislocation of the limbs is clearly -declared to be an unauthenticated myth; for which reason _Gruner_[401] -denied Hippocrates’ authorship of this work in opposition to the -general witness of Antiquity. - -But really and truly we are as well without the passage; for if what he -relates were the result of his own observation, how could the author -write in connexion with his remark that the Scythians bled themselves -behind the ears, ταύτας τοίνυν _μοι δοκέουσι_ τὰς φλέβας ἐπιτάμνειν -(now these are the veins, _as it seems to me_, that they cut)? Is the -actual fact possibly, that all these attempted explanations flowed -from the pen of some later, or of several later, writers? At any rate -for ourselves, we have never yet been able to get rid of a suspicion -to that effect. But be this as it may, so much at least is certain, -as was stated above; viz. that the Author was unacquainted with the -actual cause of attempts to explain it, probably from misunderstanding -the effemination of the Scythians, and that all of the words ἀνανδρίες -and εὐνουχίαι (unmanly, eunuch-like), aim at referring the loss of the -generative power, i.e. ἀνανδρία in its strict sense, to some natural -reason, while the effemination is looked upon merely as a secondary -circumstance. - -That Hippocrates was not, any more than the later Physicians of -antiquity, fully and exactly acquainted with the consequences of the -vice of the Pathic as affecting the body, we see from the following -passage, appearing in an exceedingly corrupt form in the text of -Foesius[402]: εὐνοῦχος ἐκ κυνηγεσίης καὶ διαδρομῆς ὑδραγωγὸς γίνεται· -ὁ παρὰ τὴν Ἐλεαλκέος κρήνην· ὁ περὶ τὰ ἓξ ἄτεα _ἱππουρίν_ τε καὶ -βουβῶνα καὶ _ἴξιν_ καὶ κέδματα· ὁ τὸν _κενεῶνα_ φθινήσας ἑβδομαῖος -ἀπέθανεν, _προπιούντων ἄπεπτον_, ἁλμυρὰ μετὰ μέλιτος· _πορνείη ἄχρωμος_ -δυσεντερίης ἄκος. (a eunuch by hunting or running becomes dropsical; -he that is beside the fountain of Elealces; he that about six years -[suffered from] “_horse-tail_” [a disease of the groin due to too -much riding], swelling of the groin, _varicocele_ and dilatations; -he that was sick in the _flank_ died the seventh day, when they were -about to administer a raw drink, salt liquid with honey; inordinate -fornication is a cure for dysentery.??) All editors of Hippocrates -have been especially scandalized by the connection in which πορνείη -ἄχρωμος (inordinate fornication) stands in this passage; only _Foesius_ -defended it, referring to other passages in _Aëtius_[403] and _Paul -of Aegina_[404], in which coition is recommended in chronic diarrhœa -as drying up the humours. This he might equally well have established -from Hippocrates himself, for the latter says (Epidem. bk. VI. sect. 5. -note 29.), λαγνεία τῶν ἀπὸ φλέγματος νούσων ὠφέλιμον (lasciviousness -is advantageous in diseases that arise from phlegm) and (note 26.), -μίξις τὰ κατὰ τὴν γαστέρα σκληρύνει (sexual intercourse hardens the -contents of the belly)[405]. However this holds good only of the -man who performs coition, inasmuch as the effusion of semen compels -the body to supply what is lost, and this can only be done at the -cost of other secretions, and so must stop the flow of any morbid -secretions as well to a greater or less degree. But the question here -is not of the coition the man performs, but of that which he suffers -another to perform on him, in fact the vice of the Pathic, as the word -(fornication) clearly shows; and that Pathics have habitually a pallid -complexion has been already mentioned (p. 144). - -To bring some sort of sense into the passage quoted above, -_Mercurialis_ would read πόρνη ὡς ἄχρωμος (like a shameless -harlot), _Dacier_ πορνείη ἄχρωμον ἄκος, (fornication is a shameless -remedy ...) and _Richard Mead_ προῤῥοὴ ἄχρωμος (an inordinate -effusion). But _Triller_[406] was the first to come to the conclusion -that the words were in the wrong order, and emends the sentence thus: -ὁ τὸν _αἰῶνα_ φθινήσας, _πορνείῃ_ ἄχρωμος, ἑβδομαῖος ἀπέθανεν, -_προϊόντων ἀπέπτων_. Ἁλμυρὰ μετὰ μέλιτος δυσεντερίης ἄκος, (he that -destroyed his life and vigour, being inordinate in fornication, died -on the seventh day, undigested matters coming from him. Salt drinks -with honey are a remedy for dysentery). This certainly makes it more -readable, particularly if πορνείη ἄχρωμος is put _before_ ὁ τὸν αἰῶνα, -inasmuch as the pallid complexion was undoubtedly a forerunner of -phthisis. His reasons, which we beg the reader to peruse for himself in -the author’s work, are at any rate to us so convincing that we do not -hesitate a moment to adopt his emendations. These have unfortunately -hitherto gone entirely unnoticed; for _Grimm_, who appears to have -taken no exception to the passage generally, has translated entirely -in accordance with the old text, and not added any note at all. The -same is the case with _Lilienhain_, who has more recently gone over the -same ground again; though both have restored instead of κενεῶνα (belly) -αἰῶνα (life) previously conjectured by _Foesius_. - -Granted that by these means the last sentence is made intelligible, and -justice done Hippocrates by no longer making him recommend coition as a -remedy against dysentery, still the preceding sentence likewise stands -in need of correction. For ἴξιν obviously ἰξίαν or ἰξίας (varicosities) -must be read, which indeed was done by former translators, and long -ago suggested by Foesius; but as to ἱππουρίν, no sufficient account -has ever yet been given by any editor. The word appears to us to be -corrupt, and to have got into the text owing to the fact that in the -Manuscript, instead of προπιούντων,—which indeed no single Codex has, -the majority reading ὑποπνοιούντων, there stood in the next line -ὑποπορούντων, ὑποῤῥυόντων or ὑπποῤῥεόντων. _Cornarius_ read, περὶ ἓξ -ἔτεα _ἐξ ἱππασίης_ βουβῶνα, ἰξίας, κ. τ. λ. (for about six years, _in -consequence of riding_, inguinal swellings, varicosities, etc.), but -without assigning his reasons; in all probability however he made this -conjecture, which does not commend itself at any rate to us, with the -passage about the Scythians in his mind’s eye. - -But we can only arrive at a probable emendation on the condition that -we correctly estimate the sequence of the sentences as a whole. If we -are not greatly mistaken, it is as follows: First of all the question -is of a Eunuch who became dropsical; then in connection with this, the -_rest_ is added applying to _another Eunuch_. In the Book περὶ γονῆς -(Of the Seed), (Vol. I. p. 273. K.) we read: οἱ δὲ εὐνοῦχοι διὰ ταῦτα -οὐ λαγνεύουσιν, ὅτι σφέων ἡ δίοδος ἀμαλδύνεται τῆς γονῆς—αὕτη δὲ ἡ -δίοδος ὑπὸ τῆς τομῆς _οὐλῆς_ γενομένης στερεὴ γέγονεν. (Now Eunuchs -are not lascivious, because in them the passage of the seed is wasted -away, ... and this passage has become hardened by the wound where they -were cut getting _skinned over but festering within_). Now we might -well be tempted to read in the text: ὁ περὶ τὰ ἓξ ἔτεα ὑπὸ τῆς τομῆς -οὐλῆς καὶ βουβῶνα, that is to say, the man suffered for six years in -consequence of the skinning over of the cut from swelling in the groin, -etc. However this could hardly be justified, and we think it much -better to join ὑπὸ and οὐλῆς and either to read ὕπουλος, ὑπουλῶς or -ὑπουλὴν περὶ τὰ βουβῶνα, that is, he had had for six years festering -places in the inguinal region,—which idea possibly Calvus may have had -in his mind, or else ὑπουλήν τε καὶ βουβῶνας, he had had for six years -festering places (fistulas), inguinal swellings, etc., or finally, -what might seem the best of all, ὕπουλον βουβῶνα, a festering inguinal -region[407]. In the _De morbis mulierum_, (On the Diseases of Women), -bk. I., edit Kühn, Vol. II. 680. we read, ὀδύνη ἔχει καὶ τὰς ἰξύας -καὶ τοὺς κενεῶνας καὶ τοῦς βουβῶνας (pain holds both the loins and -belly and the inguinal regions),—so we might perhaps similarly read -here, ὕπουλον (ἔχει) καὶ βουβῶνα καὶ ἰξύα καὶ κενεῶνα καὶ κέδματα, -πορνείη ἄχρωμος, φθινήσας κ. τ. λ. (he has in a festering condition -both inguinal region and loin and belly and also varicosities, being -inordinate in fornication, in pain etc.), which would give κέδματα -the meaning of _Varices_ (varicosities), and the sense of the whole -passage would then be as follows: “A Eunuch in consequence of hunting -and running became dropsical; another at the fountain of Elealces, who -for six years had had festering (fistulous) ulcers in the inguinal -region, the loins and in the region of the _os sacrum_, as well as -varicosities, had grown pallid and suffered wasting through indulgence -in the vice of the pathic, died, after making involuntary evacuations, -to counteract which he had taken salt with honey, a usual remedy -against dysentery, on the seventh day.” - -Be this as it may, at any rate it is shown very distinctly by the -passage that its author was but very slightly acquainted with the -consequences resulting from the vice of the Pathic, for he ascribes -to it nothing but the pallidness of complexion, whereas the whole -series of morbid symptoms might very well have been due to it (Comp. p. -180.). Certainly the Author is to be excused, for as a rule the bodily -consequences resulting from the vice of the Pathic were in Greece very -slight and of rare occurrence, neither did the vice in that country -reach anything like such a height. Again among the pastoral Scythians, -whose racial character in other respects was but little marked, the -local bodily consequences fell rather into the background, while the -assimilation of the whole person to the female type occurred the -more readily; but at the same time stood out all the more glaringly -conspicuous to the eyes of a foreign observer, as he had noted nothing -to correspond at home. Thus it was easy for him to be misled in -considering the marvellous phœnomenon into forgetting its real origin, -which no doubt was, in seeming, somewhat remote; and was apt to think -of any other cause rather than the vice of the pathic, the consequences -of which even distinguished Physicians of more modern times failed -adequately to appreciate. Is it for us to throw a stone on these -grounds at Hippocrates and his contemporaries? - -In confirmation of our view as to the νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine disease) -we might further cite from more modern times the examples given by -_Reineggs_ and _J. von Potocki_ in the case of the Mongolian race of -the Nogay, and by the older Historians of America, particularly in -connection with Florida and Mexico. Notoriously down to the present day -Paederastia is in Asia one of the common vices, while as to America -some reporters when speaking of the Men-women and Hermaphrodites of -that Continent, expressly state that they indulged in the vice. But -as the original Authorities are not accessible to us, we can only -refer to _Heyne_, loco citato, p. 41. and _Stark_, loco citato, pp. 29 -and 31., especially as without this the subject has already occupied -overmuch space. Still we trust the less blame may attach to us on this -account from the fact that so distinguished a scholar as _Stark_, whose -conclusions even professed Philologists have endorsed, may naturally -claim of a younger enquirer in the same field who challenges his views, -not mere general phrases, but the most complete and satisfactory -reasons possible. This much merit we trust he cannot deny us! - - - - - BIBLIOGRAPHY. - - AUTHORITIES AND HISTORIANS. - - - - - BIBLIOGRAPHY. - - - AUTHORITIES. - -1) _Nicolai Leoniceni_, Vicentini, et _Joannis Almenar_, Hispani, 1. -de morbo Gallico, _Angeli Bolognini_, Bononiensis, de cura ulcerum -exteriorum et unguentis communibus in solutione continui lib. II. -_Alexandri Benedicti_ Veronensis, 1. de pestilenti febre, _Dominici -Massariae_, Vicentini, de ponderibus et mensuris medicinalibus lib. -III. Papiae ex offic. Bernhardini de Garaldis. MDXVI. fol. - -(_Nicholas Leonicenus_, of Vicenza, and _Joannes Almenar_, Spaniard, -“On Syphilis”; _Angelas Bologninus_, of Bologna, “On the Treatment -of External Ulcers and on Common Ointments applied in Breach of -Continuity”,—2 books; _Alexander Benedictus_, of Verona, “On Malignant -Fever”; _Dominic Massaria_, of Vicenza, “On Medical Weights and -Measures”,—3 books. Pavia (printed by Bernhardinus de Garaldis) 1516. -fol.). - -The Work is rare; and appears only to have been seen by _Astruc_, II. -p. 623. Comp. _Girtanner_, II. p. 41. _Gruner_, Aphrodisiac. pt. IV. - -2) _Nicolai Massae_, Veneti, Artium et Medicinae Doctoris, Liber de -morbo Gallico, mira ingenii dexteritate conscriptus. _Joannis Almenar_, -Valentini Hispani, Philosophi ac Medici, Liber perutilis de morbo -Gallico, VII capitulis quidquid desideratur complectens. _Nicolai -Leoniceni_, Vicentini, fidissimi Galeni interpretis, compendiosa -ejusdem morbi cura. _Angeli Bolognini_, Medici eximii, libellus de cura -ulcerum exteriorum: et de unguentis in soluta continuitate a Modernis -maxime usitatis, in quibus multa ad curam Morbi Gallici pertinentia -inserta sunt s. l. MDXXXII 8. - -(_Nicholas Massa_, of Venice, Doctor of Arts and Medicine, “Treatise -on Syphilis,—a Work of extraordinary Hability and Competence”. -_Joannes Almenar_, of Valencia (in Spain), Philosopher and Physician, -“A Treatise of the greatest Utility on Syphilis, embracing in Seven -Chapters all Information required”; _Nicholas Leonicenus_, of Vicenza, -the most faithful Translator of Galen, “Compendious Treatment of -Syphilis”; _Angelus Bologninus_, a highly renowned Physician, “Pamphlet -on the Treatment of External Ulcers: and on Ointments applied in Broken -Continuity as mostly Employed by the Moderns, wherein are included -many Particulars concerning the Treatment of Syphilis.” (no place of -publication) 1532. 8vo.). - -This Work was in the Sloane (Sir Hans Sloane), and in the Trew -(Christopher James Trew) Libraries. _Astruc_, II. p. 652. conjectures -that the book was printed at Venice; which _Haller_, Bibliotheca Med. -Pract. (Library of Medical Practice), I. p. 535. wrongly gives as -proved.—Comp. _Girtanner_, II. p. 70., _Gruner_, Aphrod. p. V. - -3) _Liber de morbo Gallico_, in quo diversi celeberrimi in tali -materia scribentes medicinae continentur auctores, videlicet _Nicolaus -Leonicenus_, Vicentinus. _Ulrichus de Hutten_ Germanus. _Petrus -Andreas Matheolo_, Senensis. _Laurentius Phrisius._ _Joannes Almenar_, -Hispanus. _Angelus Bologninus._ Venetiis per Joannem Patavinum et -Venturinum de Ruffinellis. Anno Domini MDXXXV. 8. - -(“_Treatise on Syphilis_,” in which the various most Celebrated Authors -writing on that Department of Medicine are contained viz. _Nicholas -Leonicenus_, of Vicenza; _Ulrich von Hütten_, German; _Petrus Andreas -Matheolo_, of Sienna; _Laurentius Phrisius_; _Joannes Almenar_, -Spaniard; _Angelus Bologninus_. Venice, printed by Joannes Patavinus -and Venturinus de Ruffinellis. Anno Domini 1535. 8vo.). - -In the copy from the Sloane Library which _Astruc_, II. p. 659., had -before him, was, printed on the same paper and with the same type, -although the Title-page made no mention of it: _Nicholas Poll_, -Medicinae Professoris et Sacrae Caesareae Majestatis Physici, Libellus -de Cura Morbi Gallici per lignum Guajacanum (_Nicholas Poll_, Professor -of Medicine and Physician to the Holy Roman Emperor, Pamphlet “On the -Treatment of Syphilis by the Guajac wood”. _Gruner_, Aphrod. p. V., who -possessed the same edition, does not mention this, but says the book -is printed without pagination, and that each book has a separate Title -(nova cuique libro inscriptione praefixa,—a fresh Title being prefixed -to each book), so that a Part might easily be missing. _Trew_ and -_Hensler_ also possessed the Work. Comp. _Girtanner_, II. p. 73. - -4) _Morbi Gallici curandi ratio exquisitissima_ a variis iisdemque -peritissimis medicis conscripta: nempe _Petro Andrea Matheolo_, -Senensi. _Joanne Almenar_, Hispano. _Nicolao Massa_, Veneto. _Nicolao -Poll_, Caesareae Majestatis Physico. _Benedicto de Victoriis_, -Faventino. Hic accessit _Angeli Bolognini_ de ulcerum exteriorum medela -opusculum perquam utile. Ejusdem de unguentis ad cujusvis generis -maligna ulcera conficiendis lucubratio. Cum indice rerum omnium quae in -curationem cadere possunt copiosissimo. Basileae apud Joann. Bebelium. -MDXXXVI. 299 S. 4. - -(“_The Most Approved Method of treating Syphilis;_” by Several and -these the Most skilful Doctors, viz. _Peter Andreas Matheolo_, of -Sienna; _Joannes Almenar_, Spaniard; _Nicholas Massa_, of Venice; -_Nicholas Poll_, Physician to His Imperial Majesty; _Benedictus de -Victoriis_ of Faenza. To this is added: _Angelus Bologninus_, On -the Medical Treatment of External Ulcers,—a Pamphlet of the Highest -Utility. By the Same Author, Treatise on the Compounding of Ointments -against Malignant Ulcers of every Kind. With a most Copious Index of -all Matters incidental to the Treatment. Bâle, published by Joann. -Bebelius, 1536. pp. 299. 4to.). - -This Edition, according to the Dedication to _Adam Bresinius_ (Basil. -Idibus Martii 1536.—Bâle, 15th March 1536.), was seen through the -press by _Joseph Tectander_ from Cracow. The Tract of _Benedictus de -Victoriis_ included in it is a College Exercise which Tectander had had -copied down and printed without the author’s knowledge. Comp. _Astruc_, -II. p. 266.—_Girtanner_, II. p. 74.—_Gruner_, Aphrod. p. V. - -A pirated impression of this Edition appeared at Lyons: Lugduni 1536, -expensis Scipionis de Gabiano et fratrum, mense Augusto,—(Lyons 1536, -at the cost of Scipio de Gabiano and his Brothers, August) pp. 280, -and 16. (printed in cursives). Comp. _Astruc_ II. p. 660. and _H. -Choulant_, Fracastori Siphilis. Leipzig 1830. p. 8. - -5) _De morbo Gallico omnia quae extant apud omnes medicos cujuscunque -nationis_, qui vel integris libris, vel quoque alio modo hujus affectus -curationem methodice aut empirice tradiderunt, diligenter hinc inde -conquisita, sparsim inventa, erroribus expurgata et in unum tandem -hoc corpus redacta [_ab Aloysio Luisino_, Utinensi]. In quo de ligno -Indico, Salsa Perillia, Radice Chyne, Argento vivo, ceterisque rebus -omnibus ad hujus luis profligationem inventis, diffusissima tractatio -habetur. Cum indice locupletissimo rerum omnium scitu dignarum, quae in -hoc volumine continentur. Opus hac nostra aetate, quo Morbi Gallici vis -passim vagatur, apprime necessarium. Catalogum scriptorum sexta pagina -comperies. [_Sebast. Aquilanus_, _Nicol. Leonicenus_, _Nic. Massa_, -_Natal. Montesaurus_, _Anton. Scanarolus_, _Jac. Cataneus_, _Joan. -Benedictus_, _Hier. Fracastorius_, _Georg. Vella_, _Joan. Paschalis_, -_Nic. Poll_, _Petr. Andr. Mathaeolus_, _Ulr. ab Hutten_, _Wendelinus -Hock de Brackenau_, _Coradinus Gilinus_, _Laurent. Phrisius_, -_Gonsalvus Fernandez de Oviedo_, _Joan. Almenar_, _Aloysius Lobera_, -_Leonh. Schmaus_, _Petr. Maynardus_, _Anton Benivenius_, _Alphons. -Ferrus_, _Joan de Vigo_, _Anton. Gallus_, _Casp. Torella_, _Joan. Bapt. -Montanus_, _Andr. Vesalius_, _Leonhard. Fuchsius_, _Joan. Manardus_, -_Joan. Fernelius_, _Benedictus Victorius_, _Amatus Lusitanus_, -_Anton. Musa Brassavolus_, _Alex. Fontana_, _Nic. Macchellus_, _Hier. -Cardanus_, _Gabr. Fallopius_, _Ant. Fracantianus_, _Joan. Langius_, -_Petr. Bayr_]. Tomus _prior_. Venetiis apud Jordanum Zilettum. 1566. 8. -736 u. 28 S. fol. - -_De morbo gallico Tomus posterior_, in quo medicorum omnium celebrium -universa monumenta ad hujus morbi cognitionem et curationem attinentia, -quae hucusque haberi potuerunt nunquam alias impressa, nunc primum -conjecta sunt. Cum indice locupletissimo rerum omnium scitu dignarum, -quae in hoc volumine continentur. Catalogum scriptorum quarta pagina -comperies. [_Bartholomaeus Montagnana_, _Martin. Brocardus_, _Benedict. -Rinius_, _Francisc. Frizimelica_, _Petr. Trapolinus_, _Bernard -Tomitanus_, _J. Sylvius_, _Mich. J. Paschalius_, _Prosp. Borgarutius_, -_Bartholom. Maggius_, _Alex. Trajan. Petronius_]. Venetiis MDLXVII. ex -officina Jordani Ziletti. 24 u. 216 S. fol. - -_Appendix tomi prioris de morbo gallico_, in quo, qui eidem jam antea -destinati fuerant, reliqui congesti sunt autores. Cum indice rerum -memorabilium in eo contentarum abunde amplo et copioso. Catalogum -scriptorum quarta pagina comperies. [_Anton. Chalmeteus_, _Leonh. -Botallus_, _Dominic. Leonus_, _Augerius Ferrerius_, _Petr. Haschardus_, -_Guilielmus Rondeletius_, _Dionys. Fontanonus_, _Jos. Struthius_]. -Venetiis MDLXVII. Ex officina Jord. Ziletti. 4, 96 und 6 S. fol. - -(“_On Syphilis—All Works Extant on this Subject by All Doctors of -Every Nation_, who whether in separate Books or in any other Manner -have dealt methodically or empirically with its Treatment, carefully -compiled from various Sources, with original remarks interspersed, and -errors removed, the Whole arranged for the first time in One Work, (by -_Aloysius Luisinus_, of Udine,—Friuli). In which India wood (Ironwood, -Guajac), Sarsaparilla, China Root, Quicksilver, and all other means -discovered for the destruction of this contagion, are most copiously -considered. With a very full Index of all Matters worthy of note -contained in this Volume. A Work pre-eminently necessary in our Day -when the infection of this Complaint is so widely diffused. List of -Authors will be found on page 6. First Volume. Venice, published by -Jordanus Ziletti, 1566. 8vo. 736, and 28. fol. - -“_On Syphilis_,” Second Volume,—in which are included all the Works of -all the Celebrated Doctors concerning the Diagnosis and Treatment of -this Disease that have been thus far obtainable, now for the first time -printed. With a very full Index of all Matters worthy of note contained -in this Volume. List of Authors will be found on page 4. Venice 1567, -(printed by Jordanus Ziletti). pp. 24, and 216. fol. - -_Appendix to First Volume “On Syphilis”_, in which are collected the -remaining Authors intended from the first to be included, but not -hitherto printed. With a most ample and copious Index of noteworthy -Matters contained therein. List of Authors will be found on page 4. -Venice 1567 (printed by Jord. Ziletti. pp. 4, 96, and 6. fol.) - -_Astruc_, II. p. 780., rightly censures the unsystematic arrangement -of the different Writings, the omission of Prefaces, Dedications and -indeed all matter except the actual texts. This edition received -subsequently a new Title-page, as is shown, according to _Astruc_, II. -p. 846., by the fact that not only does the number of pages, lines and -words closely agree with the above mentioned edition, but also at the -end of the First Part the name of the printer Ziletti occurs with the -date 1556. The new Title reads as follows:— - -“_Aphrodisiacus_ sive _de lue venerea in duo volumina bipartitus_, -continens omnia quaecunque hactenus de hac re sunt ab omnibus Medicis -conscripta, ubi de ligno Indico, Salsa parillia, Radice Chinae, -Mercurio ceterisque omnibus ad hujus luis profligationem inventis, -diffusissima tractatio habetur ab excellente _Aloysio Luisino_, -Utinensi Medico celeberrimo novissime collecta. Venet. apud Baretium et -socios. 1599. fol. - -(“_Aphrodisiacus: or A Treatise on the Venereal Disease,—in Two -Volumes_, containing all that has been written on this subject to -the present day by all Doctors, and in which Indian wood (Ironwood, -Guajac), Sarsaparilla, China Root, Mercury and all other remedies -discovered for the Destruction of this Disease are most fully treated, -compiled and newly edited by the excellent _Aloysius Luysinus_, a -Celebrated Physician of Udine,—Friuli. Venice, published by Baretius -and Associates, 1599. fol. - -6) _Aphrodisiacus_ sive _de lue venerea_; in duos tomos bipartitus, -continens omnia quaecunque hactenus de hac re sunt ab omnibus Medicis -conscripta. Ubi de Ligno Indico, Salsa Perilla, Radice Chynae, Argento -vivo, ceterisque rebus omnibus ad hujus luis profligationem inventis, -diffusissima tractatio habetur. Opus hac nostra aetate, qua Morbi -Gallici vis passim vagatur apprime necessarium: ab excellentissimo -_Aloysio Luisino_ Utinensi, Medico celeberrimo novissime collectum, -indice rerum omnium scitu dignarum adomatum. Editio longe emendatior, -et ab innumeris mendis repurgata. Tomus primus et secundus. Lugd. -Batav. apud. Joann. Arnold. Langerak et Joh. et Herm. Verbeck. -MDCCXXVIII. 1366 gespaltene Seiten, ohne 11 Blatt Vorrede und 10½ -Blatt Index. fol. - -(“_Aphrodisiacus: or A Treatise on the Venereal Disease,—in Two -Volumes_, containing all that has been written on this subject to the -present day by all Doctors. In which Indian wood (Ironwood, Guajac), -Sarsaparilla, China Root, Quicksilver and all other remedies discovered -for the Destruction of this Disease are most fully treated. A Work -pre-eminently necessary in our Day when the infection of this Complaint -is so widely diffused; the whole collected for the first time by the -most excellent _Aloysius Luisinus_, of Udine,—(Friuli), a most famous -Physician, and provided with an Index of all Matters worthy of note. -Much improved Edition, freed from very numerous errors. Vols. I and -II. Leyden, published by Joann. Arnold. Langerak and Joh. and Herm. -Verbeck, 1728. pp. 1366, besides 11 leaves Preface and 10½ leaves -Index. fol. - -Is, as _Astruc_, II. p. 1071., justly observes, a mere reprint of the -Venice edition, the only alteration being that the Appendix to the -First Part is added immediately after the First Part. Comp. _Choulant_, -p. 9. The Preface at the beginning by Boerhave contains his views -on the Venereal Disease, and has been several times since printed -separately and translated. - -7) _Daniel Turner_: Aphrodisiacus, containing a Summary of the Ancient -Writers on the Venereal Disease, under the following heads: I. of its -Original; II. of the Symptoms; III. of the various Methods of cure. -London, printed for John Clarke. MDCCXXXVI. 8vo. - -An Abridgement from the “Aphrodisiacus” of Luisinus, arranged under -the three heads named on the Title-page. (_Astruc_, II. p. 1110.) - -8) _John Armstrong_: A Synopsis of the history and cure of the Venereal -Disease. London 1737. 8vo. - -Another Abridgement from Luisinus. (_Girtanner_, iii. p. 430.) - -9) _Aphrodisiacus sive de lue venerea_ in duas partes divisus, quarum -altera continet ejus vestigia in veterum auctorum monimentis obvia, -altera quos Aloysius Luisinus temere omisit scriptores et medicos et -historicos ordine chronologico digestos, collegia notulis instruxit, -glossarium indicemque rerum memorabilium subjecit _D. Christianus -Gothofredus Gruner_ etc. Jenae apud Christ. Henr. Cunonis heredes. -MDCCLXXXVIIII. XIV. 166 und 16 S. fol. - -(“_Aphrodisiacus: or A Treatise on the Venereal Disease_, divided -into two parts, whereof the one contains Traces of this Disease to be -met with in the Writings of Ancient Authors, the other Those Writers, -whether Doctors or Historians, whom _Aloysius Luisinus_ has without -sufficient reason omitted, arranged in chronological order. Collected -and edited, with Notes, Glossary, and Index of noteworthy Matters, by -_D. Christianus Gothofredus Gruner_, etc. Jena, published by heirs of -Christ. Henr. Cuno. 1789. pp. XIV, 166 and 16. fol.). - -A second additional Title-page bears: Volume Third. In the Preface -Gruner accepts the Moorish origin of the Disease, which he further -maintains in the Book itself, and gives a survey of the Bibliography. -In the first Part he gives the passages from the Bible, the Greek, -Roman, Arabic and Arabist Works, so far as they had been discovered at -that time. The second Part contains the Works wanting or imperfectly -given in Luisinus’ Collection, and passages from the following Authors: -“_Joan Nauclerus_, _Steph. Infessura_, _Petr. Delphinius_, _Joan. -Burchardus_, _Philipp. Beroaldus_, _Alex. Benedictus_, _Conrad. -Schelling_, _Jac. Wimphelingius_, _Chronicon Monasterii Mellicensis_, -_Joan. Salicetus_, _Marcellus Cumanus_, _Chronica von Cöln_, _Joan. -Trithemius_, _Universitas Manuasca_. _Sebast. Brant_, _Joh. Grünbeck_, -_Decretum Senatus Parisiensis_, _Proclamatio Anglica_, _Joan. Sciphover -de Meppis_, _Bartholom. Steber_, _Simon Pistoris_, _Anton. Benivenius_, -_Petr. Pinctor_, _Joan. Bapt. Fulgosus_, _Christoph. Columbus_, -_Petr. Martyr_, _Franciscus Roman. Pane_, _Elias Capreolus_, _M. -Anton. Coccius Sabellicus_, _Albericus Vesputius_, _Wendelinus Hock -de Brackenau_, _Petr. Crinitus Linturius_, _Clementius Clementinus_, -_Joan. Vochs_, _Angel. Bologninus_, _Francisc. Guiccardinus_, -_Berlerus_, _Leo Africanus_, _Petr. Bembus_, _Paul. Jovius_, _Joan. de -Vigo_, _Symphor. Champegius_, _Francisc. Lopez de Gomara_, _Ulric. ab -Hutten_, _Desider. Erasmus_, _Missa de ben. Job._, _Joannes le Maire_, -_Gonsalvus Ferdinandus de Oviedo_, _Joan. de Bourdigne_, _Joan. Ludov. -Vives_, _Aureolus Theophr. Paracelsus_, _Magnus Hundt_, _Leonh. Fuchs_, -_Sebast. Frank_, _Sebast. Montuus_, _Joan. Bapt. Theodosius_, _Hieron. -Benzonus_, _Petr. de Cieça de Leon_, _Joan. Fernelius_, _Michael Angel. -Blondus_, _Augustin. de Zaratte_, _Joan. Stumpf_, _Rodericus Diacius -Insulanus_, _Hieron. Montuus_.” - -10) _De morbo gallico scriptores medici et historici_ partim inediti -partim rari et notationibus aucti. Accedunt morbi gallici _origines -maranicae_. Collegit, edidit. glossario et indice auxit _D. Christ. -Gothofr. Gruner_. Jenae sumptibus bibliopolii academici 1793. XVIII. -XXXVI. 624. S. 8. - -(“_Medical and Historical Writers on Syphilis_” some not before -published, others rare, with Notes. To which are added Moorish -_Sources_ of Syphilis. Collected and edited, with the addition of a -Glossary and Index, by _D. Christ Gothofr. Gruner_. Jena,5824 - at the cost -of the University Press, 1793. pp. XVIII, XXXVI, 624. 8vo.). - -Forms the second Supplement to the Collection of Luisinus, and -contains Works and passages from the following Authors, etc.: -“Ancient Laws of Nüremberg,” “_Matthaeus Landauer_, _Julianus -Tanus_ (de saphati), _Antonius Codrus_, _Anonymi prognosticatio_, -_Jacob. Unrestus_, _Bilibaldus Birkheimer_, _Augustinus Niphus_, -_Hieron. Emser_, _Philipp. Beroaldus_, _Leonard. Giachinus_, _Janus -Cornarius_, _Thomas Rangonus_, _Joan. Anton. Rovellus_ (de patursa), -_Remaclus Fuchs_, _Aloysius Mundella_, _Anton. Fumanellus_, _Hier. -Cardanus_, _Hier. Bonacossus_, _Bernard. Corius_, _Joan. Langius_, -_Joach. Curaeus_, _Joan. Hessus_, _Thom. Erastus_, _Achill. Pirmin. -Gasserus_, _Joan. Crato_, _Thom. Jordanus_ (luis novae Moravia exortae -descriptio,—Description of new Disease and its Moorish Origin).“ Comp. -N. allg. deutsch. Bibl. Vol. IX. p. 183.” - -11) _D. Christ. Goth. Gruner_ Spicilegium scriptorum de morbo gallico. -Spic. I-XV. Jenae 1799-1802. 4. - -(_D. Christ. Goth. Gruner_, “Selection of Writers on Syphilis”, -Selections, I-XV. Jena 1799-1802. 4to.). - -This third Supplement to Luisinus was never regularly published; the -separate Selections were issued as “Programs” in connection with -the Public Announcements of Doctorial Graduations in the Faculty of -Medicine at Jena. Selections I-VI. contain Investigations as to the -History and Nature of the Disease; VII-XI. Passages from the Poems -and Letters of _Conrad Celte_, from a Letter of _Albert Durr_, from -Symphorian. (_Champerius_, Vocabulorum Medicorum Epitoma); XII, -Passages from the Poems of _Henric. Bebelius_, _Hel. Eoban. Hessus_ -and a quotation from a Work of _Petr. Parvus_; XIII, XIV. Passage from -_Erasmus_, _Jac. von Bethencourt_, _Jo. Lud. Vives_, _Enric. Cordus_, -_Georg_, _Bersmannus_, _Engelbert_, _Werlichius_, and the Latin -translation of a Fragment from a Book written in the Coptic language -which the Society of Missions had sent to Cardinal Borgia; _Domeier_ -communicated it to _Baldinger_ and the latter handed it on to _Gruner_ -to make use of in his Collection. - -In Selection XV. _Gruner_ makes some objections against the view -expressed by _Hensler_ in his “Program,” “De herpete seu formica -Veterum”. This Collection belongs in part to the Works mentioned in the -next section (“Historians”), but appears to be little known generally, -for it has escaped even _Choulant_ in his usually complete Survey of -the “Scripta Historica de Morbo Gallico”,—Historical Works on Syphilis, -in the Edition of the Poem of Fracastor, pp. 5-9. _Hacker_, p. 20. -mentions it indeed, but appears not even to have seen it, as he gives -nothing more precise as to its contents. - - - BIBLIOGRAPHY. - - HISTORIANS. - -1) _Patin_, Carol. Eques. D. Marci Paris. primar. Prof. Luem veneream -non esse morbum novum; Oratio habita in Archilyceo Patavino die V. -Nvbr. 1687. Patavii 1687. 4. - -(_Patin, Carolus._ of Paris, Chevalier of St. Mark, First Prof. of -Surgery at Padua, “The Venereal Disease not a new Complaint: Speech -delivered in the High Schools of Padua on Nov. 5th 1687.” Padua 1687. -4to.) - -_Astruc_, II. p. 991., knew this Speech only from a citation of _Zach. -Platner_, who equally had not seen it, and supposed it had probably -never appeared, since _Nic. Comnenus Papadopoli_ in his “historia -gymnasii Patavini” (History of the High School of Padua) Vol. I. sect. -2. ch. 25. No. 159., does not mention it at all, though he cites freely -from _Patin’s_ Speeches and his separate Works. _Girtanner_, II. p. -279., however cites the complete Title as above; and must consequently -have seen the book, though he remarks nothing further about its -contents than, “He recapitulates the old well-known Reasons for the -Antiquity of the Venereal Disease”. For the rest, _Patin_ seems to -have taken the main part from the _Lettres Choisies_, Vol. III, Letter -370, p. 95, of his father _Guy Patin_, where the latter defends the -antiquity of Venereal Disease. - -2) Quaestio medica quodlibetarius disputationibus mane discutienda die -Jovis 9 Dcbris 1717. _M. Johanne Baptista Fausto Alliot de Mussay_, -Doctore medico praeside. _An Morbus antiquus Syphilis?_ Proponebat -_Johannes Franciscus Leaulté_, Parisinus, Anno R. S. H. 1717. Typis -Johann. Quillau, facultatis medicinae Typographi. 8 Blatt. 4. - -(“Medical Question to be discussed in open disputation for and against -in the morning, Thursday, 9th of December 1717. _M. Joannes Baptista -Faustus Alliot de Mussay_, Doctor of Medicine, presiding:—_Is Syphilis -an Ancient Disease?_ Raised by _Johannes Franciscus Leaulté_ of Paris. -1717. Printed by Johann. Quillau, Printer to the Faculty of Medicine. 8 -leaves. 4to.) - -According to _Astruc_, II. p. 1054., this Dissertation consists of 8 -Corollaries, of which only the fifth seeks to establish the antiquity -of Venereal Disease, arguing from: _Horace_, Odes bk. I. 37. Sat. bk. -I. 5. 62 (morbus campanus,—the Campanian disease); _Juvenal_, Sat II.; -_Martial_, Epigr. bk. I. 66.; _Tacitus_, Annals bk. IV.; _Suetonius_, -Vita Octav. Augusti ch. 80.; _Lucian_, Pseudologista; _Valerius -Maximus_, Memorab. bk. III. ch. 5.; _Lucius Apuleius_, Metamorphos. -bk. X. The refutation given by _Astruc_ repeats almost word for word -_Girtanner_ vol. II. p. 357-363., though he gives it, as usual, as his -own Production. - -3) _Becket_, William. An attempt to prove the Antiquity of the Venereal -Disease long before the discovery of the West-Indies. In Philosophical -Transactions. Vol. XXX. 1718. No. 357. p. 839.—A letter to Dr. _W. -Wagstaffe_ concerning the antiquity of the Venereal Disease. Ibid. Vol. -XXXI. 1720. No. 365. p. 47.—A letter to _Dr. Halley_, in answer to some -objections made to the history of the Venereal disease. No. 366. p. 108. - -In England _Nic. Robinson_, “_A New Treatise of the Venereal Disease_”, -in three parts, London 1736. 8 vols., Pt. I. ch. 1., seeks to further -confirm the Reasons laid down by _Becket_ for the antiquity of the -Disease. According to _Astruc_, vol. II. p. 1058, _Sir Hans Sloane_, -“_Voyage to the Islands of Madeira, Barbadoes, Nevis, St. Christopher -and Jamaica_, with the Natural History,” London 1707. fol., Vol. I. in -the Introduction, pp. 2, 3., would seem to have already indicated the -most important passages cited by _Becket_. - -4) _Sanchez_, (Antonio Nunhez Ribeiro) Dissertation sur l’origine de la -maladie vénérienne, pour prouver: que le mal n’est pas venu d’Amérique, -mais qu’il a commencé en Europe, par une Epidémie. à Paris chez -_Durand_ et _Pissot_. MDCCLII. 110 S. 8. Reprinted 1765. 12. - -(_Sanchez, Antonio Nunhez Ribeiro._ “Dissertation on the Origin of the -Venereal Disease, to prove: that the Malady did not come from America, -but that it began in Europe by an Epidemic.” Paris, published by -Durand and Pissot. 1752. pp. 110. 8vo. Reprinted 1765. 12mo.) - -The first issue of this Work published without the name of the Author, -must have been ready, as early as the year 1750, for not only is the -“Privilegium” (licence to print) subscribed in that year (August and -October), but also Sanchez says himself in the Preface to the second -Part that this First Part had appeared in Paris in 1750, published -by Durand. It runs thus: “M. _Castro_, Médecin de Londres, ayant -traduit en Anglais une dissertation avec ce titre: Sur l’origine de -la Maladie Vénérienne; imprimée à Paris, chez Durand 1750, envoya un -Exemplaire de la traduction à M. le Baron de Van-Swieten”,—M. _Castro_, -Physician in London, having translated into English a Dissertation -entitled: _On the Origin of the Venereal Disease_; printed at Paris -1750, and published by Durand, sent a Copy of the Translation to the -Baron Van-Swieten). The Title of this English Translation is: “_A -Dissertation on the Origin of Venereal Disease; proving that it was not -brought from America, but began in Europe by an Epidemical Distemper. -Translated from the original MS. by an Eminent Physician_”. London -1751. 8vo. According to this the Translation must have appeared very -nearly at the same time as the original.—A German Translation came out -under the Title: “_Treatise on the Origin of the Venereal Disease_, -in which is proved: that this Evil did not come from America, but -took its beginning in Europe by an Epidemic,” translated from the -French; edited by _Georg Heinrich Weber_. Bremen 1775. pp. 94. 8vo.—An -Abstract from the Original may be found in: “_Commentaria de rebus -in scientia naturali et medicina gestis_”—(Records of Achievements -in Natural Science and Medicine): Supplement. Leipzig 1772. pp. -156-159.—Allgem. deutsche Bibliothek, Vol. 28. p. 461.—_Tode_, Med. -Chir. Bibliothek. Vol. IV. Pt. I. p. 49.—_Haller’s_ Tagebuch. Vol. -III. p. 331.—The Work itself is divided into 7 Sections.—The _First -Section_ contains: Arguments proving that in most parts of Europe the -Venereal Disease became known and disseminated since 1493, and last of -all in the month of June 1495. pp. 1-10.—_Second Section_: When did -Christopher Columbus discover the Island of Hispaniola and when did he -return to Spain from his first and second voyages? pp. 11-20.—_Third -Section_: Did the Venereal Disease come from America at the time of -Columbus’ return from his second voyage? pp. 21-39.—_Fourth Section_: -Did the Troops of Fernandez Cordova communicate the Disease to the -French? pp. 40-47.—_Fifth Section_: Answer to some objections that -may be raised to prove that Venereal Disease took its origin from -America, pp. 47-79.—_Sixth Section_: Reasons which caused Writers on -Venereal Disease since the year 1517 to believe this Malady came from -America, pp. 79-87.—_Seventh Section_: Venereal Disease is an Epidemic -Complaint, which began in Italy and almost at the same time spread -over France and the rest of Europe, pp. 88-108.—_Recapitulation_: The -Disease existed in Italy and France before Columbus returned from -his second Voyage; the Troops of Cordova could not have communicated -it to the French, for the two never came into contact; the Disease -displayed all the appearance of an Epidemic; the discovery of the drug -“Guajac” gave occasion to the assumption of the American origin of -the Disease.—_Van Swieten_, who had received the English Translation -sent to him by Castro, only ought to weaken the proofs brought forward -in this book in his “Commentar. in Boerhavi Aphorismos” (Commentary -on Boerhaave’s Aphorisms), Leyden 1772., Vol. V. pp. 373 sqq., which -occasioned _Sanchez_ to issue the following Work, also published -anonymously. - -5) Examen historique sur l’apparition de la maladie vénérienne en -Europe, et sur la nature de cette epidémie. A Lisbonne MDCCLXXIV. pp. -VIII. and 83. 8vo. - -(“Historical Inquiry concerning the First Appearance of the Venereal -Disease in Europe, and the Nature of that Epidemic.” Lisbon 1774. pp. -VIII, and 83. 8vo.). - -_H. Dav. Gaubius_ had this Work again re-printed together with the -preceding (Leyden 1777. 8vo.) and a Preface. An English Translation -was edited by _Jos. Skinner_. London 1792. 8vo.—The Work falls into -8 Divisions. Div. 1. Extracts from Pet. Pintor, Sebast. Aquitanus, -Pet. Delphinus, Petr. Martyr, pp. 1-24.—Div. 2. Symptoms of the so -called Venereal Disease, as they were observed in Italy in the month -of March 1793 and 1794. pp. 24-31.—Div. 3. In the history of Medicine -there is no Description of an epidemic Disease resembling in all its -consequences that which invaded Italy, Spain and France in the years -1493 and 1494. pp. 31-42.—Div. 4. The Venereal attacks, which have -been observed since the time of Hippocrates, were not the consequence -of the inflammatory or chronic Venereal Disease, such as it has -been observed since the years 1493 and 1494. pp. 42-45.—Div. 5. On -certain passages in _Astruc’s_ book “On the Venereal Disease”. pp. -45-54.—Div. 6. Conclusions from the passages of Pet. Pintor and Pet. -Delphinus concerning the Venereal Epidemic in Italy, France and Spain -in the years 1493, 1494. pp. 54-61.—Div. 7. Did the early Voyages who -discovered the Harbours and Peoples of North and South America observe -the Venereal Disease, and was their Manhood infected with it? pp. -62-72.—Div. 8. On the Spread of infectious Diseases by sea, and the -Quarantine observed during the Plague on the different coasts of the -Mediterranean Sea. pp. 73-81.—_Recapitulation_: The Venereal Disease -prevailed as a “Febris Pestilentialis” (pestilential fever) in March -1493, and after the arrival of Charles VIII in Italy (1494) took the -name of “Morbus Gallicus” (French Complaint); the Venereal affections -observed in Antiquity are distinct from the Venereal Disease as known -since 1494; the Spaniards imported it into the Antilles, and the French -were already infected when they came into Italy, where the Disease had -been prevalent before their arrival. The early Voyages mention not a -word of having found the Disease among the Savages. America, Africa -and the East Indies have never communicated their epidemic and endemic -Diseases to Europe; therefore the Venereal Disease cannot have been -brought by the Spaniards from America to Europe.—Both Works of Sanchez -are now rare. Comp. _Girtanner_, vol. III. pp. 460-471.—_Richter_, -Chirurg. Bibliothek. vol. III. p. 381. - -6) _Berdoe_, Mermaduke: An essay on the Pudendagra. Bath 1771. 8vo. - -_Girtanner_, vol. III. p. 577., says: the Author has collected -everything that is found in the older Writers on the subject of the -“Pudendagra”, and shows wherein it is distinct from the Venereal -Disease. - -7) _Ph. Gabr. Hensler_, Geschichte der Lustseuche, die zu Ende des XV. -Jahrhunderts ausbrach. _Erster_ Band. Altona 1783. 335. 134 S. 8. Neuer -Abdruck oder Titel? 1794. - -(_Ph. Gabr. Hensler_, “History of the Venereal Disease, which broke out -at the End of the XVth. Century.” First Volume. Altona 1783. pp. 335 -and 134. 8vo. New Impression or new Title? 1794.) - -The Work is divided into two Books. _First Book_: Notices of -contemporary Works on Venereal Disease, pp. 1-140. Section I., Works -before Leonicenus, pp. 5-26. Sect. II., Works from Leonicenus to -Almenar, pp. 27-68. Sec. III., Works of contemporary Writers directed -towards diminishing the Disease, pp. 69-140.—_Second Book_: Description -of the Disease. Sec. I., Local Affections. 1. Infection of the private -parts, pp. 144-150. 2. Scalding and Urine-Scalding before and at the -time of the Attack, pp. 151-168. 3. Discharge from the Penis in Men, -pp. 169-203. 4. Discharge in Women, pp. 204-217. 5. Foul Ulcer, pp. -228-244. 6. Abscesses of the groin, pp. 245-264. 7. Local Sequelae of -foul Discharge and Ulcer, pp. 265-275. (Swellings of the Testicles, -Ulcers of the Urethra, Scalding Urine, Sharp Urine, Ulcers and Fistulae -of the Perinaeum, Phimosis and Paraphimosis, Wasting of the Genitals). -8. Other Local Affections of the secret parts, pp. 277-302. (Eruptions, -Morbid Growths, Ulcers of the Anus, Piles). 9. Traces of the earlier -Taint in non-medical Writers, pp. 307-328.—Forming an Appendix, pp. -1-134, are excerpts from _Schellig_, _Wimpheling_, _Cumanus_, _Brant_, -_Grunpeck_, _Widmann_, _Steber_, _Pinctor_, _Grünbeck_, _Benedictus_, -different Historians of the XVth. and XVIth. Centuries, _St. Job_, -and _Christ. Columbus’_ “Epistola de insulis nuper in mari Indico -repertis,” (Letter on the Islands lately discovered in the Indian Sea). - -8) _Ph. Gabr. Hensler_, über den westindischen Ursprung der Lustseuche. -Hamburg 1789. 92. 15 S. 8. - -(_Ph. Gabr. Hensler_, “On the West-Indian Origin of the Venereal -Disease.” Hamburg 1789. pp. 92 and 15. 8vo.) - -Also under the Title: “History of the Venereal Disease etc.” Second -Volume, Second Part. The First Part of this Vol., which was to -contain the Description of the Disease, never appeared. The Work is -particularly directed against _Girtanner_; and investigates. (2) -The exact Time of the appearance of the Disease in Italy. (3) The -eye-witnesses of the importation of Venereal Disease from Hispaniola -to Spain. (4) Eye-witnesses of the existence of Venereal Disease in -Hispaniola as its home. (5) Testimonies to the fact that Venereal -Disease was once endemic on the main-land of America. (6) Later -witnesses of the importation into Spain of the Venereal Disease -previously endemic in Hispaniola. The proofs are from (pp. 1-15): -_Oviedo_, _Welsch_, _Lopez de Gomara_, _Roman. Pane_, _Pedro de Cieça -de Leon_, _Augustin. de Zaratte_, _Hieron. Benzoni_. - -9) _Phil. Gabr. Hensler_, Programma de Herpete seu Formica veterum -labis venereae non prorsus experte. Kilon. 1801. 64 S. 8. - -(_Phil. Gabr. Hensler_, ““Program” (College Exercise) on the _Herpes_ -(Creeping eruption) or _Formica_ of the Ancients,—a Malady not -unconnected with the Venereal Disease.” Kiel 1801. pp. 64. 8vo.) - -This “Program”, which _Hensler_ wrote on his resignation as Dean and -for the Public Announcement of certain Graduations, is divided into -10 Divisions, of which Div. 1 gives a survey of the Contents, Div. 2 -considers certain passages from the genuine Writings of Hippocrates -(Prorrhetic. 11, 18, 21, “de aere, aquis et locis”—“of the effects -of air, water and locality”, II. Aphorism. V. 22.) dealing with -_Herpes_, from which we gather that under the name _Herpes_ were -understood eating (phagedenic) Ulcers, that the _Herpes esthiomenes_ -attacked especially the abdomen and the Genitals, that _Epinyctis_ was -pre-eminently a disease of adults, whence a suspicion arises of its -being communicated by coition. Div. 3 gives medical opinion on the -different kinds of _Herpes_ down to _Celsus_. Div. 4 gives the same on -_Epinyctis_, special importance being given to the pains at night. Div. -5 discusses the _Therioma_ of _Celsus_ (V. 28. 3.), which according -to _Pollux_, Onomast. IV. 15., specially affects the Genitals, and is -closely akin to the _Epinyctis_. Div. 6 gives the views of _Galen_ on -_Herpes_. Div. 7. The Author proceeds to the _Formica_ of the Arabians, -and shows that they have designated several distinct Skin-diseases by -this name. Div. 8 treats the views held by Arabic writers down to the -XVth. Century; whilst Div. 9 gives the shape these views took _during_ -the XVth. Century. In Div. 10 _Hensler_ draws the following conclusions -from the evidence he has adduced: _Formica_ was the same thing as the -_Herpes_ of the Greeks; under both names, yet by no means exclusively, -were indicated syphilitic affections. Immorality at all periods -generated Venereal Disease, which arose at first rather sporadically, -but towards the end of the XVth. Century in consequence of its -universal diffusion became virtually epidemic. The early neglect of -Etiology, as well as the Galenian hypotheses of deteriorations of the -humours, stood in the way of the right understanding of the Disease. -Venereal Disease is not a single Malady, but a Diathesis (General -Condition of Body), which in accordance with time and circumstances -may manifest itself in different forms. “Hujusmodi vero lues mihi -illa _omnis_ esse videtur, quae _ipso coitu_, quo quidem loco luis -praecipuus focus est, facillime cum aliis _communicari_ et ad ipsam -prolem propagari possit. _Summa_ ejus _genera_ esse equidem arbitror -_Lepram_, malum, quod _Pians_ vocant, ipsamque Syphilidem.” “This -contagion seems to me to be a general one, and of this sort that it -is capable of being very readily communicated to others by the act of -coition, where indeed is the chief _nidus_ of the Disease, and of being -propagated even to posterity. Its main forms are, in _my_ opinion, -Leprosy, a Malady called _Pians_, and Syphilis itself.” (p. 54). The -_Pians_ would seem to be Pox, the seeds of which the Moors disseminated, -Syphilis a “Morbus Europae inquilinus” (a Disease native to Europe). -The three Diseases are akin, and merge into one another. - -10) La America vindicada de la calumnia de haber sido madre del mal -venereo. Madrid 1785. 4. - -(“America Vindicated from the Calumny of having been the Mother of the -Venereal Disease.” Madrid 1785. 4to.) - -_Sprengel_ in the Annotations to _P. Ant. Perenotti di Cigliano_, “Of -the Venereal Disease”, p. 348., calls this Work, which would seem to -be in the University Library of Göttingen: “a well-written Tract, -wherein, from p. 34 onwards, it is demonstrated that Venereal Disease -did not come from Hayti.” Comp. Götting. gelehrte Anzeig. 1788. Sect -169 p. 1614. - -11) _P. Ant. Perenotti di Cigliano_, Storia generale dell’ origine dell’ -essenza e specifica qualita della infezione venerea. Turin 1788. 8. - -(_P. Ant. Perenotti di Cigliano_, “General History of the Origin, -Essence and Specific Quality of the Venereal Contagion”. Turin 1788. -8vo.) - -This Work with another of the same Author dealing with the treatment -of Venereal Disease was translated into German and furnished with -appendices by _C. Sprengel_, under the Title: _P. A. Perenotti di -Cigliano_, “Of the Venereal Disease, translated from the Italian, -with Appendices.” Leipzig 1791. pp. XVI, 384. large 8vo. The Author -maintains the antiquity of the Disease. - -12) _Will. Turnbull_, An inquiry into the origin and antiquity of the -lues venerea, with observations on its introduction and progress in the -Islands of the South-Sea. London 1786. 8vo. - -Of this there appeared a German translation by _Dr. Christ. Friedr. -Michaelis_. Zittau and Leipzig 1789. pp. 110. large 8vo. The Author -maintains the American origin, and especially seeks to confute _Becket_ -and _Raynold Forster_. - -13) _Just. Arnemann_, De morbo venereo analecta quaedam ex manuscriptis -musei Britannici Londinensis. Götting. 1789. 4. - -(_Just. Arnemann_, “Certain Extracts from Manuscripts in the British -Museum in London dealing with the Venereal Disease.” Göttingen 1789. -4to.) - -This Work contains according to _Girtanner_, III. p. 733., fresh proofs -for the American origin. - -14) _M. Sarmiento_, Antiquitad de los bubas. Madrid 1788. 32 S. 8. - -(_M. Sarmiento_, “Antiquity of Buboes.” Madrid 1788. pp. 32. 8vo.) - -Comp. the English Review. 1778. p. 221.—Allgem. Literaturzeitung 1789. -vol. II. p. 647. - -15) _M. S. G. Schmidt_, praeside (et auctore) _C. Sprengel_, de -ulceribus virgae tentamen historico-chirurgicum. Halae 1790. 8. - -(_M. S. G. Schmidt_, (_Editor and part-Author, C. Sprengel_), “On -Ulcers of the Penis,—a Historico-Surgical Essay.” Halle 1790. 8vo.) - -16) _Christ. Gothofr. Gruner_, Morbi Gallici origines Maranicae. Progr. -Jen. 1793. 4. - -(_Christ. Gothofr. Gruner_, “Moorish Sources of Syphilis”. (University -“Program”) Jena 1793. 4to.) - -Is re-printed in the above cited, p. 12. No. 10., Collection of -“Scriptores de Morbo Gallico” (Writers on Syphilis). - -17) Sind die Maranen die wahren Stammväter der Lustseuche von 1493? -Im Journal der Erfind., Theorien und Widersprüche in der Natur- und -Arzneiwissenschaft. Stück III. Gotha 1793. S. 1-34. Stück IV. Gotha -1794. S. 119-129. - -(“Are the Moors the true Parents of the Venereal Disease of 1493?” In -the Journal of Discoveries, Theories and Refutations in Natural Science -and Medicine. Part III. Gotha 1793. pp. 1-34. Part IV. Gotha 1794. pp. -119-129.) - -Both these Papers would seem to have had _Prof. Fr. Aug. Hecker_, -of Erfurt, as Author; and are directed especially against the just -mentioned Work of _Gruner_, and the Moorish origin generally. _Gruner_ -sought to maintain his views in the following Papers: - -18) Die Maranen sind die wahren Stammväter der Lustseuche von 1493; in -s. _Almanach_ Jahrgang 1792. S. 51-92.—Geschichte der Maranen und der -Eroberung von Granada. _Ebendaselbst_ S. 158-196.—Die Maranen dürften -doch wohl die Stammväter der Lustseuche von 1493 sein. _Ebendas._ 1793. -S. 69-89. 1794. S. 229-268. - -(“The Moors are the true Parents of the Venereal Disease of 1493;” in -his _Almanach_, Year 1792. pp. 51-92.—“History of the Moors and the -Conquest of Granada.” Ibid. pp. 158-199.—The Moors must be admitted the -Parents of the Venereal Disease of 1493.” Ibid. 1793. pp. 69-89. 1794. -pp. 229-268). - -Comp. also some earlier Papers in Year 1784. pp. 224-237, Year 1790 pp. -139-157. - -19) _Sim. N. H. Linguet_, Histoire politique et philosophique de Mal de -Naples. Paris 1796. 8. - -(_Sim. N. H. Linguet_, “History, Political and Philosophical, of the -Neapolitan Disease.” Paris 1796. 8vo.). - -This Work seems to be no longer on the market; at any rate we were -unable by any means to procure it - -20) _C. Sprengel_, Ueber den muthmasslichen Ursprung der Lustseuche -aus dem südwestlichen Afrika. In dessen Beiträgen zur Geschichte der -Medicin. Halle 1796. Bd. I. Hft. 3. S. 61-104. - -(_C. Sprengel_, “On the probable Origin of the Venereal Disease in -South-Western Africa.” In his Contributions to the History of Medicine. -Halle 1796. Vol. I. Pt. 3. pp. 61-104). - -The Author maintains, following up a previous suggestion of -_Hensler’s_, that _Yaws_ and _Pians_ are the original forms of Venereal -Disease. - -21) _J. F. B. Bouillon la Grange_, Observations sur l’origine de -la maladie vénérienne dans les Isles de la mer du Sud. In Recueil -périodique de la societé de Santé. T. I. 1797. 38-47. - -_J. F. B. Bouillon la Grange_, “Observations on the Origin of the -Venereal Disease in the Islands of the South Sea.” In Periodical Review -of the Health Society. Vol. I. 1797. 38-47). - -22) _Wilh. Ernest. Christ. Aug. Sickler_, Diss. exhibens novum ad -historiam luis venereae additamentum. Jenae 1797. (VIII. April.) 32 S. -8. - -(_Wilh. Ernest. Christ. Aug. Sickler_, “Dissertation containing some -fresh Material towards a History of the Venereal Disease.” Jena 1797. -(Apr. 8.) pp. 32. 8vo.). - -The Author here treats some of the passages from the Old Testament -referring to the Plague of the Jews that spread amongst them on account -of their worshipping Baal Peor, which had not before been used. The -little Work seems not to have been made use of by later Writers; -neither _Hacker_ nor _Choulant_ note it. The Author’s brother had first -called attention to the passages in _Augusti_ “Theologische Blätter”, -Gotha, No. 13. - -23) _Dr. Schaufus_, Neueste Entdeckungen über das Vaterland und die -Verbreitung der Pocken und der Lustseuche. Leipzig 1805. 160 S. 8. - -(_Dr. Schaufus_, “Latest Discoveries with regard to the Original Home -and Dissemination of Pox and Venereal Disease.” Leipzig 1805. pp. 160. -8vo). - -Comp. _Ehrhardt_, Med. Chirurg. Zeitung. Insbruck 1806. Vol. I. p. 375. -_Pierer_, Allgem. Med. Annalen. 1866. p. 364. - -The Author derives Venereal Disease from the East Indies and makes the -Gypsies bring it to Europe. From p. 65 to the conclusion of the Work he -treats fully of the Venereal Disease in the islands of the South Sea, -and at the same time gives an exhaustive list of the authorities on -this subject. - -24) _Carol. Sam. Törnberg_, Spic. inaug. med. sistens sententiarum de -vera morbi gallici origine synopsin historicam. Jenae XXIX. August. -1807. 26 S. 8. - -(_Carol. Sam. Törnberg_, “Selection of Medical “Programs”,—giving a -Historical Synopsis of Views as to the True Origin of Syphilis.” Jena -29 Aug. 1807. pp. 26. 8vo.). - -The Author decides for the American origin, but without adducing -anything fresh. - -25) _J. B. C. Rousseau_, New observations on Syphilis, tending to -settle the disputes about its importation, by proving that it is a -disease of the human race, that has and will always exist among the -several Nations of the Globe. In _Coxe_, Philadelph. med. Museum. 1808. -Vol. IV. No. 1. pp. 1-11. - -26) _H. A. Robertson_, Historical Inquiry into the Origin of the -Venereal Disease. Pts. I. II. in the London Medical Repository 1814. -Vol. II. pp. 112-119, 185-192. - -The Author maintains the antiquity of Venereal Disease, but denies -that the Malady which prevailed amongst the French at the siege of -Naples was true Syphilis; he supposes it rather to have been a fever -resembling the Plague accompanied by pustulous eruptions. A later -Paper in the same Periodical, 1818. vol. IX. pp. 465-495., contains -the result of his observations in Spain during the War, so far as they -confirm his earlier views. - -27) _Rob. Hamilton_, On the early History and Symptoms of Lues. In the -Edinburgh medical and surgical Journal 1818. Vol. XIV. pp. 485-498. - -The Author seeks to prove that the Disease at the end of the XVth. -Century was not “Lues Venerea”, but “Sibbens”. Comp. _Ehrhardt_, Med. -Chirurg. Zeitung. 1819. Vol. I. p. 198. - -28) _Gust. Adolph Werner_, de origine ac progressu luis venereae -animadversiones quaedam. Diss. inaug. med. Lips. 1819. 29. S. 4. - -(_Gust. Adolph Werner_, “Some Thoughts on the Origin and Progress of -the Venereal Disease,”—a Medical Graduation Exercise. Leipzig 1819. pp. -29. 4to.). - -Maintains the antiquity of the Disease, citing again the passages -already known. The Ancients, he says, confounded Syphilis with Leprosy; -the Immorality prevailing at the end of the XVth. Century and the -arrival of the Moors in Italy were the original cause and occasion -of the general extension of the Disease. According to _Choulant_ in -_Pierer_, Allgem. Med. Annalen, Year 1825. p. 237., _Prof. Heinrich -Robbi_ was the Author of this Dissertation. - -29) _J. L. W. Wendt_, Bydrag til historien af den veneriske sygdoms -begyndelse og fremgang i Danemark. Kjöbnhavn 1820. 8. Deutsch in -Hufelands Journ. 1822. Bd. 55. S. 1-51. - -(_J. L. W. Wendt_, “Contribution to the History of the Origin and -Progress of the Venereal Disease in Denmark.” Copenhagen 1820. 8vo. In -German in Hufeland’s Journ. vol. 55. pp. 1-51). - -Shows that Venereal Disease became known in Denmark after 1495; that -its treatment was given over especially to the Surgeons and quacks; -also an account of the medical Police-regulations against the Disease. - -30) _Nicol. Barbantini_, Notizie istoriche concernanti il contagio -venereo, le quali precedono la sua opera sopra questo contagio. Lucca -1820. 8. - -(_Nicol. Barbantini_, “Historical Notices concerning the Venereal -Contagion,—introductory to his Work on this Disease.” Lucca 1820. 8vo.). - -Appears to be not yet at all well known in Germany. Neither through the -booksellers nor in any other way could we obtain the Work. It would -seem to be out of print. - -31) _Domenico Thiene_, Lettere sulla storia de’ mali venerei. Venezia -1823. 303. S. gr. 8. - -(_Domenico Thiene_, “Letters on the History of Venereal Maladies.” -Venice 1823. pp. 303. large 8vo.). - -Contains 9 letters as follows: I. On the common opinion of the American -origin of the Venereal Disease,—to Signor _C. Sprengel_, pp. 7-27, -in which the American Source and _Girtanner’s_ Arguments for it are -confuted. He cites here in the Notes, p. 238, an Italian poem of -George Summaripa, a Patrician of Verona (1496), not previously known, -in which the Disease is represented as having come from Gaul; which a -letter of _Nicolaus Scillatius_ re-printed on p. 236 confirms. This -had already been given in _Brera_, Giornale di Medicina, August 1817, -vol. XII. p. 123, and borrowed and made use of by _Huber_, p. 37., -and _Sprengel_, Geschichte der Medicin, 3rd ed., vol. II. p. 701., in -correction of _Choulant’s_ statement, as cited below p. 238.—II. Of -Discharge from the Penis (Scolagione) or Gonorrhœa of the Ancients,—to -Signor _Christ. Goff. Gruner_[408], shows that the Gonorrhœa of the -Ancients was no mere Spermatorrhœa, but actual Gonorrhœa (Clap) pp. -31-48.—III. Of Discharge from the Penis (Scolagione) or Gonorrhœa of -the Middle Ages,—to Signor _F. Swediaur_, pp. 51-73. Shows that actual -Gonorrhœa existed in the Middle Ages.—IV. Of Ulcers, Buboes and other -such Affections of the Secret Parts in Antiquity,—to Signor _Nic. -Barbantini_, pp. 77-92.—V. Of the true Venereal Disease or Syphilis,—to -Signor _Anton Scarpa_, pp. 95-119. Survey of the Venereal Disease to -the end of the XVth Century and of its changes, with special reference -to the sympathy of the Genital organs and those of the Throat.—VI. On -certain modern Forms of Disease referable to the Venereal Taint,—to -Signor _Cullerier_, pp. 123-144. Considers the Brünn Sickness in the -year 1577, the “Sibbens, Amboina pox, Canadian Disease,” “Scherlievo” -and “Falcadina”.—VII. Of certain ancient Forms of Disease referable to -the Venereal Taint,—to Signor _Dr. Cambieri_, pp. 148-178. In this are -more exactly described the “Yaws”, “Pians”, “Judham”, Mentagra, Malum -mortuum and Morphea, and the near relationship of leprosy with Venereal -Disease hinted at.—VIII. Of the Origin of the Venereal Disease,—to -Signor _Filip. Gabr. Hensler_, pp. 182-208. The Author considers the -Disease endemic in Africa, whence it came into Italy with the Moors, -and to America with the Negro slaves.—IX. On the public Hygiene of -Venereal Maladies,—to _Franc. Aglietti_, pp. 212-235. Chronological -Survey of Legislation as to Brothels. The book ends, pp. 230-303, with -Annotations in which he gives specially the documentary proofs on which -his conclusions rest, and that too arranged according to the numbers -given in the text. - -An Abstract of this Work, rare apparently in Germany, is given by -_Choulant_ in _Pierer’s_ Allgem. Med. Annalen, Year 1825. pp. 236-244. - -32) _V. A. Huber_, Bemerkungen über die Geschichte und Behandlung der -venerischen Krankheiten. Stuttgart und Tübingen. 1825. 124 S. 8. - -(_V. A. Huber_, “Remarks on the History and Treatment of Venereal -Diseases.” Stuttgart and Tübingen 1825. pp. 124. 8vo.). - -The Author specially combats the American origin, and to this end -examines particularly the Spanish Chroniclers. Without exactly wishing -to arrive at a definite conclusion for or against, he contents himself -with exposing the inconsistencies in the reasoning of the supporters of -either view.—Commendatory notices of the Book are found in: Heidelberg -Jahrb. 1825. Pt. XII. pp. 1194-1199.—_Hecker’s_ Lit. Annalen 1826. Vol. -IV. pp. 77-97.—_Hufeland’s_ Bibliothek d. prakt. Heilde. 1826. Vol. LV. -pp. 262-268. - -33) _Alex. Dubled_, Coup d’œil historique sur la maladie vénérienne. -Paris 1825.? - -(_Alex. Dubled_, “Historical Survey of the Venereal Disease.” Paris -1825.? - -_Hacker_, p. 164, says: “would seem to contain much of interest.” We -have not been able to obtain a sight of this Work; however it appears -to quite agree with what _Dubled_ has repeated in a later work, -“Statement of the new Doctrine as to Venereal Disease,” transl. from -the French. Leipzig 1830. pp. VI-VIII and pp. 1-10. He says, p. V of -the Preface,—“Finally, inasmuch as the systematic historical study of -the Venereal Disease seems also to confirm the truth of my view, I -have prefixed to this Work the Historical Survey, which at the time -of its composition I read before the Surgical Section of the Royal -Academy of Medicine. A Report that should have been rendered by it -never appeared.” Then follows a Preface belonging to the Historical -Survey, subscribed—Paris, October 1823, to which year accordingly must -be assigned the above-mentioned Work. But the whole publication, as may -be supposed from the scanty number of pages, is more than superficial. - -34) _S. J. Beer_, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Syphilis. In _Okens_ -Isis. Jahrg. 1828. Bd. II. S. 728-731. - -(_S. J. Beer_, “Contributions to the History of Syphilis.” In _Oken’s_ -Isis. Year 1828. Vol. II. pp. 728-731). - -The Author, a Jewish Physician, seeks to prove that the Moors did not -suffer from Venereal Disease, because they as Martyrs of their Faith, -could not therefore be dissolute, immoral men, because (Deuteronomy, -Ch. 33. v. 17.) excesses in love, especially with Gentiles (Nehemiah -Ch. X. vv. 29, 30) are strictly forbidden, finally because _Don Isac -Abarbanel_, born 1437, in his Exposition of the Prophets (printed -1650), on Zachariah Ch. XIV. v. 12. says expressly, that the Disease -“Zarfosim” occurs only amongst the “Goiem” (Gentiles) and not amongst -the Jews. The Author promises eventually to issue a Treatise on -Syphilis which he has in hand on a larger scale; but to our knowledge -it has not appeared. - -35) _H. Spitta_, Beitrag zur Geschichte der Verbreitung der Lustseuche -in Europa. In _Heckers_ lit. Annalen 1826. Bd. IV. S. 371-374. - -(_H. Spitta_, “Contribution to the History of the Spread of the -Venereal Disease in Europe.” In _Hecker’s_ Lit. Annalen 1826. Vol. IV. -pp. 371-374). - -The contribution is a passage from the following book: “Libro que -trata de las cosas, que traen de las Indias Occidentales, que sirven -al uso de medicina, y de la orden qui se ha de tener en tomar la Rayz -de Mechoacan etc. Hecho y copilado por el Doctor _Monardes_, medico -de Sevilla. 1565.” (Book treating of Substances imported from the -East Indies and used in Medicine, and of the Course to be observed in -taking the Mechoacan Root, etc. Written and compiled by _Dr. Monardes_, -Physician of Seville. 1565). This work treats of the drug “Guajac”, -and lays down the American origin of Venereal Disease as confidently -as if the Author had been on the spot when it happened! The value of -the whole argument may be judged from this passage, “Our Creator willed -that from that same country whence Venereal Disease (el mal de las -buvas,—the malady of buboes) came, should come also the Means of its -cure.” - -36) _Pet. de Jurgenew_, Luis venereae apud veteres vestigia. Diss. -inaug. Dorpati Livon. 1826. 54 S. 8. - -(_Pet. de Jurgenew_, “Traces of the Venereal Disease amongst the -Ancients.” Medical Graduation Exercise, Dorpat (in Livonia) 1826. pp. -54. 8vo.). - -An industrious, partly critical, Collection of the passages connected -with this subject down to Peter Martyr in chronological order, of -which however perhaps only those given on given p. 11, though these -are incomplete, from the “Lusus in Priapum” or “Priapeia” had not -previously been noted. Comp. Recension by _Struver_ in _Rust’s_ and -_Casper’s_ Krit. Repertor. Vol. XX. p. 141. - -38) _Friedr. Alex. Simon_, Versuch einer kritischen Geschichte -der verschiedenartigen, besonders unreinen Behaftungen der -Geschlechtstheile und ihrer Umgegend, oder der örtlichen Lustübel, seit -der ältesten bis auf die neueste Zeit, und ihres Verhältnisses zu der -Ende des XV. Jahrhunderts erschienenen Lustseuche; nebst praktischen -Bemerkungen über die positive Entbehrlichkeit des Quecksilbers bei -der Mehrzahl jener Behaftungen, oder der sogenannten primairen -syphilitischen Zufälle. Ein Beitrag zur Pathologie und Therapie der -primairen Syphilis, für Aerzte und Wundärzte. I. Thl. Hamburg. 1830. -XVIII. 253 S. II. Thl. 1831. XVI. 543 S. gr. 8. - -(_Friedr. Alex. Simon_, “Essay towards a Critical History of the -different sorts of Infections, particularly of foul Infections, of -the Sexual parts and their Neighbourhood, in other words of Local -Venereal Maladies, from the earliest times to the most recent, and -of their Relation to the Venereal Disease that made its appearance -at the end of the XVth Century; together with Practical Remarks as -to the positive Needlessness of Mercury in the case of the majority -of those Infections, or the so-called primary Syphilitic Symptoms. A -Contribution to the Pathology and Therapeutics of Primary Syphilis, -for Physicians and Surgeons.” I Part. Hamburg 1830. pp. XVIII, 253. II -Part. 1831. pp. XVI, 543. large 8vo.). - -The first Part of this Work, one displaying great care and diligence, -contains the History of Gonorrhœa, Swellings of the Testicles, Ulcers -and warty Growths in the Urethra, Scalding Urine, Strictures, Ulcers -and Fistulae in the Perinœum, so far as these subordinate affections -were observed _before_ the appearance of the Venereal Disease; the -second Part the History of the Ulcers or Shankers in the Sexual -organs, particularly after coition where infection is suspected, down -to the most recent time. The promised Critical History of the Venereal -Disease with reference to its appropriate Treatment has unfortunately -never yet appeared, though only then can we estimate the justice of -many of the Author’s views and statements touching the local Symptoms. -Would that an end might be put to the delay! - -38) _Math. Jaudt_, de lue veterum et recentium. Diss. inaug. med. -Monachii 1834. 23 S. 8. - -(_Math. Jaudt_, “On Syphilis amongst Ancients and Moderns.” Medical -Graduation Exercise. Munich 1834. pp. 23. 8vo.). - -In this somewhat cursory Treatise the Author assumes with the English -writers a “Lues antiqua” (ancient Contagion), which manifested itself -only through affections of the Genitals of a similar nature, and a -“Lues universalis” (general Contagion) since 1494-1496, both of which -now occur; hence he would deduce the distinction in the treatment with -Mercury,—Mercury not being necessary for the former, but required for -the latter. - -39) _Max Ludov. Schrank_, de luis venereae antiquitate et origine. -Dissert inaug. Ratisbonae (Monachii) 1834. 24 S. 8. - -(_Max Ludov. Schrank_, “On the Antiquity and Origin of the Venereal -Disease.” Graduation Exercise. (Ratisbon Bavaria) 1834. pp. 24. 8vo.). - -The Author seeks to prove by citation of the familiar passages of -the ancient writers: (1) “luem veneream antiquissimis temporibus -jamjam cognitam itidemque contagiosam, sub finem saeculi XV. majorem -malignitatis gradum, conditionibus secundis concurrentibus, ostendisse, -ideoque, (2) Americam ejusdem patriam non esse habendam” (that the -Venereal Disease was already known in the most ancient times, that -towards the end of the XVth. Century, under the concurrence of -favouring conditions, it exhibited a greater degree of malignancy; -consequently that America is not to be considered its place of origin. -He seems especially to have made use of _Huber’s_ Work. - -40) _Prof. Naumann_, zur Pathogenie und Geschichte des Trippers, in -_Schmidt’s_ Jahrb. der in- und ausländ. gesammt. Medicin Jahrg. 1837. -Bd. XIII. S. 94-105. - -(_Prof. Naumann_, “Pathology and History of Gonorrhoea”, in _Schmidt’s_ -Jahrb. der in- und ausländ. gesammt. Medicin, Year 1837. Vol. XIII. pp. -94-105). - -Contains valuable notices on the history of Venereal disease, specially -dealing with Gonorrhoea in Antiquity; cites several very important -passages from _Galen_ previously overlooked, and by their help -maintains the antiquity of the Disease. The matters dealt with in this -Treatise had already been gone into by the same Author in the Seventh -Volume of his Handbook to Medical Clinics. - -41) _August Zennaro_, Diss. inaug. de syphilidis antiquitate et an sit -semper contagio tribuenda, Patav. 1837. 32 S. gr. 8. - -(_August Zennaro_, “Graduation Exercise, on the Antiquity of Syphilis; -should it be considered always Contagious?” Padua 1837. pp. 41. large -8vo.). - -42) _Jos. Ferd. Masarei_, Diss. sist. argumentum, morbos venereos esse -morbos antiquos. Viennae 1837. 8. - -(_Jos. Ferd. Masarei_, “Exercise maintaining the thesis that: the -Venereal diseases are ancient Diseases.” Vienna 1837. 8vo.). - -Besides the above Works, specially devoted to the History of Venereal -Disease and dealing exclusively with this, the subject is discussed -also by most of the larger Hand-books and Manuals on this Malady, e.g, -_Swediaur_, _Bertrandi_, _Foot_, _Barbantini_, _Jourdan_. However we -must particularize: - -_Joan. Astruc_, de morbis venereis libri sex. In quibus disseritur tum -de origine, propagatione et contagione horumce affectuum in genere: -tum de singulorum natura, aetiologia et therapeia, cum brevi analysi -et epicrisi operum plerorumque quae de eodem argumento scripta sunt. -Paris 1736. XVIII. 20. 628. 50 S. 4. Paris (Nachdruck zu Basel). 1738. -4.—Translated by _Will. Borrowby_. Lond. 1737. 8.—_Editio secunda_: de -morbis venereis libri IX. Paris 1740. 4. Vol. I. XXXVI. 608 S. (Enthält -zugleich Dissertatio I. de origine, appellatione natura et curatione -morborum venereorum inter Sinas S. DXXXVII-DLXVI). Vol. II. 537-1196 -S. (Unsere Citate beziehen sich auf diese Ausgabe).—Paris 1743. Vol. -I-IV. 12. Die ersten 4 Bücher wurden von _Boudon_ und _Aug. Franc. -Jault_ ins Französische übersetzt. Paris 1740. 12. Vol. I-III.—_Editio -tertia_ aucta per _Jo. Astruc_ et _Ant. Louis_. Paris 1755. Vol. I-IV. -12. Nachdruck Venetiis 1760. 4. mit Hinzufügung von _Gerardi_ van -_Swieten_, Epistolae duae de mercurio sublimato und _Jos. Mar. Xav. -Bertini_, diss. de usu mercurii.—Translated by Sam. _Chapmann_. Lond. -1755. 1. deutsch von _Joh. Gottlob Heise_. Frankf. und Leipz. 1784. gr. -8. _Editio quarta_: Paris. 1773. Vol. I-IV. 12.—_Editio quinta_, cura -_Ant. Louis_. Paris 1777. Vol. I-IV. 12. - -(_Jean Astruc_, “On Venereal Diseases,—Six books. In which is -discussed the Origin, Propagation and Contagion of these Maladies -generally; secondly the Nature, Etiology and Therapeutics of the same -individually; together with a brief Analysis and Appreciation of most -of the Works dealing with this Subject.” Paris 1736. XVIII, 20, 628, 50 -pp. 4to. Paris (pirated edition, Bâle) 1738. 4to.—Translated by _Will. -Borrowby_, Lond. 1737. 8vo.—_Second Edition_: “On Venereal Diseases,—IX -books.” Paris 1740. 4to. Vol. I. pp. XXXVI, 608. (Contains also -Dissertation I, “On the Origin, Nomenclature, Nature and Treatment -of Venereal Diseases amongst the Chinese”, pp. DXXXVII-DLXVI). Vol. -II. pp. 537-1196. (Our citations refer to this Edition).—Paris -1743, Vols. I-IV. 12mo. The first 4 books were translated into -French by _Boudon_ and _Aug. Franc. Jault_. Paris. 1740. 12mo, Vols. -I-III.—_Third Edition_ enlarged by _Jo. Astruc_ and _Ant. Louis_. -Paris 1755. Vols. I-IV. 12mo. Pirated edition, at Venice 1760. 4to., -with addition by _Gerardi van Swieten_, “Epistolae Duae de Mercurio -sublimato” (Two Letters concerning Mercury Sublimate), and _Jos. Mar. -Xav. Bertini_, “Diss. de usu Mercurii”. (Dissertation on the Use of -Mercury).—Translated by _Sam. Chapmann_. Lond. 1755. 8vo.; in German by -_Joh. Gottlob Heise_. Frankfort and Leipzig 1784, large 8vo.—_Fourth -Edition_: Paris 1773. Vols. I-IV. 12mo.—_Fifth Edition_, edit. _Ant. -Louis_. Paris 1777. Vols. I-IV. 12mo). - -To _Astruc_ belongs the credit of having been the first who began to -collect on a comprehensive plan and to sift the material for a history -of the Venereal Diseases that had been accumulating for Centuries. His -historical results are imperfect and one-sided, in so far as they are -directed solely to maintaining the American origin; but at the same -time his chronological Review of the Writers from 1475 to 1740 is even -now almost indispensable, as he gives comprehensive Extracts from all -the Works that were at his disposal, that fill the whole of the second -Volume of his Book. Down to _Hensler_, almost all later Historians owe -to him their Bibliography of Authorities, though they are not always -honest enough to specify the mine from which they drew their knowledge. -According to _Bertrandi_, “Treatise on the Venereal Diseases”, transl. -from the Italian by _C. H. Spohr_, Vol. I. p. 44. Note k., _Astruc_ -has copied almost the whole of the first book of this Work, without -naming the Author(!?), from: _Charles Thuillier_, “Observations sur -les maladies vénériennes avec leur cure sûre et facile, lettres sur les -accidents, l’origine et les progrès de la vérole,” (Observations on the -Venereal diseases, with a sure and easy method of cure: Letters on the -Symptoms, Origin and Progress of the Pox.) Paris 1707. pp. 211-261. 8vo. - -_Christoph Girtanner_, Abhandlung über die venerische Krankheit. I. Bd. -Götting. 1788. 459 S, II. und III. Bd. 1789. 933 S. gr. 8. _Zweite_ -Ausgabe 1793. III Bde. gr. 8.—_Dritte_ Ausgabe vom I. Bde. 1796.—Vierte -Ausgabe vom I. Bde., mit Zusätzen und Anmerkungen herausgegeben von -_Ludw. Christoph Wilh. Cappel_ 1803. XVI. 455 S. gr. 8. (_Christoph -Girtanner_, “Treatise on the Venereal Disease.” I Vol; Göttingen 1788. -pp. 459, II and III Vols. 1789. pp. 933. large 8vo.—_Third_ edition of -Vol. I. 1796.—_Fourth_ edition of Vol. I., edited with Addition and -Notes by _Ludw. Christoph Wilh. Cappel_, 1803. pp. XVI, 455. large -8vo.). - -In the _First_ Volume the Author gives, Bk. I. Pt. 1. pp. 1-57, a -history of the Venereal disease, in which he employs every possible -artifice and perversion of the facts in his endeavour to prove the -American origin of the Disease. In the _Second_ and _Third_ Vols. (in -which the pages run on continuously, pp. 808) he gives a general review -of all the Works that have appeared on Venereal disease from 1595 to -1793, the total—including Supplements—amounting to 1912. As far as -_Astruc_ served, he has often translated him word for word,—without -declaring the fact. But as only those Works which support his own -views, in particular the American origin, are estimated with any -accuracy, while the rest are summarily disposed of,—often without any -precise account of the Contents, it is properly speaking solely for the -sake of the Titles that the Review as a whole is of use to Historians. -A Continuation of this Bibliographical review is found in: - -_Heinr. August Hacker_, Literatur der syphilitischen Krankheiten vom -Jahr 1794 bis mit 1829, etc. Leipzig 1830. 264 S. gr. 8. (_Heinr. -August Hacker_, “Literature of the Venereal Disease from the year 1794 -down to and including 1829, etc.” Leipzig 1830. pp. 264. large 8vo.). - -Unfortunately a major portion of the Books, particularly of the foreign -ones, did not actually come into the hands of the Author, so that he -was forced often to content himself with merely citing the Titles; -and in such as are more precisely designated, he omits, as indeed is -the case also with _Girtanner_, to give the length (pagination, or -number of sheets) of the Works, from which at any rate a relative -judgement might be made as to their completeness. Then since its -publication almost another decade has passed, and the continuation of -his Collection is still awaited on the part of the Author; consequently -a second edition, carried on so as to cover the latest period, one -that has been very prolific in Literary productions, is both necessary -and desirable, and in it what is deficient might easily be supplied. -Again from earlier Literature many additions might well be made and -supplements giving what was overlooked or only cursorily noted by -_Girtanner_. However would it not on the whole be more expedient to -undertake an entirely new Work dealing with the whole Literature of -Venereal Disease, but on other principles than those of _Girtanner_? -Indeed for such a task the use of a Library such as Göttingen would be -required. It would undoubtedly be of very great utility. - -_George Rees_, On the primary Symptoms of the lues venerea, _with a -critical and chronological account of all the English writers on the -subject, from 1735 to 1785_. Lond. 1802. 8vo. - -Finally we have to mention the Writers on the History of Medicine who -have treated more or less fully the History of the Venereal Disease. To -this class belong in especial: - -_J. Freind_, histoire de la médicine, traduit de l’Anglais par Etienne -Coulet. Leide 1727. 8. T. III. S. 192-277. (_J. Freind_, “History of -Medicine,” translated from the English by Etienne Coulet. Leyden 1727. -8vo. Vol. III. pp. 192-277). - -Seeks to prove the American origin. - -_Chr. Godfr. Gruner_, Morborum antiquitates. Vratislav. 1774. gr. 8. S. -69-101. (_Chr. Godfr. Gruner_, “Antiquities of Diseases.” Breslau 1774. -large 8vo. pp. 69-101). - -Decides for the American origin. - -_Curt. Sprengel_, Versuch einer pragmat. Geschichte der Arzneikunde. 3. -Auflage. Halle 1828. Bd. II. S. 521-525. 697-714. Bd. III. S. 204-217. -Bd. V. S. 579-594. (_Curt. Sprengel_, “Attempt at a Pragmatic History -of Medicine.” 3rd. edition. Halle 1828. Vol. II. pp. 521-525, 697-714. -Vol. III. pp. 204-217. Vol. V. pp. 579-594). - -The Author accepts the Development of Venereal disease from Leprosy. - -In connection with other Diseases the Venereal is also dealt with in -the following Works: - -_Franc. Raymond_, Histoire de l’éléphantiasis, contenant aussi -l’origine du Scorbut, du Feu St. Antoine, de la _Vérole_ etc. Lausanne -1767. 132 S. 8. (_Franc. Raymond_, “History of Elephantiasis, -containing also the Origin of Scurvy, St. Anthony’s Fire, Pox, etc.” -Lausanne 1767. pp. 132. 8vo.). - -The Author maintains the Antiquity of the Disease. Comp. “Commentar. de -rebus in Scientia naturali et Medicina gestis” (Record of Exploits in -Natural Science and Medicine). Leipzig Vol. XVI. pp. 455-460. - -_Gerhard Gebler_, Diss. Migrationes celebriorum morborum contagiosorum. -Götting. 1780. 4. (_Gerhard Gebler_, “Dissertation: The Migrations of -the more important Contagious Diseases.” Göttingen 1780. 4to.) - -According to _Girtanner_ the portion dealing with Venereal Disease is -word for word from _Astruc_. - - - END OF THE FIRST VOLUME. - - - INDEX - OF - GREEK AND LATIN WORDS - EXPLAINED IN THE TEXT, - AND OF THE - SUBJECTS DISCUSSED - IN BOTH VOLUMES - - - - - INDEX - - OF AUTHORS EXPLAINED OR EMENDED. - - - Ausonius, 153, II. 67. - Aristophanes, II. 62, 163. - Aristotle, 183. - - Dio Chrysostom, 134. - - Eusebius, 222. - - Galen, II. 7, 10, 48, 52. - - Hephaestion, 230. - Herodian, 219. - Herodotus, 17, 144. - Hippocrates, 239, 250, II. 9, 54, 171, 172. - Horace, 93, 131, 178, II. 196. - - Juvenal, 174. - - Lucian, 156. - - Martial, 152, II. 41, 64, 67, 80. - Moses, 52, II. 156. - - Palladius Heliopolitanus, II. 127. - Persius, II. 37, 68. - Philo, 207. - Pliny, II. 71. - Pollux, II. 319. - - Seneca, 89. - Septuagint, The, II. 141. - Synesius, 226. - - Thucydides, II. 179. - - - INDEX - - OF GREEK WORDS EXPLAINED. - - - ἀγριολειχῆναι, II. 80. - ἄγριος, 135, II. 80. - ἀγριοψωρία, II. 80. - ἀκόλαστος, 135. - ἀλώπηξ, II. 46. - ἀλωπεκία, II. 46. - ἀνανδρία, 219. - ἀνάρσιος, 206. - ἀνδρόγυνα λούτρα, II. 219. - ἀνδρόγυνος, 195 - ἀφροδισιάζεσθαι, 235. - - βαλλάδες, II. 80. - βάταλος, 225. - - γλωσσαλγία, II. 31 - γρυπαλώπηξ, II. 23. - γυμνός, II. 230. - γυναικεία ἐπιθυμία, II. 128. - γυνή, 190. - γύννιδες, 223. - - δασύπους κρεῶν ἐπιθυμεῖ, 200. - δεικτηρίαδες, 76. - διάγραμμα, 72. - διαλέγεσθαι, II. 128. - διονυσιακός, II. 108. - διωβολιμαῖα, 73. - - ἕλκεα Αἰγύπτια, II. 37. - — Βουβαστικά, II. 37. - — σηπεδόνα, II. 247. - — Συριακά, II. 37. - ἕλκος, II. 128. - ἐμπολή, 73. - ἐνάρεες, 201. - ἐνοίκιον, 76. - ἐπίπαστα, II. 51. - ἔργον, II. 10. - ἐσχάρα, II. 129. - ἑταῖραι μουσικαί, 76. - — πέζαι, 79. - εὐνοῦχος, 199. - - θηρίωμα, II. 296. - θύμιον, II. 311. - θύμος, II. 311. - - ἰατρεῖα, 120. - ἰατρίναι, II. 248. - ἰποτήριον, II. 282. - ἵππος, II. 103. - ἴσχια, 242. - - καθῆσθαι ἐπ’ οἰκήματος, 18, 71. - καπηλεία, 73. - καπηλεῖον, 73. - καπήλιον, 73. - καταδακτυλίζειν, 123. - καταπορνεύειν, 18. - κέδματα, 242. - κέρας, II. 108. - Κεραστία, II. 319. - κῆπος, 47. - κίναδος, II. 114. - κίων, II. 310. - κουρεῖα, 120. - κρεμαστῆρες, II. 277, 284. - κρητίζειν, 117, 123. - κτείς, 51. - κυναλώπηξ, II. 46. - κύων τεῦτλα οὐ τρώγει, 200. - - λαλεῖν, II. 163. - λειχὴν ἄγριος, II. 80. - λειχῆνες, II. 74. - λεσβιάζειν, II. 4. - λεῦκαι, II. 56. - - μάργος, II. 10. - μαστρόπιον, 76. - μαστροπός, 76, 121. - ματρύλλεια, 72, 76. - μίσθωμα, 72. - μύζουρις, II. 15. - μυλλοί, 29. - μυοχάνη, II. 14. - μυριοχαύνη, II. 16. - μυσάχνη, II. 15. - μυσιοχάνη, II. 15. - - νοῦσος θήλεια, 144. - νόσος, 179, 180. - — γυναικεία, 234. - - οἴκημα, 71. - ὀλισβόκολλιξ, 162. - ὄλισβος, 162. - ὀπή, II. 67. - ὄφις, 200. - - παιδοκόραξ, II. 50. - παραστάται, II. 285. - πασχητιασμός, 190. - πέος, 51. - περιλαλεῖν, II. 163. - πορνεῖον, 71. - πόρνη, 71, 76. - πορνοβοσκός, 72. - πορνοτελώνης, 74, 75. - πορνοτρόφος, 72. - πράττειν, 123. - - προαγωγεῖα, 72, 76. - προαγωγός, 76, 122. - - ῥέγχειν, 134, 143. - ῥιναυλεῖν, II. 26. - ῥιναύλουρις, II. 26. - ῥινοκολοῦρος, II. 24. - ῥοδοδάφνη, II. 5. - ῥοδωνία, II. 7. - - σαράπους, II. 15. - σάρξ, II. 158. - σαπέρδιον, II. 19. - σῆφις, II. 247. - σιφνιάζειν, 123. - σκύλαξ, II. 46. - σκυτάλαι, 198. - σόφισμα, II. 4. - στατηριαῖα, 74. - στεγανόμιον, 76. - στομαλγία, II. 31. - στῦμα, II. 10. - στυμάργος, II. 9. - στῦω, II. 10. - στωμύλλεσθαι, II. 163. - συκίνη ἐπικουρία, 197. - σύκον, II. 310. - σφιγκτήρ, 112. - σφιγκτής, 112. - - τέγος, 76. - τέλος πορνικόν, 74. - τιμᾶσθαι, 244. - τριαντοπόρνη, 72. - τρόπος, II. 14. - - φθίνας, II. 57. - φοινία, 229. - ἐν Φοινίκῃ καθεύδεις, II. 51. - φοινικέη νόσος, II. 52. - φοινικίζειν, II. 48. - φοινικιστής, II. 61. - φύγεθλον, II. 303. - φύματα, II. 169. - - χαλεπός, 135. - χαλκιδίζειν, 123. - χαλκιδίτις, 72. - χαμαιευνάδες, 76. - χαμαιεύνης, 76. - χαμαιτηρίς, 76. - χαμαιτύπαι, 76. - χαμαιτυπεῖον, 76. - χαμεύνης, 76. - χιάζειν, 123. - χοιράς, II. 303. - χρυσάργυρον, 108. - - - INDEX - - OF LATIN WORDS EXPLAINED. - - - aes uxorium, 84. - alicariae, 99. - ambubaiae, 100. - amica, 101. - albus, II. 196. - aquaculare, II. 214. - aquam sumere, II. 213. - aquarioli, II. 213. - - baccariones, II. 214. - basiare, II. 88. - basiator, II. 88. - basium, II. 88. - bustuariae, 100. - - capitalis luxus, II. 102. - capra, 134. - captura, 94. - caput demissum, II. 103. - catamitus, 179. - cellae, 89. - — lustrales, 100. - consistorium libidinis, 91. - corvus, II. 50. - cunnus albus, II. 196. - - diobolaria, 94. - digitus infamis, 136. - — medius, 136. - dogma, II. 4. - - effeminatus, 194. - equus, II. 103. - - fellare, II. 3. - femina, 191. - ficus, 131. - fornix, 88. - frons, 89. - - grex, 179. - - Harpocratem reddere, II. 19. - hortus, 47. - - illauta puella, II. 213. - imbubinare, II. 130. - inguen, II. 303. - irrumare, II. 3. - - leno, 93. - lepus pulmentum quaeris, 200. - lomentum, II. 196. - longano, 162. - lupanar, 88. - lustrum, 100. - luxus, II. 102. - — capitalis, II. 102. - - merces cellae, 92. - meretrices bonae, 100. - — lodices, 91. - moechus, II. 24. - morbus, 177. - - navis, 133. - nervus, II. 277. - nonaria, 95. - nudus, II. 230. - - oscedo, II. 100. - - patientia feminea, 228. - patientia muliebris, 228. - penis, 51. - percidi, 127. - pollutiones, II. 210. - proseda, 95. - prostibula, 95. - pustulae lucentes, II. 61. - - quadrantaria permutatio, II. 214. - - robigo, II. 57. - - salgama, II. 51. - sanctus, 113. - sarapis, II. 19. - scorta devia, 103. - — erratica, 99. - — nobilia, 101. - — vestita, 103. - sectus, 126. - sicca puella, II. 213. - summoenianae, 88. - Syrii tumores, II. 67. - - tacere, II. 32. - titulus, 89. - togata, 93. - - uda puella, II. 220. - - villicus puellarum, 93. - - - INDEX OF SUBJECTS. - - - A. - - _Acrochordon_ (kind of wart), II. 314. - - _Aediles_ have supervision over the Brothels, 107, - keep a list of the public prostitutes, 107. - - _Ætiology_, Neglect of, II. 243. - - _Afranius_, Paederast, 154. - - _Agoranomi_ at Athens have supervision over the Brothels and - Whoremasters, 72. - - _Alcibiades_, most members of his family Pathics, 160. - - _Anginae_ (quinsies) common in Egypt, II. 36, - among Fellators, II. 32. - - _Anthrax_ (malignant pustule), II. 125, - consequent upon sexual intercourse, II. 128, - Epidemic in Asia, II. 179. - - _Anus_, Ulcers, 134, II. 295, - Condylomata, 130, - Rhagades, 129, II. 302. - - _Aphaca_, Temple of Aphrodité at, 222. - - _Aphrodité_ ἀναδυομένη (rising from the sea) in the Temple of - Aesculapius, 30, - εὔπλοια (giving a prosperous voyage), 27, - λιμενίας (of harbours), 27, - οὐράνια (heavenly), 27, - πάνδημος (of the people), 27, - ποντιά (of the sea), 27, - πραξις (doing, sexual intercourse), 121, - φιλομήδης (laughter-loving, _or_ loving the genitals), 39. - - _Apion_, II. 124. - - _Armenian women_ bound to give themselves up an offering to the - honour of Venus, 19. - - _Athens_, Brothels at, 71, - Plague, II. 180, - Diseases of Genital organs in consequence of Neglect of worship - of Bacchus, 78, - Ulcers on the foot common, II. 38, - Inns, 8, 78. - - - B. - - _Baal Peor_, 52. - - _Babylonian women_ bound to give themselves up an offering to the - honour of Venus, 18. - - _Bacchus_ ἀνδρόγυνος (man-woman), 195, - is lascivious, 43, - Pathic, 194, - practises “Onania postica”, 195, - his worship, 79, 195. - - _Bachelors_ at Rome, Tax on, 84. - - _Barbers’ Shops_ at Athens, Resorts of the Pathics, 120, - in Rome, II. 221. - - _Bassus_ Cinaedus, 171. - - _Batalus_ Cinaedus, 171. - - _Bathing_ after Coition, II. 209, - in common, II. 219, - gives occasion for Vice, II. 219. - - _Baths_ at Athens, Resorts of the Pathics, II. 120, - in Rome, II. 221. - - _Blood_, vaginal, unclean, II. 320, - mucus, II. 121. - - _Bones_, affections of the, II. 318. - - _Bordeaux_, derivation of name, 28. - - _Brothels_ do not exist in Asia, 64, - in Greece under supervision of the Agoranomi, 72, - established at Athens by Solon, 70, - in Rome, 88, - were under supervision of the Ædiles, 107, - on country estates, 105, - in Palaces, 105. - - _Bubonic swellings_, II. 238, 303, - among Eunuchs, 253, - in connection with ulcers of the foot, II. 238. - - - C. - - _Caesar_ a Pathic, II. 41. - - _Campanus Morbus_, II. 99. - - _Carthaginian women_ bound to give themselves up an offering in - honour of Venus, 22. - - _Castration_ of Pathics, 116, - in Elephantiasis, II. 154. - - _Catheter_, II. 281. - - _Chancres_, II. 286, - called θηρίωμα (malignant sore), II. 296, - robigo (blight), II. 57, - φθινὰς (wasting), II. 57, - in Egypt have tendency to form scabs, II. 149, - on the posteriors, II. 301, - on the glans penis, II. 295, - on the female genital organs, II. 296, - on the skin of the penis, II. 155, - on the mons Veneris, II. 155, - on the prepuce, II. 293. - - _Circumcision_, or Cutting, of Maids, II. 206. - - _Cleanliness_ checks the rise of Venereal disease, II. 187. - - _Cleopatra_ keeps Cinaedi, 178. - - _Climate_, II. 115, - influence on genital organs, II. 120, - on diseases of the genital organs, II. 135, - on activity of generation, II. 117. - - _Coition_ in Temples, 23, - Unnatural Coition due to vengeance of Venus, 151. - - _Complexion_, pale, of Cinaedi, 143, - of Cunnilingues, II. 64. - - _Condylomata_, II. 313, - on the posteriors, 130, II. 311, - on the genitals, II. 310. - - _Contagion_, views of the Ancients as to, II. 246, - in Southern countries more transient, II. 164. - - _Corpse_ unclean, II. 189. - - _Crete_, paederastia in, 117, - Satyriasis common there, 127. - - _Cunnilingus_, II. 46, - practises vice with women at time of Menstruation, II. 188, - diseases of the, II. 63. - - _Cyprus_ is called Κεραστία (horned), II. 319, - its inhabitants frequent sufferers from Bony Outgrowths (Exostosis) - of the Skull, II. 319, - their daughters bound to give themselves up an offering in honour - of Venus, 22. - - - D. - - _Defloration_, its performance impure, 25. - - _Depilation_, II. 191, - executed by women on men, II. 192, - by men on women, II. 192, - of Pathics, 172, II. 192, - of the anus, II. 192, - of the genital organs, II. 192. - - _Diatriton_ (fasting until the third day), II. 237. - - _Diseases_, bodily, brought on by men’s own fault are - disgraceful, II. 231. - - _Diseases_, Names of, II. 249. - - _Dispensaries_ at Athens, resort of the Pathics, 120. - - _Dolores Osteocopi_ (Pains that rack the Bones), II. 319. - - _Doctors_ have few opportunities of observing diseases of the - Genitals, II. 225, - inexperienced “in re venerea” (in Venereal matters), II. 237, - lewd-minded, II. 236, - Doctors from Egypt cure the Mentagra (Tetter of the Chin) at - Rome, II. 91. - - _Doctors’ shops_ at Athens, resort of the Pathics, 120. - - _Dogs_ used as cunnilingi, II. 48. - - _Dowry_, earned by maidens by prostitution, 21, 25. - - - E. - - _Egypt_, quinsies common, II. 37, - and ulcers of the neck, II. 35, - form taken there by Venereal disease, II. 149, - inhabitants lascivious, II. 91, - offer up their daughters to Zeus, 40, - Physicians experienced in the cure of Mentagra (Tetter of the - Chin), II. 91. - - _Elephantiasis_, II. 97, 154, - communicated by Coition, II. 154, - infectious, II. 163. - - _Epinyctis_, II. 309. - - _Erotic_ poets, lascivious, 8. - - _Eunuchs_, kept by distinguished women, 116, 178, - do not suffer from Calvities (Baldness), II. 153, - nor from Elephantiasis, II. 154. - - _Exanthema_ of the Genital organs, II. 319. - - _Excrescences_ on the Genital organs, II. 311. - - _Exostosis_ (Bony outgrowths) of the Skull, II. 108, 319, - common in Cyprus, II. 319. - - - F. - - _Fakeers_ in India, 34. - - _Fellator_, Diseases of the, II. 3. - - _Felt-lice_ (Pediculi pubis), II. 197. - - _Fish_ diet induces Leprosy and Ulcers, II. 38, 39. - - _Floralia_ at Rome, 84. - - - G. - - _Galerius_ Maximianus, II. 140. - - _Galli_, Priests of Cybelé, 231, - pay prostitution-tax to the Romans, 231. - - _Gangrene_ of the Genitals, II. 176, - during the Plague of Athens, II. 179, - of the limbs, II. 182. - - _Genitals_, their purification after coition, II. 208, - exposure in the case of Youths at Athens, II. 229, - compulsory by law at Rome, II. 229. - - _Genitals, Diseases of_ induced by Dreams, 200, - at Athens, in consequence of the neglect of the Worship of - Bacchus, 43, - at Lampsacus in consequence of the banishment of Priapus, 44, - Cure is won by prayers to Priapus, 45, - women treated by women’s Physicians, II. 248. - - _Genius Epidemicus_ its influence on Venereal Disease, II. 167, - on Ulcers of the Genitals, II. 172. - - _Germans_ practise Paederastia, 228. - - _Glans penis_, male, more active secretion from glands of this part - in hot countries, II. 124, - liable to Inflammation and Ulceration, II. 295, - Ulcers of, II. 124, - Thymus (warty excrescence) II. 313. - - _Gonorrhœa_ - in Hippocrates, II. 171, - Moses, II. 130, - common in Southern countries, II. 136, - is ignominious, II. 234, II. 265, - in man, II. 260, - in woman, II. 269. - - _Greece_, Climate, II. 134, - Cult of Venus, 27. - - _Groin_, tumours in the, a consequence of riding, 242. - - - H. - - _Hæmorrhoids_, II. 310, - among Pathics, 130, - common in the time of Martial and Juvenal, 133. - - _Hair_, Affection of the, II. 156, - in Leprosy and Elephantiasis, II. 157. - - _Hares_,—androgynic (sometimes male, sometimes female), 200. - - _Hand_, left—ill-reputed, II. 209, - used for Onanism, II. 209, - in purification of the Genital organs, II. 213. - - _Heliades_ punished for licentious love, 154. - - _Helos_ (callosity) on the glans penis, II. 296. - - _Hemitheon_, Cinaedus, 172. - - _Hermaphroditus_, statues of—in front of Baths, II. 220. - - _Hero_ suffers from ulcers on the genitals, II. 127. - - _Herod_, disease from which he suffered, II. 140. - - _Herpes_ (creeping eruption), II. 308. - - _Hetaerae_, 79, - dress of, 81, - Seminary at Corinth, 79, - follow the Greek armies, 80. - - _Hieroduli_, female, 30. - - - I. - - _Ignis Persicus_ (Persian fire), II. 130. - - _India_, Venereal disease in, 40. - - _Infection_, views of the Ancients on, II. 248, - in the South more transient, II. 164. - - _Inguinal tumours_, a consequence of riding, 242. - - _Inns_ of ill-repute at Athens, 76, - fornication practised in them, 8, - at Rome, 98. - - _Irrumator_, II. 3. - - _Ischuria_ (Retention of urine) in case of ulcers of Urethra, II. 170. - - _Isis_, Worship of—at Rome, 103. - - - J. - - _Jews_, their Diseases at Shittim, in consequence of worship of - Baal-Peor, 52, - their daughters give themselves up an offering to the honour of - Astarté, 66. - - _Juno_, Patron-goddess of Lust, 44. - - - K. - - _Kissing_ disseminates Mentagra (Tetter of the Chin), II. 88. - - _Kissing_, Mania for,—at Rome, II. 88. - - - L. - - _Lame men_ are lecherous, 240. - - _Lampsacus_, affections of the genitals among the men there in - consequence of the expulsion of Priapus, 44. - - _Lemnos_, women of,—their evil smell, 148. - - _Lepra_ (scaly leprosy), Mentagra (Tetter of the Chin) changes into - it, II. 72, - produced by vicious practices, II. 163, II. 317. - - _Leprosy_, connection with Venereal disease, II. 150, - a punishment from the gods, II. 189, II. 315, - spreads from the genital organs, II. 154, 156. - - _Lesbos_, women of—are fellatrices, II. 4, - tribads, 161. - - _Liber_, another name of Bacchus, 43. - - _Lingam-worship_ in India, 33. - - _Locris_, women of—give themselves up an offering in honour of - Venus, 22. - - _Lydian_ women give themselves up an offering in honour of Venus, 21. - - - M. - - _Matrix_, dilater of the, II. 299. - - _Matrix_ (or injecting) syringe, II. 300. - - _Mena_, goddess of Menstruation, 25. - - _Mendes_, cult of—in Egypt, II. 113. - - _Menstrual blood_ unclean, 23, - liable to putrefaction, II. 126, - injurious consequences in Coition, II. 121, 149, - produces skin-affections, II. 149. - - _Menstruation_, women during—Coition with such, II. 130, - produces affections of the genital organs in man, II. 127, - Leprosy, II. 149. - - _Mentagra_ (Tetter of the Chin), II. 71, - is subject to epidemic influence, II. 100, - changes into Lepra and Psora, II. 72. - - _Miletus_, women of—are artificial tribads, 162. - - _Morbus Campanus_, II. 98, - _Phoeniceus_, II. 54. - - _Mucous membrane_, its secretions in the South more copious and - acrid, II. 121. - - _Mutuus_, the Priapus of the Romans, 26. - - _Myrmecia_, II. 314. - - _Myrrha_ punished by Venus, 157. - - - N. - - _Names_ of Diseases, II. 249. - - _National_ diversities influence the rise of Venereal - disease, II. 131, 321. - - _Neuralgia_ of the testicles and spermatic cord, II. 284. - - - O. - - _Ointments_ for the skin, II. 139. - - _Oscans_ are licentious, II. 100, - are Cunnilingues, II. 101. - - _Ozaena_ (fetid polypus), II. 317. - - - P. - - _Paederastia_, 108, - at Athens, 119, - in Bœotia, 121, - Chalcis, 122, - Chios, 122, - Crete, 117, - Elis, 121, - Germany, 228, - Greece, 117, - Italy, 124, - Rome, 124, - Siphnos, 124, - Syria, 116, - Tarsus, 139, - practised in Temples, 111, - is a mental disorder, 182, - inclination to it is innate, 236, - and hereditary, 160, - due to vengeance of Venus, 146, 172, 182. - - _Paederasts_, diseases of, 126. - - _Paedophilia_, 117. - - _Paralysis_ of the Tongue due to the practices of the - Cunnilingue, II. 64. - - _Parmenides_, Fragment of, 163. - - _Patients_ suffering from affections of the genital organs deceive - the Physician, II. 235, - dread the knife, 46, II. 241, - treat themselves, II. 238. - - _Pathics_, signal of invitation employed by, 143, - condition at Athens, 120, - kept in the Roman brothels, 124, - had to pay Prostitution-tax, 126, 231, - characteristics, 169, - dress, 172, - allow the hair of the head to grow long, 173, - depilate their persons, II. 191, - resemble women, 189, - seed-ducts in their case go to the anus, 235, - bear children, 235, - diseases of, 126, - pale complexion, 143, - foul breath, 142, - suffer from affection of the mouth, 134, 142, - ulcers on posteriors, 127, - hæmorrhoids, 130. - - _Penis_, artificial, 161, 198. - - _Phallus-worship_, 40, - in Egypt, 40, - Greece, 41, - India, 33, - Syria, 49. - - _Philoctetes_ is Onanist, 155, - Pathic, 152. - - _Phlyctaenae_ (blisters) on the skin in diseases of the - Uterus, II. 153. - - _Phoeniceus Morbus_, II. 54. - - _Phoenician women_ give themselves up an offering in honour of - Venus, 21. - - _Physicians_ have few opportunities of observing diseases of the - Genitals, II. 225, - inexperienced “in re venerea” (in Venereal subjects), II. 237, - lewd-minded, II. 235, - Physicians from Egypt cure the Mentagra (Tetter of the Chin) at - Rome, II. 91. - - _Piles_ (hæmorrhoids), II. 310, - among Pathics, 130, - common in time of Martial and Juvenal, 133. - - _Polyandry_, II. 120. - - _Polygamy_, II. 120. - - _Prepuce_, ulcers, II. 293, - rhagades (chapped sores), II. 293, - thymus (warty excrescence), II. 311. - - _Priapism_, II. 136. - - _Priapus_, 43, - lover of gardens, 47, II. 215, - made of fig-wood, 195, - red, II. 57, - used to rupture the hymen, 24, 26, 51, - possesses fructifying virtues, 26, - sufferers from complaints of the genitals pray to him, 50. - - _Priests_ undertake the deflowering of virgins, 47. - - _Prophylactics_ against Bubo, II. 307, - against Gonorrhœa, II. 307. - - _Propotides_ punished by Venus, 156. - - _Prostitute-keepers_ (Whoremasters) at Athens, 72, - under supervision of the Ædiles, 107, - considered infamous, 98. - - _Prostitutes’ fees_ fixed by the Agoranomi at Athens, 73, - at Rome, 94. - - _Prostitution-tax_ at Athens, 74, - leased out by the Magistrate at Athens, 75, - at Rome, 107, - at Byzantium, 107, - paid by Pathics, 107, 126, 231, - by the Priests of Cybelé, 231. - - _Prostitution-tax_, farmers of—at Athens, 75. - - - R. - - _Rhagades_ (chapped sores) of the posteriors, 127, - of the female genitals, II. 298, - of the prepuce, II. 293. - - _Rhinocolura_, Colony of II. 24. - - _Rome_, Baths at, II. 220, - Brothels, 88, - Cult of Priapus, 43, - Cult of Venus, 33, - Inns, 98, - Isis-worship, 103, - Mania for kissing, II. 88, - Mentagra (Tetter of the Chin), II. 71, - Paederastia, 123, - Prostitution-tax, 107. - - _Roseola_ in gonorrhœal patients, II. 143. - - - S. - - _Satyriasis_, II. 255, - common in Crete, 127. - - _Scabies_ (Itch), II. 69, II. 162. - - _Scythians_, νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine disease) of the, 144, - men-women, 240. - - _Shamefacedness_ of patients, II. 235. - - _Skin_, reaction of the—in affections of the genital - organs, II. 141, II. 153, II. 159. - - _Skin-diseases_, infectious in Venereal disease, II. 165. - - _Smell_, foul—from the mouth of Pathics, 142, - of Fellators, II. 30. - - _Snakes_ used for vicious purposes, II. 113. - - _Sneeze_ betrays the Cinaedus, 171. - - _Sodomy_, II. 110, - with he-goats, II. 113, - with asses, II. 114, - with snakes, II. 113. - - _Suicide_ due to ulcers of genital organs, II. 42, - to ulcers of the neck, II. 40. - - _Sycosis_ of the Chin, II. 81. - - _Syringe_, Matrix or Injecting, II. 300. - - - T. - - _Tarsus_, frequency of paederastia there, 139. - - _Testicles_, inflammation of, II. 282, - ulcers, II. 285, - induration, II. 285. - - _Tetter_ of the chin (Mentagra), II. 71, - subject to epidemic influence, II. 100, - changes into Lepra and Psora, II. 72. - - _Throat, Ulcers of the_—among fellators, II. 14, II. 34. - - _Thymus_ (warty excrescence) on the genital organs, II. 311. - - _Tiberius_, sickness of, II. 92. - - _Tongue_, Paralysis of the—due to the practices of Cunnilingue, II. 66. - - _Tribads_, artificial, 161. - - _Typhus_, influence on Venereal disease, II. 182. - - - U. - - _Ulcers_, Egyptian, II. 35, - a result of vengeance of the Dea Syra, II. 37, - on the tibia common at Athens, II. 38, - origin, II. 242, - general treatment, II. 239. - - _Ulcers of the Genitals_, II. 139, II. 275, - offspring of evil humours, II. 242, - readily change to _caries_, II. 139, II. 177, - worms in them, II. 141, - common under putrid epidemic conditions, II. 168, - treated with knife, II. 176, - by actual cautery, II. 176, - of women—are feared by men, II. 162, - lead to suicide, II. 176. - - _Ulcers of the Throat_ in case of Fellators, II. 14, II. 34, - lead to suicide, II. 42. - - _Urethra_, ulcers of the, II. 171, II. 177, - caruncles, II. 279, - strictures, II. 279. - - - V. - - _Vaginal blood_, unclean, II. 320, - mucus, II. 121. - - _Varices_ (dilated veins) cause impotency, 242. - - _Venereal disease_, names, II. 249, - changes into Leprosy, II. 140, - into Elephantiasis, II. 149, - relation to Leprosy, II. 150, - to Typhus, II. 182, - cured without professional aid, II. 148, II. 238, - of the mucous membranes and bones not common in Southern - countries, II. 250. - - _Venus_, calva (bald), 33, - Cult of, 13, - in Asia, 16, - Babylon, 17, - Greece, 27, - Italy, 33. - - _Virgins_ give themselves up an offering in honour of Venus in - Armenia, 18, - at Babylon, 18, - Carthage, 20, - in Cyprus, 22, - Locris, 22, - Lydia, 20, - Palestine, 66, - Phœnicia, 20, - in honour of Zeus in Egypt, 40, - reason of custom, 22. - - - W. - - _Whoremasters_ at Athens, 72, - under supervision of the Ædiles, 107, - considered infamous, 98. - - _Women_, allow paederastia to be practised with them, 139, - seldom suffer from Mentagra (Tetter of the chin), II. 84, - or Elephantiasis, II. 153, - or Venereal disease, II. 153. - - _Worms_ in ulcers, II. 137. - - - Z. - - _Zeus_, the Egyptians give up their daughters as an offering in his - honour, 41. - - - - - PRIVATELY ISSUED BOOKS. - -Editions de Luxe in English and French. - - -BOOKS IN ENGLISH. - - =Untrodden Fields of Anthropology= by Dr. JACOBUS X.... 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Un volume, imprimé sur - beau papier. - - [Prix =20= _francs_. - - =L’Ethnologie du Sens Génital.= Les Lois et Singularités de la Passion - sexuelle. Ouvrage Unique et Original en Langue française. Un gros - Volume d’environ 440 Pages. Etude Physiologique de l’Amour Normal et - de ses Abus, Perversions, folies & Crimes dans l’espèce Humaine par le - Dr. JACOBUS X.... - - [Prix =15= _francs_. - - - PARIS - CHARLES CARRINGTON - LIBRARIE DE FOLK-LORE, ANTHROPOLOGIE - 13, FAUBOURG MONTMARTRE, 13 - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] It would be a great mistake to think that because SPRENGEL wrote -his History here, the opposite must be true. The greater part of the -Works collected by him are no longer to be found. It is only too -evident that the earlier administrators of the library, especially -ERSCH, so famous as a Historian of Literature, left the medical side -almost totally unconsidered; and what gaps the Administration of -to-day has to fill up is sufficiently evidenced by the yearly Lists of -Additions. - -[2] The Bibliography of Authorities and Historians has been placed at -the end of the present volume. - -[3] “On the Venereal Disease in the Northern Provinces of European -Turkey” in: Russian Compendium for Natural and Medical Science, edited -by _Alex. Crichton_, _Jos. Rehmann_, _C. Fr. Burdach_, vol. I. Riga and -Leipzig 1815. large 8vo. pp. 230. - -[4] “Geschichte der Lustseuche” (History of the Venereal Disease), Vol. -I. p. 326. - -[5] _Celsus_, De re medica Bk. VI. ch. 18., “Proxima sunt ea, -quae ad partes obscoenas pertinent, quarum apud Graecos vocabula -et tolerabilius se habent et accepta iam usu sunt, cum omni fere -medicorum volumine atque sermone iactentur, apud nos foediora verba, ne -consuetudine quidem aliqua verecundius loquentium commendata sunt.” - -(Next are particulars relating to the unmentionable parts; the name -of these among the Greeks are less objectionable and are now accepted -by usage, as they are freely employed by physicians both in books and -speech, whereas with ourselves the words are coarse, not approved by -any customary use on the part of those who speak with any regard to -modesty.) How strictly the words, especially in the case of the poets, -were scrutinised in this respect even in later times still, is shown -by the passage in _Aulus Gellius_, Noct. Attic. Bk. X. ch. 10.; and in -_Petronius_, Satir. 132, Polyaenus says: Ne nominare quidem te (scil. -penem) inter res serias fas est. Poenitentiam agere sermonis mei coepi, -secretoque rubore perfundi, quod oblitus verecundiae meae cum ea parte -corporis verba contulerim, quam ne ad cogitationem quidem admittere -severioris notae homines solent.” - -(It is forbidden even to mention thee (viz. the penis) in serious -discourse. I have begun to do penance for my words and to feel the glow -of a secret blush, because forgetful of my modesty I expressed in words -that part of the body, which men of the stricter type refuse to admit -even into their thoughts.) So the collector of Priapeia appeals to the -reader: Conveniens Latio pone supercilium! (Lay aside the disapproving -frown that befits Latium); and later on people used to say of such -talk, they wished to speak plain _Latin_, just as we say, speak _plain -English_; while the Greek would excuse himself by his ἄγροικος καὶ -ἄμουσός εἰμι, (I am but am unpolished rustic). - -[6] Satir. II. 8-13. - -[7] _Athenaeus_, Deipnosoph. bk. XIII. ch. 21.—Comp. _Aristotle_, -Politics bk. VII. ch. 17. - -[8] Bk. XII. Epigr. 43.—Comp. _H. Paldamus_, “Römische Erotik.” -Greisswald 1833. large 8vo. - -[9] _Priapeia_, Carm. 1. - - Ludens haec ego teste te, Priape, - Horto carmina digna, non libello; - Ergo quidquid est, quod otiosus - Templi parietibus tui notavi - In partem accipias bonam rogamus. - -Carm. 41. - - Quisquis venerit huc, poeta fiat, - Et versus mihi dedicet iocosos; - Qui non fecerit, inter eruditos - Ficosissimus ambulet poeta. - -Carm. 49. - - Tu quicunque vides circa tectoria nostra - Non nimium casti carmina plena ioci; - -(The songs I sing, thou art my witness, Priapus, are worthy but of a -garden, not of a book. Wherefore whate’er it be that in leisure hours I -have writ on thy temple-walls, receive, we pray, in good part.) - -(Whosoe’er comes hither must become a poet and dedicate to me some -merry lines; whoe’er refuses, amidst the learned let him walk most -wooden of poets.—N.B. _ficosus_ means at once like a fig-tree and -_afflicted with piles_; perhaps we might render “most costive of -poets”.) - -(Thou beholdest, whoe’er thou art, around the plaster of our walls -lines teeming with not too chastened a wit.) - -also in _Martial_, bk. XII. Epigr. 62. we read: - - Qui carbone rudi, putrique creta - Scribit carmina, quae legunt cacantes. - -(Who with rough charcoal or crumbly chalk writes verses that men read -as they shit.) - -[10] _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag. bk. II. ch. 10. ὅσοι δὲ -τὴν παραβολὴν διώκουσι, πταίουσι περὶ τὸ κατὰ φύσιν, _σφᾶς αὐτοὺς -βλάπτοντες_, κατὰ τὰς παρανόμους συνουσίας. - -(“Now they that follow the parable sin aginst nature, _hurting their -own selves_, according to their lawless conversation.”) - -[11] _Larcher_, “Mémoire sur Venus,” (Memoir on Venus). Paris 1775. -pp. 312. 8vo.—_De la Chau_, “Dissertation sur les Attributs de Venus,” -(Dissertation on the Attributes of Venus. Paris 1776. pp. 91. 4to. In -German, by C. Richter. Vienna 1783. pp. 179. 8vo.—_J. C. F. Manso_, -“Ueber die Venus,” (On Venus): in “Versuche über einige Gegenstände aus -der Mythologie der Griechen und Römer,” (Essays on certain Subjects -from the Mythology of the Greeks and Romans). Leipzig 1784. large 8vo. -pp. 1-308. The Treatise is the most complete account we possess on -the subject of Venus.—_Lenz, C. G._, “Die Göttin von Paphos auf alten -Bildwerken und Baphomet,” (The Goddess of Paphos in Ancient Sculptures -and Baphomet.) Gotha 1808. pp. 26. 4to., with Copperplates.—_Münter, -Fr._, “Der Tempel der himmlischen Göttin zu Paphos,” (The Temple -of the heavenly Goddess at Paphos). Copenhagen 1824. pp. 40. with -Copperplates.—_Lajard, Felix._ “Recherche sur le culte, les symboles, -les attributs et les monuments figurés de Venus en orient et en -occident,” (Researches on the Cult, Symbols, Attributes and artistic -Monuments of Venus in East and West). Paris 1834. 4to., with 30 Plates, -fol. Known to us only from the notices. - -[12] _Orpheus_, Hymn. 55. - - Οὐρανίη Ἀφροδίτη, - παντογενὴς, γενέτειρα θεὰ, γεννᾷς δὲ τὰ πὰντα, - ὅσσα τ’ ἐν οὐρανῷ ἐστι καὶ ἐν γαίῃ πολυκάρπῳ - ἐν πόντου τε βυθῷ. γαμοστόλε, μῆτερ ἐρώτῶν. - -(Heavenly Aphrodité, parent of all, mother Goddess,—for thou -engenderest all things, all things that are in heaven and in fruitful -earth and in depth of ocean,—harbinger of marriage, mother of loves). - [Transcriber’s Note: παντογενὴς (parent of all) should read ποντογενὴς - (sea-born).] - -_Homer_, Hymn. 9. to Venus: - - Κυπρογενῆ Κυθέρειαν ἀείσομαι, _ἥτε βροτοῖσιν - μείλιχα δῶρα δίδωσιν_, ἐφ’ ἱμερτῷ δὲ προσώπῳ - αἰεὶ μειδιάει, καὶ ἐφ’ ἱμερτὸν φέρει ἄνθος. - -(Cyprus-born Cytherea will I sing, who _to men gives sweet gifts_, and -on her lovely visage has ever a smile, and brings a lovely blossom of -love). - -[13] _Hesiod_, Theogonia, 190-206. - -[14] Consult the Poem of _Sappho_ in _Brunck_, Analect. vet. poet. -Graec., Vol. I. p. —_Suidas_ under the word Ψιθυριστής (whisperer), -as epithet of Venus. _Eustathius_ on Homer, Odyssey, XX., p. 1881. -Her attribute was a key to the Heart. _Pindar_, Pyth. IV. 390. Comp. -_Ovid_, Fast. IV. 133 sqq. - -[15] The Trojan women used to betake themselves before their marriage -to the river Scamander, to bathe in it and say: Receive, Scamander, our -Virginity. _Aeschines_, Epist. II. p. 738. - -[16] _Herodotus_, Bk. II. ch. 64. Καὶ τὸ μὴ μίσγεσθαι γυναιξὶ, ἐν -ἱροῖς, μηδὲ ἀλούτους ἀπὸ γυναικῶν ἐς ἱρὰ ἐσιέναι, οὗτοι εἰσὶ οἱ -πρῶτοι θρησκεύσαντες· _οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλοι σχεδὸν πάντες ἄνθρωποι_, πλὴν -Αἰγυπτίων καὶ Ἑλλήνων, _μίσγονται ἐν ἱροῖσι_. - -(And the practice of not having intercourse with women in temples, and -not going into temples unwashed after such intercourse, these practices -they were the first to observe as a matter of religion; _for almost -all the rest of mankind_, except Egyptians and Greeks, _have sexual -intercourse in temples_.) Comp. _Clement of Alexandria_, Stromat. bk. -I. p. 361. - -[17] Already in his time St. Jerome affirmed: omnem concubitum -coniugale esse peccatum, nisi causa procreandi sobolem (that all -conjugal coition is a sin, except for the sake of begetting offspring); -and _Andr. Beverland_ (de peccato originali—On Original Sin, p. 60.); -Ingenitum nefas nil aliud est, quam coeundi ista libido, (Inborn sin is -nothing else than the foul craving for coition). With this should be -compared the view of _Lycurgus_, which _Plutarch_ cites in his life of -him. - -Also _Athenaeus_ (Deipnosoph. Bk. XXI. p. 510.) says: προκριθείσης -γοῦν τῆς' Ἀφροδίτης, αὕτη δ’ ἐστὶν ἡ ἡδονὴ, πάντα συνεταράχθη. (thus -Aphrodité being rather chosen,—now this is sensual pleasure,—all was -thrown into confusion.) _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedog. bk. II. ch. -10. Ψιλὴ γὰρ ἡδονὴ, κἂν ἐν γάμῳ παραληφθῇ, παράνομός ἐστι καὶ ἄδικος -καὶ ἄλογος. (For base pleasure—i.e. pleasure for its own sake,—even -though it have been enjoyed in wedlock, is unlawful and unjust and -unreasonable.)—_Philo_, De opificio mundi, pp. 34, 35, 38. De Allegoria, -II. p. 1100. ὄφιν εἶναι σύμβολον ἡδονῆς. (the snake is the symbol of -sensual pleasure.) With some coarseness Rabbi Zahira explains the -Fall. The Tree, he says, that bore the forbidden fruit signifies the -instrument of generation in Man; not the Tree in the midst of the -garden of Eden, he comments, but the Tree in the midst of the body, -which is not in the midmost of the garden, but in the midmost of the -Woman, for it is there that the garden is planted. _Nork_, “Braminen -und Rabinen,” (Brahmins and Rabbis). Meissen 1836. large 8vo. pp. 91. - -[18] Descript. Graeciae, bk. I. ch. 14. - -[19] _Homer_, Odyss. Bk. VIII. 362.—_Hesiod_, Theog. 193.—_Strabo_, -XIV. 983.—_Tacitus_, Hist. II. 3.—_Pausanias_, VIII. 5. 2. - -[20] _Sanchoniathon_, Fragment. edit. Orelli, p. 34., _Eusebius_, -Praeparat. Evang., I. 10., τὴν δὲ Ἀστάρτην Φοίνικες τὴν Ἀφροδίτην εἶναι -λέγουσι. (Now the Phoenicians say that Astarté is Aphrodité.) - -[21] _Herodotus_, Bk. I. ch. 105. _Homer_, Hymn. IX. 1. _Ruhnken_, -Epist. crit. I. p. 51. _Heyne_, Antiquarische Aufs. I. p. 135. - -[22] Hence the Father _Ephraim Syrus_ (Hymn in Opp. Vol. II. p. 457. -_Gesenius_, “Kommentar. zum Jesaias,” (Commentary on Isaiah), Pt. II. -p. 540. Ephraim lived 379 A. D.):—It is Venus that led astray her -followers, the Ishmaelites. Into our land also she came, how most -abundantly do the sons of Hagar honour her. - - A street-walker (they call) the Moon, - Like a courtesan they represent Venus. - Twain they call female among the Stars. - And not merely names are they, - Names without meaning, these female names, - Abounding in Wantonness are they in themselves. - For since they are the women of all men, - Who amongst them can be modest, - Who amongst them chaste, - Who exercised his wedlock after the fashion of the fowls? - -Who (otherwise than the Chaldaeans) introduced the Festival of that -frantic Goddess, at whose Solemnities Women practise harlotry? - -[23] Histor. Bk. I. ch. 199. Ἐπεὰν δὲ μιχθῇ, ἀποσιωσαμένη τῇ θεῷ, -ἀπαλλάσσεται ἐς τὰ οἰκία· καὶ τὠπὸ τούτου οὐκ οὕτω μέγα τί οἱ δώσεις -ὥς μιν λάμψεαι. (But after she has gone with a man, and so acquitted -her obligation to the goddess, she returns to her home; and from -that time forth no gift however great will prevail with her.) The -same thing is related also by _Baruch_ VI. 42, 43. Comp. _Voss_ on -_Virgil_, Georgics, II. 523 sqq. To this day we find amongst the bold -sons of the Desert, the Arabians, some trace of this devotion of their -fathers, Niebuhr writes (“Beschreibung von Arabien”—(Description of the -Arabians), Copenhagen 1772, p. 54. note.): “I read that the Europeans -have investigated with great erudition and eloquence the question, Num -inter naturalis debiti et conjugalis officii egerium liceat psallere, -orare, etc.? (Whether in the performance of the debt of nature and -the conjugal office it is lawful to sing, to pray, and so on?) I do -not know what the Mohammedans have written on this matter. I have -been assured that it is their custom to begin all their occupations -with the words; Bismallâh errachmân errachhîm (in the name of the -merciful and gracious God), and that they must say this also “ante -conjugalis officii egerium (before the performance of the conjugal -office), and that no reputable man omits this.” So at the present day -in Italy the courtesan bows before the image of her Madonna, before -she gives herself, and says to her, “Madonna, mi ajuta!” or “Madonna, -mi perdonna!” (Madonna, be my aid!, Madonna, pardon me!) whilst she -draws a veil over her picture, and calls this Christianity! For the -rest Constantine abolished the custom in question at Babylon and -at Heliopolis, and destroyed the Temples of Venus at those places. -_Eusebius_, Life of Constantine, III. p. 58. _Socrates_, Eccles. Hist. -I. 18. - -[24] _Heeren_, “Ideen über Politik und Handel,” (Ideas on Political -Science and Trade), Pt. I. 2. p. 257. - -[25] So we think we ought to understand the _κατα_πορνεύει τὰ θήλεα -τέκνα (prostitute _down_ their female children) in the text, for the -expression is evidently formed on the same plan as the καθῆσθαι ἐπ’ -οἰκήματος (to sit down at a house of ill-fame in _Plato_, Charmides, -163. c.; because the brothels lay near the harbour, and so in the more -low-lying region, away from Athens itself. In the same way the Romans -used the verb _descendere_ (to go down), e. g. _Horace_, Satires I. 2. -34., because the public houses of ill-fame at Rome were in the valley, -in the Subura. - -[26] Hist. of Alexander the Great, Bk. V. ch. 1. Comp. Isaiah, XIV. -11., XLVII. 1. Jeremiah, LI. 39. Daniel, V. 1. - -[27] Bk. XI. p. 532. Ἀλλὰ καὶ θυγατέρας οἱ ἐπιφανέστατοι τοῦ ἔθνους -ἀνιεροῦσι παρθένους, αἷς νόμος ἐστὶ, καταπορνευθείσαις πολὺν χρόνον -παρὰ τῇ θεῷ μετὰ ταῦτα δίδοσθαι πρὸς γάμον. (Moreover the chief men -of the nation consecrate their daughters when still virgins, and it -is the custom for these, after acting as prostitutes for a long time -in the service of the goddess, then to be given in marriage). Hence -the Scholiast also to _Juvenal_, Satir. I. 104, “Mesopotameni homines -effrenatae libidinis sunt in utroque sexu, ut Salustius meminit,” -(The inhabitants of Mesopotamia are people of unbridled lustfulness -in either sex, as Sallust records); and _Cedrenus_, Chaldaeorum et -Babyloniorum leges plenae sunt impudicitiae atque turpitudinis, (the -laws of the Chaldaeans and Babylonians are full of indecency and -foulness). - -[28] Bk. I chs. 93, 94. The ἐνεργαζόμεναι παιδίσκαι (maids working -at their handicraft) mentioned in this passage are maids who, to use -Heine’s expression, practice their _horizontal_ craft. Herodotus’ story -is also found mentioned in _Strabo_ Bk. XI. p. 533., _Aelian_, Var. -Hist., bk, IV. ch. 1., and _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. bk. XII. p. 516. - -[29] Augustine, De Civit. Dei, bk. IV. ch. 10. Cui (Veneri) etiam -Phoenices donum de prostitutione filiarum, ante quam iungerent -eas viro, (To whom—Venus,—the Phoenicians also made a gift of the -prostitution of their daughters, before they married them to a -husband). _Athenagoras_, Adv. Graecos, p. 27. D., Γυναῖκες γοῦν ἐν -εἰδωλείοις τῆς Φοινικίας πάλαι προκαθέζοντο ἀπαρχόμεναι τοῖς ἐκεῖ -θεοῖς ἑαυτῶν τὴν τοῦ σώματος αυτῶν μισθαρνίαν, νομίζουσαι τῇ πορνείᾳ -τὴν θεὸν ἑαυτῶν ἱλάσκεσθαι. (Thus women used of old to sit in the -idolatrous temples of the Phoenicians, offering as first-fruits to -the gods therein the hire of the prostitution of their own bodies, -deeming that by fornication was their goddess propitiated). Comp. -_Eusebius_, De Praeparat. Evangel. IV. 8.—_Athanasius_, Orat. contra -Gentes.—_Theodoret_, Hist. Eccles. I. 8. - -[30] De Dea Syra, ch. 6. - -[31] _Valerius Maximus_, bk. II. ch. 6. 15., Sicae enim fanum est -Veneris, in quod matronae (Poenicarum) conferebant; atque inde -prosedentes ad quaestum, dotes corporis iniuria contrahebant, (for -at Sica is a shrine of Venus, to which the matrons—amongst the -Phoenicians—used to repair; and there sitting for hire, earned their -dowers by the prostitution of their persons). - -[32] _Justinus_, Histor. Philipp., bk. XVIII, ch. 5., Mos erat Cypriis, -virgines ante nuptias statutis diebus, dotalem pecuniam quaesituras, in -quaestum ad litus maris mittere, pro reliqua pudicitia libamenta Veneri -soluturas. (It was a custom among the Cyprians to send the virgins -before their marriage on fixed days to the sea-shore, there to sit for -hire and so earn money for their dowry, to thus render to Venus the -first-fruits of their maidenhood). Comp. _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. bk. XII, -p. 516. - -[33] _Justinus_, Histor. Philipp., bk. XXI. ch. 3., Cum Rheginorum -tyranni Leophronis bello Locrenses premerentur, voverant, si victores -forent, ut die festo Veneris virgines suas prostituerent. Quo voto -intermisso cum adversa bella cum Lucanis gererent, in concionem eos -Dionysius vocat: hortatur ut uxores filiasque suas in templum Veneris -quam possint ornatissimas mittant, ex quibus sorte ductae centum -voto publico fungantur, religionisque gratia uno stent in lupanari -mense omnibus ante iuratis viris, ne quis ullam attaminet. Quae res ne -virginibus voto civitatem solventibus fraudi esset, decretum facerent: -ne qua virgo nuberet, priusquam illae maritis traderentur. etc. (The -people of Locri, when they were hard pressed in the war with Leophron -tyrant of the Rhegians, had made a vow, that should they be victorious, -they would abandon their virgins to prostitution on the feast-day of -Venus. But this vow was broken, and when they were waging a disastrous -war with the Lucanians, Dionysius calls them to an assembly, wherein -he urges them to send their wives and daughters to the Temple of Venus -in the gayest array they could, and that of these a hundred should -be chosen by lot to carry out the public vow; that to fulfil the -obligation to the goddess they should stand publicly in a brothel one -month, all men having previously bound themselves by oath that none -should deflower any one of them. Further that this thing should be no -detriment to the maidens who so freed the city of its vow, a decree -should be passed to the effect that no maiden might marry, until these -were given to husbands; etc.). Comp. _Athenaeus_, Deipnos., bk. XII. p. -516. _Strabo_, bk. VI. p. 259, says: προεγάμει τὰς νυμφοστοληθείσας, -(he used to lie first with maidens that had been made brides). - -[34] “De Babyloniorum instituto, ut mulieres ad Veneris templum -prostarent,” (On the Babylonian custom of Women prostituting themselves -at the Temple of Venus), note on Herodotus, I. p. 199 in Commentat. -Soc. Reg. Götting., Vol. XVI. pp. 30-42. - -[35] Vermischte Schriften, vol. VI. pp. 23-50, “Ueber eine Stelle bei -Herodot.” (On a passage in Herodotus). - -[36] According to _Tacitus_, Histor. II. 2., Under no circumstances -must blood flow on the altars of the Paphian goddess. - -[37] “Ideen über Politik und Handel,” (Ideas on Political Science and -Trade), I. 2. p. 180. note 2. - -[38] The King of Calicut at the southern extremity of Malabar gives -his principal Priest a honorarium of 500 dollars, that he may loose -his wives’ virgin-zone for him in the name of the Deity. _Sonnerat_, -“Voyage aux Indes orientales” (Travels to the East Indies), Vol. I. p. -69. _Hamilton_, “New Account of the East Indies,” Vol. I. p. 308. - -[39] _Herodotus_, bk. IV. ch. 172.—_Pomponius Mela_, bk. I. ch. 8. § 35. - -[40] _Diodorus Siculus_, bk. V. ch. 18. - -[41] Menstruation was under the protection of the goddess _Mena_ -(Augustine, De Civ. Dei, bk. XI. 11. VII. 2.; but Myllita was the Moon! - -[42] Therefore in the case of the Lydians the women themselves -selected their Strangers. _Strabo_, bk. XI. p. 533., δέχονται δὲ οὐ -τοὺς τυχόντας τῶν ξένων, ἀλλὰ μάλιστα τοὺς ἀπὸ ἴσου ἀξιώματος. (but -they receive not just the first-comers amongst the strangers, but by -preference those of an equal position). - -[43] So even in the Middle Ages, e. g. at Venice, it was quite usual -for the daughters to earn their dowry by selling their bodies, and -there, as in France, it was the mothers who acted as procuresses to -their daughters with this object. _Stephanus_, “Apologie d’Herodote”, -Vol. I. pp. 46-49. _Fr. Jacobs_, loco citato, p. 40. - -[44] Memorari quoque solent causae physicae, seu marium seu feminarum -corporis infirmitatis, quibus floris virginei decerpendi molestia -aggravatur. (Certain physical reasons also are mentioned, connected -with bodily defects whether of the man or the woman, which aggravate -the difficulty of deflowering a virgin), _Heyne_, loco citato, p. 39. -When these partly dietetic and prophylactic relations of the practice -disappeared from the memory of the people, the _Priapus_ kept only -its fecundating qualities, and accordingly we read in _Augustine_, -De Civitate Dei, bk. VI. ch. 9., Sed quid hoc dicam, cum ibi sit et -Priapus nimius masculus, super cuius immanissimum et turpissimum -fascinum sedere nova nupta jubeatur more honestissimo et religiossimo -matronarum? (But why tell of this, though Priapus is there, with the -exaggerated penis of a man, on whose huge and foul organ the newly-wed -bride is told to _sit_, following the custom held highly honourable -and religious of matrons?) Comp. _Lactantius_, I. 20.—_Tertullian_, -Adnot. II. 11. The same is related by _Arnobius_, bk. VI. ch. 7., of -the similar god _Mutuus_: Etiamne Mutuus, cuius immanibus pudendis, -horrentique fascino, vestras inequitare matronas, et auspicabile -ducitis et optatis. (Mutuus too, on whose huge pudenda, and horrid -organ you think it auspicious and desirable for your matrons to ride). - -[45] _Linschotten_, “Orientalische Schiffahrt,” (Oriental Voyage), Pt. -I. ch. 33. - -[46] _Orpheus_, Argonaut. 422.—_Lucian_, De Saltat. ch. 27., Dialog. -Deorum, 2. - -[47] _Strabo_, XI. p. 495. - -[48] _Herodotus_, bk. I. ch. 105., καὶ γὰρ τὸ ἐν Κύπρῳ ἱρὸν ἐνθεῦτεν -ἐγένετο, ὡς αὐτοὶ λέγουσι Κύπριοι· καὶ τὸ ἐν Κυθήροισι Φοίνικές εἰσι -οἱ ἱδρυσάμενοι, ἐκ ταύτης τῆς Συρίης ἐόντες, (for the Temple in Cyprus -was built from it,—i.e. in imitation of the temple of Venus at Ascalon, -as the Cyprians themselves admit; and that in Cythera was erected -by the Phoenicians, who belong to this part of Syria.). _Clemens -Alexandrinus_, Ad Gentes, p. 10., speaks of Cinyras as having been the -man who introduced the temple-service in Cyprus. Comp. _Jul. Firmicus_, -De Error. profan. relig. p. 22. _Arnobius_, Ad Gentes, bk. V., (for the -Temple in Cyprus was built from it,—i.e. in imitation of the temple of -Venus at Ascalon, as the Cyprians themselves admit; and that in Cythera -was erected by the Phoenicians, who belong to this part of Syria.). -_Clemens Alexandrinus_, Ad Gentes, p. 10., speaks of Cinyras as having -been the man who introduced the temple-service in Cyprus. Comp. _Jul. -Firmicus_, De Error. profan. relig. p. 22. _Arnobius_, Ad Gentes, bk. V. - -[49] Ποντία, Λιμενιάς (of the Sea, of Harbours), at Hermioné, -_Pausanias_, Attica ch. 34. _Mitscherlich_, on Horace, Odes bk. I. 3. -1. Also the epithet εὔπλοια (of fair Winds), _Pausanias_, Attica I. 3., -should be mentioned here. _Musaeus_, Hero and Leander 245. _Horace_, -Odes III. 26. 3. “Venus Marina”, (Venus of the Sea). - -[50] _Pausanias_, bk. III. 23., VI. 25., VIII. 32., IX. 16.—_Plato_, -Sympos.—_Xenophon_, Sympos. ch. 8. - -[51] _Augustine_, De Civit. Dei, bk. IV. ch. 10. “An Veneres duae sunt, -una virgo, una mulier? An potius tres, una virginum, quae etiam Vesta -est, alia conjugatarum, alia meretricum? (Are there two Venuses, one a -virgin, the second a matron? Or rather are there three, one of virgins, -who is also Vesta, another of wives, another of harlots?) - -[52] “Quae Cnidon fulgentesque tenet Cycladas et Paphon,” (The goddess -who haunts Cnidos and the gleaming Cyclades and Paphos), _Horace_, Odes -III. 28. 13. Ἐνοικέτις τῶν νήσων (Inhabitress of the isles), _Suidas_. - -[53] Remarkably enough some would derive the name _Bordeaux_ (_Bordel_) -from the French _bord_ and _eau_, because the houses of ill-fame were -almost always to be found on the bank of the river or in bagnios! -_Parent-Duchatelet_, “Die Sittenverderbniss in der Stadt Paris,” (The -Corruption of Morals in the City of Paris), Vol. I. p. 125. - -[54] _Strabo_, XIV. 683. - -[55] _Suidas_, under expression κυλλοῦ πήραν (cripple’s wallet) quotes -that here—at Pera,—was a Fountain which made fruitful and facilitated -delivery. - -[56] According to _Athenaeus_, Deipnosoph., XII. p. 647., at the Feast -of the Thesmophoria at Syracuse μυλλοί, representations of the female -genital organs, moulded of sesame and honey, were carried about. This -calls to remembrance the _Juni_ of the Indians and the Phallus images. - -[57] Bk. XIV. p. 657. - -[58] Bk. II. ch. 27. - -[59] “Ideen zur Kunst-Mythologie,” (Ideas towards a Study of the -Mythology of Art). Dresden 1826. large 8vo. p. 207. - -[60] _Coveel_, “De Sacerdotio Veterum Virginum.” (On the office of -Priestess as filled by Virgins in Antiquity). Abo 1704. 8vo.—_Hirt, -A._, “Die Hierodulen, mit Beilagen von Böckh und Buttmann,” (The -Hieroduli, with Supplements by Böckh and Buttmann). I Pt. Berlin -1818. large 8vo.—_Kreuser, J._, “Der Hellenen Priesterstaat, mit -vorzüglicher Rücksicht auf die Hierodulen,” (Priestly Institutions of -the Hellenes, with particular reference to the Hieroduli). Mayence -1822. 8vo.—_Adrian_, “Die Priesterinnen der Griechen,” (The Priestesses -of the Greeks). Frankfort-on-the-Main 1822. 8vo.—_Schinke_, in Ersch -and Gruber’s Allgem. Encyclopaedie, II. Sect. 8 Pt. p. 50. - -[61] _Strabo_, Bk. XII. p. 557. - -[62] _Strabo_, Bk. XII. p. 559.—_Heyne, Ch. G._ “Comment. de Sacerdotio -Comanensi de Religionum cis et trans Taurum consensione,” (Commentaries -on the Priesthood of Comana, and generally on the Similarity of -Religions on the nearer and farther side of the Taurus range), Comment. -Soc. Reg. Götting. Vol. XVI. pp. 101-149. - -[63] _Strabo_, bk. VIII p. 378., Τό τε τῆς Ἀφροδίτης ἱερὸν οὕτω -πλούσιον ὑπῆρξεν, ὥστε πλείους ἢ χιλίας ἱεροδούλους ἐκέκτητο ἑταίρας, -ἃς ἀνετίθεσαν τῇ θεῷ καὶ ἄνδρες καὶ γυναῖκες· Καὶ διὰ ταύτας οὖν -ἐπολυοχλεῖτο ἡ πόγις καὶ ἐπλουτίζετο. οἱ γὰρ ναύκληροι ῥᾳδίως -ἐξανηλίκοντο, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο ἡ παροιμία φησίν, Οὐ παντὸς ἀνδρὸς ἐς -Κόρινθον ἔσθ’ ὁ πλοῦς. (And the temple of Aphrodité was so rich that -it possessed more than a thousand Hetaerae attached to its service as -Hieroduli, whom both men and women dedicated to the goddess. And so for -this reason the city was frequented by multitudes and grew wealthy; -for shipmasters used readily to visit the port, and on this account -says the proverb: It does not fall to _every_ man to sail to Corinth.) -Comp. the Commentators on Horace, Epist. I. 17. 36. _Alexander ab -Alexandro_, Genial. dier. lib., VI. ch. 26., Corinthi supra mille -prostitutae in templo Veneris assiduae degere et inflammata libidine -quaestui meretricio operam dare et velut sacrorum ministrae Deae -famulari solebant. (At Corinth more, than a thousand prostitutes were -wont to live always in the temple of Venus and with lust ever a flame -to give their lives to the gains of harlotry and to serve the goddess -as handmaidens of her rites). - -[64] _Solinus_, Polyhist. ch. 2. _Festus, F._, under word Frutinal (an -Etruscan name of Venus).—_Micali_, “L’Italia avanti il Dominio dei -Romani,” (Italy before the Dominion of the Romans). II. p. 47.—_Heyne_ -on Virgil, Aeneid bk. V. Excursus 2.—_Bamberger_, “Uber die Entstehung -des Mythus von Aeneas Ankunft zu Latinum,” (On the Origin of the Myth -of Aeneas’ Coming to Latium), in Welcker and Näke’s Rhein. Museum für -Phil., VI. 1. 1838. pp. 82-105. - -[65] _Servius_, on Virgil, Aeneid bk. I. 720.—_Julius Capitolinus_, -Vita Maximin. ch. 7. Baldness was in Antiquity, and particularly at -Rome, as it is still, frequently one of the sequelae of sexual excesses. - -[66] _Richard Payne Knight_, An account of the Remains of the Worship -of Priapus, lately existing at Isernia, in the kingdom of Naples: in -two Letters,—one from _Sir William Hamilton_ to _Sir Joseph Banks_, -and the other from a Person residing at Isernia. To which is added a -discourse on the worship of Priapus and its connexion with the mystic -Theology of the Ancients. London (published by T. Spilsburg) 1786. pp. -195. 4to., with 18 Copperplates. Comp. with regard to this rare work -_C. A. Böttiger_ in Amalthea, vol. 3. pp. 408-418., and _Choulant_ in -Hecker’s Annalen, Vol. XXXIII (1836). pp. 414-418.—_J. A. Dulaure_, -“Les Divinités génératrices, ou sur le Culte du Phallus,” (Divinities -of generation, or on Phallic worship). Paris 1805., a work which to our -regret we have been unable to make use of. - -[67] Hence in _Orpheus_, Hym. V. 9., the Protogonos (First-born) i. e. -Eros, is called Πρίηπος ἄναξ (King Priapus). - -[68] “Voyage aux Indes et à la Chine,” (Journey to the Indies and -China), Vol. I.—_Schaufus_, “Neueste Entdeckungen über das Vaterland -und die Verbreitung der Pocken und der Lustseuche,” (Latest Discoveries -as to the Original Home and Dissemination of the Pox and Venereal -Disease). Leipzig 1805., pp. 31 sqq., from which we give the quotation -that follows in the text. - -[69] The beggars or Fakirs in India wander about the country in -thousands, almost uncovered, (_Augustine_, De Civit. Dei, chs. 14, -17.) and excessively dirty (_Havus_ “Historicae Relatio de Regno et -Statu magni Regis Magor,” (Historical Account of the Reign and State -of the great King Magor). Antwerp 1605. p. 1695); after their visits -unfruitful wives especially become fruitful (δύνασθαι δὲ καὶ πολυγόνους -ποιεῖν καὶ ἀῤῥενογόνους διὰ φαρμακευτικῆς,—and they can make even the -barren have many children by means of their drugs,—_Strabo_ says, Bk. -II.). The people bestir themselves to do them every honour and the men -quit their villages, so as to leave the monks a free hand. _Papi_, -“Briefe über Indien,” (Letters on India), p. 217.—_P. von Bohlen_, “Das -alte Indien,” (Ancient India), Königsberg 1830. Vol. I. p. 282. - -[70] _Strabo_ and _Arrian_, Indic. 17., already in their time state, -at any rate of the nobler Indian women, that they could have been -allured to profligacy at no price, except at that of an elephant. -According to _von Bohlen_ (“Das alte Indien,”—Ancient India, Vol. II. -p. 17, Vol. I. p. 275.) it would seem that not the slightest trace (?) -can be found of the immoral life of the Indian priests in Antiquity, -on the contrary that chastity was the first thing needful to gain -them respect and honour, and their whole literature is never ready -to extol a priest or hero more highly than when he has withstood the -enticements to unchastity. Hence what is asserted of the Devâdasis or -Priestesses of the gods as being courtesans for the Priests is also -in the main untrue, since it rests, as in the case of the Hieroduli, -chiefly on a confusion with the Bhayatri (Bayaderes, the Hetaerae -of the Greeks), or holds good only for particular places (_Häfner_, -“Landreise längs der Küste Orixa und Koromandel,”—(Journey along the -Orissa and Coromandel Coast). Weimar 1809. Vol. I. pp. 80 sqq.—_Papi_, -“Briefe über Indien,” (Letters about India), p. 356.—_Wallace_, -“Denkwürdigkeiten,” (Memorabilities), p. 301.)—In this connection -should be mentioned also the narrative of the Jesuit—in other respects -suspicious—in the edifying letters addressed to _Schaufus_, ch. I. p. -40, that during his residence in a Hindoo town he had been informed, -that it would be unsafe at the present moment to allow foreigners to -visit the Devadâsis, on the contrary that there was nothing to fear -from those attached to the Pagoda of the place. Even if we admit the -truth of this narrative for more modern times too, still the conclusion -that _Schaufus_ draws from it, that in Hindostan every Pagoda is a -brothel, is surely somewhat hasty.—Some other legends of the origin of -the Lingam ritual in India are given in _Meiner’s_ “Allgem. kritische -Geschichte der Religionen,” (Universal Critical History of Religions), -Vol. I. P. 254. - -[71] _Anquetil_, Voyage, p. 139., “Le Lingam, c’est à-dire, les parties -naturelles de l’homme réunies à celles de la femme,” (The Lingam, that -is to say, the natural parts of the man joined to those of the woman). -Comp. _Roger_, “Neu eröffnetes Indisches Heidenthum,” (Paganism of -India newly Revealed). Nürnberg 1863. 8vo., II. 2. - -[72] “De Morbi Venerei Curatione in India usitata,” (On the Mode of -Curing the Venereal Disease practised in the East Indies). Copenhagen -1795. Comp. _Tode_, Med. Journal Vol. II. Pt. 2. Unfortunately we have -been able to obtain a sight neither of _Klein’s_ Treatise nor of _Tode_. - -[73] _Strabo_, Geogr. pp. 1027, 1037. μηδὲ γὰρ νόσους εἶναι πολλὰς -διὰ τὴν λιτότητα τῆς διαίτης καὶ τὴν ἀοινίαν. (nor yet are their -diseases many, owing to their plainness of living and abstinence from -wine). Comp. _Ctesias_, Indic. 15. _Lucian_, Macrob. ch. 4. _Diodorus -Siculus_, Bk. II. ch. 40. _Pliny_, Histor. Nat. Bk. XVII. ch. 2. - -[74] _Sprengel’s_ “Neue Beiträge zur Völkerkunde,” (New Contributions -to Ethnology), Bk. VII. p. 76. - -[75] In this connection may be cited the view which _Clement of -Alexandria_, Ad Gentes p. 10., expresses as to the origin of Aphrodité: -Ἡ μὲν ἀφρογενής τε καὶ κυπρογενὴς, ἡ Κινύρᾳ φίλη, τὴν Ἀφροδίτην λέγω, -_τὴν φιλομηδέα, ὅτι μηδέων ἐξεφαάνθη_, μηδέων ἐκείνων τῶν ἀποκεκομμένων -Οὐρανοῦ, τῶν λάγνων, τῶν μετὰ τὴν τομὴν τὸ κῦμα βεβιασμένων· ὡς ἀσελγῶν -ὑμῖν μορίων ἄξιος Ἀφροδίτη γίνεται καρπὸς ἐν ταῖς τελεταῖς. (Now the -foam-sprung, Cyprus-born goddess, the patroness of Cinyras, Aphrodité -I mean, _she that loves the parts of a man, because from them she -sprung_, to wit those parts that were lopped off from Uranus, those -lewd parts which after their severance violated the sea-wave. Of such -foul components is Aphrodité the worthy child in the mysteries). - -[76] _Minutoli_, “Reise zum Tempel des Jupiter Ammon,” (Journey to the -Temple of Jupiter Ammon), p. 121.—_Münter_, “Religion der Babylonier,” -(Religion of the Babylonians), p. 130. - -[77] Bk. II. ch. 48. “Description de l’Egypte” II. p. -411.—_Wyttenbach_, on Plutarch, Isid. p. 186. - -[78] Histories bk. II. ch. 64. Καὶ τὸ μὴ μίσγεσθαι γυναιξὶ ἐν ἱροῖσι, -μηδὲ ἀλούτους ἀπὸ γυναικῶν ἐς ἱρὰ ἐσιέναι, οὗτοί εἰσι οἱ πρῶτοι -θρησκεύσαντες· οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλοι σχεδὸν πάντες ἄνθρωποι, πλὴν Αἰγυπτίων -καὶ Ἑλλήνων, μίσγονται ἐν ἱροῖσι· καὶ ἀπὸ γυναικῶν ἀνιστάμενοι, ἄλουτοι -ἐσέρχονται ἐς ἱρόν. (And the practice of not having intercourse with -women in temples, and not going into temples unwashed after such -intercourse, these practices they were the first to observe as a matter -of religion; for almost all the rest of mankind, except Egyptians and -Greeks, have sexual intercourse in temples). Comp. also _Clement of -Alexandria_, Stromat. Bk. I. p. 361. - -[79] Geogr. Bk. XVII, ch. 46. Τῷ δὲ Διΐ, ὃν μάλιστα τιμῶσιν, -εὐειδεστάτη καὶ γένους λαμπροτάτου παρθένος ἱερᾶται, ἃς καλοῦσι οἱ -Ἕλληνες Παλλάδας· αὕτη δὲ καὶ παλλακεύει, καὶ σύνεστιν οἷς βούλεται, -μέχρις ἂν ἡ φυσικὴ γένηται τοῦ σώματος κάθαρσις· μετὰ δὲ τὴν κάθαρσιν -δίδοται πρὸς ἄνδρας. (And to Zeus, whom they reverence most, a maiden, -most beautiful and of highest lineage, is consecrated, and these -priestesses the Greeks call Pallades. And she acts as a courtesan, and -lies with whom she pleases, until the natural purging (menstruation) of -the body begins. And after this she is given in marriage). So here we -find brought into connection with the Zeus of the Egyptians the same -practice we observed amongst Asiatics in the Venus cult. - -[80] According to _Herodotus_, bk. II. 51., the Greeks borrowed the -Phallic ritual under the form of the Hermae (pillars of Hermes) -from the Pelasgians, by which name according to _Böttiger_, -“Kunstmythologie,” (Mythology of Art), p. 213, Phoenicians should -be understood. Comp. _Cicero_, De Nat. Deorum bk. III. ch. 22., and -_Creuzer’s_ note on the passage. - -[81] “Mythologiae, sive Explicationis Fabularum Libri X,” (Mythology, -or the Explanation of Legendary Tales, in X Books). Frankfort 1588. -8vo. pp. 498. The Author borrowed this legend according to p. 487 -from _Perimander_, “De Sacrificiorum Ritibus apud Varias Gentes,” (On -the Rites of Sacrifice amongst Various Nations), bk. II. But it is -also found in the _Scholiast_ to _Aristophanes_, Acharn. l. 242: ὁ -Ξανθίας τὸν φαλλὸν.—περὶ δὲ αὐτοῦ τοῦ φαλλοῦ τοιαῦτα λέγεται. Πήγασος -ἐκ τῶν Ἐλευθήρων λαβὼν τοῦ Διονύσου τὰ ἀγάλματα ἧκεν εἰς τὴν Ἀττικήν· -οἱ δὲ Ἀττικοὶ οὐκ ἐδέξαντο μετὰ τιμῆς τὸν θεόν· ἀλλ’ οὐκ ἀμισθί γε -αὐτοῖς ταῦτα βουλευσαμένοις ἀπέβη. μηνίσαντος γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ, _νόσος -κατέσκηψεν εἰς τὰ αἰδοῖα τῶν ἀνδρῶν_, καὶ τὸ δεινὸν ἀνήκεστον ἦν, ὡς δὲ -ἀπεῖπον πρὸς τὴν νόσον κρείττω γενομένην πάσης μαγγανείας καὶ τέχνης, -ἀπεστάλησαν θεωροὶ μετὰ σπουδῆς· οἱ δὲ ἐπανελθόντες ἔφασαν ἴασιν εἶναι -μόνην ταύτην, εἰ διὰ πάσης τιμῆς ἄγοιεν τὸν θεόν· πεισθέντες οὖν τοῖς -ἠγγελμένοις οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, φαλλοὺς ἰδίᾳ τε καὶ δημοσίᾳ κατεσκεύασαν, -καὶ τούτοις ἐγέραιρον τὸν θεόν, ὑπόμνημα ποιούμενοι πάθους. (Xanthias -mentions _the Phallus_.—Now about the Phallus itself the following -story is told. Pegasus removed the statues of Dionysus at Eleutherae -from there, and came to Athens with them. However the Athenians did -not receive the god with due honour. But for this ill counsel they by -no means got off scot-free; for the god was wroth, and a disease fell -upon the private parts of the men. The plague was incurable; and after -they had tried in vain every device of magic art and physician’s skill -against the disease that only grew the more, envoys were despatched -with all speed to the oracle. So these went up, and brought back the -reply that the only remedy was this, that they should bring in the -god in procession with all possible honour. Therefore the Athenians, -submitting themselves to what was reported as the will of heaven, -made phalli—private and public, and presented them to the god as a -complimentary gift, thus commemorating the affliction). A different -explanation from this is given by the _Scholiast_ to _Lucian_, “De Syra -dea,” (Of the Syrian goddess), ch. 16., where the Phallus service is -brought in a measure into connection with Paederastia. - -[82] Comp. _Pausanias_, Descriptio Graeciae bk. I. ch. 2. - -[83] I. ch. p. 528.; perhaps following _Posidonius_, “De heroibus et -daemonibus,” (Of heroes and demigods)? comp. p. 391. But _Servius_ -on Virgil, Georgics IV. 111., also has this legend. _Suidas_, under -the word πρίαπος. _Scioppius_, who likewise relates it in his edition -of the Priapeia, adds: fuit autem morbus ille quem hodie _Gallicum -vocamus_, (but it was the disease which _we nowadays call the French -disease_—Siphylis). - -[84] _Diodorus Siculus_, Bk. IV. ch. 4., says of Bacchus: He had a -tender body and was extremely effeminate; his beauty distinguished -him above all others, and his temper was strongly inclined to -voluptuousness. On his progresses he used to take with him a crowd of -women, etc. _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag. Bk. II. ch. 2., Ὀργῶσι -γοῦν ἀναιδέστερον ἀναξέοντες οἴνου, καὶ οἰδοῦσι μαστοί τε καὶ μόρια, -προκηρύσσοντες ἤδη πορνείας εἰκόνα. (So they revel shamelessly being -full of wine, and breasts and members swell, showing forth already an -image of harlotry). Sufficiently noteworthy is the following passage -from _Augustine_, De Civit. Dei bk. VI. ch. 4., Liberum a liberamento -appellatum volunt, quod mares a coeundo per eius beneficium emissis -seminibus liberentur; hoc idem in feminis agere _Liberam_ quam etiam -Venerem putant, quod et ipsas perhibeant semina emittere et ob hoc -Libero eamdem virilis corporis partem in templo poni, femineam Liberae. -(The name of Liber (Bacchus) they derive from _liberamentum_, the act -of freeing, because males in the act of coition are freed by his aid -when the seed is emitted; the same function they consider Libera, who -is identified with Venus, to perform for women, because they say that -women also emit seed, and that for this reason that same part of the -male body is consecrated to Liber in his temple, and the corresponding -female part to Libera). - -[85] Juno was not merely the Patron goddess of the birth-hour, but -also of fornication. Comp. _Dousa_, Praecidan. pro Tibullo, ch. -18.—Politian, Miscell. ch. 89. Hence also “filles de joies” used to -swear by Juno, as we see from Tibullus, Bk. III. Eleg. 4., - - Esto perque suos fallax iuravit ocellos, - Junonemque suam, perque suam Venerem, - -(Be it so, she said, and the deceiver sware it by her own eyes, and by -Juno and by Venus, her patron goddesses). Bk. IV. Eleg. 18., - - Haec per sancta tuae Junonis nomina iuro, - Quae sola ante alios est mihi magna Deos. - -(This by the holy divinity of Juno, thy goddess, I swear, who alone -before other deities is great in my eyes); and also from _Petronius_, -who (Satir. ch. 25.) makes a “fille de joie” declare: Junonem meam -iratam habeam, si unquam meminerim virginem fuisse (Juno my patron -goddess be wroth with me, if ever I remember to have been a maid). -According to _Lucian_, De Syra Dea ch. 16., Bacchus dedicated to Juno -noverca (stepmother) divers Phalli. - -[86] The Greeks used to make little figures of men with big -genitals of wood, which they called Νευρόσπαστα (figures moved by -strings, puppets). _Lucian_, De Syra Dea ch. 16. _Herodotus_, II. -48. _Diodorus_, I. 88.—_Hesychius_ says: νάνος· ἐπὶ τῶν μικρῶν· ὡς -νάνον καὶ αἰδοῖον ἔχοντα μέγα· οἱ γοῦν νάνοι μεγάλα ἔχουσιν αἰδοῖα, -(_dwarf_: applied to the undersized; dwarf, but having large private -parts. Dwarfs _do_ have large private parts). Which reminds us of the -unhappy “cretins” with monstrous generative organs, who are notoriously -passionate Onanists (Masturbators) also. - -[87] “_Priapeia_, sive diversorum poetarum in Priapum lusus, illustrati -commentariis Casp. Scioppii, Franci; L. Apuleji Madaurensis Ἀνεχόμενος -ab eodem illustratus. Heraclii imperatoris, Sophoclis Sophistae, -C. Antonii, Q. Sorani et Cleopatrae reginae epistolae de prodigiosa -Cleopatrae reginae libidine. Huic editioni accedunt Jos. Scaligeri -in Priapeia Commentarii ac Friderici Linden-Bruch. Patavii 1664. 8. -pag. 45. carmen XXXVII,” (_Priapeia_, or Verses of Various Poets to -Priapus, illustrated by commentaries of Caspar Scioppius, a Frenchman; -also Lucius Apuleius, of Madaura, his Ἀνεχόμενος, illustrated by the -same Scholar. Letters of the Emperor Heraclius, Sophocles the Sophist, -Caius Ausonius, Quintus Soranus and Queen Cleopatra, concerning the -extravagant and wanton voluptuousness of the said Queen. To this -edition are appended the Commentaries of Joseph Scaliger and of -Fridericus Linden-Bruch to the Priapeia. Padua 1664. 8vo., p. 45. Ode -XXXVII). - -[88] Similarly we read in the distich _Antipater_, Antholog. Graec. bk. -II. Tit. 5. No. 3.: - - _Ἑστηκὸς_ τὸ Κίμωνος ἰδὼν _πέος_, εἶφ’ ὁ Πρίηπος, - Οἴμοι, ὑπὸ θνητοῦ λείπομαι ἀθάνατος. - -(When Priapus saw Cimon’s penis standing stiff, he said, “Woe’s me!” I -am thrown in the shade by a mortal, immortal though I be). - -[89] In the Codex Coburgensis the Priapeia begin with the following -words: P. Virgilii Maronis Mantuani poetae clarissimi Priapi carmen -incipit feliciter, (the Song of Priapus by Publius Virgilius Maro, of -Mantua, the renowned poet, begins happily). Comp. _Bruckhusius_ Notes -to Tibullus bk. IV. Eleg. 14. At any rate the majority of the poems -belong to the golden age of Roman literature. For readers of the old -poets it may perhaps not be out of place here to remark that _Priapus_ -as _Cultor Hortorum_ (Patron of Gardens) is not unfrequently mentioned -with an equivocal meaning, if indeed he has not come into the garden -entirely through misunderstanding. So we read in Priapeia, Ode 4., - - Quod metis hortus habet, sumas impune licebit; - Si dederis nobis, quod tuus hortus habet, - -(What my garden has thou mayest take at will, if only thou give to us -what thine possesses) and in the “Anechomenos” of _Apuleius_. - - Thyrsumque pangant hortulo in Cupidinis, - -(Let them plant the thyrsus (Bacchic staff) in the garden-plat of -Cupid). Similarly _Lucretius_, Bk. IV. 1100., says, ut muliebria -conserat arva, (to sow the woman’s seed-fields), and _Virgil_, Georgics -III. 136., speaks of, genitali arvo, (the seed-field of generation). -Possibly in this direction may be found a better interpretation of -the, irriguo nihil est elutius horto, (There is nought more insipid -than a new-watered garden), of _Horace_, Satires Bk. II. 4. 16. The -Greeks used in the same way their word κῆπος (garden), e. g. _Diogenes -Laertius_, II. 12, and _Hesychius_ explains it by τὸ ἐφήβιον γυναικεῖον -(the female organ of puberty). Similarly in _Aristophanes_ καλὸν -ἔχουσα τὸ πεδίον, (having the plain beautiful). The Koran also says, -Thy Wife is thy field! - -[90] “Apologie pour Herodote,” (Defence of Herodotus), II., 253. - -[91] _Strabo_, bk. XIII. 588. - -[92] _Lucian_, De Dea Syra, § 28., relates that at Hieropolis there was -a Phallus 180 or 1800 feet in size. - -[93] _Creuzer_, Symbolik, Bk. II. p. 85.—_de Wette_, Archäologie, § 233 -k.—_Wiener_, Biblisches Realwörterbuch. 2nd. ed. Leipzig 1833., Vol. I. -p. 139. Article, _Baal_; and p. 260. Article, _Chamos_. - -[94] Numbers, Ch. 23. v. 28. Deuteronomy, Ch. 4, v. 46. - -[95] _Jonathan_, on Numbers Ch. 25. v. I. Might one draw attention to -the old Greek πέος (the penis), which is found in _Aristophanes_ and -_Antipater_,—p. 72. Note 2. loco citato? The adjective πεοίδης (πεώδης) -is given in _Eustathius_ according to _Schneider_, in the sense: with -thick, swollen member; and _Rodigin_, Lect. Antiq. Bk. VIII. ch. 6. p. -377, says: Postremo qui ex intemperanti Veneris usu pereunt, dicuntur -_Peolae_, media producta, quia Peos signet pudendum, sive veretrum, -(Lastly those who are undone by excessive indulgence in Love are called -_Peolae_, with the middle vowel long, because _Peos_ means the private, -or privy, member. Possibly the old form was πέορ, just as sometimes -πόϊρ stands for πάϊς in the Laconian dialect. Moreover _Penis_ might -surely more readily be derived from πέος than from what is commonly -given as its derivation, _pendendo_ (because it hangs), in as much as -the parts of the body are named from the condition of their activity, -not of their rest. Thus Baal-_Peor_ would be “Lord of the Penis”! ἄναξ -Πρίηπος (King Priapus). - -[96] _Lintschotten_, “Orientalische Reisen,” (Eastern Travels), Pt I. -ch. 33.—_Beyer_ on _Seldens_, Syntagm. de Diis Syris, p. 235. perhaps -the Greeks called the penis also κτείς on this account,—κτεὶς from -κτέω, I cleave! - -[97] _Gynaeologie_, Vol. II. p. 337. The worship of the Lingam is -reported among the Druses by _Buckingham_, “Travels among the Arab -Tribes inhabiting the Countries east of Syria and Palestine, etc.” -London 1825. p. 394. On the worship of _Gopalsami_, a god of a similar -character to Priapus worshipped in the neighbourhood of Jagrenat, -and the licentious representations customary at his festival, even -including representations of unnatural lusts, compare _Hamilton_, -“A New Account of the East Indies.” Edinburgh 1727. 8vo. pp. 378 -sqq.—_Moore, C._, “Narrative of the Operations of Capt. Little’s -Detachment, and of the Mahratta Army.” London 1794. 4to., p. 45.—There -were similar representations in several temples of Mexico. _Kircher_, -Oedipus Aegypt., I. sect. 5. p. 422.—_J. de Laet_, “Beschryvinge van -West-Indien,” (Descriptions of the West Indies). Leyden 1630. fol., Bk. -VI. ch. 5. p. 284. - -[98] “Diss. exhibens novum ad historiam luis venereae additamentum,” -(Dissertation containing New Material towards a History of the Venereal -Disease). Jena 1797. 32mo., p. 8. - -[99] The quotations from the Bible are given by Dr. Rosenbaum according -to the German translation of _de Wette_, “Die Heilige Schrift, -übersetzt von Dr. de Wette,” (The Holy Scriptures, translated by Dr. de -Wett, 2nd. edition. Heidelberg 1835. large 8vo. - -[100] “Neither let us commit fornication, as some of them -committed, and fell in one day three and twenty thousand.” _St. Paul_, -1st. Epistle to Corinthians, Ch. 10. v. 8. μέμνησθε γὰρ τὰς τέσσαρας -καὶ εἴκοσι χιλιάδας _δὶα πορνείαν_ ἀπωσμένας, (for remember the -four and twenty thousand that were rejected for fornication). - -[101] Antiquitat. Judaeor. Bk. V. ch. 1. - -[102] Ch. 2. v. 14. Comp. _Areth._ Commentar. in Apocalips. ch. 2. -_Isidor._ Pel. bk. III. ep. 150. _Suidas_ under word προφητεία, -(prophecy). - -[103] “Vita Mosis,” (Life of Moses), Works Vol. II. p. 217. - -[104] Factis per mulierum obscenam libidinem et protervam petulantiam -quae corpora consuescentium stupro debilitarent, animosque impietate -profligarent. ibid. p. 129. (Practices that originating in the foul -lustfulness and provocative wantonness of the women weakened the bodies -of those consorting with them, and leading them into impiety destroyed -their minds). - -[105] Antiquit. Judaic. bk. IV. ch. 6. §§ 6-13. - -[106] Ἀπόλλυνται μὲν οὖν καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς τούτων ἀνδραγαθίας πολλοὶ τῶν -παρανομησάντων, ἐφθάρησαν δὲ πάντες καὶ λοιμῷ, ταύτην ἐνσκήψαντος -αὐτοῖς τοῦ Θεοῦ τὴν νόσον· ὅσοι τε συγγενεῖς ὄντες, κωλύειν δέον, -ἐξώτρυνον αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ ταῦτα, συναδικεῖν τῷ Θεῷ δοκοῦντες, ἀπέθνησκον. - -[107] Yet this would appear to have been no serious loss, for the -disease was quite able indeed to weaken the power of the Jews, but -not to actually destroy it. So Balaam says in _Josephus_ (loco -cit. § 6.): Hebraeorum quidem genus nunquam funditus peribit, nec -bello, nec _peste_, nec inopia terrae fructuum, nec alio casu -inopinato delebitur.—In mala autem nonnulla et calamitates ad breve -tempus incident; a quibus licet deprimi humique affligi videantur, -postea tamen reflorescent, cum eos timere coeperint qui damna illis -intulerant. (The nation of the Hebrews in fact will never utterly -perish, and can be destroyed neither by war, nor _plague_, nor famine -of the fruits of the earth, nor any other unlooked for disaster.—They -will fall however for a brief space into sundry ills and calamities; -whereby they may well seem to be broken down and brought to the earth. -But they will flourish again, when once they have learned to fear the -enemies that brought the disasters upon them). It was in order to bring -about this consummation that Balaam gave his advice just cited. - -[108] In fact Moses gives direct permission to captives to wed. -_Deuteronomy_ 21. vv. 11-13., “... and seest among the captives a -beautiful woman, and thou hast a desire unto her, and wouldest take -her to thee to wife; then thou shalt bring her home to thine house, -... after that thou shalt go in unto her, and be her husband, and -she shall be thy wife.” Comp. besides _Ruth_, Ch. 1. v. 4., Ch. 4. v. -13.—1 _Chronicles_, Ch. 2. v. 17.—1 _Kings_, Ch. 3. v. 1., Ch. 14. v. -21. Only after the exile was matrimonial connection with foreigners -forbidden. _Ezra_, Ch. 9. v. 2., Ch. 10. v. 3. _Nehemiah_, Ch. 13. v. -23. _Josephus_, Antiq. Jud., XI. 8. 2., XII. 4. 6., XVIII. 9. 5. - -[109] Vita Mosis, (Life of Moses), Bk. I., Works Vol. II. p. 130. - -[110] Ch. 5. v. 5., “... but all the people that were born in the -wilderness by the way as they came forth out of Egypt, they had not -circumcised.”. - -[111] _J. Laurentius_, “De adulteriis et meretricibus -Tractatus,” (Treatise on Adultery and Courtesans), in _Gronovius’_ -Thesaurus Antiq. Graecor. Vol. VIII. pp. 1403-16.—_G. Franck de -Franckenau_, “Disp. qua lupanaria sub verbo Hurenhäuser ex principiis -quoque medicis improbantur,” (Disputation wherein Brothels (under -the name “Hurenhäuser”—brothels) are condemned on medical as well -as other grounds), Heidelberg 1674. 4to., in the author’s Satirae -Medicae, (Medical Satires), pp. 528-549.—_J. A. Freudenberg_ (C. G. -Flittner) “Ueber Staats- und Privatbordelle, Kuppelei und Concubinat, -in moralisch-politischer Hinsicht, nebst einem Anhange über die -Organisirung der Bordelle der alten und neuen Zeiten,” (On Public and -Private Brothels, Procuration and Concubinage, in their moral and -political Aspects; together with an Appendix on the Organization of -Brothels in Ancient and Modern Times), Berlin 1796. 8vo. We have not -been in a position to make use of this book. - -[112] _Michaelis_, “Mosaisches Recht,” (Mosaic Law), Pt. V. p. 304. -From 1 Kings Ch. 3. v. 16. it might indeed be gathered that such -establishments were in existence; but strictly speaking the passage -proves only that two women of this character dwelt in a particular -house. Comp. _Philo_, De special. legg. (Works ed. Mangey, Vol. II. p. -308.). The _maidens’ chambers_ that according to 2 Kings, Ch. 17. v. -30. were set up in the precincts of the Temple at Jerusalem were cells -with figures of Astarté, in which the Jewish maidens offered themselves -to the goddess, and so in fact though not in name brothels. - -[113] _Proverbs_, Ch. 7. vv. 6-27. Compare _Genesis_, Ch. 38. v. -14.—_Ezekiel_, Ch. 25. - -[114] _Leviticus_, Ch. 19. v. 19.—_Deuteronomy_, Ch. 23. v. 17.; this -latter passage _Beer_ (loco citato) would fain utilise to free the -Jews from the suspicion of having disseminated the Venereal disease -in the XVth. Century. _Spencer_, “De Legibus Hebraeorum ritualibus,” -(On the ritual laws of the Jews), p. 563., however showed at once that -the prohibition strictly speaking only went so far as to forbid that -harlotry should be practised for the honour of God, as among other -Asiatic peoples; and explains the first passage in this sense, that -the Jews must not, _as had happened_, dedicate their daughters to the -service of Mylitta. - -[115] _Richter_, XVI. 1.—1 _Kings_, Ch. 3. 16.—_Proverbs_, Ch. 2. -16., Ch. 5. 3., Ch. 7. 10., Ch. 23. 27.—_Amos_, Ch. 2. 7., Ch. 7. -17.—_Baruch_, Ch. 6. 43. Comp. _Grotius_, “Ad Matthaei Evangelium,” -(Commentary on St. Matthew), V. 3. 4.—_Hartmann_, “Die Hebräerin am -Putztisch und als Braut,” (The Hebrew woman at the Toilette table and -as Bride), Amsterdam 1809. Pt. II. pp. 493 sqq. - -[116] Deipnosoph., bk. XIII. p. 598. v. 65. - -[117] _Philo_, De special. legg., Works ed. Mangeyn, Vol. II. p. 301. -_Clement of Alexandria_, Stromat. III. quotes from _Xanthus_: μίγνυντο -δὲ, φήσιν, οἱ Μάγοι μητράσι, καὶ θυγατράσι, καὶ ἀδελφαῖς μίγνυσθαι -θεμιτὸν εἶναι, (Now the Magi, he says, used to have intercourse -with mothers, and held it lawful to do so with daughters and with -sisters). Comp. the same author’s Recognit., bk. IX. ch. 20.—_Sextus -Empiricus_, Pyrrh. hypot. bk. III. 24.—_Origen_, Contra Celsum, bk. -V. p. 248.—_Jerome_, Contra Jovian. bk. II.—_Cyril_, Adv. Julian. bk. -IV.—_Sophocles_, Oedipus Tyrannus 1375 and 452. - -[118] _Euripides,_ Andromaché, 174. - -τοιοῦτονῦτον πᾶν τὸ βάρβαρον γένος, πατήρ τε θυγατρὶ, παῖς τε μητρὶ, -μίγνυται. - -(Such is the habit of the whole barbarian race,—father has intercourse -with daughter, and son with mother). - -[119] _Osann_, “De caelibum apud veteres populos conditione,” (On the -Status of Bachelors among the Ancient Peoples), Commentat. I. Giessen -1827. 4to. - -[120] _Demosthenes_, Orat. in Neaeram, edit. Wolf, p. 534., τὰς μὲν γὰρ -ἑταίρας ἡδονῆς ἕνεκ’ ἔχομεν, τὰς δὲ παλλακὰς τῆς καθ’ ἡμέραν θεραπείας -τοῦ σώματος, τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας τοῦ παιδοποιεῖσθαι γνησίως καὶ τῶν ἔνδον -φύλακα πιστὴν ἔχειν. (for hetaerae—lady-companions—we keep for our -pleasure, but concubines for the daily service of the person, and wives -for the procreation of lawful children and to have a trusty guardian -of household matters). The same sentence is quoted from Demosthenes -by _Athenaeus_, Deipnos., bk. XIII. ch. 31., but with the difference -that he says παλλακὰς τῆς καθ’ ἡμέραν παλλακείας (concubines for daily -concubinage). Comp. _Plutarch_, Praecept. Coniugal., ch. 16. 29. It is -true this purely moral view, as it was originally, of marriage, came in -times subsequent to just the flourishing period of Greece to contrast -so sharply with the rest of the Greeks, full and imaginative as it was, -that it appears an exceedingly homely bit of prose, and one is led away -to pass a not exactly favourable judgement as to the position of Greek -married women and their level of culture. But is this quite fair? - -[121] _Aristotle_, Politics bk. IV. ch. 16., Viri autem cum alia muliere -aut aliorum concubitus omnino indecorus et inhonestus habeatur, cum sit -apelleturque maritus. Quod si quid tale tempore procreandis liberis -praescriptio quispiam facere manifesto deprehendatur, ignominia scelere -digna notetur. (But as to the connexion of a man with a woman who is -not his wife or of a woman with a man who is not her husband, while -such intercourse in whatever form or under whatever circumstances must -be considered absolutely discreditable to one who bears the title of -husband or wife, so especially any one who is detected in such action -during the time reserved for the procreation of children should be -punished with such civil degradation as is suitable to the magnitude of -his crime).—_Seneca_, Controvers. bk. IV. Preface, says: Impudicitia in -ingenuo crimen est, in servo necessitas, (Immodesty in a free-man is a -vice, in a slave a necessity). - -[122] _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. bk. XIII. p. 374. - -[123] In the time of _Xenarchus_ immorality with married women was -particularly universal. _Athenaeus_, XIII. p. 569. - -[124] _Athenaeus_, Deipnosoph. bk. XIII. p. 569., καὶ Φιλήμων δ’ ἐν -Ἀδελφοῖς προιστορῶν, ὅτι πρῶτος Σόλων, διὰ τὴν τῶν νέων ἀκμὴν, ἔστησεν -ἐπὶ οἰκημάτων γύναια πριάμενος· καθὰ καὶ Νίκανδρος ὁ Κολοφώνιος ἱστορεῖ -ἐν τρίτῳ Κολοφωνιακῶν, φάσκων αὐτὸν καὶ Πανδήμου Ἀφροδίτης ἱερὸν πρῶτον -ἱδρύσασθαι ἀφ’ ὧν ἠργυρίσαντο αἱ προστᾶσαι τῶν οἰκημάτων· ἄλλ’ ὅ γε -Φιλήμων οὕτως φησί· - - Σὺ δ’ εἰς ἅπαντας εὗρες ἀνθρώπους, Σόλων, - σὲ γὰρ λέγουσιν τοῦτ’ ἰδεῖν πρῶτον [βροτῶν]. - δημοτικὸν, ὦ Ζεῦ, πρᾶγμα καὶ σωτήριον· - μεστὴν ὁρῶντα τὴν πόλιν νεωτέρων, - _τούτους τ’ ἔχοντας τὴν αναγκαίαν φύσιν, - ἁμαρτάνοντας τ’ εἰς ὃ μὴ προσῆκον ἦν, - στῆσαι πριάμενον τότε γυναῖκας κατὰ τόπους - κοινὰς ἅπασι καὶ κατεσκευασμένας_. - Ἐστᾶσι γυμναί· μὴ ’ξαπατηθῇς· πάνθ’ ὅρα· - — — — — ἡ θύρα ’στ’ ἀνεῳγμένη. - εἷς ὀβολός· εἰσπήδησον· οὐκ ἔστ’ οὐδὲ εἷς - ἀκκισμὸς, οὐδὲ λῆρος, οὐδ’ ὑφήρπασεν. - ἀλλ’ εὐθὺς ὡς βούλει σὺ χὣν βούλει τρόπον. - Ἐξῆλθες; οἰμώζειν λέγ’, ἀλλοτρία ’στί σοι. - -(So too Philemon in his play the “Adelphi” relates that it was Solon -who first on account of the vigorous desires of the young men bought -and established public women in brothels. The same is related by -Nicander of Colophon in the Third book of his Colophoniaca, who says -that he (Solon) was the first to found a temple of the Pandemian -Aphrodité, built from the gains of the women in charge of brothels. -_Philemon_ writes as follows] “Well hast thou deserved of all men, -Solon; for thou they say wert first to invent a thing both popular, by -Zeus, and salutary. Seeing the city crowded full of young men, _and -these possessed of the natural appetites of manhood, and consequently -offending in quarters unmeet, bought women and established them -in certain places to be common to all and put there for that very -purpose_. There they are, standing all but naked; don’t be cheated; -examine everything.... The door is open. One obol; in you go. There’s -not an atom of coyness, no coquetry, no stealing off; but right away as -you please and how you please. You have left the house? tell the girl -go hang! she’s nothing to you.”) - -_Alexander ab Alexandro_, Genial. Dier., bk. IV. ch. 1. Solon vero -ut ab adulteriis cohiberetur inventus, _coëmptas_ meretriculas Athenis -prostituit primus, obviasque in venerem esse voluit, ne matronarum -contagio polluerentur. (But Solon, in order that young men might be -kept from adulterous connexions, was the first to _buy_ women and set -them up as harlots at Athens; and wished all to resort to them for the -gratification of love, that they might not be polluted by intrigue with -matrons). Comp. _Meursius_, “Solon, sive de eius vita, legibus, dictis -atque scriptis,” (Solon—his Life, Laws, Words and Works). Copenhagen -1732. 4to., p. 98. - -[125] _Onomast._, bk. IX. ch. 5. 34., Τὰ δὲ περὶ τοὺς λιμένας μέρη, -δεῖγμα, χῶμα, ἐμπόριον· — τοῦ δ’ ἐμπορίου μέρη, καπηλεῖα, καὶ πορνεῖα, -ἃ καὶ οἰκήματα ἄν τις εἴποι. (And the parts of the city near the -harbour, market, mole, exchange;—and parts of the exchange, inns -and brothels or “houses” as one might say). _Meursius_, Peiraeeus, -last chapter—From this low-lying situation of the brothels comes the -expression ἐπ’ οἰκήματος καθῆσθαι (to live _down_ in a “house”, e. -g. in _Plato_, Charmides 163 c.—_C. Ernesti_ on _Xenophon_, Memorab. -Socrat., II. 2. 4. - -[126] s. v. _Κεραμεικός_· τόπος Ἀθήνῃ ἐστιν, ἔνθα αἱ πόρναι -προεστήκεσαν· εἰσὶ δὲ δύο Κεραμεικοὶ, ὁ μὲν ἔξω τείχους, ὁ δὲ ἐντός. -(Under the word “Ceramicus”: this is a place at Athens, where the -Prostitutes plied their trade. There are two Ceramici, the Ceramicus -without, and the Ceramicus within, the walls). Comp. _Meursius_, -Graecia feriata (Holiday Greece), p. 186. - -[127] _Pollux_, Onomast. bk. IV. ch. 5. 48., Καὶ ταῦτα δὲ, εἰ καὶ -αἰσχίω, μέρη _πόλεως_, ἀσωτεῖα, πεττεῖα, κυβεῖα, κυβευτήρια, σκιραφεῖα, -_ματρυλεῖα_, _ἀγωγεῖα_, προαγωγεῖα. (And these also are parts of the -city, though somewhat disreputable ones, the profligates’ quarter, the -gamesters’ quarter, the dicers’ quarter, the quarter of dicing-houses, -of gaming-houses, of bawdy houses and of pimps’ establishments). - -[128] _Philostratus_, Epist., 23., πάντα με αἵρει τὰ σὰ, τὸ καπηλεῖον -ὡς Ἀφροδίσιον. (Everything about you draws me, like the tavern, home of -love). - -[129] In the better times of Athens this never occurred. The women -were kept far too closely shut up; and their moral behaviour was -subject to the supervision of the γυναικονόμοι (Commissioners for the -oversight of Women). _Meursius_, Lect. Attic. II. 5.—_Reiske_, Index -Graec. in Demosthen. p. 66. A regulation which existed even among the -self-indulgent Sybarites. _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. bk. XII. p. 521. Later -it was poverty especially that drove free Greek women to take up the -calling of prostitute. _Demosthenes_, In Neaeram p. 533., παντελῶς -ἤδη ἡ μὲν τῶν πορνῶν ἐργασία ἥξει εἰς τὰς τῶν πολιτίδων θυγατέρας δι’ -ἀπορίαν, ὅσαι ἂν μὴ δύνωνται ἐκδοθῆναι. (Completely after a while will -the trade of prostitutes come to be the occupation of the daughters of -our fellow-citizenesses through poverty, that will force all to it who -cannot get a dower). - -[130] _Lysias_, Orat. I. in Theomnestum. - -[131] _Suidas_, _διάγραμμα_· τὸ μίσθωμα· διέγραφον δὲ οἱ ἀγορανόμοι, -ὅσον ἔδει λαμβάνειν τὴν ἑταίραν ἑκάστην—_μίσθωμα_· ὁ μισθὸς ὁ -ἑταιρικὸς. (“Scale”: the fee; for the Market-Commissioners fixed the -scale, how much each hetaera was to receive.—“fee”: the pay of a -hetaera). - -[132] _Hesychius_, s. v. τριαντοπόρνη· λαμβάνουσα τριᾶντα, ὅ ἐστι λεπτὰ -ἓν εἴκοσι. (under the word τριαντοπόρνη: girl who receives a trias, -which is twenty one lepta). - -[133] _Suidas_, s. v. χαλκιδῖτις. παρὰ Ἰωσήπῳ ἡ πόρνη, ἀπὸ τῆς -εὐτελείας τοῦ διδομένου νομίσματος. (under the word χαλκιδῖτις: -in Josephus = prostitute, from the smallness of the coin -given.—_Eustathius_, on Homer, II. bk. XXIII., p. 1329., Od. bk. X., p. -777. - -[134] _Aristophanes_, Thesmoph. 1207., δώσεις οὖν δραχμήν. (you will -give a drachma then). - -[135] _Pollux_, Onomast. IX. 59., οὔ φησιν εἶναι τῶν ἑταιρῶν τὰς μέσας -_Στατηριαίας_. (he denies that of the hetaerae the middling ones were -_the Stater-girls_). - -[136] _Athenaeus_, XII. p. 547., states it of the Peripatetic -philosopher _Lycon_: καὶ πόσον ἑκάστη τῶν ἑταιρουσῶν ἐπράττετο μίσθωμα, -(and how much pay each of the hetaerae-girls charged). - -[137] _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. bk. XIII. chs. 44, 45. - -[138] _Horace_, Epist. I. 17. 36.—_Aulus Gellius_, Noct. Attic. bk. I. -ch. 8. Comp. above p. 63. note 1. - -[139] _Aeschines_, Orat. in Timarch. p. 134. ed. Reisk., Ἀποθαυμάζει -γὰρ, εἰ μὴ πάντες μέμνησθ’, _ὅτι καθ’ ἕκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν ἡ βουλὴ πωλεῖ -τὸ πορνικὸν τέλος_· καὶ τοὺς πριαμένους τὸ τέλος τοῦτο οὐκ εἰκάζειν, -ἀλλ’ ἀκριβῶς εἰδέναι τοὺς ταύτῃ χρωμένους τῇ ἐργασίᾳ· ὁπότε οὖν δὴ -τετόλμηκα ἀντιγράψασθαι, πεπορνευμένῳ Τιμάρχῳ μὴ ἐξεῖναι δημηγορεῖν, -ἀπαιτεῖν φησὶ τὴν πρᾶξιν αὐτὴν οὐκ αἰτίαν κατηγόρου, ἀλλὰ μαρτυρίαν -_τελώνου_ τοῦ παρὰ Τιμάρχου _τοῦτο ἐκλέξαντος τὸ τέλος_· ἀλλὰ τοὺς -τόπους ἐπερωτήσει ὅπου ἐκαθέζετο, καὶ τοὺς τελώνας, εἰ πώποτε παρ’ -αὐτοῦ _πορνικὸν τέλος_ εἰλήφασιν. (He expresses extreme surprise, -though possibly you don’t all remember, at the fact that _every -year the senate sells the lease of the prostitution-tax_; and that -the purchasers do not conjecture, but know precisely, those who -practise this calling. So when I have the audacity to counter-plead, -that Timarchus as having exercised the trade of prostitution is not -competent to address the people, he does not deny the fact charged -against his client by the accuser, but says, ‘I demand the evidence of -any _tax-collector who collected this tax_ from Timarchus.’ ... but he -will cross-examine as to the localities where he was established in the -business, and will question the collectors as to whether they have ever -levied prostitution-tax upon him). - -This passage shows at the same time in the clearest way that -_Schneider_ is wrong, when in his Lexicon he explains πορνοτελώνης, -occurring in _Pollux_. Onomast. VII. 202., IX. 29., as meaning a -privileged or licenced whore-master, paying a duty to the magistrates -on his trade. Besides, anything like a sanitary police supervision -on the part of the Agoranomi at this period is of course out of the -question. For the word ἀσφαλῶς (safely) in the fragment of _Eubulus_, -(Athenaeus bk. XIII. p. 568), where it is said of the brothel-girls: - - παρ’ ὧν βεβαίως _ἀσφαλῶς_ τ’ ἔξεστί σοι - μικροῦ πριάσθαι κέρματος τὴν ἡδονήν - -(from whom surely and _safely_ you may buy your pleasure for a small -coin), admits of an easy explanation, if we consider that these common -women are contrasted here not with the hetaerae but with the free women -of the city, illicit intercourse with whom was always dangerous for -the voluptuary, being punished as rape or adultery. The most telling -proof is afforded by the passage of _Diogenes Laertius_, bk. VI. ch. -4., where he says: “When _Antisthenes_ saw a man accused of adultery, -he said to him, Unhappy man, what serious risk you might have avoided -for an obol! (ὦ δυστυχὴς, πηλίκον κίνδυνον ὀβολοῦ διαφυγεῖν εδύνασο). -Also the passage of _Xenarchus_, (Athenaeus, bk. XIII. p. 569.), is -pertinent, where it is said, καὶ τῶν δ’ ἑκάστην ἐστὶν ἀδεῶς, εὐτελῶς, -(and of the women each can be enjoyed without fear, cheaply). Hence too -the verses of _Menander_ (Lucian, Amor. 33.) should read, - - καὶ φαρμακεῖαι, καὶ νόσων χαλεπωτάτη - φθόνος, μεθ’ οὗ ζῇ πάντα τὸν βίον γυνὴ - -(and medicines, and hardest of diseases—envy, wherewith a woman dwells -all her life long) and not, as the received text has it, - - καὶ φαρμακεῖα, καὶ νόσοι· χαλεπώτατος - φθόνος. - -(and medicine, and disease; hardest is envy). - -[140] Comp. above p. 70. note 2. _Harpocration_, Lexicon X. -rhetor.—_Eustathius_, Comment. on Homer’s Iliad XIX. 282., p. 1185., -Quod auro gaudeat Venus, de qua est in fabula, ille quoque manifestum -facit, qui tradit: Solonem Veneris vulgaris templum dedicasse e -mulierum quaestu, quas coemtas prostituerat in cellis, in adolescentum -gratiam, (That Venus, of whom is question in the tale, rejoices in -gold, is manifest from the historian who relates, how Solon dedicated a -temple of the Common (Pandemian) Venus from the gains of the women that -he had bought and established in chambers as prostitutes, to gratify -the young men). Comp. _Boeckh_, Corp. Inscript. I. p. 470. - -[141] How clean and neat they were can be gathered from the fact that a -certain Phanostrata got the _sobriquet_ of Phtheiropyle (doorlouser), -ἐπειδήπερ ἐπὶ τῆς θύρας ἑστῶσα ἐφθειρίζετο, (because she used to stand -at the door and pick the lice off her). - -[142] _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. bk. XIII. ch. 37. Comp. _Palmerius_, -Exercitat. p. 523. - -[143] _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. bk. XIII. ch. 27.—_Suidas_, s. v. -χαμαιτύπη· ἡ πόρνη, ἀπὸ τοῦ χαμαὶ κειμένη ὀχεύεσθαι, (under the word -χαμαιτύπη: harlot, from her copulating lying on the ground). - -[144] Here they reckoned “Money for house-room”, ἐνοίκιον for -στεγανόμιον (Pollux, Onomast. I. 75.), the same in fact as the _pretium -mansionis_ (price of house-room) of the Romans in their inns. Comp. -_Casaubon_, on Athenaeus I. ch. 14. - -[145] _Bergler_, on Alciphron VI. p. 25. - -[146] _Zell_, “Ferienschriften,” (Holiday Papers), First Series. -Freiburg 1826. No. 1., “Die Wirthshäuser der Alten,” (Inns of the -Ancients), pp. 3-53. - -[147] _Athenaeus_, Deipnosoph. bk. XIII. p. 567., Σὺ δὲ ὦ Σοφιστὰ, -ἐν τοῖς καπηλείοις συναναφύρῃ οὐ μετὰ ἑταίρων, ἀλλὰ μετὰ ἑταιρῶν, -_μαστροπευούσας_ περὶ ταυτὸν οὐκ ὀλίγας ἔχων. (But you, Sophist, wallow -in the inns not with companions but with female-companions (hetaerae), -keeping a host of women _pandaring_ for your pleasure). - -[148] Lysistrat. 467. - -[149] _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. bk. XIII. p. 567. - -[150] Areopagit. p. 350. ed. Wolf.—_Athenaeus_, Deipnos. bk. XIII. p. -567., ἐν καπηλείῳ δὲ φαγεῖν ἢ πινεῖν οὐδεὶς οὐδ’ ἂν οἰκέτης ἐτόλμησεν. -(But no one, not even a servant, would have dared to eat or drink in an -inn). - -[151] This can best be seen from the Speech of _Demosthenes_, In -Neaeram. ed. H. Wolf. Bâle 1572. fol., p. 519., where we read as -follows in the Latin translation: Iam peregrinam esse Neaeram, id -vobis ab ipso primordio demonstrabo. Septem puellas ab ipsa infantia -emit Nicareta, Charisii Elei liberta, Hippiae coqui eius uxor, gnara -et perita perspiciendae venustae parvulorum naturae et eos sollerter -educandi instituendique scia, ut quae artem eam exerceret, atque ex ea -re victum collegisset, filiarum autem eas nomine compellavit, ut quam -maximas ab iis, qui earum consuetudinem, tanquam ingenuarum appetebant, -mercedes exigeret, posteaquam autem florem aetatis earum magno cum -quaestu prostituit: uno, ut dicam, fasce, corpora etiam earum, cum -septem essent, vendidit: Antiae, Stratolae, Aristoclae, Metanirae, -Philae, Isthmiadis et Neaerae. Quam igitur unusquisque earum emerit, -et ut ab iis qui eos a Nicareta emerant, libertate donatae sint. (That -Neaera was a foreigner by birth, I will make it my first business to -prove. Seven girls were bought in earliest childhood by Nicareta, -freed-woman of Charisius of Elis, wife of his cook Nicias,—a knowing -woman, astute at noting the promise of beauty in children and skilful -in their clever upbringing and instruction, as might be expected of -one who practised that art as a profession and had made her living -thereby. Her daughters however she called them, that she might demand -the greater fees from such as sought to enjoy their favours, as being -free-born maidens. Then when they had reached the flower of their -age, she prostituted them with great profit to herself, selling their -persons, seven as they were, in one bundle, so to express it,—whose -names were Antia, Stratole, Aristoclea, Metanira, Phile, Isthmias, and -Neaera. Thus each of them found a purchaser, and on such conditions -that they were presented with their freedom by the lovers who had -bought them from Nicareta). - -[152] Comp. the list, compiled chiefly from Athenaeus, of the most -renowned hetaerae in _Musonius Philosophus_, “De luxu Graecorum” ch. -XII. in _Gronovius’_ Thesaurus Antiq. Graecor. vol. VIII. pp. 2516 sqq. - -[153] _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. bk. XIII. p. 577. μεταβάλλουσαι γὰρ -τοιαῦται εἰς τὸ σῶφρον, τῶν ἐπὶ τούτῳ σεμνυνομένων εἰσὶ βελτίους. (For -women of this class when they change and adopt an honest life, are of -better character than those who pride themselves on this account). - -[154] _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. bk. XIII. p. 569., Καὶ Ἀσπασία δὲ ἡ -Σωκρατικὴ ἐνεπορεύετο πλήθη καλῶν γυναικῶν καὶ ἐπλήθυνεν ἀπὸ τῶν ταύτης -ἑταιρίδων ἡ Ἑλλὰς. (And Aspasia too, the preceptress of Socrates, used -to import multitudes of handsome women, and Greece was filled with her -hetaerae). Even the King of the Sidonians, _Strato_, had his wants -supplied from there. _Athenaeus_, bk. XII. P. 531. - -[155] _Hesychius_, s. v. _πέζας μοίχους_· οὕτως ἐκάλουν τὰς -μισθαρνούσας ἑταίρας χωρὶς ὀργάνου. (under the expression πέζας -μοίχους,—common, prose fornicators: this was the name given to hetaerae -who were prostitutes without playing any instrument). Comp. _Photius_, -Lexicon, under same word.—_Procopius_ Anecdot. p. 41.—_Cuperi_ Observat. -I. 16. p. 116.—_Casaubon_, on Sueton. Nero. ch. 27. - -[156] _Athenaeus_, Deipnos., bk. XIII. p. 582. - -[157] Chares took flute-players, singing-girls and πέζαι ἑταίραι with -him, according to _Athenaeus_, Deipnos., bk. XII. p. 532. - -[158] _Athenaeus_, Deipnos., bk. XIII. p. 573. When Darius was marching -to take the field against Alexander, he had 350 παλλακὰς (concubines) -in his train (_Athenaeus_, XIII. p. 557.), of whom 329 understood -music. (ibid. p. 608). - -[159] “Vermischte Schriften,” (Miscellaneous Writings), Vol. IV. pp. -311 sqq. - -[160] _Athenaeus_, Deipnos., bk. XII. p. 533. Θεμιστοκλῆς δ’, οὔπω -Ἀθηναίων μεθυσκομένων, _οὐδ’ ἑταίραις χρωμένων_, ἐκφανῶς τέθριππον -ζεύξας ἑταιρίδων κ. τ. λ. (But Themistocles, at a period when Athenians -were not yet in the habit of getting drunk, _nor frequenting harlots_, -openly put in harness a four-horse team of hetaerae, etc.). - -[161] _Athenaeus_, Deipnos., bk. XII. p. 532. - -[162] Comp. Bernhardy, “Grundiss der Griechischen Literatur,” (First -Sketch of Greek Literature), Pt. I. p. 40. - -[163] Hetaerae were bound by law to wear gay, party-coloured clothes, -_Suidas_, s. v. ἑταιρῶν ἄνθινον. Νόμος Ἀθήνησι, τὰς ἑταίρας ἄνθινα -φέρειν· (under the expression ἑταιρῶν ἄνθινον—flowered robe of -hetaerae: it was a law at Athens that the hetaerae must wear flowered -robes); at Locri Zaleucus prescribed the same costume, _Suidas_, s. -v. Ζάλευκος (under the word Zaleucus); it was also law among the -Syracusans, _Athenaeus_, Deipnos., bk. XII. ch. 4. Comp. _Petit_, -“Legg. Attic.,” (Laws of Athens), p. 476. The same is stated of the -Lacedaemonians by _Clemens Alexandrinus_, Paedog., bk. II. ch. 10. -Comp. _Wesseling_, on Diodorus Sic., IV. 4.—_Sidon. Apoll._, Epist., -XX. 3. _Iamblichus_, De Vita Pythagor., ch. 31.—_A. Borremans_. Var. -Lect., ch. 10. p. 94.—_Artemidorus_, Oneirocrit., bk. II. ch. 3. - -[164] _Aulus Gellius_, Noct. Attic., bk. I. ch. 6. - -[165] _Aulus Gellius_, Noct. Attic., bk. X. ch. 23. - -[166] _Livy_, Hist. I. 4., II. 18. - -[167] _Cicero_, Orat. pro Coelio, ch. 20., Si quis est, qui etiam -meretriciis amoribus interdictum iuventuti putet, est ille quidem valde -severus, negare non possum: sed _abhorret non modo ab huius seculi -licentia, verum etiam a maiorum consuetudine atque concessis. Quando -enim factum non est? quando reprehensum, quando non permissum?_ (If any -is found to think that young men should be forbidden to indulge simple -intrigues with harlots, I can only say he is an exceedingly stern -moralist, I cannot deny he is right in the abstract. _But his view is -opposed not merely to the free habits of the present age, but also to -the usage and permitted licence of our fathers? When, I ask, has this -not been done? when rebuked, when not allowed?_ - -_Horace_, Sat., bk. I. 2. vv. 31-35., - - Quidam notus homo, cum exiret fornice: Macte - Virtute esto, inquit sententia dia Catonis. - Nam simul ac venas inflavit tetra libido, - Huc iuvenes _aequum_ est descendere; non alienas - Permolere uxores. - -(When a certain well-known citizen came out of a brothel, “Bravo! go -on and prosper!” was the word of Cato, great and wise. For when fierce -desire has swollen the veins, _right_ it is that young men should -resort hither, and not grind their neighbours’ wives),—a passage that -involuntarily reminds us of the fragment of _Philemon_ quoted above. - -[168] They had indiscriminate intercourse with the women, who did not -hold it disgraceful to appear half-naked (γυμναὶ) and to practise both -among themselves and in common with the men gymnastic exercises, and -this in the presence of spectators, even in that of young men. These -were actually enjoined to practise copulation, and to have the whole -body polished and freed from hair by professional male artistes). -_Athenaeus_, Deipnos., bk. XII. pp. 517, 518. - -[169] The law was in the first instance made only with a view to the -future, in order to ensure the state a sufficiently large number of -citizens; _Sozomenes_, Histor. Eccles., I. 9., Vetus lex fuit apud -Romanos, quae vetabat coelibes ab anno aetatis quinto et vigesimo -pari iure essent cum maritis.—Tulerant hanc legem veteres Romani, cum -sperarent, futurum hac ratione, ut urbs Roma et reliquae provinciae -imperii Romani hominum multitudine abundarent. (There was an old law -among the Romans, which forbad bachelors after the age of 25 to enjoy -equal political rights with married men.—The old Romans had passed this -law in the hopes that in this way the city of Rome, and the provinces -of the Roman empire as well, might be ensured an abundant population). -For the same reason _Caesar_, after the African War when the city was -much depopulated through the great number of the slain, established -prizes for such citizens as had the most children).—_Dio Cassius_, -Bk. XLIII. 226.—All this availed little. The Censors _Camillus_ and -_Posthumius_ were soon obliged to introduce a tax on celibacy,—the -“old-bachelors’ tax” (Aes uxorium).—_Festus_, p. 161., _L. Valerius -Maximus_, bk. II. ch. 9.—Augustus endeavoured in vain by the Lex -Julia de maritandis ordinibus (Julian Law concerning marriage in the -different classes) to counteract the tendency; till the Lex Papia -Poppaea originating with the Senate (B.C. 9.) was ratified; (_Tacitus_, -Annal. III. 25.—_Dio Cassius_, (LIV. 16., LVI. 10.), though even this -did not long remain in force. Comp. _Lipsius_, Excurs. ad Tacit. Annal. -III. 25.—_Heineccius_, Antiquit. Roman. Jurispr. (Antiquities of Roman -Law), I. 25. 6. p. 209.—_Hugo_, “Geschichte des römischen Rechts,” -(History of Roman Law), I. p. 237., II. p. 861. - -[170] Instit Divin., I. 20. 6., Flora cum magnas opes ex arte -meretricia quaesivisset, populum scripsit haeredem, certamque pecuniam -reliquit, cuius ex annuo foenere suus natalis dies celebraretur -editione Ludorum, quos appelant Floralia. (Flora having acquired great -riches by the harlot’s calling made the people her heir, and left -a certain sum of money, the interest of which was to be applied to -celebrating her birth-day by the exhibition of the games which are -called Floralia.—I. 20. 10., Celebrantur cum omni lascivia. Nam praeter -verborum licentiam, quibus obscoenitas omnis effunditur, exuuntur etiam -vestibus populo flagitante meretrices, quae tunc mimarum funguntur -officio et in conspectu populi, usque ad satietatem impudicorum hominum -cum pudendis motibus detinentur. (They are solemnized with every form -of licentiousness. For over and above the looseness of speech that -pours forth every obscenity, harlots strip themselves of their clothing -at the importunities of the mob, and then act as mimes,—pantomimic -actors,—and in full view of the crowd indulge in indecent posturings, -till their shameless audience is satisfied). It may be noted that -scarcely 40 years after the introduction of the Floralia, P. Scipio -Africanus in his Speech in defence of Tib. Asellus could say: Si -nequitiam defendere vis, licet: sed tu in uno scorto maiorem pecuniam -absumsisti, quam quanti omne instrumentum fundi Sabini in censum -dedicavisti. Ni hoc ita est: qui spondet mille nummum? Sed tu plus -tertia parte pecuniae perdidisti atque absumsisti in flagitiis. (If you -choose to defend your profligacy, well and good! but as a matter of -fact you have wasted on one strumpet more money than the total value, -as you declared it to the Census commissioners, of all the plenishing -of your Sabine farm. If you deny my assertion, I ask who dare wager -a thousand sesterces on its untruth? You have squandered more than -a third of the property you inherited from your father, and thrown -it away in debauchery).—Gellius, Noct. Attic., VII. 11.—As not only -did hetaerae build a temple to Aphrodité, but a similar one was also -erected in their honour at Abydos (_Athenaeus_, XIII. p. 573.), and -Phryné wished to rebuild Thebes at her own cost, on the condition that -an inscription should be set up to the effect, “Alexander destroyed it; -Phryné the hetaera restored it”, there is not the slightest reason for -counting the above story as merely one of the ridiculous inventions -common in the Fathers. - -[171] _Valerius Maximus_, II. 10. 8.—_Seneca_, Epist 97.—_Martial_, -Epigr. I. 1 and 36. - -[172] Read the Speech of Cato in _Livy_, Hist., bk. XXXIV. 4., where -the following passage is found amongst others: Haec ego, quo melior -lactiorque in dies fortuna rei publicae est, imperiumque crescit, et -iam in Graeciam Asiamque transcendimus, omnibus libidinum illecebris -repletas, et regias etiam attrectamus gazas, eo plus horreo, ne illae -magis res nos ceperint, quam nos illas. (All these changes, as day by -day the fortune of the State is higher and more prosperous and her -Empire grows greater, and our conquests extend over Greece and Asia, -lands replete with every allurement of the senses, and we appropriate -treasures that may well be called royal,—all this I dread the more from -my fear that such high fortune may rather master us than we master it). -Scarcely 10 years later the same author says (bk. XXXIX. 6.): Luxuriae -enim peregrinae origo ab exercitu Asiatico invecta in urbem est. (For -the beginnings of foreign luxury were brought into the city by the -Asiatic army). _Juvenal_, Sat. VI. 299.: - - Prima peregrinos obscoena pecunia mores - Intulit et turpi fregerunt secula luxu - Divitiae molles. - -(Foul money it was that first brought in foreign manners; wealth -weakened and broke down the vigour of the age with base luxury). But -pre-eminently applicable are the following words (III. 60 sqq.) of the -same poet: - - Non possum ferre, Quirites! - Graecam urbem, quamvis quota portio faecis Achaeae? - Iam pridem Syrus in Tiberim defluxit Orontes, - Et linguam et mores et cum tibicine chordas - Obliquas, nec non gentilia tympana secum - Vexit et ad Circum iustas prostare puellas. - -(I cannot bear, Quirites, to see Rome a Greek city,—and yet how mere -a fraction of the whole corruption is found in these dregs of Achaea? -Long since has the Syrian Orontes flowed into the Tiber, and brought -along with it the Syrian tongue and manners and cross-stringed harp—and -harper, and exotic timbrels, and girls bidden stand for hire at the -Circus). - -[173] The usual derivation of the word _lupanar_ (brothel) is from -Lupa, the wife of Faustulus (_Livy_, I. 4.); thus _Lactantius_, Divin. -Instit., bk. I. 20 sqq., says, fuit enim Faustuli uxor et, propter -vulgati corporis vilitatem, Lupa inter pastores, id est meretrix, -nuncupata est, unde etiam lupanar dicitur. (For she was the wife of -Faustulus, and because of the easy rate at which her person was held at -the disposal of all, was called among the shepherds Lupa, (she-wolf), -that is harlot, whence also Lupanar—a brothel—is so called). Comp. -_Isidore_, bk. XVIII. etymol. 42. _Jerome_, in Eusebius’ Chronicle. -However it is a fruitless effort to try and connect lupar and lupanar -with lupus, the wolf. If we are not mistaken, the root-word is the -Greek λῦμα, filth, and so, shameless person; from this comes _lupa_, -just as from λῦμαρ was formed _lupar_, the oldest form for lupanar, -which has maintained itself in the adjective _luparius_, and in -_lupariae_ in _Rufus_ and _A. Victor_ as synonyms of lupanar. Indeed -_Lactantius_ speaks of the hetaerae Leaena and Cedrenus as γυναῖκας -λυκαίνας. - -[174] The common derivation of _fornix_ (brothel) is from _furnus_ or -fornax (an oven), or else makes it identical with fornix, an archway. -_Isidore_, bk. X. 110., writes: a _fornicatrix_ is one whose person is -public and common. These women used to lie under archways, and such -places are called _fornices_, whence also _fornicariae_ (whores). -Granted that the women used to resort in numbers to the arches in the -town-walls through which sorties were made (_Livy_, XXXVI. 23., XLIV. -11.), yet several passages in ancient authors prove clearly that the -_fornices_ were _houses_ (especially _Petronius_, Satir. 7., _Martial_ -XI. 62.). The _ancient Glosses_ have:—“fornicaria”: πορνὴ ἀπὸ καμάρας ᾗ -ἵστανται, (a harlot, from the chamber where they take their stand). But -in all probability the brothels took their name from the circumstance -of their being situated in the neighbourhood of the town-wall and its -arches; for which reason the women were also called _Summoenianae_ -(women of the Summoenium,—district under the walls). Martial, XI. 62., -III. 82., I. 35., XII. 32. Or should we say that _fornix_ was formed -from πορνικὸν? - -[175] _Adler_, “Beschreibung der Stadt Rom,” (Description of the City -of Rome), pp. 144 sqq. - -[176] _Martial_, bk. VII. Epigr. 30., bk. X. Epigr. 94. - -[177] _Martial_, bk. II. Epigr. 17. - -[178] Hence Martial’s expression (XII. 18.), clamosa Subura (the -clamorous Subura). - -[179] Horace, Satir. I. 2. 30., Contra alius nullam nisi olenti in -fornice stantem. (On the other hand another man cares for no woman but -such as stand in the foul-smelling brothel).—_Priapeia_, - - Quilibet huc, licebit, intret - Nigra fornicis oblitus favilla. - -(All that please, none will say nay, may enter here, smeared with the -black spot of the brothel).—_Prudentius_, Contra Symmachum, bk. II., -spurcam redolente fornice cellam, (a filthy chamber in the stinking -brothel).—_Seneca_, Controv., I. 2., Redoles adhuc fuliginem fornicis. -(You reek still of the soot of the brothel).—_Juvenal_, Sat VI. 130., -says of the Empress Messalina: - - Obscurisque genis turpis, fumoque lucernae - Foeda lupanaris tulit ad pulvinar odorem. - -(And disfigured and dim-eyed, fouled with the smoke of the lamp, she -bore back the stink of the brothel to the imperial couch). - -[180] _Juvenal_, Sat. VI. 122., 127.—_Petronius_, Sat. 8.—_Lipsius_, -Saturn. I. 14. Hence Cella and Cellae (chambers) are constantly used in -the sense of lupanar (brothel). - -[181] _Martial_, bk. XI. 46., Intrasti quoties inscripta limina -cellae, (As oft as you have crossed the thresholds of a “chamber” -with inscription over). _Seneca_, Controv., bk. I. 2., Deducta es -in lupanar, accepisti locum, pretium constitutum est, _titulus_ -inscriptus est, (You were taken away to a brothel, you received your -stand, your price was fixed, _your name written up_).—Meretrix vocata -es, in communi loco stetisti, _superpositus est cellae tuae titulus_, -venientes recepisti, (You were called a harlot, you took your stand in -a public brothel, _your name-ticket was put up above your chamber_, you -received such as came).—Nomen tuum pedendit in fronte, pretia stupri -accepisti, et manus, quae diis datura erat sacra, capturas tulit, -(Your name hung on your door, you took the price of fornication, and -your hand, that was meant to offer sacred gifts to the gods, held the -fees). This last passage interpreters have wished to understand as if -the name-ticket were fastened on the woman’s forehead; but, not to -mention that in this case _tibi_ would have to be read for _tuum_, -it is a perfectly well known fact that _frons_ (front, forehead) was -used in Latin for the face of a door (_Ovid_, Fasti, I. 135., Omnis -habet geminas, hinc atque hinc, ianua frontes, (Every door has two -faces, inside and out). _Seneca_ says _pependit_ (it hung there), and -afterwards is promoted onto the list of the Leno (Brothel-keeper)! - -[182] This is seen most clearly from the following passage in the “Vita -Apollonii Tyrii”, (Life of Apollonius of Tyre), p. 695., Puella ait, -prosternens se ad pedes eius: miserere, domine, virginitatis meae, -ne prostituas hoc corpus sub tam turpi titulo. Leno vocavit villicum -puellarum et ait, ancilla, quae praesens est et exornetur diligenter et -scribatur et titulus, quicunque Tarsiam deviolaverit, mediam liberam -dabit: postea ad singulos solidos populo patebit. (Says the girl, -throwing herself at his feet: “Sir! have pity on my maidenhood, and do -not prostitute this fair body under so ugly a name.” The Brothel-keeper -(Leno) called the Superintendent (villicus) of the girls and says, -“Let the maid here present be decked out with every care, and a -name-ticket written for her; the man that takes Tarsia’s virginity -shall pay half a “libera” (?), afterwards she shall be at the disposal -of all comers at a “solidus” or “aureus”, gold coin worth 25 denarii, -say 20 shillings—each). So we see even in the name there prevailed a -certain luxury; and a young girl of handsome person would fain have a -handsome-sounding name to match. - -[183] _Petronius_ Satir. 20.—_Barth_, on Claudian, note -1173.—_Martial_, XIV. 148., 152.—_Juvenal_, VI. 194. From this the -women themselves were often called _lodices meretrices_ (blanket -harlots) in contradistinction to the Street-walkers. - -[184] _Martial_, XIV. 39-42. XI. 105.—_Apuleius_, Metam., V. -p. 162.—_Horace_, Satir. II. 7. v. 48.—_Juvenal_, Sat. VI. -131.—Tertullian, Ad Uxor., II. 6., Dei ancilla in laribus alienis—et -procedet de ianua laureata et lucernata, ut de novo consistorio -libidinum publicarum, (The handmaid of God in strange dwellings,—and -she shall go forth from the door that is laurel-decked and lamp-lit, as -it were from a new assembly-hall of public lusts), where the expression -_consistorium libidinum_ (assembly-hall of lusts) for brothel is -noticeable. - -[185] Petronius, Satir. 95., Vos me hercule ne mercedem cellae daretis, -(Ye would not, by heavens, give even the hire of the chamber). The -fee amounted usually to an As. _Petronius_, Satir. 8., Iam pro cella -meretrix assem exegerat, (Already had the harlot demanded the As for -the chamber). _Martial_, I. 104., Constat et asse Venus, (And an As -is the recognised price of Love). II. 53., Si plebeia Venus gemino -tibi vincitur asse, (If you win for yourself a base-born Love for a -couple of Asses). Comp. the inscription in _Gruter_, “Inscript. antiq. -totius orbis Romani”, (Ancient Inscriptions of the whole Roman world). -Amsterdam 1616., No. DCLII. 1.—_Heinsius_ on _Ovid_, Remedium Amoris -407. - -[186] _Seneca_, Controv. I. 2., Nuda in litore stetit ad fastidium -emptoris, omnes partes corporis et inspectae et contrectatae sunt. -Vultis auctionis exitum audire? Vendit pirata, emit leno.—Ita -raptae pepercere piratae, ut lenoni venderetur: sic emit leno, ut -prostituerit. (Naked she stood on the shore at the pleasure of the -purchaser; every part of her body was examined and felt. Would you -hear the result of the sale? The pirate sold, the pandar bought.—For -this the pirates spared their captive, that she might be sold to a -pandar; for this the pandar bought her, that he might employ her as a -prostitute).—_Quintilian_, Declam. III., Leno etiam servis excipitur, -fortasse hac lege captivos vendes, (A pandar too is supplied with -slaves; perhaps in this way you will sell your captives).—Lex § 1. de -in ius vocando: Prostituta contra legem venditionis venditorem habet -patronum, si hac lege venierat, ut, si prostituta esset, fieret libera, -(Law § 1. Of the right of appeal: A female slave prostituted contrary -to the condition of sale has the seller for patron, if she was sold -on this condition, that, should she be prostituted, she should become -free). These sales took place in the Subura. _Martial_, VI. 66. - -[187] _Seneca_, Controv., I. 2., Stetisti cum meretricibus, stetisti -sic ornata ut populo placere posses, _ea veste quam leno dederat_, -(You stood with the harlots, you stood decked out so as to please the -public, wearing the dress that the leno had given you). The dress of -the public women was always gay-coloured and very bold; they had to -wear the male toga (gown). _Cicero_, Philipp. II., Sompsisti virilem -togam, quam statim muliebrem reddidisti. Primo vulgare scortum: -certa flagitii merces, nec ea parva. (You assumed the man’s toga, -which straightway you made a woman’s. First a common strumpet; sure -was the profit of your shame, and not small either.)—_Tibullus_, IV. -10. _Martial_, II. 30. Hence public women were also called _togatae_ -(wearing the toga or man’s gown). _Martial_, VI. 64. _Horace_, Sat I. -2. 63., Quid interest in matrona, ancilla, peccesque togata? (What -difference does it make whether it is with a married woman, or a -serving-maid, or a toga’d harlot (togata), that you offend?) Ibidem -80-83., - - Nec magis huic inter niveos viridesque lapillos - (_Sit licet hoc, Cerinthe, tuum_,) tenerum est femur aut crus - Rectius; atque etiam melius persaepe _togatae est_. - -(Nor amidst all her showy gems and green jewels is her thigh more -soft (though it is your belief, Cerinthus, that it is) or her leg -straighter; nay! very often that of the toga’d harlot is the better -limb). - -It is well-known what trouble _Bentley_ gave himself to explain this -_locus implicatissimus_ (most intricate passage), as he calls it, -because he supposed the common reading to be corrupt and accordingly -altered the text, all to bring out a comparison of Cerinthus’ thigh—a -comparison that never was in Horace’s mind at all. Several years ago in -our Work, “De Sexuali Organismorum Fabrica,” (On the Sexual Fabric of -Organisms), Spec. I., Halle 1832. large 8vo., p. 61., we disentangled -the matter and showed exactly how it stood, proving that the “Sit licet -hoc, Cerinthe, tuum” (Though this be your (opinion), Cerinthus) must -be taken as a parenthesis, consequently that the usual reading is the -right one. But as the book would seem to have come into few hands, and -least of all into those of Philologists, we may be allowed to take this -opportunity of once more developing our view. The comparison is between -the matron and the “togata”, and it is maintained that the matron, -i. e. the noble Roman lady, possesses for all her jewelry neither a -softer thigh nor a straighter leg than the “togata”, the girl of common -stamp; that the latter in fact can often make a better show of both, -even though her leg is as crooked as the matron’s is,—a peculiarity -that _every_ female leg has, because in a woman the knee projects more -forwards. _Aristotle_, Hist. Anim., IV. 11. 6., even in his time notes -this fact: τὸ θῆλυ τῶν ἀῤῥένων καὶ γονυκροτώτερον. (the female is more -knock-kneed also than the male). Comp. same author’s Physiognom., 3. 5. -6. _Adamant._, Physiognom., II. 107. ed. Sylb. _Polemo_, Physiognom., -p. 179. Anatomical investigation moreover proves this most clearly. -But as Cerinthus seems to be ignorant of it, in spite of its being a -well known Act, he lets himself be deluded by the outward magnificence -of attire and distinguished birth, and believes the matron to be the -better built, and it is for this mistake the poet taunts him. Horace in -this passage is merely giving a commentary on v. 63 above. Now compare -what _Plautus_, Mostell., I. 3. 13, makes Scopha say to Philemation, -Non vestem amatores mulieris amant, sed vestis fartum (’Tis not the -dress of a woman that lovers love, but the _lining_ of the dress); -also _Martial_, III. Epigr. 33.; and the folly of _Cerinthus_ is made -quite obvious. The phrase—Sit licet hoc tuum (Though this be yours) -in the sense, “though you look at it this way, take the dazzle of -jewels as the criterion of a woman’s beauty”, surely needs no further -confirmation. - -[188] _Seneca_, Controv., I. 2., Da mihi lenonis rationes; captura -conveniet. (Give me the brothel-keeper’s accounts; the fee will suit). - -[189] _Seneca_, Controv., I. 2., Deducta es in lupanar, accepisti -locum, _pretium constitutum est_. (You were taken to a brothel, you -took your place, your price was fixed). _Ovid_, Amores, I. 10., Stat -meretrix cuivis _certo_ mercabilis aere. (There stands the harlot -that any man can buy for a _fixed_ sum). The fee was called _captura_ -(fee) (compare _Schulting_, on Seneca, loco citato, and _Casaubon_ -on Suetonius, Caligula 40.), _quaestus meretricius_ (harlot’s hire) -(_Cicero_, Philipp. II. 18.) or simply _quaestus_ (hire); _merces_ -(cost) and _pretium stupri_ (price of fornication); _aurum lustrale_ -(brothel, literally _den_, money). The women used to demand its -payment. _Juvenal_, Sat. VI. 125. Excepit blanda intrantes atque aera -poposcit. (Blandly she welcomed her visitors as they entered and asked -for the fee). Hence the expression “basia meretricum poscinummia” -(harlots kisses that ask for money) in _Apuleius_, Met., X. p. 248. -For the rest prices were very various among the brothel-harlots as -they were with the others. Comp. _Martial_, X. 75., IX. 33., III. 54. -The lowest fee was one As or 2 obols (three pence); hence girls of the -sort were called by the Romans also _diobolares meretrices_ (two-obol -harlots) (Festus) or _diobolaria scorta_ (two-obol whores) (_Plautus_, -Poen., I. 2. 58.). Comp. p. 90 above. - -[190] _Plautus_, Trinum., IV. 2. 47., Quae adversum legem accepisti a -plurimis pecuniam. (You who contrary to the regulation accepted money -from a great many men). - -[191] Hence the women were also called _Nonariae_ (Ninth-hour women). -_Persius_, Sat. I. 133. The Scholiast observes on the passage: Nonaria -dicta meretrix, quia apud veteres a nona hora prostabant, ne mane -omissa exercitatione illo irent adolescentes. (A harlot was called -“Nonaria”, because in former times they used to act as prostitutes from -the ninth hour only, for fear the young men should resort thither in -the morning to the neglect of their athletic exercises). - -[192] _Nonius Marcellus_, V. § 8., Inter _meretricem_ et _prostibulum_ -hoc interest: quod meretrix honestioris loci est et quaestus: nam -_meretrices_ a merendo dictae sunt, quod copiam sui tantummodo noctu -facerent: _prostibula_, quod ante stabulum stent quaestus diurni -et nocturni causa. (This is the difference between a _meretrix_ -(harlot) and a _prostibulum_ (common strumpet): a meretrix is of a -more honorable station and calling; for _meretrices_ were so named -a _merendo_ (from earning wages), because they plied their calling -only by night; _prostibula_, because they stand before the _stabulum_ -(stall, “chamber”) for gain both by day and night).—_Plautus_, Cistell. -fragm., Adstat ea in via sola: prostibula sane est. (She stands there -in the way alone: surely she is a _prostibula_—common whore). - -[193] _Plautus_, Poenul., I. 2. 54., - - An te ibi vis inter istas vorsarier - _Prosedas_, pistorum amicas, reliquias alicarias, - Miseras coeno delibutas, servilicolas, sordidas, - Quae tibi olent stabulum, statumque, sellam et sessibulum merum, - Quas adeo haud quisquam tetigit, neque duxit domum? - -(It is your wish to pass your time there amongst those _common -strumpets_, bakers’ mistresses, refuse of the spelt-mill girls, drabs -besmeared with filth, slaves’ darlings, squalid creatures that reek of -their stand and trade, of the chair and bare stool, women that no free -man ever touched or took home?) This serves also to explain the passage -in _Juvenal_, III. 136., Et dubitas alta Chionem deducere sella. (And -you hesitate to hand down Chione from her high seat). - -[194] _Martial_, XI. 45., I. 35. Usually however this appears only to -have been done, when the customer was gratifying unnatural lusts. - -[195] _Plautus_, Asin., IV. 1. 19., In foribus scribat, occupatam esse -se. (Let her write on the door that she is engaged). - -[196] _Martial_, XI. 62., - - Quem cum fenestra vidit a Suburana - Obscoena _nudum_ lena _fornicem_ clausit. - -(When she saw him from a window in the Subura, the foul -brothel-mistress shut the _unoccupied “chamber”_). - -_Juvenal_, VI. 121., - - Intravit calidum veteri centone lupanar, - Et cellam _vacuam_ atque suam. - -(She entered the brothel cosy with its old patch-work quilt, and the -chamber that was _vacant_ and her own.). Messalina had hired, we see, a -special “chamber” of her own, where she acted as a prostitute under the -name of Lycisca. - -[197] Juvenal, VI. 127., - - Mox, lenone suas iam dimittente puellas, - Tristis abit—tamen ultima cellam clausit. - -(Presently when time is up and the brothel-keeper dismisses his girls, -sadly she takes her departure,—but she was the last to shut her -chamber). - -[198] III. 65., et _ad circum_ iussas prostare puellas (and girls -bidden stand for hire _at the Circus_). - -[199] Of Heliogabalus _Lampridius_, (Vita Heliog. ch. 26.) -relates: Omnes de _circo_, de theatro, de stadio—meretrices -collegit. (He collected all the harlots,—from _circus_, theatre and -stadium—race-course). An old poem (_Priapeia_, carm. 26,) says: - - Deliciae populi, _magno_ notissima _circo_ - Quintia. - -(The darling of the people, Quintia, so well known _in the Great -Circus_). Comp. _Buleng._ De Circo ch. 56. Supposing this view to be -correct, we might read in the passage of _Juvenal_, III. 136., as -several Critics do, “alta Chionem deducere _cella_” (to lead Chione -down from her lofty “chamber”). - -[200] Already in _Livy_, II. 18., we read the account: Eo anno Romae, -cum per ludos ab Sabinorum iuventute per lasciviam scorta raperentur, -etc. (That year at Rome, when during the games harlots were carried -off in their wantonness by the youth of the Sabines, etc.) _Plautus_, -Casin. Prolog., 82-86.; this passage is repeatedly cited in this -connection, but really has only a remote bearing on the matter. But -in confirmation _Isidore_, XVIII. 42., says: Idem vero theatrum -idem et prostibulum, eo quod _post ludos exactos meretrices ibi -prosternerentur_. (But theatre and brothel were identical, for _after -the games were over, harlots used to prostitute themselves there_). -Comp. _Buleng._ De Theatro I. 16. and 49. _Lipsius_, Elect., I. 11. -Of course these statements may refer equally well to the Floralia or, -as _Isidore_ lived so much later, to the lascivious representations -of brothel-life of which _Tertullian_ tells us. The latter writes, -De Spectaculis ch. 17., Ipsa etiam prostibula, publicae libidinis -hostiae, in scena proferantur, plus miserae in praesentia feminarum, -quibus solis latebant: perque omnis aetatis, omnis dignitatis ora -transducuntur, locus, stipes, elogium, etiam quibus opus est, -praedicatur. (Nay, the very harlots, victims of the public lust, are -brought forward on the stage, more wretched still in the presence of -women, who alone used to be ignorant of such things; and they are -discussed by the lips of every age and every condition, and place, -origin, merits, even what should never be mentioned, are freely spoken -of). In 1791 in a public theatre in Paris just such things were -represented as _Juvenal_ in his Sixth Satire speaks of as being acted -at Rome. Gynaeology Pt. III. p. 423. That whores were to be found in -the Theatre as well as in the Circus is shown by _Lampridius_, Vita -Heliogab., ch. 32., fertur et una die ad omnes _circi_ et _theatri_ et -_amphitheatri_ et omnium urbis locorum _meretrices_ ingressus. (And -access is given on one day to all the _harlots of circus, theatre -and amphitheatre_ and all the places of the city). Comp. ch. 26., -and _Abram._ on Cicero’s Speech for Milo ch. 24. p. 177. Perhaps at -all these spots “chambers” (cellae) were put up, to which the word -_locorum_ (places) above may very well refer. - -[201] _Horace_, Epist. I. 14. 21., - - Fornix tibi et uncta popina - Incutiunt urbis desiderium, video; et quod - Angulus iste feret piper et thus ocius uva; - Nec vicina subest vinum praebere taberna - Quae possit tibi; nec meretrix tibicina, cuius - Ad strepitum salias terrae gravis. - -(The brothel and greasy cookshop make you long for the city, I can -see; and the fact that this little nook (i.e. Horace’s Sabine farm) -will yield the pepper-plant and thyme sooner than the grape, and -no neighbourly tavern is at hand to give you wine, and no harlot -flute-player to whose din you may thump the floor with your heavy -feet). _Martial_, VII. 60., complains of the great number of such -places. Here and at the money changer’s shops, but especially the -latter, the Procurers were to be found. _Plautus_, Trucul. I. 1. 47., - - Nam nusquam alibi si sunt, circum argentarias - Scorti lenones quasi sedent quotidie. - -(For if they are nowhere else, at any rate round the banks harlots -and pandars sit as it were daily). Comp. _Stockmann_ “De Popinis” (Of -Cookshops). Leipzig 1805. 8vo. - -[202] Codex Theodos. bk. IX. tit. VII. 1. p. 60. edit. Ritter. - -[203] _Horace_, Epodes, XVII. 20., Amata nautis multum et institoribus -(A woman much loved by sailors and traders).—_Petronius_, Satir. -99.—_Juvenal_, Sat. VIII. 173-175. _Seneca_, Controv., I. 3. - -[204] _Columella_, Res Rustica, I. ch. 8., Socors et somniculosum -genus id mancipiorum, otiis, campo, circo, theatris, aleae, popinae, -lupanaribus consuetum, nunquam non easdem ineptias somniat. (That -slothful and sleepy tribe of domestic slaves, habituated to ease, -games, circus, theatres, dice, cookshop, brothels, would ever be -dreaming the same sort of follies). - -[205] _Suetonius_, Claudius, ch. 40., Nero, ch. 27—_Tacitus_, Annal., -XIII. 25. - -[206] _Paulus Diaconus_, XIII. 2., Horum mancipes tempore procedente -pistrina publica latrocinia esse fecerunt: cum enim essent molae -in locis subterraneis constitutae, per singula latera earum domuum -tabernas instituentes, meretrices in eis prostare faciebant, quatenus -per eas plurimos deciperent, alios qui pro pane veniebant, alios qui -pro luxuriae turpitudine ibi festinabant. (The owners of these as time -went on turned the public corn-mills into mischievous frauds. For the -mill-stones being fixed in places underground, they set up stalls on -either side of these chambers and caused harlots to stand for hire in -them, so that by their means they deceived very many,—some that came -for bread, others that hastened thither for the base gratification of -their wantonness). - -[207] _Festus_, p. 7., Alicariae meretrices appellabantur in Campania -solitae ante pistrina alicariorum versari quaestus gratia. (Harlots -were called alicariae (spelt-mill girls) in Campania, being accustomed -to ply for gain in front of the mills of the spelt-millers).—_Plautus_, -Poenul., I. 2. 54., Prosedas, pistorum amicas, reliquias alicarias. -(Common strumpets, bakers’ mistresses, refuse of the spelt-mill girls). - -[208] _Catullus_, LVIII. 1., - - Illa Lesbia, quam Catullus unam - Plusquam se atque suos amavit omnes, - Nunc in quadriviis et angiportis - Glubit magnanimos Remi nepotes. - -(The fair Lesbia, that Catullus loved above all women, more than -himself and all his friends, now at cross-ways and in alleys skins the -high-souled sons of Remus). We see from this that it was partly such -freed-women girls that, past their prime and come down in the world, -no longer visited by rich admirers, had to seek their living on the -streets.—_Plautus_, Cistell., - - Intro ad bonam meretricem; adstat ea in via - Sola; prostibula sane est. - -(I am going in to a “good” harlot; _she_ stands in the road alone,—she -is surely a common whore).—_Plautus_, Sticho: Prostibuli est stantem -stanti suavium dare, (It’s a strumpet’s way to give a kiss standing to -a standing lover); whence it might be concluded that only street-whores -were called “Prostibula”.—_Prudentius_, Peristeph., XIV. 38., - - Sic elocutam publicitus iubet - Flexu in plutea sistere virginem. - -(When she had uttered this public address, he bids the maiden stand at -the turn of the street). - -[209] _Martial_, I. 35., Abscondunt spurcas et monumenta lupas. -(The monuments too hide filthy strumpets). Hence they were called -_bustuariae_ (women that haunt tombs). _Martial_, III. 93., Admittat -inter bustuarias moechas. (Let him admit her among the fornicators of -the tombs). Comp. _Turnebus_, Advers., XIII. 19. - -[210] _Prudentius_, Symmach., I. 107., - - Scortator nimius, multaque libidine suetus - Ruricolas vexare lupas, interque salicta, - Et densas sepes obscoena cubilia inire, - -(An inordinate fornicator, wont to vex the rustic harlots with -multiplied lusts, and amidst the willow-plantations and thickset -hedges to creep into foul lairs); where _Barth_, Advers., X. 2., for -_ruricolas_ (haunting the country, rustic) would read _lustricolas_ -(haunting wild dens),—those who prostituted themselves in wild-beasts’ -dens, desert places. Hence also a brothel is called _lustrum_ (den) -and _cellae lustrales_ (den-like chambers), and harlots’ hire _aurum -lustrale_ (den-money).—_Credenus_, De Romulo et Remo: ὁ τοίνυν πάππος -Ἀμούλιος διὰ τὴν πορνείαν παροξυνθεὶς εἰς τὰς ὕλας αὐτοὺς ἐξέθετο, οὓς -εὑροῦσα γυνὴ πρόβατα νέμουσα ἐν τῷ ὄρει ἀνεθρέψατο. Εἴθιστο δὲ τοῖς -ἐγχωρίοις λυκαίνας τὰς τοιαύτας καλεῖν γυναῖκας διὰ τὸ ἐπίπαν ἐν τοῖς -ὄρεσι μετὰ λύκων διατρίβειν, διὸ καὶ τούτους ὑπὸ λυκαίνης ἀνατραφῆναι -μυθολογεῖται. (So their grandfather Amulius exasperated by his wife’s -adultery took the children into the woods and exposed them there; but -his wife, as she was pasturing sheep, found them, and reared them on -the mountain. Now it was the custom of the inhabitants of those parts -to call women of this kind “she-wolves” (λυκαίνας) on account of their -living entirely on the mountains with the wolves, whence also the tale -is told that these babes were fostered by a she-wolf). - -[211] _Horace_, Sat. I. 2. 1., Ambubaiaram collegium (Society -of—Syrian—Singing-girls).—_Suetonius_, Nero, ch. 27. - -[212] _Plautus_, Cist., I. 1. 39., - - Eunt depressum, quia nos sumus libertinae, - Et ego et mater tua, ambae meretrices sumus. - -(They go about to depreciate us, because we are freed-women, both I and -your mother, we are both courtesans).—_Livy_, XXXIX. 9. - -[213] They were called for this reason _vestita scorta_ (dressed out -whores). _Juvenal_, Satir. III. 135.—_Horace_, Sat. I. 2. 28., - - Sunt qui nolint tetigisse, nisi illas - Quarum subsuta talos tegat _instita_ veste. - -(There are men who will refuse to touch any woman but those whose -frilled tunic has a _flounce_ touching their heels).—Comp. _Burmann_ on -Petronius, pp. 64 and 95.—_Ferrarius_, De re vestiar. (On costume), bk. -III. ch. 23. - -[214] _Horace_, Odes II. 11. 21., Quis _devium scortum_ domo eliciet -Lyden? (Who will entice from her home the _sequestered harlot_ Lydé?). - -[215] Annal., II. 85. In fact mention had been made of Vestilia, member -of a Praetorian family, as being a public prostitute. - -[216] Bk. IV. Epigr. 71. Already in his time _Ovid_ dared to say: casta -est, quam nemo rogavit. (she is chaste—whom no man has solicited). - -[217] Although the goddess Isis was worshipped at Rome as early as -Sulla’s time (_Apuleius_, Metam., XI. p. 817. edit. Oudendorp), she did -not possess a public temple there till the Triumvirate (711 A. A. C.) -_Dio Cassius_, bk. XLVII. 15. p. 501., XLIII. 2. p. 692., LIV. 6. p. -734., XL. 47. p. 252. edit. Fabricius.—_Tertullian_, Apologet., ch. 6. -_Spartian_, Caracalla, 9. _Suetonius_, Domitian, 12. - -[218] _Ovid_, Ars Amandi, I. 27.—_Burmann_ on Propertius, p. 348. -_Josephus_, Antiq. Jud. XVIII. 4. Hence in _Juvenal_, Sat. VI., 488., -Isiacae sacraria lenae (sanctuaries of Isis—the brothel-mistress). - -[219] _Tibullus_, bk. I. carm. 3. 27. - - Nunc dea, nunc succurre mihi; nam _posse mederi, - Picta_ docet _templis multa tabella tuis_. - -(Now goddess, even now help me; for that thou _canst_ heal, many -a painted tablet in thy temples shows). _Gerning_, “Reise durch -Oestreich und Italien” (Journey through Austria and Italy). Vol. II. -pp. 188-199.—_St. Non_, “Voyage pittoresque” (Picturesque Tour), Vol. -II. pp. 170 sqq. Hardly anything is yet known as to the connection of -the worship of Isis with the healing of disease, least of all with -regard to establishments for the sick; for the particulars collected by -_Hundertmarck_ (“De principibus Diis Artis medicae tutelaribus” (Of the -principal Gods that presided over the Medical Art). Leipzig 1735. 4to. -and “Diss. de Artis Medicae incrementis per aegrotorum apud Veteres in -Vias Publica et Templa expositionem” (Treatise on advances in medical -Art due to the practice of the Ancients of exposing the sick in Public -Ways and Temples). Leipzig 1739. 4to.) are quite insufficient. - -[220] _Juvenal_, Sat VI. 121, 131. _Tacitus_, Annal., XI. ch. 37.—_Dio -Cassius_, IX. p. 686. Messalina adulteriis et stupris non contenta -(iam enim etiam in cella quadam in palatio et ipsa sessitabat et alias -prostituebat) maritus simul multos ritu legitimo habere cupivit. -(Messalina not satisfied with adultery and fornication (for already -in a certain chamber within the very palace she was in the habit of -sitting as a prostitute herself and also of making other women do the -same), was eager to have many husbands at once under sanction of the -laws).—_Xiphilinus_, LXXIX. p. 912., Denique in palatio habuit cellam -quandam, in qua libidinem explebat, stabatque nuda semper ante fores -eius, ut scorta solent. (At last she had in the palace a certain -chamber, in which she was wont to satiate her lustfulness, and used to -stand always stripped before its doors, as whores do). _Suetonius_, -Caligula, ch. 41., Ac ne quod non manubiarum genus experiretur, lupanar -in palatio constituit: distinctisque et instructis pro loci dignitate -compluribus cellis, in quibus matronae ingenuique starent. (And that -there might be no species of gain left that she had not tried, she -established a brothel in the palace; and a number of chambers were set -apart and furnished in conformity with the dignity of the locality, and -there matrons and men of birth stood for hire). - -[221] _Ulpian_, Lex ancillarum ff. de haered. petit. (Law as to -female-slaves making claim of heirship). Pensiones, licet a lupanario -praeceptae sint: nam et multorum honestorum virorum praediis lupanaria -exercentur. (Rents, even though they be received from a brothel; for -many honourable men have brothels kept on their estates). - -[222] _Paulus Diaconus_, Hist. miscell., bk. XII. ch. 2., Aliam -rursus abrogavit huiusmodi causam. Si qua mulier in adulterio capta -fuisset, hoc non emendabatur, sed potius ad augmentum peccandi -contradebatur. Includebant eam in angusto prostibulo et admittentes qui -cum ea fornicarentur, hora qua turpitudinem agebant, _tintinnabula_ -percutiebant, ut eo sono illius iniuria fieret manifesta. Haec audiens -Imperator, permanere non est passus, sed ipsa prostibula destrui -iussit. (Again he repealed another regulation of the following nature. -If any should have been detected in adultery, by this plan she was not -in any way, reformed, but rather utterly given over to an increase of -her ill behaviour. They used to shut up the woman in a narrow room, and -admitting any that would commit fornication with her, and at the moment -when they were accomplishing their foul act, to strike _bells_, that -the sound might make known to all the injury she was suffering. The -Emperor hearing this, would suffer it no longer, but ordered the very -rooms to be pulled down). - -[223] De adult. lex X. (On adultery, law X.), Mulier quae evitandae -poenae adulterii gratia lenocinium fecit, aut operas suas scenae -locavit, adulterii accusari damnarique senatus consulto potest. (A -woman who in order to avoid the penalty attached to adultery has -practised procuration, or has sold her services to the stage, can be -accused on the charge of adultery and condemned in virtue of a decree -of the Senate).—_Suetonius_, Tiberius, 35., Feminae famosae, ut ad -evitandas legum poenas iure ac dignitate matronali exsolverentur, -lenocinium profiteri coeperant: quas ne quod refugium in tali fraude -cuiquam esset, exsilio affecit. (Infamous women, in order to be -relieved of the legal status and dignity of matrons and thus escape -the penalties assigned by the laws, began to follow procuration as a -calling. These he exiled, that none might find a way of escape in such -a subterfuge). - -[224] _Tacitus_, Annal., II. 85., Nam Vistilia, praetoria familia -genita, _licentiam stupri apud aediles_ vulgaverat, more inter -veteres recepto, qui satis poenarum adversum impudicas in ipsa -professione flagitii, credebant. (For Vistilia, born of a family of -Praetorian rank, had publicly notified before the aediles a permit for -fornication, according to the usage that prevailed among our fathers, -who supposed that sufficient punishment for unchaste women resided -in the very nature of the calling.) Comp. _Lipsius_, Excurs. O. p. -509.—_Schubert_, De Romanorum aedilibus (On the Roman Aediles), bk. IV. -Königsberg 1828., p. 512. - -[225] _Livy_, bk. X. 31., bk. XXV. 2. - -[226] _Seneca_, De vita beata ch. 7.—The aediles in fact exercised -police supervision over the public welfare, and in particular over -weights and measures and the sale of goods (_Suetonius_, Tiberius, -ch. 34.), games of chance, etc. _Martial_, V. 85. bk. XIV. 1. Comp. -_Schubert_, loco citato, bk. III. ch. 45. - -[227] _Aulus Gellius_, Noct. Attic., bk. IV. 14.;—where an action at -law is cited, in which the aedile Mancinus had wished to force his -way at night into the lodging of Mamilia, a courtesan, who had thrown -stones and chased him away. In the result we read: Tribuni decreverunt -aedilem ex eo loco iure dejectum, quo eum venire cum coronario non -decuisset. (The tribunes gave as their decision that the aedile had -been lawfully driven from that place, as being one that he ought not to -have visited with his officer). This happened, as is seen by comparison -with _Livy_, bk. XL. ch. 35., in the year B. C. 180. - -[228] _Suetonius_, Caligula, ch. 40., Vectigalia nova atque inaudita -... exercuit; ... ex capturis prostitutarum quantum quaeque uno -concubitu mereret. Additumque ad caput legis, ut tenerentur publico et -quae meretricium et qui lenocinium fecissent, nec non et matrimonia -obnoxia essent. (He levied new and hitherto unheard of imposts; ... a -proportion of the fees of prostitutes,—so much as each earned with one -man. A clause was also added to the law, directing that both women who -had practised harlotry and men who had practised procuration should -be rated publicly; furthermore that marriages should be liable to the -rate). - -[229] _Lampridius._ Alexander Severus, ch. 24., Lenonum vectigal -et meretricum et exoletorum in sacrum aerarium inferri vetuit, sed -sumptibus publicis ad instaurationem theatri, circi, amphitheatri et -aerarii deputavit. (He forbad that the tax on harlots and on male -debauchees should be paid into the sacred Treasury of the State, but -allotted it as a public contribution towards the repair of the theatre, -circus, amphitheatre and treasury). Also at Byzantium a similar duty -was paid under the name of χρυσάργυρον (tribute of gold and silver), -which however the Emperor Anastasius abolished, and at the same time -ordered the tax-rolls to be burned. (_Zonaras_, Annal.—_Nicephorus_, -Hist. eccles., bk. XVI. ch. 40.). - -[230] Compare _Ch. G. Gruner_, “Dissertatio de Coitu eiusque variis -formis quatenus medicorum sunt.” (Treatise on Coition and its Different -Forms in their Medical Aspect). Jena 1792. 4 vols. German edition: -“Üeber den Beischlaf” (On Coition). Leipzig 1796. 8 vols. Comp. -Salzburg med. chir. Zeitung. Jahrg. 1796. III. 5.—_Forberg_, p. 118, -loco citato. - -[231] Epistle to Titus, ch. I. v. 5. Πάντα μὲν καθαρὰ τοῖς καθαροῖς· -τοῖς δὲ μιασμένοις ... οὐδὲν καθαρὸν, ἀλλὰ μεμίανται αὐτῶν καὶ ὁ -νοῦς καὶ ἡ συνείδησις. (To the pure all things are pure; but to them -that are defiled ... nothing is pure; but both their mind and their -conscience are defiled.) - -Also _Clement of Alexandria_, one of the Fathers of the Church, who -speaks largely on this special point of Paederastia, says (Paedagog., -Bk. III. ch. 3.) εἰ γὰρ μηδὲν ἄπρακτον ὑπολείπεται, οὐδὲ ἐμοὶ ἄῤῥητον. -(For if nought is left undone by them, neither shall aught be left -untold by me). - -[232] _Antonius Panormites_, “Hermaphroditus”. First German edition, -with explanatory appendices, by Frider. Carol. Forberg. Coburg 1824. -8 parts. The Editor’s Appendices treat (pp. 205-393): De figuris -Veneris (Concerning the modes of Love), and in particular, ch. I. De -fututione (Of Copulation)—pp. 213-234; ch. II. De paedicatione (Of -Sodomy)—pp. 234-277; ch. III. De irrumando (Of vicious practices with -the mouth)—pp. 277-304; ch. IV. De masturbando (Of masturbation)—pp. -304-321; ch. V. De cunnilingis (de eis qui cunnos mulierum lingunt, Of -men who lick women’s private parts)—pp. 322-345; ch. VI. De tribadibus -(Of women who practise vice with one another)—pp. 345-369; ch. VII. De -coitu cum brutis (Of unnatural copulation with animals)—pp. 369-372; -ch. VIII. De spintris (Of pathic Sodomites)—p. 373. All the important -passages in ancient authors are here noted in every case, and given in -the original. - -The following work was unfortunately not procurable by us: _C. -Rambach_, Glossarium Eroticum,—a Commentary to the Poets and -Prose-writers of Classical Antiquity and Supplement to all Lexicons of -the Latin Language. 2nd. edition. Stuttgart 1836. - -[233] Patentiora sunt nobis Italis Hispanisve, quis neget? Veneris -ostia. (With us, Italians or Spaniards, the orifices of Love are more -open,—who can deny the fact?). _Aloysia Sigaea_ Satira sotadica, -p. 305. Compare _Martial_, I, Bk. XI. epigram 22. Less frequently, -and only for later times, may the reason have existed which Martial -specifies in the case of the young wife, _Martial_ Bk. XI. epigr. 78: - - Paedicare semel cupido dabit illa marito, - Dum metuit teli vulnera prima novi. - -(She—the newly-wed wife—will allow her longing husband just _once_ to -lie with her as with a man, while she still dreads the first wounds of -the unfamiliar weapon). Comp. Priapeia, carmen II. - -[234] For this reason the Greeks called the pathic sodomite also -σφιγκτὴρ or σφίγκτης. _Hesychius_: _σφίγκται_ οἱ κίναιδοι καὶ ἁπαλοὶ. -(σφίγκται = sodomites and effeminate men). _Photius_: _σφίγκται_ -Κρατῖνος τοὺς κιναιδώδεις καὶ μαλθάκους. (σφίγκται used by Cratinus = -sodomitish and womanish men). _Strato_ in Antholog. MS.: - - Σφιγκτὴρ οὐκ ἔστιν παρὰ παρθένῳ, οὐδὲ φίλημα - Ἁπλοῦν, οὐ φυσικὴ χρωτὸς εὐπνοΐη. - -(With a virgin there is no sphincter, no frank kiss, no natural -fragrance of the skin). - -_Hesychius_ sub verbo: - - μεγαρικαὶ σφίγγες· - Καλλίας πόρνας τινὰς οὕτως εἴρηκειν. - -(Hesychius (Lexicon) on the phrase μεγαρικαὶ σφίγγες says: Callias -speaks of certain harlots by this title). - -_Suidas_ sub verbo: - - μεγαρικαὶ σφίγγες. - - αἱ πόρναι οὕτως εἴρηνται, - ἴσως δὲ ἐντεῦθεν καὶ σφίγκται οἱ μαλακοὶ - ὠνομάσθησαν· ἢ καὶ ἀπὸ - Μαίας οὕτω λεγομένης ἐν Μεγάροις· - - Ἀλλ’ ἔστιν ἡμῖν Μεγαρική τις μηχανή. - - ἀντὶ τοῦ, πονηρά· διεβάλλοντο - γὰρ ἐπὶ πονηρία οἱ Μεγαρεῖς. - -(Suidas (Lexicon) on the phrase μεγαρικαὶ σφίγγες says: harlots are -so called, and perhaps for the same reason debauched men are entitled -σφίγκται; or else from a saying current in Megara to this effect:—But -we have a certain _Megarian_ trick,—that is a _knavish_ one. For the -Megarians were ill spoken of for their knavishness). - -[235] Epistle to the Romans, ch. I. vv. 24-26, 27. - -[236] _Athanasius_, Oratio contra Gentes, ch. 26. in “Opera Omnia -studio Monachorum Ord. St. Benedicti.” (Complete Works of St. -Athanasius, edit. by the Monks of the Order of St. Benedict). Padua -1777. folio.—Vol. I. p. 1. - -[237] Amores, chs. 20, 21. The hetaera Glycera would seem, according -to _Clearchus’_ report, to have said, καὶ οἱ παῖδες εἰσι καλοὶ, ὅσον -ἐοίκασι γυναικὶ χρόνον. (And boys are beautiful for so long as they -resemble a woman). _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. bk. XIII. p. 605 D. According -to _Hellanicus_, as _Donatus_, on _Terence’s_ Eunuch., I. 2. 87. -notifies, the custom of emasculating boys would seem to have come from -the Babylonians. _Herodotus_, III. 92., says that the Babylonians -were bound to deliver every year as tribute to the Persian king 500 -castrated boys. - -[238] As a matter of curiosity a tale of _Phlegon_, De Rebus -mirabilibus, ch. 26., may find a place here. According to the report of -the physician _Dorotheus_ a Cinaedus (pathic sodomite) at Alexandria -in Egypt bore a child, which was preserved at that place. The text -reads, Δωρόθεος δέ φησιν ὁ ἰατρὸς ἐν Ὑπομνήμασιν, ἐν Ἀλεξανδρείᾳ, -τῇ κατ’ Αἴγυπτον, κίναιδον τεκεῖν· τὸ δὲ βρέφος ταριχευθὲν, χάριν -τοῦ παραδόξου, φυλάττεσθαι. (Now Dorotheus the Physician says in his -Memoirs, that at Alexandria in Egypt a _cinaedus_ brought forth; and -that the babe was mummified and kept as a curiosity). The same thing -is reported in the following chapter of a slave with the Roman army in -Germany under the command of T. Curtilius Mancias. These stories may -possibly borrow some probability from modern investigations as to the -“foetus” within the “foetus”. The expression “to sow seed on barren -rocks” occurs, it may be mentioned, very frequently in connection with -paederastia in the Fathers. - -[239] _Juvenal_, Sat. VI. 366 sqq., - - Sunt quas eunuchi imbelles ac mollia semper - Oscula delectent et desperatio barbae. - _Et quod abortivo non est opus_, illa voluptas - Summa tamen, quod iam calida matura iuventa - Inguina traduntur medicis, iam pectine nigro. - Ergo exspectatos ac iussos crescere primum, - Testiculos, postquam coeperunt esse bilibres, - Tonsoris damno tantum rapit Heliodorus. - -(Women there are to find delight in unwarlike eunuchs and kisses ever -soft and the lack of a beard that can never grow, and this especially -because then there is no need for any abortive. But the pleasure is -greatest when the organs are delivered full-grown to the surgeons, -just in the heat of youth, just when the down of puberty is darkening. -Then when the testicles, long looked for and at first encouraged to -grow, begin to be of double balanced weight, lo! Heliodorus whips them -off,—to the barber’s loss). - -_Martial_, VI. 67., - - Cur tantum Eunuchos habeat tua Gellia, quaeris - Pannice? vult futui Gellia, non parere. - -(Why your Gellia is fain to have eunuchs only, do you ask, Pannicus? -Because she wishes to be f-ck-d, not to be a mother). In longam -securamque libidinem exsectus spado, (A eunuch castrated with a view to -long-continued and _harmless_ lust), says St. Jerome. The information -given by _Galen_ (De usu Partium bk. XIV. 15. edit. Kühn, vol. IV. -p. 571) is notable, to the effect that the athletes at Olympia were -castrated, that their strength might not be wasted by coition. Have -the words “Olimpia agona” (Olimpic—Olympic—games) been in some way -misunderstood in the passage? - -[240] Genesis XIX. 4., Levit., XVIII. 2., XXIX. 13. - -[241] _Welcker_, Aeschylus—Trilogy, p. 356. - -[242] _Athenaeus_, Deipnosoph., p. 602., τοῦ παιδεραστεῖν παρὰ πρώτων -Κρητῶν εἰς τοὺς Ἕλληνας παρελθόντος, ὡς ἱστορεῖ Τίμαιος. (The practice -of paederastia having been introduced among the Greeks first by the -Cretans, as Timaeus relates).—_Heraclitus Ponticus_, fragment, περὶ -πολιτείας III. p. 7.—_Servius_ on Virgil—Aeneid bk. X. 325., de -Cretensibus accepimus, quod in amore puerorum intemperantes fuerunt, -quod postea in Laconas et totam Graeciam translatum est. (Of the -Cretans we have been told that they were excessive in their love of -boys, a practice afterwards imported into Laconia and all parts of -Greece.) Comp. _K. O. Müller_, “Die Dorier”, (The Dorians), Vol. II. -pp. 240 sqq. K. Höck, “Kreta”, (Crete), Vol. III. p. 106. Though in -Crete as in all Dorian States Paedophilia was a universal and official -institution, yet paederastia too was common enough, as is shown by -the censure expressed by _Plato_ (De Legibus bk. I. 636., bk. VII. -836.) and _Plutarch_, (De puerorum educatione ch. 14.).—as also by the -expression Κρῆτα τρόπον (Cretan fashion) given in _Hesychius_; and -probably the word κρητίζειν (to play the Cretan) is to be understood -from this point of view also. _Pfeffinger_, “De Cretum vitiis,” (Of the -Vices of the Cretans). Strasbourg 1701. 4to. From this _Aristotle_ -(Politics II. 7. 5.) may have got the idea that the lawgiver in Crete -introduced paederastia in order to check the increase of population. -_Hesychius_ says at any rate κρῆτα τρόπον, παιδικοῖς χρῆσθαι. (Cretan -fashion, i.e. to indulge in boy-loves). Of the Scythians later on. - -[243] Thus _Plutarch_, Eroticus, ch. 5., Ἡ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ἀῤῥένων ἀκόντων, -μετὰ βίας γενομένη καὶ λεηλασίας, ἂν δὲ ἑκουσίως, σὺν μαλακίᾳ καὶ -θηλύτητι _βαίνεσθαι_ κατὰ Πλάτωνα _νόμῳ τετράποδος καὶ παιδοσπορεῖσθαι -παρὰ φύσιν_ ἐνδιδόντων, χάρις ἄχαρις παντάπασι καὶ ἀσχήμων καὶ -_ἀναφρόδιτος_. (But the pleasure that is won from males against their -will by dint of force or robbery, or if voluntarily, then only because -in their wantonness and effeminacy they consent to men _treading -them_, as Plato puts it, _like a four-footed beast_, and emitting seed -with them unnaturally—this pleasure is a _graceless_ one altogether, -and unseemly and _loveless_). The passage of Plato referred to here -is in the Phaedrus, p. 250 E., ὥστε οὐ σέβεται προσορῶν, ἀλλ’ ἡδονῇ -παραδοὺς _τετράποδος νόμον βαίνειν_ ἐπιχειρεῖ καὶ παιδοσπορεῖν, καὶ -ὕβρει προσομιλῶν οὐ δέδοικεν οὐδ’ αἰσχύνεται παρὰ φύσιν ἡδονὴν διώκων. -(And so he feels no reverence when he looks on him, but giving way to -pleasure endeavours to _tread like a four-footed beast_ and to emit his -seed, and using insolent violence in his intercourse, has no fear and -no shame in pursuing pleasure in an unnatural way). As something παρὰ -φύσιν (contrary to nature) we find paederastia further characterized -in _Athenaeus_, Deipnosoph., bk. XIII. p. 605. _Lucian_, Amores, 19. -_Philo_, De legg. spec., II. p. 306. 17. _Libanius_, Orat., XIX. p. -500. ἡ παράνομος Ἀφροδίτη. (Unlawful Love). _Galen_, De diagnos. et -curat. anim. effect. (On the Diagnosis and Treatment of Diseases of -Animals). edit. Kühn. Vol. V. p. 30. τῆς παρὰ φύσιν αἰσχρουργίας (of -unnatural viciousness). In the _Anthologia Graeca_, bk. II. tit. 5. No. -10. is the distich following by an unknown author: - - Υἱὸς Πατρικίου μάλα κόσμιος, _ὃς διὰ Κύπριν - Οὐχ ὁσίην_ ἑτάρους πάντας _ἀποστρέφεται_. - -(Son of Patricius, a very discreet man, who by _unholy love seduces_ -all his comrades). But above all the passage in _Aeschines_, -Orat. in Timarch. edit. Reiske, p. 146., is to the point in this -connection: ὁρίζομαι δ’ εἶναι, τὸ μὲν ἐρᾶν τῶν καλῶν καὶ σωφρόνων, -φιλανθρώπου, πάθος καὶ εὐγνώμονος ψυχῆς· τὸ δὲ ἀσελγαίνειν ἀργυρίου -τινὰ μισθούμενον, ὑβριστοῦ καὶ ἀπαιδεύτου ἀνδρὸς ἔργον εἶναι ἡγοῦμαι· -καὶ τὸ μὲν ἀδιαφθόρως ἐρᾶσθαι, φημὶ καλὸν εἶναι· τὸ δὲ ἐπαρθέντα -μισθῷ πεπορνεῦσθαι, αἰσχρόν. (Now I make this distinction, that to -love honourable and prudent friends is the passion of an amiable and -reasonable soul; whereas to behave licentiously, hiring anyone for -the purpose, I consider the act of a ruffianly and uncultivated man. -Similarly, to be loved purely, I declare to be a noble thing; but, -induced by pay, to allow oneself to be debauched, a foul thing). Anyone -who has read this passage attentively, together with what follows -in the Speech, cannot possibly any longer confound Paedophilia with -Paederastia, or maintain that the latter was approved by the Greeks. - -[244] _Aelian_, Var. Hist., III. 12.—_Xenophon_, De republ. Lacedaem, -II. 13., Sympos., VIII. 35. _Plato_, De leg., VIII. p. 912. - -[245] _Lucian_, Amores, 41., Μηδὲν ἀχθεσθῇς, εἰ ταῖς Ἀθήναις ἡ Κόρινθος -εἴζει, (Do not be annoyed, if Corinth yields to Athens), on which the -scholiasts add the explanation: ἢ ὡς τῆς Κορίνθου μὲν ἀνακειμένης -Ἀφροδίτῃ (διὸ καὶ πολλὴ ἐν Κορίνθῳ ἡ γυναικεία μίξις) Ἀθηνῶν δὲ -παιδεραστίᾳ κομώντων ἤτοι τῇ κατὰ φιλοσοφίαν καὶ σώφρονι ἢ τῇ τῷ -ὄντι μιαρᾷ καὶ διαβεβλημένῃ. (while Corinth is devoted to Aphrodité -(wherefore in Corinth there is much varied intercourse with women), -Athens prides herself on paederastia, whether a love of boys that is -philosophic and wise, or a love that is veritably vile and despicable). -_Aristophanes_, Plutus, vv. 149-152., - - Καὶ τὰς χ’ ἑταίρας φασὶ τὰς Κορινθίας, - Ὅταν μὲν αὐτάς τις πένης πειρῶν τύχῃ - Οὐδὲ προσέχειν τὸν νοῦν· ἐὰν δὲ πλούσιος, - _Τὸν πρωκτὸν αὐτὰς εὐθὺς ὡς τοῦτον τρέπειν_. - -(And they say that the Corinthian hetaerae, should any poor man chance -to solicit them, pay no attention whatever; but if it be a rich man, at -once they turn their posterior to him). - -[246] Clouds, vv. 973 sqq.—see also F. A. Wolf’s German translation. - -[247] _Lysias_, Contra Pancl., 731., from which passage it would seem -that each “Deme” had its own κουρεῖον (barber’s shop) in the city. -_Demosthenes_, Contra Aristogit., 786, 7. _Theophrastus_, Charact., -VIII. 5. XI. _Plutarch_, Sympos., V. 5. _Aristophanes_, Plut., 339. - -[248] _Aristophanes_, Knights, 1380., where the expression τὰ -μειράκια τἀν τῷ μύρῳ (the striplings, those in the myrrh-market) is -intentionally ambiguous. - -[249] _Aelian_, Var. Hist., VIII. 8. _Aeschines_, In Timarch., § 40. -says that Timarchus resided at the Surgery of Euthydicus, not to learn -medicine, but to sell his person. - -[250] _Theophrastus_, Charact., V. edit. Ast, p. 183. - -[251] _Theophrastus_, Charact., VIII. 4. - -[252] _Xenophon_, Memorab., IV. 2. 1. _Diogenes Laertius_, III. 21. - -[253] _Aeschines_, In Timarch., p. 35., τὰς ἐρημίας καὶ τὸ σκότος ἐν -πλείστῃ ὑποψίᾳ ποιούμενος. (regarding the lonely localities and the -darkness as in the highest degree suspicious). p. 112. p. 90., ἡ πρᾶξις -αὕτη εἴωθε γίγνεσθαι λάθρα καὶ ἐν ἐρημίαις. (this practice is usually -carried on secretly and in lonely places). p. 104, it is said that -Timarchus had more experience περὶ τῆς ἐρημίας ταύτης καὶ τοῦ τόπου ἐν -τῇ Πνυκὶ. (about this lonely spot and the locality of the Pnyx) than of -the Areopagus. Comp. _Plato_, Sympos., p. 217 b. - -[254] _Plato_, Sympos. p. 182. 6. _Xenophon_, Sympos. VIII. -34.—_Cicero_, De Republ., IV. 4., Apud Eleos et Thebanos in amore -ingenuorum libido etiam permissam habet et solutam licentiam. (Among -the Eleans and Thebans, in the love of free men, lust has actually a -permitted and unchecked licence). _Maximus Tyrius_, Diss. XXXIX. p. -467. _Plutarch_, De pueror. educat., ch. 14. The Elean “boy-loving” -was even more notorious than the Boeotian. _Xenophon_, De Republ. -Lacedaem., II. 13. _Maximus Tyrius_, Diss., XXVI. p. 317. - -[255] _Theognis_, Sentent., 39. - -[256] Descript. Graeciae, Bk. I. ch. 43., Μετὰ δὲ τοῦ Διονύσου τὸ ἱερόν -ἐστιν Ἀφροδίτης ναός· ἄγαλμα δὲ ἐλέφαντος Ἀφροδίτῃ πεποιημένον, Πρᾶξις -ἐπίκλησιν· τοῦτ’, ἐστιν ἀρχαιότατον ἐν τῷ ναῷ· - -[257] _Pollux_, Onomast., bk. VII. ch. 33. says: εἰ δὲ χρὴ καὶ τὰς -αἰσχίους _πράξεις_ τέχνας ὀνομάζειν, (if that is we must call the more -disgraceful πράξεις—doings, modes of intercourse—arts); and then cites -the different designations of whores, brothels, etc. - -[258] _Hesychius_ under the word χαλκιδίζειν. _Athenaeus_ Deipnos., bk. -XIII. p. 601 e. _Plutarch_, Amat., 38. 2. - -[259] _Σιφνιάζειν_· ἐπὶ τῶν τὰς χεῖρας προσαγόντων τοῖς ἰσχίοις, ὥσπερ -_λεσβιάζειν_ ἐπὶ τῶν παρανομούντων ἐν τοῖς ἀφροδισίοις· σιφνιάζειν -δὲ καὶ λεσβιάζειν, ἀπὸ τῆς νήσου Σίφνου καὶ τῆς Λέσβου· ὡς καὶ -τὸ _κρητίζειν_ ἀπὸ τῆς Κρήτης· καὶ τὸ Σίφνιος δὲ ἀῤῥαβὼν, ὁμοίως -_σιφνιάζειν γὰρ τὸ ἅπτεσθαι τῆς πυγῆς δακτύλῳ_. Λεσβιάζειν δὲ τὸ τῷ -στόματι παρανομεῖν. _Hesychius_ s. v. Σίφνιοι· ἀκάθαρτοι· ἀπὸ Σίφνου -τῆς νήσου. _Σίφνιος ἀῤῥαβών_· περὶ τῶν Σιφνίων ἄτοπα διεδίδοτο, ὡς τῷ -δακτύλῳ σκιμαλιζόντων· δηλοῖ οὖν τὸν διὰ δακτυλίου αἰδούμενον ἐπὶ τοῦ -κακοσχόλου. (To play the Siphnian: said of those who apply the hands -to the loins; as “to play the Lesbian” of those who act viciously in -carnal pleasures.) Σιφνιάζειν and λεσβιάζειν from the islands Siphnos -and Lesbos; just as the expression κρητίζειν (to play the Cretan) from -Crete. Also the phrase “_Siphnian_ surety”; for in the same way “to -play the Siphnian” means to finger the posterior. But “to play the -Lesbian”; to act viciously with the mouth.—_Hesychius_ under the word -Σίφνιοι: Siphnians, i.e. unclean persons; from the island of Siphnos. -“_Siphnian_ surety”: of the Siphnians abominable tales were told, to -the effect that they poked the posterior with the finger. Signifies -therefore one who acts disgracefully in connection with the anus, -said of the idle voluptuary. Comp. σκιμαλίσαι, σκινδαρεύεσθαι in the -same—Hesychius. - -[260] Comp. _Libanius_, In Florent., p. 430. _Toup_, Opusc. critic., -Leipzig 1780. p. 420. - -[261] _Athenaeus_, Deipnos., bk. XIII. p. 517 f. - -[262] _Dionysius of Halicarnassus_, Exc. p. 2336. _Valerius Maximus_, -Bk. VI. 1. 9. _Suidas_, under Γαΐος Λαιτώριος (Caius Laetorius). - -[263] Bk IX. Epigr. 9. Comp. _Suetonius_, Nero 28, 29. _Dio Cassius_, -LXII. 28., LXIII. 13. _Juvenal_, Satir. I. 62., and especially -_Tacitus_, Annal., Bk. XV. 37.—_Tatian_, Orat. ad Graec., p. 100., -Παιδεραστία μὲν ὑπὸ βαρβάρων διώκεται, προνομίας δὲ ὑπὸ Ῥωμαίων -ἠξίωται, παίδων ἀγέλας, ὥσπερ ἵππων φορβάδων, συναγείρειν αὐτῶν -πειρωμένων. (Paederastia is followed by barbarians generally, but is -held in pre-eminent esteem by Romans, who endeavour to get together -herds of boys, as it were of brood mares). _Justin Martyr_, Apolog., -I. p. 14., Πρῶτον μὲν ὅτι τοὺς πάντας σχεδὸν ὁρῶμεν ἐπὶ πορνείᾳ -προάγοντας, οὐ μόνον τὰς κόρας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄρσενας· καὶ ὃν τρόπον -λέγονται οἱ παλαιοὶ ἀγέλας βοῶν, ἢ αἰγῶν, ἢ προβάτων τρέφειν, ἢ ἵππων -φορβάδων, οὕτω νῦν δὲ παῖδας, εἰς τὸ αἰσχρῶς χρῆσθαι μόνον, καὶ ὁμοίων -θηλειῶν, καὶ ἀνδρογύνων, καὶ ἀῤῥητοποιῶν πλῆθος κατὰ τὸ πᾶν ἔθνος ἐπὶ -τούτου τοῦ ἅγους ἔστηκεν. (First because we behold nearly all men -seducing to fornication not merely girls, but also males. And just -as our fathers are spoken of as keeping herds of oxen, or goats, or -sheep, or of brood mares, so now they keep boys, solely for the purpose -of shameful usage, treating them as females, or men-women, and doing -unspeakable acts. To such a pitch of pollution has the multitude -throughout the whole people come). - -[264] That boys were kept in the brothels at Rome as paramours is seen -from a host of passages in Ancient authors, e. g. _Martial_, bk. XI. -Epigr. 45., - - Intrasti quoties inscriptae limina cellae - _Seu puer_ arrisit, sive puella tibi. - -(As oft as you have crossed the threshold of a “chamber” inscribed with -name on door, whether it were _boy_ that threw you a smile, or girl). -They, as well as women, had to pay the Whore-tax. Comp. above p. 118. -Note 6. - -[265] Bk. III. Epigr. 71. - -[266] _Caelius Aurelianus_, Acut. morb. (Acute Diseases), bk. III. -ch. 18., Aliorum autem medicorum, excepto Themisone, nullus hanc -passionem conscribit, cum non solum raro, verum etiam coacervatim, -saepissime invasisse videatur. Memorat denique Themison, apud Cretam -multos satyriasi interfectos. (But of other physicians none, with the -exception of Themison, describes this complaint, though it appears to -have attacked the population very frequently not only sporadically, but -actually as an epidemic. In fact Themison records that in Crete men -died of Satyriasis). - -[267] “Handbuch der medicin. Klinik” (Manual of Clinical Medicine), -Vol. VII. pp. 88 and 670. - -[268] Bk. VI. Epigr. 37. - -[269] _Martial_, Bk. XI. Epigr. 99. - -[270] _Martial_, XI. 88. - -[271] _Martial_, VI. 49. - -[272] _Martial_, Bk. XII. Epigr. 33. - -[273] _Martial_, Bk. I. Epigr. 66. The old Grammars had the following -lines: - - _Haec ficus_, fici vel ficus, fructus et arbor, - _Hic ficus_, fici, _malus est in podice morbus_. - -(Feminine:—_ficus_, gen. -i and -us, fig and fig-tree; -masculine:—_ficus_, gen. -i, _is an evil disease of the fundament_.) - -[274] Satir. Bk. I. Sat. VIII. 46. - -[275] _Martial_, Bk. VII. Epigram 71. - -[276] There still remains some doubt in our mind as to the meaning of -another Epigram of _Martial’s_, Bk. IV. Epigr. 52. - - Gestari _iunctis_ nisi desinis, Hedyle, _capris_ - Qui modo ficus eras, iam caprificus eris, - -(Unless you cease, Hedylus, to _go with “she-goats” in copulation_, -you who were but now a fig-tree, will presently be a wild fig-tree -(goat-fig)). If _capra_ (she-goat) here has the meaning of _scortum_ -(common strumpet),—and it cannot very well signify anything else,—the -passage is an undoubted proof that such swellings were a consequence of -coition with _common_ prostitutes, and that the latter were ordinarily -affected with them.—In _Petronius_, Sat. ch. 46., it is said of some -one: Ingeniosus est et bono filo etiamsi in nave morbosus est. (He is -of good abilities and good fibre, but he is diseased with swellings on -the fundament.) _Burmann_ notes on this: In nave—id est mariscas habet. -Navis est podex ficosus. Hinc dictum illud Casellii apud Quintilianum, -(De Instit. Orat. VI. 3. 87.) Consultori dicenti, _navem dividere -volo_, respondentis, _perdes_. (_In nave_—that is, he has swellings. -Navis (literally a ship) means a fundament afflicted with swellings. -Hence the _bon mot_ of Casellius, quoted in _Quintilian_. In reply -to a client who said “I wish to cut (divide into shares) my ship” -(navis,—means also diseased fundament), he retorted, “It’ll be fatal!”) - -[277] Bk. VII. Epigr. 34. _Persius_, Satir. I. 33., Hic -aliquis—Rancidulum quiddam balba de nare locutus. (Hereupon some one -spoke something offensive through stuttering nose—in a stuttering nasal -voice). _Sidonius Apollinaris_, Epist. bk. IX., Orationem salebrosas -passam iuncturas per cameram volutatam balbutire. (To stammer out -through the palate’s vault all a-tremble a speech where the periods are -joltingly united). - -[278] _Joannes Jac. Reiske_, and _Joannes Ern. Faber_, “Opuscula -medica ex monumentis Arabum et Ebraeorum,” (Medical Tracts—from Arabic -and Hebrew Writings), edit. _Ch. G. Gruner_. Halle 1776. 8vo., p. -61 Note: Ita tamen miror, ab antiquitatis patronis argumentum inde -allatum non fuisse, quod veterum cinaedi passi fuerint in naribus -et in palato vitium, a quo clare non potuerint eloqui, sed ῥέγχειν, -stertere et rhonchissare debuerint. Cf. diserta sed acris oratio -Dionis Chrysostomi Tarsica prior etc. (Yet I wonder at this, that the -advocates of its antiquity have not drawn an argument from the fact -that among the Ancients the _cinaedi_ suffered from an affection of the -nose and palate, that prevented their speaking distinctly, and made -them ῥέγχειν, snore and snort, Comp. the eloquent, but censorious, -Speech of the Rhetor Dio Chrysostom, First Tarsica, etc.) _Gruner_ in -his Antiq. Morborum (Antiquity of Diseases), p. 77., likewise cited -this reference, but it appears without having personally compared the -passages with precision. - -[279] Speeches, edit. by Joannes Jac. Reiske. 2 Vols. Leipzig 1784 -large 8vo., Vol. II. Speech XXXIII (not XXXII, as given in Reiske and -Gruner), pp. 14 sqq. - -[280] Ἀκολάστοις (intemperate). This word often occurs in the sense -of paederast, especially when the latter is spoken of as pursuing the -vice passionately. Thus _Aeschines_, in Timarch., pp. 63, 183. _Plato_, -Sympos., 186 c. - -[281] Τὸν δέ γε ἄγριον τοῦτον καὶ χαλεπὸν ἦχον. (This rough and harsh -tone of voice). The word ἄγριος (rough, savage) is specially used of -the paederast, _Aristophanes_, Clouds 347., and the Scholiast on the -passage; the same is true of χαλεπὸς (hard, harsh). The Scholiast on -_Aeschines_, In Timarch., p. 731 R., ἀγρίους τοὺς σφόδρα ἐπτοημένους -περὶ τὰ παιδικὰ καὶ χαλεποὺς παιδεραστάς. (rough men that are above -measure agog for boy-loves,—hard paederasts.) All through the Speech -are found a host of allusions to the expressions in common use to -signify paederastia, which may well make the right understanding of it -difficult. - -[282] Τὸ πρᾶγμα (the thing) has the same meaning here as πρᾶξις (doing, -intercourse) in _Aeschines_, In Timarch., pp. 159, 160. _Plato_, -Sympos., 181 b. - -[283] Κινεῖται (is raised, is stirred), from which the word Κίναιδος, -_cinaedus_, is derived. - -[284] On the _digitus medius_ (middle finger) or _infamis_ compare -_Upton_ on Arrian’s Diss. Epictet, II. 2. p. 176.—“_Abhandlung von den -Fingern_, deren Verrichtungen und symbolischen Bedeutung.” (Treatise -on the Fingers, their Gestures and Symbolic Meaning). Leipzig 1756. -pp. 172-221. But in particular _Forberg_, loco citato p. 338. note h.: -Cum digitus medius porrectus, reliquis incurvatis, tentam repraesentet -mentulam cum coleis suis, factum est, ut medium digitum hoc modo -ostenderent (Graeci uno verbo dixerunt σκιμαλίζειν) cinaedis, sive -pelliciendis, sive irridendis. (In as much as the middle finger -stretched out, the other fingers being bent under, represents the -extended penis with its bags (testicles), it came about that the Greeks -used to show the middle finger in this way (the Greeks expressed it by -one word σκιμαλίζειν) to cinaedi, whether to beckon them or by way of -derision.). _Martial_, I. 93., Saepe mihi queritur Celsus.... Tangi -se digito, Mamuriane, tuo. (Often Celsus complains to me that he is -touched by your finger, Mamurianus.) VI. 70., Ostendit digitum, sed -impudicum. (He shows a finger, but an indecent one). Οἱ δὲ Ἀττικοὶ καὶ -τὸν μέσον τῆς χειρὸς δάκτυλον καταπύγωνα ὠνόμαζον. (Now the Attics used -to call the middle finger of the hand the _lewd_ finger.) _Pollux_, -Onomast., II. 4. 184. _Suetonius_, Caligula, ch. 56., Osculandam manum -offerre, formatam commotamque in obscoenum modum. (To offer his hand to -be kissed, put into an obscene shape and moved in an obscene way.) _Th. -Echtermeyer_, “Progr. über Namen und symbol. Bedeut. der Finger bei -den Griechen und Römern.” (Names and Symbolic Meaning of the Fingers -amongst the Greeks and Romans.) Halle 1835. 4to., pp. 41-49., treats -very exhaustively of this subject. - -[285] On account of the resemblance of its harsh, screeching note? -_Reiske_ remarks on this passage: Est autem κερχνίς avis quaedam a -stertendo sic dicta, vel stridore, quem edit similem iis qui stertunt. -(But the κερχνίς,—hawk, is a bird so called from the snoring, or harsh -note it utters, like men who snore). Comp. _Schneider_, Lexicon, under -words κέρχνος and κέρχω (hoarseness, to make hoarse). - -[286] _Horace_, Odes II. 8., - - Ulla si iuris tibi peierati - Poena, Barine, nocuisset unquam, - Dente si nigro fieres, vel uno - Turpior ungui, Crederem. - -(If _any_ punishment for perjured faith had ever hurt you, Barinus, if -you had had but a blackened tooth, or had been disfigured in one single -nail, I would believe). - -[287] Epistle to the Romans, Ch. I. vv. 24, 26, 27. - -[288] Names of noted women are given by _Martial_, bk. XI. Epigr. 95. -Comp. below. p. 118. note 3. - -[289] Rerum Gestarum bk. XIV. ch. 19.—_Petronius_, Satir., ch. 68., -says of a slave: duo tamen vitia habet, quae si non haberet, esset -omnium nummorum: recutitus est et _stertit_. (Yet has he two faults, -lacking which he would be a man above price: he is circumcised and he -snorts.)—Terence, Eunuch., Act V. sc 1. v. 53, Fatuus et insulsus, -bardus, _stertit noctes et dies_. Neque istum metuas ne amet mulier. -(Foolish and silly, a stupid fellow, _he snores all night and all day_. -Have no fear that a woman could love him.) - -[290] Bk. XII. Epigr. 87., - - _Paediconibus os olere_ dicis. - Hoc si sic, ut ais, Fabulle, verum est, - Quid tu credis olere cunnilingis? - -(You say paederasts’ breath smells foul. If what you allege -is true, Fabullus, what sort of a breath think you have -_cunnilingi_?—_cunnilingi_, i. e. illi qui pudenda mulierum lingunt, -men who lick women’s private parts). - -[291] _Lucian_, Philopatr., ch. 20. relates: Ἀνθρωπίσκος δέ τις, -τοὔνομα Χαρίκενος, σεσημμένον γερόντιον, _ῥέγχον τῇ ῥινὶ_, ὑπέβηττε -μύχιον, ἐχρέμπτετο ἐπισεσυρμένον· ὁ δὲ πτύελος κυανώτερος θανάτου· εἶτα -ἤρξατο ἐπιφθέγγεσθαι κατισχνημένον. (But a little man, whose name was -Charicenus, a tiny mouldy old man, _snorting through his nose_, gave -a deep cough and cleared his throat with a long-drawn hawking,—and -his spittle was blacker than death. Then he began to speak in a thin -voice). The same is said of an Egyptian boy in Lucian’s Navigium, ch. -2. _Aulus Gellius_, Noct. Attic., Bk. III. ch. 5., gives the following -story: Plutarchus refert, Arcesilaum philosophum vehementi verbo usum -esse de quodam nimis delicato divite, qui incorruptus tamen et castus -et perinteger dicebatur. Num cum _vocem eius infractam_, capillumque -arte compositum et oculos ludibundos atque illecebrae voluptatisque -plenos videret: _Nihil interest_, inquit _quibus membris cinaedi sitis, -posterioribus an prioribus_. (Plutarch reports a biting phrase made -use of by the philosopher Arcesilaus of a certain rich and over-dainty -man, who yet had the name of being unspoiled and temperate and highly -virtuous. Noting his _broken voice_, and hair artfully arranged, and -rolling eyes full of allurement and wantonness, “It makes no odds,” he -said, “which members ye play the _cinaedus_ with, whether those behind -or those in front.”) Comp. § 16. below. - -[292] Paedagog., bk. III. ch. 4. p. 230. - -[293] _E. G. Bose_, νόσῳ θηλείᾳ· (Discussion of the νόσος θήλεια of -the Scythians). Leipzig 1774. 4to.—_Chr. Heyne_, “De maribus inter -Scythas morbo effeminatis et de Hermaphroditis Floridae.” (On the -transformation of males into females among the Scythians as the result -of disease, and on the Hermaphrodites of Florida). Göttingen 1779., -Vol. I. pp. 28-44.—_E. L. W. Nebel_, “De Morbis Veterum obscuris.” (On -some Obscure Diseases of the Ancients) Sect. I. Giessen 1794. No. I. -pp. 17, 18.—_Graaf_, “Morbus femineus Scytharum.” (Feminine Disease -of the Scythians). Würzburg N. D. 8vo., is cited by _Friedreich_. -p. 33.—_C. W. Stark_, “De νούσῳ θηλείᾳ apud Herodotum Prolusio.” -(Disquisition on the νούσος θήλεια in Herodotus). Jena 1827. 64 pp. -4to.—_J. B. Friedreich_, “Νοῦσος θήλεια”, a Historical fragment in his -“Magazin für Seelenheilkunde” (Magazine of Medical Psychology). Pt. -I. Würzburg 1829., pp. 71-78., and in his “Analekten zur Natur- und -Heilkunde” (Selections in Natural and Medical Science) Würzburg 1831. -4to., pp. 28-33. - -[294] _Herodotus_, Hist. Bk. I. ch. 105. Τοῖσι δὲ τῶν Σκυθέων συλήσασι -τὸ ἱρὸν τὸ ἐν Ἀσκάλωνι, καὶ τοῖσι τούτων αἰεὶ ἐκγὁνοισι, ἐνέσκηψε ἡ -θεὸς _θήλειαν νοῦσον_· ὥστε ἅμα λέγουσί τε οἱ Σκύθαι διὰ τοῦτό σφεας -νοσέειν, καὶ ὁρᾷν παρ’ ἑωυτοῖσι τοὺς ἀπικνεομένους ἐς τὴν Σκυθικὴν -χώρην ὡς διακέαται, τοὺς καλέουσι _Ἐναρέας_ οἱ Σκύθαι.—for translation -see text. - -[295] “Recherches et Dissertations sur Herodote.” (Researches and -Dissertations on Herodotus). Dijon 1746. 4to., pp. 207-212. Ch. XX., -Ce que c’étoit que la maladie des femmes, que la Déesse Venus envoya -aus Scythes. (What was the nature of the “Women’s Disease” which the -goddess Venus sent on the Scythians). - -[296] _Costar_, “Defence des Œuvres de Voiture.” (Defence of the Works -of Voiture), and “Apologie” p. 194. - -[297] _Sprengel_, “Apologie des Hippocrates.” (Defence of Hippocrates). -Leipzig 1792. Pt. II. p. 616. - -[298] _De Girac_, “Réponse à l’Apologie de Voiture par Costar.” (Reply -to Costar’s Apology of Voiture). p. 54. - -[299] _Bayer_, “Memoria Scythica in Commentat. Petropolitan,” (Memoir -on the Scythians,—in St. Petersburg Commentaries). 1732., Vol. III. pp. -377, 8. - -[300] Part. VI. p. 35. - -[301] _Patin_, “Comment. in vetus monument. Ulpiae Marcellin.” -(Commentary on the ancient Monument of Ulpia Marcellina) p. 413. - -[302] _Hensler_, “Geschichte der Lustseuche.” (History of Venereal -Disease). Altona 1783., Vol. I. p. 211. - -[303] _Degen_, Translation of Herodotus (German), Vol. I. p. 81. note. - -[304] _Mercurialis_, Various Readings. Bk. III. d. 64. - -[305] _Sauvages_, “Nosologia methodic.” (Systematic Nosology). Lyons -1772., Vol. VII. p. 365. - -[306] _Koray_ on Hippocrates, “De aere aq. et loc.” (On influence of -Air, Water and Locality)., Vol. II. p. 326. - -[307] In _Euripides’_ Hippolytus, v. 5., Venus says of herself: - - τοὺς μὲν σέβοντας τἀμὰ πρεσβεύω κράτη, - σφάλλω δ’ ὅσοι φρονοῦσιν εἰς ἡμᾶς μέγα. - -(I love and protect him who recognises my right, and undo him whose -pride rebels against me). - -[308] _Plato_, Sympos. 192 b., πρὸς γάμους καὶ παιδοποιΐας οὐ -προσέχουσι τὸν νοῦν φύσει, ἀλλὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ νόμου ἀναγκάζονται, ἀλλ’ -ἐξαρκεῖ αὐτοῖς μετ’ ἀλλήλων καταζῆν ἀγάμοις. (To marriage and the -procreation of children they pay no attention whatever naturally, but -are only forced by the law to do so. It is enough for them to live out -their lives with one another unwed). - -[309] “Histoire d’Herodote, par M. Larcher.” (Herodotus’ History, -translated (French) by Mons. Larcher). Vol. I. Paris 1786., p. 368. -Un homme d’esprit, mais peu instruit, croyoit que le sentiment de M. -le President Bouhier se detruisoit de lui-même. Peut on supposer, -disoit il, que Vénus aveugle en sa vengeance, se soit fait à elle -même l’affront le plus sanglant, et qu’aux dépens de son culte, elle -ait procuré des adorateurs au Dieu de Lampsaque, qu’elle ne doit -chérir que lorsqu’il vient sacrifier sur ses autels. (A witty but -superficial critic considered the opinion of the president Bouhier to -be self-contradictory. Can Venus be supposed, he argued, so blind in -her vengeance as to have put on herself the deadliest of affronts, and -at the expense of her own worship to have given adorers to the god of -Lampsacus, whom she must only patronize when he comes to sacrifice at -her altars?) - -[310] _Natalis Comes_, Mythologia p. 392., according to the report -of several Scholiasts. The Scholiast on _Lucian_, Amores ch. 2., -writes Ἐπεὶ καὶ ταῖς Λημνίαις γυναιξὶν ἔγκοτος Ἀφροδίτη γενομένη, -εἶτα _δυσώδεις αὐτὰς ποιήσασα, ἀποκοίτους αὐτὰς ποιῆσαι τοὺς ἄνδρας -αὐτῶν ἠνάγκασεν_. (When Aphrodité, angered with the women of Lemnos, -had then _made them malodorous, and so compelled their husbands to -expel them from their beds_). Similarly the Scholiast on _Apollonius -Rhodius_, Argonaut., I. 609., αἱ Λήμνιαι γυναῖκες ... τῶν τῆς Ἀφροδίτης -τιμῶν κατολιγωρήσασαι, καθ’ ἑαυτῶν τὴν θεὸν ἐκίνησαν· _πάσαις γάρ -δυσοσμίαν ἐνέβαλεν, ὡς μηκέτι αὐτὰς τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἀρέσκειν_. (The -Lemnian women, by neglecting the honours due to Aphrodité, stirred -the goddess’ anger against them. For _she inflicted on them all an -ill-odour, so that they were no longer pleasing to their husbands_). -To the same purport the Scholiast on _Euripides_, Hecuba v. 887., who -cites Didymus as authority: Ἐν Λήμνῳ γυναῖκες ἐτέλουν ἐτήσιον ἑορτὴν -Ἀφροδίτῃ· ἐπεὶ οὖν ποτε καταφρονήσασαι τῆς θεοῦ, ἀπέλιπον τὸ ἔθος, _ἡ -Ἀφροδίτη ἐνέβαλεν αὐταῖς δυσωδίαν, ὡς μὴ δύνασθαι τοὺς ἑαυτῶν ἄνδρας -αὐταῖς πλησιάσαι_· αἱ δὲ νομίσασαι, ὑπὸ τῶν ἀνδρῶν καταφρονεῖσθαι, -τούτους πάντας ἀπέκτειναν. ὁ δέ Δίδυμος οὕτω. (At Lemnos the women used -to celebrate a yearly festival in honour of Aphrodité. And so when -on one occasion they scorned the goddess and neglected the custom, -Aphrodité afflicted them with an ill odour, so that their own husbands -could not come near them. And they concluding they were scorned by -their husbands, killed them all. Didymus confirms this). The Lesbian -_Myrtilus_ or _Myrsilus_ gives a different account of the origin of -the evil smell of the Lesbian women, representing it in the First Book -of his “Lesbica” as a consequence of the magic arts of Medea, who had -landed with Jason at Lemnos. The story was taken from the lost Work of -Myrtilus by _Antigonus Carystius_, Histor. mirab. collect., edit. J. -Meursius. Leyden 1629. 4to., ch. 130. p. 97., Τὰς δέ Λημνίας δυσόσμους -γενέσθαι, Μηδείας ἀφικομένης μετ’ Ἰάσονος καὶ φάρμακα ἐμβαλλούσης εἰς -τὴν νῆσον· κατὰ δέ τινα χρόνον καὶ μάλιστα ἐν ταύταις ταῖς ἡμέραις, ἐν -αἷς ἱστοροῦσι τὴν Μήδειαν παραγενέσθαι, δυσώδεις αὐτὰς οὕτως γίνεσθαι -ὥστε μηδένα προσϊέναι. (And that the Lemnian women became malodorous, -when Medea came thither with Jason and cast poisonous drugs on the -island; and that for some length of time and particularly in those days -when Medea is related to have been there, they were so ill-smelling -that no man could approach them.) Also the Scholiast on _Apollonius -Rhodius_, I. 165., says: τῶν ἄλλων ἱστορούντων, ὅτι κατὰ χόλον τῆς -Ἀφροδίτης αἱ Λημνιάδες δύσοσμοι ἐγένοντο, Μυρτίλος ἐν πρώτῳ Λεσβικῶν -διαφέρεται· καὶ φησὶ τὴν Μήδειαν παραπλέουσαν, διὰ ζηλοτυπίαν ῥίψαι -εἰς τὴν Λήμνον φάρμακον, καὶ δυσοσμίαν γενέσθαι ταῖς γυναιξίν, εἶναί -τε μέχρι τοῦ νῦν κατ’ ἐνιαυτὸν ἡμέραν τινὰ, ἐν ᾗ διὰ τὴν δυσωδίαν -ἀποστρέφονται τὰς γυναῖκας ἄνδρές τε καὶ υἱεῖς. (Whereas others relate -that in consequence of the anger of Aphrodité the women of Lemnos -became evil-smelling, Myrtilus in the first Book of the “Lesbica” -tells a different tale. He says that Medea, sailing past the land, -moved by envy cast a poison on the island, and so an ill odour fell on -the women; further that there is down to the present time a day once -a year, on which owing to this foul odour husbands and sons turn and -flee from the women.) Finally there is an Epigram of _Lucillius_ in the -_Greek Anthology_ (edit. H. de Bosch, Vol. I. p. 416.) Bk. II. Tit. 14. -no. 4., mentioning the evil smell of the Lemnian women: - - Οὔτε Χίμαιρα τοιοῦτον _ἔπνει_ κακὸν, ἡ καθ’ Ὅμηρον, - Οὐκ ἀγέλη ταύρων (ὡς ὁ λόγος) πυρίπνους, - _Οὐ Λῆμνος σύμπασ’_, οὐχ Ἁρπυιῶν τὰ περισσὰ, - Οὐδ’ ὁ Φιλοκτήτου ποὺς ἀποσηπόμενος, - Ὥστε σε παμψηφεὶ νικᾶν, Τελέσιλλα, Χιμαίρας, - Σηπεδόνας, ταύρους, ὄρνεα, _Λημνιάδας_. - -(Neither the Chimaera of Homer had so ill a smell, nor yet the herd -(as the story goes) of fire-breathing bulls, not _all Lemnos_, not -the foulest of the Harpies, nor even Philoctetes’ putrefying foot. -So you see, Telesilla, you outdo—the vote is unanimous,—Chimaeras, -putrefactions, bulls, birds, _Lemnian women_!) The stench of Telesilla -outdid, we see, all known evil smells, even that of the Lemnian women, -etc. Also in _Valerius Flaccus_, bk. II. 99-241., is found this myth -of the Lemnian women. - -[311] Hence Iphis, in _Ovid_, Metam., IX. 723 sqq., says: - - Iphis amat, qua posse frui desperat, et auget - Hoc ipsum flammas: ardetque in virgine virgo. - Vix tenens lacrimas: Quis me manet exitus, inquit, - Cognita quam nulli, quam prodigiosa novaeque - Cura tenet Veneris? si dii mihi parcere vellent. - _Naturale malum_ saltem et de _more_ dedissent. - Nec vaccam vaccae, nec equas amor urit equarum. - Femina femineo correpta cupidine nulla est. - Vellem nulla forem. - -(Iphis loves one that she knows, alas! she can never enjoy, and this -fact itself increases her passion. A maiden burns for a maiden. Hardly -keeping back her tears she cries: What fate awaits me,—me who suffer -sorrow of Venus known to none, a sorrow monstrous and of strange new -sort? If the gods were willing to spare me, they would have given me a -_natural_ curse surely, one _of ordinary kind_. No cow burns for a cow, -no mare for the love of mares, nor any woman is taken with love for a -woman. Would I were no woman!) - -Similarly _Lucillius_ says of the paederast Cratippus in the Greek -Anthology, bk. II. Tit. V. no. 1.; - - Τὸν φιλόοπαιδα Κράτιππον ἀκούσατε· θαῦμα γὰρ ὑμῖν - Καινὸν ἀπαγγέλλω· _πλὴν μεγάλαι νεμέσεις_· - Τὸν φιλόπαιδα Κράτιππον ἀνεύρομεν ἄλλο γένος· τί; - Τῶν ἑτεροζήλων ἤλπισα τοῦτ’ ἂν ἐγὼ; - Ἤλπισα τοῦτο, Κράτιππε; μανήσομαι, εἰ λύκος εἶναι - Πᾶσι λέγων ἐφάνης ἐξαπίνης ἔριφος. - -(Of the boy-loving Cratippus will I tell you; for a strange new wonder -I report. _Yea! great are the penalties he pays._ The boy-loving -Cratippus we have found has another character. What character? I should -have thought him to be of those whose love is eager on one side only. -Did I think so, Cratippus? Well, I shall seem a madman, if—professing -the while to all to be a wolf,—you of a sudden appear in the character -of a kid). - -But most important in this connection is the passage of _Aeschines_, -Orat. in Timarch., p. 178., μὴ γὰρ οἴεσθαι, ὦ Ἀθηναῖοι, τὰς τῶν -ἀτυχημάτων ἀρχὰς ἀπὸ θεῶν, ἀλλ’ οὐχ ὑπ’ ἀνθρώπων ἀσελγείας γίνεσθαι, -μηδὲ τοὺς ἠσεβηκότας, καθάπερ ἐπὶ ταῖς τραγῳδίαισι, Ποινὰς ἐλαύνειν -καὶ κολάζειν δᾳσὶν ἡμμέναις· ἀλλ’ αἱ προπετεῖς τοῦ σώματος ἡδοναὶ, καὶ -τὸ μηδὲν ἱκανὸν ἡγεῖσθαι. (For you must not dream, Athenians, that the -causes of calamities are from the gods, and that such are not rather -due to the wickedness of mankind. Do not imagine the impious are -driven by Furies, as is represented in the Tragedies, and chastised -with blazing torches; nay! it is reckless indulgence in bodily -pleasures that is the scourge, and immoderate desires). Comp. _Theon_, -Progymn., ch. 7.—_Cicero_, Orat. in Pison., 20., Nolite putare, Patres -Conscripti, ut in scena videtis homines consceleratos impulso deorum -terreri Furiarum taedis ardentibus. Sua quemque fraus, suum facinus, -suum scelus, sua audacia de sanitate ac mente deturbat. Hae sunt -impiorum Furiae, hae flammae, hae faces. (Dream not, Conscript Fathers, -that wicked men, as you see represented on the stage, are driven in -terror, at the instigation of the gods, by the blazing torches of the -Furies. ’Tis his own dishonesty, his own wickedness, his own baseness, -his own recklessness, that destroys each man’s health and sanity. These -are the furies that torment the impious, these the flames and torches). - -[312] De Bello Peloponnesiaco, Bk. I. ch. 12. (edit. Bauer. Leipzig -1790. 4to., p. 33.), καὶ Φιλοκτήτης διὰ τὸν Πάριδος θάνατον _θήλειαν -νόσον_ νοσήσας, καὶ μὴ φέρων τὴν αἰσχύνην, ἀπελθὼν ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος, -ἔκτισε πόλιν, ἣν διὰ _τὸ πάθος Μαλακίαν_ ἐκάλεσε.—for translation see -text above. Our view on this passage is shared by _Manso_, pp. 46 and -70. - -[313] Bk. II. Epigr. 84. How _Meier_, loco citato p. 160., could derive -a proof from this passage that Philoctetes had been the _pathic_ of -Hercules is beyond our comprehension, seeing that Hercules had long -been dead when Philoctetes was punished with this vice by Venus. - -[314] Bk. II. Epigr. 89. - -[315] Works of Ausonius; Delphin edition, revised by _J. B. Souchay_. -Paris 1730. 4to., p. 4. Carm. 71. Following a ridiculous custom the -“Obscoena e textu Ausoniano resecta” (Objectionable passages removed -from the text of Ausonius) are printed together at the end of the Book, -and separately paged. - -[316] Instit. orat, Bk. X. ch. 1. - -[317] Fab. 148.—_Barth_ on Statius’ Thebaid. V. 59. - -[318] Tragoed. Hippolyt., 124.; and _Servius_ on _Virgil_, Aeneid, -Bk. VI. v. 14., Venus vehementer dolens stirpem omnem Solis persequi -_infandis amoribus_ coepit. (Venus, exceedingly indignant, proceeds to -afflict all the descendants of the Sun _with abominable loves_.) - -[319] Amores, ch. 2., οὕτω τις ὑγρὸς τοῖς ὄμμασιν ἐνοικεῖ μύωψ, ὃς -ἅπαν πάλλος εἰς αὑτὸν ἁρπάζων ἐπ’ οὐδενὶ κόρῳ παύεται· καὶ συνεχὲς -ἀπορεῖν ἐπέρχεταί μοι, τίς οὗτος Ἀφροδίτης ὁ χόλος· οὐ γὰρ Ἡλιάδης ἐγώ -τις, οὐδὲ Λημνιάδων _ἔρις_, οὐδὲ Ἱππολύτειον ἀγροικίαν ὠφρυωμένος, ὡς -ἐρεθίσαι τῆς θεοῦ τὴν ἄπαυστον ταύτην ὀργήν. (for translation see text -above.) The word ἔρις—strife, in this passage is obviously corrupt, -having got into the text probably by confusion with ἐρεθίσαι—to -provoke, standing just below in the MS. _Jacobs_ proposed ἔρνος—scion, -but according to _Lehmann_ this is too poetical a word for _Lucian_; -ἐρεὺς—in the sense of _heir_, might very well be read, giving the -same meaning. Could ὕβριν—insolence, have been the original word in -the text? Lucian must have written the passage with a reference to -the above mentioned punishment of the Lemnian women by Venus, and -by Λημνιάδων—Lemnian women, we must understand not the descendants -of the women of Lemnos, but these women themselves, _Apollonius -Rhodius_ (Argon., I. 653.) also using Λημνιάδες δὲ γυναῖκες—Lemnian -women, of these same inhabitants of the island. Now the Greeks -characterized every form of behaviour of a kind to incur the anger -of the goddess by the word ὕβρις—overbearing insolence; and this -would exactly fit in the passage, for the οὐδὲ ... οὐδὲ—neither ... -nor, calls for a correspondence of phrase in each clause, and ὕβρις -and ἀγροικία—brutal insensibility, tally excellently. For ὕβρις in -the sense indicated comp. _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag., Bk. II. -ch. 10., ἐπιθυμία γὰρ κακὴ ὄνομα ὕβρις, καὶ τὸν τῆς ἐπιθυμίας ἵππον, -ὑβριστὴν ὁ Πλάτων (Phaedr. pp. 1226, 27.) προσεῖπεν, Ἵπποι θηλυμανεῖς -ἐγενήθητέ μοι, ἀναγνούς. (for evil concupiscence is called ὕβρις, -and the horse of concupiscence Plato named Ὑβριστὴς—Overbearing, -having read “Wild horses ye became to me.”) We should then have to -translate, supposing we read ὕβριν in the text, “I am neither puffed -up with the insolence of the women of Lemnos, nor yet with the brutal -insensibility of Hippolytus.” Very possibly an Attic writer would not -have expressed himself so; but we must remember that _Fr. Jacobs_, a -man of fine discrimination of Classical diction, denied from the first -Lucian’s authorship of the passage _ob orationem difficilem valdeque -impeditam_—because of its difficult and exceedingly awkward style. The -unfavourable judgement which _Lehmann_ in his edition passes on this -Work (Lucian’s Amores) so far as its general tenor is concerned, is -based we may observe almost entirely on the confusion of paedophilia -with paederastia. However under no circumstances has any actual -allusion been made to the lewdness of the Lemnian women, if _Belin_, -_de Ballu_, and others agree in this rendering. - -[320] De special legib., Opera Vol. II. p. 304. - -[321] _Ovid_, Metamorphos., bk. X. 238. - -[322] _Ovid_, Metamorphos., bk. X. 298.—_Servius_ on Virgil, Eclog. X. -18. _Fulgentius_, Mytholog. III. 8. - -[323] _Ausonius_, Epigr. C., - - De Hermaphrodito - Mercurio genitore satus, genetrice Cythere, - Nominis ut mixti, sic corporis Hermaphroditus, - Concretus sexu, sed non perfectus, utroque: - Ambiguae Veneris, neutro potiundus amori. - -(Of Hermaphroditus.—Born of Mercury as sire, of Cythera as mother, -Hermaphroditus, at once of compound name and compound body, combined of -either sex, but complete in neither; a being of ambiguous love, that -can enjoy the joys of neither passion.) - -[324] Orat contra Alcibiad., I. p. 550., οἱ μὲν πολλοὶ αὐτῶν -ἡταιρήκασιν. (the majority of them have become prostitutes.) Comp. -_Meier_, loco citato p. 173., who in another place, p. 154 note 79., -has authenticated the meaning of ἑταιρεῖν (to be a hetaera, prostitute, -used of men, viz. to submit the body for pay to another to violate.) - -[325] “De morbis acutis et chronicis, lib. VIII.” (On acute and chronic -Diseases—8 Books.) edit. Amman. Amsterdam 1722. 4to. Chronic Diseases, -Bk. IV. ch. 9. In this book diseases of the intestinal canal are -treated, and immediately preceding the subject of Worms. So the vice -must have been regarded as if it were a disease of the rectum, though -the author says it had its origin in a mental derangement. Comp. _C. -Barth_, Adversar., bk. IV. ch. 3., bk. XLIII. ch. 21, bk. XLVIII. ch. -3., bk. XXIII. ch. 2. bk. XIII. ch. 13., where several emendations are -to be found of the corruptions of the text. - -[326] Tribades dictae a τρίβω, frico, _frictrices_, sunt quibus ea -pars naturae muliebris, quam clitoridem vocant, in tantam magnitudinem -excrescit, ut possint illa pro mentula vel ad futuendum vel ad -paedicandum uti. “Tribades”, so called from τρίβω,—I rub, _women that -rub_, are such as have that portion of the woman’s parts which is -called the clitoris grown to a size so excessive that they can use it -as a penis whether for fornicating or for paederastia. So says Forberg, -loco citato p. 345. Comp. _Hesychius_ ἑταιρίστριαι τριβάδες (lewd -women, _tribades_.) The Lesbian women were especially notorious for it. -_Lucian_, Dialog. meretr. 5., τοιαύτας (ἑταιριστρίας) ἐν Λέσβῳ λέγουσι -γυναῖκας, ὑπὸ ἀνδρῶν μὲν οὐκ ἐθελούσας αὐτὸ πάσχειν, γυναιξὶ δὲ αὐτὰς -πλησιαζούσας, ὥσπερ ἄνδρας. (such women—_tribades_, they say there are -in Lesbos, who will not suffer it from men, but themselves go with -women, as if they were men). But we must beware of connecting the word -λεσβιάζειν (the act the Lesbian) with this; it means something quite -different, as we shall see later on. The Milesian women were skilled -_Tribades_, employing an artificial penis made of leather, which was -called by the Greeks ὄλισβος. Aristophanes, Lysistrat. 108-110., - - οὐκ εἶδον οὐδ’ ὄλισβον ὀκταδάκτυλον, - ὃς ἦν ἂν ἠμῖιν σκυτίνη ’πικουρία. - -(Since when the Milesians betrayed us, I have never seen even an -eight-inch _olisbos_, that would have been a leathern succour for us.) -_Suidas_, s. v. ὄλισβος· αἰδοῖον δερμάτινον, ᾧ ἐχρῶντο αἱ μιλήσιαι -γυναῖκες, ὡς _τριβάδες_, καὶ αἰσχρουργοί. ἐχρῶντο καὶ αὐτοῖς καὶ αἱ -χῆραι γυναῖκες.—s. v. μισήτης· μισῆται δὲ γυναῖκες ὀλίσβῳ χρήσονται. -(under the word ὄλισβος: a member of leather; which the Milesian women -used, such as _tribades_ and bad women. They were used by widows -also.—under the word μισήτης (lewd person): and lewd women will use the -_olisbos_.) Comp. the Scholiast to the passage of Aristophanes quoted. -There were also cakes shaped like an _olisbos_ and called ὀλισβόκολλοξ -(_olisbos_-loaves)—_Hesychius_, which remind us of the cakes in the -shape of a penis that were sold in Italy at the feast of SS. Cosmus and -Damian. (see _Knight_, loco citato p. 62.) - -[327] _Longao_ or _Longano_ signifies the rectum—straight gut, the -large intestine, the _longus anus_, prolonged anus, as it were. The -word is found frequently in _Caelius Aurelianus_ and in _Vegetius_, De -re veterin. (On Veterinary medicine). II. 14., 21., 28. IV. 8. Since -the large intestine was used for sausages (_Apicius_. De re coq.) (On -Cookery, Bk. IV. ch. 2.), the sausage was also called _longano_ or -_longavo_. _Varro_, De ling. lat. V. 111. - -[328] We have not been able to ascertain whether the Fragment here -quoted is extant in Greek as well, for the Fragments of Parmenides, by -G. G. _Fülleborn_. Züllichau 1795. 8vo. were as inaccessible by us as -were _Brandis’_ Commentationes Eleaticae. - -[329] Physiognomicon ch. 3., in Scriptores Physiognomiae veteres -(Ancient Writers on Physiognomy), edit. _J. G. Fr. Franzius_. Altenburg -1780 large 8vo., p, 51., _Κιναίδου σημεῖα_, ὄμμα κατακεκλασμένον, -γονύκροτος, ἐγκίσεις τῆς κεφαλῆς εἰς τὰ δεξιά· αἱ φοραὶ τῶν χειρῶν -ὑπτίαι καὶ ἔκλυτοι, καὶ βαδέσεις διτταὶ, ἡ μὲν περινεύοντος, ἡ δὲ -κρατοῦντος, τὴν ὀσφύν, καὶ τῶν ὀμμάτων περιβλέψεις· οἷος ἂν εἴη -Διονύσιος ὁ σοφιστής. (for translation see text above). On p. 77. -γονύκροτος (knock-kneed) is laid down as a characteristic of a woman. -On p. 155 we read, οἱ ἐγκλινόμενοι εἰς τὰ δεξιὰ ἐν τῷ πορεύεσθαι, -κίναιδοι. (those who bend to the right in walking are cinaedi.); -on p. 50. καὶ ἰσχνὰ ὄμματα κατακεκλασμένα—ἅμα δὲ καὶ τὰ κεκλασμένα -τῶν ὀμμάτων, δύο σημαίνει, τὸ μὲν μαλακὸν καὶ θῆλυ. (and withered, -broken-down looking eyes,—and this broken-down appearance of the eyes -denotes two things, the one being softness and effeminacy). _Clement -of Alexandria_, Paedagog. bk. III. ch. 11., οὐδὲ κατακεκλασμένος, -πλάγιον ποιήσας τὸν τράχηλον, περιπατεῖν ὥσπερ ἑτέρους ὁρῶ κιναίδους -ἐνθάδε πολλοὺς ἄστει. (nor yet with broken-down look, bending the neck -askance, to walk about as I see others do here, cinaedi,—yea, many of -them in the city). - -[330] Physiognom. bk. II. 9. l. c. p. 290., _Ἀνδρογύνου σημεῖα._ -Ὑγρὸν βλέπει καὶ ἰταμὸν ὁ ἀνδρόγυνος, καὶ δονεῖται τὰ ὄμματα, καὶ -περιτρέχει· μέτωπον σπᾶ, καὶ παρειάς, αἱ ὀφρύες οἰδαίνουσι κατὰ χώραν, -τράχηλος κέκλιται, ὀσφὺς οὐκ ἀτρεμεῖ· κινεῖται πάντα τὰ μέλη ἅλματι· -γονάτων κρότος καὶ χειρῶν φαίνεται· ὡς ταῦρος περιβλέπει εἰς ἑαυτὸν -καὶ καταβλέπει· φωνεῖ λεπτὸν, κράζει δὲ λιγυρὰ, σκολιὰ πάνυ καὶ πάνυ -ἔντρομα. (for translation see text above.) p. 275., οἱ τὰ γόνατα ἔσω -νεύοντες, γυναικεῖοί τε καὶ θηλυδρίαι. (men that bow the knees inwards -are womanish and effeminate). - -[331] Physiognom. bk. II. 38. l. c. p. 440., _Εἶδος ἀνδρογύνου_. -Ὁ ἀνδρόγυνος ὑγρὸν βλέπει, καὶ ἰταμὸν καὶ δονεῖται τὰ ὄμματα καὶ -περιτρέχει· μέτωπον σπᾶ καὶ παρειάς. αἱ ὀφρύες μένουσι κατὰ χώραν, -τράχηλος κέκλιται, ὀσφὺς οὐκ ἀτρεμεῖ· κινεῖται πάντα τὰ μέλη καὶ -ἐπιθρώσκει· ἁλματίας ἐστὶ, γονύκροτος, χειρῶν φοραὶ ὕπτιαι· περιβλέπει -ἑαυτὸν· φωνὴ λεπτὴ, ἐπικλάζουσα, λιγυρὰ, σχολαία πάνυ. (Appearance of -the _Man-woman_. The _man-woman_ has a lecherous and wanton look, he -rolls his eyes and lets his gaze wander; forehead and cheeks twitch, -eyebrows remain drawn to a point, neck bowed, hips in continual -movement. All the limbs move and jump; he is spasmodic, knock-kneed, -the movements of the hands with backs downwards; he gazes round him; -his voice is thin, plangent, shrill, very uncertain.) p. 382., οἱ τὰ -γόνατα ἔσω νεύοντες ὥσπερ συγκρούειν, γυναικεῖοι καὶ θηλυδρίαι. (men -that bow the knees inwards as if to strike them together are womanish -and effeminate.) - -[332] Tarsica I. p. 410., These distinguishing marks were adequate for -the Romans too, as we see from the passage of _Aulus Gellius_ quoted on -p. 143 above; side by side with which may be put another passage of the -same author, Bk. VIII. ch. 12. - -[333] Still another explanation would seem possible, according to -_Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag. bk. II. ch. 7. p. 179., ναὶ μὴν καὶ -τῶν ὤτων οἱ γαργαλισμοὶ _καὶ τῶν πταρμῶν οἱ ερεθισμοὶ_, ὑώδεις εἰσὶ -κνησμοὶ, πορνείας ἀκολάστου (Yea! and moreover ticklings of the ears, -and irritations causing sneezing, these are swinish itches, signs of -excessive licentiousness). For the rest _Seneca_, Epist. 114., also -says, Non vides—si ille effeminatus est, in ipso _incessu_ apparere -mollitiam? (See you not—if he is effeminate, that his lasciviousness is -apparent in his very walk?) - -[334] _Lucian_, Adversus indoctum ch. 23., ...... μυρία γάρ ἐστι -τὰ ἀντιμαρτυροῦντα τῷ σχήματι, βάδισμα καὶ φωνὴ, καὶ τράχηλος -ἐπικεκλασμένος, καὶ ψιμύθιον, καὶ μαστίχη καὶ φῦκος οἷς ὑμεῖς -κοσμεῖσθε, καὶ ὅλως, κατὰ τὴν παροιμίαν, θᾶττον ἂν πέντε ἐλέφαντας ὑπὸ -μάλης κρύψειας, ἢ ἕνα κίναιδον. (for translation see text above). - -[335] _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedog. Bk. II. ch. 7. p. 173., also -says ἀλλὰ τὸ τεθρυμμένον τῆς φωνῆς, θηλυδρίου. (but the broken -character of the voice is a mark of the womanish man). - -[336] _Martial_, Bk. VII. Epigr. 57., - - —sed habet _tristis_ quoque _turba_ cinaedos, - Difficile est, vero nubere, Galla, viro. - -(... but the dismal throng contains cinaedi as well; ’tis a difficult -matter, Galla, to marry a real man). Comp. Bk. IX. Epigr. 48.; and -_Juvenal_, Satir. II. 8-13., - - Quis enim non vicus abundat - _Tristibus_ obscoenis? castigas turpia, cum sis - Inter Socraticos notissima fossa cinaedos: - Hispida membra quidem et durae per brachia setae - Promittunt atrocem animum? sed podice laevi - Caeduntur tumidae, medico ridente, mariscae. - -(For what street has not its crowd of _dismal_ debauchees? you inveigh -against vice, when you are the most notorious pit of abomination of all -the host of Socratic cinaedi. Shaggy limbs indeed and sturdy bristles -on your arms promise a rugged virtue; but your fundament is smooth, and -the great bursting swellings on it are cut, the doctor grinning the -while.) _Seneca_, Epist. 114., Ille et crura, hic nec alas vellit. (One -man plucks bare his very legs, another not even the armpits.) - -[337] _Aeschines_, Orat. in Timarch. p. 179., expresses it excellently, -οὕτω τοὺς _πεπορνευμένους_, κᾂν μὴ παρῶμεν τοῖς αὐτῶν ἔργοις, ἐκ τῆς -ἀναιδείας καὶ τοῦ θράσους καὶ τῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων γινώσκομεν. (So with -regard to debauchees, even though we are not present at their actual -doings, we recognize them by their bold, shameless bearing and their -general habits.) - -[338] This was the special adornment of the woman, and was sacred to -Venus; we read in _Ausonius_, - - Barba Iovi, crines Veneri decor; ergo necesse est, - Ut nolint demi, quo sibi uterque placet. - -(The beard is Jove’s pride, her locks Venus’s: they must needs then -object to the removal of that wherein each takes special delight). -Hence _Ambrosius_ too, Hexamer. bk. VI., writes, Haud inscitum extat -adagium: nullus comatus qui non idem cinaedus. (There is a familiar -proverb that says: never a long-haired man but is a cinaedus.) In -_Martial_, III. 58., they are called _capillati_ (long-haired.) - -[339] _Diogenes Laertius_, Vita Diogenis Bk. VI. 54. - -[340] Clouds, 340 sqq. See also (German) Translation of Aristophanes by -_Fr. A. Wolf_. - -[341] Satir. II. 16. _W. E. Weber_ (“Die Satiren des _D. J. -Juvenalis_.”—The Satires of Decimus Junius Juvenalis. Halle 1838.) -is mistaken in his way of taking this passage. Not only does he in -his translation assign Peribomius’ words to Juvenal himself, but -also in the notes, pp. 286 sqq., gives quite wrong explanations of -several words. For instance he says, “_inter Socraticos ... cinaedos_, -(amongst the Socratic cinaedi), the Socratic breed of wantons, the kind -that give themselves an air of sober and highly moral habits, like -Socrates;” but really the poet merely meant to express the idea of -later times that Socrates had been a paederast. Discussing the passage -Weber remarks of Peribomius, “One who in looks and gait, as being -effeminate and of a womanish dandified bearing, confesses his evil -state,—one of enervation and womanish amorousness,” whereas as a matter -of fact Peribomius makes no other confession than simply that he is a -pathic. We are not to suppose any sort of intentional suppression of -the facts, as indeed is shown both by the rest of the translation and -also expressly on p. VI of the Preface; so we are bound to characterize -what is said in these places as the result of downright mistake. - -[342] When _Juvenal_, V. 50., says: Hippo subit iuvenes et _morbo_ -pallet _utroque_, (Hippo submits to young men, and is pale with a -double disease), this must be understood to mean that Hippo is not only -a pathic, but also a Fellator (see subsequently). Further Epigr. 131. -of _Ausonius_ is to the point in this connection: - - Inguina quod calido levas tibi dropace, causa est: - Irritant volsas levia membra lupas; - Sed quod et elixo plantaria podice vellis, - Et teris incusas pumice Clazomenas, - Causa latet: _bimarem nisi quod patientia morbum - Appetit et tergo femina, pube vires_. - -(The reason why you make the private parts smooth with hot -pitch-ointment (as a depilatory) is this: Smooth limbs excite the -passions of the harlots, plucked smooth themselves. But why you pluck -the hair from your fundament, soaked in hot water first, and polish -with pumice your well-pounded Clazomenae (i. e. buttocks) the reason is -obscure: _unless indeed your long-suffering lust hankers for a double -disease (vice),—a woman behind, in your member a strong man_). - -_Manilius_, Astronomica bk. V. vv. 140-156., says: - - Taurus, in aversos praeceps cum tollitur artus, - Sexta parte sui certantes luce sorores - Pleiades ducit: quibus aspirantibus, almam - In lucem eduntur Bacchi Venerisque sequaces: - Perque dapes, mensamque super petulantia corda, - Et sale mordaci dulces quaerentia risus. - Illis cura sui cultus, frontisque decorae - Semper erit: tortos in fluctum ponere crines, - Aut vinclis revocare comas et vertice denso - Fingere et appositis caput emutare capillis, - Pomicibusque cavis horrentia membra polire, - Atque odisse virum, sterilesque optare lacertos. - Femineae vestes; nec in usum tegmina plantis, - Sed speciem; fractique placent ad mollia gressus. - Naturae pudet atque habitat sub pectore caeca - Ambitio et _morbum_ virtutis nomine iactant. - Semper amare parum est: cupient et amare videri - -(When the Bull tending downwards lifts his head with limbs bent back, -he brings with him in his sixth house the sister Pleiades, his equals -in brilliancy. When these are in the ascendent, there are brought forth -to the light of day such as follow after Bacchus and Venus; and hearts -that wanton at feast and board, and that seek to raise the merry laugh -by biting wit. These will ever be giving thought to their bedizenment -and becoming appearance; to curl the hair and lay it in waving ripples -or else to gather in the locks with circlets and arrange them in a -heavy top-knot, and to alter the head by adding false ringlets; to -polish the shaggy limbs with hollow pumice-stone; yea! and to hate the -very sight of a man, and long for arms without growth of hair. Women’s -robes they wear; the coverings of their feet are less for use than -show; and steps broken in to an effeminate gait are their delight. -Nature they scorn; indeed in their breast there lies a pride they -cannot avow, and they vaunt their disease (vice) under the name of -virtue. Ever to love is a little thing in their eyes; their wish will -be to be seen to love). - -_Seneca_, Quaest. nat. bk. VII. ch. 31., Egenus etiam in quo _morbum -suum_ exerceat, legit. (The poor man too chooses one on whom he may -practise his disease (vice).—_Seneca_, Epist. 114. Cum vero magis -vires _morbus_ exedit et in medullas nervosque descendere deliciae. -(But when the disease (vice) has eaten deeper into a man’s vigour, and -its delights penetrated to the very marrow and nerves).—Comp. Epist. -75.—_Cicero_, De finibus I. 18., in Verrem II. 1. 36., Tusc. quaest. -IV. 11.—_Wyttenbach_, in Bibliothec. critic. Pt VIII. p. 73.—_Horace_, -Sat. I. 6. 40., Ut si qui aegrotat quo _morbo_ Barrus, haberi ut cupiat -formosus. (As if one who is sick of the same _disease_ as Barrus, as if -he should long to be considered handsome.) Another passage of the same -author (Odes I. 37. 9.) must be mentioned: - - Contaminato cum grege turpium - _Morbo_ virorum. - -(With her (Cleopatra’s) herd of foul men stained with disease—vice). It -is taken by _Stark_ as by most of the commentators to mean _castrated_ -persons, though strictly speaking it implies nothing more than a -contemptuous circumlocution for Egyptians. The boys that were kept in -the brothels at Rome for purposes of paederastia were for the most -part from Egypt, whence they were imported in flocks. Accordingly -the poet calls the whole _entourage_ of Cleopatra pathics. There can -be no mistake, if only we translate thus: _cum contaminato grege -virorum, morbo turpium_, (with a polluted herd of men, defiled with -disease—vice). In this Horace was all the more justified, because as a -matter of fact Cleopatra did keep cinaedi, as we learn from _Suidas_: -s. v. κίναιδα καὶ κιναιδία· ἠ ἀναισχυντία· ἀπὸ τοῦ κινεῖν τὰ αἰδοῖα. _Ὁ -τῆς Κλεοπάτρας κίναιδος_ Χελιδὼν ἐκαλεῖτο. (under the words κίναιδα -and κίναιδία: shameless practice; from the moving (τὸ κινεῖν of the -genitals. _Cleopatra’s cinaedus_ was called Chelidon. True _Terence_, -Eunuch. I. 2. 87., makes Phaedria say: - - Porro _eunuchum_ dixisti velle te, - _Quia solae utuntur his reginae_, repperi, - -(I have discovered wherefore you said you wanted a _eunuch_, because -only queens use them) and Donatus observes on the passage that -_reginae_ (queens) stands for _feminae divites_ (rich ladies). -Accordingly just as Eunuchus is used for cinaedus or pathicus, in the -same way cinaedus might very well stand in _Suidas_ for eunuch, and -as a matter of fact the _entourage_ of Cleopatra may have consisted -of actual eunuchs. Still it is Horace’s main point that they were -_pathics_. As to the reason why _reginae_ (queens, rich ladies) kept -_castrati_ (eunuchs) at all, comp. p. 125 above.—The Latin _grex_ -(herd) is sufficiently explained by the παίδων ἀγέλας (herds of boys) -in the passages already quoted (p. 131.) from _Tatian_ and _Justin -Martyr_, along side which we may put the μειρακίων ὡραίων ἀγέλαι (herds -of lads in the bloom of youth) of _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag. bk. -III. ch. 4. The word is used in the same sense by _Seneca_, Epist 95., -Transeo _puerorum infelicium greges_, quos post transacta convivia -aliae cubiculi contumeliae expectant. Transeo _agmina exoletorum_ per -nationes coloresque descripta. (I pass over the _herds of unhappy -boys_, whom after the feast is done, other affronts of the bed-chamber -await. I pass over the _serried ranks of debauchees_ (cinaedi) -marshalled by nation and complexion.) _Cicero_, Ad Atticum I. 13., -Concursabant barbatuli iuvenes, totus ille _grex_ Catilinae, (Thither -flocked the youths of the baby beards, all the _herd_ of Catiline’s -friends.) _Petronius_, Sat. ch. 40., Grex agit in scena mimum. (The -common herd plays the mime on the stage.) _Grex_ was used generally -for any crowd of _common_ men.—The use of the word _contaminatus_ -(polluted) brings to mind _catamitus_, which bears the sense of -pathic, e. g. in _Cicero_, Philipp. II. 31., _Appuleius_, Metam. I. -p. 107 and especially is used as a nickname for Ganymede. _Plautus_, -Menaechm. I. 2. 34.—_Festus_: Catamitum pro Ganymede dixerunt, qui -fuit Jovis concubinus, (Men said _catamitus_ for Ganymedes, who was -Jupiter’s bed-fellow),—which probably led to the ridiculous idea -being entertained, e.g. by _Scheller_, that the word was derived from -_Ganymedes_ by corruption in the pronunciation! The fact that the -word is metrically a “Paeon tertius”, that is to say the _i_ in the -third syllable is long, might have led us at once to the conclusion -that originally the word was _catamytus_, and derived from the -Greek καταμύσσω (to tear), and so has the same meaning as the Latin -_percisus_ (cut), or else that it stands for καταμίκτος (mixed), and -is connected with καταμίγνυμι (to mix), and so in fact _concubinus_ -(sharing the bed), as Festus says! At any rate the passages quoted -above from Cicero and Seneca, which might easily be multiplied, prove -that Stark’s supposition expressed on p. 22., to the effect that -_morbus_ (disease) is used in this sense _only_ in the poets, is -unfounded. - -[343] _Menander_, in _Lucian_, Amores ch. 43., says: νόσων χαλεπωτάτη -φθόνος (of _diseases_ the cruellest is envy.) It is used of envy by -Aristophanes, Birds 31. νόσον νοσοῦμεν τὴν ἐναντίαν Σάκᾳ. (we are sick -of the _disease_ that was Saces’ enemy.) _Euripides_, Medea 525., -γλωσσαλγία αἴσχιστος νόσος (garrulousness, a most shocking _disease_.) -But in a special way νόσος (disease) was used of Love (_Pollux_) -Onomast. Bk. VI. 42., εἰς Ἀφροδίτην νοσῶν. (being sick of Love). -_Eubulus_, in Nannio, quoted by _Athenaeus_, Deipnos. Bk. XIII. ch. -24., says: - - μικροῦ πρίασθαι κέρματος τὴν ἡδονήν - καὶ μὴ λαθραίαν Κύπριν (αἰσχίστην _νόσων_ - πασῶν) διώκειν, ὕβρεος, οὐ πόθου χάριν. - -(To buy pleasure for a small coin, and not pursue secret amours,—most -base of all diseases,—for overmastering lust’s sake and not for love.) -Νόσημα (disease) is used in the same sense in _Lucian_, Amores 3., -and πάθος (suffering, passion) in many passages in the same Work. -_Plutarch_, Amator. p. 763., καὶ λελάληκε (Μένανδρος) περὶ τοῦ πάθους -φιλοσοφώτερον. (And he—Menander—has talked about the passion more -like a philosopher). The following passage in _Philo_, De specialibus -legibus,—Opera. edit. Mangey, Vol. II. p. 301., is of interest: Ἔχει -μὲν οὖν καὶ ἡ κατὰ φύσιν ἡδονὴ πολλάκις μέμψιν, ὅταν ἀμέτρως καὶ -ἀκορέστως χρῆταί τις αὐτῇ, καθάπερ οἱ ἄπληστοι περὶ ἐδωδὴν, κἂν εἰ -μηδὲν τῶν ἀπηγορευμένων προσφέροιντο· καὶ οἱ φιλογυναίοις συνουσίαις -ἐπιμιμηνότες, καὶ λαγνίστερον προσομιλοῦντες γυναιξὶν οὐκ ἀλλοτρίαις, -ἀλλὰ ταῖς ἐαυτῶν. _Ἡ δὲ μέμψις σώματός ἐστι μᾶλλον ἢ ψυχῆς κατὰ τοὺς -πολλοὺς, πολλὴν μὲν ἔχοντος εἴσω φλόγα, ἣ τὴν παραβληθεῖσαν τροφὴν -ἐξαναλίσκουσα ἑτέραν οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν ἐπιζητεῖ πολλὴν ἰκμάδα, ἧς τὸ -ῥοῶδες διὰ τῶν γενητικῶν ἀποχετεύετο, κνησμοὺς καὶ ὀδαξισμοὺς ἐμποιοῦν -καὶ γαργαλισμοὺς ἀπαύσους_. - -(So the gratification even of natural pleasure is often blameworthy, -when it is indulged immoderately and insatiably, just as men who are -insatiably greedy about eating are blameworthy, even though they should -not partake of any forbidden meats. So too men who are madly devoted -to intercourse with women, and go with women lewdly,—not strange women -but their own wives. _And the blame lies rather with the body than with -the mind in most cases, for the body has within it a great flame, which -using up the fuel cast to it, does not for long lack much moisture, -the watery humour of which is drawn off by intercourse with women, -producing ticklings and gnashings with the teeth and unappeasable -itchings._) Immoderate copulation then with a man’s own wife is only -a reproach that concerns the body more than the mind; on the other -hand _Philo_ in the succeeding sentences speaks of those who practise -fornication with _strange_ women as, ἀνίατον νόσον ψυχῆς νοσοῦντας -(sick of an incurable sickness of the soul., _Clement of Alexandria_) -Paedag. bk. II. ch. 10., μικρὰν ἐπιληψίαν τὴν συνουσίαν ὁ Ἀβδηρίτης -ἔλεγε σοφιστής, νόσον ἀνίατον ἡγούμενος. (the sophist of Abdera used -to speak of coition as a miniature epilepsy, deeming it an incurable -disease). _Gellius_, bk. XIX. ch. 2., indeed attributes this expression -to Hippocrates, _Stobaeus_, Florileg. I. 6. De intemperantia, to -Eryximachus. - -[344] Eroticus ch. 19. in Plutarch, Opera Moralia, edit. A. G. -Winckelmann, Vol. I. Zürich 1836. large 8vo. - -[345] Manetho, Astronom. bk. IV. 486., - - ἐν αἷς _ὕβρις_, οὐ Κύπρις ἄρχει. - -(women in whom overmastering insolence, not Love, rules). - -[346] _Plutarch_, De capt. util. ex host. p. 88. f., οὐκοῦν μηδὲ μοιχὸν -λοιδορήσῃς, αὐτὸς ὢν παιδομανής. (Therefore you must not reproach even -an adulterer, being yourself a paedomaniac). Comp. _Jacobs_, Animadv. -in Antholog. (Notes on the Anthology), I. II. p. 244. _Athenaeus_, XI. -p. 464. - -[347] _Isocrates_, Paneg. 32., ὕβρις παίδων (violence towards—violation -of—boys). _Aeschines_, Timarch. pp. 5. and 26., πιπράσκειν τὸ σῶμα ἐφ’ -ὕβρει and ὕβριν τοῦ σώματος (to buy the body for violation, violation -of the body). - -[348] _Aristotle_, Nicomach. Ethics bk. VII. ch. 5., ἀλλὰ μὴν οὕτω -διατίθενται οἱ ἐν τοῖς πάθεσιν ὄντες· θυμοὶ γὰρ καὶ ἐπιθυμίαι -ἀφροδισίων καὶ ἔνια τῶν τοιούτων ἐπιδήλως καὶ τὸ σῶμα μεθιστᾶσιν, -ἐνίοις δὲ καὶ _μανίας_ ποιοῦσιν· δῆλον οὖν ὅτι ὁμοίως ἔχειν λεκτέον -τοὺς _ἀκρατεῖς_ τούτοις. cap. 6. αἱ δὲ νοσηματώδεις ἢ ἐξ ἔθους, οἱον -τριχῶν τίλσεις καὶ ὀνύχων τρώξεις, ἔτι δ’ ἀνθράκων καὶ γῆς, πρὸς δὲ -τούτοις ἡ τῶν _ἀφροδισίων τοῖς ἄρρεσιν_· τοῖς μὲν γὰρ φύσει τοῖς δ’ ἐξ -ἔθους συμβαίνουσιν, οἱον τοῖς ὑβριζομένοις ἐκ παίδων· ὅσοις μὲν οὖν -φύσις αἰτία, τούτους μὲν οὐδεὶς ἂν εἴπειεν ἀκρατεῖς, ὥσπερ οὐδὲ τὰς -γυναῖκας, ὅτι οὐκ ὀπυίουσιν ἀλλ’ ὀπυίονται.—πᾶσα γὰρ ὑπερβάλλουσα καὶ -ἀφροσύνη καὶ δειλία καὶ ἀκολασία καὶ χαλεπότης αἱ μὲν θηριώδεις αἱ δὲ -νοσηματώδεις εἰσίν. ch. 8. ἀνάγκη γὰρ τοῦτον μὴ εἰναι μεταμελητικόν, -ὥστ’ ἀνίατος· _ὁ γὰρ ἀμεταμέλητος ἀνίατος_·—ὁ δ’ ἐλλείπων πρὸς ἃ οἱ -πολλοὶ καὶ ἀντιτείνουσι καὶ δύνανται, οὗτος μαλακὸς καὶ τρυφῶν· καὶ -γὰρ ἡ τρυφὴ μαλακία τίς ἐστιν· ὅς ἕλκει τὸ ἱμάτιον, ἵνα μὴ πονήσῃ -τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ αἴρειν λύπην κ. τ. λ. ... ἀλλ’ εἴ τις πρὸς ἃ οἱ πολλοὶ -δύνανται ἀντέχειν, τούτων ἡττᾶται καὶ μὴ δύναται ἀντιτείνειν, μὴ διὰ -φύσιν τοῦ γένους ἢ διὰ νόσον, οἷον _ἐν τοῖς Σκυθῶν βασιλεῦσιν ἡ μαλακία -διὰ τὸ γένος_, καὶ ὡς τὸ θῆλυ πρὸς τὸ ἄρρεν διέστηκεν· δοκεῖ δὲ καὶ -ὁ παιδιώδης ἀκόλαστος εἶναι, ἔστι δὲ μαλακός.—_ἀκρασίας_ δὲ τὸ μὲν -προπέτεια τὸ δ’ _ἀσθένεια_· οἱ μὲν γὰρ βουλευσάμενοι οὐκ ἐμμένουσιν οἷς -ἐβουλεύσαντο διὰ τὸ _πάθος_, οἱ δὲ διὰ τὸ μὴ βουλεύσασθαι ἄγονται _ὑπὸ -τοῦ πάθους_. (ch. 5., But this is the very condition of people who are -under the influence of passion; for fits of anger and the desires of -sensual pleasures and some such things do unmistakably produce a change -in the condition of the body, and in some cases actually cause madness. -It is clear then that we must regard incontinent people as being in -much the same condition as people so affected, i.e. people asleep or -mad or intoxicated.—ch. 6., Other such states again are the results -of a morbid disposition or of habit, as e.g. the practice of plucking -out one’s hair, or biting one’s nails, or eating cinders and earth, -_or of committing unnatural vice_; for these habits are sometimes -natural,—when a person’s nature is vicious,—and sometimes acquired, -as e.g. by those who are the victims of outrage from childhood. Now -whenever nature is the cause of these habits, nobody would call people -who give way to them incontinent, any more than we should call women -incontinent for being not males, but females.—For all excess whether -of folly, cowardice, incontinence, or savagery is either brutal or -morbid.—ch. 8., for he is necessarily incapable of repentance and -is therefore incurable, as to be incapable of _repentance is to be -incurable_:—If a person gives in where people generally resist and -are capable of resisting, he deserves to be called effeminate and -luxurious; for luxury is a form of effeminacy. Such a person will -let his cloak trail in the mud to avoid the trouble of lifting it -up, etc.—if a person is mastered by things against which most people -succeed in holding out, and is impotent to struggle against them, -unless his impotence is due to hereditary constitution or to disease, -as effeminacy is hereditary in the kings of Scythia, or as a woman is -naturally weaker than a man. But the man addicted to boys would seem -to be incontinent, and is effeminate.—_Incontinence_ assumes sometimes -the form of impetuosity, and at other times that of _weakness_. Some -men deliberate, but _their emotion_ prevents them from abiding by the -result of their deliberation; others again do not deliberate, and are -therefore carried away _by their emotion_). - -This passage has been quite misunderstood by _Stark_, loco citato -p. 27, for he has made it too refer to the νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine -disease); in this error indeed _Camerarius_, (Explic. Ethic. Aristot. -Nicomach.—Explanations of Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics—Frankfort -1578, 4to., p. 344) whom he cites, had preceded him. _Stark_ says: -Excusat autor eos, qui propter naturae quandam mollitiem et levitatem -vitiorum illecebris resistere nequeant. Haec infirmitas vel ex morbo -procreata vel a sexus differente natura profecta esse potest. Quarum -rationum exempla et _quidem alterius_ _διὰ νόσον_, _Scytharum morbum_, -alterius διὰ φύσιν τοῦ γένους mulierum debilitatem affert. (The author -is excusing such as on account of a certain softness and lightness of -nature cannot resist the allurements of vice. This weakness may have -been either induced by disease, or have sprung from the different -nature of the sexes. Of which cases he gives two examples—_of the one_ -διὰ νόσον (_on account of disease_), _the disease of the Scythians_, -of the other διὰ φύσιν τοῦ γένους (on account of congenital nature), -the relative weakness of women). But Aristotle says expressly in the -passage that the μαλακία (softness, effeminacy) of the Scythians, -as well as of a woman, was διὰ γένους (congenital),—that Scythians -equally with women are weakly by birth; while his examples of the -διὰ νόσον (on account of disease) do not come till further on. The -Scythians, he says, like women, are μαλακοί (soft), and the same is -true of the man who practises vices with boys (παιδιώδης); it is a -part of their nature, and so they are not ἀκόλαστοι (“intemperate”), -for the ἀκόλαστος is such a man as cannot owing to disease govern -himself (ἀκρασία, ἀσθενεία, διὰ τὸ πάθος—incontinence, weakness, -owing to passion). Thus the question cannot possibly be here of the -νοῦσος θήλεια (feminine disease), but merely of a weakly, effeminate -mode of life; and this is properly speaking μαλακία, while the vice -of the pathic is called μαλθακία,—but the two words were constantly -interchanged, and thus a part of the blame for the mistake may very -well lie with the transcribers. A Pathic is habitually μαλακός, but -the μαλακὸς is not necessarily also a Pathic. Hence it might very -probably be right to read, as Aspasius and other editors have actually -done, Περσῶν for Σκυθῶν (kings _of the Persians_ for kings _of the -Scythians_), even though the MSS. show no variants; and indeed to -confirm this one might bring forward the trailing of the cloak (ὃς -ἕλκει τὸ ἱμάτιον—the man who trails his cloak) which is mentioned -as an example, and which was, as is well known, a fashion among the -Persians.—ch. 10., οὐ γὰρ πᾶς ὁ δι’ ἡδονήν τι πράττων οὔτ’ ἀκόλαστος -οὔτε φαῦλος οὔτ’ ἀκρατής, ἀλλ’ ὁ δι’ αἰσχράν. (For not every man that -does a thing for pleasure is “intemperate” or base or incontinent, but -he that does it for _disgraceful_ pleasure). - -[349] _Cicero_, De Divinat. I. 38., Aristoteles quidem eos etiam, -qui valetudinis vitio furerent et melancholici dicerentur, censebat -habere aliquid in animis praesagiens atque divinum. (Aristotle indeed -considered that such men as were mad in consequence of ill-health and -were called “melancholics”, also possessed in their minds somewhat of -the prophetic and divine). - -[350] _Aristotle_, Nicomach. Ethics VII. ch. 11., ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἀκρατὴς -οὐκ ἐμμένει τῷ λόγῳ διὰ τὸ μᾶλλον. ch. 12. ἔτι ἐμπόδιον τῷ φρονεῖν -αἱ ἡδοναὶ, καὶ ὅσῳ μᾶλλον χαίρει, μᾶλλον, οἷον τὴν τῶν ἀφροδισίων -οὐδένα γὰρ ἂν δύνασθαι νοῆσαί τι ἐν αὐτῇ.... ἔτι παιδία καὶ θηρία -διώκει τὰς ἡδονάς. (For the reason why the incontinent person does -not abide by reason lies in an excess.—ch. 12., Pleasures too are an -impediment to thoughtfulness, and the greater the pleasure, the greater -the impediment, as e.g. the pleasure of love, for thought is out of -the question, while it lasts.... And lastly children and brute beasts -pursue pleasure). - -[351] So _Quintilian_, Declam. III., says: Siculi in tantum vitio -regnant, ut obscoenis cupiditatibus natura cesserit, ut pollutis _in -femineam_ usque _patientiam_ maribus incurrat iam libido in sexum suum. -(The Sicilians are so predominant in vice, that Nature has ceased to -satisfy their fool lusts,—that males are debauched to _a feminine -passivity_ (to suffer treatment proper to women), and men fall back for -the gratification of their concupiscence on their own sex). - -_Seneca_, Epist. 95., Libidine vero ne maribus quidem cedunt, _pati -natae_. (In concupiscence they yield not even to males, _though born to -the_ passive part). - -[352] Nonne vehementissime admiraretur, si quisquam non gratissimum -munus arbitraretur, virum se natum, sed depravato naturae beneficio -in _mulierem convertere se_ properasset. (Should one not marvel -exceedingly, if any man should fail to hold it a most excellent -privilege to have been born a man, but should rather, degrading the -gift of nature, have hasted _to turn himself into a woman_) says -_Rutilius Lupus_, De figur. sentent. bk. II. Speaking of men who use -unguents, _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag. bk. II. ch. 8. p. 177., -says, ἀνδρωνῖτιν ἐκθηλύνουσιν and τὰ γενικὰ ἐκθηλύνειν (they womanize -their manhood, to womanize their sex). Similarly, though with a -different reference, _Clearchus_ says of the Lydians, τέλος, τὰς ψυχὰς -ἄποθηλυνθεντες ἦλλαξάντο τὸν τῶν γυναικῶν βίον. (in fine, having become -womanized in their souls, they adopted the mode of life of women). -_Athenaeus_, Deipnos. XII. p. 516. - -[353] Hence paederastia is called also πασχητιασμός (practice of -_passive_ lust) in _Lucian_, Gallus 32. _Clement of Alexandria_, -Paedag. bk. II. ch. 10. _Eustathius_, Comment. in Hexameron. p. 38. -Also the verb πασχητιάω (to indulge in passive lust) is found in -_Lucian_, Amor. 26., in this sense. The same is excellently expressed -by an anonymous poet in the Greek Anthology. bk. II. tit. 5. No. 2., - - Ἀνέρας ἠρνήσαντο, καὶ οὐκ ἐγένοντο γυναῖκες· - Οὔτ’ ἄνδρες γεγάασιν, ἐπεὶ πάθων ἔργα γυναικῶν, - Οὐδὲ γυναῖκες ἔασιν, ἐπεὶ φύσιν ἔλλαχον ἀνδρῶν. - Ἀνέρες εἰσὶ γυναιξὶ καὶ ἀνδράσιν εἰσὶ γυναῖκες. - -(They refused to be men, and failed to become women. They are no men, -for they endure the tasks of women, nor yet are they women, for they -inherited at birth the nature of men. Men are they to women, and women -to men). - -In _Aeschines_, Orat. in Timarch., edit. Reiske p. 128., the pathic -Timarchus is called the γυνὴ (woman, wife) of Hegesander, his violator: -θαυμασάντων δὲ ὑμῶν, πῶς ἀνὴρ καὶ γυνὴ, καὶ τίς ὁ λόγος, εἶπε μικρὸν -διαλιπών· ἀγνοεῖτε, ἔφη, ὅ, τι λέγω· ὁ μὲν ἀνὴρ ἐστὶν Ἡγήσανδρος -ἐκεῖνος νυνὶ, ἔφη, πρότερον δ’ ἦν καὶ αὐτὸς Λεωδάμαντος _γυνὴ· ἡ δὲ -γυνὴ_ Τίμαρχος οὑτοσίν. (And when you wondered how he could be man -and woman, and what the phrase meant, he replied after a moment’s -pause. You don’t understand, he cried, what I mean. The husband is -Hegesander yonder, he went on, now; but once Hegesander himself was -_wife_ of Leodamas; and the _wife_ of Hegesander is Timarchus here). -_St. Amphilochius_, who lived under Theodosius, says in his “Epistola -iambica ad Seleucum” (Letter in iambic verse to Seleucus) vv. 90-99., - - ἄλλοι δ’ ἐκείνων ἔθνος ἀθλιώτατον, - τῶν ἀῤῥένων τὴν δόξαν ἐξορχούμενον, - μελῶν λιγυσμοῖς συγκατακλῶντες φύσιν. - ἄνδρες, γυναῖκες ἄῤῥενες, θηλυδρίαι. - Οὐκ ἄνδρες, οὐ γυναῖκες, ἀψευδεῖ λόγῳ. - Τὸ μὲν γὰρ οὐ μένουσι, τὸ δ’ οὐκ ἔφθασαν, - Ὃ μὲν γὰρ εἰσὶν οὐ μένουσι τῷ τρόπῳ, - ὃ δ’ αὖ κακῶς θέλουσιν, οὐκ εἰσὶν φύσει. - Ἀσωτίας αἴνιγμα καὶ γρίφος παθῶν. - ἄνδρες γυναιξὶ καὶ γυναῖκες ἀνδράσιν. - -(Others of them belong to that most miserable tribe that dances away -their repute as man, breaking down their nature to the shrill tones of -songs,—men that are male women, womanish men. Not men and not women -are they in very truth. For the one sex they will not keep, the other -they have not gained; for what they really are they remain not, such is -their fashion, and what they foully long to be, that they are not, such -is their nature. An enigma of uncleanness, and a riddle of lust. Men -they are to women, and women to men). - -Comp. _Barth_, Adversar. bk. XLIII. ch. 21. p. 1968., and the -expression θήλεια Φιλόξενος (a feminine Philoxenus) quoted p. 169 -above. The Romans also used their word _femina_ (woman, wife) in the -same way; as may be gathered from _Ausonius_, Epigr. LXIX.—In eum qui -muliebria patiebatur (On one who suffered himself to be treated as a -woman), where we read at the end: - - Nolo tamen veteris documenta arcessere famae. - Ecce ego sum factus _femina_ de puero. - -(Yet I need not call up instances from ancient legend. Lo! I myself -have become _a woman_, who was erst a boy). - -_Petronius_, Satir. 75, femina ipse mei domini fui.—I myself (masc.) -was my master’s _wife_. Justin, Hist. Philipp. I. 3. _Curtius_, III. 10. - -[354] Comp. _Epictetus_, Dissertat. I. 16. 10., and Upton on the -passage. - -[355] _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag. bk. III. ch. 3., Εἰς τοσοῦτον δὲ -ἄρα ἐλήλακεν ἡ χλιδὴ ὡς μὴ τὸ θῆλυ μόνον _νοσεῖν_ περὶ τὴν κενοσπουδίαν -ταύτην, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ζηλοῦν τὴν _νόσον_· μὴ γὰρ καθαρεύοντες -καλλωπισμοῦ, _οὐχ ὑγιαίνουσιν_. πρὸς δὲ _τὸ μαλθακώτερον_ ἀποκλίνοντες, -γυναικίζονται, κουρὰς μὲν ἀγεννεῖς, καὶ πορνικὰς ἀποκειρόμενοι· χλανίσι -δὲ διαφανέσι περιπεπεμμένοι, καὶ μαστίχην τρώγοντες, ὄζοντες μύρου. -Τί ἄν τις φαίη, τούτους ἰδών; ἀτεχνῶς καθάπερ μετωποσκόπος, ἐκ τοῦ -σχήματος αὐτοὺς καταμαντεύεται, μοιχούς τε καὶ _ἀνδρογύνους, ἀμφοτέραν -Ἀφροδίτην θηρωμένους_· μισότριχας, ἄτριχας· τὸ ἄνθος τὸ ἀνδρικὸν -μυσαττομένους· τὰς κόμας δὲ ὥσπερ αἱ γυναῖκες κοσμουμένους.... Διὰ -τούτους γοῦν πληρεῖς αἱ πόλεις πιττούντων, ξηρούντων, παρατιλλόντων -τοὺς _θηλυδρίας_ τούτους· ἐργαστήρια δὲ κατεσκεύασται καὶ ἀνέῳκται -πάντῃ· καὶ τεχνῖται τῆς ἑταιρικῆς ταύτης πορνείας, συχνὸν ἐμπολῶσιν -ἀργύριον ἐμφανῶς, οἱ σφὰς καταπιττοῦσιν· καὶ τὰς τρίχας τοῖς ἀνασπῶσι -πάντα τρόπον περιέχουσιν· οὐδὲν αἰσχυνόμενοι τοὺς ὁρῶντας, οὐδὲ τοὺς -παριόντας, ἀλλ’ _οὐδὲ ἑαυτοὺς ἄνδρας ὄντας_. (To such a height then -has wanton luxury advanced, that not merely the female sex is _sick_ -with this eagerness after frivolities, but even men are eager after -the _disease_; for indeed none being free from love of self-adornment, -they are not _free from disease_. But giving way to effeminacy, they -play at being women, cutting the hair in ignoble and meretricious -fashion; decked out too in transparent robes, chewing mastich-gum and -scented with myrrh. What should a man say, on seeing them? Why! exactly -like a phrenologist, he divines them from their look as adulterers -and _men-women, such as hunt after both kinds of Love_,—abhorrers -of hair, hairless men, that loathe the bloom of manhood,—men that -dress their locks like women.—For these men’s needs cities are full -of such as apply pitch-ointments, sear and pluck out the hairs of -these _effeminates_. For this purpose shops are established and open -everywhere; and artistes of this meretricious harlotry earn many a fee -openly, the artistes that lay on the pitch-ointments for them. And to -those that pluck out their hairs they offer every facility, feeling no -shame of spectators nor of passers-by, nay! _nor even of themselves -that are no men_). - -[356] Clement of Alexandria, Paedagog., bk. III. ch. 5., δι’ ἀλαζονείαν -περιττὴν, μάλιστα δὲ τὴν αὐτεξούσιον ἀπαιδευσίαν, καθ’ ἣν κατηγοροῦσιν -ἀνάνδρων ἀνδρῶν, πρὸς γυναικῶν κεκρατημένων, ἀποδεικνύμεναι. (Known -by their excessive chicanerie, and particularly that voluntary -indiscipline of character, whereof they accuse womanish men that are -mastered by women). - -[357] “Besides haemorrhoidal swellings are a very usual symptom with -these unhappy sufferers; and _when the evil has reached its highest -development, the power of erection in the male member is completely -lost, the scrotum entirely relaxed and the testicles flaccid_,” _C. L. -Klose_ in Ersch und Gruber, Encyclopädie: Article, Paederastia, Sect. -III Vol. 9. p. 148. In fact it is the usual practice of the paederast -to elicit the pathic’s semen at the same time by using the hand! - -[358] περὶ ὕψους, ch. 28., Καὶ τὸ ἀμίμητον ἐκεῖνο τοῦ Ἡροδότου, τῶν δὲ -Σκυθέων τοῖς συλήσασι τὸ ἱερὸν ἐνέβαλεν ἡ θεὸς _θήλειαν νοῦσον_. (And -that inimitable phrase of Herodotus’, “and on such of the Scythians as -plundered her temple the goddess inflicted _feminine disease_.”) - -[359] De figuris, edit. J. Fr. Boissonade. London 1818. 8vo., ch. 35 -pp. 56 sqq., Περίφρασις δ’ ἔστιν ὅταν τῆς ἁπλῆς καὶ εὐθεῖας γινομένης -ἑρμενείας εὐτελοῦς οὔσης, μεταβαλλόντες, κόσμου ἕνεκα ἢ πάθους, ἢ -μεγαλοπρεπείας, ἄλλοις ὀνόμασι, καὶ πλείοσι τῶν κυρίων καὶ ἀναγκαίων, -τὸ πρᾶγμα ἑρμηνεύσωμεν· οἷον ἐστὶ—παρὰ δὲ Ἡροδότῳ, ἐνέσκηψεν _ἡ θεὸς -θήλειαν νόσον, ἀντὶ τοῦ ἐποίησεν ἀνδρογύνους ἢ κατεαγότας_. (for -translation see text above). The Greek word κατεαγότας (broken, -enervated) corresponds to the Latin _percisus_. The Romans undoubtedly -used _effeminatus_ (effeminate) as synonymous with _cinaedus_, -as is shown by a passage in _Seneca_, De benefic., bk. VII. ch. -25., Aristippus aliquando delectatus unguento, male, inquit, istis -_effeminatis_ eveniat, qui rem tam bellam infamaverunt. (On one -occasion Aristippus being much pleased with a certain perfume, said: -Confound those vile _effeminates_, who have made so fine a delicacy -infamous). This is obviously a free translation of the Greek words as -they stand in _Diogenes Laertius_, Vita Aristippi, bk. II. ch. 8. note -4.,—and in _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag., bk. II. ch. 8. p. 279., -Ἀρίστιππος γοῦν ὁ φιλόσοφος, χρισάμενος μύρῳ, κακοὺς κακῶς ἀπολωλέναι -χρῆναι τοὺς κιναίδους ἔφασκεν, τοῦ μύρου τὴν ὠφέλειαν εἰς λοιδορίαν -διαβεβληκότας. (Now Aristippus the philosopher, after he had anointed -himself with myrrh, said, foully should the foul cinaedi perish, -because they have brought into disrepute that excellent creature -myrrh.). - -[360] Bk. IV. ch. 67. - -[361] Perhaps it is from this that Bacchus gets his secondary title of -_Attis_. _Clement of Alexandria_, Ad Gentes, p. 12, says, δι’ ἣν αἰτίαν -οὐκ ἀπεικότως τὸν Διόνυσόν τινες Ἄττιν προσαγορεύεσθαι θέλουσιν, -αἰδοίων ἐστερημένον. (For which reason some maintain, and not without -probability, that Dionysus is called Attis, as being deprived of the -genital organs). According to the Scholiast to _Lucian_, De Dea Syra, -ch. 16, Dionysus was roaming about in the search for his mother Semelé, -when he came upon Polyymnus, and the latter promised to reveal his -mother’s place of abode, if he would practise paederastia with him. -This he did, and Polyymnus accompanied him to Lerna, where Semelé -would seem to have been, and died there. Mourning the death of his -paederast, Dionysus hewed out of fig-tree wood private parts of wood, -and carried them about with him constantly in memory of Polyymnus. For -this reason Dionysus is worshipped with Phallic emblems. (λυπηθεὶς δὲ - ὁ Διόνυσος, ὅτε ὁ ἑραστὴς αὐτοῦ ἔθνησκε, αἰδοῖον ξύλινον ἐκ συκίνου -ξύλου πελεκήσας, κατεῖχεν ἀεὶ πρὸς μνήμην τοῦ Πολυύμνου· διὰ ταύτην -τὴν αἰτίαν τοῖς φαλλοῖς τιμῶσιν τὸν Διόνυσον.) The story is related -at greater length by _Clement of Alexandria_, Cohortat. ad Gentes, -p. 22; but he calls the lover Prosymnus (as does _Arnobius_, bk. V. -27. Comp. Tzetzes, in Lycophron., 213), and actually makes Bacchus -practise _Onania postica_ (Masturbation by the posterior), for he -says: ἀφοσιούμενος τῷ ἐραστῇ ὁ Διόνυσος, ἐπὶ τὸ μνημεῖον ὁρμᾷ, καὶ -_πασχητιᾷ_· κλάδον οὖν συκῆς, ὡς ἔτυχεν, ἐκτεμνὼν ἀνδρείου μορίου -σκευάζεται τρόπον· _ἐφέζεταί τε τῷ κλάδῳ_, τὴν ὑπόχεσιν ἐκτελῶν -τῷ νεκρῷ ὑπόμνημα τοῦ πάθους τούτου μυστικὸν· φαλλοὶ κατὰ πόλεις -ἀνίστανται Διονύσῳ. (Dionysus by way of performing due service to his -lover’s memory, hastens to his tomb, and proceeds to _practise passive -lust_. So cutting down the branch of a fig-tree, he fashions it to -a semblance of a man’s member; and then he _mounts the branch in a -sitting posture_, fulfilling his promise to the dead man,—a mystic -memorial of his pathic loves. Phalli are set up in Cities in honour of -Dionysus). In Arnobius, loco citato, we read that Dionysus: Ficorum ex -arbore ramum validissimum praeferens dolat, runcinat, levigat et humani -penis fabricatur in speciem: figit super aggerem tumuli, et postica ex -parte nudatus, accedit, subdit, insidit. Lascivia deinde luxuriantis -assumpta, huc atque illuc clunes torquet et meditatur ab ligno pati, -quod iam dudum in veritate promiserat.—(Bringing with him a sturdy -branch of a fig-tree, hews, planes and smoothes it, and fashions it -into the shape of a man’s penis; then he fixes it upright on the mound -of the tomb, and stripping his posteriors, advances, mounts, and sits -down on it. Then imitating the lascivious motions of a wanton in the -act, writhes his buttocks this way and that, and imagines himself to be -receiving from the wooden member the treatment which he had long ago -promised in reality). Similarly we read in _Petronius_, Sat., Profert -Enothea _scorteum fascinum_ quod ut oleo et minuto pipere atque urticae -trito circumdedit semine, paulatim coepit inserere ano meo. (Enothea -produces a _man’s member made of leather_, which first of all she -covered with oil and ground pepper and pounded nettle-seed, and then -began by degrees to push it up my anus). Now too we shall be able to -explain to our satisfaction what is the meaning of the phrase συκίνη -ἐπικουρία ἐπὶ τῶν ἀσθενῶν (_fig-wood_ succour,—said of weak allies), -which is mentioned by _Suidas_ under the word ὄλισβος (artificial -member), and for which in the passage quoted above _Aristophanes_ -substitutes σκυτίνη ’πικουρία (_leathern_ succour). On this the -Scholiast observes: σκυτίνην ἐπικουρίαν καλεῖ τὴν σκυτίνην βοήθειον, -εἴτε τὴν δερματίνην βοήθειαν, τὴν πληροῦσαν ἐπιθυμίαν ἀντὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν· -τοῦτο δὲ ποιοῦσιν αἱ ἀκόλαστοι γυναῖκες· σκυτίνην δὲ ἐπικουρίαν λέγει, -παρὰ τὴν παροιμίαν· Συκίνη ἐπικουρία· ἐπὶ τῶν ἀσθενῶν βοηθημάτων καὶ -ἴσως ἐνταῦθα γραπτέον, συκίνη ἀντὶ τοῦ σκυτίνη. (_leathern succour_: so -Aristophanes calls the leathern help, or help of hide, the instrument -that satisfies (women’s) longings in default of men. This is a practice -that incontinent women follow. He says leathern (σκυτίνη), succour -playing on the proverb, “Fig-wood (συκίνη) succour”, said of weak -efforts at assistance. Possibly we should read συκίνη (of fig-wood) -for σκυτίνη (of leather) here. Again: _σκυτάλαι_· στρογγύλα καὶ λεῖα -ξύλα.—_σκυτάλη_· βακτηρία ἀκροπαχής (batons: rounded and polished -staves)—(baton: a blunt-pointed staff) in _Suidas_, and the passage in -Aristophanes, τοῦτ’ ἔστ’ ἐκεῖνο τῶν σκυτάλων, ὧν πέρδετο (this is the -particular baton that made him break wind), which _Suidas_, under the -word σκυτάλον (baton) has obviously misunderstood, just as much as the -Scholiast has. For in all these passages it is the _Priapus ficulnus_ -(Priapus of fig-wood), also well-known to the Romans, that we must -understand to be intended. Apposite in this connection is Horace’s -(Sat I. 8. 1.), Olim truncus eram, inutile lignum (Once the trunk of a -fig-tree was I, a useless log,)—on which the commentators have wasted a -host of extraordinary interpretations. - -[362] Symposion, p. 189., _ἀνδρόγυνον_ γὰρ ἓν τότε μὲν ἦν καὶ εἶδος, -_καὶ ὄνομα, ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων κοινὸν τοῦ τε ἄῤῥενος καὶ θήλεος_. (For then -there was a third, a man-woman, sex, in form as well as in name, -commingled of both sexes, the male and the female.) Plainer still is -this passage from _Lucian_, Amores 28., πᾶσα δὲ ἡμῶν ἡ γυναικωνῖτις -ἔστω Φιλαινὶς, _ἀνδρογύνους ἔρωτας_ ἀσχημονοῦσα. καὶ πόσῳ κρεῖττον -εἰς ἄῤῥενα τρυφὴν βιάζεσθαι γυναῖκα ἢ τὸ γενναῖον ἀνδρῶν εἰς γυναῖκα -θηλύνεσθαι· (And let all our women’s apartments be Philaenis, foully -indulging in male-female loves. And how much better it were that -a woman should trespass on male wantonness than that the noble -manliness of men should be effeminated and made womanish.) _Clement -of Alexandria_, Paedag., bk. II. ch. 10., ἐντεῦθεν συμφανὲς ἡμῖν -ὁμολογουμένως παραιτεῖσθαι δεῖν τὰς ἀῤῥενομιξίας, καὶ τὰς ἀκράτους -σπορὰς καὶ κατόπιν εὐνὰς καὶ τὰς ἀσυμφύεις _ἀνδρογύνους κοινωνίας_. -(Hence it is manifest we ought avowedly to deprecate intercourse with -males and inordinate embraces and copulation behind and unnatural -_unions of men-women_.) A little further on the same author says, αἱ -δολεραὶ γυναῖκες καὶ _τῶν ἀνδρῶν οἱ γυναικώδεις_. (deceitful women -and the _womanish kind_ of men,) and speaks of θηλυδριώδης ἐπιθυμία -(effeminate lustfulness). A résumé of pretty nearly all words of -this class is given by _Suidas_, s. v. Ἄῤῥεν καὶ Ἀῤῥενικῶς. Καὶ -ἡμίανδρος καὶ ἡμιγύναιξ καὶ διγενὴς καὶ θηλυδρίας, καὶ ἑρμαφρόδιτος, -καὶ ἴθρις, οὗ ἰσχὺς τεθέρισται· καὶ ἀῤῥενωπὸς, ὁ ἀνδρόγυνος· καὶ ὁ -ἀνδρεῖος· ὁ στεῤῥὸς· λέγουσι δ’ οὕτω τὰ μὲν ἄλλα γύνιδας, ἔχοντας δέ -τι ἀνδρόμορφον. Ἱππῶναξ δὲ, ἡμίανδρον, τὸν οἷον ἡμιγύναικα· λέγεται -δὲ καὶ ἀπόκοπος, καὶ βάκηλος [βάτταλος] καὶ ἀνδρόγυνος, καὶ Γάλλος, -καὶ γύννις, καὶ Ἄττις καὶ εύνουχώδης. (under the words Ἄῤῥεν and -ἀῤῥενικῶς (masculine, masculinely): Semi-man, semi-woman, double-sexed, -womanish man, hermaphrodite, eunuch—one whose virility has been cut; -masculine-looking, the man-woman,—also the manly, the strong, man. By -such names are signified effeminate men that yet have some look of men. -Hipponax also uses in this sense semi-man, and its synonym semi-woman. -Such a one is called also castrated, eunuch (pathic), man-woman, -Gallus—eunuch-priest of Cybelé, Attis, eunuch-like.) The same holds -good of the word εὐνοῦχος (eunuch), which by no means signifies only -actual castrated eunuchs. Thus _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedagog., -bk. III. ch. 4., says, εὐνοῦχος δὲ ἀληθὴς, οὐχ ὁ μὴ δυνάμενος, ἀλλ’ ὁ -μὴ βουλόμενος φιληδεῖν· ... εὐνοῦχοι πολλοὶ, καὶ οὗτοι μαστροποὶ τῷ -ἀξιοπίστῳ τοῦ μὴ δύνασθαι φιληδεῖν, τοῖς εἰς ἡδονὰς ἐθέλουσι ῥαθυμεῖν -ἀνυπόπτως διακονούμενοι. (But the true eunuch is not he that cannot, -but he that will not, love.... Many eunuchs, and these serving as -pandars, by reason of the certainty that they cannot love, to such as -are fain to indulge in secure pleasures without suspicion.) - -[363] Oneirocritica., bk. V. ch. 65., Ἔδοξέ τις τὸ αἰδοῖον αὐτοῦ ἄχρις -ἄκρας τῆς κορώνης τετριχῶσθαι, καὶ λάσιον εἶναι πυκνῶν πάνυ τριχῶν -αἰφνίδιον φυεισῶν· ἀποπεφασμένος κίναιδος ἐγένετο πάσῃ μὲν ἀκολάστῳ -χρησάμενος ἡδονῇ, _θηλυδρίας ὢν καὶ ἀνδρόγυνος_, μόνῳ δὲ τῷ αἰδοίῳ κατὰ -νόμον ἀνδρῶν μὴ χρώμενος. Τοιγαροῦν οὕτως ἤδη ἀργὸν ἦν αὐτῷ τὸ μέρος -ἐκεῖνο, ὡς διὰ τὸ μὴ τρίβεσθαι πρὸς ἕτερον σῶμα καὶ τρίχας ἐκφύσαι. -(for translation see text above). - -[364] _Ἀνδρόγυνον_ κωμῳδεῖν ἔδοξέ τις δρᾶμα· ἐνόσησεν αὐτῷ τὸ αἰδοῖον. -Γάλλους ὁρᾶν ἔδοξέ τις· ἐνόσησεν αὐτῷ τὸ αἰδοῖον. Τὸ μὲν πρῶτον διὰ -τὸ ὄνομα οὕτως ἀπέβη, τὸ δὲ δεύτερον διὰ τὸ συμβεβηκὸς τοῖς ὁρωμένοις. -Καί τοι καὶ τὸ κωμῳδεῖν οἰσθα ὃ σημαίνει, καὶ τὸ Γάλλους ὁρᾶν. Μέμνησο -δὲ, ὅτι, εἴτε κωμῳδεῖν, εἴτε τραγῳδεῖν ὑπολάβοι τις, καὶ μνημονεύει, -κατά τὴν ὑπόθεσιν τοῦ δράματος κρίνεται καὶ τὰ ἀποτελέσματα. (for -translation see text above). The signification of κωμῳδεῖν and -τραγῳδεῖν (to represent Comedy, Tragedy) is given by _Artemidorus_, -bk. I. ch. 56. As to the _Galli_ comp. bk. II. 69. In bk. II. ch. 12. -we read: Ὕαινα δὲ γυναῖκα σημαίνει _ἀνδρόγυνον_ ἢ φαρμακίδα, καὶ ἄνδρα -κίναιδον οὐκ εὐγνώμονα. (Hyaena signifies a woman that is _male-female_ -or a sorceress, and a man that is a cinaedus without moderation). It -was a widespread belief amongst the Ancients that the hyaena was at -one time a male and at another a female (comp. _Aelian_, Hist. anim., -I. 25. _Horapollo_, Hieroglyph., II. 65. _Ovid_, Metamorph., Bk. XV. -Fab. 38. _Tertullian_, De Pallio, ch. 3.). As early however as the time -of _Aristotle_ it had been declared a fable by him, Hist. anim., Bk. -VI. ch. 32., and _Clement of Alexandria_ says the same, Paedagog., II. -9. Yet the idea was still cherished at the beginning of the present -Century at the Cape of Good Hope, see _Corn. de Jong_, “Reise nach dem -Vorgebirge der Guten Hoffnung,” (Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope). -Hamburg 1803. Pt I. Letter 6. _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedagog., bk. -II. ch. 9., tells a still more remarkable tale of the hare, καὶ τὸν -μὲν λαγῶν κατ’ ἔτεος πλεονεκτεῖν φασὶ τὴν ἀφόδευσιν, εἰς ἀριθμοὺς οἱς -βεβίωκεν ἔτεσιν ἴσχοντα τρυπάς· ταύτῃ ἄρα τὴν κώλυσιν τῆς ἐδωδῆς τοῦ -λαγὼ, παιδεραστίας ἐμφαίνειν ἀποτροπὴν. (Moreover it is said that the -hare gets every year fresh means of voiding its excrement, having holes -corresponding to the number of years it has lived; and that for this -reason the prohibition against eating hare appears to be a dissuasion -from paederastia). This is confirmed by St. Barnabas, Epist., ch. 10. -and by _Pliny_, Hist. Nat., VIII. 55. To this fable also we must look -for an explanation of the proverbial saying δασύπους κρεῶν ἐπιθυμεῖ -(puss longs for flesh-meats), and Lepus tute es, et pulmentum quaeris? -(Are _you_ a hare, and look for condiments?) in _Terence_, Eunuch., -III. 36. Possibly too the κύων τεῦτλα οὐ τρώγει (dog does not gnaw -pot-herbs) of Diogenes has a connection with the same notion,—Diogenes -Laertius, VI. 2. 6. So _Strato_ in the distich (_Greek Anthology_ bk. -I. tit. 72. No. 6.): - - Ἔστι Δράκων τὶς ἔφηβος, ἄγαν καλὸς· ἀλλὰ δράκων ὢν - Πῶς εἰς τὴν τρώγλην ἄλλον _ὄφιν δέχεται_; - -(A certain youth there is, Draco (serpent) by name, very fair to see; -but being a serpent, how comes it he _takes another snake_ into his -hole?) _Aristophanes_, Eccles., 904., κἀπὶ τῆς κλίνης _ὄφιν_ εὕροις, -(and on your bed may you find a _snake_), on which the Scholiast -comments ὄφις—λαμβάνεται ἀντὶ τοῦ αἰδοίου οὐ τεταμένου δηλαδὴ, ἀλλ’ -ἀνειμένου. (ὄφις—snake: to be taken as meaning the privy member,—not -erect that is, but relaxed). So in the _Priapeia_, LXXXIII. 33., we -find: licebit aeger, _angue_ lentior (will be reckoned as sick, slacker -than a snake). - -[365] _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedagog., Bk. II. ch. 10., οὐδὲ τῶν -κατεαγότων, τούτων δὴ τῶν τὴν κιναιδίαν τὴν ἄφωνον ἐπὶ τὰς σκηνὰς -μετιόντων ὀρχηστῶν ἀποῤῥέουσαν εἰς τοσοῦτον ὕβρεως τὴν ἐσθῆτα -περιορώντων. (nor yet of the debauchees, those dancers I mean that -bring onto the stage cinaedia in pantomime, and suffer their costume to -flow loosely to such a degree of indecency). - -[366] _Naumann_ (Schmidt’s Jahrbuch 1837. Vol. 13. p. 100.) says: -Ἐναρέες, probably a Scythian word, calls to mind the dwarf _Anar_ or -_Onar_ in the old Northern Mythology,—a eunuch in a sort, but who -was nevertheless reverenced as father-in-law of Odin. (_J. Grimm_, -“Deutsche Mythologie” (German Mythology). Göttingen 1835. p. 424). -With this Hippocrates’ statement would agree, according to which these -eunuchs were regarded by their countrymen with a reverence almost as -if they had been gods.—As to this, first observe that it yet remains -to be proved that the Scythian language belongs to the Indo-Germanic -family, secondly that with Onar or Anar there is no question at all -of a _non-man_ or actual _eunuch_, for Anar _begat a daughter on -Notta_. This daughter, Jördh, was wife of Odin, making Anar Odin’s -father-in-law. - -[367] Such a corruption of the word on the part of Herodotus is all the -more likely, as it is clearly established by modern investigations (as -indeed _Heyne_, loco citato, maintained long ago) that he never was in -Scythia proper. Comp. _Herodoti Musae_, edit. _J. Ch. F. Baehr_, Vol. -IV. Leipzig 1835., p. 395., and Vol. I. p. 455. _C. G. L. Heyse_, -De Herodoti vita et intineribus Diss. (Dissertation on the Life and -Journeys of Herodotus). Berlin 1826. 8vo. p. 104. - -[368] Deipnos., bk. XII. p. 530 D. - -[369] _Hesychius does_ give the word ἀνάρσιοι, and explains it -by ἀνάρμοστοι πολέμιοι· ἀπὸ τοῦ μὴ συνηρμοσθῆναι τοῖς ἤθεσιν. -(incompatible foes: from their not being _compatible in character -and disposition_). Plutarch, περὶ τῆς ἐν Τιμαίῳ ψυχογονίας (On the -Generation of the Soul in Plato’s “Timaeus”) near the end says: οἱ -ποιηταὶ καλοῦσιν _ἀναρσίους_ τοὺς ἐχθροὺς καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους, ὡς -ἀναρμοστίαν τὴν διαφορὰν οὖσαν. (the poets call _incompatible_ such -as are hostile and at enmity, the difference being irreconcileable). -_Zonaras_, Lexicon, writes: s. v. _ἀνάρσιοι_· ἐχθροί· _ἀδικοί_· -ἀνάρμοστοι. (under the word ἀνάρσιοι—incompatible: hostile; -_unjust_; irreconcileable). Similarly the Etymologicum Magnum; s. -v. _ἀνάρσιοι_· ἀδικοὶ, ἐχθροί.—ὁ ἀνάρμοστος καὶ ἀσύμφωνος· Ὦρος· -πολέμιος, _ὑβριστής_· καὶ _ἄναρσις_· νεῖκος, πόλεμος. (under the word -ἀνάρσιοι—incompatible: _unjust_, hostile,—one that is irreconcileable, -discordant. Orus (the Grammarian) gives: enemy, _overbearing_ man; -also _ἄναρσις_,—incompatibility: strife, war). According to this we -might very well read for ἐναρέες ἀνάρσιοι; for the Temple-robbers had -been ἄδικοι and ὑβρισταὶ (unjust, overbearing), and were further known -as pathics—whose vice was ἀδικία and ὕβρις (injustice, overbearing -violence), as we have seen again and again. Another point is that -_Homer_, Iliad XXIV. 365., Odyssey X. 459., uses the expression -ἀνάρσιοι in the sense of ὑβρισταὶ, ἄδικοι (overbearing, unjust men), -and this fact was always likely to be of weight with Herodotus, even -when he was translating a foreign word. Inasmuch as the word ἀνάρσιοι -had several meanings, he may very well have added the ἀνδρόγυνοι in the -second passage, instead of the καλοῦσι Σκύθαι (the Scythians call it), -in explanation of it. - -[370] Liber quisquis virtuti studet. Opera. edit. Mangey, Vol. II. -p. 465., Λέγετο γοῦν, ὅτι θεασάμενός τινα τῶν ὠνουμένων, _ὃν θήλεια -νόσος εἶχεν_ ἐκ τῆς ὄψεως _οὐκ ἄῤῥενα_, προελθὼν ἔφη, σύ με πρίω· σὺ -γὰρ ἀνδρὸς χρείαν ἔχειν μοι δοκεῖς· ὡς τὸν μὲν δυσωπηθέντα ἐφ’ οἷς -ἑαυτῷ σύνοιδε, καταδῦναι, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους τὸ σὺν εὐτολμίᾳ εὐθυβόλον -ἐκπλήττεσθαι. (for translation see text above). - -_Diogenes Laertius_, bk. VI. ch. 2. note 4, relates the story only -in outline: Φησὶ δὲ Μένιππος ἐν τῇ Διογένους πράσει, ὡς ἁλοὺς καὶ -πωλούμενος ἠρωτήθη τί οἶδε ποιεῖν; ἀπεκρίνατο, Ἀνδρῶν ἄρχειν· καὶ -πρὸς τὸν κήρυκα, Κήρυσσε, ἔφη, εἴ τις ἐθέλει δεσπότην αὑτῷ πρίασδαι. -(Menippus says in the sale of Diogenes that the philosopher, a captive -and for sale as a slave, was asked what he could do. He answered, -“Govern men”; turning to the crier and adding, “Cry!—does anyone wish -to buy a master to govern him?”). Comp. ibid. note 9. - -[371] De Specialibus Legibus, pp. 305 sqq., Ἐπεισκεκώμακε δὲ ταῖς -πόλεσιν ἕτερον πολὺ τοῦ λεχθέντος μεῖζον κακὸν _τὸ παιδεραστεῖν_, ὃ -πρότερον μὲν καὶ λεχθῆναι μέγα ὄνειδος ἦν, νυνὶ δ’ ἐστὶν αὔχημα _οὐ -τοῖς δρῶσι μόνον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς πάσχουσιν, οἱ νόσον θήλειαν νοσεῖν -ἐθιζόμενοι_. τάς τε ψυχὰς καὶ τὰ σώματα διαῤῥέουσι, μηδὲν ἐμπύρευμα -τῆς ἄῤῥενος γενεᾶς ἐῶντες ὑποτύφεσθαι, περιφανῶς οὕτως τὰς τῆς κεφαλῆς -τρίχας ἀναπλεκόμενοι καὶ διακοσμούμενοι, καὶ ψιμμυθίῳ καὶ ψύκεσι καὶ -τοῖς ὁμοιοτρόποις τὰς ὄψεις τριβόμενοι, καὶ ὑπογραφόμενοι, καὶ εὐώδεσι -μύροις λίπα χριόμενοι (προσαγωγὸν γὰρ μάλιστα ἐν τοῖς τοιούτοις τὸ -εὐῶδες) ἐν πᾶσι τοῖς εἰς εὐκοσμίαν ἠσκημένοις καὶ τὴν ἄῤῥενα φύσιν -ἐπιτηδεύσει· τεχνάζοντας _εἰς θήλειαν_ μεταβάλλειν, οὐκ ἐρυθριῶσι. -Καθ’ ὧν φονᾷν ἄξιον νόμῳ πειθαρχοῦντας, ὃς κελεύει _τὸν ἀνδρόγυνον_ τὰ -φύσεως νόμιμα παρακόπτοντα, νηποινεὶ τεθνάναι, μηδεμίαν ἡμέραν ἀλλὰ -μηδ’ ὥραν ἐώμενοι ζῇν, ὄνειδος αὑτοῦ καὶ οἰκίας καὶ πατρίδος ὄντα καὶ -τοῦ σύμπαντος ἀνθρώπων γένους. Ὁ δὲ παιδεραστὴς ἔστω τὴν αὐτὴν δίκην -ὑπομένων, ἐπειδὴ τὴν παρὰ φύσιν ἡδονὴν διώκει, καὶ τὰς πόλεις, τό -γ’ ἐπ’ αὐτὸν ἧκον μέρος, ἐρήμους καὶ κενὰς ἀποδείκνυσιν οἰκητόρων, -διαφθείρων τὰς γονὰς, καὶ προσέτι, τῶν μεγίστων κακῶν, _ἀνανδρίας_ -καὶ _μαλακίας_ ὑφηγητὴς καὶ διδάσκαλος ἀξιοῖ γίνεσθαι· τοὺς νέους -ὡραΐζων καὶ τὸ τῆς ἀκμῆς ἄνθος ἐκθηλεύων. ὃ πρὸς ἀλκὴν καὶ ῥώμην -ἀλείφειν ἁρμόττον ἦν. Καὶ τελευταῖον, ὅτι κακοῦ τρόπον γεωργοῦ, τὰς μὲν -βαθυγείους καὶὧνὡν δ’ οὐδὲν βλάστημα προσδοκᾶται τὸ παράπαν, εἰς ταῦτα -πονεῖται καθ’ ἡμέραν καὶ νύκτωρ. Αἴτιον δ’ οἶμαι, τὸ παρὰ πολλοῖς τῶν -δήμων, _ἀκρασίας_ καὶ _μαλακίας_ ἆθλα κεῖσθαι. Τοὺς γοῦν _ἀνδρογύνους_ -ἰδεῖν ἐστὶ διὰ πληθούσης ἀγορᾶς ἀεὶ σοβοῦντας, κἂν ταῖς ἑορταῖς -προπομπεύοντας καὶ τὰ ἱερὰ τοὺς ἀνιέρους διειληχότας, καὶ μυστηρίων καὶ -τελετῶν κατάρχοντας, καὶ τὰ Δήμητρος ὀργιάζοντας. Ὅσοι δ’ αὐτῶν τὴν -καλὴν νεανιείαν προσεπιτείνοντες, εἰς ἅπαν ὠρέχθησαν μεταβολῆς τᾶς εἰς -γυναῖκας, τὰ γεννητικὰ προσαπέκοψαν, ἁλουργίδας ἀμπεχόμενοι, καθάπερ -οἱ μεγάλων ἀγαθῶν αἴτιοι ταῖς πατρίσι, προέρχοντο δορυφορούμενοι, τοὺς -ὑπαντῶντας ἐπιστρέφοντες. Εἰ δ’ ἦν ἀγανάκτησις οἵα παρὰ τῷ ἡμετέρῳ - νομοθέτῃ, κατὰ τῶν τὰ τοιαῦτα τολμώντων· καὶ ὡς κοινὰ τῶν πατρίδων ἄγη -καὶ μιάσματα δίχα συγγνώμης ἀνῃροῦντο, πολλοὺς ἂν ἑτέρους νουθετεῖσθαι -συνέβαινεν. Αἱ γὰρ τῶν προκαταγνωσθέντων τιμωρίαι ἀπαραίτητοι, ἀνακοπην -οὐ βραχεῖαν ἐργάζοντο τοῖς ζηλωταῖς τῶν ὁμοίων ἐπιτηδευμάτων. (for -translation see text above) - -[372] De vita contemplativa, p. 480., Τὸ δὲ Πλατωνικὸν ὅλον σχεδόν -ἐστι περὶ ἔρωτος, οὐκ ἀνδρῶν ἐπὶ γυναιξὶν ἐπιμανέντων, ἢ γυναικῶν -ἀνδράσιν αὐτὸ μόνον (ἐπιτελοῦντο γὰρ αἱ ἐπιθυμίαι αὗται νόμῳ φύσεως)· -ἀλλὰ ἀνδρῶν ἄρσεσιν ἡλικίᾳ μόνον διαφέρουσι. Καὶ γὰρ εἴτι περὶ -ἔρωτος καὶ οὐρανίου Ἀφροδίτης κεκομψεῦσθαι δοκεῖ, χάριν ἀστεϊσμοῦ -παρείληπται· τὸ γὰρ πλεῖστον αὐτοῦ μέρος ὁ κοινὸς καὶ πάνδημος Ἔρως -διείληφεν· ἀνδρείαν μὲν τὴν βιωφελεστάτην ἀρετὴν κατὰ πόλεμον καὶ κατ’ -εἰρήνην ἀφαιρούμενος, _θήλειαν δὲ νόσον ταῖς ψυχαῖς ἀπεργαζόμενος, -καὶ ἀνδρογύνους κατασκευάζων_, οὓς ἐχρῆν πᾶσι τοῖς πρὸς ἀλκὴν -ἐπιτηδεύμασι συγκροτεῖσθαι. Λυμῃνάμενος δὲ τὴν παιδικὴν ἡλικίαν καὶ -εἰς ἐρωμένης τάξιν καὶ διάθεσιν ἀγαγὼν, ἐζημίωσε καὶ τοὺς ἐραστὰς -περὶ τὰ ἀναγκαιότατα, σῶμά τε καὶ ψυχὴν καὶ οὐσίαν. Ἀνάγκη γὰρ τοῦ -παιδεραστοῦ τὸν μὲν νοῦν τετάσθαι πρὸς τὰ παιδικὰ, καὶ πρὸς ταῦτα μόνον -ὀξυδερκοῦντα, πρὸς δὲ τὰ ἄλλα πάντα ἴδιά τε καὶ κοινὰ τυφλούμενον -ἀπὸ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας καὶ μάλιστα εἰ ἀποτυγχάνοιτο, συντήκεσθαι· τὴν δὲ -οὐσίαν ἐλαττοῦσθαι διχόθεν, ἔκ τε ἀμελείας, καὶ τῶν εἰς τὸν ἐρώμενον -ἀναλωμάτων. Παραφύετο δὲ καὶ μεῖζον ἄλλο πάνδημον κακόν· ἐρημίαν γὰρ -πόλεων, καὶ σπάνιν τοῦ ἀρίστου γένους ἀνθρώπων, καὶ στείρωσιν καὶ -ἀγονίαν τεχνάζονται, οἳ μιμοῦνται τοὺς ἀνεπιστήμονας τήν γεωργίας, κ. -τ. λ. (for translation see text above). This passage at any rate shows -beyond a doubt that _Philo_ quite failed to understand _Plato_, who not -only clearly and distinctly distinguishes paedophilia from paederastia, -but also analyzes at length the injuries to body and soul the latter -involves on the pathic,—particularly in the _Phaedrus_, pp. 239-241, -which we beg the reader to consult. To quote textually would occupy too -much space. - -[373] De Abrahamo, pp. 20. sqq., Οὐ γὰρ μόνον θηλυμανοῦντες ἀλλοτρίους -γάμους διέφθειρον, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἄνδρες ὄντες ἄῤῥεσιν ἐπιβαίνοντες, -τὴν κοινὴν πρὸς τοὺς πάσχοντας οἱ δρῶντες φύσιν οὐκ αἰδούμενοι, -παιδοσποροῦντες ἠλέγχοντο μὲν ἀτελῆ γονὴν σπείροντες. Ὁ δ’ ἔλεγχος πρὸς -οὐδὲν ἦν ὄφελος, ὑπὸ βιαιοτέρας νικωμένων ἐπιθυμίας· εἶτ’ ἐκ τοῦ κατ’ -ὀλίγον ἐθίζοντες τὰ γυναικῶν ὑπομένειν τοὺς ἄνδρας γεννηθέντας, _θήλειαν -κατεσκεύαζον αὑτοῖς νόσον, κακὸν δύσμαχον. Οὐ μόνον γὰρ τὰ σώματα -μαλακότητι καὶ θρύψει γυναικοῦντες, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς ψυχὰς ἀγεννεστάτας -ἀπεργαζόμενοι_, τό γ’ ἐπ’ αὐτοῖς ἧκον μέρος, τὸ σύμπαν ἀνθρώπων γένος -διέφθειρον. Εἰ γοῦν Ἕλληνες ὁμοῦ καὶ βάρβαροι συμφωνήσαντες ἐζήλωσαν -τὰς τοιαύτας ὁμιλίας, ἠρήμωντο ἂν ἑξῆς αἱ πόλεις, ὥσπερ λοιμώδει νόσῳ -κενωθεῖσαι. (for translation see text above). - -[374] De Sacrificantibus, p. 261., προανείργει πάντας τοὺς ἀναξίους -ἱεροῦ συλλόγου, τὴν ἀρχὴν ποιούμενος ἀπὸ τῶν _νοσούντων_ τὴν _ἀληθῆ_ -[_θήλειαν_] _νόσον_ ἀνδρογύνων, οἳ τὸ φύσεως νόμισμα παρακόπτοντες, -εἰς ἀκολάστων γυναικῶν πάθος καὶ μορφὰς εἰσβιάζοντο· Θλαδίας γὰρ καὶ -ἀποκεκομένους τὰ γεννητικὰ ἐλαύνει, τό τε τῆς ὥρας ταμιεύοντας ἄνθος, -ἵνα μὴ ῥᾳδίως μαραίνοιτο, καὶ τὸν ἄῤῥενα τύπον μεταχαράττοντας εἰς -θηλύμορφον ἰδέαν. Ἐλαύνει δὲ οὐ μόνον πόρνας ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τῆς -πόρνης κ. τ. λ. - -[375] Paedagog., bk. III. ch. 3., “πρὸς τοὺς καλλωπιζομένους τῶν -ἀνδρῶν”: ἕνα τινὰ τούτων τῶν ἀγεννῶν παιδαγωγικῶς ἐπιπλήττων ὁ -Διογένης, ὁπηνίκα ἐπιπράσκετο, ἀνδρείως σφόδρα, Ἧκε, εἶπεν, μειρακίον, -ἄνδρα ὠνῆσαι σαυτῷ· _ἀμφιβόλω λόγῳ τὸ πορνικὸν ἐκείνου σωφρονίζων_· -τὸ γὰρ ἄνδρας ὄντας, ξύρεσθαι καὶ λεαίνεσθαι, _πῶς οὐκ ἀγεννές_; (“To -men who bedizen their persons”: One of these base fellows Diogenes -rebuked like a schoolmaster. At the very time he was on sale as a -slave, he cried with wonderful boldness: ‘Come, young man, buy a man -for yourself’: _by this double entendre chastising his meretricious -habits_. For _is it not a base thing_, that _men_ should have their -bodies shaved and polished smooth?) - -[376] _Herodian_, Historiarum Libri Octo, edit. _Th. Guil. Irmisch_. -Leipzig 1780. 8vo., Vol. II. Bk. IV. ch. 12.: εἰς τοῦτον οὖν, ὡς μηδὲ -στρατιωτικὸν, μηδὲ γενναῖον, δημοσίᾳ πολλάκις ἀπέσκωπτε, καὶ μέχρις -_αἰσχρᾶς βλασφημίας_· ἐπεὶ γὰρ ἤκουεν αὐτὸν καὶ διαίτη ἐλευθερίῳ -χρώμενον, καὶ τὰ φαῦλα καὶ ἀπεῤῥιμμένα τῶν ἐδεσμάτων καὶ ποτῶν -μυσαττόμενον, οἷς, ὡς στρατιωτικὸς δὴ, ὁ Ἀντωνῖνος ἔχαιρε, χλαμύδιον -ἤ τινα ἄλλην ἐσθῆτα ἀμφιεσάμενον ἀστειοτέραν, εἰς _ἀνανδρίαν καὶ -θήλειαν νόσον_ διέβαλλεν, ἀεί τε ἀποκτενεῖν ἠπειλει· ἅπερ οὐ φέρων -ὁ Μακρῖνος, πάνυ ἤσχαλλε· συνέβη δέ τι καὶ τοιοῦτον κ. τ. λ. for -translation see text. A somewhat similar circumstance is given in -_Livy_, Hist. XXXIX. ch. 42. - -[377] Aeschines, Orat. in Timarch. edit. Reiske, p. 139. μὴ Δημοσθένην -καλουμενον, ἀλλὰ Βάταλον,—p. 142. ἐπεὶ καὶ περὶ τῆς Δημοσθένους -ἐπωνυμίας, οὐ κακῶς ὑπὸ τῆς φήμης, ἀλλ’ οὐχ ὑπὸ τῆς τίτθης, Βάταλος -προσαγορεύεται, _ἐξ ἀνανδρίας τινὸς καὶ κιναιδεῖας_ ἐνεγκάμενος -τοῦνομα· εἰ γάρ τις σου τὰ κομψὰ ταῦτα χλανίσκια περιελόμενος, καὶ -τοὺς μαλακοὺς χιτωνίσκους, ἐν οἷς τοὺς κατὰ τῶν φίλων λόγους γράφεις, -περιενέγκας δοίη εἰς τὰς χεῖρας τῶν δικαστῶν, οἴομαι ἂν αὐτοὺς, εἴ -τις μὴ προειπὼν τοῦτο ποιήσειεν, ἀπορῆσαι, _εἴ τε ἀνδρὸς, εἴ τε -γυναικὸς εἰλήφασιν ἐσθῆτα_. (called not Demosthenes, but Batalus, -i.e. Pathic.—Now with regard to Demosthenes’ surname, he is excellently -called by common report, though not by his nurse, Batalus—Pathic, -having got the name _from a certain unmanliness and cinaedism_. For -if a man should strip you of these elegant robes you wear and your -womanish tunics, clad in which you indite your speeches against your -friends, and bring them up and put them in the hands of the jurymen, -I suppose, if he should do so without any previous explanation, the -latter would be quite unable to tell _whether it were a man’s or a -woman’s clothes they had got hold of_.)—a passage which affords the -best commentary to what is stated in the text both here and on previous -pages. - -[378] Bk. III. ch. 55: Σχολή τις ἦν αὕτη κακοεργίας πᾶσιν ἀκολάστοις, -πολλῇ τε ῥαστώνῃ διεφθορόσι τὸ σῶμα· _γύννιδες_ γοῦν τινες -ἄνδρες οὐκ ἄνδρες, τὸ σεμνὸν τῆς φύσεως ἀπαρνησάμενοι, _θηλείᾳ -νόσῳ_ τὴν δαίμονα ἱλεοῦντο· γυναικῶν τ’ αὖ παράνομοι ὁμιλίαι, -κλεψιγαμοί θ’ ὁμιλίαι, ἄῤῥητοί τε καὶ ἐπίῤῥητοι πράξεις, ὡς ἐν ἀνόμῳ -καὶ ἀποστάτῃ χώρῳ κατὰ τόνδε τὸν νεὼν ἐπεχειροῦντο· ἔφορός τε οὐδεὶς ἦν -τῶν πραττομένων, τῷ μηδένα σεμνῶν ἀνδρῶν αὐτόθι τολμᾶν παρίεναι. for -translation see text. As to this Temple of Venus compare _Zosimus_, -Histor., bk. I., _Etymolog. Magnum_, under word ’Aphaka; _Suidas_, -under word Χριστόδωρος; Selden, Syntagm. de Diis Syris, II. - -[379] _Zonaras_, Lexicon. edit. Tittmann. Leipzig 1808. 4to. p. 457. - -[380] _Eustathius_, Commentar. in Homer., Iliad 1680. 44., _Stark_ -cites merely the figures. We can clearly see the meaning of γύννιδες -in the following passage of _Clement of Alexandria_, Paedag., bk. -III. ch. 3. p. 227, τί τοίνυν οὐκ ἂν ἐπιτηδεύσειαν αἱ γυναῖκες, αἱ -εἰς μαχλοσύνην σπεύδουσαι, τοιαῦτα τολμῶσιν ἐνοποριζόμεναι τοῖς -ἀνδράσιν; _μᾶλλον δὲ οὐκ ἄνδρας βατάλους δὲ καὶ γύννιδας καλεῖν -τούτους χρή_· ὧν καὶ αἱ φωναὶ τεθρυμμέναι καὶ ἡ ἐσθὴς τεθηλυμμένη -ἁφῇ καὶ βαφῇ· _δῆλοι δὲ οἱ τοιοῦτοι ἐλεγχόμενοι τὸν τρόπον ἔξωθεν -ἀμπεχόνῃ, ὑποδέσει, σχήματι, βαδίσματι, κουρᾷ, βλέμματι. Ἀπὸ ὁράσεως -γὰρ ἐπιγνωσθήσετο ἀνὴρ, ἡ Γραφὴ λέγει_ κ. τ. λ. (What then would -not women practise, such women as run into wantonness, rivalling the -men that dare such abominations? but these men ought we not rather to -call _batali_ (cinaedi) and _womanish fellows_? whose voices are broken -languishingly and their dress fashioned like women’s in texture and -colour. _Now such-like men are clearly manifest in outward appearance -for what they are by their show, and their foot-gear, by their bearing, -and walk, and hair, and glance. For by the eyes shall a man be known_, -says the Scripture, etc.). The word batalos meaning _cinaedus_ is found -also in _Aeschines_, In Timarch., p. 139, 163, 142. De legatione falsa, -p. 273. _Harpocration_ under the word, conjectured that the Cinaedi -were called for the same reason that e. g. Eupolis ὁ πρωκτός (the -wide-bottomed) was called βάταλος; and _Plutarch_ also, Vita Demosth. 4 -_Schol._ Aeschin. p. 742., _Etymolog. Magnum_, 190. 20., agrees in same -idea. Comp. Schäfer, Apparat. Crit. ad Demosthen., I. 875. Moreover -this was the nickname of _Demosthenes_ (De Corona 288. 18.). At any -rate this passage of _Clement of Alexandria_ tells in favour of the -possibility of recognizing Pathics by their exterior! - -[381] _Eusebii Pamphili_ Ecclesiasticae historiae libri decem; eiusdem -de vita imp. Constantini libri IV. Quibus subiicitur Oratio Constantini -ad Sanctos et Panegyricus Eusebii. _Henricus Valesius_ graecum textum -collatis IV. MSS. Codicibus emendavit, Latine vertit et Adnotationibus -illustravit. _Iuxta exemplar quod antea Parisiis excudebat Antonius -Vitré_, nunc vero _verbo tenus_ et correctius edebant Moguntiae -Christian Gerlach et Simon Beckenstein. MDCLXXII. fol. (_Eusebius -Pamphili_, Ecclesiastical Histories, X books; also the same author’s -Life of the Emperor Constantine, IV books. Together with Constantine, -“Ad Sanctos”, and the Panegyric of Eusebius. Greek text emended by the -collation of four MSS, a Latin translation provided and illustrative -notes added, by _Henricus Valesius_. Based on the edition first printed -at Paris by Antonius Vitré, now re-edited unexpurgated and corrected by -Christian Gerlach and Simon Beckenstein at Maintz. 1672. fol.) - -[382] _Synesii_ Episcopi Cyrenes Opera quae extant omnia, interprete -Dionysio Petavio—codicum fide recensita ac notis illustrata et eodem -modo omnia _secunda_ hac _editione_ multo accuratiora et uberiora -prodeunt. Lutetiae Parisiorum 1633. fol. p. 25. A. Ὡς Ὅμηρός φησι -τοὺς θεοὺς Ἀνθρώπων ὕβριν τε καὶ εὐνομίαν ἐφέποντες Σκύθας δὲ -τούτους, Ἡρόδοτός τέ φησι, καὶ ἡμεῖς ὁρῶμεν, κατεχομένους ἅπαντας -ὑπὸ _νόσον θηλείας_· οὗτοι γάρ εἰσιν, ἀφ’ ὧν οἱ πανταχοῦ δοῦλοι κ. -τ. λ. _Synesius_ Bishop of Cyrené, Complete Works so far as Extant. -edit. Dionysius Petavius; text revised and compared with MSS., and -illustrated with explanatory notes; the whole re-issued in a more -accurate and fuller form in this Second Edition. Paris 1633. fol., p. -25. A., “As Homer—Odyssey XVII. 487—says of the gods, visiting the -insolence and good government of men; but these Scythians Herodotus -declares, and we see the fact for ourselves, to be all fallen under the -feminine disease; and it is they from whom come as a rule the slaves, -etc.” The word θηλείας in the edition mentioned stands in text; and in -the margin as γρ. δειλίας. - -[383] Pyrrh. Hypotyp., bk. III. ch. 199., Νενόμισται τὸ τῆς -_ἀῤῥενομιξίας παρὰ Γερμανοῖς_ ὥς φασιν οὐκ αἰσχρὸν ἀλλ’ ὡς ἕν τι -τῶν συνηθῶν (But the practice of intercourse with males is not among -the Germans, so they say, reckoned a shameful thing, but as one of -the customary acts)—_Aristotle_, Polit. II. 6. 6., _Strabo_, Geogr., -IV. 199. _Diodorus_, Bibl. V. 32. _Athenaeus_, Deipn., p. 603 a., -relate the same thing of the Celts. _Quintilian_ who lived about 42 -after Christ, directly denies the fact, it is true: Declam. 3, Nihil -tale _novere_ Germani et sanctius vivitur ad Oceanum. Non sit mihi -forsitan quaerendum aversis auribus saeculi huius in tantum vitia -regnare, ut obscoenis cupiditatibus natura cesserit, ut pollutis in -_femineam_ usque _patientiam_ maribus incurrat iam libido in sexum -suum, finem tamen aliquem sibi vitia ipsa exceperunt, ultimumque adhuc -huius flagitii crimen fuit corrupisse futurum virum. Hoc vero cuius -est dementiae? In concubinatum iuniores leguntur, et in _muliebrem -patientiam vocatur_ fortasse iam maritus. (The _Germans_ know no such -practice; for life is purer near the Ocean. Would it were possible -to shut my ears to the fact that Vice in this age prevails to such a -degree that Nature has had to yield to foul lusts, that men corrupted -even to the length of _suffering themselves to be treated as women_ -are filled with lust towards their own sex; yet vice itself set some -limit to its own excesses, and the last extremity of this lewdness was -to have ruined one that might have grown into a man. But what a height -of insanity is here! Young men are chosen as mistresses, and a man _is -called upon to endure the treatment proper to a woman_.) Who can fail -to see that in this passage the words _feminea patientia_, _muliebris -patientia_, are given as a translation of νοῦσος θήλεια? - -[384] Cohortatio ad Gentes, edit. Potter. Oxford 1715., Vol. I. p. -20., Πολλὰ κἀγαθὰ γένοιτο τῷ τῶν Σκυθῶν βασιλεῖ, ὅστις ποτὲ ἦν· -οὗτος τὸν πολίτην τὸν ἑαυτοῦ, τὸν παρὰ Κυζικηνοῖς μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν -τελετὴν ἀπομιμούμενον παρὰ Σκύθαις, τύμπανόν τε ἐπικτυποῦντα, καὶ -κύμβαλον ἐπηχοῦντα τοῦ τραχήλου, οἷα τινὰ Μηναγύρτην ἐξηρημένον, -κατετόξευσεν, ὡς _ἄνανδρον_ αὐτόν τε παρὰ Ἕλλησι γεγενημένον, καὶ -τῆς _θηλείας_ τοῖς ἄλλοις Σκυθῶν διδάσκαλον _νόσου_. for -translation see text. - -[385] _Herodotus_, Histories, Bk. IV. ch. 76. - -[386] In Anacharsid. I. ch. 8. note 4. The question here is solely of -Greek customs (ἑλληνίζειν, βιοῦν ἤθεσιν Ἑλληνικοῖς—to Greecize, to -live after Greek fashions), without any evil implication, or of Greek -mysteries (τελετὰς Ἑλληνικὰς διατελοῦντα carrying out Greek rites). -How else could the words, γλώσσης, γαστρὸς, αἰδοίων κρατεῖν (to be -master of tongue, of belly, of _members_) have been used as a motto on -the pedestals of statues of Anacharsis, and how could he himself have -written to Croesus, that after he had learnt the customs of the Greeks, -ἀπόχρη με ἐπανήκειν ἐς Σκύθας _ἄνδρα ἀμείνονα_ (I was bound to -return to the Scythians _a better man_). For the rest Anacharsis is -called the son of Gnurus and brother of the Scythian king Caduidas, who -stabbed him on a hunting party. - -[387] Archaelog. Jud., bk. II. - -[388] _Hephaestionis_ Enchiridion (de metris) ad MS. fidem recensitum -cum notis variorum, praecipue Leonardi Hotchkis, A. M. curante Th. -Gaisford, Edit. nova et auct. Lips. 1832. c. 12. p. 75. (Hephaestion’s -Enchiridion (on metres); the text revised and compared with the MSS., -together with notes of various Commentators, notably Leonard Hotchkiss, -M. A. edit. Th. Gaisford. New and enlarged edition). Leipzig 1832., ch. -12. p. 75. - -[389] _Dio Chrysostom_, De Regno, Orat. IV. p. 76., Ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἀσθένης -τε καὶ ἄτολμος ἐκ τούτου τοῦ γένους δαίμων ἐπί τε τὰς _γυναικείας -νόσους_ καὶ _ἄλλας αἰσχύνας_, ὁπόσαις πρόσεστι ζημία καὶ -ὀνείδη, προσάγει ῥαδίως. for translation see text.—Ὁ δ’ ἐκ μέσων -ἀναβοάτων τῶν γυναικῶν, ὀξύτερον καὶ ἀκρατέστερον· λευκὸς ἰδεῖν, -ἐντρυφερὸς αἰθρίας καὶ πόνων ἄπερος, ἀποκλίνων τὸν τράχηλον, ὑγροῖς -τοῖς ὄμμασι, μάχλον ὑποβλέπων, ἀεὶ τὸ σῶμα καταθεώμενος, τῇ ψυχῇ δὲ -οὐδὲν προσέχων, οὐδὲ τοῖς ὑπ’ αὐτῆς προστασσομένοις. (But that Spirit -which cries out from the midst of women is something shriller and more -intemperate; he is pale to look upon, wanton and luxurious, incapable -of enduring open air or toil, drooping the neck, with liquorish -eyes, casting stolen glances of lewdness, ever looking down upon the -body, but giving no thought to the soul, nor the things beneath its -ordinance). - -[390] Comp. author’s Work, De Sexuali Organismorum Fabrica (Of the -Sexual Conformation of Organisms), Pt. I. Halle 1832. pp. 1-12., -where these relations are brought out in detail, and referred back to -anatomical reasons. - -[391] We expressed an opinion above (p. 175.) that no grounds of excuse -could be found for the Pathic; but we must here modify this so far -as to admit that Aristotle imagines himself to have discovered such. -In the _Problemata_, IV. 26., he examines the question: διὰ τί ἔνιοι -ἀφροδισιαζόμενοι χαίρουσι, καὶ οἱ μὲν ἅμα δρῶντες, οἱ δ’ οὔ; (Why some -men take pleasure in being loved, and of these some in performing the -act also, but others not?), i.e. why some find a pleasure in suffering -paederastia to be practised with them (the word ἀφροδισιάζεσθαι -is found in this meaning possibly also in _Hippocrates_, edit. -Kühn, Vol. III. pp. 680 and 574., where exactly such symptoms of a -complaint are described as might serve for an explanation of the -ῥέγχειν—snorting (mentioned above), while either they exercise coition -as men concurrently, or do not. As answer we read, to follow the -translation given by _Th. Gaza_: An quod excrementis singulis locus -determinatus a natura est, in quem instituto secerni naturali debeat, -sollicitaque natura spiritus excurrens tumorem admovet, excrementumque -una extrudere solet.... His autem proxime genituram quoque in testes -et penem deferri constitutum est. _Quibus itaque meatus habitu suo -naturali privantur, vel quia occoecati sunt qui ad penem tendant, -quod spadonibus hisque similibus evenit_ (οἷς δὲ οἱ πόροι μὴ κατὰ -φύσιν ἔχουσιν, ἀλλ’ ἢ διὰ τὸ ἀποτυφλωθῆναι τοὺς εἰς τὸ αἰδοῖον, οἷον -συμβαίνει τοῖς _εὐνουχίαις_), vel etiam aliis de causis, his -_talis humor in sedem confluit_ ( εἰς τὴν ἕδραν συῤῥεῖ ἡ τοιαύτη ἰκμας), -quippe qui hac transmeare soleat, quod eius loci contractio in coeundo -et partium sedi oppositarum consumptio incidant. Qui si admodum semine -genitali abundant, _excrementum illud large in eum locum se colligit; -itaque_ cum excitata cupiditas est, _attritum pars ea desiderat_, in -quam confluit excrementum. Cupiditas autem excitari tum a cibo tum -imaginatione potest. Cum enim alterutra de causa libido commota est, -spiritus eodem concurrit, et genus id excrementi confluit, quo secedere -natum est.... Quorum vera natura mollis et feminea est (οἱ δὲ φύσει -θηλυδρίαι) ita ii constant ut genitura vel nulla vel minima conveniat, -quo illorum secernitur qui praediti natura integra sunt, sed se in -partem sedis divertat; quod propterea evenit quia praeter naturae -normam constiterunt. Cum enim mares crearentur, ita degenerarunt ut -partem virilem mancam atque oblaesam habere cogerentur, ... ita enim -mulieres non viri crearentur. Ergo perverti citarique aliorsum, quam -secernendum natura voluit, necesse est. Unde fit ut insatiabiles -etiam sint modo mulierum (διὸ καὶ ἄπληστοι, ὥσπερ αἱ γυναῖκες). Humor -enim sollicitans ille exiguus est, nec quicquam se promere conatur, -refrigeraturque celeriter. _Quibus itaque sedem humor ex toto adiit, -ii pati tantummodo avent, quibus autem in utramque partem sese -dispertit, ii et agere et pati concupiunt_ (καὶ ὅσοις μὲν ἐπὶ τὴν -ἕδραν, οὗτοι πάσχειν ἐπιθυμοῦσιν· ὅσοις δὲ ἐπ’ ἀμφότερα, οὗτοι καὶ δρᾶν -καὶ πάσχειν), idque eo amplius quo tandem plenius fluxerit. Sed sunt -quibus vel ex consuetudine affectus hic accidet (ἐνίοις δὲ γίνεται καὶ -ἐξ ἔθους _τὸ πάθος_ τοῦτο). Fit enim ut tam gestiant quam cum agunt, -usque genituram nihilo minus ita emittere valeant. Ergo agere cupiunt, -quibus haec ipsa usu evenerunt et consuetudo magis veluti in naturam -iccirco illis evadit, quibus non ante pubem sed in ea vitium patiendi -invaluit (ἐθισθῶσιν ἀφροδισιάζεσθαι), quoniam his recordatio rei, -cum desiderant, oritur; una autem cum recordatione gestiens exsultat -voluptas. Desiderant autem perinde ac _nati ad patiendum_ (ὥσπερ -πεφυκότες, ἐπιθυμοῦσι πάσχειν) magna igitur parte vel ob consuetudinem -rex exsistit sed si accidat ut idem et salax et mollis sit (λάγνος ὢν -καὶ μαλακὸς) longe expeditius haec omnia evenire posse putandum est. -(Is it because for each evacuation a particular locality has been -fixed by nature, to which it must be secreted by the law of its being, -and when effort occurs the spirit issuing out causes a swelling, and -then pours out the evacuation along with it.—And similarly to these -other secretions, the semen is naturally secreted to the testicles -and private parts. _And accordingly in the case of those in whom the -passages are not in a natural state, either through those that lead to -the private part being blocked as is the case with eunuchs and those -similarly affected to eunuchs_, or through some other circumstance, -_this sort of humour flows to the seat_; for it passes that way, as is -proved by the contraction of this part in the act of coition, and the -wasting of the regions about the seat. Therefore whenever men have an -excess of lewdness, in their case _it collects in this quarter_, and -so when desire is excited, _that part where it accumulates desires -friction_. And desire may be excited either by food or mentally; for -whenever it is stirred by any circumstance, the spirit runs to that -spot, and the particular secretion flows to the particular quarter -natural to it.—But such as are womanish by nature are so constituted -that no secretion or only a little occurs in the quarter where the -secretion takes place with such as are naturally constituted, but to -this spot (the seat) instead. And the reason is they are not naturally -constituted, for being males they are yet so framed that of necessity -the manly part in them is maimed. Now maiming either destroys an organ -completely, or produces perversion and deterioration; but here it -cannot be the former; otherwise the patient would be a woman outright. -Wherefore it follows that it is perverted and deteriorated, and the -secretion of semen elsewhere directed. And for this cause they are -insatiable, like women; for the humour is small in quantity, is not -constrained to find an issue, and quickly cools. _And those in whom -the secretion is to the seat, these desire passive pleasure only, -but those in whom it is both to the seat and to the private parts, -these desire both active and passive love_; and to whichever part the -secretion is greater, the more do they desire the corresponding kind -of pleasure. Besides in some cases this occurs through habituation. -Whichever act they do, a pleasurable feeling results, and so they emit -semen correspondingly. Then they desire to do the act in which this -most occurs, and thus this becomes in preference their custom, and -a sort of second nature. Wherefore such as have been habituated to -passive love not before puberty but about the time of puberty, because -when they desire pleasure memory suggests what they must do, and on -memory follows pleasure, acquire through habituation the desire for -passive gratification _just as if they were born to it_. And if a man -happen to be lewd and effeminate to begin with, all this results all -the sooner).—In the Pathic then, according to _Aristotle’s_ view, the -semen-vessels carry the semen not to the penis, but to the fundament, -and set up there the feeling of desire and sensual craving. These -are the _born Pathics_ (πεφυκότες), from whom he distinguishes the -_seduced_ Pathics, who indulge in the vice as the result of habituation -(ἐξ ἔθους). This is the very same view that we have already (p. 172. -Note 3.) gathered from his Ethics, and which supports in the strongest -way what we there made good as against _Stark_. - -[392] Hippocratis Coi XXII. Commentarii tabulis illustrati, -(Hippocrates of Cos, The XXII Commentaries; illustrated with Plates). -Bâle 1579. fol., p. 273. - -[393] Hippocratis Opera (Hippocrates, Works), edit. Kahn, Vol. I. pp. -561-564. - -[394] For the use of this word, compare _Létronne_, Recherches pour -servir à l’Histoire d’Egypte, (Researches with a view towards a History -of Egypt), pp. 134, 148, 458; and what we have called attention to on -an earlier page in _Hecker’s_ Annalen (Annals), Vol. XXVI. p. 143. - -[395] The word κέδματα, which probably is used in several senses, -can scarcely in this case betoken anything else than varicose veins, -and is according synonymous with ἰξίαι, with which it also occurs -in connection. It is interesting to find Aristotle also pronouncing -those suffering from varicose veins incapable of generation; he writes -in Problemata, Bk. IV. 20., Διὰ τί αἱ ἰξίαι τοὺς ἔχοντας κωλύουσι -γεννᾶν, καὶ ἀνθρώπους καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ζώων ὅ, τι ἂν ἔχη; ἢ ὅτι ἡ ἰξία -γίνεται, μεταστάντος; διὸ καὶ ὠφελεῖ πρὸς τὰ μελαγχολικά. Ἔστι δὲ -καὶ ὁ ἀφροδισιασμὸς μετὰ πνεύματος ἐξόδου. Εἰ οὖν ὁδοποιεῖται ἡ ὁρμὴ -γινομένου αὐτοῦ, οὐ ποιεῖ ὁρμᾶν τὸ σπέρμα, ἀλλὰ καταψύχεται· μαραίνει -οὖν τὴν συντονίαν τοῦ αἰδοίου. (Why varicosities hinder those that have -them from begetting, both men and of other animals all that are subject -to them? is it because the varicosity arises, through a transference of -spirit; for which reason also it is of use in case of melancholia. But -the act of love also occurs in conjunction with an outburst of spirit. -If therefore the impulse is made at the time the varicosity is forming, -it suffers not the seed to make a vigorous impulse, but it is quickly -cooled; and so it wastes and destroys the tension of the private part). -On the contrary according to Problemata, 31., the lame are lecherous: -διὰ τ’ αὐτὸ δὲ καὶ οἱ ὄρνιθες _λάγνοι_ και οἱ _χωλοί_· ἡ γὰρ τροφὴ -ἀμφοτέροις. κάτω μὲν ὀλίγη, διὰ τὴν ἀναπηρίαν τῶν σκελῶν. (And for the -same reason birds are lecherous and lame men; because in both cases the -nourishment downwards is slight, on account of the deficiency in the -legs). In connection with κέδματα we must refer to _Foesius_, Œconomia -Hippocratis, _Coray_, loco citato p. 339 sqq., and _Stark_, loco citato -Note 20., and observe that like the Latin _ruptura_ and the English -_rupture_ it appears to specially signify swellings due to distension -and subsequent bursting. That swellings of the groin are a result of -long-continued riding, we see also from _Livy_, Hist. bk. XLV. ch. 39., -where _M. Servilius_ says: tumorem hunc inguinum in equo dies noctesque -persedendo habeo (this swelling of the groin I have owing to sitting my -horse nights and days on end). Comp. _Plutarch_, In Aemil., Vol. II. p. -308. - -[396] ἕλκοντα τὰ ἴσχια (they are ulcerated on the hip-joints) is found -in the text. But the meaning of both words is disputed, and by no -means fixed so far. With regard to ἰσχία—we must primarily understand -the mass of muscle at the lower exterior portion of the “os ilium”, -secondly the whole seat, and the joint-socket (cotyla) of the upper -thigh. This is the interpretation of the _Etymologicon Magnum_; -ἰσχία, ὅτι ἴσχει τοὺς καθημένους· σημαίνει δὲ ἰσχίον τὸ ὑπὸ τὴν ὀσφῦν -ὀστέον, εἰς ὃ ἔγκειται τὸ ἱερὸν ὀστοῦν, ὅπερ καὶ γλουτὸς καλεῖται, καὶ -κοτύλη, παρὰ τὴν κοιλότητα· ἢ τὸ κοῖλον τοῦ γλουτοῦ, ἐν ᾧ ἡ κοτύλη -στρέφεται.(ἰσχία,—so called because supporting (ἴσχειν) those who -sit; also ἰσχίον signifies the bone below, the loin, on which rests -the _os sacrum_, which is also called γλουτός (rump), and also κοτύλη -(joint-socket) in reference to its hollowness; or else the hollow of -the rump, in which the joint-socket turns). Similar is the explanation -of _Suidas_, _Hesychius_, _Zonaras_, the Scholiast on Homer, Iliad, -V. 305, and on Theocritus, VI. 30. The general context shows that the -meaning of “Joint-socket” is evidently to be preferred here. - -[397] The word διαφθείρεσθαι (ruin themselves) in the text is -undoubtedly written by the author with reference to the ἀνανδρία -(unmanliness). Still it is surprising that what is here pointed out -as injurious is in the Epidem. bk. VI. edit. Kühn, Vol. III. p. 609. -recommended as salutary. The expression there is: κεδμάτων τὰς ἐν -τοῖσιν ὠσὶν ὄπισθεν φλέβας σχάζειν (in cases of varicose dilatations -to open the veins that are behind in the ears). _Palladius_ in his -Commentary on this passage (edit. Dietz. Vol. II. p. 143.) declares the -whole sentence wrong, writing: _Πᾶς οὕτος ὁ λόγος ψευδής_· κέδμα γάρ -ἐστι διάθεσίς τις περὶ τὴν λαγόνα, ἢ φλεγμονὴ ἢ ῥευματικὴ διάθεσις· -φησὶν οὖν ὅτι καὶ ἐπὶ ταύτῃ τῇ διαθέσει τέμνων τὰς ὄπισθεν φλέβας -ὠφελήσεις· καὶ ποία συγγένεια τῆς λαγόνος καὶ τῶν ὤτων, καὶ ταῦτα -τῶν ἐκεῖ ἀγγείων λεπτῶν ὄντων, καὶ τριχοειδῶν καὶ μηδὲν ἀξιόλογον -κενῶσαι δυναμένων; (_All this sentence is wrong_; for κέδμα is really -a certain condition of the parts about the flank, either inflammation -or rheumatic condition.) Now they say that in this condition, by cutting -the veins behind, you will do good; but what connexion is there between -the flank and the ears, and especially as the vessels there are small, -and like hairs, and not able to void any considerable quantity?).—Not -a word is said here about the practice among the Scythians; are we to -suppose _Palladius_ was ignorant of the fact? Also in the “De Natura -Ossium” (Of the Nature of Bones), (edit. Kühn, I. p. 508.) we find -the operation recommended in pains of the hips, testicles, knees and -knuckles; and according to a passage in the “De Morbis” (Of Diseases), -bk. II. (edit. Kühn, bk. II. p. 223.) these veins should be seared, -until they cease to pulsate. On the other hand in the “De Genitura” (Of -Generation), (edit. Kühn, I. p. 373.) and the “De Locis in Homine” (Of -certain Localities in the Body), edit. Kühn, II. p. 106.) incapacity -for generation is represented as a consequence of blood-letting from -these vessels. We leave to others the task of drawing the necessary -conclusions in view of the unanimity of the Authors of the books named, -and merely observe further that _Dr. Paris_ (Roux Journ. de Med., Vol. -XLIV. p. 355., _Murray_, Med. Pract. Bibliothek., Vol. III. p. 293.) -while giving some observations on the diseases of the Turks, relates as -following: Almost every Armenian, Greek, Jew, Turk, has a seton, and -they abuse cupping to an equal extent. For a simple head-ache, they -allow the first barber they come across to put a bandage round their -throat, in order to retain the blood, and then with a razor make sundry -cuts round about the ears, for then as much blood flows away, and -without risk, as would fill a phial. - -[398] In the text of Froesius it stands: καὶ μᾶλλον τοῖσιν ὀλίγα -κεκτημένοισιν, _οὐ τιμωμένοισιν ἤδη_, εἰ χαίρουσιν οἱ θεοὶ καὶ -θαυμαζόμενοι ὑπ’ ἀνθρώπων, κ. τ. λ. (to a greater extent those who -possess little and therefore fail to make offerings; if that is to say -the gods take pleasure in being venerated by men, etc). _Coray_ has -emended this into εἰ δὴ τιμώμενοι χαίρουσι (if that is to say the gods -take pleasure in being honoured and venerated), on the grounds that -τιμᾶν and θαυμάζειν (to honour, to venerate) are frequently used in -conjunction with one another to express the veneration of the gods, -which fact he confirms by passages from _Euripides_ and _Aristophanes_. -Yet this emendation can scarcely be right, even though _de Mercy_ -has also adopted it. The latest editor, Prof. Petersen of Hamburg, a -professed Philologist, has undoubtedly maintained not without weighty -reasons the old reading, noting Coray’s conjecture in the notes. Indeed -neither is the old reading altogether correct, but can be easily -restored, we think, if the words, as has already been done in our -translation above, are read in the following way: οὐ τιμωμένοισιν· εἰ -δὴ χαίρουσιν οἱ θεοὶ θαυμαζόμενοι,—a way of taking it that _Coray_ had -already seen to be possible, only that he preferred to read instead of -οὐ τιμωμένοισιν,—ἢ τοῖσι τιμωμένοισιν, because he does not think that -the words can refer at all to the poorer Scythians, as did _Cornarius_ -before him, though he translates quite correctly: “It affected to a -greater extent poorer men, as being more negligent concerning the -worship of the gods.” _Foesius_ translates: “and they do not pay -honour.” In fact Coray’s chief difficulty was as to the active meaning -of τιμωμένοισι (i.e. “paying honour”, not “being honoured”); but this -use is by no means so rare, and exactly in this sense of veneration -paid to the gods by men is found in _Homer_, Od. XIX. 280, where we -read of the Phaeacians on the occasion of Odysseus’ landing: - - οἳ δή μιν περὶ κῆρι θεὸν ὣς τιμήσαντο. - -(Now they _honoured_ him from their heart as if he had been a god). -The whole sense of the passage requires us to refer the words οὐ -τιμωμένοισιν to the poorer Scythians, who possess little, and therefore -can offer nothing to the gods, and also do not wish to do so, as is -clearly shown in what follows; and it is exactly for this reason that -Hippocrates says, then they ought to suffer more from the disease than -the rich, if the gods practised any system of equivalent returns. - -[399] Ταῦτα δὲ τοῖσί τε Σκύθῃσι πρόσεστι, καὶ _εὐνουχοειδέστατοί_ -εἰσι ἀνθρώπων διὰ τὰς προφάσιας, καὶ ὅτι ἀναξυρίδας ἔχουσι ἀεὶ καὶ -εἰσι ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων τὸ πλεῖστον τοῦ χρόνου, ὥστε μήτε χειρὶ ἅπτεσθαι -τοῦ αἰδοίου, _ὑπό τε τοῦ ψύχεος καὶ τοὺ κόπου ἐπιλήθεσθαι τοῦ ἱμέρου -καὶ τῆς μίξιος, καὶ μηδὲν παρακινέειν πρότερον ἢ ἀνανδρωθῆναι_. -for translation see text above: “And this is the case ..., to resign -their manly privilege.” We have it is true translated according to -the text, yet we cannot possibly take this as being uncorrupted, -but without for the moment being in a position to offer a complete -emendation of it. The sequence of thought, if we are not altogether in -error, is this: The Scythians ride _continually_, which of its self -weakens their power of generation and desire for coition, then besides -this they wear trousers, a thing that particularly struck the Greek -because he did not use them himself. These trousers were so tight, -that the wearer could not get at the genitals with his hand; again -the genitals lay close to the body, did not hang down, could not be -set in motion; at the same time they were also protected against the -wind, so that no cooling process could take place; the idle repose -and the constantly heightened temperature in combination weakened the -genitals to such a degree that the impulse to coition was at last -totally lost. Views which entirely agree with our experience of the -present day, and indeed were by _Faust_, as is notorious, exaggerated -almost to caricature. Now if Hippocrates has expressed, as is likely -enough, these views in the words ὑπό τε τοῦ ψύχεος καὶ τοῦ κόπου (under -the influence of cold and lassitude), the text must be corrupt, and -this is what we wish to insist on. For if by the words we understand -frost and lassitude, then the first at any rate is impossible; how -could the Scythians suffer from frost, when they wore trousers! Then -the cooling process spoken of just now must be intended by ψύχος -(cold)! But if κόπος (striking, beating, so weariness, lassitude) is -understood literally, in accordance with its derivation from κόπτω (to -strike), in the sense of blows, shocks, and taken as referring to the -genitals, especially the testicles, a negative and a verb must have -been lost from the text, and this appears to us too the most probable -explanation, though at the time we cannot say what verb. The matter -would be at once decided, if we could translate: so that they could -not put the hand to the genitals, and since these were encountered -neither by the cooling wind, nor yet by the shock (against the horse’s -back or the saddle), they forgot the desire for coition and coition -itself, i.e. the genitals being neither fortified by the cold nor -yet set in motion, do not remind the Scythians of the fact that they -have such organs and must use them. The movement (κίνησις) in riding -is at any rate regarded as early as Aristotle (Probl. bk. IV. 12.) -as cause of the greater lasciviousness of those who ride. He asks: -Quare qui equitant libidinosiores evadunt? An caloris agitationisque -causa eodem afficiuntur modo, quo per coitum. Quocirca aetatis quoque -accessione membra genitalia contrectata agitataque plenius augentur, -quod igitur semper eo utuntur motu qui equitant, hinc fluentiore -corpore praeparatoque ad concumbendum evadunt. (Why those who ride come -to be more lascivious? Is it that on account of the heat and movement -they are affected in the same way as by coition? Wherefore as age also -advances, the genital organs being handled and moved more, are the -more increased in size, so therefore because those who ride use the -same movement hence they come to be of a more fluid body and one ready -prepared for sexual intercourse). In Probl. 24. he is investigating -the causes of the erection of the penis, and says διά τε τὸ βάρος -ἐπιγίνεσθαι ἐν τῷ ὄπισθεν τῶν ὄρχεων αἴρεσθαι (now it is on account -of the increase of weight in the hinder part of the testicles that it -is raised). Comp. Probl. 25. _Continual_ riding naturally stimulates -the impulse, wherefore the Scythians are the first in later times to -become ἀνάνδριες (unmanly), and this sooner than other riding nations -because they wore trousers. However those who are better informed must -decide the point!—Finally that in any case ἀνανδρωθῆναι (to be made -unmanly) and not ἀνδρωθῆναι (to be made manly) must be read, any one -who considers the passage at all carefully must easily see. _Coray’s_ -lucubration cannot for a moment convince us. - -[400] Edit. Kühn, Vol. III. p. 218., _μυθολογοῦσι_ δέ τινες ὅτι οἱ -Ἀμαζονίδες τὸ ἄρσεν γένος το ἑωυτῶν αὐτίκα νήπιον ἐὸν ἐξαρθρέουσιν, αἱ -μὲν κατὰ γούνατα, αἱ δὲ κατὰ τὰ ἰσχία, ὡς δῆθεν χωλὰ γίνοιτο καὶ μὴ -ἐπιβουλεύει τὸ ἄῤῥεν γένος τῷ θήλει· χειρώναξιν ἄρα τούτοισι χρέονται, -ὁκόσα ἢ σκυτίης ἔργα ἤ χαλκείης ἢ ἄλλο τι ἑδραῖον ἔργον· εἰ μὲν οὖν -ἀληθέα ταῦτα ἐστί, ἐγὼ μὲν οὐκ οἶδα. (Now some relate _the myth_ that -the Amazons dislocate the male sex of their offspring while still quite -young, some doing it at the knees, some at the hips, with the avowed -object of laming them, and so the male sex does not rise in revolt -against the female; then they employ them as handicraftsmen, for such -tasks as shoe-making or brassworking or other sedentary occupations. -_But whether this tale is true, I do not know_). _Gardeil_ also in a -work that is not often met with in Germany, his “Traduction des œuvres -médicales d’Hippocrate, sur le texte grec, d’après l’édition de Foes”. -(Translation of the Medical Works of Hippocrates,—from the Greek text -of Foesius’ edition.), Vol. I. Toulouse 1801. large 8vo., p. 162., -says: “On pourroit induire d’un endroit du traité des articles, à la -fin du numéro 38 (27), que ce qu’Hippocrate rapporte ici concernant -les Scythes, et ce qu’il a dit ci-dessus, numéro 23, au sujet des -Sarmates _ne lui étoit connu que par_ une tradition dont il n’étoit pas -bien assuré,” (It might be inferred from a passage in the _Treatise on -Joints_, at the end of no. 38 (27), that what Hippocrates relates here -concerning the Scythians, and what he had said in a previous passage, -no. 23, of the Sarmatians, _was known to him only by a tradition, the -authenticity of which he was not well assured of_). - -[401] “Censura Librorum Hippocraticorum”, (Criticism of the Works of -Hippocrates), p. 181. - -[402] Epidem., bk. VII. end, edit. Kühn, Vol. III. p. 705. Comp. -_Papst_, Allg. med. Zeitung. Altenburg Jahrg. 1838. No. 60. pp. -950-952., where we have already at an earlier date developed our views -on this passage. - -[403] Bk. III. ch. 8., τὰς διαῤῥοίας χρονίους ἔστιν ὅτε ξηραίνει τὰ -ἀφροδίσια, (On occasion indulgence in love dries up chronic diarrhœas). - -[404] Bk. I. ch. 35., τῶν κεχρονισμένων διάῤῥοιαν τὰ ἀφροδίσια -ἐπιξηραίνουσι, (Indulgences in love dry up diarrhoea in the case of -chronic sufferers). - -[405] In Epidem. bk. V. edit. Kühn, Vol. III. p. 574. it is related -that the nasal catarrh of Timochares disappeared (ἀφροδισιάσαντι -ἐξηράνθη—was dried up after he had indulged in love) after coition -(Paederastia? p. 209. Note 1.); and this is repeated again in bk. VII. -p. 680. Comp. _Palladius_, Schol. in Epidem. bk. VI. edit _Diez._, -Vol. II. pp. 143, 145. _Marsilius Cagnatus_ in _Gruter’s_ Lampas, Vol. -III. Pt. 2. p. 470. - -[406] Progr. de sordidis et lascivis remediis antidysentericis -vitandis, (Graduation Essay on Avoiding filthy and licentious Remedies -as against Dysentery), pp. 10 sqq. - -[407] _Suidas_ writes: _ὕπουλος_—ὡς ἐπὶ τῶν ἑλκῶν, τῶν ἐχόντων οὐλὰς -ὑγιεῖς ἐπιπολαίως, ἔνδοθεν δὲ σηπεδόνας πυώδεις.—_ὕπουλα γόνατα_ καὶ -_ὕπουλον πόδα_ καὶ _ὕπουλον χεῖρα_ καὶ _σῶμα_· τὸ φλεγμαῖνον διά -τινας πληγὰς καὶ ἑγγὺς τοῦ ἀφίστασθαι ὄν· Κρατῖνος· _ὕπουλα ἕλκη_· -τὰ κρυπτά.—_Hesychius_: ὕπουλα δὲ λέγεται τὰ μὴ φανερὰ τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν -ἕλκη. _ὕπουλος_—applied to wounds, those that have healthy scars -on the surface, but underneath offensive putrefactions,—said of the -knees, or foot, or hand, or body; the part that is highly inflamed in -consequence of blows and is near breaking. Cratinus gives: _ὕπουλα_ -wounds, i.e. hidden ones.—_Hesychius_: _ὕπουλα_ is said of wounds that -are not manifest to the eye.—The word ὕπαφρον (frothy beneath), which -is found in Hippocrates, De Arte, Vol. I. p. 17. K., instead of which -the MSS. also have ὑπόῤῥοον (liquid underneath), and _Schneider_ in -his Lexicon wished to read ὑπόφερον (bearing underneath), _Hesychius_ -explains as τὸ μὴ φανερὸν κρύφιον καὶ _ὕπουλον_ (that which is not -visible, concealed and festering underneath).—Ought we to read for καὶ -ἴξιν perhaps κατ’ ἴξιν? Comp. _Erotion_, Glossary to Hippocrates, edit. -_Franz_, p. 322. - -[408] A remarkable proof of the acquaintance of Italian scholars with -German Literary History. The Author dedicated this letter in the year -1823 to _Gruner_ who died in 1815, and forwarded him a copy with an -autograph inscription. 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